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Title: Early Quaker education in Pennsylvania
Author: Thomas Woody
Release date: December 10, 2023 [eBook #72371]
Language: English
Original publication: New York: Teachers college, Columbia university, 1920
Credits: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION IN PENNSYLVANIA ***
[Illustration: MAP OF SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA SHOWING LOCATION OF
PRINCIPAL MEETINGS]
EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION
IN PENNSYLVANIA
By
THOMAS WOODY, PH.D.
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CONTRIBUTIONS TO EDUCATION. No. 105
Published by
Teachers College, Columbia University
NEW YORK CITY
1920
Copyright, 1920, by THOMAS WOODY
PREFACE
The purpose of this monograph is to present to the students of education,
especially to those interested in the historical phase of it, some
materials relating to education among the Quakers in Pennsylvania
previous to 1800. Since the greater part of the source material on
the subject is almost inaccessible, it has been thought desirable
to incorporate in this work many reports on schools, such as may be
convenient references for others who are interested in the early
educational history of Pennsylvania.
The manuscript records which furnish the most direct light on this study
are found in various depositories in southeastern Pennsylvania. Those
that have been preserved and made accessible to the writer have been
examined by him in person. With the exception of a few cases, the minutes
of the preparative meetings have not been well kept; hence, that source
of information is very limited.
If this work possesses merit, it is by reason of the coöperation of many
men and women. I am obligated to the members of the Society of Friends
who, as custodians of records, have been instrumental in forwarding
the investigation. It is also a great pleasure to acknowledge the
friendly encouragement and assistance given by Albert Cook Myers, of The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. I wish also to thank Professor Paul
Monroe for the initial encouragement and continued interest during the
progress of the investigation.
T. W.
Teachers College, New York July 11, 1917
CONTENTS
I Origin of the Quakers 1-13
II Meeting Organization: Its Connection with Education 14-25
III Educational Ideals of the Quakers 26-40
IV Education in Philadelphia 41-84
V Schools of Bucks County 85-104
VI Schools of Montgomery County 105-121
VII Schools of Chester County 122-146
VIII Schools of Delaware County 147-166
IX School Support, Organization, and Curriculum 167-203
X Masters and Mistresses 204-227
XI Education of Negroes and Indians 228-267
XII Conclusion 268-271
Bibliography 272-282
Abbreviations 283
Index 285-287
EARLY QUAKER EDUCATION IN PENNSYLVANIA
CHAPTER I
ORIGIN OF THE QUAKERS
[Sidenote: An essential in leaders]
Reforms, discoveries and inventions are, at the outset, conceived by
individual minds; seldom, if ever, are they the simultaneous product
of several. The original connection is seen and made by an individual,
and afterwards may be accepted by his fellows, who may appropriate the
new idea to themselves and make its applications manifold. The novel
idea or relationship, once seen, thoroughly comprehended and expressed
becomes either the common property of many, extending far afield from
its original source, or is rejected because it fails to prove attractive
to human interests or necessary for the satisfaction of human needs. By
this means changes are wrought in a group or society of individuals,
and the belief or the contribution of one individual becomes the faith
or the possession of a nation. The meaning of the above statement is at
once made clear by mere mention of a few names, such as Luther, Bacon,
Pestalozzi, Confucius, Whitefield, Gœthe and Fox. It is with the ideas
and the formally stated doctrines of the last mentioned that we are in
this connection chiefly concerned.
[Sidenote: Brief study of Quaker beliefs necessary]
In a study of education among the Quakers it is desirable, if not
absolutely imperative, to go back to the origin of the society and note,
at least in part, the tenets of the society and the reasons for its
foundation. For this purpose the best materials are to be found in the
life and works of George Fox, the founder of the Society of Quakers. It
would, perhaps, be unnecessary at present to make any considerable study
of beliefs or tenets, if it were not for the fact that, in times past,
some of the expressions of their belief have been misconstrued. For
instance, reference may be made here to the so-called doctrine of _inner
light_ which was promulgated by George Fox at the very beginning of his
work in 1647.[1] It will be of advantage to first sketch briefly the
early life of this exponent of Quakerism.
[Sidenote: Fox’s youth and early education]
George Fox was born July, 1624 (old style), at Drayton-in-the-clay,[2]
in Leicestershire, England. His father, Christopher Fox, otherwise known
as “Righteous Christer,” was a weaver by trade and “an honest man.” His
mother, he says, was of the stock of martyrs.[3]
His earliest life was spent in the home of his parents, under whose
tutelage he received a careful religious training. He says of himself
that he was unusually grave for a youth of his age and that his thought
constantly turned to subjects of religious nature. This characteristic
religious disposition, noticed by his mother, was the cause of a more
indulgent attitude toward him than was granted the other children in
the family, especially in regard to their religious instruction. Of his
school education we have but a meagre account; according to Sewell,
his only education was received in the home and consisted of the bare
necessaries such as reading and writing.[4] The essence of his religious
education seems to be adequately summarized in his own words as follows:
The Lord taught me to be faithful in all things, and to act
faithfully two ways, _viz._, inwardly to God, and outwardly to
man; and to keep to yea and nay in all things.[5]
As he advanced in years some of his people, being aware of his religious
tendencies, would gladly have had him enter the priesthood, but others
dissenting, he was placed with a man who was a shoemaker, grazier and
dealer in wool.[6] In this employment he seems to have given much
satisfaction to his employer, and, as for himself, he too enjoyed the
work of shepherd, affording, as it did, ample opportunity for close
communion with nature and limiting his connections with the corrupt
society of mankind, from which he sought to free himself.[7]
[Sidenote: Beginning of his travels]
About the age of nineteen, his dissatisfaction with the world and the
people about him caused him to leave his relations and acquaintances and
to seek out a more lonely existence in some place where he was quite
unknown. This decision being made, he journeyed “at the command of God,”
first to Lutterworth, Northampton, Newport-Pagnell, and came finally,
in 1644, to Barnet. During these days he was often in great despair
and questioned whether he had done rightly in leaving his parents and
friends. In these periods of misgiving he consulted often with priests
concerning his condition and sought thereby a remedy, which, however, he
did not find. Driven by sheer desperation he continued to travel, and,
after leaving Barnet, came to London where he remained for a short time
only, having come now to a decision that he should return again to the
home of his parents.[8]
[Sidenote: His return home]
The return to his native village, however, was no cure for his mental
ill, though his conscience was thereby somewhat stilled. He continued his
visits to various priests, especially one Nathaniel Stevens, with whom he
was wont to argue religious questions, and who, after Fox had enunciated
certain beliefs, which will be mentioned later, became one of his most
cruel persecutors.[9] Each succeeding experience with the priests was but
a repetition of a former and it became clear to him that they saw nothing
but the externals of his condition and had not the power to penetrate to
the innermost complexities of his situation. According to his view their
recommendations met only the demands of the ecclesiastics; his need was
genuine and he was enabled to see the narrow limitations which hamper the
activity of one man who attempts to parcel out salvation to another.
[Sidenote: Three of Fox’s conclusions; fundamental]
George Fox was now in his twenty-second year. It is pertinent that
mention be made at this place of three fundamental beliefs or principles,
whose truth, up to this time, had made itself manifest in his mind. The
second of these is the one which, being so often misquoted, has become
the basis for the belief on the part of many, that the Society was
opposed to education.
1. And the Lord opened to me that, if all were believers, then
they were all born of God, and passed from death unto life, and
that none were true believers but such; and though others said
they were believers, yet they were not.
2. The Lord opened unto me, that being bred at Oxford or
Cambridge was not enough to fit and qualify men to be ministers
of Christ; and I wondered at it, because it was the common
belief of the people.
3. At another time it was opened to me, that God, who made the
world, did not dwell in temples made with hands.... But the
Lord showed me clearly that he did not dwell in these temples
which men had commanded and set up, but in people’s hearts; for
both Stephen and the apostle Paul bore testimony that he did
not dwell in temples made with hands, not even in that which he
had once commanded to be built, since he put an end to it; but
that his people were his temple, and he dwelt in them.[10]
These doctrines which he began to promulgate in 1647 were recognized
as fundamental, and their influence is plainly to be seen in the
organization and discipline of the society which finally resulted.[11]
[Sidenote: But not untried]
It may well be mentioned here that though these tenets were incorporated
in the foundation principles of the Quakers, they were by no means new,
in the sense that they had never been accepted, in part, at least, by any
other group of people. J. Brown, writing concerning the Quakers, states
that Caspar Schwenkfeld, a Silesian of high birth, had promulgated the
same doctrines of _inner light_, _direct revelation_ and the inadequacy
of the sacraments at least two centuries before the time of Fox in
England.[12] The dispersion of Schwenkfeld’s adherents in 1547 led to
the spread of their doctrines outside of Silesia, being embraced by a
part of the Mennonite Church of Amsterdam, whence their entrance was
made into England, and found acceptance in the minds of the Quakers.[13]
This view is held also by other students of Quaker history,[14] and the
similarity of doctrine is clearly seen in the statement of the Mennonite
creed, as given by B. L. Wicks, a student of Mennonite history.[15]
Further, it is known that some of the earliest preachers among Quakers
went to Amsterdam and vicinity and found there a kindly reception by a
part of the people, making converts among both the Baptists[16] and the
Mennonites.[17] An instance of their kindly attitude toward Quakers and
also of the recognition given their belief on the part of the Quakers, is
shown in the account by Thomas Chalkley, concerning his journey of some
nine hundred miles in Holland, Friesland and Germany.[18]
[Sidenote: Kindly reception given to Quaker ministers]
As I have had great peace and satisfaction in my travels in
Holland and Germany, so, for inciting others under the like
exercise, I may truly say that there is encouragement for
faithful ministers to labor in the work of the gospel. I know
not that I ever met with more tenderness and openness in people
than in those parts of the world. There is a great people
whom they call Mennonites, who are very near to truth, and
the fields are white unto the harvest among divers of them,
spiritually speaking.[19]
At Kriegsheim in the Palatinate Quaker exhorters like Ames and Rolfe,
who had been sent out by the direction of George Fox, 1657, succeeded
in winning converts among the Mennonites, though they were received
unfavorably by the magistrates who fined those who offered to give
them any entertainment.[20] It is from this same district that both
Quakers and Mennonites made their voluntary departure and came to settle
in Pennsylvania. Their prompt attention to school affairs on their
first arrival is very similar to that of the Quakers, though in their
case it was often the work of the laity, and not through the church
organization.[21]
[Sidenote: Journey of Fox, Penn, Furly, Barclay and Keith]
A still more extensive missionary journey was undertaken at a later
date, 1677, by several Quakers, among them Fox, Penn, Furly, Barclay and
Keith. They visited Brill, Leyden and Haarlem where they held meetings,
preaching to both Quakers and Mennonites.[22] The tour continued up into
the Rhine region where Penn and his party came into touch with members
of the Pietist group. It is doubtless true that this journey and the
impression which was made by Penn must have played an important part a
few years later when he opened his colony to settlers on the well known
liberal principles.
In the presentation of the foregoing material it has been pointed out:
(1) how the doctrines of the Quakers were rapidly spread broadcast by the
itinerant preachers; and (2) that there was a great similarity between
Quaker and Mennonite in doctrine and belief.
[Sidenote: Increased number of ministers]
[Sidenote: The number of adherents estimated]
The work of spreading the new gospel, as instanced by the work of Ames
and Rolfe in 1657, was carried rapidly forward; as early as 1654, seven
years after George Fox had begun to preach, he had enlisted the services
of some sixty preachers who travelled continually up and down the
country.[23] Such a number of leaders bespeaks a considerable following,
though we have no record of a census of the followers made during Fox’s
lifetime. Brown is apparently willing to accept Barclay’s statement
that by 1675 they numbered ten thousand in London and by the end of the
century, sixty thousand.[24] It does not seem that this is too large an
estimate. It can be estimated from the work of Besse on _Sufferings_
that between 1650 and 1689 there were approximately fifteen thousand
individual cases of “sufferings.”[25] Since his work is compiled from
“authentic records” it may be considered to be fairly accurate, though
the errors, if any, would likely be to make the number too small rather
than too large. As a matter of fact his collection includes some cases
between 1689 and 1700, but the vast majority of them are from the period
above stated. Certainly we must suppose that if such a large number
actually came under the hand of English tolerance, then the total number
of adherents very probably equalled or exceeded the estimate previously
mentioned. Whatever objection may be made to the accuracy of these
figures they may certainly be taken as fairly indicative of the growth of
the sect; for that purpose they are intended.
[Sidenote: Fox’s doctrine the basis in their educational practice]
Just as the church discipline and organization are traceable to the
hand of Fox, so also is the attitude on educational affairs. It has
been said that the doctrine of the _inner light_ made all education
unnecessary, and this perverted idea has doubtless possessed even some
members of Quakers to the extent that they came to regard learning as
an instrument of Satan, a thing to be carefully avoided. However true
this statement may have been of some members of the group, it certainly
is not representative of the belief and practice of the Quakers as a
whole. Some of the more ignorant may have interpreted the _inner light_
to mean just that thing; but it is certainly true that such an idea was
never expressed by George Fox, nor did it become the accepted belief of
the organization, as is shown by their practices. The actual practice,
educational, among Quakers is to be followed in this monograph. A later
chapter will be devoted to a consideration of the views on education held
by various individuals who have left some tangible monuments to their
beliefs. In the present chapter, however, it is intended to indicate
merely the position assumed by Fox in regard to the question at the
outset of his labors.
As has been previously mentioned (page 2) George Fox had the advantage
of only a limited education. Opposition to the higher education, if he
exhibited such, might find an explanation in this fact, assuming that
not having shared its delights and advantages, he chose to deprecate it
altogether. From a study of his utterances and his actions throughout
his career it seems, however, that the facts point rather to a true
appreciation rather than deprecation of education. The evidence appears
to support, in a very satisfactory manner, the following points:
[Sidenote: Fox’s educational creed]
1. That he placed a great emphasis on moral and religious
training.
2. Education should be of practical value; apprenticeship
education recommended.
3. That the establishment of schools was believed to be
necessary.
4. The objection to classical training was its inadequacy to
prepare for a minister of the gospel.
5. That the scope of education was not limited to Quakers
alone, nor even to the Whites, but should include also Negroes,
Indians and the poorer classes of society as well as the rich.
The remainder of this chapter will be devoted to a brief
consideration of the foregoing statements.
_First_, in regard to moral and religious instruction, it seems hardly
necessary to do more than state simply that he did urge moral education
at all times. His whole life being permeated with the desire to propagate
his newly founded society, it certainly is to be expected that he would
recommend and insist on instruction of that nature. If proof be desired,
however, it may be found in statements made from time to time, which
are quoted below. The system of moral education based on the utterances
of Fox was chiefly a prohibitory one, and it might well be questioned
whether the result would not be passive rather than active virtues.
[Sidenote: Prohibitions, moral, social and educational]
... in warning such as kept public houses for entertainment,
that they should not let people have more drink than would do
them good; and in testifying against their wakes and feasts,
May games, sports, plays and shows, which trained up people to
vanity and looseness and led them from the fear of God: ...
in fairs also, and in markets I was made to declare against
their deceitful merchandise, cheating and cozening; warning
all to deal justly, to speak the truth, to let their yea be
yea and their nay be nay: ... I was moved also to cry against
all sorts of music, and against the mountebanks playing tricks
on their stages, for they burdened the pure life and stained
the people’s mind to vanity. I was much exercised, too, with
schoolmasters and schoolmistresses, warning them to teach their
children sobriety in the fear of the Lord, that they might not
be nursed and trained up in lightness, vanity and wantonness.
Likewise I was made to warn masters and mistresses, fathers and
mothers in private families, to take care that their children
and servants might be trained up in the fear of the Lord; and
that they themselves should be therein examples and patterns of
sobriety and virtue to them.[26]
I was to bring them off from all the world’s fellowship and
prayings and singings, which stood in forms without power:
...[27]
[Sidenote: Kept prominent place in the church]
These prohibitions and many others that were enunciated from time to time
in his speaking and writing, were to be in time a part of the discipline
of the organization, and were as religiously imposed on all members as
the ardor of the meeting and the difficulty of the task would permit. The
cases coming up before the monthly meetings for discipline are largely
composed of infringements of the regulations, which grew out of Fox’s
recommendations. These are, without question, of very ascetic nature.
One instance which illustrates the incorporation of these ideals in the
discipline of the organization may be cited in this connection.
All Friends, train up your children in the fear of God; and as
they are capable, they may be instructed and kept employed in
some lawful calling; that they may be diligent, serving the
Lord in the things that are good; that none may live idle and
be destroyers of the creation, and thereby become burdensome to
others, and to the just witness in themselves.[28]
[Sidenote: Apprenticeship education recommended]
_Second_, the emphasis placed on the values to be derived from a
practical education, to be gotten, to a large degree, through a careful
system of apprenticing the children of members to people, members if
possible, who would also be careful in regard to their moral instruction,
is unmistakable. The practice as recommended, indicated below, became the
general rule in Quaker communities, as is adequately evidenced in the
meeting records. In this connection, however, it should be kept in mind
that apprenticeship education could be _legally_ enforced.
Being in London, it came upon me to write to Friends throughout the
nation, about putting out poor children to trades. Wherefore I sent
the following epistle to the quarterly meetings of friends in all
counties:
MY DEAR FRIENDS,
Let every quarterly meeting make inquiry through all the
monthly and other meetings, to know all Friends that are
widows, or others that have children fit to put out to
apprenticeship; so that once a quarter you may set forth an
apprentice from your quarterly meeting; and so you may set
forth four in a year in each county, or more, if there be
occasion. This apprentice, when out of his time, may help his
father or mother, and support the family that is decayed; and
in so doing all may come to live comfortably. This being done
in your quarterly meetings you will have knowledge through the
county in the monthly and particular meetings, of masters fit
for them, and of such trades as their parents or the children
are most inclinable to. Thus, being placed out with Friends,
they may be trained up in truth; and by this means in the
wisdom of God, you may preserve Friends’ children in the truth,
and enable them to be strength and help to their families, and
nurses, and preservers of their relations in their ancient
days.... For in the country you know, you may set forth an
apprentice for a little to several trades, as bricklayers,
masons, carpenters, wheelwrights, ploughwrights, tailors,
tanners, curriers, blacksmiths, shoemakers, nailers, butchers,
weavers of linen and woolen stuffs and serges, etc., and you
may do well to have a stock in your quarterly meetings for that
purpose. All that is given by any Friends at their decease
(except it be given to some particular use, person or meeting)
may be brought to the public stock for that purpose. This will
be the way for the preserving of many that are poor among you,
and it will be the way of making up poor families. In several
counties it is practised already. Some quarterlies set forth
two apprentices; and sometimes the children of others that are
laid on the parish. You may bind them for fewer or more years,
according to their capacities....[29]
G. F.
London, 1st of 11th month, 1669.
The following lines, taken from the meeting records, are sufficient proof
of the working out of this recommendation concerning apprenticeship
education.
[Sidenote: And executed in various meetings]
It is agreed and concluded upon by this meeting, that the
meeting take care of all Friends’ children that are left as
orphans and unsettled, to inspect and see that all such be
taken care of and settled in the best and suitablest manner,
according to their capacity, that thereby they may discharge
their duty and all such be eased by taking such due care.[30]
_Third_, the establishment of schools was believed to be necessary;
for a proof of this attitude may be cited his action in regard to the
establishment of schools at Waltham and Shacklewell.
[Sidenote: Establishment of school advised]
Then returning towards London by Waltham, I advised the setting
up of a school there for teaching boys; and also a girls’
school at Shacklewell, for instructing them in whatsoever
things were civil and useful.[31]
This statement would certainly indicate a liberal attitude towards
education. Fox himself makes no further comment on what the nature of the
school was to be. His interest in these schools, it is asserted, never
flagged, and many visits were made in behalf of their prosperity.[32]
[Sidenote: But classical education not the first essential for ministers]
_Fourth_, the popular idea that has at times prevailed, that Quakers
objected to giving an education such as was enjoyed by other sects, was
probably founded on a misunderstanding of certain statements made by Fox
with regard to education. Let us examine some of these statements, and
seek to learn his intended meaning.
I saw that to be a true believer was another thing than they
looked on it to be; and I saw that being bred at Oxford or
Cambridge did not qualify or fit a man to be a minister of
Christ; what then should I follow such for? So neither these,
nor any of the dissenting peoples could I join with, but was a
stranger to all, relying wholly upon the Lord Jesus Christ.[33]
I was to bring people off from Jewish ceremonies and from
heathenish fables, and from men’s inventions and worldly
doctrines, by which they blew the people about this way and
the other way, from sect to sect; and from all their beggarly
rudiments, with their schools and colleges for making ministers
of Christ, who are indeed ministers of their own making but not
of Christ; ...[34]
They could not know the spiritual meaning of Moses; the
prophets and John’s words, nor see their paths and travels,
much less see through them, and to the end of them into the
kingdom, unless they had the spirit of Jesus; nor could they
know the words of Christ and of his apostles without his
Spirit.[35]
Then we came to Durham, where was a man come from London to set
up a college there, to make ministers of Christ, as they said.
I went, with some others, to reason with him and to let him see
that to teach men Hebrew, Greek and Latin, and the seven arts,
which were all but the teachings of the natural man, was not
the way to make them ministers of Christ.[36]
These statements represent a small selection from many similar ones,
and may be fairly taken as indicative of his position concerning this
one point. They are the most drastic prohibitory statements made on
the subject in all of his works. But even here we fail to find either
(1) a condemnation of general or ordinary education or (2) a wholesale
condemnation of classical education; indeed we read no objection to a
minister’s possessing a knowledge of classical authors, such as was the
case of both Penn and Barclay, provided he possess also the “light.” His
statements may be summarized as follows:
[Sidenote: Summary of educational statements]
1. Classical training is inadequate as a preparation for
ministers of the gospel.
2. Divine guidance is the one requisite for their preparation.
3. There is no objection to the classical learning if it be
added to the qualification under (2).
[Sidenote: Education not limited to Friends]
_Fifth_, their conception of the scope of education did not limit it to
their own people alone, but extended it rather to all peoples, Negroes
and Indians, the rich and the poor. This is made perfectly plain in his
address sent to the Governor of the Barbados in 1671.
Consider, Friends, it is no transgression for a master of a
family to instruct his family himself, or for some others to do
it in his behalf; but rather it is a very great duty incumbent
upon them.... We declare that we esteem it a duty incumbent on
us to pray with and for those in and belonging to our families;
... and to teach, instruct and admonish them; ... now Negroes,
Tawnies and Indians make up a very great part of the families
in this island; for whom an account will be required by him
who comes to judge both quick and dead, at the great day of
judgment, when every one shall be rewarded according to the
deeds done in the body, whether they be good or whether they be
evil.[37]
The effect of the above statements must tend to convince even the
skeptical that any statement or belief, to the effect that the founder
of Quakerism was opposed to education, is chiefly a myth based on either
ignorance or gross misunderstanding.
SUMMARY
The origin of the Quakers and the organization and discipline of the
Society are due almost entirely to the influence which first came from
the founder, George Fox. He extended his belief in his native country
and even into foreign countries by (1) preaching, (2) letters, (3)
extensive travels on his own part, and (4) through the agency of many
capable men whom he attracted to his service. For this service the
leading of the _inner light_ was deemed the only preparation which was
absolutely necessary. The society experienced a rapid growth in numbers
and, due to the policy of its founder, laid great stress on the moral and
practical education of their youth. A great similarity existed between
the beliefs of Quakers and those of the Mennonites, both of which came to
form a large part of the population of the colony of Pennsylvania. The
Mennonite beliefs are thought, by some special students of their history,
to have been the determining influence in forming those of Friends; but
this is not clearly proven. It is pointed out, by certain references to
utterances of George Fox, which to a great extent formed the basis for
Quaker practices, that the common belief in their objection to education
is erroneous. The system of moral education was exacting and full of
sweeping prohibitions, and, in those respects, according to modern
ideals, quite inadequate.
CHAPTER II
MEETING ORGANIZATION: ITS CONNECTION WITH EDUCATION
[Sidenote: An organization developed]
The organization of meetings in the Society of Friends was based almost
entirely on the recommendation of its founder, and still obtains
without many variations from the type which was thus early begun. The
organization thus planned was not developed completely at one time, but
depended rather on the growth of the society in this or that section of
the country. Meetings, as at first established, were not so specialized
in their functions as they came to be later; there were those for worship
and sufferings, the latter becoming in due time a specialized part of the
yearly meeting, and for taking action in regard to poor members. The time
was further occupied in disciplining those members who were not faithful
to the doctrines of the church.
[Sidenote: The place of organization in the establishment of schools]
It is of particular importance for us to understand the ordinary
arrangement of the meetings and their relation to each other, since
it was by virtue of this organization of the church that its schools
were set up. Perhaps no other factor played so important a part in the
success which was met with in setting up schools, as that through the
organization of the meetings all localities were kept in closer touch
with each other than would otherwise have been possible at that time.
As it was, the local meetings were literally forced to listen to the
school-proposition, even though they were in the backwoods of America,
or inhabited the Barbados. The chief means of communication established
were church letters, travelling ministers, representatives from the
constituent meetings, and reports of general meetings which were
distributed to all those belonging thereunto.[38]
[Sidenote: Purposes of the organization]
Originally the purpose of the church organization seems to have been
twofold. It was realized that among those who became members some
would be less constant in their behavior than others; hence some sort
of oversight was necessary to keep each and every one in line. In the
second place, there were many adherents in limited circumstances and the
Quakers’ belief made it imperative that these people be taken care of in
the best manner possible.[39] Realizing the existence of these conditions
among members, it was clear to Fox that a definitely organized meeting
was necessary whereby (1) the necessary assistance could be extended to
those in need, (2) discipline could be enforced for the maintenance of
the religious life of the organization, and (3) new meetings could be
officially established when and where they became necessary.
[Sidenote: Early meetings established]
The earliest mention that is made of a meeting established for these
purposes is in the case of Balby, in Yorkshire, in 1658.[40] This
statement is not exactly accurate, it seems, for we have also mention
made of a general meeting, or what came to be known as a yearly meeting,
as early as 1654 when one was held at Swannington in Leicestershire.[41]
The meeting at Balby seems to have been of considerable importance and
is frequently mentioned as one of the stopping places of George Fox. He
recounts a meeting held at that place in 1660 “in a great orchard of
John Killam’s where it was supposed some thousands of people and Friends
were gathered together.”[42] The business of the yearly meeting seems to
have been to devote some time to the affairs of the church; at any rate,
this idea is expressed by Fox in writing of a similar meeting held at
Skipton in 1660.[43] The characteristic of these meetings, that is always
mentioned, is that they were attended by representatives from various
towns and counties. The yearly meeting is still a representative body.
[Sidenote: Meetings develop from larger to the smaller]
The smaller meetings for worship were, of course, the first established.
Aside from the question of worship, however, the development of the
organization was from the larger unit to the smaller. We have noted
above the beginning of the general or yearly meeting. As the sect grew
in numbers, and the labor of caring for these, sometimes in a physical
sense and again in the religious, increased, it became necessary to have
a finer organization, the smaller units of which would reach the smallest
communities. By 1665 there were established (1) the _yearly_ and (2) the
_quarterly_ meetings, and in 1666 Fox recommended the establishment of a
smaller unit, the _monthly_ meeting, saying:
Then I was moved of the Lord to recommend the setting up of
five monthly meetings of men and women in the City of London
(besides the women’s meetings and the quarterly meetings) to
take care of God’s glory, and to admonish and exhort such as
walked disorderly or carelessly, and not according to the
truth. For whereas Friends had had only quarterly meetings,
now truth was spread, and Friends were grown more numerous,
I was moved to recommend the setting up of monthly meetings
throughout the nation. And the Lord opened to me what I must
do, and how the men’s and the women’s monthly and quarterly
meetings should be ordered and established in this and other
nations; and that I should write to those where I did not come,
to do the same.[44]
[Sidenote: Number of monthly meetings set up]
Immediately after this, there is mentioned the establishment of monthly
meetings in Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk, Huntingdonshire, Nottinghamshire,
Leicestershire and Warwickshire and many others.[45] Three years later
(1669) he reports fourteen monthly meetings in the county of York.[46]
The rapid increase in the number of meetings and the extent of territory
covered by them is a fair indication of the phenomenal growth of the
society.
Following his resolve and subsequent exertions toward setting up of
monthly meetings, during which he made very extensive campaigns, there
came the great step which was taken to organize all under the general
leadership of a yearly meeting, that of London. This was accomplished
in 1672.[47] This general meeting of ministers drew up a resolution or
minute to this effect:
[Sidenote: London Yearly Meeting established]
It is concluded agreed and assented to by Friends present
that for the better ordering, managing and regulating of the
public affairs of Friends relating to the Truth and the service
thereof, there be a general meeting of Friends held at London
once a year, in the week called Whitsun-week, to consist of six
Friends for the City of London, three for the city of Bristol,
two for the city of Colchester and one or two from each of the
counties of England and Wales respectively.[48]
The meeting convened in the year following, in accordance with the
above resolution. Many of the duties performed by the General Meeting
of Ministers were transferred to the representatives of the various
meetings. The ministers, though in fact subject to the approval or
disapproval of monthly meetings, did not relinquish their oversight of
each other.
[Sidenote: The preparative meeting the smallest unit]
The smallest unit in the organization was the _particular_ or
_preparative_ meeting. This meeting is not mentioned in all localities,
though it is clear from Fox’s statements that he recognized this as a
part of the organization, for in a letter of 1669 he writes concerning
the representatives of the quarterly meetings that,
none that are raw or weak and are not able to give a testimony
of the affairs of the church and Truth, may go on behalf of
the particular meetings to the quarterly meetings, but may be
nursed up in your monthly meetings.[49]
[Sidenote: Details of organization worked out by Fox]
This statement is given here merely for the purpose of pointing out how
completely the ideas of Fox were embodied in even the smallest unit of
church organization. There is adequate proof of their existence in all
sections occupied by the Quakers in Pennsylvania, and of their great
importance in carrying out the details both of relief work for the poor,
and in the establishment of schools.[50]
There have been noted different phases of the development of the meeting
organization. When finally it was complete in all its parts, there
existed a hierarchy of meetings, the lower and smaller units of which
were subject to and under the direction of the higher. This resultant
organization may be made somewhat clearer by means of a diagrammatical
representation.
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: Functions of yearly meeting]
The above diagram represents the relation of the various kinds of
meetings in the organization of the Society of Friends. The yearly
meeting (Fig. 1, Y) is the general head of the entire organization. Its
functions are of a general directive nature and its influence of very
wide extent. For example, it will be shown a little later that the Yearly
Meeting of London issued, very early, certain communications concerning
education which were sent to each meeting belonging to the London Yearly
Meeting. In the same manner it exercised its influence along other lines
than education. There is no special virtue in the number of meetings
represented above; for example, the three Q’s do not mean that each
and every yearly meeting had three quarterly meetings under its care.
The number is not specified. In the case of the Philadelphia Yearly
Meeting there are at present nine quarterly meetings and two half-yearly
meetings.[51] The same variation is also true in the number of monthly
meetings in a quarter, Caln Quarterly having only one monthly meeting,
while Western Quarterly has six.[52] The same is true as to the number of
preparative meetings.
[Sidenote: Functions of the quarterly meeting]
The quarterly meeting is representative of the monthly meetings which
comprise it. Its functions are chiefly directive and advisory, though
it may often occur that a bad case of discipline may be turned over to
it by the monthly meeting. In the case of school regulations, its chief
concern was to pass on the recommendations of the yearly meeting to the
monthly meetings and to repeat them frequently, that the lower meetings
might be stirred up to action.[53] It was also through the quarterly
meetings that the reports on the conditions of schools in the monthly
meetings were collected and sent to the yearly meeting. It was also quite
customary for the monthly units to pass any of their decisions on a
matter up to the quarterly unit for its formal approval or disapproval.
Especially is this marked in educational affairs, and particularly in the
Philadelphia Quarter.[54] This is most marked in the earliest years after
establishment, and is due, no doubt, to a lack at that time of a very
close differentiation in the functions of the meetings.
[Sidenote: Monthly meeting the business unit]
The monthly meetings are primarily the business units of the
organization. Before them come all cases of care for the poor,
apprenticing of children, enforcement of discipline, establishment of
schools, requests for permission to marry, to remove to a new location
and still many others. They may settle some of these finally, or they may
act in connection with their superior meeting as mentioned above.
[Sidenote: Function of the preparative meeting]
The preparative meeting is the smallest organization unit and has its
finger on the pulse of the local community at all times.[55] Officially
it acts as the agent of the monthly meeting in carrying out the details
of any piece of work that must be done, and which the monthly meeting
is willing to delegate thus far.[56] Thus in the case of Horsham, for
instance, the business of the schools in the scope of the preparative
meeting is turned over to it and their organization and maintenance
are under the care of its school committee.[57] The preparative meeting
is at all times cognizant of breaches of discipline among its members
and responsible to report such to the monthly meeting for settlement.
One might go to great length to enumerate and explain all the detailed
duties of each of these branches of the organization, but it is believed
sufficient has been said of them, to make their action in educational
matters intelligible.
We have noted, somewhat briefly to be sure, the organization and
interrelation of the meetings in the Society of Friends. It is now
necessary to point out what connection existed between this organization
and the program put forward for the establishment of schools. This
will be done by the presentation of certain extracts from meeting
records which seem in all cases to have been responsible for kindling
an interest in education in near and distant meetings, and keeping that
interest alive by virtue of many advices until some material results were
forthcoming. The selections presented are not continuous; they are chosen
because they are representative and illustrative of the point in question.
[Sidenote: Attention of yearly meeting to education in 1690]
The Yearly Meeting of London was established (see page 17) in 1672.
Consistent with the purpose of its establishment, as then stated, it
began at once to busy itself with certain important problems of the
church. Among the first that received a considerable amount of attention
was the education of the youths of members in the society, which was, of
course, soon extended to include others. For instance, in 1690, there is
given out this educational advice.
And, dear Friends, it is our Christian and earnest advice and
counsel to all Friends concerned (so far as they are able or
may be capable) to provide schoolmasters and mistresses who
are faithful Friends, to teach and instruct their children,
and not to send them to such schools where they are taught the
corrupt ways, manners and fashions of the world and of the
Heathen in their authors and manners of the heathenish gods and
goddesses....[58]
And again in the year following we find the following advice:
[Sidenote: 1691]
We are glad to hear that care is taken in some places,
according to former advices, for the providing of schoolmasters
and mistresses who are faithful Friends to instruct Friends’
children in such method as Truth allows. And we desire that
Friends may go on in the care to provide such education and
schools, for the advantage of their children and posterity.[59]
More specific instructions follow in 1695.
[Sidenote: 1695]
And it is desired ... to take special care for the good
education and order of Friends’ children in God’s holy fear,
... and also to see that schools and schoolmasters who are
faithful Friends, and well qualified, be placed and encouraged
in all counties, cities and great towns, or places where they
may be needed; and that such schoolmasters, as much as may
be, sometimes correspond with one another for their help and
improvement in such good and easy methods as are agreeable to
the Truth and the children’s advantage and benefit; and that
care be taken that poor Friends’ children may freely partake of
such education, in order to apprenticeship.[60]
At a much later date, 1745, very similar instructions are found among
those issued.
[Sidenote: and 1745]
And, dear Friends, though frequently and repeated advices have
been given from this meeting, respective of the education of
our youth in sobriety, godliness and Christian virtues; yet,
this being a matter of very great moment for the welfare of
the present and future generations, we think it our incumbent
duty again to recommend an especial care therein.... We also
recommend to schoolmasters and mistresses, to educate the
children committed to their charge, in the frequent reading
of those sacred writings and such other good books as tend to
their instruction in true Christianity; whereby their minds
are in danger of being corrupted and led aside from the way of
truth and holiness.[61]
A casual reading of the above statements, or any of numerous others like
them, will suffice to point out to what great extent they are similar
to the statements of Fox and other Quakers who were interested in
education.[62] For convenience, the content of these extracts from the
yearly meeting minutes may be summarized in something like the following:
1. To educate morally, according to Friends’ standards.
2. To train the individual in some practical employment.
[Sidenote: A summary of important points in the extracts]
They are accompanied by:
1. Select schools.
2. Teachers of approved morality.
3. Selected subject matter.
4. Apprenticeship training.
5. Schools to be in all communities, the stronger assisting the
weaker.[63]
[Sidenote: Exemplified in schools set up]
The influence of these fundamental ideas about education is clearly
reflected in the type of schools that were first set up in England.
Those recommended by Fox at Waltham and Shacklewell in 1667, for both
boys and girls, represent the first attempt.[64] At a later date, 1702,
Clerkenwell was established under the oversight of London and Middlesex
Quarterly Meetings, and in the latter part of the century the Ackworth
School, founded by John Fothergill in 1779.[65] In all the schools
established, of which those mentioned are representative, there is always
found this primary emphasis on _moral_ and _useful_ training.[66]
[Sidenote: Influence exerted by means of ministers, epistles and tracts]
The great influence of English Quaker education on that in America was
made secure by virtue of the very intimate relation between the meetings
in both countries; this relation being constantly maintained through
the traveling ministers, and tracts and epistles sent out by the yearly
meetings. The same alertness, characteristic of London Yearly Meeting in
these affairs, was likewise assumed by the Burlington and Philadelphia
Meetings, from whence came numerous advices. As concrete evidence of
this close relation existing, and the consequent communications, a few
extracts thereof are inserted.
There was brought to this meeting (Middletown Monthly) the
last London printed epistle, which was read, containing sundry
weighty advices and exhortations with some comfortable account
of the prosperity of the Truth in divers places, as also the
extracts of our last yearly meeting (Philadelphia) wherein
is recommended amongst other things, a half collection for
the next year, and some proposals concerning the settling of
schools in the country....[67]
That these letters of advice were not mere formalities but were really
seriously considered and acted upon favorably or unfavorably, as in the
first case below, is shown adequately in the following:
This meeting taking into consideration the proposals of last
yearly meeting concerning the settling of schools in the
country, are of the opinion that the method proposed will not
answer for the Friends who live remote from each other in the
country....[68]
[Sidenote: Had definite results]
In the case of Darby Monthly Meeting, later in the century, there is an
instance in which the recommendations of the yearly meeting (1778) are
followed most minutely in the reorganization.
In consideration of improving our school, agreeable to the
recommendations of the last Yearly Meeting in 1778, and
subsequent advices down to this time having been spread in
this meeting and so and several remarks made thereon, pointing
out the advantages which may arise therefrom to the present
rising and succeeding ages, and the loss sustained for the want
thereof, tending to animate a desire to pursue the interesting
prospect. It is therefore now agreed that in future five
Friends be appointed and called the overseers of the Darby
School, three of whom shall be deemed a sufficient number to
transact any business within their appointment, viz.: to have
the oversight of and visit the school, examine the progress the
scholars make in their learning, remark thereon as appears to
them necessary; inspect the teachers’ conduct, and from time to
time as occasion may be, with the approbation of the meeting,
agree with and employ a teacher or teachers, and on sufficient
cause appearing, discharge any such teacher or teachers, as
also any unruly scholars who cannot be brought to submission
to the rules and orders of the school; hear and determine upon
all differences relative to the school which may arise between
any teacher and employer, take into consideration and endeavor
out after some eligible plan for raising a fund for the benefit
of the school and as way shall open for it, pursue the same
accordingly, and every matter and thing tending to promote a
settlement for a school agreeable to the recommendations before
cited; and as some of our deceased brothers have made donations
to this meeting for the benevolent purpose of schooling
children of the poor, therefore, the aforesaid overseers are
hereby empowered and directed to receive and collect from the
trustees thereof for the time being, the interest arising from
the said donations, dispose thereof agreeable to the intentions
of the Donors, and when necessary, advise and assist the
trustees in taking better securities for the principal, and as
future donations may be made for the benefit of the school, the
overseers are directed to extend care therein, as the same
shall become necessary, and keep fair minutes of all moneys
received and expended and other matters of importance which
come before them, to be produced in this meeting when called
for, and preceding the quarterly meeting in the 8th month
annually make to this meeting a clear statement of the amount
received, expended and remaining in hand and outstanding and
of the capital under their care; what donations made within
the year past and for what purposes; and of such other matters
as they may judge needful to enable this meeting to transmit
the true estate of the school to the Quarterly Meeting, and
as a fundamental of their proceedings they transcribe a copy
of their minutes, together with such other writings as are
necessary for their government in what is now constituted their
cares.[69]
A committee was accordingly appointed and directed to choose their
officers, that their business might be begun at once and properly
performed.
[Sidenote: Works of Penn, Barclay, Sewell, Turford, and others
distributed]
In addition to the advices sent out in the form of letters from the
yearly sessions, the meeting also furthered regularly the distribution
of books, tracts and pamphlets, usually the expression of prominent
Friends, such as, for example, Penn’s _Advice to His Children_, Barclay’s
_Apology_, Sewell’s _History of Quakers_, Barclay’s _Catechism_,
Turford’s _Grounds of a Holy Life_, and many others of similar nature.
Works of this kind were frequently sent over in lots, sometimes for free
distribution, or to be sold to members; as witness the following:
Joseph Kirkbride and Walter Faucit, having been lately in
London upon the service of Truth, did subscribe for 100 of
Barclay’s Apologies on behalf of this yearly meeting, which the
said meeting approves of; and agreed that Samuel Carpenter pay
for them out of the yearly meeting stock and distribute them to
each meeting according to their proportion of books that they
usually receive, that so they may be given away by the several
meetings for the service of truth.[70]
Sam Nixon informs the meeting that he brought from last
quarterly meeting ten small books, entitled _Reflections and
Maxims_, wrote by William Penn and printed for the use of
schools, which he desired us to take the care of and to apply
to the use intended as occasion may require.[71]
Produced at this meeting, 6 Barclay’s _Apologies_, 12 Richard
Davis’ _Journals_, 7 Daniel Stanton’s _Journals_, 4 Hugh
Turford’s _Grounds of a Holy Life_, 8 Barclay’s _Catechisms_;
37 books under care of Thos. Pickering, Thos. Watson, and
Robert Kirkbride—to lend to the poor or others, as they think
useful.[72]
The foregoing presentation of conditions within the church organization,
their method of interaction, has been made so that the reader may
understand that whatever activities may be later noted among the Quakers
in Pennsylvania in connection with the establishment of schools, were
intimately connected with and were in fact the result of the English
influence.
SUMMARY
The form of organization of the meeting in the Society of Friends
was due to the needs then existing, and was planned, even to the
smallest unit, by the founder of the society. The chief purposes of the
organization, when first begun, were (1) moral and religious discipline
of members, (2) assistance to the poor among their number, and (3) to
protect themselves against the oppression of outsiders (function of the
meeting on sufferings). The functions of the higher meeting (yearly)
were chiefly advisory in character, while those of the lower meetings
(preparative) were to work out the details. Educationally, the yearly
meeting exercised an influence very early by its frequent recommendations
and the literature sent to the smaller individual meetings. This rôle was
likewise assumed by the Burlington and Philadelphia Yearly Meeting.[73]
This close relationship between the meetings of different order and the
educational influence is in part shown by extracts taken from the meeting
records.
CHAPTER III
EDUCATIONAL IDEALS OF QUAKER LEADERS
[Sidenote: Criticism inevitable; beneficial]
Any institution one may name has its adverse critics. The basis of
their criticism is often ill-defined; it is sometimes fact, sometimes
imagination; it may spring from a knowledge of truth, or possibly from
ignorance.
[Sidenote: Some criticism based on misunderstanding]
[Sidenote: Certain doctrines]
Quakerism has had many critics and the effect of wise criticism may be
seen in some of the changes from the old to the modern Quakerism. Much
of that which was unjust and without foundation of fact, failed to have
any effect whatever. But though the effect on the institution may have
been nil, it occurs in some cases that the criticism still lives in the
popular mind and is accorded a good degree of authenticity. By those
better informed it may not be so considered. It is with one of these
criticisms, concerning the attitude of Quakers toward education, that we
are chiefly concerned in this chapter. Due chiefly to a misinterpretation
of the doctrine of _inner light_ and its application, which was mentioned
in the first chapter, there arose an erroneous conception of the Quakers’
attitude towards education. This conception is not always constant; it
varies now to this side, now to that, but does not cease to persist. In
order that this criticism may be put as clearly as possible before the
reader, use is made here of a quotation from the works of S. H. Cox, at
one time a member of Friends, who expresses with clearness the opinion of
a very considerable group of critics.
[Sidenote: The criticism offered by S. H. Cox]
But there is one feature of the system of Friends which
deserves a recognition here—its inimical regard to classical
and scientific learning. I do not say that all Friends are thus
hostile, or that they are all alike hostile to liberal learning
but I charge this hostility on the system. That such is its
character, appears from the denunciation, the indiscriminate
proscription of Barclay, and that not in a few places in
his book. It appears in the general hostility of Friends to
all colleges and seminaries where the elevated branches are
thoroughly taught. Not one young Friend out of five hundred,
even in this free country, ever obtains a liberal education in
fact or in name; certainly never becomes graduated in the arts
at any chartered institution, and where an instance occurs,
it is always attended with special difficulties. They have no
college of liberal science in the world! Some, I know, of the
suspected worldly sort in Philadelphia have proposed and would
have forwarded so excellent an object, but they were always
awed into despondency by the unlettered, all-knowing light
within. And in this, their obsequiousness was quite consistent,
for if schools, academies, and universities are all in their
nature wrong, and as such forbidden of God, it is certainly
right to desist totally and at once from the prosecution of
their cause! Incidental evils they will always include, but
the system is not chargeable with these, unless in its nature
it approves and fosters them. There will always be, perhaps,
hypocrites at the communion table but christianity does not
make them, and the purest ministry of the gospel will often
become a savor of death unto death, but sinners themselves and
not such a ministry are to blame for the consequence. And so
the best organized system of intellectual education that the
world has seen has often presented the appalling spectacle of
profligate and wicked students perverting its privileges. But
what of that? Shall we burn our colleges? Why not our primary
school houses too? What beneficient institution, what bounty
of the blessed God is not perverted and abused in this naughty
world....[74]
I cannot leave this matter without remarking the power of
education especially with Friends. Their mode of education
is the making and the keeping and the secret of their sect.
They subdue the infant conscience with the direct rays of the
inward light. They identify all divinity and right in the
associations of their children with the light within and its
friendly fruits. Here the spell commences that grows with their
growth and strengthens with their strength. Investigation is
much akin to skepticism and is devoutly precluded—but what
worse skepticism it is to suppose that investigation could raze
the foundation of our faith. They must take everything for
granted or see it in the light. They must wear a ridiculous
cut and color of clothes, such as are orthodox or common to
the clanship and use the plain language and act like Friends,
and then if they feel awkward or foolish, if their garb
appears ridiculous to themselves, if their manner expose
them to jeering and affront, if they are insolently struck
(as I have often) in the street by worthless boys and cursed
as a “Quaker,” if their effeminate holy whine is profanely
mocked, as it often is by saucy passengers, and if a thousand
other inconveniences accrue, especially if they are sometimes
asked for one good reason for such singularity in gratuitous
opposition to mankind, they must just bear it all for
righteousness sake, not be afraid of the cross, but remember
early Friends how much more they endured in the same cause.
Now much of this which they call a guarded education, is just
the worst kind of sorcery. It is a fascination and religious
tyrannizing over the blighted attributes of mind. It is a
system exactly calculated to prostrate every noble, courageous
and manly sentiment, and to transmute a fine ingenuous boy into
a sorry, sly, and often simulating creature in the form of a
man.[75]
[Sidenote: Contrast Cox’s statements above with those of early Quakers in
regard to education]
It is not necessary to discuss directly the views set forth in the
above quotation, as they are stated clearly enough in the author’s own
language. However, in the following pages, there will be presented the
views on education of as many prominent Friends as space will permit,
that in so doing they may be considered in connection with the remarks
of their critics and a just comparison made. In presenting the views
of Quaker educators reference may be made to salient points in the
criticism, which seem out of keeping with the ideas set forth and without
foundation as matters of fact.
[Sidenote: Only a few of the leaders’ statements to be considered]
There are quite a number of men, in the brief period studied, who stand
out clearly and express themselves definitely in favor of education,
though they do not consider it the first requisite for a minister of
the gospel.[76] From this number it will be feasible to select only a
few for the chief consideration, relegating the remainder to a place of
comparative unimportance and incidental notice. The work of George Fox,
though he was poorly educated, had a remarkable effect on the educational
work of the society. But it is not necessary to review that in the
present chapter as it has been presented in the first.[77]
By far the most familiar of all characters in Quaker history is that of
William Penn. And to his influence must be attributed largely the hearty
interest in education shown, not only in Philadelphia, but also in the
surrounding communities. He was well educated, but it is not desired
to make a case for or against him on the basis of his education; let
us judge by his written or spoken expression and actual procedure in
practice. No attempt is made to prove or disprove his contentions as
to what was right or wrong, necessary or unnecessary in education. The
questions asked in his case and the others that follow is: What did they
approve or disapprove of in education?
[Sidenote: Penn recommends practical virtues]
Not only in works that might be called strictly educational did Penn give
educational advice, valuable alike to youth and to parents, the directors
of youth. His advice to his children on the value of diligence and its
necessity for success, and the propriety of frugality, even in the homes
of the rich, embodies many of the most essential principles in education
at any time. It is especially applicable to the education of the man of
business, emphasizing the importance of the practical duties in life.
Some pointed statements are especially worthy of repetition.
[Sidenote: Diligence]
[Sidenote: Frugality]
Diligence ... is a discreet and understanding application
of onesself to business; ... it loses not, it conquers
difficulties.... Be busy to a purpose; for a busy man and a
man of business are two different things. Lay your matters and
diligence succeeds them, else pains are lost.... Consider well
your end, suit your means to it, and diligently employ them,
and you will arrive where you would be....[78] Frugality is a
virtue too, and not of little use in life, the better way to
be rich, for it hath less toil and temptation.... I would have
you liberal, but not prodigal; and diligent but not drudging; I
would have you frugal but not sordid.[79]
This bit of philosophy is educational in its bearing in very much the
same way as that of Benjamin Franklin.
In the letters to his wife and children, referring to the care for their
education, he is more specifically concerned with actual school education.
[Sidenote: School education recommended; the useful emphasized]
For their learning, be liberal. Spare no cost, for by such
parsimony all is lost that is saved; but let it be useful
knowledge such as is consistent with truth and godliness, not
cherishing a vain conversation or idle mind; but ingenuity
mixed with industry is good for the body and the mind too. I
recommend the useful parts of mathematics, as building houses,
or ships, measuring, surveying, dialing, navigation; but
agriculture especially is my eye. Let my children be husbandmen
and housewives; it is industrious, healthy, honest and of good
example, ...[80]
[Sidenote: Private tutors desired]
His preference, as might be expected from an Englishman of that time, was
for a tutorial system of education. His reasons therefore seem to have
been based chiefly on moral grounds.
Rather have an ingenious person in the house to teach them,
than send them to schools; too many evil impressions being
received there.[81]
The above quotation alone would seem to be adequate proof that Penn did
not oppose education, but urged it for others and in his own family. But
still more convincing and irrefutable evidence is found in the preamble
to this school charter, whence an extract is taken.
[Sidenote: Public education essential for the welfare of a people]
Whereas, the prosperity and welfare of any people depend in
great measure upon the good education of youth, and their early
instruction in the principles of true religion and virtue,
and qualifying them to serve their country and themselves, by
breeding them in writing and reading and learning of languages,
and useful arts and sciences, suitable to their sex, age and
degree; which cannot be effected in any manner or so well
as by erecting public schools for the purposes aforesaid,
therefore....[82]
[Sidenote: His ideals expressed in action]
[Sidenote: Yearly meeting recommend French, High and Low Dutch, Danish,
etc.]
If, as must be admitted, the previous statement points out the lack of
any opposition to the ordinary rudimentary education that is necessary
for the everyday walks of life, the last one certainly does the same
in reference to his attitude towards a higher classical education.
Moreover, this is not a mere skeleton of words never clothed with the
flesh of action. The principles set forth in the charter were actually
incorporated in the work of the schools established in Philadelphia, and
we find them maintaining a classical school for languages and higher
mathematics.[83] The practical elements received the just emphasis which
belonged to them; it was necessary that the boys and girls be made able
to earn a living and be at least ordinarily intelligent citizens. The
example of Philadelphia was followed by other communities; practical
needs were given the first consideration and a higher classical education
offered when it became possible. Not only were these studies, which we
would term higher education, mentioned by Penn and other writers among
Quakers, but they were taken up and recommended by the yearly meeting.
For example, in 1737, the minutes recommend that as opportunity can be
found, children should be privileged to learn “French, High and Low
Dutch, Danish, etc.”[84] This particular recommendation was made by the
meeting because of a felt need.[85] If then in case of a need for a
particular subject, they were willing to recommend that it be taught, can
it be truly said that they opposed all education?
[Sidenote: Barclay’s position defined]
It may be well to examine Barclay, since it is with him and his writings
that Cox takes issue. In his _Apology for Christian Divinity Vindicated_
is to be found a very clear statement of his position on the subject, and
he voices it as the principle of the whole society as well. He seems to
be answering some critic, who has taken him to task for his educational
views:
[Sidenote: In his _Apology_]
He goes on after his usual manner saying, I inveigh against all
human learning that has been made use of any ways in Theology;
but where he finds this asserted I know not, whether the words
he would declare it from, to wit: that man hath rendered the
plain and naked truth obscure and mysterious by his wisdom,
will bear such a consequence is left to the reader’s judgment.
But he thinks he has found out our secret design of being
against learning and schools of learning, which is neither our
affirmation nor our principle, but his own false supposition.
We would, saith he, have all those banished, that we might more
easily prevail with our errors. But methinks the man should
be more wary in venting his own false imaginations, unless he
would bring some ground for them; for his assertion is so far
untrue, that if he had been rightly informed, he might have
known that we have set up schools of learning for teaching of
the languages and other needful arts and sciences,[86] and
that we never denied its usefulness; only we denied it be a
qualification absolutely necessary for a minister, in which
case alone we have opposed its necessity.[87]
[Sidenote: Benezet’s early life and education]
Another character of very great importance in this connection is
Anthony Benezet. Born, 1713, at St. Quentin in France, of “an ancient
and respectable family” he spent his early years in France and then in
Holland, whither his father had fled for refuge.[88] A few months were
spent in Rotterdam and the family then moved to London where the father
entered into the mercantile business and retrieved to some extent his
fallen fortunes. This enabled him to give Anthony sufficient education
to qualify him for that business, for which, however, he seemed to evince
but little taste. Being of a very religious nature, he became a member
of Friends at about fourteen years of age, and in that society found the
field of his whole life’s activity, which was chiefly educational.[89]
Considerable space will be devoted to his work in respect to the
education of Negroes, so that will be entirely omitted in this place.[90]
He was a voluminous writer, producing chiefly tracts and letters, and
a great majority of these have a definite educational bearing. Because
of the great number of them it is impossible really to do them justice,
but an attempt will be made to state a few brief theses for which he
unchangingly stands.
[Sidenote: Education a function of government, but often neglected as
such; hence individual effort necessary]
_First_, education is a religious and social duty.[91] It is exceedingly
interesting to notice that he looks upon education as in the first
place a governmental function, _if the governments of this world were
influenced by true wisdom, they would make the proper education of youth
their first and special care_;[92] but since governments have neglected
to do this, it occurs to him that it is a service for which Quakers are
remarkably well fitted. It is a service for which the wage is very small
and which secures no return of special social favors for the laborer. But
they, being a quiet people, not wishing to gain great wealth or to shine
in social positions, can find their sphere of activity in the education
of the youthful members of society.
[Sidenote: Children represent “capital”; they must be educated]
_Second_, a special care in the education of the poor is urged.[93]
This should become the duty and secure the interest of the well-to-do
public spirited man, for if the upper class does not safeguard it,
they cannot be educated. The poor child represents so much unimproved
property, the owner being unable to improve it, which, if taken over by
philanthropists, may become of some consequence to himself and perform
great services for society at large. Such a movement would, besides being
a great aid to the poor and uneducated, be also a worthy occupation for
those who at present have nothing but time and money to spend. It would
help them to realize that there is something real in the world, something
greater than wealth and broader than religious denominations. The heart
of Benezet knew no bounds; in his philanthropy he included all classes.
_Third_, a definite stand is made for higher standards for teachers.
I do not know how it is amongst you, but here any person
of tolerable morals, who can read and write, is esteemed
sufficiently qualified for a schoolmaster; when indeed, the
best and wisest men are but sufficient for so weighty a
charge.[94]
He endeavors to show that the work of a teacher is pleasant and should
interest a better class of masters than it has in the past. The
experiences of Benezet in the school work were of most pleasant nature.
Not only by his own statement, but judged also by the accounts given
in his memoirs by Robert Vaux, it seems that he was unusually kind and
sympathetic as a master, which won him the greatest respect of his
pupils.[95] The tasks of schoolteaching are only unpleasant when being
performed merely for the sake of the wage obtained. Those who attempt to
teach large numbers for the sake of a large income find it disagreeable;
they form the class of teachers against whom he would discriminate.[96]
Add to these three principles, his great contribution toward the freedom
and education of the Negroes, his long life of service, and we have all
for which he lived. It is stated that he had no private life; at any rate
it sinks into oblivion in comparison with his interest and active work in
public philanthropies.[97]
[Sidenote: John Woolman, his position in regard to education]
[Sidenote: The responsibility of tutors and parents]
The educational influence of John Woolman in regard to Negro and Indian
education will be mentioned in another chapter,[98] but concerning
education generally he was equally outspoken, and being a member of
some consequence he was able to make his influence felt. Like Benezet,
he regarded education as a social duty, both to each individual and
to the community of individuals. This duty could not be performed by
immoral tutors and schoolmasters, for the pupil could be made to rise no
higher than the master; so the result would be an immoral society.[99]
The responsibility, in the last analysis, for the right conduct of
schools falls upon the parents. If they are indifferent, nothing can be
accomplished for the schools, for the whole community is no better or
more insistent in its demands than the individuals constituting it. For
this reason he urges individual philanthropy to come to the aid of the
schools, which are badly neglected; those who possess wealth can do no
better, for, as he says:
Meditating on the situation of schools in our provinces, my
mind hath, at times, been affected with sorrow, and under these
exercises it hath appeared to me, what if those that have large
estates were faithful stewards, and laid no rent or interest
nor other demand, higher than is consistent with universal
love; and those in lower circumstances would under a moderate
employ, shun unnecessary expense, even to the smallest article;
and all unite humbly in seeking the Lord, he would graciously
instruct and strengthen us, to relieve the youth from various
snares, in which many of them are entangled.[100]
[Sidenote: Tuke, Whitehead, Crouch as advocates of education]
If to this list of advocates of education, it is necessary to add others,
mention should be made of Henry Tuke, George Whitehead, and William
Crouch. In defending certain differences between the Quaker doctrine
and that of other denominations, the former discusses this one, _in not
considering human learning essential to a minister of the gospel_.[101]
The reasons adduced are chiefly biblical; the knowledge of human
literature is not recommended by the New Testament as being necessary
for a minister, and this is considered conclusive proof. Moreover, it
is pointed out that Paul, though a well educated man, disclaimed the
value of his education for that service, and wished always to appear
to the people as an unlettered man of God.[102] But Tuke goes on to
explain that though it is not essential for a minister, learning is not
unesteemed nor its usefulness slighted.[103] Members are desired to
direct their attention to education, for a right use of it may promote
religion and benefit civil society.[104] That the use of Latin and
Greek is not decried may be seen in the work of Penn and Whitehead, who
were both scholars, and whose works are full of classical references and
illustrations. In one instance their chief argument against swearing is
produced from certain references to the works of Socrates and Xenocrates,
pointing out that the Greeks were aware of a higher righteousness
excelling that of the legal Jews.[105] The same point of view with
reference to a knowledge of the classics is taken by William Crouch, as
is understood at once by this statement:
They acknowledge the understanding of languages, especially of
Hebrew, Greek and Latin, formerly was and still is very useful,
yet they take them not therefore to be necessary to make a
minister nor so profitable as that one unacquainted with them
must be styled an idiot, illiterate and of no authority.[106]
[Sidenote: The Latin School of Philadelphia exemplifies contention of
those quoted above]
[Sidenote: Education an asset; but apt to be perverted]
Moreover, from various sources one is assured that a classical education
was not abhorred by the Quakers of Philadelphia. The work offered in
the classical school was for any one who had the ability to do it and
its attainment was encouraged by Friends. The higher education was for
girls as well as for boys, as we may judge from reading the journal
kept by Sally Wister (or Wistar), a Quaker girl of the days of the
Revolution.[107] She attended the school kept by Anthony Benezet,[108]
which was one of the highest class, moral and literary, and patronized
by the best classes of the citizens. Extracts from her _Journal_
indicate that her education had not been limited to the mere rudiments,
but that she enjoyed also an elementary knowledge, at least, of Latin
and French.[109] This sort of education was clearly not uncommon among
Friends and it was not the object of opposition on their part. It must,
however, be kept in mind that the Quakers never confused education
necessarily with true Christianity.[110] Religion in this life and the
salvation of one’s soul in the next was a problem which concerned the
poor as well as the rich, the untutored as well as the learned. How could
the demands be greater for one than the other; the same tests had to be
met and passed by all, the educated one received no favors though more
might be expected of him.[111] Education was looked upon as an asset
which might be turned to great use for Christianity, but the lack of it
was never a bar to Christianity.[112] On the other hand, education might
easily become, according to the Quakers’ views, a definite hindrance to
Christianity.[113]
[Sidenote: Scheme of education suggested by Thomas Budd]
It would be quite improper in connection with this subject to fail
to mention the scheme, Utopian in that day, which was conceived in
the mind of Thomas Budd, for the development of a system of education
for Pennsylvania and New Jersey. At the very outset it seems more
comprehensive than anything suggested by any other leader, and in fact
it embodied so much that it was quite beyond the limit of expectation
for either of the colonies. Thomas Budd, though not at first a member of
Friends, became convinced of the justice of their principles and joined
the society before the year 1678.[114] He was a man of affairs and became
greatly interested in the colonization of Pennsylvania and New Jersey,
whither he soon came as a colonist himself. At that time it was equally
true, as at the present, that if a scheme or undertaking was to be put
through, it must be made as attractive as possible to the prospector. The
attempt to do this called forth a considerable exercise of individual
initiative, and one result was the educational plan outlined by Thomas
Budd and published in Philadelphia in 1685. The details of the scheme
as outlined are deemed of sufficient interest and importance to warrant
their reproduction here.
[Sidenote: Children to be in public school seven years or more]
1. Now it might be well if a law were made by the Governors and
General Assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, that all
persons inhabiting the said provinces, do put their children
seven years to the Public School, or longer, if the parent
please.
[Sidenote: To receive instruction in the arts and sciences and to learn a
trade]
2. That schools be provided in all towns and cities, and
persons of known honesty, skill and understanding be yearly
chosen by the Governor and General Assembly, to teach and
instruct boys and girls in all the most useful arts and
sciences that they in their youthful capacities may be
capable to understand, as the learning to read and write true
English and Latin, and other useful speeches and languages,
and fair writing, arithmetic and bookkeeping; the boys to be
taught and instructed in some mystery or trade, as the making
of mathematical instruments, joinery, turnery, the making of
clocks and watches, weaving, shoemaking or any other useful
trade or mystery that the school is capable of teaching; and
the girls to be taught and instructed in spinning of flax and
wool, and knitting of gloves and stockings, sewing, and making
of all sorts of useful needlework, and the making of straw
work, as hats, baskets, etc., or other useful art or mystery
that the school is capable of teaching.
[Sidenote: Eight hours per day allotted to studies and chosen trade]
3. That the scholars be kept in the morning two hours at
reading, writing, bookkeeping, etc., and other two hours
at work in that art, mystery or trade that he or she most
delighteth in, and then let them have two hours to dine, and
for recreation and in the afternoon two hours at reading,
writing, etc., and the other two hours at work at their several
employments.
[Sidenote: Regular school work five and one-half days per week; moral
instruction on Saturday]
4. The seventh day of the week the scholars may come to school
only in the forenoon, and at a certain hour in the afternoon
let a meeting be kept by the schoolmasters and their scholars,
where good instruction and admonition is given by the masters
to the scholars and thanks returned to the Lord for his mercies
and blessings that are daily received from him, then let a
strict examination be made by the masters, of the conversation
of the scholars in the week past, and let reproof, admonition
and correction be given to the offenders, according to the
quantity and quality of their faults.
[Sidenote: Similar arrangement for girls educated separately]
5. Let the like meetings be kept by the school mistresses, and
the girls apart from the boys. By strictly observing this good
order our children will be hindered from running into that
excess of riot and wickedness that youth is incident to, and
they will be a comfort to their tender parents.
[Sidenote: Land endowment for schools]
6. Let one thousand acres of land be given and laid out in a
good place, to every public school that shall be set up, and
the rent or income of it to go towards the defraying of the
charge of the school.
[Sidenote: Indians and the poor to be educated free of cost]
7. And to the end that the children of the poor people, and
the children of Indians may have the like good learning with
the children of the rich people, let them be maintained free
of charge to their parents, out of the profits of the school,
arising by the work of the scholars, by which the poor and the
Indians as well as the rich, will have their children taught,
and the remainder of the profits, if any be to be disposed of
in the building of the schoolhouses and improvements on the
thousand acres of land, which belongs to the school.[115]
[Sidenote: The industrial and commercial values to be derived are pointed
out]
The author does not claim to be entirely original in his scheme, having
been influenced, he says, by a similar thing described by Andrew
Yarenton in a book, _England’s Improvements by Sea and Land_.[116]
His chief interest seems to be in the benefit to be derived for the
commercial life of the colonies, and for that reason there is accordingly
a great stress on the industrial education. By this introduction of the
industrial schools, spinning for example, in the larger cities and the
preparation of children at an early age for participation in that great
occupation, the production of linen cloth could be made equal not only
to the domestic demands but also a considerable margin for the foreign
trade.[117] It is pointed out that the colonial consumer pays twice as
much for his purchase as its cost of production in France or Germany, and
that he pays this extra cost into the coffers of the English merchants.
This profit should accrue to the home merchants.
[Sidenote: Scheme to be encouraged by the government]
[Sidenote: Essential points urged in the scheme]
[Sidenote: The lack of governmental support; supplied through meetings of
Quakers]
The educational and also the industrial scheme is to receive the backing
of the colonial government. It is recommended that laws be passed for
the encouragement of linen manufacturers and that farmers “that keep a
plow” should sow an acre of flax and two of hemp, with which to supply
the manufacturers.[118] Educational support by the government was not
secured, as is amply evidenced by the unsurpassed development of private
and parochial schools of all denominations. The churches were the
sponsors for education. It is worthy of note, however, that the elements
emphasized by Budd, (1) education in the arts and sciences for all those
capable of it, (2) industrial education for a trade for every one, (3)
moral and religious training, and (4) equal educational opportunities for
poor and rich or otherwise unfavored classes, are the same as those urged
officially by the Quakers.[119]
Far from receiving governmental support, it was necessary that the
schools be supported by individual or small group enterprise. The society
recognized this, and it is stated in the organization of the church that
the duty of the monthly meeting is to provide _for the subsistence_ of
the poor and _for their education_.[120] Furthermore it is recommended
that all special bequests of Friends be kept as a distinct fund for the
purpose originally intended by the donor, and that if expended for any
other purpose, it must be again made up by the quarterly meeting.[121]
One of the most frequent uses designated, judging from the records, seems
to have been the educational.[122]
[Sidenote: Have Quaker schools kept pace with the public?]
The reader may have perused the foregoing pages with more or less
interest; a curiosity may have been aroused concerning the present-day
attitude of Friends, educationally. Have they experienced any
considerable change? The institutional evidences of their continued
interest are familiar enough to the educationist. But what is the
attitude within the schools: Is instruction stiff and more formal there
than in the public schools, and what can be said of the progress among
the teachers? To answer all of these questions and similar ones is not
the purpose of this present work. And in the following excerpt, taken
from an expression drawn up by a body of teachers, it is not hoped to
find conclusive proof of this or that, but perhaps it may be taken as a
fairly reliable indication of the present professional attitude.
[Sidenote: The pupil as an individual to be emphasized]
[Sidenote: Well-equipped teachers needed; and their academic freedom
essential]
The teachers’ subjects are _not Mathematics, nor Latin,
nor Scripture, nor Quakerism_—they are boys and girls. The
information imparted is, in a sense, a minor matter: the growth
of the mind that assimilates it is all-important—growth in
keenness, efficiency and power....
To the Society at large we would put forward this view that the
principles urged above are deserving of careful consideration
in making any forward move. The quality of the teaching given
in our schools is in a measure in the hands of Friends; they
have raised admirable buildings in many places—these are a
small matter compared with the character of the staff. The
freedom of the teacher, which is an indispensable condition of
excellence is a gift they can grant or withhold. And that we
who are responsible for the term of school life may have the
best chance and the best reward, we would press upon Friends
the need of laying foundations and awakening interest in the
days of childhood, and of turning to best account the powers of
those who go forth from our schools.[123]
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: Summary of Cox’s position]
This chapter treats of the attitude of Friends towards education. At
the beginning there is presented a criticism of S. H. Cox, which is a
concrete example of the type of criticism referred to in these pages.
Following this there are presented the educational views of several
Friends,—Penn, Barclay, Benezet, Woolman, Whitehead, Crouch, Tuke, and
Thomas Budd, in order that the reader may judge of the truth or error
presented in the criticism. The chief points made in Cox’s criticism are:
(1) hostility of the Quaker system to classical education, (2) general
hostility of the Friends to colleges and seminaries of learning, and (3)
that the “light within” was sufficient without any education.
[Sidenote: Summary of points maintained by certain Quaker leaders]
From the material next presented it is shown that: (1) Penn recommended
both practical and higher education, (2) useful arts and sciences are
recommended to be taught in public schools, (3) the classics were
introduced as a part of the curriculum in the Penn Charter School, and
also in other schools established by the society, (4) Barclay explains
that the society holds a classical education not absolutely necessary
for a minister, though it is useful, (5) the learning of languages is
recommended by the London Yearly Meeting, (6) education is advocated
by Benezet as a religious and social duty; the education of the poor
and unfortunate classes and races is urged; a higher education for
schoolmasters is recommended, (7) Woolman urges the education of
Negroes and Indians as a social duty; the responsibility is placed on
the individual, (8) Crouch states that Hebrew, Greek, and Latin are
recognized as useful and are not opposed when taught for that purpose,
(9) Budd, one of the early Quakers in Pennsylvania, introduced a very
comprehensive and Utopian scheme for (_a_) industrial education and
(_b_) higher education, proposing to organize it under the control of
the General Assembly, and (10) indications are that progress, within the
teaching body in Friends’ institutions, is quite comparable with that
of other institutions, though there is no attempt to produce conclusive
evidence either to that effect or the contrary.
CHAPTER IV
EDUCATION IN PHILADELPHIA[124]
On ye 27th day of October, 1682, arrived before ye Towne of New
Castle from England, William Penn, Esqe., whoo produced twoo
deeds of feofment for this Towne and twelve myles about itt,
and also for ye twoo lower counties, ye Whoorekills and St.
Jones’s—wherefore ye said William Penn received possession of
ye Towne ye 28th of October, 1682.[125]
[Sidenote: The date of Penn’s coming disputed]
It is probable that Penn reached Philadelphia in the latter days of
October or the early part of November,[126] though no student of
Philadelphia history has yet been able to settle the question of the
day absolutely. Tradition says he came up the river in an open boat
and landed at the landing on Dock Street near the new tavern, the Blue
Anchor, which had just been erected by George Guest, a Quaker.[127] The
formal ceremony of transferring the territory which had been arranged
between Penn and the Duke of York before leaving England,[128] was
accomplished with the Duke’s commissioners, Moll and Herman,[129] and the
official debut of Pennsylvania in colonial society was no longer a hope
but a reality.
[Sidenote: Education provided for in first Frame of Government]
The foundation of the colony’s educational institutions had, however,
not been delayed till the formalities of “making” a colony were over.
Education received early consideration in the Frame of Government which
was drawn up from England by Penn and agreed to on April 25, 1682, before
he prepared to depart for Pennsylvania.[130] In that document it is
clearly set forth that education was the function of the civil authority,
though the intentions of the author were not realized fully for more
than a hundred and fifty years.[131] The same idea is present in each of
the three Frames of Government which were drawn up; the first, April 25,
1682;[132] the second, April 2, 1683;[133] and the third, November 7,
1696,[134] under Governor Markham. The instrument drawn on April 2, 1683,
contained in part the following stipulations, which bear the impression
of the Quaker ideal of education.
[Sidenote: The provisions]
Tenth. That the Governor and the Provincial Council shall erect
and order all public schools and encourage and reward the
authors of useful sciences and laudable inventions in the said
provinces and territories thereof.
Eleventh. That one-third of the Provincial Council residing
with the Governor from time to time shall, with the Governor,
have the care and management of public affairs relating to
peace, justice, treasury and improvement of the province
and territories, and to the good education of the youth,
and sobriety of the manner of the inhabitants therein
aforesaid.[135]
[Sidenote: Quaker Council provides a school]
The plan for education as above set forth was not destined to be the one
followed consistently for more than a century and a half of development,
though throughout the first decades the relations between the schools
of Friends and the governing Council were very close.[136] It is
significant that the first school was actually ordered by the Council, in
keeping with Penn’s provisions. About one year after Penn’s arrival in
Philadelphia the educational problem came to the attention of the Council
and received decided recognition, as the following witnesses:
The Governor and Provincial Council having taken into their
serious consideration the great necessity there is of a
schoolmaster for the instruction and sober education of the
youth in the town of Philadelphia, sent for Enock Flower,
an inhabitant of said town, who for twenty years past has
been exercised in that care and employment in England, to
whom having communicated their minds, he embraced it upon the
following terms: to learn to read English 4s by the quarter, to
learn to read and write 6s by the quarter, to learn to read,
write and cast accounts 8s by the quarter; for boarding a
scholar, that is to say, diet, washing, lodging, and schooling,
ten pounds for one whole year.[137]
[Sidenote: Additional provisions or books]
[Sidenote: Charter of 1701 does not refer to education as did the former
ones]
Thus the first impetus to education in Pennsylvania came through properly
constituted governmental authority. The Council records show that the
interest in educational affairs was maintained for some time. In the
month following a law was proposed for making several sorts of books for
the use of persons in the province, and also recommended that care be
taken about “Learning and Instruction of youth, to witt: a school in the
arts and sciences.”[138] This interest in, and the close relation of the
Council to, education were not long continued however; for this there is
no satisfactory explanation, though it is very clear that the attitude
on the part of the government did change.[139] This change is evidenced
in the policy as outlined by the Charter of 1701, in which there is no
reference made to education or the responsibility of the Governor or
Council therefor.[140] To the writer it seems that the withdrawal of the
Council from any very active participation in the affairs of education
may have been due to two reasons: _first_, the willingness evinced by
private interests to establish schools and thus take over to themselves
the duties of educators (evidenced by the establishment of Keith’s school
by Friends in 1689 without the assistance or advice of the Council);[141]
and _second_, the urgent details of establishing a new government, which
occupied their first attention.
If further proof of the withdrawal of the colonial government from the
active establishment of schools, and of the fact that they did accept
and recognize the assistance of private agencies is desired, it is to
be found in various acts of legislation of the first half century.
Specific instances of such permissive legislation were the acts of May
28, 1715,[142] and also of February 6, 1730-1.[143] This legislation is
chiefly concerned with granting privileges to purchase and hold land and
erect buildings for the use of institutions stated therein, among which
schools are mentioned. In this connection the statute of 1715, which
evidences the facts stated above, is quoted.
Be it enacted by Charles Gookin, Esq., by the royal approbation
Lieutenant-Governor, under William Penn, Esq., Proprietary
and Governor-in-Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, by
and with the advice and consent of the freemen of the said
provinces in General Assembly met, and by the authority of the
same, that it shall and may be lawful to and for all religious
societies or assemblies and congregations of Protestants,
within this province, to purchase any lands or tenements for
burying grounds, and for erecting houses of religious worship,
_schools_ and hospitals; and by trustees, or otherwise, as they
shall think fit, to receive and take grants or conveyances
for the same, for any estate whatsoever, to and for the use
or uses aforesaid, to be holden of the lord of the fee by the
accustomed rents and services. And be it further enacted by
the authority aforesaid, that all sales, gifts or grants made
to any of the said societies, or to any person or persons in
trust for them, or any of them, for or concerning any lands,
tenements or hereditaments within this province, for and in
any estate whatsoever, to and for the use and uses aforesaid,
shall be and are by this Act ratified and confirmed according
to the tenor and true meaning thereof, and of the parties
concerned therein. And where any gifts, legacies or bequests
have been or shall be made by any person or persons to the poor
of any of the said respective religious societies, or to or
for the use or service of any meeting or congregation of the
said respective societies, the same gifts and bequests shall
be employed only to those charitable uses, or to the use of
those respective societies or meetings, or to the poor people
to whom the same are or shall be given or intended to be given
or granted, according to what may be collected to be the true
intent and meaning of the respective donors or grantors.
[Sidenote: The first meeting of record]
[Sidenote: The probable length of Flower’s tenure as teacher]
On “11th month, 9th, 1682,” the Friends met and enacted business relating
chiefly to the sick, a meeting house, purchase of books and such other
details of importance, but made no reference to schools or the education
of youth.[144] This remained true for all meetings till 1689,[145] the
chief part of business in the meantime having to do with either (1)
strictly religious affairs or (2) raising money for the poor and the
orphans. The absence of any remarks or any plans for schools from 1682
to 1689 is more easily understood when it is recalled that the school
under Enock Flower was set up in 1683.[146] There is no evidence to prove
definitely that Flower continued as schoolmaster during the whole of
this time, but (1) the absence of any record of change, (2) no record
of schools kept by the Friends Meeting, (3) the fact that he was a
teacher of long experience (twenty years) and probably as satisfactory
as any to be found, and (4) the absence of keen competition on the part
of neighboring places to draw him away, would lead one to believe it
probable that he remained there for the greater part of the period at
least.
In 1689 Friends determined to establish a school, designed to meet the
demands of rich and of poor,[147] which does not seem at all strange
since they were known to have been supporting their poor and the orphans
by subscriptions since their first establishment.[148] The transaction
of the business relating thereto was performed in the monthly meeting
and referred to the quarterly meeting (higher) for its approval. The
following extract from the records of the meeting gives the result of
their decision:
[Sidenote: Friends school set up under Geo. Keith]
Friends being to encourage a school in this town, and in order
hereunto they have agreed with George Keith to assure him a
certain salary of 50 pounds per year to be paid quarterly,
with house rent, convenient for his family and school, with
the profit of his school for one year, and for two years more
to make his school worth to him 120 pounds per year, if he
shall think fit to stay in this place, the said George also
promiseth to teach the poor (which are not of ability to pay)
for nothing. The abovesaid Keith having heard the proposals
of Friends, readily assented and agreed thereto, his salary
beginning from the time school begins. It is agreed that it
be also mentioned to the next Quarterly Meeting for their
concurrence with the same, as also agreed that Anthony Morris
give notice to the several monthly meetings in this county.[149]
[Sidenote: A larger school needed]
[Sidenote: Makin hired as usher]
The number of children who attended this school is not known, but
it is clear that it grew rapidly. In January, succeeding the first
establishment, the new master complained of the “inconvenience and
straitness” of his school and Anthony Morris and Samuel Carpenter
were appointed to consult with Robert Turner for a more convenient
situation.[150] The first interpretation of “straitness” would
undoubtedly be that it was crowded, and that might well have been true
without there having been an increase in the size of the school; more
conclusive proof of the rapid increase in numbers is to be found in the
fact that Thomas Makin was hired as usher to assist Keith,[151] probably
about February, 1690.[152] A more convenient room for the school was
arranged for with John Fuller at thirteen pounds per year, three pounds
more than was paid for the first.[153]
[Sidenote: Thomas Makin recommended by Keith to be master]
[Sidenote: Makin chosen]
In the 3rd month, 1691, Keith made known his intention of leaving the
school,[154] whether because of dissatisfaction with the school itself
or the beginning of the feeling against the Quakers which resulted
in his rupture with them,[155] it is not known, and recommended to
the meeting the appointment of his usher, Thomas Makin, to take his
place.[156] It was Keith’s desire to leave on 4th month, 10th and he
may have discontinued teaching at that time, but it appears that his
account against the meeting was not settled until the eleventh or the
twelfth month, 1691.[157] According to his suggestion concerning Makin,
the meeting appointed a committee to consult with him,[158] the outcome
of which was a satisfactory agreement. It would appear from numerous
references to the subject, that the matter of getting the subscriptions
and keeping them paid was a chief source of trouble, which required their
constant energies and attention.[159] In 1693 Thomas Makin brought in
a bill against the meeting for £12/15/7, which was still owing for his
services as usher in 1690.[160]
[Sidenote: Penn said to have written letter to Lloyd about the school]
The last four years of the century saw greater strides made in the better
establishment of education as a system. In 1696 it was agreed that
there should be established four meetings a year, the chief function
of which was the religious education of the youth in the principles of
Friends.[161] Steps were shortly taken for the establishment of the
so-called “free school.” Penn had written to Thomas Lloyd, President of
the Council, in 1689, advising that a grammar school be set up (that of
George Keith)[162] and it was this same school which in 1697 the meeting
desired to make a “free school.” On 10th month, 31st, 1697:
A paper for the encouragement of a free school was this day
read, whereupon Samuel Carpenter and James Fox are desired to
treat with Daniel Pastorius and Thomas Makin concerning the
same, and—they desire the Friends of the town to meet together
this day week, about the 1st hour at this meeting house to
consider further of it, and that Daniel Pastorius and Thomas
Makin be present.[163]
[Sidenote: Pastorius and Makin in the school]
In the month following (11th month) Samuel Carpenter reported to the
assembly that the committee had met with Daniel Pastorius and Thomas
Makin and agreed to pay each of them forty pounds per year for keeping
school.[164] The means of support was the familiar subscription blank,
Samuel Carpenter and James Fox being the first appointed to take them.
School was to begin the first of the following month, in the room over
the meeting house, which had been prepared for that purpose.[165] In the
12th month a petition was sent to the Governor and Council, requesting
the ordaining and establishment of the “Public School.” The text of the
petition is as follows:
[Sidenote: Petition to Council to incorporate the school]
The humble petition of Samuel Carpenter ... in behalf of
themselves and the rest of the people called Quakers, who are
members of the Monthly Meeting, ... showeth that it has been
and is much desired by many that a school be set up and upheld
in this town of Philadelphia, where poor children may be freely
maintained, taught and educated in good literature, until they
are fit to be put out as apprentices, or capable to be masters
or ushers in the same schools. And forasmuch as in the laws and
constitution of this government it is provided and enacted that
the Governor and Council shall erect ... public schools ...
reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable inventions
... therefore, may it please the Governor and Council to ordain
and establish that in the said town of Philadelphia a public
school may be founded, where all children and servants, male
and female, whose parents, guardians and masters be willing to
subject them to the rules and orders of the said schools, shall
from time to time with the approbation of the overseers thereof
for the time being, be received and admitted, taught and
instructed; the rich at reasonable rates, and the poor to be
maintained and schooled for nothing. And to that end a meet and
convenient house or houses, buildings and rooms may be erected
for the keeping of the said school, and for the entertainment
and abode of such and so many masters, ushers, mistresses and
poor children, as by orders of said meeting shall be limited
and appointed from time to time. And also that the members
of the aforesaid Meetings ... make choice and admit such and
so many persons as they think fit, to be masters, overseers,
ushers, mistresses and poor children of the said school, and
the same persons ... to remove or displace as often ... as they
shall see fit. And that the overseers and the school aforesaid,
may ... be ... in name and deed, a body politic and corporate,
to have continuance forever by the name of the Overseers of
the Public School founded in Philadelphia at the request of
the people of God called Quakers. And that they, the said
overseers, may have perfect succession, and by that name they
and their successors may hold and enjoy, all lands, tenements
and chattels, and receive and take all gifts and legacies as
shall be given, granted or devised for the use and maintenance
of the said school and poor scholars, without any further or
other license or authority from this Government in that behalf;
saving unto the chief Proprietary his quitrents of the said
lands. And that the said overseers by the same name shall and
may, with consent of said meeting, have power and capacity to
devise and grant by writing, under their hand and seal and of
said lands and tenements and to take and purchase any other
lands ... for ... advantage of said school. And to prescribe
such rules and ordinance for the good order and government
of the same school ... successively, and for their and every
of their stipends and allowances, as to members of the said
Meeting for the time being ... shall seem meet; with power also
to sue and to be sued, and to do and perform and execute all
and every other lawful act and thing, good and profitable for
the said school, in as full and ample manner, as any other body
politic or corporate more perfectly founded or incorporated,
may do.[166]
[Sidenote: The petition granted and charter issued by Penn in 1701]
This request was immediately granted by the Council,[167] and the school
thus incorporated in 1697.[168] In 1701 Penn confirmed its incorporation
by the following charter:
WILLIAM PENN True and absolute Proprietary and Governor in
Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania and territories thereunto
belonging. To all to whom these presents shall come sendeth
greeting. _Whereas_ Charles the Second, late King of England
by his letters patents bearing date the fourth day of March in
the three and thirtieth year of his reign did grant unto me my
heirs and assigns the said Province And Absolute Proprietary
thereof with full power to me by the assent of the freemen
there to make laws for the good and happy government of the
same with divers other powers preheminsures jurisdictions,
privileges and immunities therein specified. _And Whereas_ I
with a great colony of the People of God called Quakers for
the free enjoyment of liberty of our consciences in matters
of religion as of other privileges and advantages in the
said patent granted as well to me the said Proprietary and
Governor as also to the said people did transport ourselves
unto the said Province and at our own risk costs pains and
charges settled and planted the same the soil also of the said
Province being first by me purchased of the Indian Natives.
And forasmuch as by the laws of the said Province since
enacted the Governor and Council have power to erect and order
all public schools of literature and science. _And Whereas_
Samuel Carpenter—Edward Shippen—Anthony Morris—James Fox—David
Lloyd—William Southby and John Jones in behalf of themselves
and the rest of the said people called Quakers Members of their
Monthly Meeting at Philadelphia in the said Province by their
petition to the Governor and Council of the said Province and
territories at Philadelphia the tenth day of the twelfth month
Anno Domini one thousand six hundred ninety seven (eight) set
forth that it was the desire of many that a school should be
set up and upheld in the said town of Philadelphia where poor
children might be freely maintained taught and educated in good
literature until they should be fit to be put apprentices or
capable to be masters or Ushers in the said school requesting
the Governor and Council in the said petition to ordain that
at the said town of Philadelphia a Public School might be
founded where all children male and female whose parents
guardians or masters might be willing to subject them to the
rules and orders of the school should from time to time with
the approbation of the overseers thereof for the time being
be received or admitted taught and instructed the rich at
reasonable rates and the poor to be maintained and schooled for
nothing. _And_ that to that end a meet and convenient house or
houses buildings or rooms might be erected for the keeping of
the said school and for the entertainment and abode of such
and so many Masters Ushers Mistresses and poor children as by
the order and direction of the said Monthly Meeting should
be free from time to time limited and appointed and also that
the members of the aforesaid meeting for the time being might
at their respective monthly meeting from time to time make
choice of and admit such and so many persons as they should
think fit to be Overseers Masters Ushers Mistresses and poor
children of the said school and the same person or any of them
to remove and displace as often as the said meeting shall see
occasion, and that the overseers and school aforesaid might
forever thereafter stand and be established and founded in name
and in deed a body politic and corporate to have continuance
forever by the name of the Overseers of the Public School
grounded in Philadelphia at the request cost and charges of
the people of God called Quakers. And that the said Overseers
might have perpetual succession, and by that name they and
their successors forever, have hold and enjoy all the lands
tenements and chattels and receive and take all gifts and
legacies that should be given granted or devised for the use
and maintenance of said schools and poor scholars without
further or other license or authority from the government on
that behalf. _Saving_ unto the Chief Proprietary his quit rents
out of the said lands and that the said Overseers by the same
name might with consent of the said Meeting have power and
capacity to demise and grant by writing under their hand and
common seal any of the said lands and tenements and to take
and purchase any other lands and tenements and hereditaments
for the best advantage of the said schools and to prescribe
such rules and ordinances for the good order and government of
the said school and of the masters ushers mistresses and poor
children successively and for their and every of their stipends
and allowances as to them members of the said monthly meeting
for the time or the major part of them should seem meet, with
power also to sue and be used and to do perform and execute all
and every other lawful act and thing good and profitable for
the said school in as full and ample manner as any other body
politic and corporate more perfectly founded and incorporated
might do and by the said petition which I have seen may more
fully appear whereupon my then lieutenant Governor and Council
did grant and order that the said schools should be founded
and erected with the incorporation privileges and powers as
desired. _Now_ forasmuch as those of the said petitioners that
are living have made fresh application to me in Council for
confirming the said lieutenant Governor and Councils order
and grant upon the said petition which being well weighed and
considered by me I greatly favor the good inclinations and
just and laudable desires and conscientious regards of the
said petitioners and people for the education instruction and
literature of their children and posterity and more especially
their care and concerns for the poor on that behalf....
_Therefore Know Ye_ that pursuant to the powers to me granted
as aforesaid and to the laws of the said Province already
enacted I have (by and with the consent of my Provincial
Council) granted and confirmed all and every request matter
and thing ... contained in the said petition and do by
these presents for me my heirs and assigns grant ordain and
establish that the said Public School shall be erected and
founded, and I do grant, ordain and found the same to be kept
forever hereafter in the said town of Philadelphia or in some
convenient place adjacent as the overseers of the said school
for the time being shall see meet and I do likewise grant and
ordain that in the said school all children and servants as in
the school petition requested shall from time to time (with
approbation of the said Overseers) be received admitted taught
and instructed as in the same petition is mentioned and desired
and to the end that all meet and convenient houses, rooms,
chambers and buildings may be erected for keeping of the said
schools and entertainment of the masters ushers mistresses and
poor children to be therein admitted as hereinafter mentioned.
I do by these presents for me my heirs and successors grant and
ordain that from the day of the date of these presents forever
hereafter the members of the Monthly Meeting of the said People
called Quakers in the town of Philadelphia for the time being
shall have full and absolute power and authority and the same
power is hereby given unto them in their respective monthly
meetings from time to time to make choice of and admit such and
so many persons as they shall think fit to be Overseers Masters
Ushers Mistresses and poor children of the said school and the
same persons or any of them to remove and displace as often
as the said Meeting shall see occasion and likewise that the
said Overseers shall have like powers and authority (with the
direction and consent of the said Meeting) from time to time to
frame and erect or cause or procure to be framed and erected
such and so many houses and buildings as they shall see meet
for the use and service of the said schools. _And_ moreover I
do by these presents for me my heirs and successors grant and
ordain that the overseers and schools aforesaid shall forever
hereafter stand and be established and founded and are hereby
founded erected and established in name and in deed a body
politic and corporate to continue forever by the name of _The
Overseers_ of the Public School founded in Philadelphia at the
request cost and charges of the People of God called _Quakers_.
And also that they the said overseers shall have perpetual
succession and by the said name they and their successors shall
forever have hold and enjoy (to the use of the said school) all
the messuages lands tenements hereditaments goods and chattels
and receive and take all gifts and legacies already given
granted and devised or that shall be hereafter given granted
or devised to the use and maintenance of the said school and
masters ushers mistresses and poor scholars thereof without
further or other leave license authority or power whatsoever
from me my heirs or successors or from this government or any
therein on that behalf saving unto me my heirs and successors
the respective quit rents and other duties and payments out
of the said messuages lands tenements and hereditaments and
every of them reserved and payable in and by their several
original grants and patents and furthermore I do by these
presents for me my heirs and successors give and grant unto the
said Overseers by the name aforesaid full power license and
authority to give grant bargain sell alien enfeoff or demise
with the consent of the said meeting by writing under their
hands and common seal (or the hands and said seal of so many of
them as shall make a quorum) to such person or persons his or
her heirs or their heirs executors administrators and assigns
as shall be willing to purchase or rent the same all or any of
the aforesaid messuages lands tenements and hereditaments goods
and chattels and likewise to purchase receive and enjoy all or
any other messuages houses lands tenements and hereditaments
for the best advantage of the said school. _And also_ to frame
make and prescribe such rules orders and ordinances for the
good order and government of the said school and of the masters
ushers mistresses and poor children thereof successively and
for their and every of their stipends salaries and allowances
as to the members of the said Monthly Meeting for the time
being or the major part of them (in their respective meetings)
shall seem meet with power also to the said overseers by
the name aforesaid to sue and be sued and to do perform and
execute and suffer to be done all and every other lawful act
and thing good and profitable for the said school in as full
and ample manner as any other body politic or corporate more
perfectly founded and incorporated may and can do. And I do for
me my heirs and assigns ordain and grant that the said school
and the masters ushers members officers and scholars and all
other persons placed or to be placed in the said school shall
forever hereafter be accepted and freed from all visitation
punishment and connection to be had used or exercised by any
person or persons whatsoever other than the said Overseers for
the time being and their successors. _In Witness_ whereof I
have hereunto set my hand cause the Great Seal to be affixed
dated at Philadelphia the five and twentieth day of the eighth
month in the thirteenth year of the reign of William the third
over England etc. King etc. and the one and twentieth of my
government Anno Domino one thousand seven hundred and one 1701.
Recorded the 5th 10th 1701.[169]
WM. PENN.
For Aaron K. DUNKEL, Sec’y of Internal Affairs, W. B. HUSTON.
[Sidenote: Rechartered in 1708, and 1711, extended privileges]
[Sidenote: Made a self-perpetuating corporation]
The charter of 1701 was confirmed and enlarged by another of 1708,[170]
according to which the corporation was to consist of fifteen persons
(Quakers) by the name of “The Overseers of the Public School, founded in
Philadelphia, at the request of, cost and charges of the people called
Quakers.” The charter of 1711[171] contained extended privileges[172]
and also provided that the election of new members of the board of
overseers should be the right of the overseers themselves, thus
constituting them a self-perpetuating corporation.[173] From this the
reader might expect that the school at once became independent of the
Friends’ meeting, but this did not occur, since the original members
or overseers were Friends and continued to appoint Friends as their
successors. Reports on the various details of the business of the
school continued to come into the monthly meeting, but it is not to be
considered that we find there a complete story of its existence.[174] In
1699 it was found that the affairs of the school took too much time in
meeting and therefore it was decided that Friends in the care of schools
and press should meet on sixth day before monthly meeting, transact their
business and keep a record thereof in books provided for the purpose.[175]
[Sidenote: Mistresses employed in schools]
The affairs of the school continued much the same as though no charter
had been requested or granted. The records lead one to think that the
growth was very rapid. Pastorius and Makin had become the masters in 1697
and by 1699 the indications are that “mistresses” were also employed,
money being turned over to Anthony Morris to “pay the schoolmasters’ and
the mistresses’ salaries.”[176] This is the first mention made of women
as teachers. Pastorius having severed his connections with the school
in 1701 steps were taken to fill the vacancy, it being decided that the
newcomer should show his ability by competing with the one remaining
master, Thomas Makin.[177]
[Sidenote: Cadwalader to fill vacancy made by Pastorius’ leaving]
Griffith Owen ... recommended John Cadwalader as a person very
fit for an assistant in the school, and it being proposed a
good method for the better improvement of the scholars that
they be equally divided between them for trial to see which
of them best discharged their duty, there having been great
complaint of former neglect. The meeting approves thereof and
desires the said Griffith to acquaint John Cadwalader thereof,
and that he may have twenty pounds for a half year for a trial,
as the former master had, and Anthony Morris is desired to show
Thomas Makin this minute for his information in the matter.[178]
MASTERS AND MISTRESSES FROM 1700 TO 1800
[Sidenote: Makin plans to leave school]
[Sidenote: Cadwalader becomes headmaster]
[Sidenote: Salaries increased]
Nothing like a complete or connected story can be given with reference
to the masters and mistresses of this period, due to a lack of adequate
available records. In August, 1701, Thomas Makin announced his intention
of leaving the school and requested that his accounts be settled.[179]
John Cadwalader, who had been his assistant since 1700, was interviewed
as to his ability to undertake the headship of the school; intimating
if he thought himself fit, he would be further considered.[180] There
is no direct record of how Mr. Cadwalader rated himself as teacher,
but he was continued in the capacity of master. He found the limited
salary[181] almost too small for the support of his family and upon his
request it was soon raised to fifty pounds per year.[182] At the same
time the salary of a mistress, Olive Songhurst, whom we meet for the
first time and with scant introduction, was increased five or ten pounds.
The prospect of a higher salary does not appear to have attracted him
much for we learn of his intended separation from the school in May,
1702. It is not clear that he did actually sever his connection therewith
at that time, for in June, 1703, it was desired that John Cadwalader,
schoolmaster, be paid ten pounds that was left by Robert Jones for the
use of the Public School.[183] This sum may have been for other services
such as copying, which he frequently performed,[184] but it is more
probable that he was convinced of the advantages of remaining at a salary
of fifty pounds per year, with the additional sums paid for the copying
work.[185]
[Sidenote: John Every, usher]
[Sidenote: Makin returns]
[Sidenote: Jacob Naylor suggested for teacher]
John Every’s connection with the school as usher is first announced in
April, 1702, when he made demands for an increase of salary to thirty
pounds, which was agreed to.[186] He remained there nearly two years
and then departed, making a place for Thomas Makin, who returned at
his request, agreeing to accept the salary previously paid to Every.
These two masters, Makin and Cadwalader, appear to have been employed
continuously until 1706, when they decided the school could not furnish a
competent living for both of them and Cadwalader accordingly left.[187]
There were further suggestions considered at that time and Friends
appointed to endeavor to secure a qualified master from England. So far
as the meeting’s minutes record, it seems that Thomas Makin was the only
master employed from 1706 to 1708, when it was suggested that Jacob
Naylor be employed as a teacher.[188]
[Sidenote: Extra school room duties]
The duties of the schoolmasters were by no means limited to the routine
of the schoolroom. They were required to be careful of their several
scholars and often had to do police duty among them during the meetings
on first day.[189] The master’s only hope for any respite from the
imposition of such duties was to stand firmly for his rights, else he
might have been given charge of all the children in the meeting. John
Walby, a master, when asked to perform a similar service, made answer
that “he would take care of his own scholars, but did not care to
undertake any further.”[190] His objection was sustained and another
Friend endeavored to perform the task.
[Sidenote: William Robbins]
[Sidenote: Richard Warden]
[Sidenote: Thomas Makin]
[Sidenote: Richard Brockden]
In 1711 William Robbins[191] came to wield the rod in Friends School,
having requested permission to keep school in a part of the Friends’
schoolhouse, which was “granted for the present.”[192] It cannot be
determined how long he remained in that capacity, but the following
year it was proposed that Richard Warden be allowed to teach school in
one end of the schoolhouse, and it is quite probable that he filled the
place of Robbins.[193] On the other hand, if Robbins did leave at that
time he had returned again to the school in 1715.[194] Thomas Makin
had in the meantime severed his connection with the school, but not
permanently. Seven years after the employment of Richard Warden (1719)
a vacancy occurred and a committee was appointed to visit the overseers
requesting them to take action regarding the vacancy.[195] From this it
may be judged that the overseers were at times remiss in their attention
to their trust. The overseers were set in action, and Thomas Makin was
secured to fill the place, provided he would agree to teach six children
of the poor and give up the house when Friends ordered him to do so.[196]
He doubtless filled a minor position at this time, though he was offered
a better one, later in 1722, provided Richard Brockden were willing to
leave it, which does not appear to have met with the said Brockden’s
approval.[197] Of Richard Brockden little is known, save that he had
been schoolmaster at Byberry about 1710 or 1711.[198] In 1724 William
Robbins[199] mentioned above as a teacher some years earlier, applied
for a place as master. It was agreed that he be allowed to teach on the
condition that he would agree to teach at least four children for the use
of the house, if ordered to do so.[200]
[Sidenote: J. Walby]
[Sidenote: Death of T. Makin]
It is quite probable that for most of the ten years preceding 1730 the
school was under the charge of three or four masters just mentioned,
Robbins, Brockden, Makin and Warden. They shifted quite often, that
is certain. In 1730 mention is made of a John Walby as master; but no
further account of him is given.[201] Thomas Makin’s career as teacher
very likely came to an end in that period, as he was getting aged, though
he may have taught up to the time of his death. An account of his death
is given in the _Weekly Mercury_ of 1733.[202]
[Sidenote: Anthony Benezet employed 1742]
[Sidenote: Robert Willian master in 1748]
From 1730 there is only an occasional mention made of the masters
employed at the public school, until we come to the period about 1770
when the names were occasionally given in committee reports on the
condition of the schools. However, with the fourth decade came a period
of real greatness, for in 1742[203] began the services of Anthony
Benezet, of whom considerable mention is made elsewhere, who continued
in the public school till 1782.[204] He had throughout his life been
interested in the Negroes and for several years previous had cherished
a desire to work in their schools. His request, in that regard, was
accordingly granted in 1782, after John Houghton relinquished that
position.[205] He continued to teach the Negro school, until the time of
his death two years later.[206] In 1748 Robert Willian came from England
for the purpose of keeping Friends school, and was accordingly accepted
into their meeting, having produced the customary certificate from his
home meeting at Scarborough in Yorkshire.[207] The next mention of a new
master in the ranks is concerned with Josai, who married in 1763.[208]
Encouragement was at all times given to women as teachers, mention having
already been made to their employment as early as 1699.[209] In 1764:
[Sidenote: Ann Brientnall establishes small school]
The meeting being informed that Ann Brientnall is desirous
of keeping a small school for the instruction of Friends
children only in reading and sewing and not being at present
able to hire a place suitable for the purpose, requests the
use of a vacant lower room in one of the alms-houses, and
Friends approving her proposal, it is agreed that she may
make use of one of these rooms for that purpose until she can
accommodate herself elsewhere, or it may be wanted (for other
purposes).[210]
The recommendations of the Yearly Meeting of Philadelphia in 1778,[211]
produced a very beneficial effect upon the school affairs in all of
its monthly meetings. Thereafter, reports were sent in, bad, good and
indifferent, which were much superior to anything that had been done
previously, though they were still too infrequent and abbreviated in
regard to information contained. A digest of the report of 1779 follows,
which shows the number of teachers in the several schools at that
time:[212]
[Sidenote: Schools reported in 1779]
1. The Grammar School was presided over by John Thompson who
also taught writing and arithmetic.
2. John Todd taught reading, English, writing, arithmetic and
some branches of mathematics.
3. Another master was Joseph Yerkes, who taught the same
branches as Todd.
4. George Smith taught reading, writing and arithmetic to the
children of Friends and others.
5. Anthony Benezet at this time was employed in teaching the
Girls’ School in which were received also the children of other
denominations besides Friends.
6. Sarah Lancaster taught the younger children of both sexes
the rudiments of learning, and other branches suitable to girls.
7. Rebecca Jones and Hannah Cathrall taught together in the
same school, which was for girls, a large number of them poor.
8. A school for younger boys and girls of various societies was
taught in Pine Street by Essex Flower.
9. Spelling and reading were taught the younger children by Ann
Rakestraw.
It appears from the meeting’s records that these masters and mistresses
were all Friends, and that the schools which they taught were under the
direction of the overseers of the public school.[213] Five years later
another report was prepared and presented on the state of schools. At the
later date several new names are found among the teachers.[214]
[Sidenote: Schools and teachers reported in 1784]
1. The Latin and Greek Grammar School is under the direction of
Robert Proud, the historian.[215]
2. John Todd still continues in his old place.
3. Isaac Weaver teaches boys reading, writing, and arithmetic.
4. Sarah Lancaster continues in her old position as teacher of
young children.
5. William Brown, engaged in teaching a girls’ school.
The five schools above mentioned were under the direction of the school
corporation of overseers, and poor children were taught there free of
expense. The committee also reported on five other schools, whose masters
and mistresses were either Friends or made the professions of that
religious society.[216]
[Sidenote: Other schools reported]
1. Mary Harry, teaching in Charters Alley.
2. Joseph Clarke, teaching in the girls school.
3. Mrs. Clarke (wife of Joseph).
4. Ann Marsh, teaching about fifty girls.
5. Mary McDonnell, teaching fifteen children.
[Sidenote: Richard Hartshorne superintendent of the new school
established at Westtown]
This report of 1784 is the best during the century which gives a
clew to the members in the teachers’ ranks. The growth from a school
employing one teacher to a system employing ten does not seem great when
measured by our present standards of increase, but for that century it
is significant of rapid growth. Many of the teachers were people of no
great importance, whose names were probably never known outside of Quaker
circles; others were distinctly well known. In 1799 we find one other
Quaker schoolmaster mentioned, Richard Hartshorne. The idea of a boarding
school for Friends’ children had received quite an impetus about 1791,
due largely to the interest and influence of Owen Biddle,[217] and by
1799 the school was ready to begin operations.[218] Richard Hartshorne
was chosen to serve as its first superintendent and with the permission
of the Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia moved to Westtown in 1799.[219]
SUPPORT OF THE SCHOOLS
[Sidenote: Three chief means of support]
From the very beginning of the schools in Philadelphia their primary
means of support lay in _voluntary subscriptions_. We have already seen
that this was the accepted means of raising money to maintain the poor
and orphans,[220] and also to build their meeting houses; it was quite
the natural way, really about the only way then familiar to them for
maintaining their school system. As the meeting grew and the schools also
increased many members were led to believe that it was advisable to endow
them with _legacies_. This being in accordance with the recommendations
of the Yearly Meetings of London and Philadelphia,[221] it became quite a
common procedure in Philadelphia, as also in the other monthly meetings.
Their third means of support was the _rate_ which was paid by all
children whose parents were able to bear the expense of their education.
[Sidenote: Subscriptions urged, but not compulsory]
[Sidenote: Subscription method not entirely satisfactory]
As has been stated, subscriptions were made voluntarily, though they
might be rigorously solicited, enough at least to make some feel
uncomfortable who did not contribute when they were able. There are
instances which might be considered as mandatory though such cases are
very rare. One such occurred in 1701 when, Tobias Dinnock desiring a
certificate, the meeting reported there was nothing to hinder it save
that he had not paid anything toward the school.[222] This does not mean
that he had to subscribe but it was doubtless unpleasant pressure to
have brought to bear on one. Subscriptions were usually made and paid
at the subscriber’s convenience, or on a date which he designated when
making the subscription. Though this was ideally satisfactory it often
failed to work out just at the right time, so it was necessary to appoint
a committee to go out after the subscriber and get that which he had
promised to pay. The first record of a committee appointed on a service
of this kind was in 1691. The work of such committees was continued
throughout the century, and the following extract will indicate very well
their function, without further explanation or reference.
Whereas several of the subscriptions towards the school are
unpaid, the Meeting being engaged for the same, they have
requested Alexander Beardsley, Anthony Morris, Francis Rawles,
John Delavall and Samuel Richardson to use their endeavors to
get what is unpaid of the said subscriptions, and they are
desired to pay what money they receive unto Robert Turner and
give account thereof to the next Monthly Meeting.[223]
[Sidenote: Rates charged]
The rates paid by parents in the earlier years of their colony are seen
in the establishment of Flower’s school in 1683.[224] The next references
made to the amounts paid for instruction, under the rate system, are in
the report of the school committee of the Overseers in 1784.[225] Flower
received four shillings per quarter for teaching reading, six shillings
for reading and writing, and eight for reading, writing and casting
accounts; if by the year, then everything was furnished for ten pounds.
In 1784 Isaac Weaver received thirty shillings per quarter for teaching
the same subjects which Flower had taught for eight.[226] William Brown
also received the same amount for the same subjects which he taught
the whole day.[227] Joseph Clarke was teaching for thirty shillings.
For instruction in the three R’s it appears that the general tendency
for the cost in 1784 was about twenty-two shillings higher than it was
in 1683.[228] Small children were taught generally at about fifteen
shillings per quarter, or half the customary price for older pupils
whatever that might be. The general custom was that in cases where the
school corporation sent poor children to a teacher they were admitted for
a lesser rate than the others; if fifteen shillings were paid by others,
then ten shillings might be paid for the poor children, schooled at the
trustees’ expense. These prices for teaching among the Quaker masters are
quite comparable with those demanded by other private masters in the city
at about the same dates.[229]
[Sidenote: Special bequests and legacies recommended and their probable
effect]
As was cited previously in this work,[230] the practice of making special
donations, bequests and legacies was urged by the yearly meeting as a
proper means of support for the schools or other institutions. These
recommendations of the yearly meeting which were written in the form of
letters, were transmitted to the quarterly meetings and through them
reached all members of the monthly and preparative meetings in the
compass of the general assembly. It cannot be doubted that they were a
very important means to instill a desire to give to a worthy cause, and
the very similar procedure in all monthly meetings seems to indicate that
they constituted the most effectual means for getting anything definite
done towards establishing any permanent foundation.
[Sidenote: Will of John Lineham]
[Sidenote: Legacies of Wade and Richards]
Nothing in the way of a complete survey of various legacies and donations
given to the schools in Philadelphia will be attempted here, even
granting that it might be interesting enough, but a few of them will
be treated briefly. The first example of this individual philanthropy
came before the monthly meeting in 1699, when the will of John Lineham
was read, by which he proposed to leave “twenty pounds for the use of
the public school.”[231] This sum was not to be expended at once for
present needs but was to be kept as a “stock forever for that use.” Two
members, John Kinsey and Ralph Jackson, were ordered to pay in the said
amount that it might be turned over to Edward Shippen the treasurer.
Other legacies were left by Robert Wade[232] and Mary Richards.[233] In
regard to the former there was trouble about getting it settled, which
lasted for many years.[234] The above names are only a few of the many
who are mentioned by the minutes up to 1700 as having left donations for
the school. There were indeed many others. In that year (1702) it was
considered advisable that an account be kept of all legacies which had
been granted to the use of the public school, as also those granted for
the poor. Isaac Norris was appointed to prepare this account. Its purpose
was probably to straighten out the tangle into which some of them had
fallen (especially that of Robert Wade) and that one man might be held
responsible for the expenditure of funds. No funds were to be paid out
for the use of schools by Norris, except on the order of the overseers.
Funds for the poor might be expended at the order of the monthly
meeting.[235]
[Sidenote: Trouble over the R. Wade legacy]
The appointment of some one to see that an account of legacies be kept,
resulted in some investigation of those already granted. It appears that
that of Robert Wade, who probably died before 1686,[236] had not been
paid at all according to the stipulation of the donor, which stated that
£5 should be paid yearly for the use of the school. The first record of
a payment of the £5 was in 1699.[237] David Lloyd and John Jones were
accordingly appointed to attend to it.[238] Their success does not seem
to have been very marked as in 1704 the minute again urges them to treat
with John Wade (brother) concerning the legacy.[239] This was done, but
their efforts met with a refusal to pay the money,[240] so a committee
of three Friends was appointed with others to advise whether it should
be sued for or not. Such activity continued without any significant
variant features until 1707, when it was proposed by those “concerned,”
presumably his brother, to buy off the legacy. Having been unpaid for
several years past, it was considered best that something be gotten out
of it, so a committee of three of the overseers was appointed to treat
with the buyers and make as satisfactory terms as they could.[241]
The minutes point to the fact that it was not settled to any one’s
satisfaction. In 1712 it was still before the meeting and again in 1727
the overseers are directed to use “their care to get the legacy left by
Robert Wade secured.”[242] Among other legacies, obtained more easily,
was one devised by Jonas Langford, which was brought to the attention of
the meeting in 1711. The amount of it was £50 in Antigua money.
[Sidenote: Negro school likewise received gifts]
The Public School, established by charter, was not the only recipient
of such permanent endowments. The Negro School was a popular and proper
object of philanthropy and was benefited by bequests very early after
its establishment in 1770.[243] The first donation came in 1771 when £2,
Pennsylvania currency, were given to Israel Pemberton and Anthony Benezet
or their executors to be appropriated for the promotion of the school
for Negroes, and to be paid to such trustees as might be appointed to
the care of the said school.[244] In the year following another legacy
of £10 was left for the instruction of the Negroes, and paid to Richard
Blackham, treasurer of that institution.[245] Anthony Benezet at his
death left a considerable sum as a legacy, which, added to the amount of
salary which was still owing him for services in the said school, had
amounted by 1800 to £103 and 4s.[246] The amount of other donations to
that institution up to date amounted to £117/5/11.[247]
[Sidenote: Funds also raised by _bonds_, rarely]
In addition to the ways already mentioned there was also occasional
recourse to a _bond_ issue for raising funds, but the last was not
common, being used only in emergency cases. The first example of it,
which has come to the writer’s attention, was in 1701, when it had been
decided to build a school house and the work being begun, a lack of funds
occurred which prevented continuing. To meet this emergency it was agreed
that the committee having charge of the financial matters should “take up
100 pounds upon interest for one year, giving bond jointly for the same
and this meeting does engage to indemnify them for the payment.”[248]
BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS
[Sidenote: Place of first school]
[Sidenote: School in loft of the meeting house]
Various items on buildings and grounds occupy a considerable amount
of attention on the part of the monthly meeting though the minutes
are usually of general nature. The place of Keith’s school (1689) was
doubtless no more than an ordinary house procured for the use of his
family and the school at the same time.[249] This proved satisfactory
only for a short time, and to remedy Keith’s complaint (1690)[250] of
its “straightness” another more convenient room was arranged for by the
committee with John Fuller for the rent of £13 a year. The former had
cost but ten.[251] It is likely that the school continued to be held in
the same house, others similarly, for about seven years; there is, at
any rate, no mention of change of place or location for that period of
time. At the end of that time the meeting made preparation to receive the
school into the “inner chamber over the meeting house,” the expense of
fitting it up being paid out of the meeting’s stock.[252] It was in this
school in the loft of the meeting house that Daniel Pastorius and Thomas
Makin first taught the school together.[253] The meeting house served
thus as schoolhouse until early in the year 1698, when property was
purchased for the purpose, the meeting minute of the transaction being as
follows:
[Sidenote: Property purchased for the Public School]
Whereas Friends have purchased an house and lot of Lionell
Brittain for the service of the public schools, according to
that has already been agreed to by this meeting, and the said
purchase is approved, and David Lloyd is desired to draw the
writings for confirmation of the same unto Edward Shippen until
he be secured the money, and then he to reconvey it again for
the use aforesaid.[254]
[Sidenote: First record of house built for school]
In 1701 we find the first record for building a house for the sole
use of the school, presumably on the lot previously purchased by the
meeting.[255] Robert Burrough and Nathaniel Edgcomb were appointed to
get the subscription for the building and pay to Anthony Morris, who was
to agree with suitable workmen for the building.[256] The dimensions,
“20 feet wide by 60 feet long,” were, at first consideration, thought to
be satisfactory, but it was finally decided to build it 24 feet by 60
feet.[257] The work was at first to be supported by subscriptions, but
before its completion it became necessary to issue bonds for the amount
of £100.[258]
[Sidenote: Property acquired by gift]
The acquisition of property, this time by gift, continued. In 1701,
Daniel Lloyd reported that a deed for the lot in High Street, given by
Samuel Carpenter to Friends for the use of the free school, was signed
to the said Samuel, and the meeting directed him to get another drawn to
the overseers of the school.[259] It might easily appear that the new
schoolhouse, just proposed, was to be built on this lot and not that
previously purchased of Lionell Brittain. After due consideration it
seems, however, that the greater weight is in favor of its having been
built on the Lionell tract. The minutes show that as late as 2d month,
24th, 1708, the deed for the lot from Samuel Carpenter to the meeting had
not been drawn up.[260] But as was previously mentioned, Anthony Morris
had been told to engage workmen (3d, 30th, 1701)[261] and the statement
that £100 had to be raised by bond to carry on the work (2nd month, 28th,
1701)[262] would indicate that the work had actually been begun and was
perhaps well towards completion by the end of that year. It seems quite
impossible that any such building program would have been carried on so
long before the transfer of property was properly drawn up and signed.
The years 1704 and 1705 are busy with the details of getting several
pieces of property, purchased and received as gifts, confirmed by the
commissioners of property.[263] Late in 1705 it is stated:
[Sidenote: Property confirmed]
All is done, viz.: a patent for a front lot, a High Street lot
and twenty acres of liberty land and also a patent for a bank
lot.... But this meeting house, ground and schoolhouse ground,
being only in the name of Edward Shippen, in case of mortality,
Friends think there is a necessity for a speedy reconveying
thereof to more hands and for the particular use intended ...
desired that the said Edward Shippen may convey them to Samuel
Carpenter, R. Hill and Anthony Morris, being the persons in
whose name the Patents are granted unto, adding the names of
all the overseers of the Free School in the part belonging to
the said school.[264]
[Sidenote: Heating facilities]
[Sidenote: An iron stove placed in the school]
Some light is thrown upon the interior arrangement of the school. In 1712
Thomas Griffith was ordered to pay Christer Thomason 12 for “making” a
stove in the schoolhouse,[265] presumably an old fashioned brick stove,
such as a few years later was condemned by William Robbins as being
“injurious to many of the scholars.”[266] Mr. Robbins proposed that a
“chimney might be erected,” and Samuel Preston was appointed to have
it done, if not inconvenient or expensive. He reported that it would
be a greater charge than represented and would hardly answer the end
proposed nearly so satisfactorily as an iron stove, which he had thought
necessary and had accordingly had set up, to be removed however if the
meeting did not approve of his action.[267] The charge for the iron stove
was £7.[268] Such items as the foregoing were brought up in the monthly
meeting which appointed some one to attend to this or that detail; as the
schools grew these were left more in the hands of the school committee or
overseers, who reported occasionally thereon.
[Sidenote: Overseers assume greater responsibility]
This tendency on the part of the meeting to turn over the details of
management to the overseers came to a head about 1725,[269] when it was
agreed by the meeting that all titles to the schoolhouses and other
property be conveyed the overseers of the public schools and a minute
be drawn up relating to such decision.[270] In the month following, the
minutes of the committee’s report were made referring to the transfer:
[Sidenote: Titles to property to be transferred to the overseers]
Anthony Morris, Ebenezer Sorge, Samuel Powell and Jones being
appointed by the Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia the 2-30-1725,
to meet with the overseers of the public school, do acquaint
them that the said meeting being concerned for the promotion of
the public school have unanimously agreed that the title of the
school house and ground with the lots, tenements ... now in the
tenure of Evan Owen and Thomas Cannon with all the other titles
of real estate and annuities appertaining to the public school,
be vested in the overseers thereof and desire for the future
distinct accounts may be kept of all legacies and donations
made to the said schools in order that the same may be duly
applied pursuant to the intentions of the donors respectively.
Then follows a minute of the overseers stating their appreciation of the
meeting’s coöperation in the work of the school.
[Sidenote: An account of funds to be made]
The Monthly Meeting of Philadelphia expressing the same kind
inclination to encourage that at first led them to erect the
public school and to procure the same to be established by
the proprietor’s charter, as it is now under the care of the
present overseers, having thought it necessary that an exact
account should be taken of all the benefactions intended by the
several donors for the use of the said school, the moneys or
effects whereof might have come under the direction of the said
meeting. In order thereunto appointed some friends to adjust
the said accounts with the overseers, which being carefully
done, it appears the meeting has received of such benefactions
as aforesaid for the use of the school the sum of £226 ... and
that they expended in the building the school house which was
begun, carried on and finished under their care and direction
the sum of £264 and 3d, whereby the meeting is in disburse
for the public schoolhouse, above what they received in the
sum of £37/15/3, which last sum or balance they were pleased
freely to ... grant and release to the said school, together
with the lot belonging to it and all those (equipages) and
tenements now in the occupation of Evan Owen and Thomas Cannon
with their appurtenances and all the rents, profits and issues
thereof, and have accordingly ordered the persons who are by
legal deeds or instruments vested with the right to the said
tenements in trust for the meeting to (grant) and absolutely
convey the said schoolhouse and ... with the lots and grounds
on which they stand and appurtenances to the overseers of the
school, to be held by them and their successors for the use of
the public school founded by charter in the town and county of
Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, forever.[271]
[Sidenote: Papers to be executed conveying the properties]
This transfer was at once acknowledged by the overseers in a minute of
the same date, and Thomas Griffiths and John Goodson were desired to
execute the proper papers conveying the properties to the said overseers
of the public schools, which was accordingly done before the next meeting
(4th month, 1725).[272]
[Sidenote: New building proposed]
By this time (1733) the old building erected in 1701 was badly in need of
repairs, but on a closer examination it was decided more economical to
pull down the old and build a new one, more convenient, on the north side
of the school lot.[273]
[Sidenote: and begun]
[Sidenote: New meeting house built large to contain school rooms]
The work was begun immediately, though a lack of funds hindered its
completion for some time.[274] The demand for an increase of building
space seems to have been regular and urgent, indicating a healthy
growth of the system. In 1740, when the consideration for a new meeting
house came up, it was decided to build it large, “with chambers over
it commodious for school rooms.”[275] In 1744 the overseers, finding
the old school building inconvenient in divers respects, requested the
monthly meeting to name a committee to confer with them on a plan,
location and dimensions of a new building. Michael Lightfoot and twelve
others were named.[276] The committee decided to locate the building on
the south side of the lot devised by William Forest, the dimensions to be
about 60 feet by 35 feet in the clear and two stories high, also a cellar
under it, rising three feet above the surface of the ground. This quite
pretentious building was not to be finished entirely at this time. The
plan was to enclose all of it and finish the interior as the size of the
school demanded.[277]
[Sidenote: New school building requested on the Fox lot]
[Sidenote: Tenement buildings erected on lots as an investment for the
school]
For twelve years apparently no further building projects were launched.
Then the overseers appealed to the meeting for permission to erect a
school on the middle of the lot left to them by George Fox. This was
agreed to by that assembly and a committee named to remove the present
incumbent of the lot who had not paid the rent for some years past.[278]
Their next building was begun, not for the purpose of a place of
instruction, but as investment: It was proposed to the monthly assembly
in 1760 that several houses be erected on the schoolhouse lot fronting
Chestnut Street, expenses defrayed out of the treasury of the overseers,
for the purpose of increasing the yearly income of the property.[279] The
suggestion was well received and the liberty granted to erect one or more
such houses.[280] In 1767 the accommodations for the Girls’ School, being
unsatisfactory, the overseers of the school requested permission to have
the chamber of the meeting house fitted up as a place for them, which was
taken under consideration by a committee of the meeting appointed for
that purpose.[281]
[Sidenote: Building for negro school requested about 1771]
The Negro School, established 1770, was first housed in a building
rented for that use,[282] in which it continued for nearly a year. The
plans for a permanent school made a building for that purpose desirable,
and in 1771 the committee on education of the Negroes requested that a
house be built on the lot where the alms-houses were situated, which was
granted.[283] This house was occupied by the school until charge of it
was assumed by Anthony Benezet (1782), who held the school in his own
house.[284]
[Sidenote: Restatement of points considered]
In the foregoing pages we have mentioned some of the facts of the
establishment and development of the school in Philadelphia, with
reference to (1) founding, (2) support, (3) masters, (4) properties,
buildings and grounds. It is deemed advisable to omit from this chapter
any presentation of curriculum, excepting as that has been mentioned at a
few places, reserving such presentation to a chapter comprising all the
schools established in Pennsylvania. As a fitting close to the previous
discussion of the century’s development, we present, almost entire, one
of the reports returned by the committee of the meeting, which in a fair
way will tell the reader more about the growth up to, and the status of
the system in 1784, than will any discussion. Portions of the report are
discussed in other chapters.
[Sidenote: The report to the monthly meeting (1784) indicates status of
schools on that date]
The schools under their direction and care within the limits of
this meeting, are:
(1) One under the tuition of Robert Proud, by whom about 30
boys are instructed in the Latin and Greek languages and some
branches of the mathematics; his salary is fixed at £250 per
annum, having an usher who is allowed £80 per annum, at the
expense of the estate under the care of the overseers. The
present £6 per annum for each scholar for which he accounts
to the said overseers and has for one year past received one
Guinea entrance to his own use and charges 5/ for fuel. We
had some conversation with him on the case necessary to guard
against the use of such books, whose contents have a tendency
to prepossess the youthful minds with sentiments unfavorable to
the Christian faith and the true spirit of the gospel; which
appears had his attention, having observed a care therein
agreeable to what the occasion requires. In this school are
read Barclay’s _Apology_ in Latin and the Testament in Latin
and Greek. The overseers have enjoined the attendance of the
scholars who are chiefly members of our own religious society,
at our meeting on the fifth day of the week, but it had not
been sufficiently observed.
(2) One under the care of John Todd, in which are taught
reading, writing, the English Grammar, Arithmetic and some
other branches of the mathematics. It consists of 88 boys on
this list, for 83 of whom he has 20/ per quarter, 2/6 for pen
and ink, 5/ for fuel; on the entrance of each 15/ except where
the parents or guardians are not of ability to afford it, the
other 5 being put to him by the school corporation, he teaches
for 10/ per quarter. He remarked there are each day about 70
together. The master appears careful to observe good order in
his school and frequently attends our meeting on the 5th day
with his scholars. He also kept a night school in the winter
season consisting of 82 scholars.
(3) One by Isaac Weaver consisting of about 28 boys, being
limited to 10/ per quarter, 2/6 for pen and ink and 5/ a
year for fuel, he takes no entrance fee and teaches reading,
writing, and arithmetic, and is careful to keep good order in
the school, also frequently brings his scholars to the meeting
fifth day.
(4) William Brown teaches girls reading, writing and
arithmetic, language, 8 whole days at 30/ per quarter 14 in
mornings 15/ per quarter 13 in afternoon 15/ per quarter
and for some time has been in the practice of taking 7/6
entrance fee, except for those placed with him by the school
corporation—he represents some difficulty in enforcing the
rules and regulations provided for the schools on account of
the greater number of his scholars children of persons not
professing with us.
(5) Sarah Lancaster has a school for young children of both
sexes consisting of about 64 scholars of whom:
35 attend whole days at 15/ per Q.
18 attend, sent by school corporation, 10/ per Q.
11 attend half days, also sent by them, 7/6 per Q.
Also pay for fuel. She teaches both sexes to spell and read and
the girls to sew and appears to have an orderly school.
In all the foregoing schools, which are under the direction of
the school corporation, 41 poor children are taught at their
expense. We also visited the following schools, the masters and
mistresses of which are either members or make profession with
our religious society, but are not immediately under the care
of the board. (I give here only a digest of their report).
(1) Mary Harry.
School in Charters Alley; 15-16 children at 15/ per Q.
Income is about 40 pounds per year.
Not a Friend but attends our meetings.
(2) Joseph Clarke.
School in Fifth St.; about 30 girls.
Curriculum—reading, writing and arithmetic.
For 25 he receives 30/ per Q. and others gratis.
(3) Mrs. Clarke (wife) and Joseph Clarke.
Same house; 15-16 boys reading; and the girls, sewing at 15/
per Q. each; they try to attend our fifth day meetings.
(4) Anna Marsh.
50 (approximately) girls and boys.
Taught reading, and the girls, needlework; 20/ per Q.
Each has a right of membership with Friends.
(5) Mary McDonnell.
15 young children at 15/ per Q.
In the most of the schools there are nearly one-half if not
more of the children of the people of the societies and we wish
Friends children may not be too frequently excluded for want
of room, evident inconvenience being very observable in the
present mixed state of schools, it is much to be desired that a
more select mode of education could be effectually promoted; in
the meantime it would be well that master be not too lax in the
observance of the rules.[285]
[Sidenote: Boarding school encouraged by Owen Biddle]
[Sidenote: Approved by quarterly and yearly meetings]
[Sidenote: Rules drawn up therefor]
The other item of very great interest, though not in reality immediately
connected with the schools in Philadelphia, concerns the establishment of
a boarding school, which was to be founded and planned after one of the
oldest and largest schools of the society, the great Ackworth School in
England.[286] The project was greatly encouraged by Owen Biddle, who (6th
month, 10th, 1790) published a pamphlet of 52 pages in which the plea for
such a school was elaborated.[287] A committee was appointed to confer
with him, and reported they wished to present their wishes also to the
other monthly meetings of the city,[288] and they concurring, to present
the wishes of the monthly meetings to the quarterly and so on to the
yearly meeting.[289] The report, when presented to the other two monthly
meetings, met with favor,[290] and it was accordingly agreed (1792) to
bring the matter before the quarterly meeting.[291] The approval of
the quarterly and yearly meetings[292] in the time immediately ensuing
resulted in the plans being set on foot for a subscription of £5000 and
which was made open to all members of the yearly meeting in whatsoever
quarter; the amount of these, in 1797, was £247/10.[293] The school
established at Westtown on the tract of land purchased by the yearly
meeting, was opened in 1800,[294] with Richard Hartshorne as the first
superintendent.[295] Rules and regulations for its conduct had been drawn
up by a committee appointed by the yearly meeting in 1794.[296]
OTHER SCHOOLS IN PHILADELPHIA COUNTY
[Sidenote: First school probably as early as 1710 or 1711]
The date of the first school in Byberry has not been definitely
determined, though it can surely be placed at a very early period in its
history, as early as 1710 or 1711. Richard Brockden, who later taught
school in Philadelphia,[297] was a teacher in the school at Byberry,
for a minute of Abington monthly meeting states in the 4th month of the
later year that “At this meeting Richard Brockden, late schoolmaster at
Byberry, had a certificate granted him in order to go to England.”[298]
[Sidenote: Greater activity near middle of century]
This would indicate that the said Richard had been teaching at Byberry,
and it is quite probable that he had, but it is not conclusive evidence
that he did so. About the middle of the eighteenth century the Byberry
Meeting became very active in schooling the children of poor Friends.
This movement, it seems from all records found, was due in large measure
to an apportionment received from a legacy left by William Carter to the
charge of Abington Meeting, for the schooling of the children of Friends
in poverty.[299] In 1755, it was:
... agreed that Horsham, Germantown, Byberry meetings shall
have 40 shillings each for the ensuing year, and Oxford twenty
shillings, Abington three pounds for the same time, (of the
annuity left by William Carter) in order that the same may be
employed in paying for the schooling of such children as the
said meetings may think proper objects thereof if they find
any, and the Friends of the said meeting are desired to see
that the same be well applied and that the children who partake
of the benefit thereof do go regularly to school.[300]
[Sidenote: Donations under care of trustees, used for schooling poor]
The money thus devised to the meeting was in the care of the committee
appointed by the same, whose duty it was to receive requests and to
investigate all cases where help was requested or found to be necessary.
The accounts of the said committee were audited at a period when
necessary by Friends appointed especially for that purpose.[301] This
form of philanthropy became very popular here, as in other meetings,
almost every meeting bearing forward a new record of it. In 1758 James
Thorntown and Giles Knight reported that they had received of James
Paul (treasurer of Abington Monthly Meeting) the sum of £6, part of the
donation left for the poor children’s schooling, and had applied £2/5
of the same to that use, leaving a remainder of £3/15 in the hands of
Knight.[302] In 1770 the records run in this manner:
It appears that Phillip Wells stands in need of some of the
moneys that were given to the use of schooling poor Friends
children; Thomas Townsend is therefore ordered to pay forty
shillings of the money in his hands.[303]
Though very few references are made throughout the early period of
the schools, it is quite certain from the nature of these reports on
education of the poor that the schools were continued regularly. When
the yearly meeting began to demand reports on the condition of the
schools, there was no stir about the matter whatever, the first report
being that those who have our school under care “report that it is in
good order.”[304] The requests coming into the preparative meeting
for information on schools, were referred to the standing school
committee.[305]
[Sidenote: Case of schools under standing committee]
The standing committee performed all duties in connection with the
school, with the exception of certain cases of difficulty, where it was
necessary to call on the meeting for assistance, at which time that
body coöperated with them through specially appointed committees.[306]
The Byberry Preparative Meeting was, of course, not independent in this
matter of school organization; their place was very much in accord with
that suggested by a committee report to the various preparative meetings
in 1790:
[Sidenote: General plan for encouragement of better schools]
We of the committee appointed to attend the preparative
meetings with the extracts in order to spread the concern of
our last yearly meeting, have attended to the appointment
and taken into due consideration that part of them relating
to schools, and being desirous to adopt it in so far as our
present circumstances will admit, and in order to encourage
any charitably disposed persons who may incline in their last
will and testament or otherwise to give or bequeath something
towards so laudable a purpose as to raise a certain fixed union
for the support of schools, it is our desire that it may be
safely counted to the care of the preparative meetings, he or
she appointing, if they see fit, their own trustees and that
Friends earnestly endeavor to provide for the schoolmasters a
house lot, ground, etc., either purchasing or renting, whenever
it may be necessary, and that our minds being deeply impressed
with a sense that a guarded religious education of the rising
youth is a matter of great importance it is our sense of
judgment that Friends within the compass of this meeting should
be pressingly urged to consider the necessity of employing
conscientious and pious persons as schoolmasters, being members
of a religious society and that the preparative meeting
continue to appoint committees from time to time as occasion
may require to have the care and oversight of such schools
and that they visit the respective schools at least once in
six weeks to see that good order be observed, and for the
encouragement of the children in their learning, and render an
account thereof to the preparative meeting once in six months.
Signed the 28th of the 4th month, 1790.
By SAMUEL GUMMERE, SILAS WALMSLEY, THOS. WALMSLEY,
JOHN TOWNSEND and NAYLOR WEBSTER.[307]
In the month following the reception of these suggestions from the
monthly meeting’s committee, the Byberry school trustees made the
following report on the conditions of the schools, and the nature of
their own activities.
[Sidenote: Byberry report on schools]
We, the trustees appointed by the meeting to have the care of
the schools under the direction of the meeting, do inform,
agreeable to our trust, we have several times met within the
year past at the school in order to encourage the children in
their learning, also to see that good order be kept by the
master and children and we believe this a good measure complied
with, and we further inform, that we have endeavored to comply
with the intentions of the donor, by distributing the donations
of William Carter, by schooling such children as we apprehended
proper objects and have engaged as many as to take most of the
money now in hand. (Clerk asked to give the committee a copy
of the monthly meetings extracts that they comply with the
regulations concerning schools.)[308]
[Sidenote: Summary of a later report]
The gist of their report six months thereafter is as follows:[309]
1. The trustees have met several times at the school in the last six
months.
2. Afternoons are usually spent hearing the scholars read and in
examining their learning.
3. The masters keep strictly the rules, which the trustees have laid down.
4. We believe the school is kept in good order.
[Sidenote: School house to be enlarged]
In 1792 it was considered necessary to enlarge the schoolhouse to make
adequate facilities for the increasing number of children. The committee
appointed on the subject decided there should be an addition of ten feet
for the length; their suggestion was approved and a subscription begun
to carry forward the work as speedily as could be done.[310] Thomas
Walmsley was appointed to have oversight of the work.[311] The status of
the school at the end of the century is stated in the report to Horsham
Monthly Meeting, as follows:
[Sidenote: School’s status at end of century]
We have one school under the care of the meeting, to which
our members send their children, except some Friends who live
remote. It is supported by subscription; the tutor is a Friend
and we believe endeavors to discharge the important trust
committed to him. The children of such as are in straightened
circumstances are schooled by donations left for that purpose—A
committee appointed by the meeting frequently visits the said
school and reports the state thereof.[312]
GERMANTOWN
[Sidenote: Pastorius in Philadelphia]
It has already been mentioned that Francis Daniel Pastorius taught
in the Friends School at Philadelphia during the period from 1697 to
1700.[313] While in the school at Philadelphia it appears that he left
his residence at Germantown vacant and took up his abode in the city.
The following letter, written by his children, to their grandfather in
Windsheim, indicates their longing for their “own home” at Germantown and
the tedium of their school days in the Philadelphia school.
Wir Wünschen gar offt bey dir zu seyn / ach dass du hier wärest
und in unserm Hause zu Germanton Wohntest / welches einen
schönen Obsgarten hat / und der Zeit leer stehet / indeme wir
zu Philadelphia wohnen / und täglich 8 Stunden lang in die
Schul gehen müssen / ausgenommen den letzen Tag in der Wochen /
da wir Nachmittag daheim bleiben dörffen.[314]
[Sidenote: Early school at Germantown]
The school at Germantown was opened on January 11, 1702, though Dr.
Seidensticker thinks that this must have been preceded for some time by
an evening school.[315]
[Sidenote: Contributors]
The first overseers chosen were Aret Klincken, Peter Schumacher, and
Paul Wulff.[316] Those who contributed voluntarily to the school were:
Anton Loof, Peter Schumacher, Paul Wulff, Jacob Delaplaine, Jonas Potts,
Isaak Schumacher, Walter Simons, Levin Herberdink, Johann Bleikers,
Dirck Jansen ... Johannas Umstett, Heifert Papen, Jan Lensen, Peter Bon,
Hermann Bon, Dirck Keyser, Claus Tamson, Gerhard Ruttinghusen (and two
others whose names can not be deciphered).[317]
[Sidenote: Patrons of the school]
The patrons of the school for the first year were: Aret Klincken, Reinert
Tysen, Tünes Künders, Wilhelm Strepers, Paul Kästner, Reinier Hermans,
Abraham op de Graeff, Christian Warmer, Arnold van Vossen, Johann Cunrad
Codweiss, Cornelis Sivert, Aret Küster, Jan Doeden and Lanert Arets.[318]
[Sidenote: Tuition]
[Sidenote: Evening school]
The school admitted both boys and girls for instruction. The amounts
paid by voluntary contributors varied from 2/ to 15/ per year, while the
tuition charged was from 4d. to 6d. per week.[319] The evening school
was intended for those who were forced to work during the day time, or
for others who, because of their age, could not enter the regular day
school.[320] Among the patrons from 1706-1708 there are to be found a
great number of English names,[321] which may no doubt indicate that the
school under the German master was recognized by English inhabitants to
be of very high standard. His experience in Philadelphia would speak for
that.
[Sidenote: The school probably taught in English]
Some question has been raised as to whether Pastorius taught the school
in the English or the German tongue. Though in his manuscript it is found
that he did use somewhat broken English,[322] we know that he taught
the English school at Philadelphia, where most of the children were
English.[323] The majority of his pupils at Germantown were, of course,
German,[324] and doubtless German was spoken between them, and the
teacher at times. The fact, however, that the titles of Pastorius’ school
books were written in English, is pointed out by Seidensticker as an
indication that the language of the province was given preference in the
school.[325] It is also to be noted that the General Court had in 1696
ordered that the minutes of the Ratsbuch be transcribed into English,
lending further evidence to the idea that the importance of the official
language was recognized.[326] The length of continuation of the Friends’
school at Germantown is not known, though it seems likely that Pastorius
may have continued in its service till the time of his death, or at least
until 1718.[327]
SCHOOLS AT EXETER MONTHLY MEETING
[Sidenote: Youths meetings established 1758]
Exeter Monthly Meeting, established 1737, being set off from Gwynedd
Monthly,[328] did not have any schools under their jurisdiction at a
very early date. The first indication that the subject of education
was being seriously considered was about 1758 when youths’ meetings
were established, two each year, one at Exeter and the other at Maiden
Creek.[329] These youths’ meetings, sanctioned by the quarterly
meeting,[330] and another at Robeson several years later,[331] were the
first steps taken for education of youth, and controlled by the meeting.
It is true, there was a school (day school) even at this time situated
near Samuel Lea’s, as we learn from a chance reference,[332] but though
it was attended by Friends children in part, it was neither controlled
by them, nor under the monthly meeting. This condition lasted until the
recommendations of the yearly meeting of 1777 and 1778 caused the monthly
meeting to look into the educational situation.
[Sidenote: Committee appointed on schools]
[Sidenote: A new committee to visit the preparatives]
In accord with the recommendations concerning “the proper education of
youth” published in these years, and sent out, the meeting at Exeter
appointed Samuel Hughes, Abel Thomas, Benjamin Pearson, Mordecai
Lee, James Thomas and John Scarlet to take the question under their
consideration.[333] For two years and a half the substance of the reports
of the above named committee and its successors, was to the effect that
not much had been accomplished.[334] In 1781 the committee reported they
had visited the preparative meetings (two of them), and recommended to
them the careful consideration of the youths’ education, under good moral
tutors.[335] A year later, the committee was released, having, according
to reports, accomplished nothing.[336] Those delegates who attended the
quarterly meeting in 1783, brought back new advices, and were directed
to furnish each preparative meeting with a copy and request a report on
school conditions among them; at the following monthly assembly more of
the preparatives were ready to report.[337] Despairing of any report,
unless of their own making, the monthly meeting appointed a committee of
nine men to visit all the preparatives and report what they thought of
their schools.[338] They produced the following statement.
[Sidenote: Report of the committee]
[Sidenote: No school of Exeter Preparative]
[Sidenote: A school at Maiden Creek]
[Sidenote: School at Reading]
[Sidenote: School at Robeson]
Most of the committee appointed two months ago to take into
consideration and report the state of schools have given
attention to the service; and divers of us have attended each
of the preparative meetings belonging to this meeting and
after a time of conference thereon, ’tis agreed to report,
there is no school within the village of Exeter Preparative
Meeting under the care of Friends; But we are of the mind that
it is necessary that one be established there; and although
work has been begun, yet we have but little expectation of its
accomplishment in a short time;
That there is a ... school at Maiden Creek kept by Thomas
Pearson, a Friend, who is at present engaged for a year,
has 15 scholars entered for that time and 8 quarterly ditto
scholars at the rate of 40/ per annum for each, which is under
the direction of three overseers chosen by the employers. The
school house built on a piece of ground belonging to a Friend
which contains about five acres. There is likewise a school at
Reading kept by Benjamin Parks and wife in their own house;
they are members of the society and have about 50 scholars;
such as spell at 7/6 and others at 10/ per quarter but is not
under the direction of the meeting, nor are there any overseers
chosen to superintend the same, yet we are of the mind a school
established there under proper regulations and care of the
monthly meeting, might be useful and deserves encouragement.
The schools within the verge of Robeson Monthly Meeting are
kept by a person who inclines to go to our meetings, has about
20 scholars, amounting to about £34 per annum. Endeavors are
also used to get a school established there upon a better plan
and near the direction of the yearly meeting, but how far
they may be successful is at present unknown. We do therefore
recommend the whole to the notion of alleviation of the Monthly
Meeting as a matter wherein friends are deeply interested.
Which we submit to the Meeting.
Amos Lee, Thomas Lightfoot, Samuel Hughes, Fannie Ambree,
Owen Hughes, (which was approved by the Monthly Meeting, and
decided that the substance be made a report to the Quarterly
Meeting—The Committee to be continued to the service of Schools
and report in the future).[339]
[Sidenote: Maiden Creek secures land for school]
[Sidenote: Attempt to establish school at Reading]
Maiden Creek was at this time (1784) making earnest efforts to meet
the standards set by the general meeting. In the eleventh month they
requested a number of persons to be named to whom they might give a deed
of trust for the ground agreed upon for the use of their school.[340]
Three were suggested and the deed and declaration of trust accordingly
drawn up. Efforts in the meantime had been made towards establishing a
school at Reading and a committee to conduct a subscription for that
purpose named.[341] Help was solicited from the yearly meeting, but
James Pemberton answered for that body that there was no money to be
spared at the time, so Reading was advised to build such a house as their
circumstances would permit.[342] Near the close of 1787 those having
direct charge thereof made the following report of their progress:
[Sidenote: Committee report on Reading school]
We the committee appointed to have the school education of
youth under care, have given close attention to a school
proposed to be opened in a short time at Reading by Caleb
Johnson, in a house now in building by Friends there, and
nearly finished, which we are of the mind should be under
particular care and direction of the monthly meeting; and
that it may be well that a committee be thereby appointed
to superintend and monthly to visit said school; we have
also drawn up and agreed on certain rules to be observed and
attended to by the employers, master and scholars concerned
therein for the regulation and well ordering thereof: which we
have ready for the examination and inspection of the monthly
meeting if thought necessary. All which we submit thereto.
Signed on behalf of the committee, Francis Parvin.... Which
minute being read was allowed of and it was directed that a
copy thereof be kept in open view in said school and that the
original be lodged among the meeting papers; Benjamin Pearson,
Samuel Jackson, John Mears, Francis Parvin, Johannes Lee,
Jr., and James Iddings are appointed to have the said school
under care and visit it once a month or oftener as necessity
may require and report of their care. The former committee is
continued.[343]
[Sidenote: School discontinued]
After the school had been in progress two years, Samuel Jackson reported
that it “appeared to be in an increasing way”[344] but its prosperity was
not to be long continued. In 1705 it was reported “discontinued,”[345]
and no reason assigned for it excepting “the situation of the Friends
there” which, taking into consideration the shortage of funds when it
was begun, we may infer, had reference to the financial situation. The
action of the monthly meeting in regard to it was left entirely to their
own judgment.[346]
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: Scope of chapter]
In this chapter we have considered the schools of Philadelphia (city and
county), and also those at Exeter Monthly Meeting, which belonged to the
Philadelphia Quarter.
[Sidenote: Education to be function of government]
[Sidenote: First school]
[Sidenote: School established by monthly meeting]
[Sidenote: Overseers made independent]
Education in the Quaker colony was initially provided for in the
instrument of government, drawn up before the Proprietary left England;
in accord with said provisions the first school (Flower’s) was set up
by the Council in 1683. Thereafter, however, the initiative was usually
taken by the Quaker meeting, which in 1689 set up a school and in 1697
applied for a charter under the laws of the province. This petition was
granted and Penn gave the first charter in 1701. Later charters, in
1708 and 1711, granted extended privileges; by the last one the body of
overseers were made self-perpetuating, and thus as independent of the
meeting as they wished to be. The letter said to have been written to
Thomas Lloyd, which credits Penn with suggesting the school of 1689, has
not yet been discovered.
[Sidenote: Earliest masters and mistresses]
[Sidenote: Growth of system]
The earliest masters were Keith, Makin, Pastorius, and Cadwalader.
Mistresses were mentioned in connection with the schools from about 1699,
Olive Songhurst being the first one named. Salaries were not high and
seem in some cases to have hardly sufficed for the family of the master;
increases were made upon complaint. Extra duties for the teacher included
keeping charge of the boys and girls in meeting. From 1689 to 1779 the
system increased from employing one to one which required nine. In 1784
ten were reported.
[Sidenote: Means of support]
Philadelphia Friends’ schools were first supported by (1) _rates_ and (2)
_subscriptions_, while (3) _legacies_ and _special gifts_ soon came to
form a considerable item in their support. Bequests were also a factor in
the support of the Negro School. Funds were occasionally raised by bond
issues, and derived from tenements built on school property.
[Sidenote: Place of first schools]
[Sidenote: Property by purchase and gift]
[Sidenote: Overseers more independent]
Schools were first held in rented property and in the meeting house, but
in 1698 steps were taken to purchase property of Lionell Brittain for the
use of schools. Property was received as a gift from Samuel Carpenter
in 1701. The first record of a schoolhouse was the one to be begun in
1701. In accord with their charter rights the power and independence of
the overseers increased. In 1725 the monthly meeting conveyed to them
all money and the titles for all school property. The Negro School was
provided with a building in 1771. The end of the century is marked by the
establishment by the yearly meeting of a Boarding School at Westtown in
Chester County.
[Sidenote: Byberry]
The exact date of Byberry’s first school is not determined; but must have
been early, since Richard Brockden is reported to have been schoolmaster
there in 1711. School activity, however, seems to have increased greatly
near the middle of the century. The school was under the care of a
standing committee, which was to visit schools every six weeks and
make two reports thereon each year. Poor children were schooled by the
trustees of the school funds.
[Sidenote: Germantown]
Germantown school began in 1702, though perhaps an evening school existed
before that date. Pastorius continued in this school as master, at
least until 1718. The official language used in the school was probably
English. The names of the first patrons were all German; a large number
of English names among them in 1708 is an indication of how the school
and its master were regarded.
[Sidenote: Exeter Monthly]
[Sidenote: Maidencreek Reading Robeson]
In 1758 youths’ meetings were established by Exeter, but no school
committee was appointed until 1778. This committee accomplished nothing
and made no report of value. By a report of 1784, Maidencreek, Reading,
and Robeson were credited with one school each, which measured up in some
ways to the desired standards. Exeter had none. The Reading School was
discontinued in 1795.
The total number of schools reported at Philadelphia, Germantown,
Byberry, and Exeter monthly meeting, was fifteen.
CHAPTER V
SCHOOLS OF BUCKS COUNTY
[Sidenote: Schools of five monthly meetings to be discussed]
The establishment of schools in Bucks County will be discussed (1) under
the head of the monthly meetings therein situated and (2) in the order
of their establishment in point of time. The several monthly meetings
and their dates of establishment, respectively, are as follows: Falls,
1683; Middletown, 1683 (known as Neshaminy until 1706); Buckingham, set
off from Falls, 1720; Wrightstown, set off from Buckingham, 1734; and
Richland, set off from Gwynedd (in Montgomery County) in 1742.[347] Of
these meetings, all were a part of Bucks Quarterly Meeting save Richland,
which belonged to that of Abington.[348]
[Sidenote: Apprenticeship looked after by meetings; placed among Friends]
The first way in which the early Quakers usually looked after education
was to arrange for a useful apprenticeship suitable to the individual,
which was calculated to enable him or her to earn a living. The moral
training was always considered when an apprentice was to be placed. The
placing of youths as apprentices was in the charge of Friends appointed
by the monthly meeting. The early records of Falls Monthly Meeting show
them active in regard to this type of education. In 1704 this report was
made before the meeting.
A complaint having been made to this meeting that the children
of Abraham Clement are not placed out to the satisfaction
of Friends, it is the mind of this meeting that the Friends
formerly appointed do take care to speak with Samuel Carpenter
and Benjamin Collins about them, and make report to next
meeting.[349]
A similar one of 1714 points out the continued interest and attention in
that respect.
It being proposed to this meeting that there is a necessity of
some Friends being appointed to take care about placing out
John Linton’s children as apprentices, therefore this meeting
doth appoint Joseph Kirkbride, Thomas Watson, Jr., and Joseph
Fell to care about placing them out.[350]
[Sidenote: Moral education in youths’ meetings;]
Another phase of education, more particularly the moral, was cared for
in the youths’ meetings, which were established at intervals, usually
not more than four or five times during the year. It was the practice
for the youths’ meetings to be established by the quarterly meetings, in
conjunction with representatives of the monthly meetings. In 1713, Bucks
Quarterly took up the re-establishment of those within their limits, and
ordered them accordingly, as the following extract states.
[Sidenote: established by Bucks Quarterly]
It being thought necessary by this meeting that the youths’
meeting be once a year at Buckingham, once a year at Bristol
and but once a year at Falls and once at Middletown, therefore
agreed that they be on the days ... etc.[351]
[Sidenote: Question as to early school at Falls]
To locate the date of the first school at Falls is difficult; it seems
impossible to do so from the information to be gleaned from the records.
We may be certain, however, that there was a school in the neighborhood
at a very early date, though we can hardly determine the year. In 1730
the following request was made of the meeting:
Some Friends of Falls Meeting requested to have the use of the
old schoolhouse, and it wanting repairing, they would repair
it at their own charge, which is left to be considered at next
meeting.[352]
[Sidenote: Contradiction in the minutes of Falls]
The presence in their vicinity, of an old schoolhouse which, moreover,
needed repairs before it could be used, would indicate that a school had
been there for a number of years. Taking fifteen years as a very moderate
span for the life of the building, before it should need any considerable
repairs we could state with a good degree of assurance that the school
building had probably been built not later than 1715, and that the school
dated back to that time at the very latest.[353] But at the next meeting
this encounters a very dangerous obstruction. That meeting, referring to
the request of the seventh month, second, speaks of “the request about
having _the old meetinghouse_,” instead of, _old schoolhouse_.[354] It
further mentions that it was desired for the purpose of a school.[355]
From this it appears that the truth of our above conclusion depends upon
the accuracy of the records for seventh month, second, 1730 and for
eighth month, seventh, 1730. If the record of the first date is correct
our conclusion is unfounded and the date for the first established school
can probably be placed about 1730, or shortly thereafter.[356]
[Sidenote: House for masters’ accommodation proposed in 1759]
[Sidenote: Property conveyed to trustees for use of schools]
The records for the next thirty years reveal but little of the activities
of the schools in Falls Monthly Meeting, though we are led to believe
them in continuance, but perhaps not regularly. In 1759 the meeting
had agreed to allow a house to be built on their grounds for the
accommodation of a school master, but the house was not built there,
since Mahlon Kirkbride had already purchased some adjoining ground on
which there was a house built for that purpose.[357] The said Kirkbride
offered to convey the same property to some Friends, in trust for the
meeting, and Robert Lucas, Story Kirkbride, Mahlon Kirkbride, Jr.,
Jonathan Palmer, Jr., and Edward Bayly, Jr., were appointed to receive
the conveyance. This is the first record of any permanent benefaction
received. In 1783 the urgent _Advices of the Yearly Meeting_ being
brought to their attention,[358] a committee was appointed which reported
the results of their investigation up to that time in the following
manner.
[Sidenote: Report of school committee]
[Sidenote: Ground purchased for use of school]
[Sidenote: Standing committee on education recommended; and visitation]
We, the committee appointed, in the first month 1779 respecting
the institution of schools for the instruction of our children
in useful learning, having conferred together ... agree to
report that we have divers times met and had this important
matter under our ... consideration, and are desirous that this
important subject and necessary care should meet with every
proper encouragement and improvement; and we may inform the
meeting that there have been several improvements made on
the lot of ground lately purchased from Samuel Rhoads for
the advantage of the school and benefit of the master, and
that the committee have endeavored to encourage and pay for
the schooling of such poor children as are in the limits of
the school kept at or near this place whose parents are in
low circumstances and are willing to accept thereof. We have
likewise extended our consideration and views to the schools
belonging to the other preparative meetings, and although the
circumstances of things at present do not afford so promising
and encouraging a prospect as we could desire, yet we are
desirous that every proper encouragement may be afforded to
promote the good and necessary work, therefore, we are free
to propose to the meeting’s consideration that of having a
standing committee appointed for this purpose by the monthly
meeting, and that each preparative meeting should likewise
appoint a committee for the like purpose that should have this
important matter under their consideration in order to promote
this so necessary care in their respective meetings; and that
the said meeting’s committee should at proper and suitable
times visit the several preparative meetings’ schools and unite
with the said preparative meetings’ committees in affording
and giving such help and assistance as to them from time to
time may appear necessary in order to promote this so good and
necessary a work and care. Signed at the desire and on behalf
of the committee, by James Moon.[359]
[Sidenote: Monthly meetings’ committee to join those of the preparatives]
[Sidenote: Three schools reported]
In accord with the above report the monthly meeting urged each
preparative meeting to appoint a committee on schools; the monthly
meeting named James Moon, John Merrick, Jonathan Kirkbride, William
Satterthwaite, William Bidgood, Jr., John Stapler and Joseph Gillingham
to join with those of the preparatives for that service.[360] Five months
thereafter they reported,
The three several schools kept within compass of our respective
preparative meetings are conducted in some measure under the
care of a committee of Friends appointed for that purpose and
that the several teachers are members of our society.[361]
The three preparative meetings were Falls, Makefield, and Bristol, the
last named being transferred to Middletown in 1788.[362] Makefield
Meeting was considerably assisted by help from private sources; they
reported to the monthly meeting in 1787:
[Sidenote: Individual aid]
We hereby inform the monthly meeting that lately there has been
a house built on the ground belonging to Makefield Preparative
Meeting for the accommodation of a school master, chiefly at
the expense of Bernard Taylor, which he is desirous should be
under use for that purpose, to be subject to a moderate yearly
rent to be paid to Friends of that meeting for the use of the
said meeting: the said house to be their property and under
the care and the direction of said meeting with the advice
and assistance of the Falls Monthly Meeting as occasion may
require.[363]
[Sidenote: New building proposed at Falls; not built till later]
In 1790 a committee of the quarterly meeting was appointed to confer with
those of the monthly meetings on schools, hoping that the union of all
might be more productive of results than all working separately.[364] In
1794 plans were set on foot for a new schoolhouse at Falls Preparative,
said house to be two stories in height and about twenty-two feet by
thirty.[365] It was to be placed “near the line” of the meeting’s land at
the west end of the meeting house. The monthly meeting was to pay £75,
the employers who are members, £75, and the school committee £50 from the
money arising from donations left for the purposes of schools. The house
was not built until 1799, due to some unknown delay; its dimensions were
twenty-four by twenty-six feet, one story high, with a cellar of the same
dimensions.[366]
[Sidenote: Attention called to the boarding school]
In 1797 the attention of the monthly meeting was called to the proposals
of the yearly meeting for the founding of a boarding school.[367] Copies
of the printed rules proposed for its government had been received, and a
committee was appointed to distribute them and to take subscriptions from
any who were interested to contribute.[368]
[Sidenote: Support of schools in Falls Monthly]
The problem of school support occupied a considerable part of Falls
Meeting’s time. The means of support were here, as in others already
mentioned, (1) _subscriptions_, (2) _donations_ and (3) _rates_. In
1760 it was considered necessary to appoint a committee of fourteen
members to take an inventory of all legacies and donations, lands and
benefactions which had been left to the meeting.[369] Some had been given
for definitely stated uses; and others allowed the application to be
determined by the members of the meeting. It was the will of the assembly
that the committee appointed should especially determine what funds might
be applied to the use of the schools. They reported at the next meeting
that the legacy left by Elinor Bryner might be applied to the use of
schools, along with those given definitely for that purpose.[370] The
method by which the funds were to be applied to that use were indicated
in the suggestions of the committee at a later meeting, as follows:
[Sidenote: A committee to have oversight of education of the poor]
We ... are of the opinion that the most that can be done at
present, will be to appoint Friends to have the care of the
schools and to examine what poor children may be amongst us,
they being the proper objects of the charity designated by the
givers of the money, and that the said Friends have power to
agree with a master to teach such children; and also to draw
orders for the payment thereof out of the interest arising from
the money appropriated to the use of schools. Nominated seven
Friends for that service and submitted the names and the report
to the monthly meeting. The Friends above named are appointed
to that service with the powers therein mentioned and are
desired to lay an account before the monthly meeting at least
once in each year and oftener if the meeting shall see fit to
call for it.[371]
Such a plan as here indicated was consistently followed throughout the
century in regard to school support. The interest on legacies had to be
paid annually.[372]
[Sidenote: Rhoads proposes to sell land for a school; considered]
In 1781 the meeting was advised that Samuel Rhoads of Philadelphia had
offered to sell four acres of ground adjoining the schoolhouse lot,
to be used for the promotion of the school, and the benefit of the
schoolmasters.[373] The consideration asked was £60, and Rhoads and his
two brothers-in-law, Joseph Pemberton and Samuel Pleasants, offered to
donate £20, making it cost the meeting but £40. The committee on school
support was directed to consider this proposal. Bristol Preparative
also received very valuable assistance for the use of poor children’s
schooling, in the bequest of £50 Pennsylvania currency which was left
them by John Baldwin of Philadelphia.[374] The great concern of the
meeting for the best expenditure of these donations for educating not
only the poor Whites but also the Negroes, is seen in their minute of
1787.[375] Careful account was kept and the accounts frequently audited,
sometimes at the request of individuals.[376] In 1790 the committee
reported their concerns as follows:
[Sidenote: Report of committee on education of the poor]
We the committee appointed by the monthly meeting to have the
care of schooling poor children; also to have the distribution
of the interests accruing on the several donations given for
that use, have given attention to the service to which we were
appointed: and the schooling a considerable number of children
has accordingly been paid for, but as it is allowed that a
change of the teacher at times may be useful or advantageous to
a school, we are united in the sentiment that if such a change
was to take place in the school kept at this place, it would
be a means whereby the school might be considerably enlarged
and the design and end of the several donations left for the
use of the said school more fully answered. (Report submitted
and accepted and the committee continued to the further
service.)[377]
[Sidenote: Establishment of funds of basic importance]
The establishment of these permanent funds was frequently expressed by
the numerous committees as the most important consideration for the
execution of the school idea. They attempted again and again to provide
a uniform means of establishing such funds, but due to the unequal
circumstances of the several meetings it was impossible to do so.[378]
The uniform plan was kept as an ideal to be striven for and recommended
to the quarterly meeting for its advisement in the matter;[379] in the
meantime individual contributions were urged on all who felt inclined to
endow a worthy cause.[380] The amounts given were frequent though small,
many of them being about £5.[381]
In addition to the local expenses of the meetings, (1) for worship, (2)
for the use of schools, (3) for the maintenance of the poor, etc., there
were also quotas to be raised for the yearly meeting stock, which added
materially to the burden of each of the preparative meetings. The quota
for the meetings belonging to Falls in 1797 was £500.[382]
If we may look over the Quaker treasurer’s shoulder as he runs his
accounts at the end of the century, we find him situated financially as
follows:
[Sidenote: Financial status of Falls at end of century]
We the committee appointed to examine and settle the
Treasurer’s accounts, having attended thereto, find a balance
in his hands of £136/8/11 school money; also, £3/10/7 poor
money; and £9/00/00 of interest received on John Large’s
legacy, making the whole £148/19/6, in the treasurer’s hands,
and the monies upon interest stand as in the following
statement, viz.
Bonds for School Money
1 bond for ” ” £250/
1 ” ” ” £7/9/4½
1 legacy without a bond £50
1 bond for ” ” £50
1 ” ” ” £50
1 ” ” ” £130
1 ” ” ” £100
1 ” ” ” £50
1 ” ” ” £40
Included in a bond of £75 £40
---------
£777/9/4½
Interest due on school money £40/00/11
And one year’s rent on house and lot £12/00/00
And one year’s rent on house and lot £12/00/00[383]
[Sidenote: Middletown]
The Middletown Meeting began its educational work more promptly than did
Falls.[384] Ten years after the first establishment of the meeting a
request was brought forward as follows:
[Sidenote: School requested in Middletown meeting house]
Some Friends have signified the likeliness of having a
schoolmaster hereabouts to instruct children and also requested
that they might have the privilege to teach in the meeting
house, to which this meeting does give their free consent,
provided it be no hindrance to Friends Meetings.[385]
[Sidenote: Again requested]
It is quite probable that the school established as requested, was a
temporary and irregular affair, depending on the will of the individual
patrons. Certainly, it had not any official connection with the meeting,
and probably did not have for many years. In 1699, a request similar to
that of 1693 was made by Thomas Stackhouse and others, desiring the use
of the meeting house for a schoolmaster,[386] which implies they had
not advanced much beyond their state of 1693. This request was likewise
granted, provided no hindrance be caused to the meetings.
[Sidenote: Middletown not in harmony with yearly meeting’s proposals]
Because of very inadequate records in this regard, much is left to be
surmised concerning the continuation of the schools thus early begun.
The meeting was in continual touch with the desires and proposals of
the yearly meeting,[387] and it does not seem justifiable to suppose
that education languished, because scant records of it remain. The
general tone of their minutes is one of self-satisfaction, and implies
that they themselves were well pleased with their state. The elaborate
recommendations of the yearly meeting in 1750[388] did not meet with
their approval as they thought it quite impossible for those members
living remote in the country districts.[389] That they disagreed with the
plan indicates neither a lack of interest in the subject, nor a lack of
schools in their locality. Rather, it may indicate the opposite.
[Sidenote: Donation 1755 for a free school]
[Sidenote: Under control of monthly meeting]
In 1755 there was made the first donation to a permanent foundation for a
free school. At a meeting in that year an extract of Adam Harker’s will
was produced, where it appeared he had,
given a sum of money to them with others in trust to be
employed toward raising a fund for settling and maintaining a
Free School under the care and direction of this meeting ...
shall and will therewith purchase an annuity or yearly ground
rent, or in such other manner as they may think most proper
employ the said sum (£40) towards raising a fund for settling
and maintaining a Free School in Middletown aforesaid, under
the direction and control of the monthly Meeting of Friends
there.[390]
Whether there was a new school erected as a result of the bequest or
whether it was turned to the use of one already existing does not
appear; the latter suggestion is much the more probable. The advices
of 1777 and 1778 and the years following aroused the members to the
responsibilities which they must accept. In 1779 they made report as
follows:
Although it appears that the education of the youth has been
too much neglected, we believe there is an increasing care that
Friends may be more careful in that weighty concern.[391]
And in 1780:
We believe a good degree of care is taken by some in regard to
the education of those under their care, and that an increase
in that is necessary.[392]
[Sidenote: All details under the care of a committee on schools]
All questions in regard to schools or educational affairs whatsoever
were dismissed summarily, and given to the charge of the committee on
schools.[393] A committee reported in 1782 that nothing had been done
more than to visit the school they already had.[394] The failure to bring
forth results may have been with the committee; at any rate the meeting
decided to try a new one.
[Sidenote: New committee appointed]
This meeting taking into consideration the several matters
recommended in the extracts ... respecting the education of
the youth and their school tuition, are of the opinion that
a reappointment on those important subjects is necessary;
wherefore, Woolston J. Paxson, W. Blakeley, J. Watson and
R. Hartshorne are appointed as committee to those services,
and they are desired to closely attend thereto in order that
the present and former advices may be carried as fully into
execution as possible.[395]
[Sidenote: Activities of the committee not effective]
In 1785 this committee reported that visits had been made to families
in the interests of education but that little was effected.[396] The
committee was released and the consideration of education left to the
next meeting,[397] at which a new committee of three was appointed.
This one, so far as their record goes, was neither more active nor more
successful than the others. In 1788 they report “nothing much has been
done in respect to schools since last year,” which report was sent to
the yearly meeting.[398] The record is not complete to the end of the
century, but for the period considered does not offer any evidence of
more than passing educational interest and activity. Nothing unusual
is to be noted in the finance and support of the school at Middletown.
Mention was made of Harker’s will, which, it seems, was the first legacy
left to its benefit.[399]
[Sidenote: Care of poor orphan; apprenticing]
The attention of the meeting was early given to the care of the orphans
and the poor, and especially to their satisfactory placement among people
as apprentices. The following from the records for 1699 will serve for
illustration.
It is agreed and concluded upon by this meeting that the
meeting take care of all Friends children that are left as
orphans and unsettled, to inspect and see that all such be
taken care of and settled in the best and suitablest manner
according to their capacity, that thereby they may discharge
their duty and all such be eased by taking such due care....
[Sidenote: Buckingham]
[Sidenote: Apprentices; care in their certification]
The attention of Buckingham Meeting was also turned toward the education
of apprentices, and careful scrutiny given those who removed to
apprentice themselves elsewhere, as also those who removed to Buckingham
Meeting. In 1764 Mahlon Michener, son of John, removed his certificate
to Philadelphia, “having been placed as apprentice” in the vicinity of
that meeting.[400] John Parry, minor, an apprentice to Thomas Fell,
blacksmith, produced a certificate in Abington Monthly,[401] which was
accepted and also that of Isaac Gommere from the same place.[402] The
poor were provided for by the legacy left for that purpose by John
Holcomb in 1749.[403] Whether this might, a part of it, have been spent
for schooling is not known.
[Sidenote: Harker legacy for a free school]
[Sidenote: Committee appointed on schools]
In 1755 there was a minute entered in the records to the effect that a
legacy had been left to Buckingham by their deceased friend Adam Harker,
for the purpose of establishing a free school in that place.[404] The
amount of the bequest was the same (£40) as that left to the Middletown
Meeting by Harker.[405] This was the first bequest for definite school
purposes; the indications are that many followed. In 1778, a minute
gives their financial status as £244/4/11½ and they entertained a
proposition and concluded to raise £500 more.[406] At the same time, the
recommendations from the yearly meeting being read,[407] a committee of
the following persons was appointed for investigation and assistance
on the subject of schools, viz.: Paul Preston, Joseph Watson, Joseph
Preston, John Gillingham, Benjamin Paxson, Benjamin Kinsey, Thomas
Watson, Joseph Eastburn, John Kinsey, John Balderston, Jonathan Shaw,
Benjamin Cutler, Thomas Good, Jr., John Brown, and Robert Kirkbride.[408]
The action of this committee is not brought out in the minutes of the
meeting.
[Sidenote: Visiting schools required]
The quarterly meeting made a new appeal in 1780 for a more decided action
by the various tributary meetings which was followed by the appointment
of a new committee.[409] They were requested to “visit the school” for
the “help and assistance” of the master and to report their action to a
future meeting. In the twelfth month of the same year they made these
recommendations:
[Sidenote: Committee’s recommendations]
The committee appointed for the proper establishment and
regulation of schools made report in writing that it is their
sense and judgment that the monthly meeting should recommend
to the particular meetings severally, to promote subscriptions
toward the setting up and building upon their meeting’s lands
as may be convenient for schoolhouses and such conveniences
as may accommodate settled persons who live near the same, as
also to encourage their contributions toward making up funds or
salaries for the constant support of schools therein which is
recommended to the preparative meetings.[410]
[Sidenote: Appointment of trustees necessary]
A new committee was appointed in 1784.[411] They convened with the
committees of the preparatives and discussed the recommendations and
means suggested by the yearly meeting. Their conclusion was to the
effect that one thing in the recommendations was absolutely necessary,
namely, that all funds, legacies, properties, etc., provided for the
schools, should be vested in trustees for that purpose.[412] Without
taking this step they saw no way to attain even the least success. It was
further suggested that the trustees or committee thus appointed should
investigate the present houses for schools, their condition and location,
in each of the particular meetings, that a wiser plan might be followed
in locating the new ones. The meeting considering the report decided to
adopt its suggestions and accordingly appointed thirteen men,
to inspect into the state of such schools as are now kept and
where it may be necessary, to promote others,
and make a report as soon as possible.[413] Its report, produced in the
first month, 1785, was quite long. Only the essential points of it are
given in the following digest.[414]
[Sidenote: Summary of committee’s report of 1785]
1. Most of the committee appointed met and decided to confirm the former
committee’s report.
2. We find that there are many schoolhouses within the bounds that
include the members of the meeting.
_a._ These are not well situated for the service of schools.
_b._ Some are well situated, however, as (1) one on land
granted by Samuel Eastburn and vested in the school trustees,
(2) one on land granted by Thomas Goode, vested in members of
the meeting, but not in trust for the meeting.
3. They suggest that these two houses be used as previously and that new
houses be erected not more than three miles apart.
4. They maintain an uncertain state has prevailed among the schools.
5. The following places are recommended for new schools to be built:
_a._ At the schoolhouse near Samuel Eastburn’s.
_b._ On the work road between William Jitchin’s and Thomas
Rose’s.
_c._ On the road from Newtown to Coryell’s Ferry.
_d._ At the intersection of the lower work road and the street
road.
_e._ Near the south side of Watson Weldin’s land.
_f._ On Durham Road near Thomas Gilbert’s.
_g._ On Plumstead’s Meeting House land.
_h._ And at the schoolhouse near Thomas Goode’s.[415]
[Sidenote: New school property of Solebury and Buckingham]
It was thought such divisions would as nearly answer the needs as rivers
and mountains would permit, and would provide for all of Buckingham
territory and a little of Wrightstown. Any variation from this proposed
building plan was desired to be brought before the committee for their
judgment and acquiescence. In accordance with this suggestion the
Friends of Solebury (1785) requested the assistance and advice of the
committee in locating their school which they desired in a different
place from that previously suggested by the committee. They conferred
with the committee and finding their choice of site as good as could be
obtained, it was agreed to build the new house on the southeast corner
of Hugh Ely’s land, of Solebury.[416] In 1786 Solebury Friends requested
a committee of the monthly meeting to be named to whom they might give
a title for the land.[417] In 1793 Buckingham was permitted to build a
school on the meeting house land, the meeting to be in charge of the said
school.[418]
[Sidenote: Problem of funds attacked]
Having settled thus satisfactorily a systematic method of getting the
schools located, they addressed themselves to the task of raising school
funds.[419] A committee of eleven members was appointed, which, four
months later, reported a plan of subscription paper to be used in getting
funds for purchasing lands and buildings.[420] The plan as reported and
approved by the monthly meeting was the following:
[Sidenote: Subscription form presented]
We the subscribers do hereby engage to pay or cause to be paid
unto A. B. the several sums annexed to our names to be applied
to the use of purchasing a lot of land of C. D. and building
a schoolhouse thereon, the property and government to belong
entirely to the society of the people called Quakers and under
the direction of the Monthly Meeting of Buckingham, the title
of which is to be wholly vested in the trustees appointed by
the said monthly meeting. The rules and orders of the school
when erected is to be prescribed by the aforesaid monthly
meetings or a committee thereof consistent with our religious
principles, and that no tutor shall be permitted to teach in
said school until ... approved by the monthly meeting or a
committee of the aforesaid.
In 1790 the state of schools in the monthly meeting was given as follows:
[Sidenote: State of schools in 1790]
It appears that preparatory to the plan pointed out by the
yearly meeting last year, there are two schoolhouses under the
direction of this meeting. Schools in general among us, both as
to tutors and to school government, are in a better state than
they formerly were; and some property has been vested in the
meeting towards a fund for the use of schools.[421]
The form of subscription above mentioned was used for raising funds
till 1793 when a committee on schools incorporated it with a few other
suggestions in their plans.[422] These may be summarized as follows:
[Sidenote: Summary of later form used for subscription]
1. Each contributor to subscribe a principal sum.
2. All sums to be lumped together and invested in trustees, accountable
to the monthly meeting.
3. All interests to be paid annually and applied each year to the schools
in the compass of the monthly meeting.
4. All tutors to be members of Friends.
5. Funds to be first applied to the schooling of poor Friends’ children,
their necessities to be judged by the monthly meeting.
6. The remainder to be applied equally to the payment for other children,
proportionate to the time they attend school.[423]
7. Interest to continue till the principal is paid.
8. All principals paid in are to be invested or “put to use” by the
trustees.
[Sidenote: Amount of subscriptions]
The total number of subscriptions listed up to date was 117; the total
amount subscribed was £759; the individual subscriptions varied from
£1 to £25.[424] The meeting also succeeded in getting such former
donations, as Harker’s legacy, appropriated to this permanent fund.[425]
[Sidenote: Special committee on schoolmasters]
In 1796 Jeremiah Praul, Joseph Yerkes, and Benjamin Kite were appointed
to have the care of receiving all applications from prospective masters,
and in case of vacancies to seek and have ready a list of available and
well-qualified members.[426]
[Sidenote: Wrightstown]
[Sidenote: Progress slow; reasons]
One can hardly attempt to place a date for the beginning of the schools
in Wrightstown Meeting. But by a report made late in the eighteenth
century (1792) we gather a very good idea of the state of schools in
that locality. The cause of the rather halting progress is perhaps
found in the latter part of this committee’s report, which states that
the best plan conceived is for each particular meeting to raise its
own subscription for its own school,[427] which in part was right, but
more direction on the part of the monthly meeting would doubtless have
produced better results. The report of 1792 is here submitted.
[Sidenote: Want of money to pay qualified teachers]
We the committee appointed to take into consideration the
state of schools within the limits of this meeting, after
having several times met and attended to our appointment,
find the main cause why our schools are so unsettled and so
frequently occupied by unqualified teachers is the want of
sufficient salaries to make tuition an object of employment
worthy the attention of those who are or may be best qualified
to discharge that trust; having duly investigated that subject
it plainly appears very few amongst us who are interested
in schools are of ability to advance money towards raising
a fund on any other consideration than that of immediately
receiving the benefit thereof; we are, therefore, of opinion
nothing affords a fairer prospect of promoting the work than
for separate neighborhoods to enter subscriptions for raising
funds for the support and establishment of their own particular
schools, which was read and referred to the consideration of
next meeting.[428]
In 1793 the extracts from the yearly meeting being read and especially
those concerned with the establishment of schools, it was decided to
appoint a committee “to endeavor to promote that service as recommended,”
and make a report that might be sent to the yearly assembly.[429]
[Sidenote: Committee on school legacies, etc., reports £248/13/10]
In 1790 a committee was appointed to look after the state of various
legacies which had been left from time to time for the “support of a free
school.”[430] This committee made report shortly thereafter that the
amount of the principals and interest at the time was £248/13/10.[431]
A question arose as to the proper application of the interest on a
legacy left by Jonathan Abbitt and others, and was referred to the
school committee. They decided it might be expended for the schooling of
Friends’ children in straightened circumstances, provided they be taught
in a school kept in Wrightstown.[432]
A number of other legacies were granted from time to time for the
encouragement of a free school, among them being one by Adam Harker
(£40),[433] who had also benefitted Middletown and Buckingham, and that
of David Buckman, the text of which is given below.
[Sidenote: Buckman’s will]
I give and bequeath to Isaac Wiggins of the township of
Northampton, David Buckman and James Briggs of the township of
Newtown, and Joseph Hampton and Isaac Chapman of the township
of Wrightstown, all in the County of Bucks, and the survivors
of them, the sum of £50 in gold or silver currency in trust
... place the same at interest on real security or therewith
purchase an annuity or groundrent or such other method as they
may think proper for securing the same and apply the interest
thereof as the same shall thereafter be received, towards the
establishing and maintaining a free school in Wrightstown
aforesaid near the meeting house for the instruction of
Friends children belonging to the monthly meeting of Friends
in Wrightstown, in useful learning, and the said school
to be under the care and direction of the monthly meeting
aforesaid.[434]
[Sidenote: Digest of report on legacies at Wrightstown]
In 1791 a committee presented a report on the status of legacies, which
is given herewith in shortened form.
1. The will of David Twining.
I give to the monthly meeting of Friends at Wrightstown
the sum of five pounds to be applied towards a Free School
in Wrightstown, near the meeting house, that is under the
direction and care of Friends.
2. A committee of six suggested to take the said legacy and apply its
interest to the said school.
3. Report of a committee on Adam Harker’s will.
All trustees have died without having made any purchase of any
groundrent or annuity for the purpose aforementioned.
4. The trustees appointed by David Buckman, deceased, in his last will
and testament to have the care of a legacy of £50 given by the said David
to this meeting for establishing a Free School in Wrightstown, report
that they have received said legacy and put it out to interest on a
mortgage bearing date the seventeenth day of the third month last.[435]
[Sidenote: Funds in chaotic state]
In 1799 a legacy of £30 was left to Wrightstown Meeting “to be laid out
in the education of poor children in the school house on the meeting
house land.”[436] From later records running into the first two decades
of the next century, it appears that the state of the donations was
never gotten into very good shape. When they came into the hands of the
trustees in 1822 they were “indistinguishable one from another,” so far
as the purposes for which each was intended. At the time when some of
the bequests were made there was a large stone schoolhouse standing on
the meeting’s grounds to which they alluded in their wills.[437] This
building was torn down about 1815 and two schools set up, one two miles
above the meeting house, and the other about three-quarters of a mile
below it. The total amount of the legacies had increased by 1822 to about
$6,800.[438]
[Sidenote: Richland]
[Sidenote: date of school]
[Sidenote: Endowment for use of poor]
Richland Monthly Meeting (1742), the latest of all in Bucks County to
be established, with which we are now dealing, belonged to the Abington
Quarter (whose limits were chiefly in Montgomery County). The school, its
date of beginning not known (probably in 1742),[439] was early endowed
with legacies left voluntarily and primarily for the education of the
poor; the first one of considerable worth was that of Morris Morris. An
extract from the minutes shows that,
At this meeting were exhibited two bonds for two sums of money
amounting in the whole to £100, it being a free and generous
donation given by our ancient Friend, Morris Morris, for the
use and encouragement of a school to be kept at or near this
meeting house, which bonds are legally executed to the Friends
heretofore appointed as trustees for this meeting, who are to
take care from time to time to lay out the interest arising
from the said donation for procuring necessary learning for
such poor Friends’ children who may be the most proper objects
of such charitable help and the said trustees to render
yearly account to this meeting of their service in the said
distribution.[440]
This beginning was increased in 1796 by £20 granted from the estate of
Edward Roberts.[441] The following record from a school account book of
legacies, known as the “Jonathan Walton Fund” is cited, which indicates
the manner of the school expenditures[442]:
[Sidenote: Items of expenditure for schooling in Richland]
1792—for schooling
to Jesse Foulke 15/10/00
to Jonathan Carr 1/10/00
to ditto 7/00
to Abraham Walton 16/6/00
to Jesse Foulke 1/10/7
to John Nash 5/00
to Jesse Hicks 1/2/6
1793—
to Jonathan Carr 7/6
to Nathan Walton 5/4
to Sam Norris 2/12/11
to Abraham Walton 18/7
to Jesse Hicks 15/00
to Samuel Norris 3/6/3½
Paid to Daniel B. Ayres for teaching children 2/1/8
3/2/2
Paid for teaching and books 2/1/4
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: The meetings]
[Sidenote: Falls]
[Sidenote: Permanent property acquired]
[Sidenote: Three schools reported]
The establishment of schools of Falls, Middletown, Wrightstown,
Buckingham, and Richland meetings is discussed in this chapter. Their
first activity was to establish youths’ meetings and look after the
placing of apprentices. The date of the first school at Falls is not
determined, though the educational activity appears to have been on
a par with other meetings. In 1759 property was conveyed to trustees
for the use of the school, and at various dates thereafter. A school
committee reported three schools, one in each preparative, in 1784. The
usual means of support were employed. The school money amounted in 1799
to £777/9/4½.
[Sidenote: Middletown]
[Sidenote: First school in meeting house]
[Sidenote: Free school endowed]
Middletown’s first school was held in the meeting house, in accord with
a permit granted by Friends. The real progress of schools among them is
not determined, though we know that they are supplied with schools. It
is likely, judging from the nature of the committee’s reports, that they
did _not meet_ the standards set by the yearly meeting. The free school,
endowed with £40 in 1755 by Harker, was to be under care of the monthly
meeting.
[Sidenote: Buckingham]
[Sidenote: Plan for buildings and support]
Buckingham meeting assumed a regular care in the apprenticing of
children, and, like Middletown, was endowed by Adam Harker. A school
committee was appointed in 1778, and the visiting of schools required. An
unusual plan for building schoolhouses was devised in 1785; and also a
scheme for school support in 1785 which was improved in 1793. A special
committee of two men had charge of employing masters. Two schools are
reported as under the care of the meetings’ committee, in 1790.
[Sidenote: Wrightstown]
[Sidenote: One school under monthly meeting]
The cause for the apparently slow progress of Wrightstown concerning
schools lay chiefly in a lack of permanent funds. Back of this, there
seems to have been a failure on the part of the monthly meeting to
unite and direct the activities of its preparatives, for the individual
contributions were considerable. Though “schools” are mentioned in the
minutes, it seems most likely that only the one at Wrightstown was in
reality a school of the monthly meeting.
[Sidenote: Richland]
Little is discovered concerning the Richland school save that it was
endowed in 1762 by Morris. The account books of the Walton fund show that
the children were schooled at the expense of the meeting.
[Sidenote: Total number of schools]
There were probably eight schools regularly established in the five
monthly meetings.
CHAPTER VI
SCHOOLS IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY
[Sidenote: The meetings]
Following the procedure in the preceding chapter, the establishment of
schools in Montgomery County will be treated (1) under the head of the
monthly meetings in whose limits they were located and (2) in the order
of the time of settlement. The monthly meetings in Montgomery County and
their dates of establishment are as follows: (1) Abington, 1683; (2)
Gwynedd, set off from Radnor, located in present Delaware County, 1714,
and (3) Horsham, set off from Abington in 1782.[443] In connection with
the schools established in Montgomery County will also be considered
briefly the same activity of Warrington Monthly Meeting (York County),
which belongs at present to Baltimore Yearly Meeting. Warrington was
established as a monthly meeting in 1747,[444] being set off from that of
Sadsbury. Brief mention is made of Westland Meeting.
[Sidenote: Abington]
[Sidenote: Youths’ meetings]
The first records left by Abington Meeting, which relate particularly to
any phase of education, are those in reference to the establishment of
youths’ meetings. It is implied by these minutes that nothing was done in
this regard till about 1695, when,
It was agreed upon ... that four friends belonging to this
monthly meeting be asked to take care of the Youth belonging to
each meeting as concerning their orderly walking ... according
to the good advice of Friends, in an epistle from the Yearly
Meeting at Burlington 1694, wherefore ... men appointed.[445]
[Sidenote: Established]
This apparently resulted in an agreement that the youths’ meetings
should be established at the home of Richard Worrall.[446] It is to be
inferred that considerable attention was given to this earliest phase of
education. In 1699 the Friends of Abington urged:
Those Friends that are appointed to inspect into the behavior
of the youth and their respective meetings; that they may be
stirred to discharge their places, and to give account to the
monthly meeting.[447]
[Sidenote: Youths’ meetings shifted often]
The youths’ meetings were not of permanent foundation, and their date
for meeting was shifted frequently, which gave them characteristic
irregularity.[448] The purposes to be secured by the youths’ meetings
were chiefly moral.[449]
[Sidenote: Land deeded for meeting and school]
The gift of property for the foundation of Abington Friends’ School
dates back to 1697.[450] The donor, John Barnes, had purchased 250
acres adjoining the tract possessed by Sarah Fuller, receiving patent
for the same on June 1st, 1684.[451] Shortly after this he added to his
possessions also the tract formerly possessed by Sarah Fuller.[452] From
this total (600 acres) he deeded one hundred and thirty acres on Feb.
5th, 1696, to the use of a meeting house and schoolhouse for the Friends
of Abington Meeting.[453] The tract lies about ten miles north of the
city of Philadelphia. The Abington School, thus possessing such a large
heritage and firm foundation in a material way, at least is a close rival
of the Penn Charter School of Philadelphia, the petition for which was
presented to the Council 1697-8,[454] and whose first charter was granted
in 1701.[455]
[Sidenote: Meeting house built]
[Sidenote: Jacob Taylor concerned in a school]
[Sidenote: Taylor, land surveyor]
The exact date when a school was first held in property on this land
cannot be determined. The meeting house on the newly acquired lands was
built between the years 1697 and 1700, with assistance from the meeting
at Philadelphia. It is probable that a school may have been taught at
the meeting house for a time as that custom was followed in many other
meetings,[456] but this is a mere probability. The best evidence of a
school at an early date is that relating to Jacob Taylor who, about 1701,
was “concerned in a school at Abington,” but was to be asked to take the
management of a land office.[457] Mr. Bean, writing in the local history
of Montgomery County, says that Jacob Taylor was land surveyor from 1706
to 1733.[458] That he was engaged in teaching during the entire period
from 1701 to 1706 we do not know, but it is quite probable that he was
the first schoolmaster who taught in a regularly established school.
In 1722, referring to the bequest of land by John Barnes, the minute of
the monthly meeting states:
[Sidenote: Land in care of trustees]
Whereas John Barnes deceased, having given a legacy or yearly
income towards maintaining of a school at Abington ... and in
the said deed of trust to Friends, he left this meeting in
power to choose a trustee when any Friends that were intrusted
did remove or decease. Now seeing Thomas Canby being one
intrusted is removed into the County of Bucks, this meeting
does appoint Richard Martin to act in his room.[459]
[Sidenote: Carter’s donation]
In 1726 Thomas Fletcher was chosen to act as one of the trustees of
the said donation and the school affairs, in the place of his deceased
father, Robert Fletcher.[460] Everard Bolton’s place (deceased) was
filled by Nicholas Austen as trustee in 1727.[461] In 1742 Abington
Friends took a deed of conveyance of Thomas Canby for the land and
premises belonging to their school and meeting house.[462] Besides the
bequest of Barnes already mentioned, there were several others which
deserve mention. In 1749 a committee appointed to investigate the
donation left to the meeting by William Carter in his last will and
testament, reported they had attended to it, and produced to the meeting
an extract from the will before mentioned.[463] Quoting from the Abington
records the purpose of the will was given to be as follows:
... two certain yearly groundrents one of six, the other of
four pounds, are invested in trustees, in order that the same
may be conveyed, and ... as this meeting shall think fit to
appoint to the intent and purpose that the same shall be
annually laid on and expended in the pay for the schooling and
teaching of such whose parents or overseers ... in the verge of
this meeting are not able to pay for them, or the relief of the
poor of this meeting, when and as such poor children are not to
be found....[464]
[Sidenote: Expenditure of funds in charge of committees]
[Sidenote: Funds requested for schooling children]
The details of the expenditure of money left for such purposes were taken
care of usually by the overseers of the poor and also by the school
committee, whose duty it was to inquire in each of the preparative
meetings concerning children who might be in need of help and whether
they would be willing to accept assistance. Their investigations were
reported to the monthly meeting to be considered before any expenditures
were made.[465] If they were satisfactory to the meeting, disbursements
were then ordered to the preparatives according to their needs as
stated.[466] The preparative meeting was also free to make a voluntary
request for a part of any fund for aid to poor children, if they desired
to do so. In 1760,
Horsham Friends requested the sum of four pounds of Carter’s
legacy towards the schooling of a poor child; this meeting
orders that our treasurer do pay them that sum.[467] And
again, the present treasurer, Joshua Morris, is ordered to pay
to Thomas Lloyd a sum of eight pounds to defray the charges
of dieting Joseph Kirk, a poor Friend’s child, belonging to
Horsham Meeting, who is put to school at the charge of Horsham
Meeting.[468]
[Sidenote: How distributed]
It was not always necessary to bring the cases to the monthly meeting to
be decided whether aid should be given or withheld. It occurred often
that the funds were apportioned to the various preparatives, monthly
or quarterly meetings and their representatives allowed to apply it
according to their judgment.[469] In 1766 those appointed to view the
accounts of the treasurer of Abington Meeting made the following report
as to the state of the funds which had accrued:
[Sidenote: Report on funds]
We the subscribers having perused the accounts of Joshua
Morris, the meeting’s treasurer, do report that the said
treasurer credits the meeting with several sums received on the
meeting’s accounts from the year 1761 ... including £28 for
the rent of William Carter’s legacy to this meeting, the whole
being the sum of £157/12/11, and that he paid by order of this
meeting in that time (including £40 paid for schools for poor
children) the sum of £137/11/8; balance in his hands the 24th
of the 11th month, 1766 is £20/1/3.
We likewise report that we find five years’ rent of four pounds
a year and a year’s rent of six pounds on the said Carter’s
legacy outstanding and not yet collected or received by
him.[470]
A minute of 1735 entered in the meeting’s records affords us an
interesting glimpse into the nature of the books used for the Friends’
schools. These books are very frequently mentioned in many of the
meeting’s records, and many of them were always on sale by booksellers
such as Franklin in Philadelphia.[471] There seems to be no doubt that
they constituted one of the staples of the mental pabulum. The extract
in which they are mentioned illustrates also the initiative taken by the
meeting in the direction of affairs relating to schools.
[Sidenote: Books used in schools]
And further to let the quarterly meeting understand that this
meeting conceives that reprinting a quantity of George Fox’s
_Primers_ and Stephen Crisp’s ditto and of George Fox’s _The
Youngers_ might be advantageous to those children of Friends
in school or elsewhere. We, therefore, refer the same to said
meeting’s consideration.[472]
The Abington Meeting began at an early date to work for a better
organization among its schools, coöperating heartily with the suggestions
of the yearly meeting from time to time. The yearly meeting in 1746 and
1750 made several suggestions for the improvement of schools,[473] which
were in 1751 followed by Abington with a statement that
This meeting has gone through in the several branches thereof
in the service of visiting of families and to general
satisfaction, and as to the settling of schools we have had it
under consideration and some are desirous to promote the same
but find many discouragements at the present, yet are in hopes
it may be further considered, and....[474]
This report means nothing in terms of accomplishment, but indicates
willingness and an active interest in educational problems. In reading of
their “discouragements” one must keep in mind the standards set by the
yearly meeting, and that their report was their idea of how they measured
up to them.
[Sidenote: Gwynedd]
[Sidenote: Schoolhouse mentioned 1721]
The first mention of any school (or any reference to indicate there
may have been a school in the limits of Gwynedd) is that of 1721, in a
petition for a road, entered by Roland Hughes and Robert Humphrey.[475]
The mention herein made is of a schoolhouse located near the property
of Robert Humphrey and Roland Hughes and not far distant from the road
to Philadelphia. Neither has trace been found of any school actually
established nor of schoolmaster to have charge over it, yet the presence
of a building erected for that purpose lends credence to the view that
there was a school there, though perhaps irregularly conducted. Procedure
in other districts was usually that schools were present before the
schoolhouses were built.[476]
[Sidenote: Marmaduke Pardo teacher]
The first mention of a schoolmaster is relative to Marmaduke Pardo, who
came with the following certificate from Pembrokeshire in Wales.
We whose names are hereunto subscribed, being the curate
and others of the inhabitants of the Parish of St. Davids,
do hereby certify whom it may concern, that the bearer
hereof, Marmaduke Pardo, of the city of St. Davids and
County of Pembroke, has to the utmost of our knowledge and
all appearances lived a very sober and pious life, demeaning
himself according to the strictest rules of his profession,
viz., what we call Quakerism, and that he has for these several
years past took upon himself the keeping of a private school
in this city, in which station he acquitted himself with the
common applause and to the general satisfaction of all of
us who have committed our children to his care and tuition,
etc.[477]
This certificate was signed by Richard Roberts and several others. With
such recommendations, the citizens of Gwynedd were very fortunate if
perchance they did secure him as a master. Other writers have, it seems,
taken for granted that he actually taught in the school, but there is no
exact evidence on the point, only a very great probability.[478]
The following extract indicates there was an established school at
Morristown in 1766.
[Sidenote: School at Morristown Quaker?]
Plymouth overseers acquaint this meeting that Mordecai Moore on
his own and family’s account and several neighboring friends
request the privilege of holding a meeting at the schoolhouse
near his dwelling house in Morristown every first day until the
general spring meeting. The which is granted.[479]
[Sidenote: Committee on schools appointed]
As with the schools and school affairs of other meetings, their history
becomes more tangible about the last quarter of the century. The
recommendations of the yearly meeting being received in 1777 and their
attention thus directed consciously to the question of education, a
committee was appointed consisting of the following men: David Bacon,
John Elliott, Jr., Charles West, David Estaugh, William Brown, Thomas
Hollowell, John Gracey, Abraham Liddon, Samuel Lloyd, Abraham Cadwalader,
John Heman, David Evans, Samuel Lee, Joseph Penrose, Joseph Lukens and
John Evans.[480] The committee reported in 1779 that the establishment
of schools had been under consideration, but that no fund had yet been
raised or land purchased for the establishment thereof, as the yearly
meeting had directed.[481] Accordingly the same committee was continued.
In 1780 a minute of the meeting states that:
The matter relating to the establishment of schools is
continued and it is desired that the several preparative
meetings will attend to that matter as recommended by the
committee some time past, and that the committee ... the same
under their care and make a report when anything is done toward
accomplishing that service.[482]
And again in 1785:
[Sidenote: “Little progress” reported]
A care remains on the Friends’ minds for the right education
of the youth, though little progress hath yet been made in
establishing schools under proper regulations, although
attention hath been paid thereto. Those matters respecting
the Africans are under the care of a committee, though little
progress hath been made in inspecting their particular
cases.[483]
[Sidenote: Committee to aid in raising funds]
The activity of the committee does not appear to have been very great.
After a consideration of their obligations on the subject again in 1791
it was decided to appoint a new committee which was to work definitely
toward a plan for raising a fund for school purposes, and to make a
report on the state of schools in the monthly meeting. Their report
which appeared in 1793 showed a considerable number of schools but none
established on permanent foundations, and many not in the membership
of Friends. The state of all the schools as reported is given in the
following extract.[484]
[Sidenote: School in Montgomery Township]
[Sidenote: Plymouth school]
The committee appointed on schools reports that within
the limits of Gwynedd Meeting a school in the township of
Montgomery is kept in a house, property of Friends, there is a
lot on two acres of land and two rooms for a master to live in,
adjoining the schoolhouse, and there is remaining of a donation
to the inhabitants of said township in common towards the
support of a school, about fifty pounds per annum, to be kept
in the said schoolhouse, the master a member of our Society;
within the compass of Plymouth meeting, there is a schoolhouse
built by a subscription on a small lot of land given as a
donation with the interest accruing on five hundred pounds,
which is free for all the inhabitants within a mile and a half
of the donor’s land, the master not in membership with Friends.
[Sidenote: Temporary schools]
One school, held in a house adjoining the meeting house at
Plymouth which hath for several years been continued under
the care and direction of that preparative meeting. There are
several temporary schools within the limits of our Monthly
Meetings, chiefly made up of persons not of our society, and
kept by masters of different professions, no funds provided
for any of them, into which Friends in such neighborhood send
their children, there is a subscription gone into within the
compass of one of the preparative meetings towards building a
schoolhouse on a lot of land given for that purpose—the raising
of funds for the support of schools has been under care, but
not much progress has yet been made therein. Signed in behalf
of the committee by
EVAN JONES,
JOHN WILSON,
ISAAC WEEKS.
[Sidenote: Education of poor and orphans]
The care and education of the poor was an occasion for great concern
among the Friends of Gwynedd. This means not only that their education
was looked after but that in case father and mother married a second
time, the meeting saw to it that the children’s (if any by the first
marriage) rights should be regarded. The affairs of the children had
to be settled before permission for marriage was fully and freely
given.[485] They were not always satisfied with their dealing with such
children, however. About 1756 they declared that the children are well
taken care of physically but that there is too great a neglect in regard
to their learning and apprenticeship among Friends.[486]
[Sidenote: Their education neglected]
Later they are able to report, no doubt with considerable satisfaction,
that after due inspection, no Friends’ children are found placed from
among Friends.[487] All cases of necessity in the concern of education
were resolutely dealt with, even though, as shown in the following
extract, the recipients of the assistance were rather unwilling.
[Sidenote: Some unwilling to receive aid]
The Gwynedd Friends acquaint this meeting that Robert Roberts,
Jr., is in very low circumstances and not able to maintain his
wife and children reputably and that they have not been able
to prevail with him and his wife to bind their children out to
lessen their expense, therefore, this meeting appoints John
Davies and John Evans to advise them to comply with Friends’
direction, otherwise, this meeting must take further notice of
them.[488]
For a slight insight into the condition of schools in the latter years of
the eighteenth century, we can do no better than present a letter written
by Joseph Foulke, which furnishes a personal touch not found elsewhere.
[Sidenote: Schools as related by Joseph Foulke]
My earliest recollection of the schools which I attended
was at Gwynedd meeting. There was no house for the purpose,
but what was called the “little meeting house” was used.
An old tottering man by the name of Samuel Evans was the
teacher. The reading books were the Bible and the Testament;
we had Dilworth’s spelling book, and Dilworth’s Assistant or
arithmetic. Grammar was a thing hardly thought of; there was,
however, a small part of the spelling book, called “a new guide
to the English tongue,” and a few of the older pupils learned
portions of this by rote, and would occasionally recite to the
master, but the substance appeared to be equally obscure both
to master and scholar.
My next schooling was in 1795, in the house, late the property
of William Buzby, on the Bethlehem road, above the spring
house. It was a kind of family school taught by Hannah Lukens.
Here, Dr. Walton, of Stroudsburg, laid the foundation of
his education. I went to Joshua Foulke, my father’s elder
brother, an old man. He taught in a log schoolhouse near the
eighteen-mile stone on the Bethlehem road. My father, with
the help of his neighbors, built this house (about 1798) on
a lot set apart for the purpose on the southern extremity of
his premises. This log schoolhouse stood about thirty years,
and beside Joshua Foulke, we had for teachers William Coggins,
Hannah Foulke, Benjamin Albertson, Hugh Foulke (my brother),
John Chamberlain, Christian Dull, Daniel Price, and Samuel
Jones. I have probably not named all or given them in the order
in which they came.[489]
[Sidenote: Merion]
Merion seems to have left no written records of educational activity.
There is a possibility that Marmaduke Pardo[490] may have been connected
with a school there, soon after his coming from Wales, but this is little
better than a conjecture.[491] In the loft of the present building
(which, however, does not date back so early as this study) there is a
school room in which are rude tables and benches. One of them bears the
date, 1711, rudely cut with a jackknife. If, in the early eighteenth
century, the meeting house still sufficed for school, it is quite
probable that the same was true much earlier; at any rate, no search thus
far has revealed anything concerning an early schoolhouse. The Radnor
Monthly Meeting Minutes in 1791 state:
[Sidenote: School, at least not according to plan of yearly meeting]
At Merion and Valley we have not discovered any progress in
laying a foundation for schools in the way proposed by the
yearly meeting.[492]
which would favor still further the idea that any school held there at
that time was perhaps in the meeting house.
[Sidenote: Horsham]
The earliest mention made of Horsham Meeting is that in the Abington
Minutes of 1777, stating:
It is agreed that there be two overseers chosen for Horsham
Meeting, viz., John Michener and Thomas Iredell.[493]
This was doubtless very near the time of its first establishment as a
preparative meeting. The earliest preparative minutes accessible are
those beginning 1757.[494] We may feel certain, however, that there was a
school before this time, for in the _Gazette_ for 1753 there appeared an
advertisement which stated:
Any person well qualified for keeping a school and comes well
recommended by applying to John Lukens, surveyor, Abraham
Lukens, or Benjamin Cadwalader, living in Horsham township,
near the meeting house, may meet with proper encouragement.[495]
[Sidenote: Assistance by donations]
This may have been the same stone house in which Isaac Comly of Byberry
taught in 1799, we cannot say. In the records of the preparative meeting
on the first page there is an account of donations concerning schools,
but the page is so badly mutilated that no straight account can be made
of it.[496] It will be recalled from the account given of Abington
schools that Horsham members were also benefitted by Carter’s legacy and
others.[497]
A committee appointed to investigate the conditions of schools in Horsham
Meeting reported (1779):
[Sidenote: Report on Horsham schools, 1779]
[Sidenote: Four schools mentioned]
We, the committee appointed, report as follows: That upon
inquiry we found that the schoolhouse on the meeting house
land is wholly the property of Friends, and the subscribers
generally Friends; we also find that there has been a
schoolhouse lately built on a piece of land held in trust for
that purpose between John Parry’s and John Walton’s wholly by
the Friends, and generally Friends subscribers; there is also
one other schoolhouse near the Billet on a piece of land held
in trust for that purpose by Friends and others, and one other
schoolhouse near John Jarret’s upon sufferance; the two last
mentioned schools being made up by subscribers of different
societies; which, after being considered, the same Friends
are continued with John Parry, Samuel Shoemaker (mason), John
Conrad, and John Jarrett added to them as a committee, to have
the oversight of such schools as may be properly under the
notice of this meeting.[498]
[Sidenote: Rules drawn for the conduct of schools]
And again in 1783 that,
The committee on schools report they have several times visited
the schools of Friends belonging to this meeting since their
appointment, and that there appears an improvement in them,
they having drawn up an essay of rules for the government
of said schools, which were read and approved by this
meeting....[499]
From 1782 onwards Horsham was a regularly constituted monthly
meeting.[500] Almost the first thing performed by this newly constituted
body was to order a report on schools which was brought into the monthly
meeting in 1784,[501] the text of which is reproduced below.
[Sidenote: Report made to Horsham monthly on schools]
[Sidenote: Four schools named; others, where the houses belong to Friends]
[Sidenote: No funds established]
We, the committee on schools, having met and examined into the
situation of such within the compass of this meeting find them
as follows, viz.: that within the verge of Byberry meeting
there is a school kept in a part of the meeting house under the
inspection of part of the same committee, by Christopher Smith,
a member of our society, whose number of scholars are about
thirty at 10/ a scholar, per quarter, raised by subscription;
also another school taught a small distance from said meeting
house by Isaac Carver in his own house who formerly was a
member among us, to which some Friends send their children,
and within the compass of Horsham Particular Meeting there is
a school taught on the meeting land near the meeting house by
Byran Fitzpatrick, who is not a member, the number of scholars
about twenty-five at 10/ a scholar per quarter; there is also
one other schoolhouse built by Friends on a piece of land
given for a term of years for that purpose in which there is
no school kept at present. There are several other schools
within the compass of said meeting, the houses of which are the
property of Friends and others to which some Friends send their
children. There are no funds belonging to any of the aforesaid
schools, but there is a donation left to Horsham Particular
Meeting, which if it were not for some circumstances attending
it, might be of an advantage in establishing schools within the
limits of that meeting which we think demands the attention of
this meeting.
Signed on behalf of the committee by
DANIEL THOMAS.
[Sidenote: Each particular meeting to name its own committee]
[Sidenote: Three schools in the preparatives]
After this there was no report for nearly two years, when the meeting,
taking cognizance of the fact, urged all the preparatives to appoint
individual committees of their own to attend to school affairs. In 1787
the committee of the monthly meeting made report that within the compass
of the monthly meeting there were three schools under the care of the
preparative meetings, in all of which the masters were members of the
society of Friends.[502]
[Sidenote: Value of the organization cited]
The value of the organization of meetings for getting something
accomplished can hardly be overestimated. The directing power of the
quarterly meeting must have often been the cause which produced a
conscious activity in the lower meetings. The quarterly meetings were
at all times feeling the educational pulse of their constituents and
making suggestions, requiring reports, etc., which did not fail to keep
up the local interest. The quarterly meeting at Abington in 1792 made the
following suggestions:
At a quarterly meeting held at Abington, November 8, 1792, the
subject of schools coming under consideration, it is thought
expedient that the meetings be earnestly requested to take that
matter into solid consideration and send up in their reports
next quarter how far the advice of the yearly meeting has
been complied with in that respect. The clerk is requested to
furnish each member with a copy of this minute extracted from
the minutes of the quarterly meeting.
NATHAN CLEAVER, Clerk.
The clerk is directed to furnish the preparatives with a copy
of the above minute, and they are desired to inform this
meeting of their situation in the above respects.[503]
[Sidenote: The poor educated; 1792]
The report of the monthly meeting in 1792 indicates that that meeting’s
concern for the education of the poor was comparable to others mentioned;
they state that all of the children “partake of learning freely”
and their and other Friends’ children “are placed among Friends” as
apprentices.
[Sidenote: Warrington]
[Sidenote: Youths’ meetings]
The earliest Quaker settlements in Warrington were in 1735,[504] and
their first meetings for worship were held with the Friends at Newberry.
Warrington Preparative Meeting was organized in 1745;[505] while the
monthly meeting records date to 1747.[506] For nearly thirty years there
is no notice in the records concerned with education, saving those which
refer to the settling of youths’ meetings. Those were very frequent.[507]
The report on the youths’ meetings in 1779 was as follows:
Some of the Friends appointed to attend the Youths’ Meeting
report that four of them attended it and gave it as their sense
that it was a good meeting, and that if it should be as well
attended in the future, it might be of use.[508]
[Sidenote: Committees of men and women named on schools]
Three years later, 1782, it was considered necessary to leave off
holding the youths’ meetings, for what reasons it is not known, but on
a protest from some members it was concluded that it might be continued
for at least another meeting.[509] In 1778 the yearly meeting extract
was received, in which the establishment of schools was recommended;
committees of both men and women were at once named for the service and
desired to report.[510] In the year following, the report was made on the
part of Warrington Preparative Meeting:
Warrington Meeting informs us that they have made choice of
William Underwood, Peter Cleaver, Benjamin Walker, and Joseph
Elgar for trustees and overseers of a school, with which this
meeting concurs.[511]
The trustees thus appointed, it seems, were not so successful as might
have been desired, if we may judge by their report made in 1780.
[Sidenote: No progress reported 1780]
William Underwood, on behalf of the committee appointed to
have under their care and labor to promote the education of
the youth, as well as a reformation with that respect to other
deficiencies in our society, informed this meeting that they
have several times met and conferred together on the occasion,
but have not proceeded any further in that service, neither
have any prospect at this time of proceeding therein, etc.[512]
The tone of the next report of 1782 is more encouraging.
The Friends appointed to the care of schools report they have
made some progress therein, some of them having attended each
of our preparative meetings and endeavored to encourage Friends
in setting up of schools agreeable to the intention of the
Yearly Meeting and find there is a willingness in the minds of
Friends to endeavor to have schools set up amongst us agreeable
thereto, as nearly as the circumstances of the several Meetings
will admit of. They are continued and desired to assist where
there may be occasions and report to this Meeting in the third
month next.[513]
[Sidenote: School to be at York]
In 1784 it was reported that the committee had attended at York and that
there appeared to be a good prospect for a school to be established there
according to the desires expressed in the yearly meeting’s advices.[514]
It was also stated that some provision was made at each particular
meeting for the same, and it was expected a particular report would
be rendered thereof.[515] This report, however, did not come into the
monthly meeting as it appears.
The conditions at York seem to have been the most promising as presented
in a committee’s report of 1784 which is here submitted:
[Sidenote: Schoolhouse at York; subscriptions started]
The committee appointed to promote the establishment of schools
report that they have paid some attention to the service; most
of them attended a meeting at York, and find that Friends
there have a house nearly finished and have entered into some
subscriptions to encourage such a school, of which it is agreed
that the Quarterly Meeting be informed, as well as of houses
being built for that purpose at Newbury and Warrington, and
that the committee be released from the service.[516]
[Sidenote: Same statement by quarterly meeting]
The statements of the monthly meeting in the above report are
corroborated by a later report of the Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly,
which was made a few months later, though it appears the schoolhouse at
Warrington was not yet completed.[517]
The progress that had been made by Westland Monthly Meeting[518] is
indicated by the following report of that date:
The minutes of the school committee for several seasons past
being read, and they have proposed a reappointment, William
Wilson, Matthew Heald, Jonas Cattell, William Dixon, Joshua
Dixon, and Eleazar Brown are appointed to have the general care
of schools and admission of Tutors. And it appears requisite
that a few Friends be appointed by each Preparative Meeting to
have the immediate oversight of the school or schools within
the limits of such meetings; said committee to unite and confer
together as they see occasion, and the clerk is desired to
notify each preparative meeting by a copy of this Minute.[519]
[Sidenote: Later reports still indefinite]
A still later report of 1797 is no more definite than the former; this
is very generally characteristic of the reports, and even at a late
date when other meetings were making very definite ones, indicates that
a very unsatisfactory state existed in the schools of Westland. Many
other reports examined, which were sent in before the committee, of the
century, made no improvement in regard to definiteness.
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: The meetings]
The schools in the limits of Abington, Gwynedd, Horsham, Warrington, and
Westland meetings are discussed in this chapter.
[Sidenote: Abington]
Probably the first schoolmaster at Abington, who was connected with a
regularly established school, was Jacob Taylor. Land for the meeting and
school uses was deeded by John Barnes in 1696, and a meeting house built
by 1700. Assistance was also afforded by a legacy granted by William
Carter for educating poor children. Such funds were in charge of, and
expended by, trustees appointed for that purpose. Fox’s and Crisp’s
_Primers_ are mentioned for use in the schools.
[Sidenote: Gwynedd]
[Sidenote: Morristown schoolhouse mentioned]
[Sidenote: Three regular schools]
Mention is made of a schoolhouse near Gwynedd in 1721, but no records of
the school are discovered. Marmaduke Pardo, an experienced teacher, came
to Gwynedd from Wales, and being well recommended as such, it is likely
that he was employed in school teaching; but nothing explicit to that
effect is found. Late in the century Joseph Foulke states he attended
school in Gwynedd. A schoolhouse at Morristown is mentioned in 1766.
Committees on schools and funds followed the procedure noticed in other
meetings. School land, schoolhouse funds, and a house for a master were
provided in Montgomery township in 1793. Another school in the compass of
Plymouth is mentioned, and another one, “adjoining the meeting house at
Plymouth.” Other temporary schools, used under varying circumstances, are
said to be maintained. Merion and the Valley do not appear to have met
the yearly meeting’s requirements in any way.
[Sidenote: Horsham]
No explicit mention is made of a school at Horsham in the early minutes,
but the advertisement for a teacher in 1753 indicates they were supplied
with a school. A report of Horsham Preparative in 1729 mentions four
schools, kept “nearly agreeable to direction.” In 1783 a list of rules
was adopted for their government. Each preparative meeting was directed
in 1787 to have its own committee on schools.
[Sidenote: Warrington Westland]
[Sidenote: Probably twelve regularly established schools]
Judging from the minutes of their transactions, the schools of Warrington
and Westland meetings seem to have been organized and carried on in
a very desultory fashion. Those at York and Warrington were the best
situated. There were probably as many as twelve regularly established
schools in the above meetings by the end of the century.
CHAPTER VII
SCHOOLS OF CHESTER COUNTY
[Sidenote: The meetings considered]
The several monthly meetings, which are discussed in this chapter, were,
for the period of this study (before 1800) members of Chester (or Concord
Quarterly) Meeting, until the establishment of Western Quarterly Meeting
in 1758,[520] when a number of them were included in that quarter. In
1800 a new Quarterly Meeting (Caln) was established from those formerly
constituting Western Quarterly.[521] The monthly meetings with which we
are to deal, the dates of their establishment, and the order of their
presentation here, are as follows: (1) Kennett, known as Newark till
1760, 1686, or before; (2) New Garden, set off from Kennett in 1718; (3)
Goshen, set off from Chester, 1722; (4) Bradford, 1737; (5) Uwchlan,
set off from Goshen, 1763; (6) London Grove, set off from New Garden,
1792.[522] Those just named were situated within the limits of present
Chester County.[523] The last meeting to be considered in this chapter,
(7) Sadsbury, established in 1737, was situated in Lancaster County.[524]
[Sidenote: Kennett]
[Sidenote: Early care for children]
In the records of Kennett (Newark) Meeting, the writer has been unable
to find any early explicit reference to education. Among the early
references to children, are the minutes of 1715 in regard to those of the
widow Howard at the time of her remarriage.[525] The meeting appointed
a committee to look after the affairs of her children to see that the
will of the deceased father was entirely complied with. Again in 1727
the meeting appointed a committee to see that the provision for the
orphan children be fulfilled before allowing the widow to remarry.[526]
These two cases serve to point out that an early care and interest in the
affairs of children was manifested on the part of the meeting.
[Sidenote: Local history credits Quakers with furnishing the foundation
of schools]
Local historians have very little to offer in the way of clews to the
education of the Quakers in the last part of the seventeenth and early
eighteenth century, though they all agree that the Quakers furnished
the foundations of education, and it was begun very early, even from
the first establishment in the various counties.[527] Some of the early
schools have already been discussed, in cases where it was possible to
state the earliest beginnings.[528]
[Sidenote: Yearly recommendations received]
[Sidenote: School committee appointed]
In 1777 those who had attended the Western Quarterly Meeting reported
they had received the recommendations of the yearly meeting requiring
the monthly meetings to have particular charge of the education of the
children, with especial reference to the employment of schoolmasters
who were Friends.[529] The same concern being mentioned a month later,
with emphasis on the _school education_, a committee of six Friends was
appointed to join with a committee of the quarterly meeting to confer on
the matter.[530] In 1779, their action appears to be just a little more
definite, but from the records it is difficult to say whether it meant
very much or not; the minutes at that time stated:
John Way, John Marshall, James Bennett, Caleb Pierce, David
Greame, Samuel Nichols, and Thomas Carlton, Jr., are appointed
to unit together and endeavor to promote such schools as (are)
recommended.[531]
[Sidenote: Union school of Kennett, Bradford, and New Garden]
From that date (1779) to 1781, there appears no comment on the subject,
save the usual periodic announcements that the Advices of the Yearly
Meeting “have been regularly received.” In 1781, however,
Caleb Pierce on behalf of the committee on schools, reports
there is a school made up by some of the members of this,
Bradford, and New Garden monthly meetings; John Parker and
Caleb Pierce are appointed to join with the Friends of those
meetings in the oversight thereof, and report to this meeting
when necessary.[532]
[Sidenote: The school discontinued]
[Sidenote: New committee has more specific duties]
In the seventh month thereafter, in the same year, John Parker reported
that the school which he and Caleb Pierce had been appointed to oversee
was discontinued.[533] They were released from their service in the care
of schools. The former committee on that subject, appointed in 1779,
seems, however, from the minute of the tenth month, 1781, to have been
continued as a standing committee on the subject.[534] The following
extract implies that the committee of 1779 was replaced by another which,
by the way, had more specifically named duties. The implication of the
minute is that there were at least two schools, perhaps more.
The concern for the promotion of schools, under the
directions of Friends revived, Samuel Harlan, John Way, Aaron
Hollingsworth,—John Swain, Amos Harvey, Samuel Pennock, and
James Jackson are appointed to have the care and oversight of
schools, also promote the establishment of schools where there
is yet want of assistance, and report to this meeting when
necessary.[535]
In the same year it was also recommended to the preparative meetings that
each appoint a committee of their own to represent them and act with the
committee of the monthly meeting in the concern of schools.[536] The
intervening years, from 1783 to 1785, offer nothing beyond the usual
general reports concerning the appointment of committees and the like. In
1785, the committee on schools produced this report:
[Sidenote: Several schools reported; some according to demand of yearly
meeting]
We have lately had a conference on the subject, and do
find that there are several schools in the compass of our
monthly meeting, kept by Friends and under the care of this
committee, and may inform that they are kept to a good degree
of satisfaction, yet there are some that employ teachers, not
members of our society, without the advice of the committee
or the monthly meeting. We, likewise, agree to lay before the
monthly meeting the reappointment of a committee for this
service in future as the members of this committee have been
long on the appointment and desire to be released, which we
submit to the meeting. Signed—John Way (and five others).[537]
The answer to the fifth query of the same year likewise informs us that
care has been taken in the education of the poor children, and Friends’
children “are generally placed among Friends.”[538]
[Sidenote: New school committee appointed]
The request for the appointment of a new committee on schools, made by
the old committee, does not seem to have received consideration till
1788. In the meantime we must assume that the old committee continued to
serve, since occasional reports were sent in. The men appointed on the
new committee were: Jacob Greave, Samuel Nichols, Amos Harvey, Samuel
Harlan, Moses Pennock, Robert Lambourn, Jr., Christopher Hollingsworth,
John Way, and William Phillips, Jr.[539] In 1790 the monthly meeting
ordered a special committee to recommend a deeper educational concern to
the particular meetings.[540]
The desired results, in the shape of a more perfected organization and
permanent foundation to be provided for schools, did not come until
about 1792 and thereafter. In that year, the committee reported its past
activity in respect to schools established, and made certain valuable
suggestions to guide future action, as the following extract witnesses:
[Sidenote: Ground purchased]
[Sidenote: Rules adopted for the school]
The committee, appointed at last meeting, report: We, the
committee appointed by the monthly meeting at the request of
Kennett Preparative Meeting, respecting the establishment of
schools within the verge thereof, agree to report, we have
attended thereto, and find they have purchased a piece of
ground, with the approbation of the committee of this meeting,
of Abraham Taylor, about two miles and a half westernly from
Kennett Meeting House, adjoining the public road, leading to
Nottingham, and obtained his conveyance to Jacob Pierce, Samuel
Pennock, Townsend Lambourn, Thomas Pierce, William Parker,
and David Pierce, trustees for the same, meted and bounded as
mentioned in the said conveyance and recorded ... and as it
appears to us necessary in order for a fixed object whereon
to lay a foundation for establishing a fund agreeable to the
Yearly Meeting, that the monthly meeting should appoint some
Friends as trustees to have the care of the said school, and
that it should have a name to be distinguished by; we therefore
propose it to be called by the name “Number One,” within the
verge of Kennett Preparative Meeting. We have likewise agreed
on some general rules to be observed by the scholars of the
said school. Signed by Caleb Pierce, Wm. Lambourn, Caleb Kirk,
and Jonathan Greave. 12-24-1790.
The above report, being read, is agreed to be further considered at our
next meeting.[541] Unfortunately for the satisfaction of our curiosity
about the internal organization of the schools, the rules which they
state were drawn up were not incorporated in the minutes of the monthly
meeting. They were probably similar, however, to those adopted by the
Horsham School Committee at a slightly earlier date.[542]
In consideration of the recommendations made in the above report, the
meeting assembled in the seventh month, appointed nine of their members
as trustees, to receive all donations for the purpose of schools.[543]
About a year thereafter, a report signed by Joshua Pusey and John Jones
was submitted by the monthly meeting to the quarterly meeting, which was
in substantial accord with all that had already been done.[544] It may be
well to summarize briefly their recommendations.
[Sidenote: Summary of committee’s report]
1. We have considered the relative situation of the members in our
compass.
2. The affairs of education have not yet received the attention they
deserve.
3. We find several school houses have been erected, but
4. The demands made by the yearly meeting are not met, therefore,
5. Friends must subscribe funds, either in monthly or preparative
meetings.
6. The funds must be available for application for meetings. Friends are
so scattered and few that they cannot support a school alone and have
been forced to patronize “mixed schools.”
7. Those laboring under difficulties should be taught gratis, or at
least, at low rates.
In 1795 the committee on schools produced a plan for subscriptions to a
permanent school fund,[545] which was referred to the next meeting. A
report was then made, but it was thought that since all of the committee
had not collaborated it should be, and accordingly was, postponed for the
time being.[546] In the fifth month a report was made, but still some
changes were thought to be necessary.[547]
[Sidenote: Question of a plan for school funds prior to 1795]
Not until the twelfth month (1785) was the report finally produced, which
is given below. There has been some reference made by local historians
of Chester County, stating that Kennett Monthly Meeting had as early as
1787 provided a plan for subscription for the provision of permanent
funds.[548] The rule “number 5,” which is quoted by them, is exactly
the same rule as the fifth one which is mentioned below. The writer has
found no such reference to a plan for funds at the earlier date (1787).
It seems quite probable that the statement made in Mr. Cope’s work is an
oversight, perhaps an error in setting up an eight in place of a nine.
The entire list of nine rules is given.
[Sidenote: Scheme for funds reported in 1795]
1. A plan for raising fund for the benefit of schools within
the bounds of Kennett Monthly Meeting, whereby Friends may have
an opportunity of manifesting their benevolent intentions by
subscribing thereto.
1st. That each subscriber to this plan pay at the time of
subscription, or give his or her note to the treasurer or clerk
of the trustees, or their successors appointed by Kennett
Monthly Meeting, to have the care of this fund, for a sum of
money payable at any time, not exceeding three years after
date, with the interest of five per cent. per annum paid
annually for the same.
2d. The treasurer shall have a book for that purpose, and keep
fair entries of all money due and received; likewise of all
money expended and his receipts shall be a sufficient discharge
for any money paid to him for the use of schools.
3rd. Whenever the treasurer may receive any new subscription or
any money for the benefit of schools, he shall report the same
at the next meeting of the trustees of the said schools.
4th. When the trustees receive any money for the use of
schools, they shall as soon as they can conveniently put the
same to interest upon good security; or they may purchase land
or ground rent therewith as shall appear best for the time
being.
5th. The trustees shall, as soon as they see occasion, apply
the interest arising from this fund to securing the schooling
of the children of such poor people, whether Friends or
others, as live within the verge of the aforesaid monthly
meeting, provided such children comply with their rules.
6th. We recommend it to each other as often as we find an
increase of property and openness of heart to add something to
our subscription whereby it is hoped the monthly meeting may
in time be enabled more fully to comply with the advice of the
Yearly Meeting in 1778, respecting schools.
7th. As a variety of circumstances may in future occur which
the human eye can not foresee, nor understanding conceive,
therefore the trustees shall from time to time manage this
fund as shall appear to them best, to promote the welfare of
the said schools and the poor thereunto belonging; also if
the interest may be to spare, they may assist therewith in
keeping the schoolhouse in repair and in paying the salaries of
schoolmasters or mistresses within the verge of said meeting,
provided the principal be not thereby lessened.
8th. If at any time the trustees may not all judge alike how
they ought to proceed in such cases, they are to apply to the
aforesaid monthly meeting for assistance.
9th. The trustees shall from time to time be accountable to the
monthly meeting of Kennett for their management of this fund,
as directed in the minute of their appointment. Signed by order
of Kennett Monthly Meeting, held the 15th of the 12th month,
1796.[549]
[Sidenote: State of schools in 1798]
The condition of the schools in Kennett Monthly Meeting was made known
in 1798 in the report presented by Robert Lambourn for the committee. A
digest of that report is as follows:
1. They have had the subject “under care.”
2. There are two schools “within their compass.”
3. The town’s schools are taught by Friends’ members.[550]
4. They are under the charge of the meeting’s committee.
[Sidenote: New Garden]
[Sidenote: Care for the indigent]
The New Garden Meeting in 1773 made record of having placed £4/11/9 in
the hands of Jacob Wright, to be applied at the further directions of
the meeting to the placing out of poor Friends’ children or the relief
of indigent Friends.[551] Between that time and 1778, we learn no more
of this educational philanthropic interest. In that year the usual
reminder sent out by the yearly meeting came to them, calling attention
to educational needs.[552] A committee was appointed which stated in a
report, 1779, “some care is taken therein, and more appearing necessary,
they are continued.”[553] An extract of a few months later is as follows:
[Sidenote: Two schools; another proposed]
The committee respecting schools, having the matter under care,
two schools being under their notice, and another proposed to
be established, they are continued and desired to report when
necessary, and the clerk to enter the substance of the case in
their report.[554]
Following the report of 1779, which showed there were two schools in
charge of the meeting, there is furnished no further information until
1785. In the third month, 1785, a large committee of thirteen members was
appointed to take charge of the “weighty affairs” recommended.[555] This
committee produced a report in the eighth month of the same year, which
is gratifying in that it is more substantial than many others brought in.
It is given herewith.
[Sidenote: Report of 1785]
The committee in the care of schools report that they have had
several conferences together since last meeting, and are of the
mind that concern for the right education of our youth rather
increases among Friends, and that a new school house has been
lately built near Jeremiah Barnard’s on a small piece of land
conveyed by him for that purpose, which account is satisfying
to this meeting. The committee is continued for further service
and desired to report as they may see occasion.[556]
In 1786, George Gawthrop and Thomas Richards were added to the
committee.[557] From the first to the fourth month of that year, the
committee reported they had visited one school,[558] but their report
indicates nothing performed, more than the visit. Four months later it
is reported they had attended to the subject of schools somewhat, but
that it still required much greater attention; and they were advised to
meet with the monthly meeting’s clerk that he might prepare his report on
schools for the quarterly meeting.[559]
Though that report and the one of the quarterly meeting really tell us
nothing, we are better rewarded in one produced just a year later, which
points plainly to some of the difficulties the early school trustees had
to face.
[Sidenote: Report of 1787]
The committee in the care of schools reported as follows: the
substance whereof the clerk is directed to insert in our report
of the quarterly meeting.
[Sidenote: Mistresses employed in summer; some schools not according to
advice]
The care of schools has been under our care and attention and
on conferring together, we agree to report—under the present
circumstances of things amongst us, it is found most convenient
to employ mistresses, as the teachers in our schools most
generally in the summer season, several of which are now under
the care of Friends to pretty good satisfaction, and we hope
the concern is in a reviving way amongst us, though there
are discouragements by some Friends encouraging or promoting
schools taught by persons not agreeable to the advice of the
society.[560]
In 1794 William Jackson deeded to Joseph Preston and others a piece of
ground for a schoolhouse,[561] which was to be in trust for the Friends’
meeting. This is the first transfer of ground for school purposes found
among the New Garden Friends. Among the stipulations of the deed are the
following:
[Sidenote: Requirements for the school at New Garden]
1. The master is to be a member of Friends.
2. The master must teach according to the rules laid down (presumably
by the school trustees) as before mentioned in the case of the Horsham
School Rules.[562]
3. The purpose stated is for the “promotion of piety and good order” and
to “propagate useful learning.”
[Sidenote: Goshen]
On 12-2-1701, some Friends at Goshen applied to their quarterly meeting
for the privilege of establishing a meeting for worship,[563] but this
request was not approved until the meeting of the quarter in 1703.[564]
In 1707 they proposed building a house for worship which was granted by
the quarterly meeting in the twelfth month.[565] Their monthly meeting,
as stated before, was not established until 1722.[566] The preparative
meetings in its compass were Goshen, Newtown, and Uwchlan.[567]
[Sidenote: A school in East Bradford for Goshen, Bradford and Birmingham]
Though starting at a much later date as a monthly meeting the records
of Goshen are in some ways far superior to many other meetings. In the
first place, they devoted considerable attention to the yearly meetings’
proposals of 1746 and 1750,[568] which by many meetings received very
scant attention. The concrete results of this attention, however, do not
stand forth, as reports on the subjects are not plentiful till the “1778
era.” In that year of all years, they received the urgent accounts from
the yearly meeting.[569] They appear to have gone to work at once, or
perhaps had already begun, as a committee in the care of schools reported
in the sixth month, 1779, that “a piece of ground is agreed for and a
schoolhouse is now building in East Bradford.”[570] This school was to be
made up from the Friends of Goshen, Bradford, and Birmingham,[571] and
to be established in accord with the stipulations of the yearly meeting
aforesaid.[572] Goshen Monthly Meeting was requested to name some Friend
to receive the land in trust, and Thomas Hoopes, Jr., was accordingly
appointed for the purpose.[573]
[Sidenote: Increased committee reported 1782]
In 1782, the present school committee, deciding that something should be
done concerning the regulation of schools, desired an addition to their
number, those added being Abraham Pratt, William Lewis, John Mailin, and
Josiah Hibberd.[574] Two months later this committee brought forth the
following proposals, which are self-explanatory.
[Sidenote: Land to be purchased for school and master’s accommodations]
[Sidenote: The building and cost]
We have met sundry times since the last meeting on the subject
and are unanimous in judgment that it will be convenient for
Friends to have a school house built near Jesse Garrett’s smith
shop on the east side of the road leading from the valley
where about five acres may be purchased of William Garrett and
William Garrett, Jr., in order to erect a school house on, and
also a house for a school master, which we request the monthly
meeting to take under consideration; and if they approve
thereof, that it may be encouraged by a subscription amongst
Friends only, and to be established on the plan proposed by
the Yearly Meeting and subject to the direction of the monthly
meeting from time to time, to remove or alter as they may see
cause, or time may show to be necessary. We propose the house
to be twenty-seven feet square from out to out, and compute
the expense of building to be £150 exclusive of the land which
will be £25, which we submit to the monthly meeting. Signed in
behalf of the committee—Thomas Hoopes, Jr.[575]
Their report was left for further consideration.
[Sidenote: Attempt to bestir the preparatives]
In 1784 a drive was organized on the preparative meetings. The
monthly meeting received a visit from the committee of the quarterly
meeting, which suggested the appointment of a large committee and the
distribution of the printed advices of the yearly meeting of 1778, to
be read before each of the preparative meetings.[576] In conformity
with this suggestion, the former school committee was released and a
new one of ten members appointed as a standing committee, directed to
follow out the previously made suggestions.[577] In their report issued
shortly thereafter, there is an account of the beginning of a school in
Willistown, which is as the following:
[Sidenote: School at Willistown; master’s house, etc., proposed]
The committee in the care of schools report that a school is
kept in the new house built in Willistown by a Friend, and
endeavors are used to have it conducted as near as may be to
the directions of the Yearly Meeting, and the building of a
house for the master is proposed and a considerable sum of
money is subscribed towards the same, provided a sufficiency
can in like manner be raised.[578]
Another report for 1785 gives the state of schools for that date.
[Sidenote: One school the property of the monthly meeting]
There are several schools in the verge of our monthly meeting,
kept by members of our society, one of which belongs to the
monthly meeting, with several acres of land, whereon Friends
are now building a house for a master, which when completed
there will be a small fund towards schooling poor children.[579]
The chief concern to which the committee now addressed itself was the
problem as to how they might establish a permanent fund for the schooling
of poor children in their limits. For this problem they seem to have
found a satisfactory solution for the time being, in 1786, which they
reported to the monthly meeting for its approval. It appears to have
been satisfactory to the meeting in the following form, the essential
features being the same as those incorporated in the plans of meetings
already mentioned.
[Sidenote: Goshen plan for establishing funds similar to others]
We, the subscribers, do hereby promise to pay unto ...
treasurer for Friends’ schools, within the compass of Goshen
Monthly Meeting, or to other Friends as may be from time to
time appointed by said committee to that service, the sum of
money severally written against our names, which sums are so
subscribed to be and remain a permanent fund under the care of
and direction of the monthly meeting’s committee of the people
called Quakers, held at Goshen for the time being, appointed
for this and other such purposes relative to schools, to be by
them laid out in such manner as they shall from time to time
judge most conducive to securing an income to the said schools,
which income or annuity so arising therefrom to be applied
to the education of such children as live within the compass
of Goshen Monthly Meeting, whose parents, whether Friends or
others, are not of ability to pay for the same and other such
purposes as a majority of said committee shall from time to
time direct, consistent with the object of the institution.
Witness our hands—etc.[580]
For the next six years there are but two reports worthy of attention,
which may be briefly summarized in this manner:
[Sidenote: The state of schools in 1787]
1787
1. One school, under the monthly meeting,
_a._ has a large school house, and
_b._ a dwelling house and garden for a master, who
_c._ is a member of Friends
_d._ The school is in charge of a standing committee
2. Another school house, whose
_a._ master is a member of Friends, but
_b._ the house is not Friends’ property.[581]
[Sidenote: 1792]
1792
1. There is a school in Williston
_a._ kept by a member of Friends,
_b._ cared for by a standing committee of the monthly meeting,
_c._ much in accord with yearly meeting’s demands.
_d._ There has been no increase in the permanent fund since
last year.[582]
The report of the standing monthly meeting’s committee in 1795 notes
these further advances. The reference to the purchase of ground in
Willistown would lead to the belief that the school of Willistown
mentioned in the report of 1792 was not located on the meeting’s
property; but the tenor of the report of 1784 leaves the impression that
the “new house” might have been the meeting’s property.[583] The report
of 1795 is as follows:
[Sidenote: 1795]
The meeting’s committee in the care of schools report that they
have for some time had in contemplation the establishment of
another school within the verge of the monthly meeting to be
conducted agreeable to the advice of the Yearly Meeting, and
have so far proceeded as to have purchased 4⅓ acres of land of
Samuel Thomas in Willistown, which is deeded to some Friends
in trust for the use and benefit of Goshen Monthly Meeting, to
improve, alter, sell, or otherwise as the meeting may think
proper, or time show to be necessary; therefore, if the monthly
meeting unites with our proceedings, we desire they may take
the same under their patronage.[584]
[Sidenote: One school closed temporarily]
In 1796 the school at Goshen was apparently closed for several
months, though the reference made to this fact may have been to one
at Willistown;[585] exactly which one can not be deciphered from the
minutes. In 1797 the committee reported a house had been built on the
ground lately purchased (presumably that mentioned in the report of
1795)[586] and a school was being kept therein, according to the advices
in all respects, save the membership of the master being outside of
Friends.[587] “The other school” was taught by a member, and was very
much as might be desired in all respects.[588] One of the schools (not
clear which one) became vacant again for a short time in 1798.[589]
[Sidenote: Union school of 1779]
What became of the school established about 1779 by Bradford, Goshen,
and Birmingham[590] is not made clear by Goshen records. It is probable
that when the two schools at Willistown and Goshen came under their
direction, they ceased to have any further connection with the earlier
one in East Bradford. Further mention will be made of the East Bradford
school in the material presented for that monthly meeting, in the pages
just following. It may be only briefly mentioned in this connection that
in 1797 the Goshen meeting appointed a committee to secure subscriptions
for the yearly meeting’s boarding school which had been proposed in
1794,[591] and was opened for students in 1799.[592]
[Sidenote: Bradford meeting established]
Some meetings for worship by the Friends in the district, later to
be known as Bradford Meeting, were held as early as 1719,[593] and
regular meetings for worship were established in 1725.[594] Not until
1737, however, had they become of sufficient importance to warrant the
establishment of a monthly meeting.[595]
In 1762 Bradford’s minutes refer to settling the affairs and providing
for the support and the education of the children.[596] It was proposed
that application be made to the next court that those under indenture
to ⸺ might be bound out so as to have a Christian education, and to
enable them “to acquire a livelihood with reputation.”[597] It is implied
that the Mr. ⸺ had not provided for them properly in those respects. In
1765 fourteen epistles were received and directed to be read in each of
the preparative meetings (Bradford and Caln).[598] Though no school is
mentioned at these early dates, there seems to be no doubt that schools
were in operation, perhaps a sort of family school. This brief extract
would indicate that the above assumption is not without foundation:
Two of the Friends appointed report they had an opportunity
with Benjamin Faris respecting schooling of Isaac Few, and that
he informed them that he would undertake to school him for
the term of one year, for the sum of £25, which proposal the
meeting complies with and agrees to pay the half.[599]
The cost of this schooling was paid by the two preparative meetings which
produced their quotas four months later.[600] Thenceforward, till 1778,
nothing of note is recorded, save occasional notices of the education of
the youth.
The year 1778 produced the following minute:
The extracts of last Yearly Meeting were produced here and
read, containing much seasonable advice and instruction which
is recommended to the solid consideration and observation of
individuals; in particular, that of encouragement of proper
schools for the instruction of youth in useful learning.[601]
Like an electric current suddenly shunted into the circuit, these
extracts of 1777 and 1778 seemed to increase the voltage in the wires
of the organization, producing a general hum of activity. A committee,
immediately appointed, reported in 1779 they had considered the
situation,[602] and in 1780 produced the report which is given below. As
will be noted, their report mentions the “Union School” of Goshen, East
Bradford and Birmingham, which has already received some consideration in
the case of Goshen.[603]
[Sidenote: Three schools established; a committee to assist in
establishing others]
We, the committee appointed in the care of schools, report
that most of us attended to the appointment and have several
times met and conferred together and have given our assistance
toward the settling of a school between Goshen, Bradford, and
Birmingham Preparative Meeting in a new schoolhouse built by
Friends; one at East Bradford in the old schoolhouse near the
meeting house; one at East Caln kept at the meeting house at
present, agreed to be under the direction of Friends nearly
agreeable to the Advices of the Yearly Meeting; and we think it
expedient to appoint Friends to take the necessary care of said
schools; but there appear to be many Friends that are not yet
accommodated with suitable schools, and we think a committee
of a few Friends to be continued to assist therein will be
necessary, all of which we submit to the meeting. (Signed by
the committee)....
Which being read and considered, the meeting appoints William
England, William Cooper, Humphrey Marshall, and Thomas Baldwin
to have the care of the school near Bradford Meeting House, and
Thomas Fisher, Griffith Mendenhall, Isaac Coates and Isaac Pim
to have the care of the school now kept in the meeting house at
East Caln, who are desired to take the necessary care therein
and the former committee is still continued.[604]
A subsequent report of 1781 points out that an additional school has
been established, presumably through the coöperation of the meetings
of Bradford, Kennett, and New Garden.[605] The records of Kennett and
New Garden do not seem to recognize this coöperative school, however. To
the writer, it seems that the probable state of affairs was that the one
school was so located that it was patronized by the three communities
though its direction lay in the hands of Bradford Meeting. The contiguous
situation of the townships makes this a plausible and a probable
solution. The school was soon to be discontinued for a time.[606] The
report of 1781 is herewith submitted.
[Sidenote: A school between Bradford, Kennett and New Garden]
The Friends in the care of schools report that they attended
the school set between this meeting, New Garden, and Kennett
Monthly Meetings, and purpose taking further care therein; and
those to have the care of the school at Bradford report that a
school is held there in pretty regular order, considering the
situation of the master in regard to his sight, and they that
had the care of the school at East Caln informed that they had
divers opportunities with the master and scholars, and are of
the mind that further care in that respect is necessary; which
being considered, this meeting continues the said Friends and
desires that they may attend to the service for which they are
appointed.[607]
[Sidenote: Four schools reported by committee]
The conditions presented in the report of the second month remained the
same, save that the school between Kennett, New Garden, and Bradford
was reported “discontinued” in the sixth month, 1781.[608] Later in
that year, the old committee was released and a new list of men, Thomas
Baldwin, Joel Harlan, Thomas Sugar, Nathan Cooper, Benjamin Hanley, John
Hoopes, Thomas Fisher, Griffith Mendenhall, Samuel Fisher, and George
Harrison constituted a “standing committee.”[609] In 1782 four schools
were reported;[610] in 1783, several schools not entirely agreeable to
the desires expressed in the Yearly Meeting’s Advices;[611] in 1784,
three are reported in the verge of Bradford Particular Meeting, mostly
under the direction of Friends, but “none at either of the Calns” (East
or West).[612] Subsequent reports show that the cessation of the schools
at Caln was only temporary. The presentation of this very brief span of
their history may be closed with an abbreviated statement of a committee
report made in 1792.[613]
[Sidenote: Report of 1792]
1. We visited four schools in our verge, one more left, making
five.
2. The fifth is likely to be discontinued soon.
3. Number
one near Bradford Meeting House (in care of Friends).
one in East Bradford (part Friends and part not).
one in East Caln (the masters not members of Friends,
but willing to be under their direction).
4. The committee was released on request.
[Sidenote: Uwchlan]
[Sidenote: Education of Negroes mentioned in 1765]
In the same year that Uwchlan became a monthly meeting, the Friends
entered a protest, saying that the making of wills was too much
neglected, but that such as were made were not misapplied.[614] It
is quite probable that the first statement is an indication of a
philanthropic spirit in the meeting, between which and educational
activity there has been noted a high correlation. Moreover, their
explicit statement in 1765 concerning the education of the negroes would
indicate the education of their own children was already taken care
of.[615] The usual transformation in the kind of reports, noted in other
meetings about 1778 and following, is likewise apparent in the meeting at
present under discussion.
Though a school committee was appointed much earlier (1779) there was
a very definite report made before 1782. Two reports made then in
successive months are worthy of our attention.
[Sidenote: Three schools mentioned in 1779]
The committee respecting schools report that they have attended
to the service, having visited one school, the master whereof
is a member of this meeting, to a good degree of satisfaction,
some of the employers and scholars being present. They are
continued to proceed in that service as way may open and report
to next meeting[616]....
And a month later
The Friends appointed report that they have visited two other
schools, the masters whereof and many of the employers are
members of this meeting, and ... being enabled to communicate
some advice, which appeared to be well received, they are
continued.[617]
[Sidenote: New committee appointed]
[Sidenote: The state of funds]
In 1783 a new committee was commissioned to procure a particular
statement of the schools wherein Friends were concerned either as
masters or as employers, viz.: Thomas Richards, Jesse Jones, Joshua
Baldwin, Reuben John, William Millhouse, Griffith John, Simon Meredith,
William Cooper, Elihu Evans, Aaron Duncan, and Joseph Starr.[618] This
committee is not to be confused with the trustees of the school funds,
who were entirely distinct, and whose sole function was to receive and
apply the funds for the education of the indigent children. The trustees’
report stated in 1784 that the amount of the legacies and donations up to
that date amounted to £120/10/00.[619]
[Sidenote: School set up at Nantmeal]
Near this time, very probably in 1784, a new school was established
by Friends at Nantmeal, for which Uwchlan Meeting appointed a special
committee which was to make a report; the report made in 1785 stated that
they had visited the school and found it well conducted.[620] In 1787,
the school committee produced a report on all schools, which was to be
sent to the quarterly meeting. It embodied some statement of the results
achieved, difficulties to be faced, and further gave an insight into the
coöperation of Friends in the “mixed schools” of their communities. As
sent to the quarterly meeting, the report was as follows:
[Sidenote: Report of 1787]
[Sidenote: Nantmeal school discontinued]
We of the committee appointed to essay a report to the
quarterly meeting of the situation of our members in regard
to schools and the progress of our monthly meeting in that
important concern, having had several conferences and
opportunities of enquiring into that subject, report as
follows: that some have been appointed and continued from time
to time by our monthly meeting for several years past, who have
used many endeavors to promote the establishment of schools
agreeable to the advices of the Yearly Meeting; but our number
generally living so remote from each other, has prevented much
progress being made therein, save one house being built by
Friends at Nantmeal nearly on the plan proposed, in which a
school has been kept some time, but now dropped for want of a
salary for the master, there not being a sufficient number of
Friends settled contiguous thereto nor to each other, in any
other part of our meeting to support a school; and the boarding
out of our children appears an expense too heavy for many of
us, so that we are generally in the practice of schooling our
children in a mixed manner, though mostly under the tutorage
of Friends, or persons friendly disposed, to whom some care
has been extended and their schools frequently visited by
our committee some time back. Signed by order of the school
committee by William Millhouse, clerk.[621]
[Sidenote: London Grove]
[Sidenote: Committee of men and women appointed for schools]
In 1794, the London Grove Monthly Meeting, just created, began its
educational work by appointing a committee to take subscriptions for
a fund to support a “regular school.”[622] In 1795, the preparative
meeting proposing that a standing committee be appointed to inspect the
necessities of the poor and the school education of their children,
the following were named to unite with a committee of women on that
concern, viz.: Samuel Swayne, Josiah Hoopes, John Man, and Jonathan
Buslow.[623] Four months later the committee appointed to raise the
funds by subscription (see above) reported that a sum of “more than
fifty pounds” was already subscribed.[624] No statement of the number of
schools established in the limits of the London Grove Meeting is given
between the time of its establishment and the end of the century; nor
are any other details vouchsafed. It will suffice for a voucher of their
intentions and the work actually begun in that period, to insert the
following statement of their plan for founding their schools.
[Sidenote: Plan produced for settling schools]
Pursuant to the advice and recommendations of the Yearly
Meeting of Friends for many years, and excited by consideration
in our own minds for an improvement of the school education
of the youth, especially those in low circumstances, we, the
subscribers hereto, have agreed to promote the raising of a
fund or stock, the increase whereof to be for the benefit of
the several schools which are or may be under the care of
London Grove Monthly Meeting, and to be distributed amongst
them at the direction of a committee of the said meeting,
appointed from time to time in the care of schools. The sum
annexed to each of our names we hereby engage each for himself
or heirs, executors and administrators respectively, to pay
or to cause to be paid to such Friend or Friends as the
abovesaid monthly meeting shall appoint as treasurer for the
same, and that at any time, when demanded, after the whole
subscription amounts to the sum of fifty pounds. The treasurer,
so appointed, we enjoin to be subject to the inspection and
control of the said monthly meeting and to render a fair and
true account thereto of his proceedings therein once a year,
and if the said meeting shall at any time see cause to release
the treasurer, then he shall give up his accounts and pay the
money or transfer such other property as may be under his
care, appertaining to the said fund unto such other Friends
as the monthly meeting may appoint to succeed him in the said
trust. Our subscriptions, until they amount to fifty pounds or
upwards, we direct to be kept in stock and be deposited in some
safe way so as to produce increase either by a loan upon land
at the discretion and direction of the said monthly meeting or
committee thereof. The interest, rent, or increase whereof we
direct to be applied for the benefit of the aforesaid schools
in such a manner and at such times as the school committee of
the said monthly meeting for the time being, or a majority
of them shall direct. And although our present endeavor may
appear feeble and small, yet we trust and hope it may gradually
increase so as to become more useful in time.[625]
[Sidenote: Sadsbury]
[Sidenote: Youths’ meetings established 1739]
There remains to be presented in this chapter the activities of Sadsbury
Meeting, which, though outside the limits of Chester County, was made
up very largely of members residing in Chester County.[626] The most
distinctly educational work of any sort was the youths’ meeting, which
was very frequently mentioned as early as 1739, only two years after they
became a monthly meeting.[627] Numerous statements of these meetings
occur throughout the first thirty years and more. Attention was also
directed to a care for the children of the poor.
One of the Friends appointed in the case of John Marsh’s
child report they attended the service and met with some
encouragement concerning the education of the child, the
person with whom it resides being its grandmother; the meeting
concludes to leave it under the care and notice of Henry Marsh,
the child’s uncle.[628]
[Sidenote: Committee appointed on schools]
In 1779 the first committee to carry out the instruction of 1777 and 1778
was appointed, consisting of the following members: James Miller, Andrew
Moore, and Samuel Simons.[629] They were to afford assistance to each of
the preparative meetings (Sadsbury and Leacock). This they reported in
the second month they had done; James Moore, Isaac Taylor, John Moore,
James Smith, Abraham Gibbons, and James Webb were then appointed to
do the work.[630] In 1782 a visit was made to Sadsbury Meeting by the
committee appointed by the quarterly meeting.[631] They reported further
at that time:
[Sidenote: School at Sadsbury mentioned]
The Monthly Meeting committee has it under care and there is
a school set up at Sadsbury, and it is closely recommended to
Friends for a further progress and to the committee of this
meeting in particular, to which George Cooper, Andrew Moore,
and Joseph Dickinson are added.[632]
[Sidenote: Discontinued, but not long]
The conditions remain substantially the same for the five subsequent
years, with frequently interspersed reports, made to the monthly meetings
and to be sent to the quarterly meeting. In that year, as the following
report shows, the school at Sadsbury was discontinued, and the old
committee removed to make place for a new one.
Several Friends of the committee respecting schools report they
have conferred together since the last meeting, and it doth
not appear that there is any school at this time within the
verge of this meeting under the care and direction of Friends,
and the said committee expressing their desire to be released,
the meeting consents thereto, yet in order to keep alive the
concern and promote a matter so interesting, concludes to
appoint a fresh committee, and James Miller, John Moore, son of
James, Isaac Taylor, and Joseph Williams, Joseph Brinton, Moses
Brinton, William Downing, and Gaius Dickinson are appointed for
the service.[633]
[Sidenote: Barclay’s _Catechism_ for use in schools]
It is not ascertainable from the minutes just how long this school
remained closed, but a minute of 1789, directing that Barclay’s
_Catechism_ be distributed for the use of the schools, indicates that
it was not discontinued for a long time.[634] Isaac Taylor, R. Moore,
William Gibbons, and William Webb were appointed to distribute the said
books.[635]
[Sidenote: Lampeter requests to build schoolhouse, 1792]
In 1792, Lampeter Preparative Meeting (called Leacock in 1732, but
changed to Lampeter in 1749)[636] laid before the monthly meeting a
request to be permitted to build a school house on or near their meeting
house land for the purpose of a boarding school to be under the care of
the monthly meeting.[637] Their request was not acted upon until the next
meeting when it was referred to a committee of eleven men, who were to
consider the proposals and report their judgment to the monthly meeting
when convenient.[638] It appears from the following extract of the
monthly meeting that they were somewhat critical.
[Sidenote: Committee’s suggestions for Lampeter school not accepted]
The committee appointed to consider the proposals of Lampeter
Preparative Meeting for building a school house made a report
in writing, which not meeting the approbation of this meeting,
is returned and Joseph Brinton, Abraham Gibbons, William
Brinton, James Smith, John Ferris, James Cooper, and Levi
Powell are added to the former committee and William Webb
is requested to consider the matter and report to the next
meeting.[639]
At the session of the monthly meeting held two months later, the newly
appointed committee was successful in getting a satisfactory hearing for
their decision in regard to the Lampeter Boarding School.
The proposal of Lampeter Preparative Meeting comes again under
consideration and the following report being produced and
divers times read, is concurred with.
To Sadsbury Monthly Meeting—
[Sidenote: The accepted report]
We, the committee appointed to consider Lampeter’s proposals
for building a school house and having again met and had a
solid conference together unite in judgment that the proposals
are nearly agreeable to the advices of the Yearly Meeting and
under the present circumstances are of the mind the monthly
meeting may be safe in leaving that meeting at liberty to
erect a building proportioned in size to their Friends and the
probabilities of what may be obtained by subscription (which is
submitted to the meeting by James Miller and signed by fourteen
others). 6-25-1792.[640]
In 1793, the school committee recommended in the following report that
more definite steps be taken to meet the demand of the yearly meeting in
regard to (1) the accommodations for a master and (2) the establishment
of a permanent school fund.
[Sidenote: Funds to be raised]
The committee in the care of schools made the following report
in writing which, after being solidly considered, is adopted
and the clerk is directed to furnish each preparative meeting
with a copy of this minute together with the report of the
committee (which follows). Most of the committee appointed
in the care of establishing well regulated schools for the
instruction of our youth report they met twice on the
subject and solidly considering the same, believe it would
be right for the monthly meeting to recommend to Sadsbury
Preparative Meeting the making of such suitable provisions
for the accommodation of a school master as is recommended by
the Yearly Meeting Minute of 1778—That Sadsbury and Lampeter
Preparative Meetings be stirred up to use their endeavors to
raise such funds for their respective meetings by subscription
as is recommended—as well as in a minute of our last quarterly
meeting, by William Webb (and five others).[641]
By a later minute we are informed that an instrument of writing
(subscription plan) has been drawn up for the purpose of raising
funds,[642] which, however, did not prove wholly satisfactory,[643]
and was postponed for further consideration. As presented finally and
accepted on twelfth month, 10th, 1793, the plan for raising permanent
funds was as follows:
[Sidenote: Plans for raising funds adopted]
Whereas the Yearly Meeting is impressed with a sense of the
advantages that would arise from a religious education of
our youth, has frequently recommended the establishment of
schools under the care of a standing committee of monthly or
particular meetings and especially in 1778, recommended the
promoting a subscription towards a fund, the increase whereof
might be employed in paying the master’s salary, if necessary,
and promoting the education of poor Friends’ children. This
provision may be made to take in poor children of Friends
or others taught gratis or at such moderate rates as their
parents or guardians can afford to pay at the discretion of the
trustees, etc.
And we, the subscribers, writing with the above recommendations
and willing to part with a portion of the substance, we as
stewards are blessed with, in order to carry the same into
effect (provided always, nevertheless, that no part of the
fund shall ever be applied towards paying the master’s salary
so as to reduce the schooling of children who are in affluent
circumstances, lower than 40 shillings per annum, and may be
raised at the discretion of the trustees), do hereby promise
for ourselves, our heirs, and executors, or administrators
to pay, or cause to be paid, the several sums to our names
annexed, to the trustees for ... school. Otherwise, five
per cent. interest from the dates respectively to our names
prefixed until paid or till such other persons as may be
appointed by the monthly meeting to receive the same. In
witness whereof, ...[644]
The situation of schools near the close of the century is shown in a
report of 1797 to be as stated below. Though this report states no fund
is established, a later report of 1798 states that some progress has been
made in that respect.[645]
The report for 1797 is as follows:
[Sidenote: Three schools; no funds]
The committee in the care of schools report that there is no
fund established for this purpose, yet there are three schools
within the compass of our monthly meeting taught by masters who
are Friends and are under the especial care of a committee of
this meeting.[646]
At the very close of the century Sadsbury Friends were interested in
raising a fund to help in the establishment of the Yearly Meeting’s
boarding school at Westtown, Pennsylvania.[647]
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: The meetings]
This chapter considers the establishment of schools in Kennett, New
Garden, Goshen, Bradford, Uwchlan, London Grove and Sadsbury monthly
meetings.
[Sidenote: Kennett]
[Sidenote: A union school reported]
[Sidenote: Rules drawn for school, property purchased]
No early definite reference is made to education, though the careful
interest in children’s welfare is at all times evident. Not until the
“1777 era” do the reports give any considerable information concerning
schools. Committees were thereafter always in attendance upon the
problems of the schools. In 1781 a “union school” was reported between
Kennett, Bradford and New Garden, which was afterwards discontinued. In
1785 they report “several schools,” in partial accord with demands of
the yearly meeting. Land for Kennett school “number one” was purchased
in 1792, and rules drawn up for its control. Their scheme for raising
permanent funds was not completed until 1795. Two schools, taught by
members of the society, were under the care of the meeting’s committee in
1798.
[Sidenote: Two schools under Kennett meeting]
[Sidenote: Two schools, another proposed]
Two schools were reported at New Garden in 1779 and another was at that
time proposed. Some land was conveyed to the meeting in 1785 for the use
of a school, and a house built upon it. Another piece of land was deeded
by William Jackson in 1794 for a similar purpose. Certain stipulations
were made concerning the school to be established there. It was found
more consistent in summer to employ mistresses rather than masters.
[Sidenote: Goshen]
[Sidenote: Two schools]
Though established at a late date, Goshen was very active educationally.
Land was purchased and a house was being built for a union school
between Goshen, Bradford and Birmingham, in 1779. Committees were
appointed, which gave reports better than those usually returned. A plan
for funds was adopted in 1786. No further mention is found in regard to
the union schools after the establishment of the schools at Goshen and
Willistown.
[Sidenote: Bradford]
[Sidenote: Three schools 1780]
[Sidenote: Five schools 1792]
Bradford’s first educational activity was in connection with the
apprenticing of children. A single case in which a boy was put to school
by the meeting occurred in 1767; the expense therefore was defrayed by
the preparative meetings. Educational activity increased in 1778; three
schools were reported in 1780 and a committee appointed to assist in
establishing others. They appear to have been successful; five schools
were reported in 1792, though one was about to be discontinued. Not all
of the masters were Friends.
[Sidenote: Uwchlan]
[Sidenote: Nantmeal School, 1789]
[Sidenote: London Grove]
The statement that Negroes were being educated in 1765, induces one to
believe that Friends’ children were provided for. Three schools were
mentioned in 1779, in which the masters and many of the employers were
Friends. In 1789 a school was established at Nantmeal under a special
committee of Uwchlan Meeting; it was reported discontinued in 1787. The
meeting at London Grove, established (1792), reported no schools in its
compass before the end of the century; although an elaborate plan was
drawn up for the establishment of school funds.
[Sidenote: Sadsbury]
[Sidenote: Lampeter boarding school]
[Sidenote: Three schools]
Youths’ meetings were established by Sadsbury as early as 1739 and
instances in which poor children were educated are cited for 1769. The
first committee seems to have been appointed for schools in 1779. A
school was reported for Sadsbury in 1782, but was later discontinued
for a brief time, which cannot be definitely determined. In 1792 it was
agreed that Lampeter Preparative might have permission to establish a
boarding school. A plan for funds was drawn up, but no success reported
in raising them until 1798. Three schools are reported established, and
under the care of Quaker masters in 1797.
[Sidenote: Total, 18 or 19 schools]
The entire number of schools set up by the above named meetings was
eighteen or nineteen.
CHAPTER VIII
SCHOOLS OF DELAWARE COUNTY
[Sidenote: The meetings]
The activity of the several monthly meetings in Delaware County in the
establishment of schools will be considered under the heads of the
respective meetings in the following order, Chester, Darby, Radnor, and
Concord. These are four of the earliest monthly meetings established in
Pennsylvania, the dates of their establishment being: Chester, 1681; and
Darby, Radnor, and Concord in 1684.[648] The aim of this chapter, as
of the others dealing with the several counties, is to present, first
the source material which has been found to have any bearing on the
establishment of schools and the attitude of the monthly meetings toward
them.
[Sidenote: Naming of Chester]
Penn having come to New Castle on October 27, 1682, and performed the
ceremonies of taking possession of the province,[649] appears to have
gone thence to Upland, from whence he sent a letter to Ephriam Harman
(dated October 29, 1682) regarding summoning a court to be held at New
Castle (November 2, 1682).[650] But Upland was not destined to remain the
name of the city, as Penn’s biographers tell us. It is stated that Penn,
having arrived and being filled with emotion at having had a successful
journey, turned to a friend and said, “What wilt thou that I should call
this place?” He replied, “Chester.”[651]
[Sidenote: Education before coming of Quakers]
In passing it should be mentioned that an interest in education does not
date entirely from the coming of the Quakers and the establishment of
Penn’s colony. The records of the court of Upland inform us (1679) that,
without a doubt, some children received the advantages of an education.
It may have been very restricted, we cannot determine that. The records
of that date state, however, that: “The Plt demands of this Deft 200
Gilders for teaching this Defts children to read one yeare.”[652] There
is no doubt that Friends were not concerned with education in this
case.[653]
The first meetings of Chester Monthly Meeting were held in the Court
House[654] at Chester, and meetings for worship usually among the members
at their homes, previously designated.[655] In March, 1686, Urin Keen
conveyed in trust to John Simcock, Thomas Brassey, John Brinton, Caleb
Pusey, Randall Vernon, Thomas Vernon, Joshua Hastings, Mordecai Maddock,
Thomas Martin, Richard Few, Walter Faucet and Edward Carter, a piece of
ground in Chester
[Sidenote: Property granted the meeting and house built]
beginning at said Urin’s lot or Garding, and so running, 60
feet along and fronting the street towards the prison house,
thence down the lower edge in Chester Creek—thence along the
Creek 60 feet—thence to the place of beginning ... to the use
and behoof of the said Chester—the people of God called Quakers
and their successors forever.[656]
In the year following, it was urged by the monthly meeting that Friends
agree with workmen to build a meeting house at Chester 24 feet square
by 16 feet in height.[657] The first meeting house, built on the ground
above mentioned, was completed about 1793.[658]
[Sidenote: First land devised for schools in 1769]
[Sidenote: Hoskins wills ground for schools]
[Sidenote: Poor to be schooled]
The earliest record of schools established by Friends dates back to about
1770. Though this is the first record of a device of property for the
purpose, and the minutes of the meeting are also negligent of educational
affairs, it does not seem probable to the writer that the locality was
without schools. There were probably neighborhood schools, not subject to
any organization on the part of the meeting. On December 31, 1769, Joseph
Hoskins, a Friend, willed a lot of ground for the use of schools,[659]
and though his death did not occur till some years later, the meeting
appears to have known of the intended bequest and to have built a school
house in 1770.[660] It was further ordered by the will that the sum of
thirty pounds be paid to John Eyre and James Barton for the schooling and
education of such poor children of the inhabitants of the borough of said
Chester as the preparative meeting shall for the time being think fit to
order and direct.[661] Mr. Jordan in his history of the county, describes
the schoolhouse:
The schoolhouse was built of bricks, laid in Flemish bond, the
ends of the headers being burnt black, a style much in vogue
at that time. In the south gable large numerals, 1770, were
inserted in the wall, the figures being formed by the black
ends of the headers.[662]
[Sidenote: School at Middletown probably in 1740]
[Sidenote: Land donated by Taylor and wife]
The school mentioned in the committee’s report on schools situated at
Middletown,[663] was established by Friends in 1783, but an earlier
school existed (1740), according to Mr. Jordan,[664] the buildings for
the same having been donated by Thomas Yarnall and Thomas Minshall, whose
names are very prominently mentioned in Quaker records. The meeting
minutes make no mention of such a school being established, however, and
it must be understood to have been entirely on individual initiative.
In 1791, Enock Taylor and wife, Quakers, conveyed a quarter acre of
land to the use of Chester Monthly Meeting of Friends for the use of a
school.[665] Judging, however, from the later reports of the monthly
meeting we would be led to believe that no school was established at that
time.[666] On December 20, 1791, David Hall conveyed adjoining property
for the same use.[667]
[Sidenote: Committees appointed on education]
[Sidenote: Subscriptions to be started for funds]
About 1778 the monthly meeting became more active in regard to its
interest in schools, appointing committees to investigate conditions and
report the state to its sessions.[668] In 1779 and 1781, there appeared
two reports on the condition of the Negroes and their education which
are presented in another chapter.[669] In 1782 there likewise appeared
a report of the committee on schools in general.[670] This committee,
appointed in accord with the suggestions of the yearly meeting, agreed
substantially that the best way to the establishment of schools
systematically, was to arrange for a subscription which might be applied
to that use at the discretion of the monthly meeting. This was to be used
for paying the master’s salary, and to educate poor Friends’ children,
where it might appear to be of advantage to do so.[671] These suggestions
were directed to be copied and put into the hands of the members in each
of the preparative meetings.[672] Three months thereafter, the meeting
appointed a treasurer for funds and a committee for the oversight of
schools, who were to act in general accord with the suggestions made in
the first report.[673] The minute of the meeting of that date runs as
follows:
A form of subscription was proposed which might be entered into
by those who desired, and was approved by the meeting and all
urged to forward the signing of it.[674]
[Sidenote: Qualified teachers scarce]
The work thus started was not entirely satisfactory to the committee,
however. They report that “the work goes very slowly” and name, as one
cause, the great difficulty of getting suitable teachers.[675] Provision
seems to have been made for the schooling of poor children, “such as can
conveniently be sent.”[676] This reference may mean that all such were
schooled who were within reach of a school, or that they sent all for
whom they had a sufficient fund. In 1783 they acknowledged the receipt of
the most recent advices of the yearly meeting which again recommended the
serious subject of schools to their attention. Again in 1792 we find this
minute:
The subject of schools being now resumed and the several
paragraphs contained in the extracts of 1778, 1779 and
1789 being read relative thereto, Friends, of the several
preparative meetings are desired to pay close attention to
the several repeated advises of the yearly meeting on this
important subject.[677]
In 1796 the concern of a boarding school, which we have found was also
interesting all of the other monthly meetings, in the Philadelphia Yearly
Meeting, came also to the attention of Chester. They indicated their
willingness to coöperate in the scheme by the appointment of a committee,
which appears from a minute made in the meeting in 1793.
[Sidenote: Subscriptions promoted for boarding school]
William Worrall, Daniel Sharpless, Josiah Rhoads, Edward
Fell, Mahlon Parsons, Roger Dirks, Thomas Sharpless and Jacob
Minshall are appointed to prepare a subscription paper and
promote Friends’ subscriptions towards the establishment and
support of the boarding school agreeable to the recommendations
of our last Yearly Meeting, and report of their care to next or
a future meeting.[678]
The general state of schools under the meeting’s jurisdiction is made
known by the following report sent in by the school committee to the
monthly meeting held on 1-27-1800.
[Sidenote: Three schools under Chester Meeting]
The committee appointed to the care of schools report there are
three kept within the verge of this meeting under Friends care,
viz.:
1. One at Springfield taught by a Friend.
2. One at Middletown, taught by a person not in membership.
3. One at Blue Hill under similar circumstances, all of which
we trust are conducted in a good degree orderly, but that there
has been little or no addition to our fund since last year,
except what it has increased by use. The school committee also
informs that the Friends who were by the last will of our
Friend George Miller and James Turner, left trustees to the
lots at Blue Hill have conveyed the same by instruments of
writing duly executed as follows, to wit: the dwelling house
and lot to Jacob Minshall, Edward Fell, Ambrose Smedley, Isaac
Sharpless, John Hill, Jr., and Joseph Pennell, Jr., and the
schoolhouse and lot to George Miller, Edward Fell, Ambrose
Smedley, James Smedley, Isaac Sharpless, John Hill, Jr., and
Joseph Jonnell, Jr., which said conveyances have since been
recorded and are lodged with the other writings relating
thereto, in the hands of the treasurer of the school fund which
is satisfactory to the meeting.[679]
The Blue Hill School, mentioned in the above report of the committee, no
doubt dated back to a few years following 1791, in which James Turner
bequeathed his “Blue Hill Estate” to George Miller for the use of schools
established at the direction of Chester Monthly Meeting.[680]
[Sidenote: “Blue Hill” estate bequeathed by James Turner]
I give, devise and bequeath to George Miller, the son of my
cousin George Miller, my house and lot of Ground situated in
the Province aforesaid (commonly called Blue Hill) with the
appurtenances to hold by him and his heirs and assigns forever.
Upon special trust and confidence, nevertheless and to and for
the use, intent and purpose hereinafter expressed, mentioned
and declared, and moreover for the use of the society of
Protestants, commonly called Quakers, of and belonging to
the Monthly Meeting of Chester for the erecting one or more
houses for the teaching and instructing youth therein, and all
necessary conveniences thereto belonging under and subject to
the rules and regulations and orders of the said meeting for
the time being forever.
Item, I give and bequeath to my Friend Jacob Minshall, all the
rest and residue of my estate in trust for the use of a school
which may at times be kept at or near my lot of ground above
mentioned, subject to the direction of the Chester Monthly
Meeting.[681]
[Sidenote: Legacy from Thomas Evans]
The meeting’s schools also received a considerable assistance through a
legacy of £50 left by Thomas Evans for the establishment and support of
a school within the verge of Chester Monthly.[682] He makes it clear in
his bequest that he has been influenced to do this by the recommendations
of the yearly meeting, the influence of which has been instanced in many
cases before this one.
Not only to the advancement of education and enlightenment by means
of schools alone did Friends of the Chester Meeting lend their
encouragement. In a minute of 1689 we find an interesting reference to
assistance proposed for the encouragement of printing in Philadelphia.
[Sidenote: Printing encouraged by the meeting]
The business proposed to the Friends of Philadelphia concerning
allowing William Bradford, the printer, £40 by the year to
encourage him to continue in the art and practise of Printing.
This meeting approving the said proposal, orders for Darby
Monthly Meeting John Blunston and Joshua Fearne and for Chester
Monthly Meeting Caleb Pusey, Randall Vernon and for Chichester
Monthly Jacob Chandler and John Mendenhall to take subscription
according to proposal.[683]
[Sidenote: An early attention to education reported by the quarterly
meeting]
We have noticed that there appeared to be very little in the records
of the monthly meeting until about 1770 and that they contained
little of educational interest before that time. The records of the
Quarterly Meeting of Chester (later known as Concord) are, however,
full of suggestions which indicate that educational interests had their
attention much before that date, though they were not under a perfected
organization. As early as 1732 advances were made for the care and
instruction of poor children which would fit them to earn a living. We
may mention the financial assistance promised by Joseph Mead in that year.
Our ancient Friend Joseph Mead having by letter communicated
to this meeting his mind, signifying his willingness to do
something that might be conducive towards a public good, and
in order thereto offers to give £50 toward a stock to be kept
in this meeting for the putting of poor Friends’ children to
trades or for relieving of poor or indigent Friends which
this meeting very kindly accepts of at the hand of said
Friend.[684]... and this meeting being informed that our Friend
Joseph Mead continues steadfast in his mind respecting his
donation towards pious uses, and desires he may know to whom
he may deliver the said gift. After some consideration thereon
this meeting do nominate ... Jacob Howell and John Davis to
be receivers and are by this meeting empowered to receive the
above and all such bequests ..., in behalf of and for the use
of this meeting, and to put out upon interest as soon as they
conveniently can all such money into good and responsible hands
and to render to this meeting when required thereto or to whom
the said meeting shall appoint a true and just account of what
may be delivered hereafter by any person or persons into their
hands for the uses aforesaid.[685]
In 1739 the interest arising from this gift was withdrawn at his request
and paid to the Springfield Friends to help them build their meeting
house.[686]
In response to the yearly meeting’s urgent request of 1746 and 1750,[687]
we have their action recorded in this minute of the year 1754.
[Sidenote: Report required on state of legacies]
According to a minute of the advice of the Last Yearly Meeting
concerning the settling of schools in the country, it is agreed
for the encouragement thereof that the several and respective
clerks of the monthly meetings belonging to this quarterly
meeting do inquire and bring in a true report of all legacies,
donations or estates which have been heretofore given to their
respective meetings and of the uses to which the moneys arising
therefrom are applied, and bring the account thereof to our
next meeting.[688]
[Sidenote: Darby]
[Sidenote: Land deeded for meeting]
The meetings at Darby were at first usually held at the home of John
Blunston, who in 1687 deeded one acre of ground in Darby aforesaid for
the use of building a meeting house,[689] on which the meeting house was
begun in the following year,[690] and finished in 1689.[691] Happily,
in the case of Darby Meeting we can point out a definite statement
concerning a school established by the meeting, and which, quite
probably, was the first school at that place. In 1692 the minutes note
that,
[Sidenote: B. Clift’s school]
Agreed at this meeting that Benjamin Clift teach school,
beginning the twelfth day of the 7th month, and to continue one
whole year except two weeks.[692]
His salary for the first year is not known, but the minutes a year later
give some clue as to the amount paid.
Agreed at this meeting that Benjamin Clift teach school a
year, beginning this 20th day of this 9th month; and to have
£12/00/00.[693]
[Sidenote: Slight activity before 1778]
As has occurred in all other monthly meetings thus far considered,
there was always little done in the way of organization and supervision
of school affairs till after 1770.[694] There were however various
committees appointed from time to time, especially in the case of
legacies and donations which were quite common even at early dates.[695]
The movement towards better organization, however, began more earnestly
in 1778, with the receipt of a number of letters from the yearly meeting,
in regard to which the following minute was made:
[Sidenote: Coöperation of monthly and quarterly committees]
This meeting received a number of the general epistles from the
last Yearly Meeting held in London and also the same number of
copies of an epistle from the same meeting to our last Yearly
Meeting, one of each were read at the close of the meeting for
worship, to satisfaction, and the clerk is directed to read one
of each the forepart of a first day meeting. The remainder were
distributed amongst Friends.[696]
[Sidenote: Building for a school proposed]
In the twelfth month Darby Friends received a committee appointed by
the quarterly meeting (Concord) to investigate conditions and promote
schools among the monthly meetings.[697] John Howe, Aaron Oakford, Isaac
Lloyd, Benjamin Lobb, and Josiah Bunting were appointed by Darby to join
with the quarterly meeting’s committee in its work.[698] The next year
the question of building a schoolhouse occupied their attention.[699] It
was proposed to deal with persons holding some land adjoining that of the
meeting, that it might be purchased as school property and a suitable
building erected thereon. Finding, however, that those holding the
adjacent property were not at the time disposed to sell, it was decided
to begin a subscription for erecting a schoolhouse on the meeting’s land,
which has been mentioned as having been left to the meeting’s use by John
Blunston.[700] The work on this building was evidently begun between 1779
and 1781, as we may infer from the minute of the latter year.
This meeting resuming the consideration of building a house
to accommodate a school were informed by one of the committee
that it appeared to be necessary the subscriptions should be
enlarged before the work could be completed; therefore Abraham
Bonsall, John Humphreys, and Phillip Price are appointed with
the former committee in order to forward the work and to report
what progress they have made therein to next meeting; Benjamin
Lobb requesting to be released from the above service, Morris
Truman is appointed in his room.[701]
The tenor of a minute of the meeting next following was to the effect
that enough money had been secured for the completion of the work.[702]
[Sidenote: State of school satisfactory 1784]
[Sidenote: A digest of report of 1790]
In 1784 another visit was received from the committee of the quarterly
meeting, whose purpose was “the establishing and keeping up suitable
schools,” as recommended in the several years past.[703] The reports
of the committee of the school at this date indicate that the status
was nearly what was expected by the yearly meeting, respecting
(1) foundation, (2) masters, (3) supervision by committees, (4)
accommodations for the master, etc.[704] In 1787, Nathaniel Newlin one
of the meeting’s representatives to the quarterly meeting brought back
a request from that body for “a circumstantial account” of the state
of schools, to be transmitted to the quarterly meeting the next eighth
month.[705] The said Nathaniel was placed on the school committee in the
eleventh month following,[706] and later, John Bull and Benjamin Bartram
were appointed in the places of Aaron Oakford and Phillip Price who
requested to be released.[707] In the first month of the year following
there was produced a report by the committee, which in fact became the
governing document for the schools established and to be established
in Darby. There is presented here a digest of the report; a complete
statement of it may be found in Chapter II.
1. Recalling the advices of the yearly meeting, they recognize:
_a._ the advantages arising from established schools, and
_b._ the losses sustained from a want thereof.
2. Therefore it is agreed that in the future five Friends should be
appointed and called the Overseers of Darby School, three of them to be
sufficient number to transact business.
3. Their duties:
_a._ Visit the school.
_b._ Examine the progress of the scholars.
_c._ Inspect the teacher’s conduct.
_d._ Employ teachers, with the approbation of the meeting.
_e._ Discharge them in similar manner, if cause therefor arise.
_f._ Discharge unruly pupils, who will not submit to the rules
of the school.
_g._ Settle all differences arising between the master and any
employers.
_h._ Devise some plan for raising permanent funds for the
school; also to receive interest from the trustees of donations
given for education of the poor, and apply the same as
intended.
_i._ Aid the trustees in getting better securities for the same.
_j._ Minutes of their proceedings are to be kept and reports
made to the monthly meeting once a year, and at other times if
called for.[708]
[Sidenote: New overseers added temporarily]
[Sidenote: Schoolhouse to be built on Lobb lot by subscription]
[Sidenote: Not begun until 1797 or 1798]
In 1792 the new overseers reported they had continued to visit the
school and inspect the learning of the children, which they did with
satisfaction, implying that all conditions were as desired.[709] In
the eleventh month four new members were appointed to the school
overseers;[710] as it is not stated that any had been released, we are
uncertain as to whether the number required had been increased or not;
quite likely they were appointed only for temporary assistance. In 1793
it was reported from the school overseers that Benjamin Lobb had agreed
to grant a lot of ground on the upper part of his plantation, to build a
schoolhouse upon; the overseers proposed that the expenses be defrayed by
subscription.[711] A subscription was started for the same, and Friends
desired to forward it, that the school might be begun.[712] The cost
of this school was estimated at £110.[713] It is not known just when
this school under Friends’ care was begun in Upper Darby but at various
stages these things are known about it. (1) On the 28th of the third
month, 1793, it was reported that Lobb had offered the ground, (2) the
cost of the building was estimated, fifth month, second, 1793, at £110,
(3) eighth month, twelfth, 1793, the Chester Quarterly Meeting received
the report that Darby was going to establish a school for Friends, (4)
in 1796 the committee of overseers reported, “our school has been kept
in good degree accordingly as desired by the yearly meeting,”[714] (5)
the committee of overseers still mention but one school under their care
and (6) eighth month, second, 1798, the school overseers report that the
schools are kept as recommended by the yearly meeting. It would appear
then that the school did not actually begin until some time between 1797
and 1798,[715] since all prior reports had recognized but one _school_.
Mr. Jordan states that in 1779 a deed set aside 24 perches of ground in
upper Darby on the Darby-Haverford Road for the use of schools.[716] This
seems to have no connection with the schools established by the meeting;
it was the first official deed for ground for schools, but many bequests
of great value had been made previously.[717] The text of the minutes
recording these bequests follows on a later page.
[Sidenote: The state of education in 1797 and]
The state of schools as reported by the committee in 1797 was as follows:
Our school has been kept since last accounts ... as recommended
by the Yearly Meeting; visited by the overseers and the
scholars learning inspected to a good degree of satisfaction.
There has been expended for schooling children of Friends and
others the sum of £12/10 and on settlement there appears a
balance in the treasurer’s hands of £6/15/5; the stock remains
the same as at last year. Signed ... Morris Truman, Isaac
Oakford, and John Hunt.[718]
[Sidenote: 1798]
As mentioned above, the second school in Upper Darby seems to have been
put into operation by 1798. The committee’s report, summarized, is as the
following.[719]
1. Schools kept as recommended by the yearly meeting since last
year.
2. Scholars’ learning has been inspected.
3. Schools have been visited.
4. Children of the poor and of others have been schooled.
5. Stock remains at £14/00/00 as last year.
Signed Truman Morris, John Hunt and Isaac Oakford.
[Sidenote: Support of schools by legacies]
As has been previously suggested the financial assistance to Darby
schools came in a very considerable measure from legacies, left from time
to time, but it was also necessary to use subscription and rate plans for
school support. The text of one of these bequests, as recorded in the
Darby records, is given below.
Likewise I give and bequeath to my friend John Griffith, Thomas
Pearson, and Samuel Bunting, all of Darby aforesaid, the sum
of £50, nevertheless my aforesaid gift and bequest to them is
only in trust, that they the said John Griffith, Thomas Pearson
and Samuel Bunting shall reconvey and receive from the hands
of my executors aforesaid the sum of £50 and when so received,
put out the said monies to interest on good securities with the
approbation of the monthly meeting of the people called Quakers
in Darby aforesaid, and at the risk of those benefitted thereby
and so from time to time forever, with the approbation of the
said meeting for the time being. To the intent and purpose
that by and out of the interests and profits thereof, they the
said John Griffiths ... pay for the learning to read and write
of such and so many poor Friends children in unity and church
fellowship with the said people and belonging to the said
meeting, as the said meeting shall order and appoint from time
to time forever, and when any of my said trustees shall die, it
is my will and mind that the said meeting shall appoint another
to succeed and so from time to time forever.[720]
[Sidenote: Radnor]
[Sidenote: A school mentioned in 1731]
Smith’s _History of Delaware County_ states that as early as 1788 there
was a school established at Radnor.[721] The first reference to a school
found in the Radnor Monthly Meeting’s records was in 1731.[722] At that
date Richard Harrison and some Friends
signified to this meeting in writing that the meeting appointed
last 7th month to be kept at the said Richard’s schoolhouse was
duly and religiously kept and further requested to be permitted
to keep an afternoon meeting ... which is allowed of and to be
at four o’clock.
[Sidenote: The poor educated]
The school had doubtless been in existence for at least a short time
before that. Their answers to the fifth query in 1757 state that they
are careful of the education of the poor and find themselves clear of
placing children from among Friends.[723] They also, at that date, report
themselves free of holding slaves;[724] likewise in 1759, in regard to
both.[725] In 1768, in regard to a case of apprenticing children, this
minute is recorded by the meeting:
[Sidenote: Children apprenticed]
The meeting taking the request to reimburse them the expense
accruing on account of Jane Atkinson, deceased, into
consideration, came to a result of paying them as soon as we
can, and as there is one of her children not put out yet, it is
desired Samuel Humphreys and William Lawrence would take some
care in putting them out....[726]
[Sidenote: Making wills recommended]
In 1759 we find that Friends are reminded by the monthly meeting of
the “necessary duty” of making their wills in time of health, and that
endeavors are used to apply public gifts to the uses intended.[727] The
only “uses intended” must have been for some of these purposes: The
support of the poor, their education, for negro support and education,
or for purely religious purposes, all of which, the last one excepted,
were, in a way, if we may judge from other meetings’ practices,
educational. The suggestion of leaving bequests for public purposes,
taken in connection with the answers to the fifth and seventh queries,
and the known fact that there was a school in 1731, lead us to believe
that the Radnor Meeting was pretty well awake to educational problems.
However true that may be, it is just as certain that any exact data on
her schools are very rare for the early period before 1778. In that year
the usual declaration of the yearly meeting at Philadelphia was received
concerning the question of schools.[728]
[Sidenote: Report of quarterly meeting]
A committee of the quarterly meeting in 1778 produced a report embodying
certain conclusions arrived at, both as to causes of existing evils
and the proposed solutions. Only a digest of this report can be given
here.[729]
1. We believe it a subject of much importance.
2. Corruptions have been introduced by mingling in outside schools.
3. It is necessary to have schools under masters and mistresses who take
care of religious education.
4. We believe it our duty to spread the work through the yearly meeting.
[Sidenote: Committee appointed on education]
The effect of the yearly and quarterly meetings’ suggestions was the
appointment of Samuel Briggs, William Lawrence, Jacob Jones, John
Robeson, Samuel Richards, and Daniel Maule to attend to the affairs of
education, “as may be opened in the wisdom of truth.”[730] This last may,
to our modern way of thinking, suggest rather a blind guidance, but not
so to the old time Friends. The report to the quarterly meeting in 1779
does not suggest that any progress has been made, as was desired, save in
respect to the masters employed in the schools.
... to attend the ensuing quarterly meeting at Philadelphia,
and report, that the ... answers are to be transmitted as
nearly our state. That some care has been taken to advise
such negroes who have been restored to freedom. That the
proposals respecting schools have been under consideration and
some essays made by employing masters who are Friends. That
small progress has been made as yet in laboring for the pious
education of the youth.[731]
[Sidenote: Preparatives visited]
[Sidenote: The demands of the yearly meeting]
The next step, as reported in 1781, was the appointment of Friends to
attend each of the preparative meetings and to do all possible “to spread
the concern” of schools and excite an attention thereunto. No visits
were as yet made to individual families, and the general feeling of
the meeting appeared to be that not much progress had been made.[732]
When reading these reports of the monthly meetings it is well to keep
in mind the chief things which the yearly meeting had desired, (1) _the
establishment of permanent school funds_, (2) _employment of Friends as
teachers_, (3) _houses and permanent lands, gardens and so forth to be
provided for the accommodation of the masters_, etc. With this in mind it
is easy to see that the report of the meetings might be rather faltering
even though they were in some manner supplied with the benefits of
education. In 1781 the quarterly meeting advised those still unsuccessful
in their attempts to meet the set standards “should be animated and
encouraged to give weighty attention to this important matter.”[733] The
only success achieved by Radnor, according to their own report, was in
the employment of Friends for school masters.[734] In 1786,
The important subjects ... relative to schools engages in
some degree the minds of Friends here but have little further
to mention at present saving that the teachers employed in
several schools appear to be those in religious profession with
Friends.[735]
[Sidenote: Purchase of ground proposed]
In 1790 it was reported that one of the preparative meetings was
considering the purchase of a lot of ground for the purpose of
schools,[736] probably that of Haverford. In July 1791 the committee
on school affairs gave a pretty full report, at any rate the best we
can get, on the condition of Radnor’s schools situated in each of the
preparative meetings. The statement issued by the committee was the
following:
[Sidenote: Report of 1791]
[Sidenote: Two schools under Friends’ meeting]
[Sidenote: Haverford and Radnor]
The committee on schools also produced their report thereon
in writing as follows—We ... take the interesting subject of
schools into consideration, and to visit those wherein either
our preparatives are concerned, have given unction thereto,
and find that although there are divers schools kept in the
compass of the monthly meeting, two only appear subject to the
rule and direction of Friends, the one being at Haverford, kept
in a house erected in a small lot of ground belonging to that
meeting: This school we visited in company with a committee
of that preparative, which to us seems under its present
circumstances tolerably well conducted; but it does not appear
there are funds established, the salary of the master being
made up by the neighborhood subscription ... some poor children
principally are taught, the expense whereof is defrayed out
of a small annual income arising from a sum left by a friend
for such uses.—The other school is at Radnor, the house being
Friends’ property also; on a visit made to this school in
company of a committee of that preparative meeting, we found
it large at the time and under rules which appeared pretty
well adapted for the government thereof, but the salary there,
as in the aforementioned school, depends on the transient
subscription, and therefore uncertain. At Merion and the Valley
we have not discovered any progress made in laying a foundation
for schools in the way proposed by the Yearly Meeting. After
considering this weighty subject with attention we are of the
mind the several preparatives (notwithstanding difficulties
may occur) should be encouraged to a continuance of care and
exertion herein as strength may be afforded; in order to carry
into effect this desirable object among us.—Signed on behalf
of the said committee by James Jones.[737]
[Sidenote: Concord]
[Sidenote: Birmingham School at least as early as 1779]
[Sidenote: School at Chichester]
The definition of the time when Concord established its first schools
under the meeting’s care, is only possible within rather extended limits.
We can only say that at such a time certain schools were in existence;
earlier than that we have no authentic source of information. Jordan, in
his _History of Delaware County_, places the date of Birmingham’s first
school as 1806,[738] it being built on a lot conveyed for that purpose
by John Burgess. From the report of the Concord Monthly Meeting in 1779,
which will be presented later, it appears that Birmingham had a school at
that date which was established “in some measure agreeable to the demands
of the yearly meeting.”[739] It is spoken of as a regularly established
school, which the writer has found in most meetings to mean that a house,
master, funds, and sometimes a permanent lot were provided. This is
merely suggestive. It certainly does not prove that there was a lot and
building provided, but the indications are in favor of that, rather than
against it. The same author, in reference to Upper Chichester, states,
In 1793 the Society of Friends established a school in Upper
Chichester which was maintained by the Society until the public
school system was introduced.[740]
The source for the statement is not given, but it appears it must be
subject to the like inaccuracy suggested above in reference to Birmingham.
The report of the school committee which seems to contravert the time of
the establishment of schools, given by Jordan, is herewith included.
[Sidenote: Report of 1779]
We of the committee appointed to the care of schools and
education of the youth, report we have in some degree attended
to the importance of the service, have lately visited two
schools, which are now established in some measure agreeable
to the concern of the Yearly Meeting as recommended in the
extracts for that purpose....
[Sidenote: Two schools]
One of which in the verge of Chichester, the other Birmingham
particular meeting; which visits, on observing the economy and
regularity of said schools, have afforded us much satisfaction.
With increasing desires for the establishment of another
in the verge of Concord which unitedly appears to be much
wanting as divers Friends now labor under very considerable
inconvenience for want thereof. Signed by nine of the
committee.[741]
[Sidenote: Committee visits preparatives]
In 1780 the minutes of the meeting state that another full report on
schools was brought in, but such a report is not found in the minutes. In
1781, the question being revived by the receipt of the yearly meeting’s
extracts, a committee of Joshua Sharpe, Richard Strode, Hugh Judge,
Samuel Trimble, George Martin, and Caleb Pierce were appointed to take
the extracts and visit each of the preparative meetings, at which they
were to be read.[742] They further directed the time for Birmingham
to hold their meeting, so that the visit of the committee might be
arranged.[743] It is known that these visits were performed, and others
following that date.[744]
[Sidenote: Report of 1786 and 1787]
[Sidenote: Three schools]
It was noted in the committee’s report presented in 1779, that Concord
did not yet have a school under its care,[745] though one was desired.
The report of 1786 indicates that all of the preparatives were at that
time supplied. A digest of the said report is produced here, also that of
1787.
The committee informed this meeting that they have appointed
John Pierce Treasurer for Chichester, Joseph Trimble for
Concord, and William Townsend for Birmingham. We also
agree to report, agreeable to the request of the quarterly
meeting....[746]
Digest of their report.
1. We have a school and house at each preparative
meeting—agreeable to the plan of the yearly meeting.
2. They are under the care of a steady committee of our monthly
meeting.
3. Schools are conducted to the good satisfaction of Friends.
4. One of them at present is vacant.
5. We have also agreed upon a plan to establish a fund for the
education of poor children; also for the support of the said
schools.
6. There is a treasurer for each particular meeting.
7. Not much progress made in securing funds, up to date.
The report of the next year, 1787, was:[747]
1. The three schools visited.
2. Are conducted to a good degree of satisfaction.
3. Chichester is at present vacant.
4. Request a future urging and some advice of the yearly
meeting.
The encouragement given to the school of Concord through individual
philanthropy is to be noted in the will of Nathan Yarnall, an extract
from which appeared in the Concord minutes.
[Sidenote: Schools encouraged by individual philanthropy]
I give and bequeath the sum of £50 to be appropriated for the
use of Friends School at Concord, if established agreeable
to the plan recommended by the Yearly Meeting last year, to
be paid into the hands of the committee appointed for the
establishment of the said school.... It appears that Samuel
Trimble, Morris Jones, William Trimble, and Caleb Pierce are a
committee appointed by the Concord Preparative meeting to take
the immediate care and oversight of that school. They ... and
to make report to next meeting.[748]
Such aid as this doubtless hastened the coming of the first school which
was reported by the committee in 1786.[749]
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: The meetings]
The establishment of schools in Chester, Radnor, Darby and Concord
meetings is discussed in this chapter.
[Sidenote: Chester]
[Sidenote: Land devised for schools]
[Sidenote: Three schools]
There is evidence that education was provided for some children in
Chester before the Quakers came to the colony. The first meetings at
Chester were held in the Court House, but land for a meeting house was
devised in 1688. The first property devised for school purposes was that
of Hoskins in 1769. A schoolhouse was built on the land in 1770. A school
is said to have been at Middletown in 1740, in a building donated by
Thomas Yarnall and Thomas Minshall. Land was also given for schools in
1791 by Enock Taylor and his wife. About 1778 the usual committees were
appointed and subscription plans formulated. At the end of the century
three schools were reported under Friends’ care.
[Sidenote: Darby]
[Sidenote: Committees coöperate]
[Sidenote: Two schools]
The first school at Darby was taught by Benjamin Clift in 1692, 1693 and
perhaps longer, though no further record is found. Not much progress
is noticed until about 1778, when the quarterly and monthly meetings’
committees united on the subject of schools. A schoolhouse was erected
between 1779 and 1781. According to reports of 1784 and 1790 the Darby
School was satisfactorily situated. A new school in Upper Darby on
Benjamin Lobb’s lot was proposed in 1793, but not built before 1798. Two
schools, kept as recommended, are reported in 1798.
[Sidenote: Radnor]
[Sidenote: Two schools under charge of meeting]
Smith says that as early as 1788 there was a school at Radnor. The
meeting records mention one as early as 1731. The meeting was active
in educating and apprenticing the poor. The reports, however, do not
indicate that they were very successful in meeting the standards set by
the yearly meeting for the schools. In 1791 one of the preparatives,
probably Haverford, considered the purchase of grounds for a school. A
full report of the same year shows two schools (Radnor and Haverford)
which are subject to the control of the monthly meeting. Merion and the
Valley had no schools established _according to the plan proposed_.
[Sidenote: Concord]
[Sidenote: Two schools 1779]
The very early state of Concord’s schools has not been determined, though
one was at Birmingham in 1779. Mr. Jordan is inclined to place the date
of Birmingham’s first school about 1806. The date stated by him for
Chichester (1793) also seems to be too late. The minutes recognize the
Birmingham school in 1779 and also one at Chichester at the same date.
In 1787 one school is reported for each preparative meeting, Concord,
Chichester, and Birmingham.
CHAPTER IX
SCHOOL SUPPORT, ORGANIZATION, AND CURRICULUM
SUPPORT
[Sidenote: Problem of support]
[Sidenote: A fixed salary necessary to secure better teachers and retain
them]
At various times in the course of this study, it has been mentioned
that the activities of the lower branches of the meeting organization
were directed by means of advices sent out from the yearly meetings.
These advices, particularly at the earlier dates, were of a very general
nature, and, as one would judge from the name, were only recommendations
as to what should be done, with occasional expressions of approbation or
reproof as the action of the constituent meetings merited. As years went
on, however, the advices became of more consequence, sometimes mapping
out plans of action in considerable detail.[750] One of the questions
which came to demand a great deal of attention was that of supporting
teachers in the schools. Great trouble had always been experienced in
getting masters, properly qualified mentally and morally, who would
continue long in the same place of service. The suggestions of the yearly
meeting in 1750 sought to remedy that serious condition. The opinion then
expressed was that,
the most likely means to induce such persons to undertake
the business will be to have some certain income fixed, in
consideration of which, they should be obliged to teach so
many children on behalf of each monthly meeting, as said
monthly meeting might judge adequate to the salary and that no
person should receive the benefit of the salary, without the
appointment of the said meeting.[751]
It was directed that the meeting’s clerk send copies of the above
recommendation to all quarterly meetings, which were in turn to supply
each of their monthly meetings and direct them to send in a report to the
next yearly meeting.[752]
[Sidenote: A weakness of the meeting organization]
The above is cited as one of many similar recommendations; and, without
the presentation of any more of them, it may be well to point out one
of the great weaknesses of the system—that weakness being the lack of a
strong central control in the organization which could formulate plans
and compel them to be carried into execution. A financial plan based on
that idea would no doubt have resulted quite differently than did the
one pursued, which left it wholly to the determination of the locality
whether they would settle regular funds for the schools. Since this study
is historical we shall limit ourselves to that point of view exclusively.
Let us notice then the reception of the recommendations in the case of
a few meetings, tracing it to the lowest meeting whence, in the last
analysis, the funds usually came.
[Sidenote: How recommendations reached the lower meetings]
[Sidenote: Function of committees appointed]
What became of the recommendation when it had been sent out from the
yearly meeting? In some cases committees were appointed in the quarterly
meetings to which it came. An instance of this is the case of Concord
Quarterly Meeting which in 1754 appointed a committee to inspect and
examine the accounts and all moneys which were given to charitable and
educational purposes.[753] At another time Concord appointed a committee
to visit the monthly and preparative meetings to ascertain the state
of schools among them; this committee reported soon after that they
had visited the meetings but that not much had been done in regard to
schools.[754] The appointment of these committees was quite a common
practice and, no doubt, they had considerable influence. They often
worked with the committees of the monthly meetings,[755] and in some
instances produced very full reports of their activity, which they, of
course, forwarded to the yearly meeting.[756] The duties in general
performed by the quarterly meetings, as doers of the yearly meeting’s
will, were as follows:
[Sidenote: Duties of the quarterly meeting summarized]
1. To transmit the advices through the representatives to the various
monthly meetings.
2. To appoint committees (_a_) for investigation and (_b_) for
coöperation with those in the monthly meetings.
3. To collect reports and make final report for their locality to the
yearly meeting.
4. At some stages of development the quarterly performed some duties
later performed by the monthly meeting.[757]
[Sidenote: Procedure in the monthly meeting]
What became of the recommendation when sent on from quarterly meeting?
After arriving at and being perused by the monthly, they were always
sent by the representatives back to the various particulars, or
preparatives, there to be considered also.[758] The preparative meeting
was not primarily a “record-meeting” and little can be found of their
organization, if they had any, for raising funds, save from the
reports of the monthly meetings. This does not mean, however, that the
preparatives did not share in raising the funds; it means only that the
organization for so doing was in the monthly meeting.[759] The plans
adopted by that body were drawn up in the most part by a committee
which was representative of each particular meeting. Let us examine
briefly the general nature of the plans proposed by some of the meetings
for establishing permanent funds. Only those of two or three will be
mentioned, as there was great similarity in all of them. The text of the
plan for some of the meetings may be found in the chapter in which those
meetings are considered.[760]
In 1796 the minutes of Kennett recorded a plan their committee had
devised for the establishment of a permanent fund. As has already been
suggested, one of the greatest weaknesses of the whole system was that
everything was done upon individual choice.[761] That is probably the
first thing to strike the reader’s attention as he looks over the plans
devised. We will state as concisely as possible the chief points.
[Sidenote: Kennett plans for raising funds summarized]
(_a_) Subscriptions were voluntary, and if a note were given it bore
interest at 5%;
(_b_) There was a regularly constituted board of trustees for the funds;
(_c_) Record was to be kept of receipts and expenditures and reported to
the monthly meeting;
(_d_) All money paid in was to be vested in real property as soon as
possible;
(_e_) Disagreement among the trustees must be settled before the monthly
meeting;
(_f_) Funds were to be used for paying salaries or keeping buildings in
repair provided the amount of the principal fund be not lessened.[762]
From reports of the success in establishing schools in Kennett
meeting,[763] one must believe that their trustees managed the funds
wisely and that subscriptions were generously made, but their exact
financial state is not given.
[Sidenote: Similar plans by Darby, London Grove, Buckingham, Sadsbury,
and others]
Similar plans were devised by many other meetings, such as London
Grove,[764] Darby,[765] Sadsbury,[766] and Buckingham.[767] In all the
outstanding characteristics are the same as those mentioned in the
Kennett plan. One very interesting characteristic which frequently
recurs, is that in the fifth rule of Kennett which allows that the funds
may be used also for the poor, who are not members of Friends.[768]
Other forms of support besides the subscription just mentioned were, (1)
_legacies_, given on terms determined at the will of the donors, (2)
_fees_, and, occasionally, (3) _issue of bonds_ for rather small sums,
which were needed in case of emergency, such as completing a school house
which had been begun. An instance of the third method occurred in 1701
when Philadelphia Monthly Meeting agreed that £100 be raised in that
manner for completing the work on the school house.[769] Many similar
instances were found in records of other meetings. The rate system was so
commonly used as a means of support in the early schools that it needs
no special attention here. Some of the rates paid for teaching will be
noted in a later presentation of masters’ salaries. Legacies have been
very frequently mentioned in previous chapters and it is here necessary
only to call attention to the chief characteristics of the bequests and
refer the reader to previous chapters if he wishes to examine the text of
them.[770] The common characteristics are:
[Sidenote: Main characteristics of the bequests made]
(1) Entirely voluntary, though the making of them was frequently urged by
the meeting[771] and was in fact the concern of the queries which were
regularly sent out. By this means the yearly meeting was informed of the
interest taken in making donations.
(2) Almost universally consisted of (_a_) sums of money or (_b_) land.
(3) The donor chose trustees in the meeting to be subject to its
direction.
(4) The purpose was generally definitely stated; also how the money
should be invested.
[Sidenote: The value of legacies in a few meetings]
An entire chapter might be devoted to this interesting and very important
means of support of the Quaker schools, but much less space must suffice.
The value of it may be indicated by a few figures given in statements
of a few meetings and school records. The table gives the yearly value
of the legacies or other permanent endowments at the year stated. The
list is not complete, due to inadequate records, but may be taken as
indicative of the extent of this form of support.[772]
VALUE OF LEGACIES FOR SCHOOL SUPPORT
For whose use Year Amount
Overseers of Penn Charter School[773] 1776 £574/00/11½
Buckingham Monthly Meeting[774] 1778 244/ 4/11½
Buckingham Monthly Meeting[775] 1793 767/10/00
Wrightstown Monthly Meeting[776] 1790 248/13/10
Falls Monthly Meeting[777] 1799 777/ 9/ 4½
Uwchlan Monthly Meeting[778] 1784 120/10/00
Horsham School Committee[779] 1793 351/ 2/11
ORGANIZATION
[Sidenote: London advices on education]
The machinery of organization which had any connection with the direction
of the school system has already been frequently referred to. It is
the same organization which was discussed in Chapter II.[780] It has
further been pointed out that one of the functions of the head of this
organization, the yearly or general assembly, was to issue advices for
the direction of the lower units. These advices began very early, so
far as they are concerned with education. In 1692 London Yearly Meeting
warned all others to be careful of a “Christian care in the education of
their children,”[781] and followed it successively each year with more
suggestions.[782] These advices all found their way to the Yearly Meeting
of Philadelphia and Burlington, and the similarity between the advices of
the two meetings is striking but not surprising.
[Sidenote: London advices summarized]
It may be convenient for the reader if some of the chief recommendations
of the London Advices are stated briefly, that the likeness of the two
may be noted later when we examine those of Philadelphia. They are:
1. Education is to be useful and practical.[783]
2. The major emphasis is placed on Christian and moral instruction.[784]
3. The teachers must be capable of good moral influence.[785]
4. Teachers must be members of Friends.[786]
5. Free education is to be provided for the poor[787] (first it was only
mentioned for the children of Friends, later others).
6. The coöperation of teachers is urged for the betterment of methods of
teaching.[788]
7. The weaker communities are to be aided by the stronger.[789]
8. Both parents and teachers must realize the force of example.[790]
9. Close censorship of all reading material for the youth.[791]
[Sidenote: Means of exercising influence: epistles, ministers, and
representatives]
[Sidenote: Philadelphia advices also general for first half century]
From this very brief statement of London Advices and with little
attention paid to their manner of getting into and influencing those of
Philadelphia, save to state that the chief means were: (1) _epistles
sent_, (2) _travelling ministers_, and (3) _through representatives sent
from the lower meetings_, let us turn to consider those of the last
named meeting. As early as 1694 we find that that body approved certain
“proposals about the education of youth,” the initiative for which seems
to have come from Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting.[792] So far as the
minute of the meeting goes, one would hardly dignify this statement so
much as to say that it suggested a plan of education. If such a plan were
submitted, it was carefully kept out of the minutes of that date. The
very nature of the advice continues as with those of London until near
the middle of the century, but as one reads the records they are seen
to grow gradually in definiteness until beginning (to name a definite
date) about 1746 and on through the period of 1777 and 1778, there are
elaborated certain ideas for the establishment of schools in town and
country. It is not until those later years that anything like strong
central control is felt, and certainly there were earlier no visible
results of such centralizing influence. Even then it took the form of
urgent suggestions which, though producing very considerable results,
cannot be regarded candidly as the best that might have been done. It
is with these suggestions of the latter part of the century that we are
chiefly concerned. The most important are here stated in brief manner.
[Sidenote: Summary of Philadelphia advices]
1. Education is to be useful in nature.
2. The minima to be attained are moral and Christian training and an
ability to read and write.
3. The meetings are to assist each other in settling schools.
4. Members of Friends are to be employed as teachers in the schools; good
moral influence of the teachers is of first importance.
5. A fixed income, house, and garden are necessary for securing a better
and more permanent teaching body.
6. All teachers, employed, are to be approved by the monthly meeting.
7. Quarterly meetings are to appoint visiting committees.
8. Permanent funds recommended to be put in care of trustees.
9. Schools to be under the care of monthly meetings’ committees and
reports are to be made thereon.
10. The poor children to be educated free of charge, and also the
Negroes, where they are not able to pay. Children not Friends were not
omitted,[793] as we find in the plans actually followed by the monthly
meetings.
[Sidenote: The functions of the quarterly meeting]
The chief functions of the quarterly meeting were: (1) to transmit
these advices; (2) to gather and return reports of the accomplishments
within its limits; and (3) to keep in touch with the work by means
of committees. Sufficient material has in the writer’s opinion been
presented in the way of reports in previous chapters relating to schools
established in the various counties, to make it unnecessary here.[794]
To characterize it as an intermediary agent and its functions as
supervisory and directive seems to be adequate.
[Sidenote: Monthly meeting the business unit]
The monthly meeting was above all others the organizing business unit and
the welfare of schools appears to have depended much on its activity.
It is to the monthly meeting that we are indebted for almost all of the
reports on schools, and it has been noticed that not until raised to
the dignity of being a monthly meeting, did many meetings assume any
important part in directing education. A few preparatives, which might
be considered as a little exceptional, were Byberry, Falls, and Horsham.
They appear to have handled their schools a little more independently
than did others. Duties which were as a general rule performed by each of
the monthly meetings were these:[795]
[Sidenote: Duties summarized]
1. To investigate the state of schools in their preparatives.
2. To appoint committees to visit, assist and report on schools
established, and recommend the establishment of others where necessary.
3. To approve masters, retire them, and fill vacancies.
4. Through trustees or committees on funds, (_a_) to finance the
education of poor children, (_b_) to pay salaries, (_c_) to build school
houses, and (_d_) to establish permanent endowments.
5. To take final reports to be sent to the yearly meeting.
[Sidenote: Three points indicated concerning the organization]
These functions have all been brought to the reader’s attention by
reports and minutes quoted in chapters on the schools in various
counties. This brief presentation of the organization and direction on
the part of the meetings should be sufficient to point out: (1) that the
general nature of the organization is a hierarchy of units; (2) that
the direction of school activities comes from the higher to the lower,
and is of a general and suggestive rather than specific and mandatory
nature; (3) that the monthly meeting formed the real working unit, and
that on its diligence probably depended the welfare of the preparatives’
schools. We shall now attend for a moment to a few of the details of the
school in so far as we may judge them from the records at our disposal.
THE SCHOOL
[Sidenote: Permanent properties recommended for schools]
[Sidenote: Property acquired by Philadelphia schools and meeting]
[Sidenote: and Abington]
It has already been mentioned that one of the yearly meeting’s earnest
recommendations was that a lot of ground be provided where schools
might be necessary, sufficient for a garden, orchard, grass for a cow,
etc., and that a suitable house and stables and other necessary things
be arranged for the securing of more permanent and better qualified
teachers.[796] There were certainly several of the meetings where land
for the purposes of schools was possessed before these recommendations
were made. Notable instances, which may be mentioned, were Philadelphia
and Abington, and many others, who early secured permanent lands for
the meeting which were also used for the erection of schools. Some of
the early acquisitions of school property in Philadelphia were: (1)
that purchased in 1698 of Lionell Brittain;[797] (2) another deeded by
John Goodson and Thomas Lightfoot to the overseers;[798] and (3) that
devised by William Forrest, upon which the overseers erected a school in
1744.[799] There was also the piece of ground left to the monthly meeting
of that place by George Fox, upon which the meeting gave permission for
the building of a school, free from ground rent.[800] The property gained
by Abington in 1696 was for the support of a school.[801] A meeting house
was erected on the land between 1696 and 1700. These cases of endowment
directly for schools were very limited as to locality at the early part
of the eighteenth century. Their number increased in later years, and
the increase may have been due partly to the influence of the yearly
meeting’s urgent advices.
[Sidenote: Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly]
[Sidenote: New Garden]
[Sidenote: Goshen, Darby, Buckingham]
A few instances of the tendency toward the policy of purchasing permanent
lands may be mentioned. In 1779, Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly
reported two of their monthly meetings had purchased grounds and
erected houses for the said purpose.[802] Another meeting had purchased
sixteen acres, built a house, but had difficulty in securing a suitable
master.[803] All other accommodations recommended for masters had been
provided. Near the close of the century (1794) William Jackson of New
Garden deeded a lot of ground to Friends of that meeting for the use of
a school.[804] New Garden also reported a school house built about 1795
on land given for the purpose by Jeremiah Barnard.[805] In 1792 Kennett
reported that their preparative meeting had purchased of Abraham Taylor
a piece of ground for a school and were preparing to build a house on
it. It was situated about 2½ miles from Kennett.[806] Other instances of
like procedure were: Goshen, 1795[807] and 1782;[808] Darby, 1793;[809]
and Buckingham in 1794.[810] Similar cases might be cited for almost
every monthly meeting in the southeastern part of Pennsylvania, and
it doubtless extended elsewhere. It is to be noted that this general
purchasing of school property did not come until late in the eighteenth
century, when the great advancement in Quaker education had its
beginning. It may be fairly stated that by the end of the century most
of the schools were established on school property held by the meeting
for that purpose. As pointed out above, this had been a slow development,
beginning with a few in the seventeenth century that started with land
endowments.
[Sidenote: Early schools held in meeting houses]
[Sidenote: Family school]
The earliest schoolhouses would doubtless present an interesting picture
if we could see them inside and out. Unfortunately there is little
information extant, which throws light upon the earliest. In fact, at the
very earliest establishment of schools, there were no special houses
built for them. For many of them this condition prevailed till fairly
near the close of the century. Joseph Foulke, writing in 1859, concerning
his first school days, stated that he first attended school at Gwynedd,
which was held in the meeting house, there being none other for that
purpose.[811] His next schooling, in 1795, was at a family school taught
by Hannah Lukens, who lived in a little house on the Bethlehem Road.
He then attended school in a log schoolhouse, built about 1798 by his
father.[812] Other instances may be cited in connection with the use of
the meeting house for schoolhouse. In 1693-4 Middletown Friends allowed
a school to be held in the meeting house, provided it should cause no
disturbance,[813] and again in 1699 a similar request was granted.[814]
As late as 1740 Philadelphia Meeting proposed to erect a meeting house
with chambers over it sufficiently large for the accommodation of a
school,[815] though, as mentioned before, they already had some of their
schools in regularly constructed schoolhouses.[816]
[Sidenote: An old schoolroom at Merion, Pa.]
The writer has had the opportunity to visit one of these little
schoolrooms established in the meeting house. Not much is known of the
school at Merion, though the oldest of Friends meetings, but it is quite
certain that whenever their school began and however pretentious it
may have been, it must have been held in the upper part of the meeting
house. The schoolroom in the present building is quite hidden away under
the eaves. The walls are bare and the rafters low overhead. Ample light
is furnished. Rude wooden benches and tables, the latter with sloping
tops, constitute the furniture of the room as it now stands. One of the
table tops bears the date 1711, doubtless the telltale of some vandal
outcropping, which might tempt one to place a school at that early
date. It is however too meagre and uncertain evidence to justify such a
conclusion.[817]
[Sidenote: Size and cost of school houses; Goshen, Falls]
[Sidenote: Philadelphia]
[Sidenote: Manner of heating]
From a few sources of information we gather some clews as to the size
of the schoolhouse generally. The house proposed by the Goshen Meeting
in 1782 was to be 27 feet square from out to out and to cost about
£150.[818] The new one proposed at Falls some twelve years later was to
be somewhat more pretentious being twenty-two feet by thirty and having
two stories. Its cost was estimated at £200.[819] We infer from the
minutes that a building was badly needed at Falls, the old roof being
“very leaky and the ceiling about to fall.” In spite of this fact it
does not appear that the house was erected until about 1799; the final
dimensions decided upon were twenty-six feet by twenty-four, one story,
and a cellar of the same dimensions.[820] It is not certain how much
space was actually devoted to the use of the school room, since the
building doubtless accommodated the master and his family at the same
time. The schoolhouse begun in Philadelphia about 1701,[821] was to be
twenty-four by sixty feet. Another one in 1744, built on the Forrest
property, was to be about sixty by thirty-five feet, two stories high,
with a basement underneath raised three feet above the surface of the
ground.[822] The cost of the last building when completed in 1746 was
£794.[823] Anthony Benezet, who apparently was teaching in an old
building, made complaint in 1744 that it was “too hot in summer and too
dark in winter” and therefore urged that a window be put in the south
side.[824] The writer has found a single instance to indicate how the
school building was heated. Judging from such meager data we would say
that the first schools probably up to 1715 or 1720 were heated by the
old-fashioned brick stoves. They were at any rate employed in some, but
were beginning to lose their popularity in that period. One was removed
in 1715 and an iron stove substituted for it.[825]
[Sidenote: Number of children attending schools]
[Sidenote: Two classes: the “pay” and the “free” scholar]
The size of the schools, measured by the number of pupils, must be judged
mostly from material found relating to Philadelphia. It was doubtless
true that in the country regions there were fewer children within reach
of the school and it was not necessary to state limits beyond which they
might not go. The yearly meeting certainly recommended that the number
of children be specified, which the master was to teach, but this was
often taken to mean that they should promise to teach a certain number of
children for the use of the school. The schools were always composed of
these two classes, the independent or _pay scholar_ and the poor or _free
scholar_. Some of the Philadelphia reports state the number attending,
of each of these classes. In that system the teachers were required
to keep a roll, especially of the poor children, and turn it over for
the inspection of the overseers.[826] In country districts the school
committee usually kept account of the poor scholars, seeing that they
were supplied with all things necessary.[827] It may prove interesting to
examine the Philadelphia system a little more fully.
[Sidenote: Both boys and girls assisted]
[Sidenote: Everything furnished to the “free” scholar]
First, let it be noted that cases of both boys and girls were
investigated by the overseers, and if capable and in need of assistance,
they were put under the tutorage of masters or mistresses free of any
charge.[828] Not only were the children of Friends admitted, but an
effort was made to find out the needy, of other denominations, and put
them to school also.[829] All articles necessary were furnished free
to the poor scholars by the Board, the master was required to keep an
account of each item and present the bill therefor in his reports to that
body.[830] The number of poor in Anthony Benezet’s school in 1743-4,
about a year after he entered it, was 14.[831] There was very little
fluctuation as to the number for many years; in 1749 there were 17.[832]
Below are given the reports of some of the schools in 1757.[833] It
seldom or never occurred that a report for all schools was made at one
time.
Pay Free
Master Year Items Scholars Scholars Amount
CHARLES THOMPSON 1757 Books and firing for
(_Latin_) poor scholars 31 7 £150/00/00
ALEXANDER SEATON 1757 Teaching poor scholars 30 41 58/15/ 4
(_English_) Premiums 3/00/00
Books and firewood 15/ 4/ 9½
Clothing for poor 6/17/ 8½
JOSEPH STILES 1757 Teaching poor scholars 14 28/18/ 1
Books and firewood 3/14/ 7
REBECKAH BURCHALL 1757 Teaching poor children 23 36/ 9/10
Firewood 3/ 4/ 6
ANN THORNTON 1757 Teaching poor children 3/ 2/ 9
[Sidenote: Number of poor and pay scholars stated]
[Sidenote: Indication of the system’s growth in the number of schools]
Immediately following the above report, another stated there were 38 in
the Latin School, 37 free scholars under Alexander Seaton, 17 (free)
under Joseph Stiles, 30 under Ann Thornton, and 30 (free) under Rebeckah
Burchall.[834] The slight discrepancy in the figures is not explained. A
later report of 1784 shows the following schools and the enrollment of
each. (1) Proud, (_Latin_), number not given; Todd, (_English_), 88 on
the list; Isaac Weaver, 28; William Brown, 29 girls; Sarah Lancaster, 64;
Mary Harry, 15 or 16; Joseph Clarke, about 30; Mrs. Clarke, 15 or 16 boys
and girls; Ann Marsh, about 50 boys and girls; Mary McDonnell, 15 young
children.[835] From this it seems that the only two schools which have
increased considerably in number are the Latin and English, both of which
employed ushers or assistants.[836] The chief indication of the system’s
growth is the increase from five or six schools to at least ten. The
approximate number of children recorded as having attended the schools
under the overseers from 1712 to 1770 was 720.[837]
[Sidenote: Children sent from home to attend school]
Children were frequently sent away from home to attend school, due to a
lack of adequate facilities near at hand. The following letter, from an
anxious mother, is a very interesting commentary on the attitude taken by
the less educated toward the propriety of spending time for education.
Though impolite to read private letters, it may be pardoned in this case.
The 20 of December, 1702.
Dear Brother:
The few liens comes to salute thee and fore prisila which I
hope are in helth as blessed be the God of all our mersies I am
at this writing. I long to hear from you both and how prisila
likes being at scool and how the like her and whether she
thinks that shee will lern anything worth her while to be kept
at cool here. I have sent her some thred to knit me too pares
of golves and herself on if there be anough for to mak so much
if not one for me and one for her. bid her be a good gerl and
larn well and then I shall love her. if Abraham Antone have
brought ... purchas me twenty pound and send it me if thou can
by some opportunity in so doing thou wilt much oblige thy most
affectionate sister
Abigail ⸺.[838]
A fairly good mental picture of the school, and the atmosphere pervading
it, is obtained from a perusal of the list of rules which were adopted
both for the guidance of the masters and the observance of the pupils. We
cannot gain much from a discussion since they are self-explanatory, hence
there is submitted a concise digest of those issued for the masters and
mistresses in the several schools.
[Sidenote: Rules for the government of schools summarized]
1. All pupils must be at school promptly.
2. No one shall be absent without a permit from parents.
3. Strict obedience to the monitor is demanded, but if there is a real
grievance, complaint may be made to the master.
4. Be orderly in coming to and leaving school.
5. Use the plain language to all persons; be civil to all.
6. To avoid, in hours of leisure, all “ranting games” and quarrelling
with one another.
7. Shall not play or keep company with rude boys of the town, but play
with own school fellows.
8. They shall come to school on 5th day prepared to go to the regular
meeting.[839]
The rules above, which, if all followed, one must admit would have made
an almost model school so far as behavior was concerned, were shortly
thereafter expanded a little to meet the needs of the Latin and English
schools. Those rules, however, were more concerned with the curriculum
and part of method, and were doubtless a guide for the instructors more
than to be followed by the pupils. They will receive attention in the
next few pages in the discussion of the curriculum. We shall however be
interested at this juncture to read the rules adopted by Robert Proud,
schoolmaster and historian, for the government of the Latin School, in
which he was the head master for many years. They are very similar to
those already noted, though drawn up by Proud for his school alone.
[Sidenote: Rules adopted by Robert Proud while master of the Latin School]
Orders and Directions In the School
Reverentia Jehovae Caput Scientiae
The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom.
1. Duty in attending.
Fail not to be present in school precisely at or before the
time appointed for learning, being clean and decent; except
sufficient reason require thy absense; in which case, on thy
first returning ... before the master, immediately inform him
thereof to his satisfaction.
2. On entering, remaining in and departing from school, having
taken thy appointed seat, with as little noise and disturbance
as may be, move not therefrom, to that of another during the
time of learning without absolute necessity and then, very
seldom; nor go out of the school without the master’s leave or
knowledge. And observe the same silently and orderly behavior,
in thy departing from the school, as in thy entering it.
3. How to behave and study in the School.
Be always silent, in School or during the time of thy studies,
so as to be heard, neither in voice, nor otherwise, as little
as possible; except in writing or speaking to the Master or
Teacher; and discourse not with thy Schoolfellows during
the hours of study, without the Master’s permission; unless
in asking, or giving information relating to thine or their
learning; and even then observe to whisper, or speak as low as
possible to be heard by him, who is next thee.
4. Behavior to the Master, and during the presence of
visitants, etc.
Make all thy speeches to the master with due respect; and
observe cheerfully to perform all his directions and commands,
with readiness according to thy ability. And, if a stranger or
visitant speak to thee in the school, stand up, turn thy face
towards him respectfully and give a modest and ready answer, if
any answer be required or necessary; resuming thy seat again,
with a silent application to thy study; which order and silence
are more particularly and especially to be strictly observed
and kept during the presence of any stranger, or visitant, in
the School.
5. Behavior to one another.
Behave thyself always in a submissive and kind manner to thy
School fellows, never provoking, quarreling, nor complaining,
especially about frivolous matters; but use the word please,
etc., or expressions of similar signification when asking
anything of them; and observe a proper gratitude for every
kindness received, be it ever so small; using thy utmost
to cultivate a special Friendship with them; not returning
injuries, but learning to forgive; and shew them, by thy
exemplary Deportment, how they ought to behave.
6. Not to take Another’s Property, etc.
Neither take nor use anything which is the property of another
or in his custody, without first having his permission and as
much as possible, avoid borrowing, at any time, but provide
thyself with all books, instruments and things necessary for
thy learning and studies according to the Master’s direction;
always keeping them clean and in good order.
7. The Language.
Let the common language, used in School, be Latin, as much as
conveniently may be, according to the speaker’s knowledge and
ability therein, but in all places let every one speak with as
much propriety and grammatical accuracy as he is capable in
whatever language he makes use of.
8. School transactions not to be divulged.
Be not forward to divulge any transaction, passed in school,
more especially, to the disreputation of any in it; nor mock,
nor jeer any of thy school fellows, for being reproved or
corrected, lest it may sometime happen to be thy own case;
but rather be assisting, than troublesome, to the masters
or teachers by rendering thyself as agreeable, both to him
and them, as possible, in all laudable and good order and
discipline, as well as in the advancement and increase of
learning and all real improvement in the respective branches
thereof: that, instead of introducing any cause of punishing,
severe reproof, or servile fear, the place of thy learning may
be a place of pleasure and delight.[840]
Rule 9 deals with the proper attitude and behavior.
Rule 10 deals with the behavior in the religious meetings.
[Sidenote: Pupils remiss in attendance]
[Sidenote: The attention of board called to the fact]
In spite of the most excellent rules, which, we have seen, were
drawn,[841] it appears the attendance problem was one which caused some
masters no little worry. Proud’s manuscripts again inform us that on one
occasion, after continuous aggravation due to absences, he felt called
upon to send a note to the overseers concerning that serious affair.
He first mentions the ends desired to be gained by such a school, and
points out that they are being fallen short of, because of the laxity in
attendance. Moreover, the worst offenders are the sons of the overseers.
He says in particular:
But the occasion of this present observation to the Board
is more particularly that of the present day, viz.—the 4th
instant, when out of six of these, who attend the said school
(the Latin School) and ought more particularly to have been
present at that time, for the example of others and their own
benefit, only one of the smallest was at the school and two at
the meeting. The rest, being grown and advanced in years, and
learning, etc., and consequently more regarded for examples,
were at that particular and important time, all absent with
about the same proportion of the rest of the school.[842]
There were, it seems, the usual causes at work which produced such havoc
in the attendance record, and such distress in the minds of masters. A
letter written by James Logan to his friend John Dickinson, in 1704,
strengthens our belief that such was the case. He wrote in part:
Dear Friend:
I shall acquaint thee that thy two rugged boys are very lusty,
love the river much better this hot weather than their masters’
countenances, and the fields and boats far before schools or
books....
Thy affectionate Friend,
JAMES LOGAN.[843]
[Sidenote: Two extremes in discipline]
We have not much information from which to judge the discipline of the
school. From the rules already considered one would expect that strict
discipline was observed, but of the master’s methods of enforcing it we
know but little. There were doubtless two extremes. On the one hand, we
might take Anthony Benezet as the very personification of mildness, and
who ruled by love.[844] On the other hand, there was John Todd who would
thrash a boy very severely, and who took great delight in getting his
victim to admit the pain that he knew he felt.[845]
[Sidenote: Premium given to most satisfactory pupils]
To secure better discipline, attendance, and also to induce striving for
scholarship, it was customary to give rewards. We noted in the items
sent in to the overseers in masters’ reports that certain amounts were
for “premiums.”[846] This policy of rewards was early agreed upon by the
overseers who sought in various ways to establish little funds for that
purpose. In 1755 it was proposed that each one pay two shillings for
missing a board meeting and one shilling for being late; the accruing
amount to be paid out in premiums to encourage industry among the
boys.[847] The fines were collected and then turned over to the masters
who applied them as they saw fit.[848] The extent of the practice of
giving rewards is not exactly known, but it seems to have been general
throughout all the schools of the Board in Philadelphia, if we may judge
from the regularity with which the bills for “premiums” were presented.
It was also true that the school committees in other monthly meetings
arranged to give rewards on visiting day to the scholars having the best
records.[849]
[Sidenote: Length of school day]
[Sidenote: Evening schools customary]
The early school days seem to have been long and tedious. Attention
has already been called to the letter of Pastorius’ children to their
grandfather, in which they complained of the long eight hour school
day.[850] The school continued, according to their account, six days
in the week excepting Saturday afternoon.[851] Besides this it was
customary in all places to attend meeting on fifth day (Thursday),[852]
save in places where it may have been too far distant, an exception was
made possible.[853] Evening schools were quite common, as has been stated
before in the case of Germantown,[854] and increased in number toward the
latter part of the century. In 1750 John Wilson, usher to Robert Willian,
expressed his intention of opening an evening school which appears to
have been acceptable to the Board.[855] The prevalence of the evening
school among people not Friends is at once apparent when one glances at
the advertisements in the colonial newspapers. A few of those private
evening schools were: one kept by William Dawson and John Gladson,
teaching writing, arithmetic, and navigation;[856] others by John
Shuppy,[857] Mr. Lyonet,[858] and Messrs. Barthelemy and Besayde.[859]
[Sidenote: Length of school day in 1795: seven hours]
The length of the school day is better indicated, and perhaps the source
of information is more reliable, near the end of the century. The rules
issued by the Board in 1795 state that the hours are to be from 8 to
12 in the morning, and from 2 to 5 in the afternoon, these hours to
be observed from third month, first to eleventh month, first; in the
remaining months the hours were 9 to 12 and 2 to 5.[860] Vacations were
very scarce and very brief.[861] In the main, according to the rules
issued at least, they were to be: (1) at the periods of the quarterly
and yearly meetings; and (2) a vacation of three weeks, commencing on
seventh day preceding the last sixth day of the week of the seventh
month.[862] The other rules issued at this date besides these mentioned
relating to holidays and length of the school day were the same as were
previously stated.[863] The hours named above appear to us rather long
for the small children; arrangement seems to have been made for them,
though no statement of it is made in the school regulations. There were,
however, the schools of (1) William Brown and (2) Sarah Lancaster, who
taught children for half days,[864] and also the Girls’ School, in which
Anthony Benezet taught (1754), was mentioned as though it were to be
conducted only in the morning.[865] It is not to be understood that the
half day arrangement was always followed in the case of younger children,
for Sarah Lancaster taught thirty-five children whole days “at 15/ per
quarter.”[866] It seems that the amount of time for them to attend was
probably determined by the desires of their parents.
[Sidenote: Student papers, and magazines, etc.]
An interesting and instructive light is cast upon the inner life of
the school in Philadelphia, by some of the manuscript collections of
the very old Philadelphia families. For instance, we learn that in
the public school there were published certain magazines, gazettes,
chronicles, and so forth, a few of them named as follows: _The Examiner_,
_The Universal Magazine_, 1774, _Students’ Gazette_ (about 1774 to
1777), _The P. S. Gazette, Latonia_, 1777 to 1778, the _Public School
Gazetteer_, containing the freshest advices, foreign and domestic (a
palpable imitation of the newspapers in the city of that date), and _The
Students’ Magazine_.[867] The contents of all of them were no doubt very
interesting to the boys and girls at the time of their publication, and
are so even now, and at times give light on topics of importance. It
may perhaps interest the reader to see some of the entries. We find the
following which gives a clew to the book used for instruction in grammar.
[Sidenote: A few items of interest and value]
Was lost on Wednesday in The Public School Rudiman’s Grammar
newly bound—Whoever has found the same and will bring it to me
... shall receive 1 sheet of paper reward.
S. FISHER.[868]
Another of interest bewails the departure of Thomas Lloyd from school to
go into Lancaster County.
[Sidenote: Thomas Lloyd]
This worthy Gentleman, was admitted about a 12 month ago into
the society of freeholders, since which time he has been a very
distinguished member of our community and a firm supporter
of our institutions. He has been twice elected Clerk of the
Supreme Court and twice raised to the dignity of President
of the Honorable House of Assembly, which offices together
with Treasurer he filled with most unblemished reputation
and unshaked fidelity. His character in the literary world
is sufficiently established by many genuine productions of
judgment and humor. His affable disposition, his engaging
address and behavior endear him to all that had the happiness
of his acquaintance and render his departure a cause of great
regret.[869]
Another brief notice indicates that the Quaker preferment for plain dress
was also made to prevail in the schoolroom.
[Sidenote: Gay clothing disagreeable]
From a certain expression which lately drop’d from one of the
overseers, we would have the greatest reason to believe that
Mr. Webster’s gay appearance is rather disagreeable.[870]
[Sidenote: Supervision]
[Sidenote: Somewhat irregular]
[Sidenote: Monthly visits decided upon]
Some supervision of the work on the part of overseers and school
committees seems to have been at all times expected, though attention
hardly needs be called to it after the presentation of so many reports
made by committees, in the chapters relating to the establishment of
schools in the several counties. From the irregularity in the reports we
judge, however, that the visitation must have likewise been irregular
in many places. In 1755 the Board in Philadelphia decided that for the
encouragement of masters and scholars there should be visits made each
month, preceding the usual monthly meetings. Also if “play days” were
thought necessary they were to be arranged for between the masters and
the committee of visitors.[871] The minutes indicate that these monthly
visits were regularly performed. The Negro School, established in 1770,
was also in charge of a committee to visit, superintend, and advise
regarding its affairs.[872]
THE CURRICULUM
[Sidenote: The curricula are in general in harmony with the
recommendations of the yearly meetings; and the Frame of Government]
If we go back to our references on the advices of the yearly meetings
of London and Philadelphia we shall find there the basic reasons for
the subjects which are to be mentioned as taught regularly in the
schools. We recall that there was an emphasis placed on the _moral_, the
_useful_ and _practical_, and the subjects first to be mentioned were:
writing, reading, and arithmetic, which constituted the necessities.[873]
Furthermore, the Frame of Government of 1696, the product of Quaker
minds and hands, recommended to erect and order all public houses
and encourage and reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable
inventions.[874] It is seen also from later advices of the yearly
meeting that the _useful_ was not limited necessarily to the four R’s,
religion, arithmetic, writing, and reading. In 1737, they recommended
that as opportunity could be found, children should be permitted to learn
“French, High and Low Dutch, Danish, etc.”[875] The use of Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew is also justified by Crouch,[876] and it is well known and
evident in all their writings that Penn, Barclay, Fothergill, Lloyd,
Proud, Pastorius, and innumerable others were classically educated men.
[Sidenote: Studies pursued in Flower’s school]
[Sidenote: In Benezet’s]
[Sidenote: Walby’s]
[Sidenote: Seaton’s]
[Sidenote: Girls’ School]
[Sidenote: Godfrey’s]
The curriculum of the first school (Enoch Flower’s) consisted of reading,
writing, and casting accounts,[877] and it seems entirely probable that
these were the chief constituents, along with moral instruction, for
many years, in all save the Latin School. At any rate there occur no
disproving factors in that early period. In 1742, when Anthony Benezet
came from the Germantown school to Philadelphia, he was employed to teach
arithmetic, writing, accounts, and French.[878] John Walby, employed
about ten years before him (Benezet) was to teach reading, writing, and
arithmetic.[879] Alexander Seaton was employed in 1751 to teach a school
“in the upper part of the City,” the subjects being writing, arithmetic,
and parts of the mathematics.[880] In 1754, when Benezet first began in
the Girls’ School (mornings), he was required to instruct in reading,
writing, arithmetic, and English grammar.[881] Then, besides what we may
term the English School, in which Seaton and Benezet taught for some
time, there were others which we might term “petty schools,” for example,
one kept by Debby Godfrey,[882] who taught some poor children to learn
to sew and read, and another, taught by Ann Redman (1761), previously
occupied by Rebeckah Burchall, where were taught reading, writing, and
plain sewing.[883]
[Sidenote: Letter writing]
Since writing letters was an art much used and cultivated in the Colonial
Period, and writing was greatly emphasized in the schools, it may be
of interest to insert a letter written by a school boy in 1735. The
letter is written in a fairly regular boyish hand, and is probably the
production of a youngster about 12 years of age.
Nov. 21, 1735.
Dear Uncle,
I think in duty, I ought to wait on you with my first letter,
which I hope will plead excuse for all faults. I remember what
you told me, and write or go to school every day—I am much
obliged to you for your kind present of tickets, and hope I
shall have good success.—Pray give my duty to Uncle and Aunt
Penn and all my Cousins. My love to Mr. Philaps, Mr. Jervice
and Farmer Dill. With all my Friends.—So conclude.
Dear Uncle
Your Affct. Nep.
THOMAS FREAME.[884]
Phil. d. Novbr. 21, 1735.
[Sidenote: Curriculum of later dates]
[Sidenote: Spelling]
[Sidenote: Quaker school curricula compared with others]
At later dates than those above mentioned the records of the overseers,
reports made in the monthly meetings of Philadelphia, Horsham School
Minutes, Darby, and others, indicate that the curriculum consisted of
reading, English, writing, arithmetic, branches of the mathematics,
sewing, spelling, needlework, and other things suitable for girls.[885]
The only one which is mentioned at this latter date, and not at the
former, is spelling. This of course does not mean, necessarily, that
spelling had just been introduced. In 1756 the visiting committee
reported that spelling books and Bibles were needed in the schools for
the poor children,[886] and since Benezet’s spelling book came to a
second edition in 1779,[887] and Fox’s _Instructions for Right Spelling_
was published in Philadelphia in 1702,[888] we may be certain that
spelling as a regular study began at a very early date. If we compare
this curriculum with those mentioned by private tutors at the same
time, we find them essentially the same. There was, however, frequent
mention of such subjects as navigation, calk guaging, mensuration,
bookkeeping,[889] surveying,[890] dialling,[891] astronomy, and
fortification,[892] which are not mentioned definitely in the curriculum
of the Friends’ schools. It is quite probable that those above, dealing
with higher mathematics, were included in the higher mathematics taught
in the Classical School. But one cannot imagine that “fortification” was
granted a place. Those studies of the mathematics may be mentioned again
in studying the curriculum of the Latin School.
[Sidenote: Studies pursued in the Negro School]
The curriculum in the Negro School (1770) consisted approximately of
the same subjects, though they may have been modified to some extent in
presentation, and restricted more or less to the rudiments. The subjects
of instruction mentioned when the school first began were reading,
writing, and arithmetic, and were to be taught under “prudent” and
“competent” direction.[893]
What books were used for the instruction in this curriculum of the
English and Lower schools? We cannot state absolutely in the case of all
studies, but we can judge with comparative certainty what books were most
available for their use.
[Sidenote: Books prominent for religious instruction in the schools]
[Sidenote: Bible]
[Sidenote: _Apology_ of Barclay, and Penn’s _Reflections_, _Maxims_, and
_Advice to His Children_]
In the case of those used for religious instruction, the meeting
records usually mentioned the name, which enables one to state with
absolute certainty that certain books were used. Bibles for the use of
schools were requested by the visiting committees of the overseers in
Philadelphia, for the use of poor scholars.[894] Other books of religious
and denominational character such as Penn’s _Reflections_, _Maxims_,
and _Advice to His Children_, are mentioned definitely by Darby,[895]
Horsham School Committee,[896] Sadsbury,[897] and Byberry Preparative
meetings[898] as being received for use in connection with the schools.
Byberry Preparative,[899] Radnor[900] and Sadsbury[901] monthly meetings
mention further the receipt of Barclay’s _Apologies_ for school use.
Besides these, which were undoubtedly used for school instruction, there
was a long list of journals, essays, letters, epistles, histories of
Friends, etc., which always were in the possession of each meeting and
may have been used indirectly at least. They will be mentioned more at
length in pages following.
[Sidenote: Books probably used in spelling]
The spelling book prepared by Fox and published in Philadelphia in
1702,[902] must have claimed a place in the Friends’ schools, though the
books are nowhere mentioned by name. The title of this book includes
reading, writing, spelling, and other things useful and necessary,
and may easily have served for other purposes than use in spelling
instruction. Other spellers, which became available from time to time,
were Benezet’s _Pennsylvania Spelling Book_ and _The Alphabet_ printed
by Henry Miller, 1770.[903] Among those which were used later in the
century, Prowell, in speaking of the schools in York County, notes
Comly’s, Cobb’s, and Webster’s.[904] From this array, which is no doubt
incomplete, we may judge the schools were well supplied.
[Sidenote: Primers likely to be used]
Of the primers available, and likely to be used, there were a host.
The first which should be mentioned was that published by Fox in 1659;
it is not known whether this primer was used in Philadelphia. It seems
that it was not printed there.[905] In 1677-8, the monthly meeting
authorized the purchase of “primmers,”[906] however, and the choice
must have been either Fox’s or Pastorius’. No student of early printing
in Philadelphia has yet been able to determine when the latter’s was
published. Hildeburn is in doubt,[907] while Smith thinks the “primmers”
ordered by the meeting 1697-8 must have been those of Pastorius.[908]
The minute, however, does not state which. In 1696 Pastorius indicated
his willingness to take charge of a printing press for Friends,[909]
but, since it had to be brought from England, it is not likely, though
possible, that he himself could have printed the book, before the
time of the “primmer” purchase was mentioned. Since Pastorius lists a
Fox’s _Primmer_ among the books in his possession,[910] that book must
have been known in the monthly meeting too, and may have been the one
used.[911] The data are inadequate and uncertain for reaching a decision
in the matter.
[Sidenote: Other primers available for use during the century]
Other primers published and available in Philadelphia and which may
well have gotten into Friends’ schools were Franklin’s, 1764; _The New
England Primmer Improved_, 1770; _The Newest American Primer_, 1779; _The
New England Primmer Improved_, 1779; and _A Primmer_, 1779.[912] The
minutes of the meetings give little guidance as to which were or were
not used. We know only they had this list (and perhaps more) from which
to select. Still other books which were probably used in the English work
were Dilworth’s _A New Guide to the English Tongue_ and _The Child’s New
Plaything or Best Amusement, intended to make the Learning to Read a
Diversion instead of a Task_, both of which were published in 1757.[913]
[Sidenote: In the writing schools]
[Sidenote: Quality of some samples noted]
For use in the writing school, we find one definite reference made to
Bickam’s _Universal Penman_, which was purchased for use in Alexander
Seaton’s School in 1762.[914] The various primers and spellers already
mentioned dealt largely with writing also, giving models which were to
be set before the pupil in the books or to be written out for him by the
master. Some of the mottoes called to mind were: “Command you may your
mind from Play” and “A man of words and not of deeds, is like a garden
full of weeds.”[915] The first exercises in writing were the making of
elements such as straight lines, curves, and then single letters, and
words. The various samples which the writer has noticed in the boy’s
letter quoted,[916] and the student manuscript papers,[917] were of
very good quality, the median grade of them being about “eleven” on the
Thorndike Handwriting Scale.[918]
[Sidenote: Arithmetics used in some of the schools]
[Sidenote: Ms. collection indicates the nature of the arithmetic work]
Various arithmetics may be mentioned. There were Gough’s _A Treatise
of Arithmetic, Theory_, etc., 1770, and _Practical Arithmetic_, 1767,
neither of which appears to have been published in Philadelphia, but
may have been better recommended than others, since gotten up by a
Friend. Dilworth’s _Schoolmaster’s Assistant_ published in Philadelphia,
1773,[919] was no doubt a close competitor with Pike’s, Park’s, and
Daboll’s arithmetics, which Prowell mentions as being common in the
latter part of the century.[920] He also describes a book gotten up by
Elihu Underwood, schoolmaster at Warrington, in which he copied very
orderly all the exercises of the arithmetic.[921] The _Norris Collection_
likewise contains a few pupils’ copy books filled with neatly arranged
exercises in addition, multiplication, division, both decimal and vulgar
fractions, and another one which would correspond to our present-day
commercial arithmetic, but which Isaac Norris probably called his
merchants’ accounts.[922] The books vary in dates from 1729 to 1779.
[Sidenote: Classical school curriculum]
The curriculum of the classical school is best indicated by statements
made on employing teachers for that place, which, though they indicate
the _subjects_, do not state _what materials_ were used for study.
Whether the materials used in the study of the Greek and Latin tongues
included the so-called “profane authors” is a matter for speculation.
Robert Willian in 1748 was brought from England to teach Latin and
Greek and other parts of learning.[923] The “other parts” may have
included some English grammar, writing, and mathematics, as these are
frequently mentioned elsewhere as being a part of the Latin school
course.[924] Several masters employed from time to time for instruction
in these subjects were (after Willian): Alexander Buller,[925] writing,
mathematics, and the Latin tongue; John Wilson, as usher[926] to the
master in the same school, and later as master;[927] King;[928] William
Johnson;[929] Charles Thompson;[930] and Robert Proud.[931] Others
might be named, all of whom seem to have been employed for teaching
substantially the same curriculum. Arithmetic and reading are at
times mentioned as being taught in the Latin school, usually by the
ushers.[932]
[Sidenote: Curriculum in the English school]
The curriculum of what was known as the English School overlapped in some
respects that of the Latin. Among the subjects usually taught there may
be mentioned: arithmetic, writing, accounts, French,[933] reading,[934]
and probably some mathematics.[935] The Girls School’s curriculum, taught
by Benezet in 1754, consisted of reading, writing, arithmetic, and
English grammar.[936]
[Sidenote: Methods used in language instruction]
[Sidenote: Latin to be used in school as much as possible; Scriptures,
Penn, and Barclay required]
Some light is cast on the method of instruction in the English and
Latin schools by instructions given by the Board for the use of the
master. Latin scholars were to be accustomed to analyze and parse their
several lessons; and the English scholars to learn it grammatically.
Moreover the double translation method for Latin and Greek was required
for instruction in those subjects; and practice in handwriting and
spelling.[937] The reader is also referred to page 183 to the rules of
Robert Proud, in which he states that Latin, as far as the pupils are
able, must be used in the school. The reading of the Scriptures was
required three times a week,[938] and in later rules (1795), they name
also the works of Penn and Barclay as being required. They are placed in
the same category with the Scriptures.[939]
[Sidenote: Grammar used; others that were available]
[Sidenote: French grammars]
[Sidenote: School books possessed by Daniel Pastorius]
Of the grammars used we made reference previously to that of
Rudiman,[940] which was published in Philadelphia in 1776.[941] This was
the first American edition. Another, Davy’s _Adminiculum Puerile_,[942]
or a help for school boys, containing fundamental exercises for
beginners, syntax, cautions for mistakes, English for Latin verses, and
so forth, which was made easily available by a Philadelphia reprint in
1758, may have been in use. We might expect to find that some of the
worthy masters, Pastorius, Willian, Thompson, Wilson, Proud, and others
made some contribution in the way of Latin text-books; we are, in that
respect, disappointed. Another grammar, but of the English tongue, was
that prepared by James and John Gough, which, after being duly inspected
by the Board, was adopted for use in the English School in 1761.[943]
Since English grammar was also taught in the Latin School, it may have
been used in that department also. Concerning the French book or grammar
which Anthony Benezet may have used when he was engaged to teach that
subject in 1742,[944] we cannot state definitely. However, there was
a _French School Book_ published in Philadelphia in 1730,[945] and it
may safely be assumed to have been available for his use. The character
of the book we do not know. Perrin’s _Grammar of the French Tongue_
was printed in Philadelphia, 1779,[946] and was no doubt the best book
available for use of the schools at and subsequent to that time. It may
be well to mention here some school books which were in the possession
of Daniel Pastorius; their presence may indicate that they, or a part of
them, were used in the school. They were: _Education_, _The Young Clerk’s
Tutor_, _Elements of Geometry_, _A Short Introduction to Grammar_, _The
English School Master_, G. Fox’s _Primmer_, and _Teacher’s Instruction
for Children_.[947]
[Sidenote: Mathematics]
Some idea of the extent to which mathematics was taught may be gained
from certain old exercise books. Some of those, which doubtless belong
to the lower schools, dealt with arithmetical exercises, with whole
numbers, vulgar and decimal fractions, and commercial arithmetic.[948]
Others, clearly more advanced, and doubtless belonging to the Latin
school, though some were taught in the English, are chiefly filled with
theorems and proven solutions in geometry, trigonometry, conic sections,
and spherical trigonometry.[949] This compares quite favorably with the
courses suggested in the newspapers, as we have already mentioned.
METHOD
[Sidenote: Methods]
[Sidenote: Catechetical method in religion]
[Sidenote: Drill in spelling and writing]
[Sidenote: Parsing, double translation in classics]
Concerning this topic little is to be added to what has already been
suggested in connection with the discussion of the subject matter. Some
points of method, of which we are reasonably certain, will be stated. In
religious instruction, where the Bible, Penn’s, Barclay’s, Fox’s, and
other works were used as the material, a catechetical method was used by
parents in the home, by the masters and mistresses in the schools, and
in the youths’ meetings, which were always among the first established.
This method still prevails to some extent for the young children.
Drill in spelling and handwriting has already been mentioned as urged
by the overseers in their directions to the masters and mistresses in
the Latin and English schools.[950] The chief elements of Latin and
Greek instruction were: analysis, parsing, double translation, and the
necessary memory drills. The pupils in Proud’s school were also required
to speak Latin so far as able to do so. We have also mentioned that in
teaching writing the practise was to begin with simple lines, curves,
etc., and proceed to the more complex performances.[951] In the majority
of subjects “copybooks” were required to be kept. All of these the writer
has been privileged to observe, being kept in a very neat and regular
fashion.[952]
OTHER LITERATURE USED IN THE MEETINGS
[Sidenote: Books circulated regularly among meetings]
[Sidenote: Usually purchased by the meetings; not always]
Besides the books already mentioned that are known to have been concerned
directly with schools, there were innumerable others which were printed
by Friends and circulated at their suggestion among all the meetings.
They are largely religious and doctrinal treatises; many of them, though
not found thus stated, may have been used in instruction. They were at
least of educational importance to the communities that read them. They
are mentioned in the minutes of every meeting. Though usually paid for
by the meeting, the Board of Overseers in Philadelphia went on record
to the effect that fines for absence from, or tardiness in coming to
their meetings should be applied to the purchase of books for the school
library.[953] Sometimes they were given by bequest, as in the case of
the Philadelphia school, which received through the monthly meeting a
large collection (for that day) from Thomas Chalkly.[954] The list, as
given below, is made up from records of Sadsbury, Westland, Warrington
and Fairfax, Uwchlan, Concord, Radnor, New Garden, London Yearly,
Philadelphia Yearly, Gwynedd, Falls, Exeter, Wrightstown, Darby, Byberry,
Horsham, Abington, and Buckingham meetings, and though perhaps it does
not contain all, it does have those most commonly used. This list is as
follows:
[Sidenote: A list of books most commonly found in the meeting]
Banks, _Journal, Life and Travels_.
Barclay, _Anarchy of the Ranters_.
Bathurst, _Truth Vindicated_.
Benezet, _Account of the Friends_ (in the German language).
_On the Keeping of Slaves._
Churchman, _Journal_.
Claridge, _Posthumous works_.
Crisp, _Epistles of Stephen Crisp_.
Davis, _Journal_.
Edmundson, _Journal_.
Elwood, _Works_.
Fothergill, _Journal_.
Fox, _Journal_.
Fuller, _Catechism_.
Hall, _A Mite into the Treasury_.
Holme, _A Serious Call in Christian Love to all People_.
Keith, _Way to the City of God_.
London Yearly Meeting’s Epistles.
Penn, _No Cross No Crown_.
_Rise and Progress of the Quakers._
_Travels in Germany._
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting’s Epistles.
Richardson, _Life of John Richardson_.
Sewell, _History of Friends_.
Scott, _Journal_.
Spaulding, _Reason for leaving the National Mode of Worship_.
Stanton, _Journal_.
Treatises on Tythes.
Treatises on _Reasons for Silent Waiting_.
Turford, _Grounds of an Holy Life_.
Woolman, _Journal_.
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: Support]
[Sidenote: Weakness in the organization]
[Sidenote: Forms of support]
[Sidenote: Subscription plans generally adopted]
The first problem presented was how to establish some satisfactory means
of school support, which should be permanent, and thus conducive to
better schools in every way. Recommendations from the yearly meetings
dwelt upon this point in the yearly advices, but being of a general and
advisory character, could not compel the lower units to act at once.
This lack of power in a control authority was the greatest weakness,
and because of it, educational development was not so rapid as it
might otherwise have been. The chief forms of school support were:
(1) _subscription_, (2) _rates_, (3) _bonds_, and (4) _legacies_. In
accordance with suggestions made by the yearly meeting, plans were
adopted by most meetings (in the latter half of the century) for the
establishment of permanent funds. These plans were based upon the
subscription idea. The chief characteristics of the plans adopted were:
1. Voluntary subscriptions; interest-bearing notes given.
2. Trustees always named in the monthly meetings.
3. Reports to be made regularly to the trustees.
4. All money received was to be invested, real property
preferred.
5. The monthly meeting to decide any disputes arising among
trustees.
6. Funds were to pay salaries, and provide and repair buildings.
[Sidenote: Organization]
The organization was headed by the yearly meeting, whose advices were
distributed among the lower units. The quarterly meeting was nothing
more than a supervisory and directing group. The real work of organizing
schools was performed by the monthly and preparative meetings. The
other quarterly and monthly meetings worked through specially appointed
committees.
[Sidenote: The school lands]
[Sidenote: Houses]
Several schools, in Philadelphia and Abington, for example, very early
acquired permanent lands for their foundation. Others did not gain
such foundations until the latter part of the eighteenth century. Even
where land was possessed, the schools were quite often held for a time
in the meeting houses. Sometimes the meeting house was used until late
in the 19th century, as in the case of the Merion School. Other schools
were held in the home of the teacher. The buildings were not large, and
were often used for the masters’ families, or parts of them let out to
tenants. In one case in Philadelphia the schoolhouse was heated for a
time with a brick stove.
[Sidenote: Two classes of pupils]
[Sidenote: Growth of schools]
There were always two classes recognized, the _pay pupil_ and the
_free pupil_. Every necessity was furnished the latter by the board or
committee in charge of schools. Teachers (in Philadelphia, at least)
had to keep a list of scholars and their expenditures and report to the
board. The size of schools remained about the same, but the increase in
number of schools indicated the growth of the system in Philadelphia.
[Sidenote: Length of school week and day]
[Sidenote: Vacations]
[Sidenote: Supervision]
Very explicit rules were laid down for the government of the pupils’
behavior, both in school and out. By some masters they were enforced
mildly; by others harshly. In spite of excellent rules and premiums
offered, the masters were perplexed with the discipline and attendance
problems. School was kept for five and one-half days per week and from
seven to eight hours each day; however, some were kept only half days.
Vacations were brief and seldom. The various student papers indicate the
presence of a student organization. To promote the interest of the pupils
and assist the master, visitations were performed at periods by the
committee on schools.
[Sidenote: Curriculum of Latin School]
[Sidenote: Grammars used]
[Sidenote: Method]
The curriculum of the Latin School consisted of Latin, Greek, English
grammar, writing and mathematics. There was some overlapping of the
curricula of the English and Latin schools. Rudiman’s _Grammar_ was
used, and Davy’s _Adminiculum Puerile_, Gough’s _English Mannor_, and
Perrin’s _Grammar of the French Tongue_ were available for use. Whether
classical authors were or were not included in the materials used in
Greek and Latin classes is not shown by the records. It has been stated
that parsing, analysis, double translation, and speaking Latin as much as
possible in school, were the chief elements in the method of instruction.
Mathematics included anything as advanced as spherical trigonometry and
conic sections.
[Sidenote: Curriculum of lower schools]
[Sidenote: In the Negro School]
The curriculum of the lower schools consisted of reading, writing,
casting accounts and arithmetic. No mention is made that French was
taught before Benezet’s coming in 1742. Though no early explicit
reference to spelling is made, we infer it must have been taught at an
early date. Many schools were kept for poor children in which were taught
reading, writing and sewing. The curriculum of the Negro School consisted
of reading, writing and arithmetic.
[Sidenote: Literature used in the meetings]
A large amount of literature of religious character was circulated
through the meetings, and probably constituted a good part of the
materials used in the schools.
CHAPTER X
MASTERS AND MISTRESSES
[Sidenote: Discussion of individual masters to be brief]
There is on this subject a considerable amount of available material,
though much of it is difficult of access. Of a long list of Quaker
masters, and mistresses too, for they employed women from the very
earliest date, it will be impossible in the brief space of this chapter
to say more than a word. Some will only be mentioned because of scarcity
of material concerning them; others must be only mentioned, even though
they are of such importance that the story of their lives have required
and would require volumes to write.[955]
[Sidenote: Qualifications demanded of teachers; morality, membership and
competency]
Before a discussion of the masters and mistresses employed in the Quaker
schools, it should be ascertained, if possible, what were the ideals or
standards which were consciously set up to guide in their selection.
What sort of tutors did they desire? This has already been touched upon,
in other chapters, so we may simply state the chief criteria without
further discussion. These, as stated from time to time by the yearly
meetings and reiterated by quarterly, monthly, and preparatives, were:
(1) morality, (2) be a member of Friends, and (3) competent to teach the
subjects for which employed.[956] The selection of teachers possessing
such qualifications was usually entrusted to the care of committees as
has already been sufficiently pointed out.
[Sidenote: Serious attempt made to meet the standards set]
In a majority of cases there was a real concern on the part of the
monthly meetings’ committees to secure teachers possessing the above
named qualities,[957] their success in so doing increasing towards
the latter part of the 18th century. The fact that they have been
successful in securing Friends for teachers is usually mentioned in their
reports.[958] In bequests of property for use of schools, it was quite
customary to state that the masters or mistresses should be Friends, and
to be otherwise conducted as directed by the yearly meeting.[959] There
were of necessity some failures in the attempt to secure such qualified
masters, the failures being sometimes recorded in the minutes.[960]
The failures seem generally to have been caused by the scarcity of the
masters rather than carelessness on the part of the meeting or its
committees.[961]
[Sidenote: Teachers in lower schools usually from the home locality]
The source whence teachers were secured was usually, in the case of
the lower schools, home talent, no record having been found where a
teacher was sent for or came from a great distance especially to take
charge of schools. But innumerable instances, of which a few are cited
later in this work, are at hand, where home talent was employed.[962]
Enoch Flower, the first master employed, was “an inhabitant of the said
town.”[963]
[Sidenote: Many Latin School masters came from a distance]
[Sidenote: Willian]
[Sidenote: Robert Proud]
[Sidenote: Peter Warren]
In the case of the classical school, the practice was quite different.
The difference was doubtless the result of necessity, rather than
of choice. The first master, Keith, of the school which was first
established by the meeting, and his successors, Makin, Cadwalader, and
Pastorius, were, of course, as much native to the place as were any
of the early settlers in the city. Of later masters, however, quite a
number were brought from England especially for the business of “keeping
school” or sought in other of the colonies. Certain specific cases may be
mentioned. In 1784 Robert Willian came from England “to undertake keeping
Friends’ school,” producing a certificate from Scarborough Meeting in
Yorkshire.[964] In 1746 the committee had been appointed to write to
England concerning a teacher for the Public School.[965] Previous to
this time a similar attempt had been made to secure someone to take the
place of William Robbins.[966] Similarly, Robert Proud was recommended by
John Fothergill in 1758 to Israel Pemberton (of Philadelphia) as a very
suitable master for the school.[967] Their “teacher’s agency” in England
was constituted by two members, John Fothergill and John Hunt; at any
rate, for some forty or fifty years they always informed them as soon as
they had need of masters, and except in a few cases, masters were sent
over. At one time (1760) not being able to hear of a possible applicant
in England, an attempt was made to induce Peter Warren, an inhabitant
of Virginia, to come to the position, at a salary of £150, plus £20 to
transport his family.[968] In the ensuing correspondence it was stated
by the said Warren that he chose to go to Pittsburg; to inhabitants of
Philadelphia his choice must have seemed ridiculous.
[Sidenote: To supply teachers, the apprenticeship system used]
However, the overseers of the school were not daunted. Quite in keeping
with the system of apprenticing the youth in various occupations to
members of Friends, and also in keeping with the general custom of
the day, they sought out the brightest and most capable poor lad in
their limits, and if they found him interested at all in the “futures”
of teaching, they made the offer of an apprenticeship in the school.
Instances may be cited which will clarify their procedure.
[Sidenote: Samuel Eldridge apprenticed]
[Sidenote: and others]
[Sidenote: The extent of the system not great]
In 1756 it was proposed that Samuel Eldridge be apprenticed to the
board to prepare him to become a teacher of Latin and Greek;[969] he
was to study Latin, Greek, Arithmetic, Accounts, and Mathematics.[970]
He was to be furnished, besides the instruction, clothing and board,
and was paid £30 annually. In return for this he studied and performed
such duties in the capacity of usher as his progress in the various
subjects would permit. At the end of the period of his indenture
(1760) the board manifested their approval of his services by a gift
of £10.[971] At another time shortly subsequent thereto there was
mentioned the desirability of encouraging James Dickinson, Richard
Dickinson, and Joseph Rice to continue their schooling in order to become
school masters; members of the board were named to speak with them and
to ascertain their desires and intentions.[972] One of them, James
Dickinson, was in 1762 indented to serve three years in the same manner
as Eldridge.[973] King also, in 1754, was taken in as usher at a very
small salary, later to become a master in the school.[974] The exact
extent of the apprenticing of school masters is not determined, but it
does not seem to have been widely practised in and around Philadelphia.
This appearance might, however, be corrected if greater sources of
information were available.
[Sidenote: The tenure of masters]
[Sidenote: Cases cited of B. Clift, J. Taylor]
[Sidenote: G. Keith, Makin and others]
One would judge from the complaints of the yearly meetings, and their
recommendations, that better and more permanent accommodations be
afforded, so that teachers might be more easily kept,[975] that the
tenure of the early Quaker schoolmaster was short. The yearly meeting
recognized the advantage accruing from longer tenure, and did seek
to remove some of the causes which worked against it. Just how much
they were able to increase the tenure it is impossible to say. We may,
however, cite certain cases in which the duration of a master’s service
is known. Benjamin Clift was apparently employed to teach in Darby for
two years at least.[976] Jacob Taylor, who was concerned with a school at
Abington about 1701,[977] and became a land surveyor about 1706[978], may
have continued to teach there between those two dates. He seems to have
been resident there in that period,[979] and the scarcity of teachers was
everywhere evident, as has already been pointed out. This is certainly
not a proof of his incumbency; it indicates a probability. Keith was
employed from 1689[980] to 1691;[981] Thomas Makin from the latter date,
intermittently, until his death, 1733;[982] Pastorius from the latter
part of 1697 or the first part of 1698[983] to 1700;[984] Robert Willian
probably from 1748[985] to 1753;[986] Seaton from 1751[987] to 1763,[988]
and Robert Proud, not continuously however, from 1759[989] to 1770[990]
and again master in 1784.[991] These were taken at random. The longest
period of service, doubtless, must be credited to Anthony Benezet who
first taught in Philadelphia in 1742[992] and continued there with very
brief intermissions until his death in 1784.[993]
These are only a few cases and the majority of them in the city where
it was possible to employ the best, pay them better, and hence, keep
them longer. Hence, too much weight must not be given to the facts above
stated as proving a long term of service was common. If a study of a
number of cases in country districts were possible, the results would
probably be very different.
[Sidenote: Tenure of mistresses]
[Sidenote: Songhurst]
[Sidenote: Burchall]
[Sidenote: Thornton]
[Sidenote: Her success questionable]
It is difficult to get information about the length of service of
the mistresses. When first mentioned in Philadelphia records[994]
they are spoken of as so many nonentities, their names not given. The
term of service of Olive Songhurst, the first mistress whose name is
mentioned,[995] we cannot determine. The women teachers seem quite
frequently to have begun work under the overseers without much notice and
to have left off with little more. There are, however, a few cases where
we know that the term of service was of considerable length. Rebeckah
Burchall seems to have taught continuously at one school from 1755[996]
to 1761.[997] Whether she discontinued service on leaving that school
is not known. Ann Thornton was probably not continued in service more
than two years. She began in 1755 when she filled Anthony Benezet’s[998]
place and left in 1757.[999] In the meantime, it had been necessary for
the board to draw up a set of special rules for the government of her
school,[1000] from the nature of which it is probable that she did not
take another school under their direction.
[Sidenote: No system of license found]
[Sidenote: Recommendation and certificate of removal; their use]
From none of the sources of information does it appear that there was
any license system whatsoever. The recommendation of well-known Friends
was the best pass a teacher could have, as was instanced by those sent
over by John Fothergill. In addition to the personal recommendation,
the certificate of removal from his home meeting was an assurance to
Friends in other parts that an individual was “clear” of all entangling
alliances and might be received into full membership. In no case where a
teacher came to teach, from a distance, did he fail to take and produce a
certificate on his arrival. These, of course, did not certify the things
which modern licenses do, but they, in conjunction with the personal
recommendation as to ability, seem to have answered the purpose.
[Sidenote: The term of employment usually a year]
[Sidenote: No written contract found]
The term for which a teacher was hired was in most cases a year for
trial, which was renewed again at the year’s end, if satisfactory to
both parties. Mention has been made of Benjamin Clift of Darby,[1001]
Keith, Makin, Cadwalader, Willian, Proud, and many others. Some were
taken for a trial of six months,[1002] and there were cases in which the
board reserved the right to discharge the individual on three months’
notice.[1003] The board desired, and in some cases requested, that the
employee should give six months’ notice before his resignation should
take place. Such notice was customary in 1755.[1004] Two instances
have come under the writer’s attention, in which a contract was made
for three years. King (son of Joseph King) was employed in 1754 for
the three years subsequent thereto at £40, £50 and £60 for the years
respectively.[1005] Mr. King resigned regardless of the contract, after
six months’ notice, because the school did not agree with his health
or inclination.[1006] The other case was that of Keith who was to be
employed for one year at £50 and for two years more at £120 each, if
he should desire to stay.[1007] In neither of the two cases does there
appear to have been any instrument in writing.
[Sidenote: Teachers’ salaries; tabulated]
The salaries and rates received by many of the teachers have been
mentioned in several pages previous to this. For convenience for
reference there is presented without discussion a table showing the pay
received by various masters at the times their respective services were
rendered.[1008] One case, neither so prosaic to us, nor so profitable to
the master, defies tabulation, so it is given verbatim.
[Sidenote: Pay of Friends’ masters similar to that of other private
masters]
[Sidenote: The charge for poor children less]
[Sidenote: Country masters ill paid]
18th Day of X br 1735.
Reced of Richard Buffington, Junior 18 s per Hatt, 4s 6d by
stockings, 17s 6d In money—In all forty Shillings; Being in
full for a yeare Scholeing, I say Reced per
me JOH MORSE[1009].
Name Year per Q per year (Reference)
Flower, E. 1683 4/ 6/ or 8/ or £ 10 _Col. Rec._, I, 13.
Keith, G. 1689 (following) 50 Ph., 5-26-1689.
120
Makin 1697 40 } Ph., 11-28-1697.
Pastorius 1697 40 }
Cadwalader 1700 for a half year trial 20 Ph., 1-28-1700.
Cadwalader 1702 50 Ph., 1-27-1702.
Every, J. 1702 Usher 30 Ph., 4-26-1702.
Benezet, A. 1742 50 P. C. S. M., I, 33.
Willian, R. 1749 150 _Ibid._, 73.
Wilson, J. 1750 Usher 60 _Ibid._, 84.
Seaton, A. 1751 (allowed) 20 _Ibid._, 90.
Wilson, J. 1753 70 _Ibid._, 101.
Johnson, Wm. 1753 (allowed) 10 _Ibid._, 106.
Benezet 1754 80 _Ibid._, 117.
King 1754 (proposed in a contract) 40 _Ibid._, 122.
50
60
Thornton, Ann 1755 20 _Ibid._, 130.
Johnson, Wm. 1755 (assistant) 40 _Ibid._, 131.
Thompson, Chas. 1755 150 _Ibid._, 133.
Johnson, Wm. 1756 (raised 20 to keep him) 60 _Ibid._, 141.
Fentham, Jos. 1756 85 _Ibid._, 144.
Patterson, M. 1761 70 _Ibid._, 235.
Thompson, J. 1770 200 _Ibid._, 341.
Proud, Robert 1759 150 _Ibid._, 175.
Proud, Robert 1784 250 Ph., 1-30-1784.
His usher 80 _Ibid._
Todd, J. 1784 (for entrance 15/
and 20/) _Ibid._
(for poor sent by
Board 10/) _Ibid._
Weaver, I. 1784 30/ 30 _Ibid._
Brown, Wm. 1784 (whole days) 30/ } _Ibid._
(half days) 15/ }
{(children) 15/ }
{(sent by board) 10/ }
Lancaster, Sarah 1784 {(sent by board) half } _Ibid._
{(sent by board half }
{ day) 7/6 }
Harry, Mary (children) 15/ _Ibid._
Clark, Joseph (older girls 30/) _Ibid._
Mrs. Clarke 15/ _Ibid._
Marsh, Ann 20/ _Ibid._
McDonnell, Mary 1784 15/ _Ibid._
Clift, B. 1693 £12 Darby, 9-20-1693
Underwood, Elihu 1773 (Credit for school
keeping) 2/2/0/
by 2 raccoon skins
0/4/0/
By netting a pair of
stockings 0/2/6/[1010]
Meccum, Eliza 1798 (Negro School) 50 Ph., 2-25-1798
Pickering, Elisha 1798 (Negro School) 150 _Ibid._
Benezet, A. 1794 (Negro School) 120 _Ibid._
Britt, Daniel 1793 (Negro School) 100 _Ibid._, 1-25-1793
Dougherty, Sarah 1793 (Negro School) 50 _Ibid._
As stated elsewhere in this work, the amounts received by masters and
mistresses in the Friends’ school measure about the same as those stated
for other private masters in the city at the same time. In the table
above, the seeming increase from £50 per year in 1689 to £250 per year
paid Robert Proud in 1784, and the slender salaries of the women as
compared with those of the men, are worthy of attention.[1011] Though
all of the teachers in the Negro School had had long experience, their
salaries did not equal that of Classical School teachers; but they did
keep pace with those in the English School. The price paid for young
children was usually low, about one-half that paid for older ones in the
same subjects. Children sent by the board were received at a less charge,
or perhaps free of charge if that body had already made arrangement to
that effect. The contrast between the salary received by the country
masters Clift (Darby) and Underwood (Warrington) is very interesting.
Such salaries were doubtless effective in causing unrest and a floating
teacher population, against which the yearly meeting frequently
remonstrated, and earnestly sought to correct.
[Sidenote: Mistresses to be first considered]
In the pages following, brief attention will be given to several of the
Quaker teachers who have come to the attention of the writer during the
course of this study. Many of them have been mentioned in other parts of
it, reference to whom is to be found in the index. Though the women were
given more scanty attention in the records and seem to have filled a less
prominent place in the schools, we may gallantly, yet illogically, give
them first attention here. In another light, it may not seem illogical.
Women were leaders in the Quaker meetings and were privileged to speak, a
favor not granted elsewhere. In the early yearly meeting recommendations
they urged good mistresses be chosen as well as good masters.[1012] Women
were also recognized by London Grove Monthly Meeting in 1795, when a
committee of women Friends were appointed to meet with a like committee
of men to consider the question of schools.[1013]
[Sidenote: Olive Songhurst]
As before stated, mistresses in Philadelphia were mentioned by the
monthly meeting as early as 1699,[1014] but we are not informed who they
were. The first, Olive Songhurst, whose name is given, was employed for
some time about 1702,[1015] and if we may judge her service by a raise
of salary granted in that year, it seems to have been acceptable to the
meeting. After Olive Songhurst a long period of time passes in which the
writer has found no mistress named in the minutes, though mistresses are
frequently mentioned. It is not, therefore, to be assumed that this list
is complete either in the case of masters or mistresses; those who are
mentioned may prove of some interest or service to other students.
[Sidenote: Ann Thornton in Girls’ School, 1755]
Ann Thornton was mentioned as being employed by the board in 1755, when
it was proposed that she might take Anthony Benezet’s place in a Girls’
School, which he had entered the year before. It is not very probable
that she was an inexperienced teacher at the time, since the board was
usually careful to place strong and proven teachers in its best schools.
She was to receive no more than thirty scholars and had to promise to
look after them in meeting, which seemingly unpleasant task she hesitated
to take.[1016] It is the writer’s opinion, based on the fact that the
board was forced to make a list of rules especially for her school,[1017]
and the tenor of her dismissal when Benezet was again available, and that
she does not appear to have been employed again by the board, that her
work in the school and agreement with the board were not satisfactory.
[Sidenote: Burchall employed at same time; duties]
Rebeckah Burchall, employed near the same time as Ann Thornton, was
engaged in teaching poor children.[1018] It was also stipulated that she
guard the girls in meetings, especially her pupils.[1019] So in 1755,
had we entered the quiet Friends’ meeting we would have no doubt seen
the two prim Quaker ladies just mentioned sitting in silent and upright
watchfulness amid their youthful charges. Gentlemen were not immune from
such duties.
[Sidenote: Several other mistresses named, many in charge of poor
children]
Widow Mellor is mentioned in 1755 as keeping a small school,[1020] which
probably was quite similar to the one kept by Debby Godfrey, a poor woman
to whom the board decided to send some poor children to learn to read
and write.[1021] The minute reads as though it was a condescension, and
very likely it was a form of charity on their part. Jane Loftu, likewise,
(1761) taught thirty-two poor children, her charge made to the board for
the service being £32.[1022] Ann Redman seems to have been a teacher of
more than ordinary merit. She is first noted as a teacher at the Fairhill
School, at which place she was visited by members of the Public School
Board, who seem to have been so well impressed with her as a teacher
that she was immediately asked to come into the school just vacated by
Rebekah Burchall. Her employment was teaching reading, writing, and
plain sewing.[1023] Mary Wily, a teacher employed by the board in 1762,
received very little attention. A question is raised concerning her,
however, by an objection made by the board to her account presented for
certain schooling.[1024] It was settled amicably it seems. Ann Pattison,
first mentioned as being employed in 1763,[1025] is doubtless the same
as the Patterson later employed in 1766.[1026] She was employed in
teaching poor children. Mary Gosnold, Rebecca Seaton, and Mary Moss are
mentioned in 1764 as teachers of poor children.[1027] Rebecca Seaton does
not appear in the ranks of teachers (at least on Friends’ records) till
after the death of Alexander Seaton, her husband. It seems quite evident
that the mistresses were assigned, more especially, to the keeping of
school for the poor, though it was by no means limited to them. Sarah
Mott was also a teacher for poor children.[1028]
[Sidenote: Subjects of instruction; reading, writing, sewing, spelling,
and other “suitable subjects for girls”]
[Sidenote: Other denominations in Friends schools]
Hannah Cathall, we feel certain, must have been a teacher of considerable
merit. She began her service at least as early as 1765[1029] and in 1779
was still in that employment, being at that date engaged in a school with
Rebecca Jones, for instructing girls in reading, writing, “and other
branches suitable to them.”[1030] They also received poor girls sent by
the overseers. Other mistresses employed by the board in 1779 were Sarah
Lancaster, teaching the rudiments to young children of both sexes (sewing
especially for girls), Essex Flower in a school similar to Lancaster’s,
and Ann Rakestraw who had charge of a reading and spelling school.[1031]
Sarah Lancaster still continued in the schools’ service in 1784, having
in attendance sixty-four scholars, part of whom attended only half days.
The other mistresses mentioned at that time were Mary Harry, teaching
a school for children, Mrs. Clarke, teaching boys and girls, reading
and sewing for the girls; Ann Marsh in a school similar to that of Mrs.
Clarke’s, and Mary McDonnell, who taught fifteen young children, what
studies we do not know.[1032] The committee’s report for that date
shows that nearly one-half or perhaps more of the children attending
the schools of the Friends’ masters and mistresses were children of the
members of other denominations. In almost every case the teachers were
Friends, or, as they termed it, “people of friendly persuasions.”
[Sidenote: Mistresses in the Negro School]
Mistresses devoted their abilities also to the instruction of the Negro
children. Sarah Dougherty was for a time (about 1790) employed in the
Negro School, but for some reason, unexplained, Elizabeth Meccum was
employed in her stead.[1033] Elizabeth Meccum remained in that capacity
till the time of her death, which occurred between 1795 and 1798.[1034]
Joseph Foulke, in a letter concerning his schooling at Gwynedd
Meeting, mentions Hannah Lukens who kept a “family school” and also
Hannah Foulke,[1035] both of whom were members of Gwynedd, but further
information of them the writer does not have.
[Sidenote: Teachers rated by the frequency with which they are mentioned
by well recognized writers]
If one were to measure American Quaker schoolmasters as some American men
of science have been measured, by the amount of space they have gained
in literature, they would not stand out very strikingly. Of fifty-five
male teachers in and around Philadelphia, but twenty-one of them are
mentioned in five standard works on local history and genealogy. None
of the fifty-five teachers receive mention in all five of the works;
three of them are chronicled in four; seven are mentioned in three of
the five; ten are spoken of in two, twenty-one are given a place in one;
and thirty-four receive no notice. If rated according to such a scheme,
Pastorius, Benezet, and Charles Thompson would head the list, while quite
a number group themselves at the other end of it. The scheme, though it
has not been carried out fully, for example no attempt has been made to
measure the length of the notice, does seem to favor those who stood high
at the time of their service.[1036]
[Sidenote: Individual notice to be very brief]
In the brief notices following, concerning the male teachers, it is not
intended to write biographies. Some of them have already been written,
and to them the reader is directed, if he or she wishes a full account
of the man’s life. Others will not, cannot, ever be written for obvious
reasons. In the space allotted to them here, there is set down only what
has been found of interest concerning them as teachers.
[Sidenote: Anthony Benezet]
[Sidenote: Given charge of Girls School]
In 1742 Anthony Benezet came from Germantown where he had been engaged in
a school,[1037] to be employed by the Board of Overseers of Philadelphia.
He was employed at a salary of £50 to teach arithmetic, writing,
accounts, and French.[1038] He appears to have given very satisfactory
service and to have remained in the same position until 1754 when he was
placed in charge of the Girls School, under the Board’s direction.[1039]
Some students have been under the impression that the Girls School was
entirely independent and a private venture;[1040] but this could not have
been true, for the Board named the subjects he should teach and specified
that he receive at the school “no more than thirty scholars.”[1041] The
school was, however, the result of Benezet’s proposal.
[Sidenote: Attitude as a teacher]
[Sidenote: Aids children of French neutrals]
Not only was he kindly to the pupils as a teacher,[1042] but he was
a father to the poor lads whenever he could help them in any way. In
1754 Samuel Boulds was bound to him, so that he might look after his
schooling, and he further requested the Board to care for the same, if
he should die or leave the school before the lad was grown up.[1043] His
health not being good, he requested leave from his school during the
summer of 1754.[1044] Apparently his health did not improve sufficiently
and he did not return to the school till 1757, taking the place of Ann
Thornton.[1045] Another instance of his philanthropy came to light in his
request (1762) that certain of the children of the poor French neutrals
be allowed to go to the Public School which was granted only upon his
certification of those he felt sure would attend regularly.[1046] Shortly
thereafter on account of ill health, he was again forced to leave the
Girls School, which he did until 1767, when he returned to resume his
work again.[1047] It was no difficulty for him to start a school. The
suggestion was made to the Board in one month, and in the following he
was teaching the school, and made his regular report at their meeting.
[Sidenote: Enters the Negro School in 1782]
From the information the writer has assembled, it appears that he
continued with the White school, after his return in 1767, until 1782,
when at his request he was accepted by the committee to take charge of
the Negro School.[1048] He had throughout his life written eloquently in
defense of freedom’s cause,[1049] and the origin of the Negro School, in
1770, was perhaps due to him more than to any other man in the Friends’
meeting.
[Sidenote: Jonathan Binns]
Jonathan Binns was to have taken charge of the Public School in 1734, if
his health improved, but no report being made by him it is inferred he
did not perform such service.[1050] Alexander Buller was employed in 1738
to teach writing, mathematics, and the Latin tongue. Three years later he
ran an advertisement in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, as follows:
[Sidenote: Alexander Buller; one of few who advertised for pupils]
Writing, Arithmetic, Merchants’ Accounts, Navigation, Algebra,
and other parts of the mathematics are taught by Alexander
Buller, at the Public School in Strawberry Alley. He proposes
to keep a night school for the winter and begins on the 23d
instant when constant attendance shall be given. November 5,
1741.[1051]
[Sidenote: William Brown, Daniel Britt, Pickering and Mears]
William Brown was teaching girls reading, writing, arithmetic and
language in 1784.[1052] Daniel Britt interested himself in the
instruction of Negroes in whose school he was employed from about
1790[1053] to 1796 or 1797.[1054] He was succeeded by Elisha Pickering
who probably taught till 1799, being followed by Benjamin Mears.[1055]
[Sidenote: John Cadwalader]
[Sidenote: Thomas Makin]
[Sidenote: George Keith; dissatisfaction with him]
John Cadwalader came to Philadelphia in 1699[1056] and the year following
was recommended by Griffith Owen as a man “fit for an assistant in the
school.”[1057] He was accordingly employed, it being decided that he
and Thomas Makin, who had entered the school as usher to Keith, should
compete with each other to show the best results. From the records one
cannot determine just when he left the school, though he stated, in
1702,[1058] that he intended to do so. It seems likely, from a minute of
1703, that he must have taught longer than he intended when making the
above statements.[1059] Thomas Makin, with whom he was associated, was
employed at various times until his death in 1733.[1060] He is credited
with being “a good Latinist,”[1061] and was the author of a Latin poem
in which he celebrated Pennsylvania. George Keith, Scotchman, kindly
recommended him for the mastership in 1691, when he (Keith) decided
to leave.[1062] Keith had come to the school as first master when the
school was set up in 1689. He is stated, by writers of history, to
have been of disputatious disposition, and this probably accounted for
the dissatisfaction which arose in the school. Soon after leaving the
school he published in connection with Talbot a critical article, “Means
of Quaker Stability,”[1063] in which is evident the rancor toward the
society, which he had previously concealed.
[Sidenote: Clift Clarke]
[Sidenote: Dickinson]
Concerning Benjamin Clift, schoolmaster at Darby, no additional
information has been found, beyond that given in the minutes of the
monthly meeting. Joseph Clarke was a teacher of a girls’ school in
1784,[1064] which was attended by about thirty girls. William Dickinson
was first employed (1764) to take the place of Moses Patterson,[1065] as
usher to John Todd in the Latin School.[1066] The Board seems to have
taken exception to him, though nothing has been intimated elsewhere as
to his character, for they reserved the right to discharge him on three
months’ notice, if they desired. Such reservations were not general.
[Sidenote: Patterson]
Moses Patterson, had begun his teaching career in 1760 when he undertook
to teach a school at Fairhill Meeting.[1067] He then was made usher
to Alexander Seaton in which position he remained till 1764.[1068] He
desired then to quit as usher, and apparently did; he is next heard of in
1765 as teacher of “poor children.”[1069]
[Sidenote: Masters in Latin School after 1748; Willian]
[Sidenote: Wilson and King]
Robert Willian was employed in 1748, having been brought from England, to
teach Latin, Greek and other learning.[1070] His first term of employment
was for one year, as was the Board’s general custom in hiring teachers,
but it seems that his contract was renewed until 1753, at which time his
place was taken by John Wilson.[1071] Wilson had entered the school’s
employ as usher in 1750, but was, in addition to that, granted permission
to teach an evening school.[1072] It is not known how long he remained as
master, but in 1754 there was a proposition to allow J. King to go into
the Latin School,[1073] and it is likely he took Wilson’s place. King,
however, as stated elsewhere, did not remain there more than a year,
because of ill health and inclination.[1074] Wilson is later mentioned in
connection with the Latin school (1769); how much of the time, between
1754 and 1769 he had spent in the Latin School it is impossible to say.
[Sidenote: Latin School tries to obtain services of Jackson]
[Sidenote: Thompson engaged, however]
[Sidenote: His training and later interests.]
When King (1755) announced his intention to resign at the end of six
months, the Board attempted to procure Paul Jackson, who at the time
was instructor at the Academy.[1075] Jackson was well qualified for
the place and, besides his work at the Academy, had prepared lectures
in “experimental philosophy” which he proposed to give for the
“entertainment of the curious.”[1076] He did not find himself free at
this time to remove from the employ of the trustees of that institution,
but Charles Thompson, who had been employed there as usher was engaged
for the Friends’ School.[1077] It seems that the logical man for the
place would have been William Johnson, who first taught a school at
Fairhill[1078] (1753) and attended Latin School, free of charge, to
prepare him to be an usher (1754).[1079] The headship was not offered
him, however,[1080] but a year later his salary for the assistantship
was raised £20 to keep him from going to Burlington.[1081] We find that
Charles Thompson (from the Academy) remained in the Friends’ School
until 1760, when he decided to leave the business of school keeping for
another.[1082] His first training in Latin, Greek, and mathematics was
gained in Alison’s Seminary. After leaving the Friends’ School he was
interested in political life and became secretary of the Revolutionary
Congress in 1775.[1083]
[Sidenote: Robert Proud recommended for master]
[Sidenote: Time of his service]
When Thompson indicated his desire to leave the Latin School, the Board
took steps to secure a master from England. A letter was sent to J.
Fothergill and John Hunt who recommended Robert Proud as a very likely
candidate.[1084] This recommendation was favorably considered and Proud
accordingly came to Philadelphia. He immediately chose W. W. Fentham as
his usher, whom, he stated, the Board might remove if they did not find
him satisfactory.[1085] It appears that Proud remained master from this
time until 1770, when he announced his resignation.[1086] He was again in
the employ of the Latin School in 1784, having an usher to assist him in
instructing the thirty boys who are stated to have been in attendance on
that date.[1087] How long this period of service continued the writer has
not determined. The reader has already been introduced to Proud’s school
by means of the rules he constructed for it, which were presented on a
previous page. His reverence for learning and his attempt to inculcate
that respect for it in the minds of his pupils is perhaps best indicated
by these lines:
“To learning ever be inclined;
With good instruction store thy mind,
For without learning, living here
Like Death and Darkness doth appear.”[1088]
[Sidenote: John Thompson recommended]
When Proud left the Latin school in 1770, Friends again had recourse to
the English supply house, receiving from thence John Thompson, eldest son
of Jonah Thompson, who had previously taught in Philadelphia.[1089] John
Thompson entered the school on twelfth month, fifth, 1770 and remained
in that position at least until 1779. At that date he had twenty-four
boys in charge, to whom he taught Latin and Greek, with occasionally some
writing and arithmetic.[1090]
An interesting student’s commentary on the “Hon. John Thompson” is
furnished by the following extract from the publications of the _Public
School Gazetteer_, 1777.
On Thursday last in the afternoon the Hon. John Thompson, Esq.,
dismissed the school long before the usual time. This (we hope)
is a prelude to the restoration of our rights.[1091]
[Sidenote: Masters of the English School: Seaton]
One of the most worthy masters to be noted in the English School, near
the middle of the century, was Alexander Seaton. In 1751 he desired to
start a school in the upper part of the city, which was to be under
the care of the Board. In this school, which was accordingly set up,
were taught writing, arithmetic, and mathematics.[1092] He was thus
employed until 1754 when, as above stated, Benezet desiring to set up a
girls’ school, he was requested to take Benezet’s place in the English
School.[1093] At various dates he was assisted by Moses Patterson,
Phineas Jenkins,[1094] and George Smith.[1095] In 1763, when he died, his
place was filled by John Todd.[1096]
[Sidenote: John Todd, a teacher for many years]
[Sidenote: Severity of his discipline]
Todd remained many years in Friends’ School. In 1779 he is reported by
the overseers as having 60 boys of various religious denominations, to
whom was taught reading, English writing, arithmetic and some branches of
mathematics.[1097] A like condition prevailed in his school five years
later, with the exception that the number of boys had increased to 88.
The committee report states that the “master is careful to preserve good
order in his school.”[1098] This agrees, but is a much less picturesque
statement of the case than is portrayed by Watson.[1099] He is pictured
as immoderately strict and as taking diabolic satisfaction in every
opportunity to use the strap. Watson closes his description with the
statement that “it was not that his love of learning was at fault, so
much as the old British system of introducing learning and discipline
into the brains of boys and soldiers by dint of punishment.”[1100]
[Sidenote: Waring, J. Paul, and Yerkes mentioned]
A number of other almost unknown masters who taught in and around
Philadelphia may be briefly mentioned. William Waring is stated by Watson
to have taught astronomy and mathematics in the Friends’ School at the
same time with Jeremiah Paul.[1101] Associated with the school, at the
same time with Paul, Todd, and Waring, was Jimmy McCue, who performed
the services of usher.[1102] Yerkes, mentioned as having been in a
single school, is mentioned by the monthly meeting reports as though
it were under the direction of Friends. When so reported (1779) he
was teaching not more than 50 scholars (all Friends). The subjects of
instruction were reading, writing, English, arithmetic, and some branches
of mathematics.[1103] No further information of Isaac Weaver has been
obtained than is given on page 260.
[Sidenote: Snowdon]
[Sidenote: Thorne]
[Sidenote: Subjects taught by Thorne]
[Sidenote: Sitch, Pemberton, Richards, Every and others]
Leonard Snowdon was reported to have arrived from London about 1737
to take charge of a school, but no further particulars are found
concerning him.[1104] In 1757 William Thorne was reported as teaching
poor children.[1105] He is one of the very few masters who taught in
the Friends’ Schools, who advertised in the newspapers for pupils;
such advertisement was possibly after he discontinued his services
for the Board.[1106] The advertisement does, however, serve to give
us more information as to his qualifications, than we could otherwise
obtain. He was engaged at the time (1766) in conducting a writing,
arithmetic, mathematics and merchants’ accounts school in Vidal’s
Alley.[1107] At another time he advertised to teach writing, arithmetic,
geometry, trigonometry, navigation, mensuration, surveying, guaging,
and accounts.[1108] John Sitch (1758) is mentioned as receiving some
of the scholars from William Johnson’s school.[1109] Joseph Pemberton
was encouraged by the Board to start a school in 1758. Its location, as
everything else concerning it, is very indefinite, being “in the upper
part of town.”[1110] Other masters mentioned by various authors, and to
whom reference has been made before, but whose history is almost unknown,
are Rowland Richards, John Every, Marmaduke Pardo, John Walby, William
Coggins, Benjamin Albertson, Hugh Foulke, John Chamberlain, Christian
Dull, Daniel Price, Samuel Jones, and Samuel Evans.[1111]
[Sidenote: Early schoolmasters at Byberry]
[Sidenote: Character of Moor unsatisfactory to Friends]
[Sidenote: No extreme cases of lawlessness among Quaker masters]
Of Richard Brockden, who taught at Byberry about 1710 or 1711,[1112] and
later (about 1722)[1113] for a short time in Philadelphia, very little
is known. The minute just referred to, however, leaves the impression
that Friends were very willing for him to leave the school, but, on his
request, allowed him to remain. Walter Moor, a schoolmaster at Byberry
(about 1753) leaves no record as a master, but we are certain his
_character_ was not satisfactory to Friends. In 1753 they complained of
his drinking to excess and removing from place to place without giving
notice of it.[1114] An instance of this sort, though not entirely out
of keeping with custom in those days, was severely criticised at all
times in the meetings. This is the only explicit case of drunkenness,
on the part of teachers who were employed by Friends, which has come to
the writer’s attention. The frequent mention of reproof of members for
that offense, in the early years of the century, however, would lead one
to believe that such great success in eliminating it from those in the
teaching profession was scarcely possible. However that may be, no case
has been found (in newspaper reports, where the names were mentioned)
in which any Quaker master engaged in disreputable brawling was lodged
in jail, which was noted on the part of several other private masters of
Philadelphia.[1115] This latter source of information is perhaps more
reliable than the meeting records.
[Sidenote: Taylor]
[Sidenote: Underwood]
[Sidenote: Teachers previously mentioned]
Among Quaker schoolmasters, who have been mentioned frequently, is
Christopher Taylor. He was educated in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and,
in 1695,[1116] published a compendium of the three languages. He was
a teacher at Waltham Abbey School,[1117] and, coming to Philadelphia
in 1682, established a school on Tinicum Island, of which very little
authentic information is to be had. William Underwood was a teacher at
Warrington about 1740.[1118] Elihu Underwood has already been mentioned
on several occasions as the most extraordinary master of Warington,
having executed an attractive copy of arithmetic exercises from an
old English arithmetic.[1119] Others, only to be mentioned, were: D.
B. Ayres, Richland Meeting, 1793;[1120] Christopher Smith, Byberry,
1784;[1121] Bryan Fitzpatrick, Horsham, 1784;[1122] Joseph Kirk,
1793,[1123] and Isaac Carver, at or near Horsham, 1784;[1124] Thomas
Pearson at Maiden Creek (Exeter Monthly Meeting), 1784;[1125] Benjamin
Parks and wife, at Reading, 1784;[1126] and Caleb Johnson at Reading,
1787.[1127] An unknown master of Bucks County is mentioned by General
John Lacey in his memoirs, as he comments on his early educational
opportunities. He, himself, was a member of a family of Friends.
I was early sent to school, such as it was. The master himself
could neither read or write correctly, as he knew nothing
of Grammar, it was not to be expected he could teach it to
others. Grammar was never taught in any school I went to—no
book of this kind, or the remote rudiments of it was—that
I remember—talked of at any of the country schools I was
acquainted with. None but Quaker families resided in the
neighborhood where I was brought up, among whom the Bible
and Testament and Dilworth’s spelling-book were the only
books suffered to be used in the Quaker schools from which
circumstances no one will hesitate to acknowledge the extreme
limited education and acquirements of literal knowledge by
youth so circumscribed.[1128]
Such were the country schools, if judged by his writing as a fair sample.
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: Standards]
The primary requirements for masters and mistresses, as determined by the
yearly meeting, were (1) high morality, (2) membership with Friends, and
(3) competency to teach the subjects for which employed. These standards
were consciously striven for, as indicated by their reports on the
subject.
[Sidenote: Whence came teachers?]
As a rule, the teachers selected for the lower schools were native to the
place, though there were exceptions. A large number of the Latin masters,
however, were secured through Friends in England. To supply the lack of
teachers, in Philadelphia at any rate, recourse was occasionally had to
the apprenticeship system, as instanced by the cases of Eldridge, and
James Dickinson.
[Sidenote: Tenure]
[Sidenote: No license system]
[Sidenote: Contracts]
The yearly assembly recommended better accommodations for teachers,
that they might be more easily retained in the same position. The cases
mentioned indicate a very good length of tenure; Clift, two years;
Taylor, perhaps five; Keith, about two; Makin, intermittently for
about forty; and many others, similarly. These figures are undoubtedly
not representative, the majority being taken from the city. Personal
recommendation and certificates of removal served some of the purposes
of the teacher license system. The contract was verbal only, so far as
evidence appears and the term of it usually for one year.
[Sidenote: Salaries]
Attention is called to the seeming great increase in salaries during
the century, and great variation in the amounts paid at any one time,
especially between those of country and city masters. The salaries of
women appear to have been very meager as compared with those of the men.
No appreciable difference is found between the salaries or rates of
Quaker masters and those of private masters in the city at the same time.
Rates charged for poor children, schooled by the Board, were less than
those fixed for others.
[Sidenote: Women teachers considered]
A few mistresses in the schools are mentioned. For the most part, the
length of their service is not known. A large proportion of them were
engaged in teaching poor children, though not limited to that. A large
proportion, over half of the poor children taught by them, were members
of various denominations. Their service was not limited to the schools
for Whites, some being employed in the Negro School, near the end of the
century.
[Sidenote: Masters]
[Sidenote: Rank]
Brief attention is given individual masters. As rated by the frequency
of their mention in five standard authorities, Pastorius, Benezet, and
Thompson lead the list; it is not believed that this measure is adequate,
however. Concerning the qualifications of the masters, we find that all
degrees of ability and training were represented. Pastorius may be taken
as a type of the classically trained master of the Latin School. The
other extreme might be represented by several of the ill-paid country
masters. John Lacey describes such a master and his school in his memoirs.
[Sidenote: Character]
One definite case of drunkenness on the part of a master has come to
light. Though not probable that the record is so clear, it does appear
that excessive outlawries were not committed. The chief sources studied
on this point were the newspapers of the period and minutes of various
Quaker meetings.
CHAPTER XI
EDUCATION OF NEGROES AND INDIANS
EARLIEST TRACES OF THE NEGRO IN PENNSYLVANIA
[Sidenote: Negroes early in Pennsylvania]
To the reader of the history of Pennsylvania, the statement that the
colony was established in 1681 by William Penn seems sufficient reason
for thinking that was the first settlement. But there were other people
already established there and among them were to be found Negroes, as is
very readily ascertained from the records. The people who occupied the
territory along the Delaware, later to be called Pennsylvania, before its
charter as a colony was granted, were chiefly Swedes, English, and Dutch,
who had crossed over the river from the neighboring colonies.[1129]
[Sidenote: 1639]
[Sidenote: 1664]
[Sidenote: Gradual abolition by law of 1780]
Negroes were not numerous. There remains rather scant evidence of their
presence in any considerable number, but authentic record of certain
instances. It is found, for example, that as early as 1639 a convict
was sentenced to South River, as the Delaware was then called, to serve
out his time with the Negroes.[1130] This is the earliest record found;
though frequent mention is made of them after this date. In 1664, the
West India Company agreed to furnish about fifty Negroes to work in the
lowlands on the Delaware River.[1131] This is the earliest explicit
record that is found of trafficking in Negroes in Pennsylvania. The
slave trade, thus begun by the Dutch Company, was continued, now rising,
now falling, till the final abolition of slavery in 1780.[1132] The
law of 1780, which provided for a gradual abolition, was subjected to
such frequent evasion that in 1788 it became necessary to pass another
for its clarification and enforcement.[1133] By the middle of the
seventeenth century, the importation of slaves had become a part of the
regular work of the merchants of Philadelphia, with the exception of a
few conscientious Quakers who refused to profit thereby. Records of the
end of the century indicate that the number of Negroes had by that time
become very considerable, though no exact figures are obtainable.[1134]
[Sidenote: Opposing factors]
But it is not to be assumed that because the slave trade began thus early
and continued to grow, it did so without meeting any opposition. In fact
it is probably due to a few years of opposition by various factors, which
are here only mentioned briefly, that the slave trade did not become as
prodigious in Pennsylvania as in other states, and that she was the first
to pass an abolition law against it.[1135] Chief among the factors which
opposed the increase of Negro serfdom were these: (1) the conscientious
scruples of Friends in reference to the traffic;[1136] (2) the objection
on the part of the German inhabitants (partially as Quakers, but not
entirely);[1137] and, (3) the dissatisfaction caused among White laborers
by the enforced competition of the Negroes.[1138]
[Sidenote: Restrictive legislation 1700, 1705, 1712]
[Sidenote: Slack demand for slaves indicated]
As a result of this opposition to the importation of slaves, there was
enacted various legislation restricting it, although there was at the
same time an urgent demand on the part of some for slave labor. One of
the first attempts on the part of the Colonial Assembly to restrict
slave traffic was the act of 1700, imposing the maximum duty of 20
shillings per head imported, which amount was in 1705 increased to 40
shillings.[1139] Not entirely satisfied with this stroke, the Assembly
attempted (1712) practically to prohibit importation by placing a levy
of £20 per head, but this act was at once repealed by the crown.[1140]
However great may have been the failure in legislation, it seems that
the feeling against importation was quite marked and, for that reason,
the number imported fell considerably. If the statement of a merchant,
Jonathan Dickinson, may be taken as indicative, we may judge that it was
the slack demand that brought about a decrease in importation. He says,
writing to Jamaica, April, 1715,
I must entreat you to send me no more Negroes for sale, for our
people don’t care to buy. They are generally against any coming
into the country.[1141]
[Sidenote: The trade formed by certain classes: (1) traders, (2)
manufacturers]
However strongly the general public was opposed to the slave importation,
it was nevertheless possible for the interests of the few to dominate.
First, there was the desire on the part of the trading company for the
rich profits derived, and the crown was loath to fail to safeguard the
company in its demands; this service it performed by regularly repealing
the obnoxious legislation, which was enacted and favored by the majority
of the citizens represented in the Assembly.[1142] Second, certain
influential classes of citizens, for example, the iron masters, wished
for the continuance of importation because of the advantage accruing to
them through the competition between Whites and slave labor. This is
instanced in 1727 by a petition on their part for the removal of the duty
because of the scarcity of available Whites.[1143]
[Sidenote: Trade accelerated]
[Sidenote: Decline in the trade about Revolution]
This conflict between the ideals of different classes, complicated by
the economic problem of labor, continued to be fought out chiefly in
words, and legislation, until by the middle of the eighteenth century
it is estimated, by some historians of Pennsylvania, that importation
had nearly ceased.[1144] The period following 1750, however, saw
importation again positively accelerated, due to the greater security in
the possession of Negro slaves compared with that of the White servants.
Passing over the crest of this wave of increase, we find a rapid decline
in importation and sale of Negroes during the years immediately preceding
the American Revolution; but even after the Revolution, fought for
the principles of freedom, independence and equality, there occur not
infrequent instances of the traffic in human flesh and blood.[1145] These
cases form the exception rather than the rule, however, and in 1780 there
was secured the law for gradual prohibition, to which reference has
already been made.[1146]
[Sidenote: Slaves: how circumstanced in Pennsylvania]
The condition of the slaves in Pennsylvania was in many respects better
than in other states; especially is this true if they are compared with
those in the South, who were employed mostly in plantation work. Their
clothing, if we may judge by the descriptions which usually accompanied
the advertisement of runaways, was usually good and very striking in its
variety, as witnesses the following description.[1147]
Three hundred dollars reward. Runaway from the subscriber on
the evening of August 14, 1779. 20th of June, lost, a negro man
named Dan about 24 or 25 years of age; 5 feet, 5 or 6 inches;
something pitted with the smallpox; his dress when he went off
is uncertain, as he took sundry clothes with him, amongst which
are two coats, a light faggothy, and a brown jerkin with yellow
buttons, three jackets, light blue, brown, and striped linen,
a pair of new buckskin breeches, several pairs of old striped
and two pairs of tow trousers, three pairs of stockings, three
good shirts, and a round hat. Said negro is this country born,
and talks the English and German languages; is fond of playing
the fiddle, and is naturally left-handed, and what is very
remarkable, he bows with the left hand when performing on the
violin.[1148]
[Sidenote: Fewer social restrictions]
[Sidenote: Care for their religious welfare]
Socially they were less restricted and did not suffer the sharp
separation from the Whites that was characteristic of the South. They
were not on an equality, that was not to be expected, but they enjoyed
considerable freedom among themselves,[1149] and the various religious
societies were, at least to a considerable degree, interested in their
spiritual welfare. We find, at any rate, no considerable opposition
to their advancement as was present in Virginia, even at a much later
date.[1150] The Moravians, as before stated, were usually opposed
to holding slaves, and where they were held, they were on a basis of
religious equality.[1151] The Lutherans were likewise tolerant, but
it is to the credit of the Episcopalians that most is due. Negroes
were baptized in their church and then instructed in religion by a
minister provided for that purpose.[1152] Not only were the established
congregations favorable to the aid of the Negro, but many itinerant
ministers were desirous of educating him.
[Sidenote: Work of Whitefield]
There is one outstanding instance of the latter which may serve as
an illustration. It is that of Reverend Whitefield, who took up five
thousand acres of land on the forks of the Delaware in Pennsylvania,
where he hoped to erect a Negro school. The movement was given wide
publicity and subscriptions were asked for its support.[1153] In the
papers which advertise the beginning of the project, there is found
no statement as to the successful outcome of it; the whole scheme
seems to have melted away as easily as it had arisen. The scheme of
Whitefield, was equalled, and perhaps even excelled, by a much earlier
proposal, 1722, which was made anonymously through the columns of the
_Mercury_.[1154] The service was to be rendered to the servants of any
religious denomination, and without any expense to them whatsoever.
It was chiefly desired that the Negroes might be taught to read the
Scriptures.[1155]
[Sidenote: Missionary work for Negroes not limited to Quakers]
If justice were to be done to the various attempts on the part of
itinerant ministers and the regularly established churches to aid in
bringing enlightenment to the Negroes in Pennsylvania, it would require
volumes. Such mention as has been made is for the purpose of pointing
out the universality of the missionary spirit, so that it may not be
understood that the entire work was carried on under the direction of
Friends, to whose activities much more space must necessarily be given
in this work. In the pages following it will be attempted to outline as
definitely as possible, from the available records, what was actually
accomplished by the organization of Friends towards Negro education.
QUAKER LEADERS AND THE NEGRO PROBLEM
[Sidenote: Slavery’s opponents]
However auspicious may have been the opportunity for attempts to plant
slavery on the soil of Pennsylvania, it was neither destined to meet
unqualified success nor to pass without rigorous opposition. The German
population from the very outset, as we have already stated, was hostile
to the idea of slavery.[1156] Likewise, the Quakers were dominated by
men who believed that slavery had no justification, and throughout their
lives were actuated by this belief. Brief mention may be made of three of
these leaders, sufficient at least to indicate their viewpoint and the
remedy which they advocated.
[Sidenote: George Fox]
[Sidenote: Pleads for education of Negro and Indian]
George Fox, their revered founder, was quite naturally referred to in
matters of importance and far reaching consequence. Through the influence
of his ministry, the doctrine of the freedom of all men and of inherent
rights, which they possessed by virtue of being men, came to be accepted
in the church organization, and was published in the discipline and
various letters of that body.[1157] These acts of the church organization
will be dealt with presently. Fox defends his position mainly on the
religious basis; it is quite likely that a religious training and
education is uppermost in his mind throughout his plea for the Negro. He
does not limit himself to their case, but insists, also, on the education
of the Indian natives. The education (religious) which he specifically
mentions, is for the purpose of their salvation, but the attention of
Quakers was not limited to that alone. Religious education did, however,
receive their first consideration. The essence of Fox’s influential
utterances on this subject is contained in the following extract.
And, also, you must instruct and teach your Indians and
Negroes, and all others, how that Christ, by the grace of God,
tasted death for every man and gave himself a ransom for all
men to be testified in due time; and is the propitiation not
only for the sins of Christians, but for the sins of the whole
world; and that He doth enlighten every man that cometh into
the world, with His true light, which is the life in Christ by
Whom the world was made.[1158]
[Sidenote: John Woolman]
[Sidenote: His sermons, tracts, etc.]
From among the Quaker exponents of the freedom of all men, we can
scarcely select one of greater influence than John Woolman. He was
born in 1720,[1159] and thus grew up to manhood in a period when the
opposition to slavery on the part of Friends was on the increase, and
lived through its zenith, after which slavery among Pennsylvania Friends
scarcely existed.[1160] He was well educated. The greater part of his
life was spent travelling as a minister from place to place, now working
among the Indians[1161] and again visiting meetings in the interest of
the freedom of the Negro.[1162] His journeys throughout the colonies
served to keep the individual meetings awake to the problem before them,
and the firm conviction of the man won no less number of supporters than
the eloquence of his appeal. The influence of Woolman did not, however,
limit itself to the channels of his sermons; in 1754 appeared one of
his best expressions on the traffic, entitled _Some Considerations on
the Keeping of Negroes_. Nothing was permitted to stand in the light
of his conviction as to the right; he refused to continue his practice
of writing wills in all cases where the disposition of slaves was
involved.[1163]
But it is impossible to give in this limited space an adequate resumé
of the work of this great spokesman of freedom. A brief representative
statement from his works, added to what has already been said, is perhaps
the most satisfactory treatment that can be given.
[Sidenote: Woolman on slave holding]
Many slaves on this continent are oppressed, and their cries
have reached the ears of the most High. Such are the purity
and certainty of His judgments, that He can not be partial in
our favor. In infinite love and goodness He hath opened our
understandings from one time to another concerning our duty
to this people; and it is not a time for delay. Should we now
be sensible of what He requires of us, and through respect
to the interest of some persons, or through a regard to some
friendships which do not stand on an immutable foundation,
neglect to do our duty in firmness and constancy, still waiting
for some extraordinary means to bring about their deliverance,
it may be by terrible things in righteousness, God may answer
us in this matter.[1164]
Man is born to labor, and experience abundantly sheweth that it
is for our good; but where the powerful lay the burden on the
inferior, without affording a Christian education, and suitable
opportunity for improving the mind, and a treatment that we in
their case should approve, that themselves may live at ease and
fare sumptuously, and lay up riches for their posterity, this
seems to contradict the design of Providence and, I doubt not,
is sometimes the effect of a perverted mind; for while the life
of one is made grievous by the rigor of another, it entails
misery to both.[1165]
[Sidenote: Anthony Benezet; his influence through books, pamphlets, etc.]
While speaking of the life and work of the two above mentioned Quaker
reformers, one other person seems to call imperatively for attention. His
work was equally widespread and the public was kept open to his influence
through several of his books and pamphlets published on the subject of
slaves and slaveholding.[1166] A French Hugenot by birth, Anthony Benezet
came early to America, where he was a staunch member of Friends, and
in whose society he performed a continuous service for the freedom and
education of the Negroes, until the time of his death in 1784.[1167]
His immediate connection with the Negro School, established by Friends
in 1770[1168] will be considered more fully elsewhere. The arguments
advanced by him against slavery are based on the grounds of practicality
and justice. The system is injurious to the slave and the master, and
inconsistent with the ideals of a free community. We, ourselves, must
agree with him in his position as set forth in the following selection.
[Sidenote: Extract from Benezet]
The bondage we have imposed on the Africans is absolutely
repugnant to Justice. It is highly inconsistent with civil
policy: First, as it tends to suppress all improvements in arts
and sciences, without which it is morally impossible that any
nation should be happy or powerful. Secondly, as it may deprave
the minds of the free men, steeling their hearts against the
laudable feelings of virtue and humanity. And _lastly_, as it
endangers the community by the destructive effects of civil
commotions; need I to add to these what every heart, which is
not callous to all tender feelings, will readily suggest—that
it is shocking to humanity, violative of generous sentiment,
abhorrent utterly from the Christian religion; for as
Montesquieu very justly observes, “We must suppose them not to
be men, or a suspicion would follow that we ourselves are not
Christians.” There can not be a more dangerous maxim than that
necessity is a plea for injustice. For who shall fix the degree
of this necessity? What villian so atrocious who may not urge
this excuse; or, as Milton has happily expressed it,—“and with
necessity, the tyrants plea, excuse his devilish deed”?[1169]
[Sidenote: George Keith and other antagonists of slavery]
Besides the three representatives mentioned, there were a host of others,
many of them still earlier but perhaps none who exercised so great an
influence. Among those worthy of mention were George Keith, a dissenter
among Quakers, but one of the earliest teachers in Philadelphia, and
a very ardent antagonist of slavery. Others, whose zeal outran their
discretion, such as Ralph Sandiford, Benjamin Lay,[1170] and William
Southeby, might be profitably discussed here, but lack of space
eliminates their consideration. Still other itinerant ministers, Banks,
Pennington, and Chalkley, though not so precipitous in their actions as
the three above named, were none the less worthy spokesmen of the cause.
THE CHURCH ORGANIZATION AND THE NEGRO QUESTION
[Sidenote: Study of the meeting records referring to Negro education]
Under this head it is intended to present, (1) the activity of the
society as an organization, and (2) the establishment of Negro education
in the various meetings where any record of it remains. In doing so, let
the reader keep in mind the principles set forth previously by the three
representatives who have been mentioned as leaders in the cause of Negro
education and liberation.
[Sidenote: The meeting organization against slave traffic]
[Sidenote: Germantown memorial against it]
As is quite naturally expected, after this brief introduction to the
belief of the Quaker leaders, we find that the society placed itself as
a unit opposed to the perpetuation of bondage among the Blacks. Friends
were astonished to find, when they arrived, that slavery existed in
Penn’s colony, and as early as 1688 those settled at Germantown entered
a memorable protest against it.[1171] Five years later George Keith, a
Quaker who a few years later came into disfavor with the society, entered
a vigorous denunciation of the practice of holding slaves.[1172] The
general tenor of these protests is against _perpetual bondage_, their
idea being that since it already existed, there should be a time limit
set at the expiration of which all those held should become free.
It would have been possible for individual protests and those of smaller
meetings to have gone on indefinitely and still have accomplished but
little in the way of influencing others. Similar expressions from a
central organization, speaking with some semblance of authority, could
have accomplished much more, and did so, though not till some years
later. The advices issued by the yearly meeting were usually in the
nature of reproof, scarcely or never mandatory. One of the earliest was
drawn up at the yearly meeting in 1727 and sent to the meetings subject
thereto.
[Sidenote: Yearly Meeting regarding slave trade]
It is the sense of this meeting that the importation of negroes
from their native country and relations by Friends, is not a
commendable or allowable practice, and is therefore censured by
this meeting.[1173]
It is difficult to understand how any communication of this nature could
have force in a situation that seemed to demand something in the way
of command. But when it is recalled with what persistence such advices
were given, and again repeated in the appropriate meetings, and that
they were received by the monthly and preparative meetings very much as
dutiful children would listen to the advice of father or mother, then the
influence exerted by them does not seem so strange.
[Sidenote: Reports made to yearly meeting concerning slaves]
Moreover, there is ample evidence in the reports of various meetings at
all times that the advices of the yearly meeting were being followed
with considerable success. Philadelphia reported (1756) that they knew
of no Friends who had been concerned in importing Negroes or other
slaves.[1174] By 1772 the yearly meeting reported by way of letter that,
due to the discouragement of the practice of slaveholding on the part
of Friends in the colonies, it had greatly diminished in some parts,
and in others disappeared almost altogether, as was true in the case of
Pennsylvania.[1175] For the sake of more complete illustration of the
type of expression issued, the following is quoted more at length.
[Sidenote: Warning of 1758 against being concerned with slaves]
We fervently warn all in profession with us that they be
careful to avoid being in any way concerned in reaping the
unrighteous profits arising from the iniquitous practice of
dealing in Negroes and other slaves; whereby in the original
purchase one man selleth another, as he doth the beast that
perisheth, without any better pretension to a property in him
than that of superior force; in direct violation of the gospel
rule, which teaches all to do as they would be done by and to
do good to all; being the reverse of that covetous disposition,
which furnishes encouragement to those poor ignorant people to
perpetuate their savage wars, in order to supply the demands
of this unnatural traffic, whereby great numbers of mankind,
free by nature, are subjected to inextricable bondage; and
which hath often been observed to fill their possessors with
haughtiness, tyranny, luxury, and barbarity, corrupting the
minds and debasing the morals of their children, to the
unspeakable prejudice of religion and virtue, and the exclusion
of that holy spirit of universal love, meekness, and charity,
which is the unchangeable nature, and the glory of true
Christianity. 1758.[1176]
[Sidenote: Freedom had to come before their education]
[Sidenote: Local meetings persistent in their investigation of slave
conditions]
The reader will have noticed that the chief emphasis is placed upon the
wrongfulness of bartering slaves; this may be explained by saying that
that was the first problem they had to face. Not until they were able to
secure the Negroes’ freedom could an education be of much value to him,
for all that he made of his life belonged to his master. But as soon as
he became free, there arose other needs, other desires. New prospects
opened before him, and there was a possibility that he might accomplish
something for himself and his posterity. This was realized by the church
organization and it followed the move for freedom by emphatic requests
that the meetings take care of the spiritual and intellectual education
of the negroes. The following will illustrate very clearly the insistence
with which the local church investigated the activity of its members, and
the penalty levied on the disobedient one. In 1759, it was reported that
... had purchased several Negroes; this being a breach of discipline, two
members were appointed to speak with him on the subject, according to
their custom. The final report on his case was made in 1762. They may be
praised for longsuffering and condemned for inefficiency.
... appeared at this meeting and after much weighty advice
given him in that affair, it is left for him weightily to
consider whether he can not find freedom to bring up such
of his negroes as are young in useful learning, endeavoring
to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, and at
a proper age, if they desire it, to set them free, and if
otherwise, that he can not have the unity of Friends.[1177]
Instances similar to this one are almost without number; reference is
made to a few of them only.[1178] The work of each of the particular
meetings is more completely brought out in the following pages.
[Sidenote: No early school recorded]
[Sidenote: Meetings for Negroes]
Of all meetings in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, there were none which
accomplished more for the education of the Negro than did Philadelphia
Monthly. As has already been noted elsewhere in this work, there was
quite early a considerable interest manifested by the meeting in regard
to the question of servitude, and also the masters’ care in giving
them Christian instruction.[1179] There is no record to show that at
these early dates there was any permanent school; all care was, without
question, left to those who had Negroes in their employ, education being
tutorial entirely. The master’s care was well guarded by the meeting’s
committee on Negroes, however, and in this way a central responsible
party was provided. In addition, there was also established a meeting
which was held once each three months in the interest of Negroes.[1180]
[Sidenote: Committee appointed on Negroes]
In 1770 there came to the front a definite movement for the establishment
of a systematic means of educating Negro children. The proposal for its
consideration, made first month, 26th, was referred to the meeting in
second month for action.[1181] On that occasion, there being expressed
a definite sentiment in favor of action, a committee was appointed
consisting of twenty-two members with permission for any other Friends
to attend its deliberations who cared to do so.[1182] The date for the
committee meeting was set by the monthly meeting. At the subsequent
monthly meeting, the committee made its first report, which being
acceptable to all was approved, and further steps were taken to secure
immediate action. A digest of the report and proposals of the committee
is here presented.[1183]
[Sidenote: Digest of committee’s report]
1. The instruction of Negro and mulatto children in reading, writing,
arithmetic, and other useful learning—sewing and knitting, according to
their capacity, is to be provided.
2. The instruction is to be under the care of Friends.
3. The monthly meeting to nominate a committee of Friends, whose duties
are:
_a._ To employ a suitable master or mistress for not more than
thirty children at once.
_b._ To have the charge of admitting pupils to the school.
_c._ A subscription of £100 a year for three years to be
promoted.
_d._ To employ another master or mistress if necessary and
funds adequate.
_e._ To visit the school at least once a month, and to observe
the improvement and conduct of the pupils.
_f._ Rules to be prepared for teachers and pupils; provision
for attendance at religious services at least on Sunday.
_g._ The committee to appoint a treasurer from its number who
is to make payments upon an order signed by at least four of
them.
_h._ Four members are sufficient number to transact business;
in difficulties, they are advised to consult the monthly
meeting.
_i._ To keep a record of proceedings, receipts, and
expenditures, and make a report to the meeting once a year or
more.
4. The children of free Negroes and mulattoes are to be given preferment.
5. Tuition to be free of any expense to the parents.
6. If enrollment of such children is not large enough, the committee may
admit others according to their judgment.
[Sidenote: Subscriptions for school solicited]
[Sidenote: Moses Patterson in the Negro school]
Acting upon the recommendations incorporated in the report, a
subscription paper was at once prepared, and the campaign for funds
began.[1184] A committee of the following named Friends was appointed
to assume the direction of the school agreeable to the articles of the
report, viz.; Israel Pemberton, Samuel Emlen, James Pemberton, Richard
Blackham, John Drinker, Hugh Forbes, and Edward Jones.[1185] Their
term of service was stated as “until a new nomination be made by this
meeting” and any vacancy occurring in the meantime was to be filled in
the same way.[1186] Only three months later (sixth month) the committee
of seven reported they had agreed with Moses Patterson as teacher,
hired a house, and that a number of children were already admitted for
instruction.[1187] In first month of the following year the committee
requested permission to erect a school for the use of the Blacks, on the
same lot occupied by the almshouse. The request was at once granted.[1188]
[Sidenote: Full yearly reports not made]
Though it was originally stated that the committee should report once a
year to the monthly meeting, there was by no means a full report recorded
in the minutes each year. They are adequate enough, however, to furnish
some idea of the progress made with the school.
[Sidenote: Reports taken as a measure of the school’s success]
The details of a few reports will be presented. It appears from the
records that the committee’s reports were always made the basis of
judgment as to whether the meeting would continue the school or abandon
it.[1189] Fortunately, the reports were usually favorable, excepting
in matters of financial consideration; in this respect there was quite
often a shortage.[1190] In the report of the first twelve years there
is little that deserves repetition. The school continued regularly,
according to statements made at intervals, and all things seemed to
convince Friends that it was worthy of their support. Let us note the
condition of the school at the end of twelve years, 1782.
[Sidenote: John Houghton and Anthony Benezet]
For the five years preceding the instruction had been under the care
of John Houghton, who, unfortunately, had to retire because of failing
health.[1191] His place was taken two months later by Anthony Benezet, a
teacher of great merit, and one who perhaps had the welfare of the Negro
more at heart than any other man in the colony.[1192] At his suggestion,
the school was removed from the house erected for that purpose and
established in his own home. Great tribute was paid to the character of
the work done by Houghton, with special reference to his painstaking
visiting of families, seeking thus to increase the interest of parents,
and ultimately the school attendance. It is stated that during the five
years he was employed, two hundred and fifty children and grown persons
had entered the school.[1193] The chief value derived, according to the
committee’s view, was the increased appreciation aroused among the Whites
for the Blacks. They were forced to realize that the Negro had talents
which might be developed as their own, giving him an insight into greater
possibilities which were not beyond his reach.
[Sidenote: Financially the school was no success]
[Sidenote: Payments in depreciated money]
[Sidenote: Legacies and subscriptions used for support]
The report on the financial status was not so hopeful. The fees for the
master, for the years 1779, 1780, and 1781 were eighty, ninety, and one
hundred pounds respectively; in addition, there was the expense of odd
jobs of work, wood for winter use, and also the item of books.[1194] To
increase the difficulties arising from mere items of expense, there was
introduced another factor, the payment to the treasurer of paper money
which had greatly depreciated in value since it was subscribed.[1195]
The result of the experiment, up to date, financially, was a deficit of
£74/7/10. A part of this amount was covered by outstanding subscriptions,
a considerable number of which could not be collected.[1196] The meeting
was appealed to, to make up the deficit as usual by subscription. This
method, though commonly resorted to, was in most places supplemented
by special legacies left to trustees for any purpose the donor might
designate.[1197] Legacies for schools were particularly urged by the
quarterly and yearly meetings.
[Sidenote: Irregular attendance]
In 1784 there seems to have been but one school for the Blacks, the one
taught by Benezet. The report stated that there was a decided need for
another one in the near future; in 1786 it appears by answers to the
queries that the school has been added and that both are supported by
the voluntary contributions of Friends.[1198] The attendance problem
was evidently not yet solved satisfactorily; it would perplex a teacher
to-day. About one hundred were under the instruction of Benezet in 1784,
but only fifteen to thirty-five generally attended.[1199] The progress of
this number in reading, writing, and arithmetic was deemed satisfactory,
though it was admitted it might be improved with more regular attendance.
[Sidenote: Salary paid Benezet]
The salary paid Benezet at this time was £100 plus the £20 which was
allowed as the rent for his dwelling, which he continued to use as a
school house.
[Sidenote: Two Negro schools under Daniel Britt, Sarah Dougherty, and
Elizabeth Meccum]
[Sidenote: School receives gift from England]
From 1786 two schools continued. In 1790 the incumbent of the master’s
position was Daniel Britt; the mistress of the other was Sarah
Dougherty. The latter served only to sixth month, 1790, at which time
she was replaced by Elizabeth Meccum who later became the wife of
Daniel Britt.[1200] Though there was a very large enrollment at this
time, the actual attendance was between eighteen and thirty in each of
the schools.[1201] The instruction continued as above stated and was
recognized on the whole as satisfactory, its only failure being due to
irregular attendance, occasioned by illiberal masters, who detained the
Negroes in their service. The master’s salary for the year, £100, was
double that paid to the mistress. Finances were generally in a bad
state, though they had been considerably augmented by a generous gift
of £175 from England, and a special donation by William Craig.[1202] In
spite of this, the committee was still indebted to the estate of Anthony
Benezet to the extent of about £100.[1203] These difficulties do not seem
to have been insuperable, however; the regular annual income (about 1784)
was fairly well established, being derived from the rental of property
and grounds.[1204]
[Sidenote: Regular attendance about eighty]
[Sidenote: Elisha Pickering, master]
Under the direction of Daniel Britt and his wife the school continued to
progress; most gratifying was the increase of the regular attendance to
about eighty, which was as large as could be conveniently accommodated
in the two schools.[1205] The services of Britt and his wife ceased in
the period from 1795 to 1798, the latter having died and the former being
aged and infirm. The master’s place was taken by Elisha Pickering, at a
salary now grown to £150 per year. That of the mistress still remained at
the mark of former years, £50. The amount of annual rents had increased
to £190/9/11 and besides this there was an interest from £146/7 which was
a part of the bequest of Anthony Benezet.[1206] The annual expenditures
were estimated at £230, which considerably exceeded the income. It was
customary to require tuition for the children whose masters were “bound
by indenture to give them school learning,” and from this source was
eked out the sum necessary to defray expenses.[1207] There is found no
statement in the committee’s reports to indicate the amount of tuition
usually demanded. The following bill may be of interest, however, since
it shows various items of expenditures of the school committee.[1208]
Committee of education, to Othneil Alsop, Dr.
1797 9-23. Cash advance to Bustill $ 10.00
9-30. Paid J. Schæffer for 4 benches for
North Liberties School 3.50
24 printed alphabets .27
6 spelling books 1.50
10-2. Paid A. Williams quarter’s salary 25.00
10-28. Advanced Cyrus Bustill 10.00
11-6. Two cords of wood, hauling, etc. 12.35
------
Total $62.62
[Sidenote: Summer and winter sessions]
From available records it is impossible to give more than an elementary
knowledge of how the school was run. Nothing is found concerning the
inner organization. We can know its purposes, its means at command for
attaining them, and approximately the number of children it was able to
reach. The length of school term is not quite clear; it seems evident
that there were summer and winter sessions, how long we do not know, and
that there was scarcely any interruption of their continuity. Occurrences
which caused an interruption of the session usually were commented on in
the committee’s reports.[1209] A summary of the report showing the status
of the schools in 1800 is given below.[1210] At that time they were
under the direction of committees of the northern, central, and southern
districts.
[Sidenote: Status of Negro schools in 1800]
1. Benjamin Mears, master at $500 a year; Elizabeth Meccum, mistress at
£50 per year.
2. Schools have been kept open throughout the year 1798-99 with the
exception of twelve weeks on account of sickness.
3. The attendance, from seventy to eighty day scholars, winter and autumn.
4. Some applicants for admission have been refused because of a lack of
room; room enough for all in summer.
5. Finance:
_a._ Total bequest of Anthony Benezet, plus that which
was owing to him at the time of his death, makes
an income of £193/ 4
_b._ Annual amount of donations from other sources £117/ 5/11
----------
Total £220/ 9/11
----------
In hands of treasurer £ 8/12/ 6
For two reasons it has been thought advisable to present as fully
as possible the situation in regard to the Negro’s education in
Philadelphia. _First_, they were present in Philadelphia in so
considerable numbers that it necessitated a complete organization on the
part of the society if any aid was to be offered; _second_, the method of
dealing with them was closely followed in other localities, in case there
were sufficient numbers to warrant it. The activity of other monthly
meetings in this question of oversight and education of the Negro will be
touched upon briefly.
[Sidenote: Not enough Negroes for a separate school]
As was above suggested, and will be shown more explicitly hereinafter,
there were many of the country districts where the Negro problem scarcely
existed.[1211] In many others the number of the race was so small that
a separate school was entirely out of the question; but more was needed
than the mere presence of a White school, to make certain that they
received even the rudiments of an education. A constant readjustment
of the general ideal of attitude toward them was necessary for each
individual community. The details of information concerning the work
of each meeting was interesting enough, but perhaps it will be more
instructive to point out and illustrate the general characteristics which
applied to most, or at least a large number of them.
[Sidenote: Negro education usually delegated to a committee]
As a general rule, if Negro inhabitants were numerous, a committee was
delegated to the service of their care and education.[1212] In some
places this was made a standing committee having specified duties; in
others, the committees were appointed only to investigate conditions and
make a report, so that further action might be taken by the meeting.
It may be well to note the type of this service which the committees
were required to perform. The duties, performed by the two kinds of
committees, were but slightly differentiated; the chief difference lay in
the length of the term of service.
[Sidenote: Seven duties for the committees to perform]
The _first_ task for them was to actually visit the Negro families
within the compass of the particular meeting;[1213] the _second_, to
determine as exactly as possible the economic status of the home;[1214]
the _third_, to ascertain the number of children capable of receiving
schooling;[1215] _fourth_, to inform themselves as to the attitude of the
parents towards their children’s education;[1216] _fifth_, to deal with
members of Friends who possessed slaves or paid servants, endeavoring
to point out to them the obligation for their education, and also for
their freedom;[1217] _sixth_, to inform themselves as to the occupation
pursued by the Negroes, if any;[1218] and _finally_, to make a report of
conditions, in such shape that it might be transmitted to the quarterly
meeting, and outline the plan of procedure, according to the demands of
the situation.[1219] From such a range of information, considering the
characteristic thoroughness of the people, it must be inferred that they
were able to understand the needs, which is always a first requisite for
their satisfaction. Moreover, the knowledge that the quarterly meetings
demanded written statements of what they had done always worked to
facilitate prompt action as soon as the situation was defined. Rather
late in the century, 1779, the yearly meeting became insistent as to the
treatment of those who held slaves, though the punishment for failure to
educate them was not so drastic. Extracts sent to the meetings in that
year required that all members holding slaves should be disowned.[1220]
Instances where this punishment was used are not wanting.[1221]
[Sidenote: Support similar to that of other schools]
The financial burden of Negro education usually fell on the local
meeting. Those owning slaves were required to pay for their
education, but when they became free, as most of them did by the time
of the Revolution, it was impossible for them to pay for themselves.
This burden, which the society assumed, was usually met: (1) by
subscription,[1222] (2) by special legacies, and (3) by income from
investments in property. In the smaller localities, the first was
the predominate means; in the larger, such as Philadelphia, a larger
proportion was derived from the second and third,[1223] though the first
was common to all.
[Sidenote: Negro education at Exeter]
The situation at Exeter Monthly Meeting seems to have been well disposed
of, if one may judge by the brevity of their annals. Writing, 1764, in
answer to an inquiry on the part of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, to
which they belonged, they report:
But one negro amongst us, who has sufficient food and raiment,
but his religious education is still neglected, which is now
under notice.[1224]
In 1758 they had reported two Negroes only, and with substantially the
same comments.[1225] The report may either mean they had no problem at
the outset, or that they were remarkably successful in their attempt to
solve it.
[Sidenote: Radnor]
[Sidenote: No early mention of their schooling at Radnor]
Radnor Monthly Meeting reported in 1756 that they were clear with
respect to buying, importing, disposing of, or holding slaves,[1226]
and continued substantially the same report until 1768.[1227] They
were all, according to reports, well fed and clothed and many attended
meetings,[1228] but no statement is made at that early date concerning
any attempt to educate them. From sundry reports after 1768 it seems
necessary to assume that the earlier reports were not entirely accurate
in stating that the meeting was “clear” of slaves. Without this
assumption, it is difficult to understand the great increase in the cases
of discipline for that offense. This increase was doubtless due to a
closer scrutiny of the Negro question than had been formerly customary.
[Sidenote: Report of committee on slaves]
Beginning with 1768, there were several cases reported of dealing in
slaves, either buying, selling, or holding. First, there was “one slave
sold,”[1229] and two years later the records state “none imported but
some purchased and some sold since last account.”[1230] It was further
admitted (1770) that “nothing has yet been done by us in visiting those
who hold slaves,”[1231] but a few years later (1776) there is ample
evidence cited that they attended to each individual case; there are
several instances where expulsion from the society was threatened,[1232]
and actually carried into execution.[1233] In 1778 the committee on
slaves reported: (1) they had visited all members holding slaves, (2)
obtained manumissions from David Harvard for two slaves, (3) Anthony
Tunnis also released a slave, and (4) mentioned two other cases for
consideration—(a) that of John Harvard, holding one slave though he
admits it to be wrong, and (b) that of Samuel Harvard who refuses to
set free a Negro man aged forty, though he condemns the slaveholding
practice.[1234] In 1780 the meeting reported _none imported_, _sold_, or
_purchased_, and almost none _held_,[1235] and by 1790 even the latter
had disappeared.[1236]
[Sidenote: Some schooled without charge]
There was at this time constant oversight of the freed Negroes and some
of the children were given the opportunity of schooling without charge to
the parents.[1237]
[Sidenote: Slavery in Bucks County]
Negro slavery flourished early in Bucks County,[1238] and still continued
to persist until after the abolition in 1780,[1239] which resulted in a
gradual diminution of slavery throughout the state. A little later we
shall notice the distribution of slaves as indicated by the registration
which was required by the law in 1782.[1240]
[Sidenote: Slaves mentioned at Middletown 1703]
The presence of Negroes in the compass of Middletown is first made known
through the record of 1703 which stated that Robert Heaton and Thomas
Stackpole were appointed to fence off a portion of the ground to bury
Negroes in.[1241] The first reference to their liberation (other than
by death) is the case of Jeremiah Langhorne, who in 1742 freed all of
his Negroes, the entire number being about thirty or forty.[1242] Just
how frequently such liberations occurred and how generally they were
participated in by Friends is not accurately ascertainable from the
records, but by the year 1782 just following the stringent abolition act
we have the following report:
[Sidenote: No slaves held; the children schooled]
We have none to charge with buying or holding slaves, and care
is taken to give the young ones learning and some care has been
taken to encourage them in a religious and virtuous life.[1243]
In 1783 a similar report issued from the monthly meeting, stating that
a noteworthy care was evident among them for the Negroes, both old and
young, but that a more considerable care was necessary to be taken in
regard to their education.[1244]
[Sidenote: Buckingham]
[Sidenote: Negro to be educated and given religious instruction]
[Sidenote: No evidence of separate Negro school]
In 1759 Buckingham Meeting appointed John Ely and Isaac Pickering to
speak with one of their members who had purchased slaves.[1245] This was
done because it was a conflict with the discipline. The burden of their
advice is that he should bring up the young Negroes in useful learning
and Christianity, and later set them free if they desired it. There is
nothing further to indicate the nature of the education, and since there
is no evidence of a school for them, it was probably in their homes or
in connection with the White schools. No other references are found
which point to any progress until 1778 when the meeting appointed Thomas
Watson and Oliver Paxson to advise and assist the free Negroes in their
religious duties and also in regard to their school education.[1246] This
appointment was made in accordance with the more stringent regulations
which were given out by the quarterly and yearly meetings in 1777.[1247]
These regulations requested only that committee be appointed to look
into the status of the Negroes and seek to better their conditions,
but the one next following, 1779, required those holding slaves to be
disowned.[1248]
[Sidenote: Slave holding debated in meeting]
The records of Bucks Quarterly Meeting are in very substantial agreement
with those of the individual meetings, Falls, Wrightstown, Middletown and
Buckingham, which constituted it.[1249] The question of the rightfulness
of buying or owning slaves seems to have come first to a conscious
consideration about 1730, when it was debated in the meeting.[1250] They
were unable to come to a decision in the matter and accordingly referred
it back to the yearly meeting.[1251] Though unsuccessful in debating
the question satisfactorily, their practical success seems to have been
very commendable, for in 1766 there is reported only one Negro purchased
lately throughout the quarter.[1252] This does not mean that no Negroes
were held, for as will be shown later there were many in that region;
it does mean, however, that their control of any increase in slaves was
very satisfactory to the yearly meeting’s demands. By 1772 the record has
still been greatly improved, as they report:
clear of importing or buying negroes as far as appears, but
their religious education is not so strictly attended to as the
import of the query seems to require.[1253]
Though all indications are to the effect that slave purchasing was near
the minimum, the meetings were clearly not satisfied. Committees were at
all times kept by both the quarterly and monthly meetings,[1254] to visit
with those who held slaves to persuade them to give them their freedom.
The committee for this service in the quarterly meeting reported in 1777:
[Sidenote: Report of committee on slaves]
We of the committee appointed by the quarterly meeting in
order to treat with our members who hold their fellowmen in
bondage, in connection with the several meetings committees,
now report that there has been considerable time spent in
laboring with them in order to convince them of the evil of
the practice, which labors of love have been by some kindly
received, and they have complied so far as to give those they
had in bondage their liberty by instruments of writing ... but
there are others who still persist in holding them as slaves,
notwithstanding the repeated care and labor of Friends extended
towards them.[1255]
[Sidenote: Meetings set up for Negroes]
The next report made in the eleventh month of the year is substantially
the same, several slaves having been “manumitted or set free,” and, also,
the defiant attitude being still present among some members.[1256] The
similarity of these reports continues till the very last years of the
century, with however a few additions. At some time prior to 1795, not
more than three years, there were established meetings for Negroes which
were held at stated times, always under the direction of Friends.[1257]
In 1799 the quarterly meeting was able to report “no slaves among us” and
that “some care” is extended to those set free.[1258]
[Sidenote: No mention made of separate school]
[Sidenote: Social approval given those who freed slaves]
Very early, the meetings were urged to give their attention to the
religious and school education of the negroes that were in their
possession,[1259] but a majority of the reports from meetings are to
the effect that this did not receive satisfactory attention.[1260] No
evidence remains in any records to show that there was a separate school
ever established for Negroes, and it is quite possible that there never
was during the 18th century. The demands transmitted through Bucks
Quarterly were not so strictly enforced in regard to education as in
regard to liberation, and it is more than probable that it was in most
cases determined by the individual conscience than by the group. In
regard to forcing liberation by public opinion, there are many examples
where individuals were singled out and threatened with ejection from the
society if they refused their slaves freedom,[1261] but there are few
references to such action taken for failure to educate them; there are,
however, occasional ones mentioned. Most references to their education
were in the nature of advice, which doubtless was followed in many
cases,[1262] and disregarded in many more.
[Sidenote: Registration of 1782 showed large proportion of slaves in
Quaker townships]
In spite of the continuous exertions of the Friends’ meetings to keep
down the number of slaves purchased, and to increase the number of
liberations among those already possessed by their members, it appears
from an investigation of the matter made by Davis, that almost one-third
of the total number of slaves in 1782 (Bucks County) were to be found
in the townships Falls, Middletown, Lower and Upper Makefield, Bristol
and Wrightstown, where the Quakers were most numerous.[1263] The entire
number of slaves registered in 1782 was five hundred and twenty, and
this may be regarded as fairly accurate since failure to register them
meant the loss of the slave.[1264] The number registered in the townships
where Baptists and Presbyterians were settled, Warwick, Warrington,
New Britain, Newtown and Bedminster, was very small, while the German
districts registered but thirty-two.[1265]
[Sidenote: Early records of slave holding meagre]
The meetings constituting Western Quarterly Meeting (Chester County),
Kennett, London Grove, and New Garden have very meagre references to
slaves or slave holding up to about 1770. One of the monthly meetings,
London Grove, was not established until 1792,[1266] and between that date
and 1800 made no reports of any consequence.
[Sidenote: Visit performed to all slave holders]
In 1770 Kennett Meeting’s committee performed a general visit to all
possessed of slaves and found there was not the desired willingness
to manumit them which they had expected.[1267] From the report made
seven years later, we must judge the situation had not changed very
considerably since we find one member signified to them that he did not
incline to release his Negroes from bondage, nor did he know that ever he
should.[1268]
It does not, however, seem that the occasional stubborn brother had a
discouraging effect on the rest of the meeting. In 1779 the records
stated,
It is desired that Friends attend to the circumstances and the situation
of such negroes as have been set free, that we may fully discharge our
duty to them, by endeavoring to instruct them, both for their spiritual
and temporal good....[1269]
A committee of three men was immediately appointed to perform the
service. This work with committees continued constantly, with the
result that nine years later (1788) the meeting reported “none held as
slaves amongst us” and that attention was given to education.[1270]
The registration of 1780 showed only three held as slaves in the whole
township.[1271]
[Sidenote: New Garden]
In New Garden attention was early called to the Negroes,[1272] and a
committee appointed then reported in 1781 that most of them were living
among Friends and were generally well provided for.[1273] That committee
was released,[1274] and a new one reported in 1785 the following state of
affairs:
[Sidenote: Most Negroes reported able to read and write]
We have paid some attention to the case of free negroes, and
find there are but few amongst us, most of whom we have visited
where they reside.... They are generally well provided for with
the necessaries of life and some care taken of their religious
education, in which we believe there may be an improvement. We
also inspected their school education and find most of them can
read and some write.[1275]
In 1789 one case of holding a slave came before the meeting, but at
its direction a writ of manumission was immediately secured for the
same.[1276] The registration in 1780 for New Garden township returned one
slave only, held by a Scotchman.[1277]
[Sidenote: Uwchlan]
[Sidenote: No Negro school]
[Sidenote: Aid solicited to school poor Negroes]
Uwchlan Monthly Meeting (Caln Quarterly), as early as 1765, received
a report from a delegation sent from the quarterly meeting stating it
as their opinion that Friends ought to inspect into the care which
Friends who had Negroes, extended toward them with regard to their
education.[1278] A committee was accordingly appointed by the monthly
meeting to serve in that capacity. How considerable was their activity in
the interval elapsing between their appointment and their first formal
report of conditions which was returned to the meeting in 1779, one
cannot judge accurately. We may judge from the report above mentioned
that there was no Negro school, for that race alone; it was perhaps
not demanded by the numbers who would have been eligible.[1279] It
appears the committee had visited all (Wilmington excepted) who had been
freed, and found all generally in a very satisfactory state. Some are
reported not able to give their children schooling, and for them aid is
solicited;[1280] for others advice is requested to guide them in their
outward affairs. The direction of the Negroes’ education, as nearly as
can be made out, was of the most practical nature, laying emphasis on the
industrial side, at that time an apprentice type of education.[1281] The
interest in the apprentice did not stop as soon as he was placed, but
continued, for it was customary to place him with Friends, if possible,
and the member of Friends was responsible to his meeting for the
fulfilment of his contract with the apprenticed. The following extract
from the Middletown records will serve to show the general regulation by
which the apprenticing was carried on among members of the society.
... and his sonnes giving security to the orphans court, and to
pay interest for the money that belongs to the said ... ever
since the time it became due, and also the said Thomas do abide
at Robert Heaton’s house for his table and to be kept to school
for a year, or so long as the Meeting may think fit.[1282]
[Sidenote: Sadsbury report on situation of Negroes]
Sadsbury, 1782, reported they had visited the free Negroes, who
were situated nearly as before.[1283] No statement was given of the
entire number within this locality, but five were listed as having no
trade.[1284] It appears, however, in spite of that fact, they were not
dependent on the community for support. One woman owned a house and lot,
“her own purchase”; a man with family rented a small tenement; and the
other three worked as common laborers.[1285]
[Sidenote: Bradford reported few slaves]
The Bradford minutes (also of Cain Quarterly) devote almost no space to
the status of the Negro in their vicinity. This may have been because
there were few slaves there. At the registration of slaves, compelled by
law in 1780,[1286] the townships of East and West Bradford returned none
whatever.[1287]
[Sidenote: Concord Quarterly]
[Sidenote: Poor Negroes to be put to trades]
[Sidenote: Negroes sent to school and books sent among then]
In the discussion of Concord Quarterly there will be material presented
from Chester, Concord and Goshen. In 1779 Chester Monthly Meeting
reported they had made a visit to all freed Negroes, of whom it was
said, some were quite poor and unable to school their children.[1288]
The visiting committee recommended that the poor should be put out to
trades and given schooling, and suggested that a subscription should be
raised for that purpose. The meeting was heartily in favor of this and
at once appointed a committee to look after the subscriptions and their
application.[1289] Two years later (1781) after a similar visitation by
committee, it was reported that they had been advised of their temporal
and religious duties, many sent to school and books distributed among
them.[1290] At these dates no special schools for Negroes were mentioned,
and the date of their establishment is not found, but in 1785 the report
of the committee on Negroes, requesting a new subscription for supporting
Negro schools, indicated that there were special schools established for
them.[1291]
[Sidenote: Concord]
[Sidenote: 8 children reported of school age but not in school]
The situation at Concord Meeting was very similar to that of Chester, as
appears by their report of 1779. Following the customary visitation, it
was stated that the visit was satisfactory in many places, but in some
families were found small children, eight of whom were of school age, but
whose parents were unable to school them.[1292] The meeting was asked to
give its attention to the matter, but nothing was found in the minutes to
indicate what they did further to remedy the matter.
[Sidenote: Goshen]
The Goshen Meeting seems from its answers to the queries in 1756 to be
in a very satisfactory state with regard to slaveholding, “none having
been purchased of late years,” though they consider they are not careful
enough in educating them in Christian principles.[1293] They were,
however, careful to deal individually with those few who were engaged in
any manner in holding slaves in bondage.[1294] In 1758 the record stated:
Those few negroes amongst us we believe are provided with
a sufficiency of food and clothing, but doubt some are too
careless in affording them religious instruction.[1295]
Four years later conditions were somewhat improved, and their report
stated:
[Sidenote: Endeavors to teach negroes to read, reported]
No purchase since our last account that we know of. Those
amongst us who keep negro slaves, we believe afford them a
sufficiency of food and clothing and endeavors are used with
some to learn them to read.[1296]
[Sidenote: Negroes sent to school]
If we read a little further the records for the same year, we are
informed that some were sent to school, supposedly to a “White school”
due to the small number of Negroes among Friends.[1297] From the above
references, then, taken in connection with one of the second month, 1764,
we are led to infer that the education of the Negroes under Friends’
care was carried on in a school and not in the home, under individual
instructors, whoever might be able to do it. The reference of 1764 stated
“some are sent to school to learn to read.”[1298]
[Sidenote: Manumission continually urged]
Simultaneously with this care in their education, the meeting was working
on each individual case, among the members, to convince them of the
propriety of the manumission practice. In 1776 Randle Mailin manumitted
his Negro man Peter Cuff, and produced his record of the same to the
meeting to have it recorded on their books.[1299] The next year (1777)
Nathan Hoop manumitted a Negro woman, 18 years old, and her two mulatto
boys as soon as they should become 21 years of age.[1300] The following
brief extract is illustrative of the many cases where pressure was
brought to bear in a kindly way, to the end that this or that person
might set Negroes free.
[Sidenote: Discipline of members guilty of slave dealing]
Complaint is brought against Thomas Pennington for buying and
selling a negro woman. Joseph Thomas and Randle Mailin are
appointed to deal with him as our discipline directs.[1301]
[Sidenote: Schooling of Negroes under care]
[Sidenote: Low return in Quaker townships in 1780 registrations]
In 1778 the Goshen Meeting appointed a committee, Randle Mailin and
Caleb Maris, to join with a committee appointed by the Quarterly
Meeting (Concord) to advise together concerning the education of the
Negroes.[1302] This is a very good indication that organized action was
taken, educationally, and that it was not left to individual choice.
In 1780 the monthly meeting reported to the yearly meeting that its
committee (the one formerly appointed) had been “advising Negroes” on
their religious education and had their “schooling under care.”[1303]
The registry of slaves in 1780 showed thirteen as the full quota for
Goshen township.[1304] As a general rule very few were returned from
the Quaker townships while the vast majority came from those of the
Welsh (Charlestown, Tredyffrin and East Nantmeal) and the Scotch-Irish
(Newtown, Londonderry, Oxford and East Nottingham.)[1305]
[Sidenote: Abington Quarter]
From the meeting records in the Abington Quarter there will be presented
some of the material relating to Horsham, Byberry (not established a
monthly meeting till 1810),[1306] and Gwynedd, which may be taken as
representative of that quarterly meeting.
[Sidenote: Horsham Monthly]
[Sidenote: Negroes schooled at expense of school committee]
Though there is scant evidence in the Horsham Monthly Meeting minutes to
indicate what they did in reference to the Negroes’ education, we are not
left entirely in the dark. The Horsham School Committee, which made a
report of its own after 1783, made occasional reference thereto, and it
must be understood from these reports that the Negroes were schooled at
the expense of the school committee. The only proof of this statement,
given in the records, is found in statements like the following:
An account of Thomas Hallowell for schooling Griffith Camel’s
and negro Caesar’s children was produced and considered, and
the treasurer ordered to pay him grant given. That of Caesar’s
lies for inspection.[1307]
This makes clear that cases of Negro schooling were taken before the same
committee as cases of poor Whites and were investigated and disposed of
in the same manner.
[Sidenote: Byberry]
[Sidenote: Slaves in 1721]
[Sidenote: 1727]
Byberry Preparative Meeting makes no reference during the early years
to the status of the Negro in its limits. Martindale, in a _History
of Byberry and Moreland_, states that slavery came into Byberry about
1721,[1308] the slaves being employed by the more opulent class to do
the roughest work. The inventory of a Friends’ property (1727) showed
that he possessed “one negro girl, £20, and one negro boy, £30.”[1309]
Of their intervening history little is recorded, though the Negroes were
set free by many members of Friends, and in 1779 the meeting authorized
Silas Walmsley and William Walmsley to provide a suitable burying ground
for the use of Negroes who had been freed.[1310] What was done for their
education is not known.
[Sidenote: Records not always to be relied upon]
It is noticeable that in the earliest answers to the query concerning
Negroes (about 1756) the majority of the monthly meetings usually
answered in an offhand manner that they were “clear” or there were
“none to be charged with that breech,” or something to that effect. The
writer believes these reports first sent in were perhaps made from only
a general knowledge of the situation, and not the result of an exact
knowledge of their members’ practices. This statement is not capable of
an exact proof, but the remarkable similarity in all the meeting records
for the first few reports, certainly indicate that such was the case.
Quite frequently, yes, in most cases, the “clear” reports are followed
after a few months or years by statements that some are imported, a few
held as slaves, or one Negro sold and similar reports. This was true in
the case of Gwynedd. In 1756 the meeting reported “we have not to charge
any,”[1311] and three months following, “Friends think themselves clear
in this respect”;[1312] the nature of the wording in the last would imply
it was based more on implicit faith than explicit judgment. Eleven years
thereafter we have more definite reports, such as:
... clear of importing negroes; the few possessed by Friends
are well used, their slavery excepted,[1313] and none bought
or sold that we know of; those that have them use them well as
to the necessities of life and some are brought to meetings at
times.[1314]
From that time forward the reports made to the monthly meeting were very
definite. In 1775 a report was brought in which purported to cover the
entire compass of the meeting. It stated the number held, their status,
and what was done for their benefit. It is interesting to note that a few
enjoyed some educational opportunities, limited to be sure, the details
of which are presented here, as they appeared in the minutes of the
meeting.
[Sidenote: Report on Negroes in 1775]
We of the committee appointed by the Monthly Meeting to visit
such of our members as are possessed of slaves, and detaining
them in bondage, contrary ... visited all such of our members
that are under that circumstance as we know of, which are
eight in number, who are possessed of sixteen negroes and
one mulatto, viz.: 1st possesses one negro girl about 17
years of age and appeared in a disposition rather to justify
the practice of detaining her in bondage during life than
otherwise. 2d, possesses five negroes one of which is a man
about 35 years of age, who he said he intended to set free at
the next quarter sessions. The other four—three boys and a
girl, are young, whom he said he intended to set free as they
came of age, the boys at 21 and the girl at 18, giving them
learning to fit them for business. 3rd, two negroes, a man
and a woman, the man about 30 years of age, who was in the
possession of a Friend, lately deceased, now in his executors,
who said he intended they should soon enjoy their liberty. 4th,
possessor of three negroes, one a woman 20 years old, who he
said he expected should have her liberty in a short time—the
other two, a man and a woman about 20 years of age, both as we
thought, incapable of freedom. 5th, possessor of 2 negroes, a
woman about 32 years old, who he said should have her liberty,
when she earned him thirty pounds. The girl about ten years old
who he said is to be set free by his last will when she arrives
at the age of 30 years. 6th. Possessor of two negroes, both
women, one about 34, the other about 19 years old; the said
Friend not in a capacity of giving any account of what might be
done for them. 7th. Possessor of a mulatto girl about 11 years
old, bound to him till she is 31, who he said he intended to
set at liberty at the age of 21, with endeavors to learn her
to read. 8th. Possessor of a negro girl about 17 years old,
who her mistress said she intended to do the best she could
by.[1315]
[Sidenote: Members disciplined for failure to manumit slaves]
In 1779 it is reported that the affairs of Negroes are still in the
hands of the committee for that purpose, but that not much more has been
accomplished than was last reported.[1316] It would seem though that
the committee was decidedly active in dealing with individual cases of
discipline both at that time and in the years following. Especially did
they urge first the freedom of the slave, and when this was refused, as
it occasionally was, they did not hesitate to eject the recalcitrant
member.[1317] So effective was their service that by 1790 there were none
held as slaves by Friends and in regard to their education they reported:
“Some care and labor is extended towards the instruction and education of
such Negroes as are under Friends’ care.”[1318]
It would be interesting to compare the Friends’ own account of their
activity with that of an outsider who merely looked on, but the writer
has been unable to find any opinion on the subject by any contemporary,
either through this investigation or from those made by others. Many, it
is true, comment on their social and economic status but little mention
is ever made of their education.[1319]
[Sidenote: Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly]
The Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly Meeting (Baltimore Yearly Meeting)
reported in 1776 that their Negroes were well taken care of, but their
education was “much neglected.”[1320] Three years later they reported:
[Sidenote: Some care taken in their education]
By the accounts now received it appears that the religious
education of such negroes and their children as have been
restored to freedom has been attended to and a visit performed
to most of them to good satisfaction, and there appears to be a
hopeful prospect that those who have been under their immediate
care will comply with Friends’ advice with respect to the
school education. Some care has been taken therein.[1321]
ATTITUDE TOWARD THE INDIANS
[Sidenote: Friendly relation of Quakers and Indians]
The uncommon relation existing from the time of the first settlement
of Penn’s colony throughout the entire colonial history, is well known
to every schoolboy; such relations, between any possibly antagonistic
groups, have been without parallel in the history of this country.
Applegarth, speaking of this happy relationship, states that the
results of his study revealed but two instances in which Friends had
been massacred by Indians, and these cases were entirely the results of
misunderstanding.[1322]
It is aside from the point to relate at length the means employed by Penn
and the Quakers to cultivate the friendship of these people. Nothing was
more forceful than his immediate association with, and travels among
them, and the messages in which he explained that he and his people were
one with them and that they were all the “Friends of Onas.”
[Sidenote: No rum to any but chieftain by law, 1701]
Indian affairs were considered in a rational manner and occupied much
of the time of the Governor and Council. Instances of a solicitous
interest in the Indians[1323] are seen in the laws of 1701, forbidding
the sale of rum to any but the chiefs, who should distribute it as they
thought best,[1324] and a still more restrictive law in 1722, which
prohibited the sale of liquor to Indians. Of still more importance was
the establishment of the principle that an abuse committed by an Indian
towards the Whites must be adjusted by the Indian chief, not revenged by
the Whites, which was given out in the instructions to colonists; and the
converse stated later (1728) by the Governor, that if a White injured an
Indian he should make complaint to the Whites, who would then punish the
offense under their own laws.[1325]
[Sidenote: Work of missionaries]
[Sidenote: Specific educational work]
Friends’ ministers were also active in the missionary work among the
Indians, which was first urged and practiced by George Fox. Not only
the numerous excursions of Penn, but also those of Thomas Story, Thomas
Turner, Chalkley and others, evidence the ready spirit with which the
commands of Fox were received.[1326] Besides the general missionary work
and relief for the Indians, that from time to time is mentioned in the
several meetings, there is no evidence that anything considerable towards
a school education was attempted till the latter part of the century. In
a letter of the yearly meeting in 1796, it is stated that Friends are,
engaged in an undertaking to furnish them with some of the
comforts of civilized life. A fund is raising to supply the
expense of instructing them in Agriculture, in mechanic arts,
and in some useful branches of learning.[1327]
An excellent illustration of this movement towards the education of
the Indian, and the naive friendly manner with which they made known
their needs is found in the following communications, which are
self-explanatory.
[Sidenote: The Indians request aid]
To the children of the friends of Onas, who first settled in
Pennsylvania:
Brothers, The request of Cornplanter, a chief of the Seneca
Nation.
The Seneca Nation sees that the Great Spirit intends that they
shall not continue to live by hunting, and they look around on
every side, and inquire who it is that shall teach them what
is best for them to do. Your fathers have dealt fairly and
honestly with our fathers, and they have charged us to remember
it; and we think it right to tell you that we wish our children
to be taught the same principles by which your fathers were
guided in their councils.
Brothers, we have too little wisdom among us, we cannot teach
our children what we perceive their situation requires them to
know, and we therefore ask you to instruct some of them; we
wish them to be instructed to read and write, and such other
things as you teach your own children; and especially teach
them to love peace.
Brothers, we desire of you to take under your care two Seneca
boys, and teach them as your own; and in order that they may be
satisfied to remain with you, and be easy in their minds, that
you will take with them the son of our interpreter, and teach
him according to his desire.
Brothers, you know it is not in our power to pay you for the
education of these three boys; and therefore you must, if you
do this thing, look up to God for your reward.
Brothers, You will consider of this request, and let us know
what you determine to do. If your hearts are inclined toward
us, and you will afford our nation this great advantage,
I will send my son as one of the boys to receive your
instruction, at the time which you shall appoint.[1328]
Cornplanter his mark
X
Signed 2-10-1791
In presence of Joseph Nichols.
[Sidenote: His request granted]
To Cornplanter, The Seneca Chief:
The written message of Cornplanter, dated at Philadelphia,
on the 10th of February last, was not received by us until
some weeks after. His request that we would take under our
care two Seneca boys, one of them his own son, accompanied
with the son of Joseph Nicholson, we have considered, and do
agree to receive them when they can conveniently be sent to
us; intending they shall be treated with care and kindness
and instructed in reading, writing and husbandry as the
other children of our Friends are taught; the Governor of
Pennsylvania, when informed of this proposal, having expressed
his approbation thereof, as did General Knox.[1329]
Signed on behalf, and by appointment of a meeting of the
representatives, of the said people, on the second day of the
sixth month, called June, 1791. By several Friends.
[Sidenote: Committee appointed by yearly meeting in 1795]
[Sidenote: Oneidas and Tuscaroras willing to accept assistance]
[Sidenote: School established]
[Sidenote: Occupations taught]
In 1795 a committee was appointed by the Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania
and New Jersey for the promotion and improvement of the Indian
natives.[1330] Their first act was to attempt to learn the Indian’s
attitude towards such an activity on the part of Friends.[1331]
Accordingly a circular letter was sent out to the various neighboring
tribes, and also accompanied by a letter from the secretary of state,
signifying the government’s coöperation and sanction.[1332] From the
responses it appeared that only the Oneidas and part of the Tuscaroras
were willing to accept any assistance, so the following summer of 1796,
three Friends, approved by the committee, were sent and settled among
the Oneidas. In the winter of 1796 they established a school, continued
for several years, and taught by an Indian who had been educated in New
England.[1333] The Indians were found, at first, to be quite averse to
any continuous labor, and it was necessary for the Friends to establish
themselves, and to improve a piece of land, in the hope that the Indians
would see the results and become interested in the process. This seems
to have worked quite satisfactorily, for in 1799 they report that the
Indians have improved some lands and “sowed them with wheat.”[1334]
The various occupations mentioned as being taught the boys were: smith
work, tilling soil, sewing, the preparation of lumber in sawmills, and
the details included therein. The girls were frequently instructed in
spinning, knitting, sewing, school learning, etc.[1335]
[Sidenote: Indians distrustful]
At this time (1799) the Oneidas became distrustful of the motives of
those in charge of the settlement, thinking that such an investment in
implements and the permanent nature of the farms laid out, indicated an
intention to seek after a time to take their territory from them. The
settlers became aware of this feeling and to prove their good faith,
decided to leave the settlement with all implements and improvements in
sole charge of the natives. The preparations to leave were accomplished
in a friendly conference, held in September, 1799.[1336] The success
of this work, for the Oneidas, had been watched by the Seneca tribes,
and resulted in an interest in the same thing, culminating in the
letters requesting the Friends’ assistance, which have already been
presented.[1337]
SUMMARY
[Sidenote: Slavery in Pennsylvania]
Though slavery had fixed itself, very early, as an institution in
Pennsylvania, it was not destined to continue its growth unmolested.
Some of the chief factors working against it were: (1) The scruples of
Friends, and other sects, (2) the Germans and (3) the opposition of White
labor. Restrictive legislation was passed in 1700, 1705 and 1712, placing
an ever increasing duty upon those imported. Gradual abolition was
provided for by statutes of 1780 and 1788. Socially and economically the
condition of the Negro in Pennsylvania was more desirable than in states
of her latitude and further south.
[Sidenote: Quaker Antagonists of Slavery]
To three Quakers, opposed to Negro slavery, some brief attention is
given. Their expressions also indicate a solicitous interest in the
education of the Indian. Their influence was extended by missionary
journeys, speaking in public, and numerous pamphlets published on that
subject. This work was by no means limited to the Quakers. Slavery was
denounced as impracticable, unjust and inconsistent with the ideals of a
free nation.
[Sidenote: The Quaker organization against slavery]
(1) Not only individual leaders, but also the organized meetings arrayed
themselves to fight against slavery. The first memorial to that effect
was on the part of Germantown Meeting in 1688. This was sent to the
Quarterly Meeting of Philadelphia, but at that date they took no action
in regard to it. In 1727 the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting’s advisers
censured the practice of trading in slaves. A more extensive warning
and reproof was administered in 1758. Throughout the early half of the
century efforts were made to secure favor for the slaves’ freedom; it was
necessary that in some measure that should come first.
[Sidenote: Schools for Negroes]
(2) After the active campaign for freedom, the interest in education
increased, and, in the last half of the century, there are frequent
statements of that nature in records of meetings. Separate schools were
established for them where possible. One in Philadelphia was set up by
the meeting, though in large measure due to the active personal influence
of Benezet, who, after 1782, taught in the school till his death. Moses
Patterson was the first teacher; after 1786 two schools are always
mentioned in reports. In the five years preceding 1782 it is estimated
that two hundred and fifty Negroes attended the school.
[Sidenote: In country and small towns]
Some attention is given to the Negroes and their education, or lack
of it, in each of the meetings. The care of this subject in those
meetings was in the charge of a committee, the general character of
whose duties was indicated on page 247. The support of the Negro schools
and the education of the poor children was similar to that of other
schools.[1338] Reports on the progress in freeing, supporting, and
educating the Negro, were required by their superior meetings.
[Sidenote: Education of Indians]
The relations between Friends and Indians were most cordial from the
beginning. Though their education was preached early by missionaries and
practised in a smaller way, little organized effort was made until 1795.
In that year the yearly assembly took the necessary steps to establish
schools among neighboring tribes, the first mentioned being for the
Oneidas. The desire of the Indian for aid in these matters is indicated
by the quoted letter of Cornplanter, the Seneca chief.
CHAPTER XII
CONCLUSION
[Sidenote: Society established]
[Sidenote: Influence extended by three means]
[Sidenote: Fox’s aims in education]
[Sidenote: Organization devised by Fox]
[Sidenote: Weakness in the organization]
The society, established by George Fox, near the middle of the
seventeenth century, increased rapidly in numbers, due very largely
to the efforts of its founder and the services of the men whom he
associated with him in his work. This influence was extended by means of
(1) journeys made to foreign parts; (2) letters; and (3) preaching out
of doors to all who would listen. Fox, from the first, was interested
in education, particularly moral and practical, and recommended the
establishment of several schools. He was primarily interested in (1)
moral training; (2) religious instruction; and (3) in education of a
practical sort which would fit every individual to earn a livelihood.
These ends which he strove for were likewise accepted as worthy to be
achieved, and consciously striven for by the society in its organized
meetings. This organization of meetings itself was devised by Fox and
regularly constituted in various parts before the time of his death. It
consisted of yearly, quarterly, monthly, and particular meetings, whose
relations were well defined. The functions of the first were general
and directive; those of the last were particular and effective. The
chief weakness, already pointed out in previous chapters, was the lack
of compulsory power in the yearly meeting. Its recommendations gained
results, but might be neglected in communities desiring to do so.
[Sidenote: Leaders who were interested in education]
[Sidenote: Quaker antipathy to education appears unfounded]
[Sidenote: Education of Negroes and Indians urged and effected]
An organization, of itself, performs nothing. Its accomplishments depend
on men who have purposes, and the determination and ability to execute
them. A considerable number of such men were members of Friends, and
expressed themselves definitely on education. Such leaders as Penn,
Fothergill, Fox, Banks, Chalkley, Crisp, Crouch, Pastorius, Benezet and
others as important, were responsible for its educational guidance and
in the end, accomplishments. From a study of their expressions it appears
that the criticisms, concerning the Quakers’ antipathy to education, are
without foundation, and arose, for the most part, from their statement
that a _classical education_ was _not essential for a minister_. The life
and the education of most of them attest the fact that they sought a
higher education for themselves and promoted it for others. Not only for
their own society, but for the rich and poor of others, were efforts made
to establish schools. The education of Indians and Negroes was similarly
urged both on the part of individuals and the organization. The tangible
results of their efforts in this regard were seen in the various local
meetings.
[Sidenote: Schools established]
[Sidenote: School affairs in care of committees]
[Sidenote: Number of schools in Pennsylvania]
In the establishment of schools, the direction lay in the hands of the
yearly meeting. Philadelphia Yearly Meeting’s advices on that subject,
for the first half century, were very general in nature and seemingly of
little import to the various lower meetings. A development is noticed,
however, toward a definite plan for schools to be established. The
advices of 1746 and continuing thereafter, 1750, 1751, 1753, 1755, 1778,
and following, are definite in their ideas as to what should be done,
and the persistency with which they were urged in the meetings, where
all school affairs came to be attended to by committees, seems to have
effected tangible results. Committee reports on educational conditions
increased greatly in definiteness after 1777, which allows a better
estimate to be made of what was done. From such reports it is estimated
that by the end of the century there were sixty or seventy schools
established “according to direction” given by the yearly meeting. Many
others are reported in various meetings, which did not measure up in any
great degree to the standards set.
[Sidenote: The Master]
These standards[1339] (stated elsewhere in this work) demanded a high
moral quality in masters and mistresses, as well as training in the
subjects to be taught. From a study of the manuscript records and
newspapers it appears that the moral standards, met by Quaker masters,
were as high, and, in Philadelphia, perhaps higher than those of the
other private school masters. The cases of open lawlessness are at least
more numerous in the latter case. The degree of preparation for teaching
ranged from the highest, the best college trained men of the day, to the
lowest, those who possessed a most elementary education.
[Sidenote: Curriculum similar to that in private schools]
The opportunities offered for study, both in the lower and in the
Classical School, were at all times equal at least to those of the other
schools of the day.
[Sidenote: No free public schools]
The Quakers established no system of _public schools_, though they were
called such quite frequently. As public school sentiment grew, and the
Quaker schools correspondingly declined in many places, they often were
taken over as public schools. In that sense they were, truly enough, the
foundation of public schools. Education was free to the poor; in a few
cases the funds might be applied to lower the rates paid by the regular
pay scholars, but such were exceptional.
[Sidenote: Number of schools about 1750]
In 1750 there were about fifty particular meetings in the territory
covered by this study; those were under the direction of seventeen
monthly meetings.[1340] With the exception of nine of them we know from
their reports that they had schools then, or established them in the
period following 1750, in which the increased activity and interest of
the yearly meeting brought the subject more fully to their notice. From
the nature of the reports, it is often impossible to determine the date
of establishing such a school, and because of the irregularity of reports
it is not known how long a school may have been in operation before
reported. For these reasons any estimate such as made above is very
unsatisfactory.
It is not to be understood that at the time above mentioned the schools
were in all cases “according to the plan” of the yearly meeting. Many
reports have been quoted wherein schools were mentioned which did not
measure up to the standards.[1341] Some lacked buildings, grounds,
Friends as masters, masters’ accommodations, and so forth.
[Sidenote: Quaker population one-third of total]
[Sidenote: Proportionate number of Quakers decreases]
Assuming the nine meetings, for which no schools were reported in the
minutes, did not have them, there were about forty schools under control
of the Quakers, who at that date constituted one-third of the entire
population.[1342] The population estimated by Oldmixon was about 100,000
in 1741.[1343] Though the colony increased rapidly by immigration,[1344]
the Quaker increase was not proportionate to their numbers stated
above.[1345] In 1795 it is stated that the Episcopalians and Quakers
together constituted but one-third of the whole population, which then
numbered about 434,373.[1346] The number of regularly established Quaker
schools at that date was between sixty and seventy.
[Sidenote: Number of regularly established schools inadequate for their
population]
If in 1741 we estimate the number of school age children of Quaker
parentage between six and seven thousand, which is probably a less number
than there actually were, it is apparent that the schools _regularly
established_ were in no way adequate to the school population. The
remainder were doubtless cared for in the frequently mentioned _mixed
schools_ and _neighborhood schools_, which are known to have been common.
These were sometimes under partial control of the Quaker meetings. What
proportion the number of Quaker schools bears to those established by
other agencies is not known. No studies made up to the present time
have attempted to estimate the number of schools established by all or
particular agencies. Any comparison is impossible until such a study is
made.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Fox, _Journal_, I, 53.
[2] Now called Fenny Drayton (see _Friends Library_, I, 28).
[3] Fox, _Journal_, I, 49.
[4] Sewell, _Hist._, I, 11.
[5] Fox, _Journal_, I, 49.
[6] _Ibid._, 50.
[7] Sewell, _Hist._, I, 12.
[8] Fox, _Journal_, I, 51.
[9] _Ibid._, 52.
[10] _Ibid._, 53.
[11] Myers, A. C., _Immigration of Irish Quakers into Pa._, 5.
[12] Brown, in Traill, H. D., _Social England_, IV, 258.
[13] _Ibid._
[14] Barclay, R., _Inner life of Religious Societies of the
Commonwealth_, 77.
[15] Wicks, B. L., _The Amish Mennonites_, 13-18.
[16] Sewell, _Hist._, I, 284.
[17] _Pa. Ger. Soc._, IX, 166.
[18] Chalkley, _Journal_, _Friends Library_, VI, 27.
[19] _Ibid._
[20] Besse, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, II, 450f.
[21] _Pa. Ger. Soc._, IX, 401.
[22] _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, II, 250; Seidensticker, _Erste deutsche
Einwanderung in Amerika_, 29-33.
[23] Brown, J. in Traill, _Soc. England_, IV, 259.
[24] _Ibid._
[25] Besse, J., _Sufferings_, II, 539-638.
[26] Fox, G., _Journal_, I, 73; also 264-265.
[27] _Ibid._, 71.
[28] _Friends Lib._, I, 129.
[29] Fox, G., _Journal_, II, 76f.
[30] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 9-2-1699.
[31] Fox, _Journal_, II, 57.
[32] _Friends Lib._, I, 72.
[33] Fox, _Journal_, I, 53.
[34] _Ibid._, 72.
[35] _Ibid._, 69.
[36] _Ibid._, 327.
[37] _Ibid._, II, 105.
[38] Letters, London Yearly Meeting, 4-10, 14-1717.
[39] _Friends Lib._, I, 68.
[40] _Ibid._
[41] Fox, _Journal_, I, 179.
[42] _Ibid._, 362.
[43] _Ibid._, 363.
[44] Fox, _Journal_, 11, 52f.
[45] _Ibid._
[46] _Ibid._, 67.
[47] _Friends Lib._, I, 69.
[48] _Friends Lib._, 117.
[49] _Ibid._, 125.
[50] Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 3-1-1797.
Min. Horsham Preparative Mtg., 12-20-1757.
[51] Friends Yearbook, 1917, 16f.
[52] Friends Yearbook, 1917, 16f.
[53] Min. Phila. Q. Mtg., 9-4-1728.
[54] _Ibid._, 6-30-1689.
[55] Many of the local preparative meetings are now closed.
[56] Min. Horsham Prep. Mtg., 1-27-1783.
[57] Min. Horsham School Com., 1792-1816, one vol.
[58] Min. London Yearly Mtg., 4-9, 11-1690.
[59] Min. London Yearly Mtg., 4-1, 4-1691.
[60] _Ibid._, 3-13, 17-1695.
[61] _Ibid._, 4-7-1745.
[62] See first chapter.
[63] Min. London Yearly Mtg., 4-10-1718.
[64] Fox, _Journal_, II, 57.
[65] _Bib. of Ackworth School_ (Eng.), p. VII.
[66] _History of Ayton School_, 1f.
[67] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 11-6-1750.
[68] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 6-1-1751.
[69] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 1-28-1790.
[70] Min. Phila. Yearly Mtg., 7-24-1798.
[71] Min. Richland Mo. Mtg., 3-21-1793.
[72] Extracts Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-2-1776.
[73] The two localities at the first establishment constituted but one
yearly meeting, which met at each place in alternate years.
[74] Cox, S. H., _Quakerism_, 56-57; for similar criticism, see Bugg,
Francis, _The Quakers Detected_, etc.; also Bowden, _History_, II, 35,
recognizes the criticisms made.
[75] Cox, S. H., _Quakerism_, 142-3.
[76] This point was further explained in Chapter I.
[77] pp. 7ff.
[78] Penn, _Advice to his Children_ in vol. of tracts, II, 20.
[79] _Ibid._
[80] Penn, _Letters to Wife and Children; Tracts on Moral and Religious
subjects_, pub. 1822, 6f.
[81] Penn, _Letters to Wife and Children; Tracts on Moral and Religious
subjects_, pub. 1822, 6f.
[82] _Friends Library_, V, 208.
[83] Minutes Philadelphia Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[84] Extracts London Yearly Meeting Minutes and Advices, pub. 1802, 124.
[85] Necessary for use of missionaries in foreign fields.
[86] Schools established in England.
[87] Barclay, _Apology_, II.
[88] Vaux, _Memoirs of Benezet_, 10-11.
[89] Vaux, _Memoirs of Benezet_, 13.
[90] Chapter on Negro Education, pp. 235f.
[91] Letter to Samuel Fothergill. _Friends Library_, IX, 220.
[92] _Ibid._, 221.
[93] _Ibid._
[94] _Ibid._
[95] Vaux, _Memoirs of Benezet_, 15-16.
[96] _Friends Library_, IX, 221.
[97] Vaux, _Memoirs_, 105.
[98] See chapter on negro education, pp. 234f.
[99] Woolman’s _Works_, 305-6.
[100] _Ibid._
[101] Tuke, _Works_, III, 95ff.
[102] Corinthians, Chap. 2:1-5.
[103] Tuke, _Works_, III, 95ff.
[104] _Ibid._
[105] _The Christian Quaker_, 181.
[106] Crouch, W., _Collection of Papers of_, 183.
[107] Wister, Sally, _Journal_, 13-14.
[108] Established 1754 (M. P. C. S., I, 117.)
[109] _Ibid._
[110] Phipps, _Original and Present State of Man_, 90.
[111] Phipps, _Original and Present State of Man_, 65.
[112] _Ibid._, 90.
[113] _Ibid._
[114] Budd, _Good Order Established_, p. 9.
[115] Budd, _Good Order Established_, p. 43ff.
[116] Budd, _Good Order Established_, p. 43ff.
[117] _Ibid._
[118] _Ibid._
[119] _Ibid._ _Friends Library_, I, 435.
[120] _Summary of Doctrines of Friends_, 23-24.
[121] _Friends Library_, I, 135; Accounts of expenditures from the J.
Walton Fund, II, p. 1. (Richland Monthly Meeting.)
[122] _Ibid._
[123] _Religious Instructions in Our Schools._ No. 9 of a vol. of
pamphlets.
[124] In this chapter a chronological organization is followed.
[125] Quoted from Watson, _Annals_, I, 15. (From New Castle Records.)
(Proud’s statement of the 24th is said by some to be a typographical
error.) The writer has, however, examined Proud’s MS. notes on the
_Rise and Progress of the City of Philadelphia_ in which he writes:
“The Honorable Proprietary and Governor of Pennsylvania, William Penn,
first arrived at New Castle, on Delaware, in October 24th, 1682.” He
also states “after the 11th month (January) with the assistance of his
surveyor general, Thomas Holmes, he first began to lay out the plan of
the City of Philadelphia.” (MS. No. 10, p. 1.) (These two statements
point the difference of opinion among scholars, which is still unsettled.)
[126] Jenkins, _Memorial Hist._, I, 39.
[127] _Ibid._
[128] _Ibid._, 30.
[129] _Ibid._, 37.
[130] _Col. Rec._, I, XXVI.
[131] Pub. Sch. established by law, 1834.
[132] _Col. Rec._, I, XXVI.
[133] _Ibid._, I, XXXVI.
[134] _Ibid._, LXVI.
[135] _Ibid._, XXXVI.
[136] For example, E. Flower’s School; Friends’ petition.
[137] _Col. Rec._, I, 36.
[138] _Ibid._, I, 93.
[139] See Charter of 1701, _Col. Rec._, II, 54.
[140] _Ibid._
[141] G. S. P. P., II, 154 (Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-26-1689.)
[142] _Stat. at Large of Pa._, III, 37-38.
[143] _Ibid._, IV, 208-210.
[144] _Ibid._, I, 252. (Phila. Min.)
[145] When they established the school with Keith as teacher.
[146] Michener, _Retrospect of Quakerism_, 243.
[147] G. S. P. P., II, 154 (Phila. Min.); Proud MS. No. 3, p. 115.
[148] _Ibid._, I, 252. (Phila. Min.)
[149] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-26-1689.
[150] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-28-1690.
[151] _Ibid._, 3-29-1691.
[152] _Ibid._, 2-26-1690.
[153] _Ibid._
[154] _Ibid._, 3-29-1691.
[155] Jenkins, _Memorial Hist._, I, 99.
[156] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-29-1691.
[157] _Ibid._, 11-29-1691.
[158] _Ibid._
[159] _Ibid._, 3-29-1691; 9-27-1691; 11-29-1691; 7-29-1692.
[160] _Ibid._, 4-30-1693.
[161] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 8-30-1696; 7-25-1696.
[162] Janney, _Life of Penn_, 347; Clarkson’s _Penn_, II, 53; although
biographers and historians mention this letter written to Lloyd, no
student has yet been able to produce it or tell where it is. It is hoped
that their search will be rewarded.
[163] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 10-31-1697.
[164] _Ibid._, 11-28-1697.
[165] _Ibid._
[166] _Col. Rec._, I, 499.
[167] _Col. Rec._, I, 499.
[168] _Ibid._; Janney, _Life of Penn_, 347.
[169] William Penn’s Charters for the Public School, pp. 1-8.
(A certified copy from charter in Patent Book two (2) page 202, in dept.
of internal affairs, Pa.)
[170] _Ibid._, pp. 11-19.
[171] William Penn’s Charters for the Public School, pp. 21-31. (See also
Robert Proud’s MS. papers, No. 175, p. 57.)
[172] In 1757 more extended privileges were desired and the following
petition was sent to the Representative Assembly:
To the Rep. Assembly.
That some doubts having arisen whether from the terms of our
charter we are authorized to apply any part of the estate under
our care to these purposes, out of the limits of the city and
county of Philadelphia.
We therefore are inclined to apply for your assistance in
furthering a design of such public utility and request you
to permit us to bring in a Bill for the confirmation of our
present charter and enlarging the powers thereby given us, by
extending them as far as to authorize our applying a part of
the estate under our care towards erecting and maintaining
schools on the same foundation in other parts of this province.
(P. C. S. M., I, 185)
[173] _Ibid._, 29f.; Janney, _Life of Penn_, 348.
[174] There are, no doubt, records at 304 Arch Street, which would be of
great importance for a detailed history of the schools; permission to
search for such records was refused at the time of this compilation. The
minutes of the overseers of the P. C. S. offer a considerable amount of
material history in some respects.
[175] These are the records referred to in (47).
[176] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-31-1699; 5-26-1700.
[177] Makin became principal in the school when Pastorius left in 1700.
[178] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-29-1700.
[179] _Ibid._, 8-31-1701.
[180] _Ibid._
[181] Forty pounds a year.
[182] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-27-1702.
[183] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6-27-1703.
[184] _Ibid._, 9-26-1703.
[185] _Ibid._, 4-26-1702.
[186] _Ibid._
[187] _Ibid._, 1-29-1706.
[188] _Ibid._, 9-26-1708.
[189] _Ibid._, 3-27-1709; 1-26-1725.
[190] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-29-1730.
[191] The minutes of the overseers, 12-8-1712, make known that Robbins
was teaching at that time, I, 3.
[192] _Ibid._, 3-27-1711.
[193] _Ibid._, 2-25-1712.
[194] _Ibid._, 8-28-1715.
[195] _Ibid._, 11-29-1719; the vacancy was made by the departure of
William Robbins out of the Province (P. C. S. M., I, 5.)
[196] _Ibid._, 5-29-1720.
[197] _Ibid._, 2-27-1722.
[198] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1711.
[199] Robbins was put in charge of the school at this time, on the
initiative of the monthly meeting, as the overseers recognize in their
minutes of 4-3-1725, 42; they acquiesced therein. (P. C. S. M., I, 11.)
[200] Min. Phila., Mo. Mtg., 2-24-1724.
[201] _Ibid._, 3-29-1730. Walby was engaged by the overseers in 1730 to
teach (3-29-1730) the three r’s and to “well instruct” four children for
the use of the schoolhouse. (P. C. S. M., I, 14).
[202] _Am. Wek. Mer._, Nov. 29-1733; Rec. Births and Burials, Phila.,
Mtg., A, 321.
[203] Benezet was employed in 1742 to teach arithmetic, writing,
accounts, and French and to teach 15 poor children. (P. C. S. M., I, 33.)
[204] Simpson, _Lives of —_, 52; Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-31-1782, 28.
[205] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-31-1782, 28.
[206] Simpson, _Lives of —_, 52.
[207] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6-26-1748, 64. It appears that John
Fothergill and John Hunt in London had signed a contract with Willian
teaching in the school, on behalf of John Kinsey and Israel Pemberton in
Philadelphia. He was to be employed one year at 150 pounds (Pa. currency)
and the expense of his journey to the city. He was to teach Latin and
Greek and “other parts of learning.” (P. C. S. M., I, 64).
[208] _Ibid._, 11-25-1763, 188.
[209] See page 54.
[210] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-25-1764, 234.
[211] Min. Phila. Yearly Mtg., 10-1778, 408ff.
[212] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[213] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[214] _Ibid._, 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[215] Our attention is first called to Robert Proud in 1759, when Israel
Pemberton made known to the Board that he had received a letter from J.
Fothergill of London recommending him (Proud) as “a person well qualified
to instruct our youth in divers branches of learning.” A number were
named to speak with him, saying they were unanimously agreed to employ
him. Proud was thus employed till 1770 when he resigned. (P. C. S. M., I,
334, and I, 175).
[216] _Ibid._
[217] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1791, 111.
[218] Wickersham, 91.
[219] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1799, 217.
[220] G. S. P. P., I, 252.
[221] A collection of Christian and Brotherly advices, 1753 (found in
most of the depositories for records).
[222] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 8-31-1701.
[223] _Ibid._, 3-29-1691; similar references, _Ibid._, 1-31-1699;
6-30-1700; 3-30-1701.
[224] See page 43.
[225] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[226] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[227] _Ibid._
[228] The reader will recall, however, that in 1784 the real was far
below the face value.
[229] _Pa. Gaz._, 1772, No. 2285; _Pa. Gaz._ and _Wk. Advt._, 1783, No.
2782; _Pa. Gaz._ and _Wk. Advt., Supplement_, 1784, No. 2811.
[230] See page 60, note 90.
[231] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-26-1699.
[232] _Ibid._, 12-28-1702.
[233] _Ibid._, 11-29-1702.
[234] _Ibid._, 1-28-1707.
[235] _Ibid._, 11-29-1702.
[236] No record of his death is found in Records of Births and Deaths
beginning with 1686.
[237] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-28-1699.
[238] _Ibid._, 12-28-1702.
[239] _Ibid._, 4-30-1704.
[240] _Ibid._, 7-28-1704, 420.
[241] _Ibid._, 1-28-1707.
[242] _Ibid._, 11-26-1727-8.
[243] See page 243f.
[244] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-26-1771, 444.
[245] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 12-25-1772, 145.
[246] _Ibid._, 11-2-1800, 300.
[247] _Ibid._
[248] _Ibid._, 9-28-1701, 315.
[249] _Ibid._, 5-26-1689, 154.
[250] _Ibid._, 1-28-1690, 163.
[251] _Ibid._, 2-26-1690, 164.
[252] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11-28-1697, 227.
[253] _Ibid._
[254] _Ibid._, 2-29-1698, 229.
[255] _Ibid._, 2-25-1701, 292.
[256] _Ibid._, 3-30-1701, 294.
[257] _Ibid._, 4-27-1701, 298.
[258] _Ibid._, 9-28-1701, 315.
[259] _Ibid._, 11-30-1701, 322.
[260] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-24-1702, 329.
[261] See page 66.
[262] See page 66.
[263] See the minutes from 1704 and 1705, pages 420 to 463, various items.
[264] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 10-28-1705, 463.
[265] _Ibid._, 2-25-1712, 222.
[266] _Ibid._, 8-28-1715.
[267] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 9-25-1715, 10f.
[268] _Ibid._, 10-30-1715, 11.
[269] The overseers of the school had kept a regular record of their
meeting in regard to schools, since 1712; they were, however, closely
associated with the monthly meeting in the school affairs. (P. C. S. M.,
I, first record in 1712.)
[270] _Ibid._, 2-30-1725, 119.
[271] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-28-1725, 121ff.
[272] _Ibid._, 4-25-1725, 124.
[273] _Ibid._, 12-22-1733-4, 142.
[274] _Ibid._, 4-25-1736, 271.
[275] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-25-1740, 318.
[276] _Ibid._, 10-28-1744, 378.
[277] _Ibid._, 11-25-1744, 379.
[278] _Ibid._, 8-27-1756, 243.
[279] _Ibid._, 4-25-1760, 248ff.
[280] _Ibid._, 6-27-1760, 259.
[281] _Ibid._, 11-27-1767, 199.
[282] _Ibid._, 6-29-1770, 398.
[283] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-25-1771, 430.
[284] _Ibid._, 5-31-1782, 28.
[285] Report of Committee in Phila. Mo. Mtg. Min. 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[286] See Thompson, Henry. _A History of Ackworth._
[287] This pamphlet may be seen in H. S. P., Philadelphia.
[288] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1791, 111.
[289] _Ibid._, 6-24-1791, 118.
[290] _Ibid._, 7-27-1791, 123.
[291] _Ibid._, 1-27-1792, 140.
[292] Minute, Yearly Meeting, held in Philadelphia, 9th and 10th mos.
1794.
[293] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-28-1797, 158.
[294] See history of Westtown School.
[295] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-26-1799, 217.
[296] Minute, Yearly Meeting, held in Philadelphia, 9th and 10th mos.
1794.
[297] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-3-1722, 83.
[298] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1711, 73.
[299] _Ibid._, 1-27-1749, 50.
[300] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 8-215-755, 151.
[301] Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 4-24-1793.
[302] _Ibid._, 8-23-1758.
[303] _Ibid._, 12-6-1770.
[304] _Ibid._, 7-25-1787.
[305] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 5-21-1788.
[306] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 10-22-1788.
[307] _Ibid._, 6-23-1790.
[308] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 7-21-1790.
[309] _Ibid._, 1-26-1791.
[310] _Ibid._, 6-20-1792.
[311] _Ibid._, 7-25-1792.
[312] Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 3-29-1797; Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg.,
3-22-1797.
[313] Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-29-1700.
[314] Quoted from Learned, _Pastorius_, 181.
[315] _Der Deutsche Pioneer_, III, 56.
[316] _Ibid._
[317] _Ibid._
[318] Learned, 182.
[319] _Der Deutsche Pioneer_, III, 56.
[320] _Der Deutsche Pioneer._
[321] _Ibid._, 57.
[322] See MS. collection of Pastorius. H. S. P.
[323] See page 77f.
[324] _Der Deutsche Pioneer_, III, 56.
[325] _Ibid._
[326] Learned, 185.
[327] _Der Deutsche Pioneer_, III, 58.
[328] Bunting, _List of Records for Phila. Yr. Mtg._, 21.
[329] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 10-16-1758, 301.
[330] _Ibid._, 11-30-1758, 307.
[331] _Ibid._, 4-27-1774, 212.
[332] _Ibid._, 4-29-1762, 430; 7-26-1764, 519.
[333] _Ibid._, 2-25-1778, 309; 12-30-1778, 336.
[334] _Ibid._, 5-26-1779, 346; 7-28-1779, 350; 11-24-1779, 361;
11-29-1780, 383.
[335] _Ibid._, 8-29-1781, 436.
[336] _Ibid._, 8-28-1782, 474.
[337] _Ibid._, 11-26-1785, 503.
[338] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 2-25-1784, 307.
[339] _Ibid._, 4-28-1784, 510f.
[340] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 11-24-1784, 524.
[341] _Ibid._, 2-28-1787, 39.
[342] _Ibid._, 6-27-1787, 50.
[343] _Ibid._, 10-31-1787, 60f.
[344] _Ibid._, 2-26-1789, 122.
[345] _Ibid._, 1-28-1795, 283.
[346] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 2-25-1795, 285.
[347] Bunting, pp. 30, 31, 33, 32, and 28 respectively; also first
volumes of the respective Records.
[348] _Ibid._, 28.
[349] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 11-3-1704, 128.
[350] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 10-1-1714, 195.
[351] Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 12-25-1713.
[352] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 7-2-1730, 282.
[353] The fact that Falls Meeting recommended Buckingham Friends to build
a schoolhouse in 1706 (Bucks Quarterly Records, 3-30-1706) would seem to
favor the view that they themselves were supplied.
[354] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 8-7-1730, 284.
[355] _Ibid._
[356] _Ibid._, 5-4-1733.
[357] _Ibid._, 1-31-1759.
[358] _Ibid._, 12-3-1783, 358.
[359] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 2-4-1784, 363.
[360] _Ibid._, 3-3-1784, 366.
[361] _Ibid._, 8-4-1784, 376.
[362] Bunting, 37.
[363] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 8-8-1787, 440.
[364] _Ibid._, 2-3-1790, 52.
[365] _Ibid._, 12-3-1794, 169.
[366] _Ibid._, 9-4-1799, 283.
[367] See page 73f.
[368] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 1-4-1797, 217.
[369] _Ibid._, 4-2-1760.
[370] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 5-7-1760.
[371] _Ibid._, 7-2-1760.
[372] _Ibid._, 9-6-1780, 278.
[373] _Ibid._, 10-3-1781, 304.
[374] _Ibid._, 9-3-1783, 354.
[375] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 12-5-1787, 444.
[376] _Ibid._, 11-4-1789, 19.
[377] _Ibid._, 8-4-1790, 41.
[378] _Ibid._, 7-6-1791, 68.
[379] _Ibid._
[380] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 12-6-1797, 238.
[381] _Ibid._, 10-5-1796, 210.
[382] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 2-5-1797, 238.
[383] _Ibid._, 11-6-1799, 288.
[384] References for Middletown are to their transcribed minutes in the
Pub. of Gen. Soc. of Pa., H. S. P.
[385] G. S. P. P., No. 66, p. 64.
[386] J. S. P. P., 1-1-1699, 114.
[387] _Ibid._, 10-6-1772, 407; 1-7-1733, 578.
[388] Advices of the Burlington and Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 250.
[389] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 6-1-1751, 679.
[390] _Ibid._, 8-7-1755, 11.
[391] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 8-5-1779, 445.
[392] _Ibid._, 8-3-1780, 481.
[393] _Ibid._, 9-7-1780, 484; 8-7-1783, 557.
[394] _Ibid._, 8-1-1782, 537.
[395] _Ibid._, 12-4-1783, 562.
[396] _Ibid._, 1-6-1785, 586.
[397] _Ibid._
[398] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 8-7-1788, 668.
[399] See page 93.
[400] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg. Extracts, 7-2-1764, 114.
[401] _Ibid._, 5-4-1772, 155.
[402] _Ibid._, 9-2-1776, 179.
[403] _Ibid._, 2-3-1749, 61.
[404] _Ibid._, 5-5-1755, 79.
[405] See page 93.
[406] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-7-1778, 194.
[407] Advices, 250.
[408] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-7-1778, 194.
[409] _Ibid._, 9-4-1780, 206.
[410] _Ibid._, 12-13-1780, 210.
[411] _Ibid._, 1-5-1784, 234.
[412] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 3-1-1784, 236.
[413] _Ibid._
[414] _Ibid._, 1-3-1785, 317.
[415] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 1-3-1785, 317.
[416] _Ibid._, 3-7-1785, 244.
[417] _Ibid._, 2-6-1786, 252.
[418] _Ibid._, 6-3-1793, 306.
[419] _Ibid._, 6-6-1785, 247.
[420] _Ibid._, 10-3-1785, 249.
[421] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 8-2-1790, 283.
[422] _Ibid_., 4-1-1793, 302.
[423] _Ibid_., 5-5-1794, 315. (It was in 1794 suggested that any surplus
be used for the bound apprentices of members, though they were not
themselves members of the meeting.)
[424] _Ibid_., 4-1-1793, 302.
[425] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 2-3-1794, 310.
[426] _Ibid._, 12-5-1796, 332.
[427] Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 8-7-1792, 88.
[428] _Ibid._
[429] _Ibid._, 1-8-1793, 96.
[430] Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 10-5-1790, 57.
[431] _Ibid._, 12-7-1790, 60.
[432] _Ibid._, 1-4-1791, 62.
[433] The Harker legacy at this time had increased to £183/4/4 (see
Wrightstown Minutes, 10-2-1792, 92).
[434] _Ibid._, 9-6-1791, 71.
[435] Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 9-5-1791, 83f.
[436] _Ibid._, 5-7-1799, 233.
[437] _Ibid._, 254.
[438] _Ibid._
[439] Wickersham, 83.
[440] Min. Richland Mo. Mtg., 1-21-1762.
[441] _Ibid._, 12-21-1769.
[442] Expenditures, J. Walton Fund, I, 1.
[443] Bunting, 23, 26, 25, respectively; also, first volumes of the
respective records.
[444] See abstracts of Warrington Records, H. S. P. Library; Prowell,
_Hist. York County_, I, 112.
[445] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 2-29-1695, 25.
[446] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 1-29-1697, 30.
[447] _Ibid._, 1-27-1699, 35.
[448] _Ibid._, 8-25-1703, 48.
[449] See page 172.
[450] Bean, 679; also, _Friends Intelligencer_, 8-15-1896, 539.
[451] _Ibid._, 679.
[452] _Ibid._
[453] _Friends Intelligencer_, 8-15-1896, 539.
[454] _Col. Rec._ I, 499.
[455] See pp. 47-52.
[456] See pp. 93 and 136.
[457] _2 Pa. Archives_, XIX, 248.
[458] Bean, 680.
[459] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 1-26-1722, 124.
[460] _Ibid._, 8-31-1726, 149.
[461] _Ibid._, 11-29-1727, 155.
[462] _Ibid._, 6-30-1742, 249.
[463] _Ibid._, 1-27-1749, 50.
[464] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 1-27-1749, 50.
[465] _Ibid._, 1-30-1755, 148.
[466] _Ibid._, 8-25-1755, 151.
[467] _Ibid._, 5-26-1760, 260.
[468] _Ibid._, 6-29-1761, 284.
[469] _Ibid._, 7-27-1767, 420.
[470] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 11-24-1766, 406.
[471] _Pa. Gazette_, 1740, No. 582.
[472] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 8-27-1735, 207.
[473] Advices, 250.
[474] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 5-29-1751, 78.
[475] Jenkins, _Historical Collections of Gwynedd_.
[476] For example, those in Philadelphia, Middletown and Merion.
[477] Quoted from Jenkins, _Historical Collections of Gwynedd_, pp. 395-6.
[478] Wickersham, 83.
[479] Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 10-28-1766, 457.
[480] _Ibid._, 12-30-1777, 259.
[481] _Ibid._, 4-27-1779, 296.
[482] _Ibid._, 1-25-1780, 16.
[483] Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 7-26-1785, 221.
[484] _Ibid._, 1-29-1793, 177.
[485] Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg. 4-27-1727, 100.
[486] _Ibid._, 7-27-1756, 163.
[487] _Ibid._, 7-2-1768, 40.
[488] _Ibid._, 9-17-1765, 424.
[489] Jenkins, Hist., _Col. of Gwynedd_, 396-7.
[490] See p. 110.
[491] Wickersham, 83.
[492] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7-12-1791, 24.
[493] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 5-30-1777.
[494] At 15th and Race Streets, Philadelphia.
[495] _Pa. Gazette_, No. 1261, 1753.
[496] Min. Horsham Prep. Mtg., Vol. 1.
[497] See pp. 107f.; Horsham Prep. Mtg., 1-24-1772.
[498] _Ibid._, 12-24-1779.
[499] Horsham Prep., Mtg. 1-24-1783; (the rules are quite similar to
those proposed for the Philadelphia schools, which are mentioned on pp.
183ff.).
[500] Horsham Mo. Mtg. Vol. I, first page.
[501] _Ibid._, 4-28-1784.
[502] _Ibid._, 5-1-1787.
[503] Horsham Prep. Mtg., 11-28-1792.
[504] Prowell’s _Hist._, I, 1084.
[505] _Ibid._
[506] Warrington Mo. Mtg. Min., Vol. I.
[507] _Ibid._, 4-20-1754, 44; 12-12-1761, 44; 8-7-1779, 45, etc.
[508] Warrington Mo. Mtg. Min., Vol. I, 11-13-1779, 45.
[509] _Ibid._, 1-12-1782, 46.
[510] _Ibid._, 1-10-1778, 46.
[511] _Ibid._, 9-11-1779, 46f.
[512] _Ibid._, 8-12-1780, 46f.
[513] _Ibid._, 1-12-1782, 47.
[514] Warrington No. Mtg., Min., 1-10-1784, 47.
[515] _Ibid._, 3-13-1784, 47.
[516] _Ibid._, 5-8-1784, 47.
[517] Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 9-20-1784, 175f.
[518] Records of Westland Mo. Mtg. Washington County are found in the
collections of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania.
[519] Min. Westland Mo. Mtg., 12-26-1789, 49.
[520] Min. Western Q. Mtg. I, 1 (Deposited at West Grove); Bunting, 55.
[521] Min. Caln Q. Mtg., I, 1; Bunting, 48.
[522] Bunting, 59, 62, 43, 51, 52, and 61, respectively; also first
volume of records for each meeting.
[523] See map.
[524] Bunting, 49.
[525] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 11-7-1715, 28.
[526] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12-3-1727, 188.
[527] Futhey & Cope, _Hist. Chester Co._, 302f.; Jordan, _Hist. Del. Co._,
II, 423ff.
[528] See page 42, Philadelphia 107, Abington 154, Darby.
[529] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12-11-1777, 625.
[530] _Ibid._, 1-15-1778, 626.
[531] _Ibid._, 1-14-1779, 658.
[532] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 2-15-1781, 730.
[533] _Ibid._, 7-12-1781, 741.
[534] _Ibid._, 10-11-1781, 746.
[535] _Ibid._, 9-11-1783, 787.
[536] _Ibid._, 5-13-1783, 795.
[537] _Ibid._, 5-12-1785, 814.
[538] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8-11-1785, 820.
[539] _Ibid._, 2-14-1788, 874.
[540] _Ibid._, 1-14-1790, 914.
[541] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 1-12-1792, 14.
[542] Horsham School Com. Minutes, 1-27-1783.
[543] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 7-12-1792, 25.
[544] _Ibid._, 3-14-1793, 39.
[545] _Ibid._, 2-12-1795, 83.
[546] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 4-16-1795, 88.
[547] _Ibid._, 5-14-1795, 91.
[548] Futhey & Cope, _Hist. Chester Co._, 302.
[549] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12-15-1796, 146.
[550] _Ibid._, 8-16-1798, 199.
[551] Min. New Garden Mo. Mtg., 3-6-1773, 174.
[552] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 6-6-1778, 388.
[553] _Ibid._, 5-1-1779, 22.
[554] _Ibid._, 8-7-1779, 34.
[555] _Ibid._, 3-5-1785, 234.
[556] _Ibid._, 8-6-1785, 256.
[557] _Ibid._, 1-7-1786, 275.
[558] _Ibid._, 4-1-1786, 290.
[559] _Ibid._, 8-5-1786, 312.
[560] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8-4-1787, 355.
[561] Deed No. 88, Chester Co. (the deed is deposited in a fireproof at
Orthodox Meeting House, custody of Edgar Haines, West Grove, Pa.).
[562] Min. Horsham Sch. Com., 1-27-1783.
[563] Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 12-2-1701.
[564] _Ibid._, 9-1-1703.
[565] _Ibid._, 12-2-1707.
[566] See page 122.
[567] See first book of Goshen Mo. Mtg. Records.
[568] Advices of the Yr. Mtg., 250.
[569] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 1-8-1779.
[570] _Ibid._, 6-11-1779.
[571] Futhey and Cope mention a school at Birmingham as early as 1753,
_Hist. Chester Co._, 302.
[572] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 6-11-1779.
[573] _Ibid._
[574] _Ibid._, 1-11-1782.
[575] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 3-8-1782.
[576] _Ibid._, 1-9-1784.
[577] _Ibid._
[578] _Ibid._, 8-6-1784.
[579] _Ibid._, 8-5-1785.
[580] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 8-11-1786.
[581] _Ibid._, 8-10-1787.
[582] _Ibid._, 7-6-1792.
[583] See page 132.
[584] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 4-10-1795.
[585] _Ibid._, 8-5-1796.
[586] See page 132.
[587] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 8-11-1797.
[588] _Ibid._
[589] _Ibid._, 8-10-1798.
[590] See page 131.
[591] See page 73f.
[592] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 1-6-1797.
[593] Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 9-9-1719.
[594] _Ibid._, 3-10-1725.
[595] See page 122; also Bunting, 51.
[596] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 6-18-1762.
[597] _Ibid._
[598] _Ibid._, 12-13-1765.
[599] _Ibid._, 4-7-1767.
[600] _Ibid._, 8-14-1767.
[601] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 12-15-1778.
[602] _Ibid._, 2-12-1779.
[603] See page 133f.
[604] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 5-12-1780.
[605] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 2-16-1781.
[606] _Ibid._, 6-16-1781.
[607] _Ibid._, 2-16-1781.
[608] _Ibid._, 6-16-1781.
[609] _Ibid._, 9-14-1781.
[610] _Ibid._, 2-15-1782.
[611] _Ibid._, 8-15-1783.
[612] _Ibid._, 2-13-1784.
[613] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 9-14-1792.
[614] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 8-3-1763, 22.
[615] _Ibid._, 3-1-1765, 66.
[616] _Ibid._, 11-7-1782, 132.
[617] _Ibid._, 12-5-1782, 106.
[618] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 12-4-1783, 158.
[619] _Ibid._, 2-5-1784, 162.
[620] _Ibid._, 2-10-1785, 184.
[621] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 8-9-1787, 235.
[622] Min. London Grove Mtg., 12-3-1794, 56.
[623] _Ibid._, 3-4-1795, 62.
[624] _Ibid._, 7-1-1795, 73.
[625] Min. London Grove Mtg., 11-4-1795, 78.
[626] Futhey and Cope, _Hist. Chester Co._, 239.
[627] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 3-6-1739, 7.
[628] _Ibid._, 6-21-1769, 180.
[629] _Ibid._, 1-20-1779, 297.
[630] _Ibid._, 2-20-1779, 298.
[631] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 6-19-1782, 337.
[632] _Ibid._
[633] _Ibid._, 3-21-1787, 39f.
[634] _Ibid._, 6-17-1789, 70.
[635] _Ibid._
[636] Futhey and Cope, _Hist. Chester Co._, 239.
[637] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 2-22-1792, 106.
[638] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 3-21-1792, 107.
[639] _Ibid._, 5-23-1792, 109.
[640] _Ibid._, 7-10-1792, 112.
[641] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 4-17-1793. 120.
[642] _Ibid._, 5-13-1793, 121.
[643] _Ibid._, 9-18-1793, 125.
[644] _Ibid._, 12-10-1793, 128.
[645] _Ibid._, 1-7-1798, 175.
[646] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 7-19-1797, 168.
[647] _Ibid._, 4-24-1799, 187.
[648] Bunting, 40, 39, 19 and 42, respectively; also first vols. of each
respective meeting’s records.
[649] Smith, _Hist. Del. Co._, 138; see also page 41, chapter on
Philadelphia.
[650] _Ibid._, 139.
[651] Clarkson’s _Penn_, I, 259; Hazard’s _Annals_, 695.
[652] Rec. Upland Court, 121; Smith, _Hist. Del. Co._, 121; Hazard,
_Annals_, 462.
[653] Would not likely take the case to court.
[654] It appears from a record of sale that the court house was sold to
Robert Wade, 1686. (Record of sale quoted in Jordan, _Hist. Del. Co._, I,
112.)
[655] Jordan, _Hist. Del. Co._, I, 104; Smith, _Hist. Del. Co._, 137.
[656] Smith, _Hist. Del. Co._, 166.
[657] Rec. of Chester Mo. Mtg., 1687, I.; Smith, 166.
[658] Smith, 188.
[659] Jordan, II, 441.
[660] Jordan, II, 441.
[661] _Ibid._
[662] _Ibid._
[663] Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 1-27-1800.
[664] Jordan, II, 43-45.
[665] _Ibid._
[666] The absence of any mention of it in the meeting records.
[667] The writer was unable to find a record of this deed.
[668] No committee reports were noted before that date.
[669] See chapter on Negroes, page 228.
[670] Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 1-28-1782, 87.
[671] _Ibid._
[672] _Ibid._
[673] _Ibid._, 4-29-1782.
[674] _Ibid._
[675] _Ibid._, 7-28-1783, 130.
[676] _Ibid._
[677] Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 4-30-1792, 347.
[678] _Ibid._, 12-26-1796, 447.
[679] _Ibid._, 1-27-1800, 508.
[680] _Ibid._, 5-30-1791, 319.
[681] Min. Chester Mo. Mtg.
[682] _Ibid._, 9-23-1785, 177.
[683] Min. Chester Q. Meeting, 12-3-1689, 7.
[684] Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 6-14-1732, 128.
[685] _Ibid._, 9-13-1732, 129.
[686] _Ibid._, 6-13-1739, 154.
[687] Advices, 250.
[688] Min. Chester Q. Mtg., 5-13-1754, 218.
[689] Smith, _Hist. of Del. Co._, 166.
[690] _Ibid._
[691] _Ibid._
[692] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7-7-1692, 54.
[693] _Ibid._, 9-20-1693, 56.
[694] See Falls p. 87f.; Abington, p. 105ff.; and Buckingham, p. 96f.
[695] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg. 7-5-1758, 441; 7-5-1750, 322.
[696] _Ibid._, 12-3-1778, 263.
[697] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg.
[698] _Ibid._
[699] _Ibid._, 2-25-1779, 259.
[700] See page 154.
[701] _Ibid._, 3-1-1781, 319.
[702] _Ibid._, 3-29-1781, 320.
[703] _Ibid._, 1-1-1784, 10.
[704] _Ibid._, 7-29-1784, 22.
[705] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 3-29-1787, 68.
[706] _Ibid._, 11-1-1787, 79.
[707] _Ibid._, 4-2-1789, 99f.
[708] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 1-28-1790, 114. (For entire report see page
23).
[709] _Ibid._, 8-2-1792, 157.
[710] _Ibid._, 11-29-1792, 160.
[711] _Ibid._, 3-28-1793, 165.
[712] _Ibid._, 5-2-1793, 166.
[713] _Ibid._
[714] _Ibid._, 7-26-1796, 207.
[715] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 8-2-1798, 243.
[716] Jordan, II, 432.
[717] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg. 1739, 258; 7-5-1750, 322.
[718] _Ibid._, 8-3-1797, 226.
[719] _Ibid._, 8-2-1798, 243.
[720] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 1739, 258. (Other bequests were made by
Blunston and ... the value of which in 1791, amounted to £97 15/6; the
committee reporting thereon, add: “we are united in opinion it will be
best to lay out the money in a building on the meeting lot and in order
thereto have had an estimate made for a house 16 ft. by 26 ft. from out
to out, two stories high with a cellar under the whole, which amounts to
£160 or thereabouts.” A Committee was appointed to see whether this would
be according to the wish of the donor, Darby Minutes 12-29-1791, 145. In
1792 the committee reported it would be best to build the house for the
master’s accommodation with the money of the legacies, and use the rents
arising therefrom for the schooling of poor children, Darby Minutes,
2-2-1792, 147.)
[721] Smith, _Hist. of Del. County_, 347.
[722] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 1-11-1731, 189.
[723] _Ibid._, 1-11-1757, 300.
[724] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., see also page 228, chapter on Negro education.
[725] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 4-10-1759, 28.
[726] _Ibid._, 12-8-1768, 220.
[727] _Ibid._, 1-7-1759, 18.
[728] Advices, 250.
[729] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 8-14-1778, 133.
[730] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 10-13-1778, 139.
[731] _Ibid._, 7-13-1779, 169.
[732] _Ibid._, 7-10-1781, 233.
[733] Min. Phila. Q. Mtg., 8-6-1781, 235.
[734] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 9-7-1782, 260.
[735] _Ibid._, 7-11-1786, 4.
[736] _Ibid._, 7-13-1790, 8.
[737] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7-12-1791, 24.
[738] Jordan, II, 429.
[739] Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 8-4-1779, 94.
[740] Jordan, II, 430.
[741] Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 8-4-1779, 94.
[742] Ibid., 12-5-1781, 193.
[743] _Ibid._
[744] _Ibid._, 3-3-1784, 275.
[745] _Ibid._, 8-4-1779, 94.
[746] _Ibid._, 8-9-1786, 370.
[747] Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 8-8-1787, 397.
[748] _Ibid._, 6-5-1782, 213.
[749] _Ibid._, 8-9-1786, 370; see page 164.
[750] For example, the plan suggested in 1746 and elaborated in the years
following.
[751] Advices, 250.
[752] Advices, 250.
[753] Min. Concord Q. Mtg., 8-12-1754, 218.
[754] _Ibid._, 8-10-1778, 358.
[755] _Ibid._, 8-9-1784, 413.
[756] _Ibid._, 8-12-1793, 477; Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg.,
9-20-1784, 175ff.
[757] Phila. Q. Mtg. in the earliest years transacted considerable detail
business, which, years later, it did not touch.
[758] Several definite references are: Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg.,
6-6-1778, 409 and 12-4-1783, 562; Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., II, 12-28-1796.
[759] Min. London Grove Mo. Mtg., 11-4-1795, 78; Min. Darby Mo. Mtg.,
2-3-1791, 133.
[760] To turn to the text of a plan of subscription, see “school support”
in index.
[761] See page 168.
[762] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12-15-1796, 146.
[763] _Ibid._, 8-16-1798, 199.
[764] Min. London Grove Mo. Mtg., 11-4-1795, 78.
[765] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 2-3-1791, 133.
[766] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 12-10-1793, 128.
[767] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 4-1-1793, 302.
[768] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12-15-1796, 146.
[769] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 10-26-1701, 316.
[770] To find the text of legacies granted, turn to legacies, in the
index.
[771] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 8-3-1763, 22.
[772] Attention is called to the fact that during the years mentioned
in the following table currency greatly depreciated. This depreciation
was most marked in 1779, when, in January, the ratio was 8 to 1; and in
November of the same year 38½ to 1. See Dewey, D. R., _Financial History
of U. S._, 39; also page 212.
[773] Min. Penn Charter School Overseers, I, 301.
[774] Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-7-1778, 194.
[775] _Ibid._, 4-1-1793, 302.
[776] Min. Wrightstown Mo. Mtg., 12-7-1790, 60.
[777] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 11-6-1799, 288.
[778] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 2-5-1784, 162.
[779] Min. Horsham School Committee, 3-18-1793.
[780] See page 14ff.
[781] Min. London Yr. Mtg., 3-16-1692, 68.
[782] The yearly meetings also established schools; such was the case in
London Yearly, and Philadelphia followed in 1799 with the establishment
of Westtown Boarding School in Chester County. Justice cannot be done
to that institution in this work. The reader is referred to Dewes, _A
History of Westtown Boarding School_.
[783] Min. London Yr. Mtg., 3-17 to 24-1703, 114; 5-26 to 31-1760, 339.
[784] Min. London Yr. Mtg., 3-16 to 19-1692, 68.
[785] _Ibid._, 4-2 to 7-1745, 268.
[786] _Ibid._, 4-9 to 11-1690, 52; 4-1 to 4-1691, 60.
[787] _Ibid._, 3-13 to 17-1695, 89.
[788] _Ibid._
[789] _Ibid._, 4-2 to 10-1718, 160.
[790] _Ibid._, 5-31 to 6-5-1773, 399.
[791] _Ibid._, 3-29 to 4-3-1732, 210; 4-9 to 11-1690, 52.
[792] Min. Phila. Yr. Mtg., 7-16 and 17-1694, 39.
[793] Advices from Burlington and Philadelphia Yr. Mtg., 1746, 1750,
1753, 1755, 1777, and so forth, page 250ff. Also the yearly meeting
minutes records for those years, deposited at 304 Arch Street, Phila.
(The first reference is the more accessible.)
[794] The reader is referred to the account of establishing schools in
Bucks, Montgomery, Delaware Counties, etc.
[795] These references are, respectively, to the five points stated below:
_a._ Min. Westland Mo. Mtg., 11-11-1786, 12; 3-10-1787, 19.
_b._ Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 4-28-1784.
_c._ Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11-29-1719, 57.
_d._ Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 12-15-1796, 146.
_e._ Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 1-27-1800, 508; Min. Concord Mo. Mtg.,
8-9-1786, 370.
[796] See the Advices, 250; or the Book of Discipline which has, under
the head of schools, a statement of the various recommendations of the
yearly meetings. See also Yearly Meeting Minute Books at 4th and Arch
Streets, Phila., for years 1746, 1753, 1755, 1777, and 1778.
[797] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-29-1698, 229; P. C. S. M., I, 13.
[798] Deed No. 33, mentioned in P. C. S. M., I, 13.
[799] _Ibid._, 40.
[800] _Ibid._, 147.
[801] _Friends’ Intelligencer_, 8-15-1896, 539; Min. Abington Mo. Mtg.,
1-26-1722, 124.
[802] Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 9-20-1779, 73.
[803] _Ibid_., 77; Warrington Mo. Mtg., 8-7-1779, 46.
[804] Deed No. 88 New Garden Township, Chester County. (The original is
in Orthodox Friends Meeting House, West Grove, Pa.)
[805] Min. New Garden Mo. Mtg., 8-6-1785, 256.
[806] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 1-12-1792, 14.
[807] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 4-10-1795.
[808] _Ibid._, 3-8-1782.
[809] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 3-28-1793, 165.
[810] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 4-10-1794, 314.
[811] Jenkins, _Historical Col. of Gwynedd_, 396.
[812] _Ibid._
[813] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 12-1-1693-4, 64.
[814] _Ibid._, 1-1-1699, 114.
[815] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-25-1740, 318.
[816] In 1701 they had begun a school house which was to be 60 by 24
feet. Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-27-1701, 298.
[817] The schoolroom described is in Merion Meeting House, which may be
reached from Philadelphia via P.R.R. to Narberth, Pa.; from thence a
ten-minute walk.
[818] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 3-8-1782.
[819] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 12-3-1794, 169; for value of money see page
212.
[820] _Ibid._, 9-4-1799, 283.
[821] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-27-1701, 298.
[822] _Ibid._, 11-25-1744, 379; P. C. S. M., I, 40. Parts of the school
buildings were at times used as tenant property thus affording a
supporting income, P. C. S. M., I, 22.
[823] P. C. S. M., I, 56.
[824] _Ibid._, I, 39.
[825] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 9-25-1715, 10ff.
[826] P. C. S. M., I, 95 and 37.
[827] Min. Bradford Mo. Mtg., 6-18-1762; 4-7-1767; 8-14-1767.
[828] P. C. S. M., I, 29 and 25.
[829] _Ibid._, 31.
[830] _Ibid._, 95.
[831] _Ibid._, 37.
[832] P. C. S. M., 72.
[833] _Ibid._, 151ff.
[834] _Ibid._
[835] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[836] P. C. S. M., I, 76 and 79; also I, 198.
[837] P. C. S. M., see list of scholars; number is approximate.
[838] _Pemberton Mss._, Vol. 3, p. 2.
[839] P. C. S. M., I, 102f. (Rules adopted in 1748.)
[840] _Robert Proud Mss. Collection_, No. 20, pp. 3-7. The rules, he
states, were drawn up for his use in the school in 1780.
[841] The rules presented, taken from records of the Overseers of the
Schools in Philadelphia, are quite like those later drawn up by Horsham
School Committee. There is nothing additional in the later ones and they
were doubtless patterned after them. (Horsham Sch. Com. Min., 1-27-1783).
[842] _Robert Proud Mss._, No. 156, 45.
[843] _Logan Mss._ Letter for 4th month, 12th, 1704. Vol. I, 49. (J.
Dickinson was away on a voyage of some length.)
[844] Vaux, _Memoirs of Benezet_, 15f.
[845] Watson, _Annals_, I, 291-2.
[846] See page 181.
[847] P. C. S. M., I, 137.
[848] _Ibid._, 150.
[849] Min. Horsham Sch. Com., 3-16-1792.
[850] See page 78.
[851] Page 78.
[852] See list of printed rules for the school in custody of P.C.S.
[853] Min. Horsham Sch. Com., 1-27-1783 (also mentioned in the monthly
meeting minutes very frequently).
[854] See page 78f.
[855] P.C.S.M., I, 84.
[856] _Pa. Gazette_, No. 1449, 1756.
[857] _Ibid._, No. 824, 1744.
[858] _Pa. Pocket and Daily Advertiser_, No. 2385, 1786.
[859] _Ibid._, No. 2386, 1786.
[860] A list of printed rules issued by the Board, found in the
depository for the P.C.S.M., in the Provident Life and Trust Building,
Phila.
[861] Darby Meeting employed B. Clift to teach a whole year with the
exception of two weeks. (Darby Min., 7-7-1692, 54).
[862] _Ibid._
[863] See page 183f.
[864] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[865] P. C. S. M., I, 117.
[866] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[867] Some copies and volumes of these illustrious news sheets are found
in the _Norris Ms. Collection_.
[868] _Norris Ms. Collection—The Student’s Magazine._ The little volumes
are unpaged; page references are impossible.
[869] _Norris Ms. Collection._
[870] _Ibid._
[871] P. C. S. M., I, 135.
[872] Phila. Mo. Min., 1-25-1771, 430.
[873] London Yr. Mtg. Min., 4-2 to 10-1718, 160. Phila. Advices XXX, page
250 (for years from 1746-1778). Also a copy of the Discipline containing
the digested recommendations on schools, p. 386ff. (In first National
Bank, Newtown, Pa.).
[874] _Col. Rec._, I, LXVI.
[875] Extracts from London Yr. Mtg. Min., pub. 1802, 124.
[876] Crouch, _Collection of His Papers_, 183.
[877] _Col. Rec._, I, 36.
[878] P. C. S. M., I, 33.
[879] P. C. S. M., 14.
[880] _Ibid._, 90.
[881] _Ibid._, 117.
[882] _Ibid._, 145.
[883] _Ibid._, 221.
[884] A letter written to John Penn, _Penn Ms. Collections_, I, 233.
[885] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151; 1-30-1784, 123ff. Also, Min.
Horsham Sch. Com., 1-27-1783; Min. Horsham Prep. Mtg., 1-24-1783, and
Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 2-28-1793, 165, give some of the books which were
used in the schools.
[886] P. C. S. M., I, 138.
[887] Hildeburn, II, 332.
[888] _Ibid._, I, 39.
[889] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 1245, 1752.
[890] _Ibid._, No. 1499, 1757.
[891] _Ibid._, No. 1861, 1764.
[892] _Ibid._, No. 1556, 1758.
[893] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-30-1770, 370.
[894] P. C. S. M., I, 138.
[895] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 2-28-1793, 165.
[896] Min. Horsham Sch. Com., 1-11-1793.
[897] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 2-20-1793, 118.
[898] Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 12-26-1792.
[899] _Ibid._, 8-26-1789.
[900] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 5-8-1789, 55.
[901] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 6-17-1789, II, 70.
[902] Hildeburn, I, 39 (published in London 1697).
[903] _Ibid._, II, 100.
[904] Prowell, I, 540.
[905] In 1689 Phila. Mo. Mtg. authorized W. Bradford to print certain
of G. Fox’s papers. These are not named and it hardly seems probable
that Fox’s _Primmer_ was in the list. Bradford’s request for permission
(Genealogical Publications, II, 139), H. S. P.
[906] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 12-25-1697-8, p. 227 (G. S. P. P.)
[907] Hildeburn, I, 38.
[908] Smith, _Supplement to Catalogue of Friends Books_, 262.
[909] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11-29-1696-7, 211. (G. S. P. P., Vol. 4).
[910] Pastorius’s _Common Place Book_ (Mss.) H. S. P.
[911] The _Primer_ of Stephen Crisp is also mentioned frequently with
that of Fox, as being used in the schools. (Min. Abington Mo. Mtg.,
8-27-1735, 207).
[912] Hildeburn, II, 21, 114, 341, 340, and 343, respectively.
[913] Hildeburn, I, 318.
[914] P. C. S. M., I, 240.
[915] Prowell, I, 541.
[916] See page 191.
[917] Chiefly in the _Norris Mss. Collections_.
[918] A scale, having units of known value, which is used in measuring
accomplishment in handwriting.
[919] Hildeburn, II, 164.
[920] Prowell, I, 540.
[921] Elihu Underwood was teacher at Warrington in York County in 1784
(See Warrington Mo. Mtg. Min., 1-10-1784, 47.)
[922] _Norris Ms. Collection_, H. S. P.
[923] P. C. S. M., I, 64.
[924] _Ibid._, 26; also Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[925] In 1741 Buller advertised the teaching of writing, arithmetic,
merchants’ accounts, navigation, algebra, and other parts of the
mathematics to be taught at the “Public School.” (_Pa. Gaz._ No. 673,
1741).
[926] _Ibid._, 84.
[927] _Ibid._, 101.
[928] _Ibid._, 122.
[929] _Ibid._, 131.
[930] _Ibid._, 133.
[931] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[932] _Ibid._, 7-30-1779, 151.
[933] P. C. S. M., I, 33.
[934] _Ibid._, 14.
[935] Alexander Seaton, who came to the English School about 1754 (P. C.
S. M. I, 117) had been teaching a school of the same nature in the upper
part of the city, in which he taught mathematics. That school was also
under the direction of the Board. (P. C. S. M., I, 90).
[936] _Ibid._, 80.
[937] _Ibid._, 104f.
[938] _Ibid._
[939] A list of the rules for the government of the schools, printed, in
the P. C. S. depository.
[940] See page 189.
[941] Hildeburn, II, 266.
[942] _Ibid._, 464.
[943] P. C. S. M., I, 235.
[944] See page 57.
[945] _Pa. Gaz._, Apr. 16, 1730.
[946] Hildeburn, II, 342.
[947] Pastorius, _Common Place Book_ (_Mss._) H. S. P.
[948] Books of Charles and Isaac Norris in _Norris Ms. Collection_.
[949] Books chiefly of Norris, I. Griffiths, and King, in the _Norris Ms.
Collection_.
[950] P. C. S. M., I, 104f.
[951] See page 195.
[952] See _Norris Ms. Collection_, H. S. P.
[953] P. C. S. M., I, 239.
[954] _Ibid._, 75.
[955] For instance, F. D. Pastorius, Anthony Benezet, Robert Proud,
Christopher Taylor, and many others.
[956] Min. London Yr. Mtg., 4-9 to 11-1690, 52; 4-1 to 4-1691, 60; 3-13
to 17-1695, 89; also collected Advices of Philadelphia and Burlington Yr.
Mtg., 250ff.
[957] Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 2-22-1786.
[958] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 7-6-1792; Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 5-12-1785,
814; Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7-11-1786, 4; Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg.,
12-5-1782, 136; 11-7-1782, 132.
[959] Deed No. 88, New Garden, Tp., Chester Co. (In Fireproof of Orthodox
Friends in West Grove, Pa.).
[960] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 8-11-1797; Min. Ken. Mo. Mtg., 3-14-1793, 39.
[961] Min. Goshen Mtg., 8-5-1796.
[962] P. C. S. M., 1, 3, 33, and 90; Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7-17-1692, 54;
Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-29-1700, 254; 4-24-1720, 63.
[963] _Col. Rec._ I, 36.
[964] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6-26-1784, 64.
[965] P. C. S. M., I, 58.
[966] _Ibid._, 5f.
[967] _Ibid._, 175.
[968] _Ibid._, 208.
[969] _Ibid._, 139.
[970] _Ibid._, 141.
[971] _Ibid._, 265.
[972] P. C. S. M., I, 237.
[973] _Ibid._, 245.
[974] _Ibid._, 116.
[975] See Yearly Meetings’ Advices, 250.
[976] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7-7-1692, 54; 9-20-1693, 56.
[977] _2 Pa. Arch._ XIX, 248.
[978] Bean, 680.
[979] There is found no record of his removal by letter, though he may
have done so without, which, however, was not according to practice.
[980] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-26-1689, 154.
[981] _Ibid._, 3-29-1691, 146.
[982] _Weekly Mercury_, Nov. 29, 1733.
[983] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11-28-1697, 227.
[984] _Ibid._, 1-29-1700, 254.
[985] P. C. S. M., I, 64.
[986] _Ibid._, 101.
[987] _Ibid._, 90.
[988] _Ibid._, 266.
[989] _Ibid._, 175.
[990] _Ibid._, 334.
[991] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123.
[992] P. C. S. M., I, 33.
[993] Simpson’s _Lives of Eminent Philadelphians_, 53. Min. Phila. Mo.
Mtg., 1-30-1784, 128.
[994] _Ibid._, 1-31-1699, 244.
[995] _Ibid._, 1-27-1702, 326.
[996] P. C. S. M., I, 126.
[997] _Ibid._, 221.
[998] P. C. S. M., I, 130.
[999] _Ibid._, 161.
[1000] _Ibid._, 158.
[1001] Min. Darby Mo. Mtg., 7-7-1692, 54.
[1002] P. C. S. M., I, 133.
[1003] _Ibid._, 274.
[1004] _Ibid._, 131.
[1005] P. C. S. M., I., 123.
[1006] _Ibid._, 131.
[1007] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-26-1689.
[1008] In the references at the right hand margin of the table “Ph”
refers to Minutes of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting for the date given;
Darby refers to Minutes of Darby Monthly Meeting.
[1009] Futhey and Cope, 308.
[1010] From an old account book in possession of Albert Cook Myers,
Moylan, Pa.
[1011] Dewey, D. R., _Financial History of the U. S._, 39.
The reader is reminded of the fact that because of greatly depreciated
currency the amounts paid, as shown in the above table, did not represent
so much absolute increase. That some exact idea of the extent of
depreciation of the continental currency may be gained, there is given
the following table for the year 1779, when the depreciation became most
marked.
Jan. 14, 1779 8 to 1
Feb. 3 10 to 1
Apr. 2 17 to 1
May 5 24 to 1
June 4 20 to 1
Sept. 17 24 to 1
Oct. 14 30 to 1
Nov. 17 38½ to 1
The fact of such depreciation was not officially recognized by Congress
until March 18, 1780, it being then provided that paper be accepted for
silver at a ratio of 40 to 1.
[1012] See page 20.
[1013] Min. London Grove Mtg., 3-4-1795, 62.
[1014] _Ibid._, 1-31-1699, 244.
[1015] _Ibid._, 1-27-1702, 326.
[1016] P. C. S. M., I, 130.
[1017] _Ibid._, 158.
[1018] P. C. S. M., I., 126.
[1019] _Ibid._, 130.
[1020] _Ibid._, 128.
[1021] _Ibid._, 145.
[1022] _Ibid._, 216.
[1023] _Ibid._, 221.
[1024] _Ibid._, 239.
[1025] _Ibid._, 266.
[1026] _Ibid._, 288.
[1027] _Ibid._, 276, 277, 279.
[1028] P. C. S. M., I., 309.
[1029] _Ibid._, 288.
[1030] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg. 7-30-1779, 151.
[1031] _Ibid._ (An extract of the report to the monthly meeting is given
on page 71ff., chapter on Philadelphia, showing the state of schools in
1784.)
[1032] _Ibid._, 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[1033] _Ibid._, 1-25-1793, 184.
[1034] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-23-1798, 149.
[1035] Quoted in Jenkins’ _Hist. Collections of Gwynedd_, 396-7.
[1036] The works from which the notices were taken: Watson, _Annals
of Philadelphia_; Simpson, _Lives of Eminent Philadelphians_; Jordan,
_Colonial Families of Philadelphia_; Oberholtzer, _Philadelphia City and
Its People_; W. Thompson, _History of Philadelphia_.
[1037] Vaux, _Memoirs_, p. 7; also Keyser, _Old Germantown_, I, 79.
[1038] P. C. S. M., I, 33.
[1039] _Ibid._, 117.
[1040] Oberholtzer, I, 233.
[1041] P. C. S. M., I, 117.
[1042] Vaux, _Memoirs_, p. 8
[1043] P. C. S. M., I, 114.
[1044] _Ibid._, 115.
[1045] _Ibid._, 161.
[1046] _Ibid._, 244.
[1047] _Ibid._, 311.
[1048] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-31-1782, 28.
[1049] For list of his works, see Hildeburn or Smith.
[1050] P. C. S. M., I, 21.
[1051] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 673, 1741.
(Advertising for pupils in newspapers was not the usual rule among
Quaker masters in early Pennsylvania, though some cases occurred. 345
advertisements from 1730 to 1790 have been noted in various newspapers
of the period. Of a list of seventy Quakers who are known to have taught
school, only 15 were found in the list of advertisers. The papers
examined were the _Weekly Mercury_, _Pennsylvania Gazette_, _Freeman’s
Journal_, _Evening Post_, _Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser_,
_Pa. Packet_, and the _Pa. Chronicle_; also the _Courrier Francais_
(which is not mentioned in the bibliography).)
[1052] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123.
[1053] _Ibid._, 1-25-1793, 184.
[1054] _Ibid._, 2-23-1798, 149.
[1055] _Ibid._, 11-28-1800, 300.
[1056] Oberholtzer, I, 181.
[1057] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-29-1700, 254.
[1058] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-24-1702, 329.
[1059] _Ibid._, 6-27-1703, 376.
[1060] _Am. Wk. Mercury_, Nov. 29, 1733.
[1061] Watson I, 287.
[1062] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-29-1691, 146.
[1063] _Collections of the Protestant Episcopal Historical Soc._, 1851,
Vol. I, XIX to XX.
[1064] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123ff.
[1065] Moses Patterson was the first teacher in the Negro School. Phila.
Mo. Mtg. Min., 6-29-1799, 398.
[1066] P. C. S. M., I, 274.
[1067] P. C. S. M., I, 208.
[1068] _Ibid._, 272.
[1069] _Ibid._, 288.
[1070] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 6-26-1748, 64.
[1071] P. C. S. M., I, 101.
[1072] _Ibid._, 84.
[1073] _Ibid._, 122.
[1074] _Ibid._, 131.
[1075] _Ibid._, 133.
[1076] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 1403, 1755.
[1077] P. C. S. M., I, 133.
[1078] P. C. S. M., I, 106.
[1079] _Ibid._, 122.
[1080] _Ibid._, 131.
[1081] _Ibid._, 141.
[1082] _Ibid._, 188.
[1083] Simpson, 912-13.
[1084] P. C. S. M., I, 175.
[1085] _Ibid._, 234.
[1086] _Ibid._, 334.
[1087] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 123.
[1088] Robert Proud _Ms. Col._, No. 20, 27.
[1089] Watson, I, 282.
[1090] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[1091] _The Public School Gazetteer_, 1777, in Norris _Ms. Collections_,
H. S. P.
[1092] P. C. S. M., I, 90.
[1093] _Ibid._, 117.
[1094] _Ibid._, 198.
[1095] _Ibid._, 199.
[1096] _Ibid._, 266.
[1097] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[1098] _Ibid._, 1-30-1784, 123f.
[1099] Watson, I, 290f.
[1100] _Ibid._, 292.
[1101] _Ibid._, 290.
[1102] _Ibid._, 291.
[1103] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 7-30-1779, 151.
[1104] P. C. S. M., I, 24.
[1105] _Ibid._, 165.
[1106] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 1951, 1766.
[1107] _Ibid._
[1108] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 1865, 1764.
[1109] P. C. S. M., I, 164.
[1110] _Ibid._, 173.
[1111] The last eight mentioned are named as teachers in Gwynedd
neighborhood school, by Joseph Foulke. (Jenkins, 396-7.)
[1112] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1711, 73.
[1113] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-27-1722, 83.
[1114] Min. Abington Mo. Mtg., 10-29-1753, 111.
[1115] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 2371, 1774. _Ibid._, No. 2147, 1770. _Ibid._, No.
2118, 1769. _Ibid._, No. 1821, 1763.
[1116] Wickersham, 26.
[1117] _Ibid._, 27.
[1118] Prowell, I, 539.
[1119] _Ibid._, 541
[1120] Name found in the account book for the Jonathan Walton Fund
used for that meeting, p. 1. (Deposited at Friends Meeting House in
Quakertown, Pa.)
[1121] Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 4-28-1784.
[1122] _Ibid._
[1123] Min. Horsham Sch. Com., 1-11-1793.
[1124] Min. Horsham Mo. Mtg., 4-28-1784.
[1125] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 4-28-1784, 510f.
[1126] _Ibid._
[1127] _Ibid._, 10-31-1787, 60f.
[1128] _Pa. Mag. Hist._, XXV, 3.
[1129] Proud, _Hist. of Pa._, I, 233 and 109f. See Ms. description of the
province of Pennsylvania written by William Penn relating to the first
settlement written 1682. A copy in Logan _Ms. Collections_, Vol. 1.
[1130] _2 Pa. Archives_, XVI, 234.
[1131] Hazard, _Annals of Pa._, 331. N. Y. _Col. Doc._ II, 213-14.
[1132] _Col. Rec._, XII, 99.
[1133] _Laws of Pa._, III, 269-272; _3 Pa. Archives_, XVIII, 303-430.
[1134] _Ms. Ancient Rec. of Phila._, July 28, 1702.
[1135] Turner, _The Negro in Pa._, 79.
[1136] London Yr. Mtg., Epistles, 1772, 394.
[1137] _3 Pa. Archives_, XVIII, 303-430.
[1138] Turner, _The Negro in Pa._
[1139] _Stat. at Large of Pa._, II, 107, 285.
[1140] _Ms. Bd. of Trade Papers, Proprieties_, IX, Q, 39, 42; _Stat. at
Large of Pa._, II, 543-4.
[1141] Watson, _Annals of Phila._, II, 264.
[1142] _Ms. Bd. of Trade Papers, Proprieties_, IX, Q, 39, 42; Stat. at
Large of Pa. II, 543-4.
[1143] _Votes and Proceedings_, 1726-1742, 31.
[1144] Smith, _Hist. of Del. Co._, 261; Kaln, _Travels_, I, 391.
[1145] _Pa. Gaz. and Wk. Advt._, 1779, No. 2580.
[1146] _Col. Rec._, XII, 99.
[1147] The quality of the clothing on their backs does not necessarily
mean they enjoyed a good location. It was in many cases stolen goods.
[1148] _Pa. Gaz._, No. 2568, 1779.
[1149] Watson, _Annals_, I, 406.
[1150] Heatwole, _Hist. of Ed. in Va._, 299.
[1151] _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, XXIX, 363.
[1152] Smith, H. W., Life of _W. Smith_, I, 238.
[1153] _Pa. Gaz._, 1740, 624; _Am. Wk. Mer._, 1740, No. 1097.
[1154] _Am. Wk. Mer._, 1722-3, IV, 16.
[1155] _Ibid._
[1156] _Pa. Archives_, XVIII, 303-430. _Ibid._, XXI, 165-324. _Ibid._,
XVII, 489-685.
[1157] Christian Doc. Prac. and Dis. Relig. Soc. of Friends, 1727, 122,
(published 1861). _Ibid._, extract of 1758.
[1158] _Friends’ Lib._, I, 79.
[1159] Woolman’s _Works_, 15.
[1160] Turner, _Negro in Pa._, 67.
[1161] Woolman’s _Words_, 156-7.
[1162] _Ibid._, 78.
[1163] _Ibid._, 44.
[1164] Woolman’s _Works_, 96-7.
[1165] _Ibid._, 244.
[1166] Most significant works are given in the bibliography.
[1167] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-30-1784, 128.
[1168] _Ibid._, 6-29-1770, 398.
[1169] Benezet, _A Short Account of the People Called Quakers_, 81-2.
[1170] Vaux, _Memoirs of Lay and Sandiford_.
[1171] _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, XIII, 265; Old Germantown, _Lippincott’s
Mag._, Feb., 1884, 118ff., containing an account of the protest; Phila.
Quarterly Meeting would not take action, it being considered too weighty
a question (Min. Phila. Q. Mtg., 4-4-1688, 136.)
[1172] _Pa. Mag. of Hist._, 266, 268.
[1173] Christian Doc. Prac. and Discipline, 1727, pub. 1861, 122.
[1174] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-30-1756, 215.
[1175] Epistles London Yr. Mtg., 1772, 394.
[1176] Christian Doc. Prac. and Discipline, 1758, pub. 1861, 122.
[1177] Extracts Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-6-1762, 107.
[1178] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-30-1756, 215; Concord Mo. Mtg., 6-9-1779,
86; Horsham Sch. Com, 8-17-1792; Chester Mo. Mtg., 10-25-1779, 31;
Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9-9-1779, 65f.; Sadsbury, 7-17-1782, 340.
[1179] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 4-30-1756, 215 and 1-25-1765, 7.
[1180] _Ibid._, 7.
[1181] _Ibid._, 1-26-1770, 371; (Proud in his Ms. _History of
Philadelphia_ gives Benezet the whole credit of establishing the Negro
school. There were two branches, one for boys and one for girls, taught
by different tutors. He says the successful outcome of this school
of Benezet’s was the incentive which caused the Abolition Society to
establish others.) See Proud’s Ms. _History_, p. 64. H. S. P.
[1182] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 2-23-1770, 376.
[1183] _Ibid._, 3-30-1770, 379.
[1184] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-30-1770, 379.
[1185] _Ibid._
[1186] _Ibid._, 1-25-1771, 430.
[1187] _Ibid._, 6-29-1770, 398.
[1188] _Ibid._, 1-25-1771, 430.
[1189] _Ibid._, 2-28-1777, 438.
[1190] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 5-31-1782, 28; 1-25-1793, 184; 3-30-1770,
379.
[1191] _Ibid._
[1192] _Ibid._
[1193] _Ibid._
[1194] _Ibid._
[1195] Dewey, p. 39.
[1196] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 3-30-1770, 379.
[1197] _Ibid._, 4-26-1771, 444, and 21-25-1772, 145.
[1198] _Ibid._, 7-28-1786, 271.
[1199] _Ibid._, 1-30-1784, 128.
[1200] _Ibid._, 1-25-1793, 184.
[1201] _Ibid._
[1202] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 1-25-1793, 184.
[1203] For an insight to the real value of the money see note p. 212 of
this work; also Dewey, p. 39.
[1204] _Ibid._
[1205] _Ibid._, 2-23-1798, 149.
[1206] _Ibid._
[1207] _Ibid._
[1208] Ms. _Minutes of the Committee on Negro Education_, I, 19; other
expenditures mentioned are for copy books, ciphering books, child’s
spelling books, lessons for youth, writing paper, red blotting paper,
slates, quills, ink, tutors’ assistants, Cheap Repository, 4 volumes, and
one set Murray’s _Introduction_, I, 138.
[1209] Min. Phila. Mo. Mtg., 11-28-1800, 300; Ibid., 2-23-1798, 149.
[1210] _Ibid._
[1211] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 7-26-1764, 519.
[1212] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9-9-1779, 65; Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg.,
7-17-1782, 340.
[1213] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9-9-1779, 65f.
[1214] _Ibid._
[1215] Min. Deercreek Mo. Mtg., 7-24-1779, 304.
[1216] _Ibid._, 11-23-1776, 274.
[1217] _Ibid._
[1218] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 7-17-1782, 340.
[1219] Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 10-25-1779, 31.
[1220] Extracts, Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-6-1779, 202; (this was a part of
the discipline).
[1221] _Ibid._, 12-6-1762, 107.
[1222] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9-9-1779, 65f.
[1223] Cf. Report on Philadelphia, pp. 68f.
[1224] Min. Exeter Mo. Mtg., 7-26-1764, 519.
[1225] _Ibid._, 10-26-1758, 301.
[1226] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 10-12-1756, 287.
[1227] _Ibid._, 1-11-1757, 300; 4-10-1759, 28; 6-8-1764, 54; 7-8-1766,
139.
[1228] _Ibid._, 7-8-1766, 139.
[1229] Min. Radnor Mo. Mtg., 7-12-1768, 209.
[1230] _Ibid._, 7-10-1770, 286.
[1231] _Ibid._
[1232] _Ibid._, 10-8-1776, 102; 8-13-1779, 171; 11-12-1779, 179.
[1233] _Ibid._, 12-10-1778, 145.
[1234] _Ibid._, 11-13-1778, 140.
[1235] _Ibid._, 7-1-1780, 198.
[1236] _Ibid._, 7-13-1790, 7.
[1237] _Ibid._
[1238] See p. 228ff.; also Davis, _Hist. Bucks Co._, II, 294.
[1239] _Col. Rec._ XII, 99.
[1240] Davis, _Hist._, II, 297.
[1241] Davis, _Hist._, II, 295.
[1242] _Ibid._
[1243] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 8-1-1782, 535.
[1244] _Ibid._, 8-7-1783, 557.
[1245] Extracts, Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-6-1762, p. 107.
[1246] _Ibid._, 11-2-1778, 181.
[1247] Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 8-28-1777, 29.
[1248] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 12-6-1779, 202.
[1249] Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 2 vols., 1684-1804. Newtown First Nat’l Bank.
[1250] _Ibid._, 6-27-1730.
[1251] _Ibid._
[1252] _Ibid._, 8-28-1766.
[1253] _Ibid._, 8-27-1772.
[1254] _Ibid._, 8-28-1777, 29.
[1255] Min. Bucks Q. Mtg., 8-28-1777, 29.
[1256] _Ibid._, 11-27-1777, 33.
[1257] _Ibid._, 8-27-1795.
[1258] _Ibid._, 2-28-1799, 289.
_Ibid._, 2-7-1758.
[1259] Min. Falls Mo. Mtg., 2-2-1757.
[1260] _Ibid._, 8-7-1771, 86; 8-5-1772, 105; 9-6-1780, 275; 8-6-1783, 350.
[1261] _Ibid._, 8-1-1781, 301; 3-2-1763; 2-4-1767; 7-2-1769.
[1262] Min. Buckingham Mo. Mtg., 11-2-1778, 181; 8-1762, 107.
[1263] Davis, _Hist. Bucks Co._, II, 297.
[1264] _Ibid._, 296.
[1265] _Ibid._, 297.
[1266] Min. London Mo. Mtg. 1792, I (deposited at L. G. Mtg.).
[1267] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8-16-1770—439.
[1268] _Ibid._, 10-16-1777, 619.
[1269] _Ibid._, 1-14-1779, 658.
[1270] Min. Kennett Mo. Mtg., 8-14-1788, 887.
[1271] Futhey and Cope, 424.
[1272] Min. New Garden Mo. Mtg., 12-5-1778, 419 (committee had been
appointed in 1774).
[1273] _Ibid._, 5-5-1781, 108.
[1274] _Ibid._, 9-1-1781, 119.
[1275] _Ibid._, 8-6-1785, 256.
[1276] _Ibid._, 9-5-1789, 419.
[1277] Futhey and Cope, _Hist. of Chester Co._, 424.
[1278] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 3-1-1765, 66.
[1279] Min. Uwchlan Mo. Mtg., 9-9-1779, 65f.
[1280] _Ibid._
[1281] _Ibid._
[1282] Min. Middletown Mo. Mtg., 1-7-1699, 113.
[1283] Min. Sadsbury Mo. Mtg., 7-17-1782, 340.
[1284] _Ibid._
[1285] _Ibid._
[1286] _Col. Rec._, XII, 99; _Laws of Pa._, III, 268-272.
[1287] Futhey and Cope, 424.
[1288] Min. Chester Mo. Mtg., 10-25-1779, 31.
[1289] _Ibid._
[1290] _Ibid._, 7-30-1781, 73f.
[1291] _Ibid._, 9-23-1785, 177.
[1292] Min. Concord Mo. Mtg., 6-9-1779, 86.
[1293] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 10-18-1756.
[1294] _Ibid._, 7-18-1757.
[1295] _Ibid._, 7-17-1758.
[1296] _Ibid._, 2-5-1762.
[1297] _Ibid._, 8-6-1762.
[1298] _Ibid._, 2-10-1764.
[1299] _Ibid._, 4-5-1776.
[1300] _Ibid._, 3-7-1777.
[1301] Min. Goshen Mo. Mtg., 7-10-1778.
[1302] _Ibid._, 12-11-1778.
[1303] _Ibid._, 8-11-1780.
[1304] Futhey and Cope, 424.
[1305] This statement is based on the results of G. Cope’s study of local
history.
[1306] Bunting, _Recs._, Mtg. Phila. Yr. Mtg., 24.
[1307] Rec. Horsham School Com., 11-15-1793.
[1308] Martindale, _Hist. of Byberry and Moreland_, 49.
[1309] _Ibid._, 50. (The sources used by Martindale are not found.)
[1310] Min. Byberry Prep. Mtg., 9-15-1779.
[1311] Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 4-25-1756, 215.
[1312] Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 7-27-1756, 164.
[1313] _Ibid._, 7-28-1767, 13.
[1314] _Ibid._, 7-26-1768, 40.
[1315] Min. Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., 8-27-1775, 202.
[1316] _Ibid._, 5-25-1779, 306.
[1317] _Ibid._, 8-26-1783, 172.
[1318] _Ibid._, 7-27-1790, 112.
[1319] Kaln, P., _Travels into North America_, I, 390, 394.
[1320] Min. Warrington and Fairfax Q. Mtg., 9-16-1776, 11.
[1321] _Ibid._, 9-20-1779, 73. (Warrington Meeting, in the County of
York.)
[1322] Applegarth, _Quakers in Pa._, Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies,
VIII-IX, 56.
[1323] Mention should also be made of the Friendly Ass’n for Preserving
Peace with the Indians. For reference see Vol. 3, Penn’s MS., relating
to Indian Affairs, pp. 17-18, an address to Governor Dewey, 1757; also
p. 89, an address to Proprietaries Thomas Penn and Richard Penn on same
subject.
[1324] _Col. Rec._ II, 16.
[1325] _Ibid._, III, 356.
[1326] Bowden, II, 70.
[1327] London Yr. Mtg. Epistles, 1795, 487.
[1328] Conduct of the Society of Friends towards Indians, 98-99.
[1329] _Ibid._
[1330] A brief account of the Committee’s proceedings (pub. in Phila.), 7.
[1331] _Ibid._
[1332] _Ibid._
[1333] _Ibid._
[1334] Conduct of the Society of Friends towards Indians, 10.
[1335] _Ibid._, 8, 9, 10.
[1336] _Ibid._, 11.
[1337] See page 263.
[1338] No summary is given of conditions in each of the meetings; if
desired, see in index, “negro education.”
[1339] The digest of the standards to be attained may be seen on pages
172f.
[1340] Bowden, II, 247ff. (tables showing the particular monthly, and
quarterly meetings, etc.).
[1341] See in index: Merion and Valley, for example.
[1342] Bowden, II, 157.
[1343] _Ibid._, 156; quoted from Oldmixon, I, 304.
[1344] 6,200 new settlers came in 1729 (Bowden, II, 156).
[1345] _Ibid._, 157.
[1346] Winterbotham, II, 438-439; also, census report, 1790.
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_Pennsylvania Gazette._ Published by B. Franklin, beginning 1729;
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_The American Weekly Mercury._ Published by William Bradford, beginning
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ABBREVIATIONS
Am. Wk. Mer.—_American Weekly Mercury._
Col. Rec.—_Colonial Records of Pennsylvania._
G. S. P. P.—_Genealogical Society Publications of Pennsylvania._
H. S. P.—_Historical Society of Pennsylvania._
Min. Mo. Mtg.—_Minutes of the monthly meeting._
Min. Prep. Mtg.—_Minutes of the preparative meeting._
Pa. Gaz.—_Pennsylvania Gazette._
Pa. Ger. Soc.—_Pennsylvania German Society._
Pa. Mag. of Hist.—_Pennsylvania Magazine of History._
P. C. S. M.—_Penn Charter School Minutes._
Q. Mtg.—_Quarterly meeting._
Yr. Mtg.—_Yearly meeting._
Wk. Advt.—_Weekly Advertiser._
INDEX
Abington, school land, 106;
school, 106f.
Ackworth School, 22.
Aims of educ., 7ff., 36ff., 161, 268.
Apprenticeship educ., recommended, 9, 85, 86, 159, 206.
Attendance, 180, 185;
in Negro School, 243f.
Baptists, 5.
Barclay, on educ., 31.
Benezet, on educ., 31ff.;
employed in Phila., 57-58, 216ff.;
on keeping slaves, 235f.
Biddle, 73.
Birmingham, 131, 134, 163.
Blue Hill, 151.
Books, distributed, 24;
used in schools, 109, 142, 193ff.
Bradford, 123f., 134, 136ff.
Bristol, school, 88.
Buckingham, school, 95ff.
Budd, educ. scheme of, 36ff.
Buildings and grounds, 65ff.;
interior of, 67ff.
Byberry, school, 74ff.;
report, 76f.;
schoolmasters at, 224f.
Chester, 148ff., 151.
Chichester, 163.
Children, apprenticeship of, 159;
cared for by meetings, 122f., 141.
Classic languages, 11, 59, 71;
not _necessary_ for ministers, 31, 35.
Clerkenwell, school at, 22.
Committees, on schools, functions, 80, 168, 141, 143;
school coms. appointed, 111, 116, 118.
Concord, 162ff.
Cox, criticism by, 26ff.
Crouch, on educ., 34f.
Curriculum, 190ff., 215, 270;
Classical School, 196;
English School, 197;
Negro School, 192;
Latin and Greek, 59, 71;
letter writing, 191;
mathematics, 30, 71f.;
spelling, 192;
subjects recommended, 29ff.
Darby, 23f., 154ff.
Discipline, 186, 223.
East Bradford, 131.
East Caln, 137f.
Education, before the Quakers, 147;
moral, 86;
for Negro and Indian, 233ff., 269;
practical, by apprenticeship, 9, 10;
provided in Frame of Government, 42;
public, recommended, 30;
recommended by yr. mtg., 20ff., 109, 123, 174.
English School, masters of, 222ff.
Evening Schools, 187.
Exeter, 79ff.
Falls, 86ff.
Fox, sketch of life, 2ff.;
conclusions of, 4;
educ’l creed, 7ff.;
recommended schs., 10;
educ. of ministers, 11f.;
mo. mtgs. recommended, 16.
Free Schools, 180.
Germantown, 77ff.
Girls’ School, 70, 213, 217.
Goshen, 130ff.
Gwynedd, 110, 113.
Haverford, 162.
Horsham, 114ff.
Indians, educ. recommended, 8, 12, 37, 269;
friendly relation with, 262;
issue of rum to, 262;
missionaries among, 263;
aid requested by, 263;
educ’l. work among, 263f.;
occupations taught, 265.
Inner light, 2, 4, 7, 13.
Kennett, 122f.;
discontinued, 124, 137, 169f.
Lampeter, 142.
Land, for school use, 81, 87ff., 106, 125, 131f., 148f., 176f.
Latin School, masters of, 220ff.
Legacies: Carter, 74, 107f.;
Wade, Lineham and Richards, 63;
Bryner and Baldwin, 90;
Harker, 93, 95;
Holcomb, 95;
Abbitt, Buckman and Twining, 101;
Roberts and Walton, 103;
Keen and Hoskins, 148;
Taylor and Hall, 149;
Turner, 151f.;
Evans, 152;
Meed, 153;
Blunston, 154;
Lobb, 157;
Yarnall, 165;
Barnes, 106f.;
under care of trustees, 75, 107f.
Literature, used in meetings, 199ff.
London, yearly mtg. established, 17;
advices on educ., 172f.
London Grove, 140.
Maiden Creek, 80f.
Makefield, 88.
Meetings, established, 15f., 79, 85, 105, 122, 147.
Mennonites, 4f.
Merion and Valley, 114.
Methods, 197, 199.
Middletown, 92ff., 149f., 151.
Montgomery Township, 112.
Monthly meeting, function, 19, 169, 175.
Morristown, 111.
Nantmeal, 139f.
Negro, educ. recommended, 8, 12, 37, 269;
manumission, 252, 257, 261;
educ. of ⸺ in Phila., 239-246;
Exeter, 248;
Radnor, 248f.;
Middletown, 249f.;
Buckingham, 250ff.;
Kennett, 253;
New Garden and Uwchlan, 138, 254;
Sadsbury and Bradford, 255;
Concord and Goshen, 256;
Abington and Horsham, 258;
Byberry and Gwynedd, 259ff.;
Warrington and Fairfax, 261;
attitude of sects toward ⸺, 231ff.;
meetings for ⸺, 239;
com. on ⸺ affairs, 240f.;
duties of com. on ⸺, 246-7;
⸺ in Pa. 228ff.
Negro School, established, 241f.;
support, 64;
housed, 70, 71, 215, 217;
status in 1800, 245;
support of, 243f., 247f.;
attendance, 243f.;
teachers in, Patterson, 241;
Houghton, 242;
Benezet, 242;
Britt, Dougherty, Meccum, 243;
Pickering, 244;
Mears, 245.
New Garden, 123f., 128ff., 137.
Organization, of meetings, purpose, 15;
explained, 18;
with regard to schools, 172-190;
weakness of, 268.
Pastorius, 47, 53, 77ff.
Pay scholars, 180.
Penn, on educ., 28ff.;
coming to Phila., 41.
Penn Charter School, 45;
petition to incorporate, 47ff.;
first charter, 49ff.;
rechartered, 52;
self perpetuating corporation of, 53, 106.
Philadelphia, reports on schs. in, 58ff., 71ff.
Plymouth, 112.
Poor, educ. of, 32, 38, 59, 74, 91, 112f., 117, 149, 159.
Preachers, journeys of, 5f.
Preparative meeting, functions, 19.
Printing, encouraged, 152.
Quakers, origin of, 1ff.;
growth of, 6.
Quarterly meeting, functions, 19, 168, 174.
Radnor, 158ff.
Rates, 71ff.
Reading, 81f.
Regulations, adopted for schools, 115f., 125f., 182ff.
Rewards, 186.
Richland, 102f.
Robeson, 80f.
Sadsbury, 141ff.
Salary, 43, 45, 47, 54f., 62, 210f., 154;
compared, 212.
School control, 80, 186, 141, 143;
coms. appointed on, 111, 116, 118.
School day, length of, 186ff.
Schoolhouses, 177ff.;
school property, urged necessary, 176f.
Schoolmistresses, 54, 58ff., 130, 208, 212f.
Schools, modern tendency, 39;
number established estimated, 121, 270.
School support, 39, 45f., 60-65, 71ff., 89f., 92f., 98f., 127f., 133,
139ff., 143f., 148, 150f., 157f., 160, 164, 167-172;
distribution of funds, 108;
of Negro School, 64.
Schwenkfeld, Caspar, 4.
Schlemiel, school, 10, 22.
Slavery, beginning of in Pa., 228;
opponents of, 233ff.;
classes interested, 230;
attitude of Quakers, 236ff.;
laws regarding, 228f.;
increase of, 230;
condition of slaves, 231;
attitude of Fox, 233;
Woolman, 234;
Benezet, 235f.;
Keith, 236.
Spelling, 192.
Springfield, 151.
Student papers, 188f.
Supervision of schools, 96f., 189.
Teachers, selection of, 100, 110;
scarcity, 150;
source, 205f., 209;
qualifications, 204;
tenure, 207f., 209;
duties, 214;
rated, 216;
no contract for, 210;
morality, 225, 269.
Teachers named: Albertson, 113;
Ayres, 225;
Brockden, 56, 74;
Brientnall, 58;
Brown, 59, 72, 218;
Britt, 218;
Burchall, 208, 214;
Binns, 218;
Buller, 218;
Benezet, 31ff., 57, 58, 216ff., 235f.;
Cadwalader, 54, 55, 209, 218;
Cathrall, 59, 215;
Clarke, 60, 72, 219;
Carver, 225, 116;
Clift, 207, 209, 219, 154;
Coggins and Chamberlain, 114;
Dickinson, 207, 219;
Dougherty, 215;
Dull, 114;
Every, 55, 224;
Eldridge, 206;
Evans, 113;
Flower, 42f., 45, 59;
Fitzpatrick, 225, 116;
Foulke, 114;
Hartshorne, 60, 74;
Harry, 60, 72;
Houghton, 57;
Josai, 58;
Jones, 59, 114;
Jackson, 220;
Johnson, 225;
Keith, 45, 207, 209, 219;
Kirk, 225;
King, 207, 220;
Lancaster, 59, 72;
Makin, 46, 53, 54, 56, 57, 207, 209, 219;
Marsh, 60, 73;
McDonnell, 60, 73;
Mears, 218;
Moor, 224;
Meccum, 215;
Naylor, 55;
Pardo, 110, 114;
Parks, 225;
Patterson, 220;
Pastorius, 47, 53, 77ff.;
Proud, 59-71, 183ff., 206, 209, 221ff.;
Pickering, 218;
Pemberton, 224;
Pearson, 225;
Price, 114;
Rakestraw, 59;
Robbins, 56;
Richards, 224;
Smith, 58, 116, 225;
Songhurst, 54, 208, 213;
Snowdon, 223;
Sitch, 224;
Taylor, 107, 207, 225;
Thompson, 58, 220f., 222;
Thorne, 223;
Thornton, 209, 213;
Todd, 58, 59, 72, 222;
Underwood, 225;
Walby, 55;
Warden, 56;
Weaver, 59, 72;
Willian, 57, 205, 209, 220;
Wilson, 220;
Waring, 223;
Warren, 206;
Yerkes, 58, 223.
Tuke, on educ., 34f.
Uwchlan, 138ff.
Waltham, school at, 10, 22.
Warrington, 117.
Westtown Boarding School, 60, 73, 89, 145, 151.
Whitehead, on educ., 34f.
Willistown, 132.
Women, as teachers, 54, 58f., 130;
on school com., 118, 140.
Woolman, on educ., 33f.;
on slave holding, 234.
Writing school, 195.
Yearly meeting, recommends education, 20ff., 109;
functions, 18.
York, 119.
Youths’ meetings, 105f., 117.
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