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Title: The Green Mountain Boys
or, Vermont and the New York land jobbers
Author: Philip H. Smith
Release date: August 30, 2024 [eBook #74334]
Language: English
Original publication: Pawling: Philip H. Smith, 1885
Credits: deaurider, David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS ***
CURIOSITIES IN AMERICAN HISTORY
THE
GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS:
OR
VERMONT AND THE NEW YORK LAND JOBBERS
BY
PHILIP H. SMITH,
AUTHOR OF
“ACADIA: A LOST CHAPTER IN AMERICAN HISTORY;”
“HISTORY OF DUCHESS COUNTY;” ETC.
PAWLING, N. Y.:
PHILIP H. SMITH, PUBLISHER
1885
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1885, by
PHILIP H. SMITH,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
PREFACE.
In the history of a country whose growth has been under circumstances
like our own, every locality abounds in unrecorded deeds of moral
heroism as worthy of notice as are many facts and events which have
become fixed in the historic literature current among the masses. Even
were such deeds to find a place in local history, they will necessarily
be circumscribed in their influence, and at best be so hidden among
commonplace matter as almost to escape notice; while to attempt giving
them the attention they deserve in a general history would be futile.
In the present attempt to render a comparatively unknown episode of our
country’s history the theme of a small volume, both these difficulties
will be avoided; and by so giving it the prominence it deserves,
thereby afford a better understanding of the inner workings of the
stupendous machinery of our system of government. The by-ways of our
country’s annals are fruitful in just such interesting and instructive
themes.
One of the lessons herein taught is that positions of honor and trust
are not always proof against cupidity and corruption; or, to speak
more plainly, under color of law men have been known to perform the
most lawless acts. The story of the Vermont troubles has one rare
quality--the poor hard-working settlers were ultimately successful;
and for once the cause of the humble cottager prevailed against the
machinations of the favorites of royalty.
CONTENTS.
-- Introduction 7-10
I. Geographical Outline and Settlement 11-14
II. Origin of the Land Troubles 15-23
III. Resisting New York Claimants 24-44
IV. Mandatory Laws of New York 45-48
V. Affair at Westminster 49-52
VI. Attitude of Congress 53-56
VII. Fall of Ticonderoga 57-69
VIII. Expedition into Canada 70-90
IX. Establishment of a Civil Government 91-97
X. Battle of Bennington 98-109
XI. Private Negotiations with the British 110-127
XII. Conclusion 128-130
INTRODUCTION.
Some one has truthfully remarked that the character of a people is
largely determined by the natural features of the country they inhabit.
The peasantry of mountainous Switzerland are proverbial for their
bravery and hardihood, their strong and innate love of liberty, and
their pure and exalted patriotism. Accustomed from infancy to danger,
dependent upon their own resources, mingling day by day among the
sublimest works of Creation, their aspirations acquire a buoyancy, and
their spirits an independence, that leaves an impress on their lives
amounting to a national characteristic.
Thus the brave pioneer, inured to hardship, and depending on his ax for
shelter, and on his rifle for food and protection from wild beast and
lurking Indian, will acquire a fertility of resource and vigor of limb,
as in a measure to remunerate him for the privations he endures.
The original settlers of the New Hampshire Grants,--that territory
now known as the State of Vermont,--were of this sturdy, fearless,
and independent sort. It seemed as though they had drawn inspiration
from the snow-clad, storm-riven mountains, at whose base their
lowly thatched cabins were nestled. The long and hard winters taxed
the energies of the new settlers for the necessaries of life, and
precluded the introduction of luxuries that only degenerate. The
stubborn wilderness was to be felled; the latent productiveness of
the soil developed; hand to hand encounters with wild beasts were not
infrequent; common safety demanded a unity of strength against the
crafty foe, and necessity begat friends at the same time it rendered
friendship a mutual safeguard; and this unity of purpose, thus nurtured
and sustained, afterward displayed itself in one of the most unique
chapters in the annals of American history.
The people of these Grants, known to the world as the Green Mountain
Boys, were worthy the wild and romantic country in which they lived,
and the stirring times in which they acted. Vermont was never organized
as a separate colony under England, and from the first that plucky
little community refused to submit to the domination of the older
colonies on her borders. Her people seemed to imbibe a spirit of
independence from the free air and the everlasting mountains.
New York claimed a jurisdiction over her soil, and a like demand was
put forward by New Hampshire and Massachusetts. But the brave Green
Mountain Boys, under the guidance of such natural leaders as the
Allens, Baker, Warner, and others of like invincible spirit, kept the
greedy land-grabbers at bay. In short, Vermont never had a government
other than the supreme will of her own people, nor acknowledged the
authority of any earthly potentate, until she was admitted on an equal
footing into the Union of States, as the Fourteenth luminary in the
blue field of the nation’s emblem.
Yet had this people no inconsiderable share in the work of achieving
that independence which made the present of our country a glorious
possibility. They secured what they believed to be their own rights, at
the same time they contributed to the adjustment of the claims of her
sister communities.
There is no pretension, in the present pages, to giving what will be
new to specialists in Vermont history. But to the general reader, and
to the student of the philosophy of human events, there is much, we
hope, both new and instructive. The firm bearing of the brave and hardy
settlers of the Hampshire Grants, and the important part they played
in the War of the Revolution, give to the material of this little book
somewhat of a national interest. Indeed, but for timely services of
the Green Mountain Boys, it is more than possible the cause of America
might have been lost.
[Illustration: Indians fishing by torchlight.]
CHAPTER I.
GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE AND SETTLEMENT.
Stephen A. Douglas has been credited with the remark that Vermont is an
excellent place to emigrate from. Though small in area, with a surface
singularly broken by mountain ranges, wracked by frosts and covered
with snows five months of the year, yet her internal economy has
proved favorable to the growth of both brain and brawn: in the halls
of Congress, as well as in the pursuits of science and literature, she
maintains her place right gallantly.
That long and irregular lake on the northwest boundary bears the name
of the great European discoverer and explorer, Champlain, who here
sought, and vainly, for a northwest passage to Cathay. The loveliness
of its shores, and the unsurpassed picturesqueness of its islands,
endear it to the tourist. Twice it has been the scene of a naval combat.
The Green Mountains,[A] from which the state takes its name, run
lengthwise through the central portion, about midway between the
Connecticut River on the east and Lake Champlain on the west. The sides
of these mountains are clad with the perpetual verdure of their hardy
evergreens, the verdant mosses and winter grasses clinging to their
towering summits. The principal streams, rising among these mountains
and following the natural declivities, find their way into this river
and lake, except those flowing northerly into Lake Memphremagog.
It was not until after the conquest of Canada that any considerable
settlements were effected in the territory now known as Vermont.
Situate about midway between the French districts on the River St.
Lawrence and the New England settlements along the Atlantic coast,
it had very naturally become the battle-ground of the contending
powers, and a lurking place of their respective Indian allies. The
early colonists of Massachusetts and Connecticut, in their frequent
expeditions against the French in Canada, and while traversing these
woods as hunters and scouting parties, had become familiar with
the fertility of the lands between the Connecticut River and Lake
Champlain. As soon as the danger attending their settlement was in a
measure removed, by reason of Canada and New England coming under
the same King, swarms of emigrants from the adjacent colonies poured
into the country, and the most available and valuable portions were
immediately taken up; and, as though by magic, the wilderness developed
into fruitful fields, and gardens flourished where the wild rabbit had
made its home. At the beginning of the Revolution the population was
estimated at from twenty to thirty thousand.
If not to be governed at all is to be governed well,--and so it would
seem to be in this instance,--the remarkable exemption of the State
of Vermont from taxation at the close of the Revolution, as compared
with other States, added to the fertility and cheapness of the land,
attracted settlers from many of the older communities, resulting in
large additions to population and resources.
CHAPTER II.
ORIGIN OF THE LAND TROUBLES.
Vermont, as has been well said, was born in the midst of tumult and
the clash of arms. No other State, we can safely affirm, came up out
of such tribulation. Her experience is that of a people exposed to the
avarice and greed of officials who scruple not to use the necessities
of their helpless subjects as a means of securing their own selfish
ends.
It was in pursuance to instructions from his Britannic Majesty that
Benning Wentworth, Governor of New Hampshire, proceeded, in 1749, to
grant lands on the west side of the Connecticut River, in the present
State of Vermont, to such persons as would settle and cultivate the
same. After the declaration of peace between France and England,
Wentworth ordered that a survey be made of the river for sixty miles,
and that three tiers of townships be laid out on either side. In 1764
about one hundred and forty townships had been granted to New England
settlers.
The lands went under the title of the “New Hampshire Grants,” numbering
sixty-eight proprietors, each grant being six miles square, the
Governor reserving to himself five hundred acres at the corner of each
township. There were also reserved four public rights, viz.: one to the
society for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts; one for
a perpetual glebe to the established Church of England; one for the
first settled minister of the Gospel in town; and one for the support
of a school. The patentees, that is to say, the possessors, were after
ten years to pay ninepence sterling per annum on each hundred acres as
quit-rent to his Majesty.
In addition to the five hundred acres at the corner of each township,
Governor Wentworth received fees and other emoluments in his official
capacity in making these grants. But he was not always to pursue this
career of pecuniary prosperity. Other scheming brains, jealous of his
rapidly accumulating fortune, sought to deprive him of his monopoly
of land giving. This menace lay in the persons of Cadwallader Colden,
Lieut.-Gov. of New York, and some associates composed of lawyers and
land speculators of New York city.
As an initiative, Lieut.-Gov. Colden issued a proclamation to the
settlers on the west bank of the Connecticut, Dec. 28, 1763, arrogating
to the government of New York sole jurisdiction over the territory,
founding the claim on the grant made by Charles II to the Duke of York
in 1664 and 1674, embracing among other parts “all the lands from the
west side of the Connecticut River to the east side of the Delaware
Bay.” Colden at once commenced making grants of land in his newly
acquired territory, and by the first of November following, his patents
covered a large portion of the lands occupied by the settlers who had
just paid for their titles to the Governor of New Hampshire.
Gov. Wentworth now issued a counter proclamation intended to inspire
confidence in the grants from New Hampshire, and exhorting the people
to be diligent in clearing up their lands, and not be intimidated by
the threats of New York. The latter province thereupon made application
to the Crown for a confirmation of its claims, falsely and fraudulently
averring that such an arrangement would meet the wishes of the people
of the territory in dispute. These claims were confirmed by Great
Britain in July, 1764.
Wentworth complained of this loss of territory, and represented it to
be injurious to the peace and prosperity of the country; but he was
constrained, by advice of counsel, to recommend to the settlers due
obedience to the authority and laws of New York.
Had this royal decree been interpreted by the Yorkers as simply
effecting a change of jurisdiction, the inhabitants would have quietly
submitted, as it was immaterial to them, other things being equal,
whether they lived in New York or New Hampshire. Unfortunately, the
private interests of Colden and the land speculators induced another
interpretation. They maintained that the decision had a retrospective
application; that the Connecticut River had always been the eastern
boundary of New York, and hence the grants made by New Hampshire were
null and void.
The people of the Grants were now apprised of the true nature of the
diplomatic game that was being played, in which they were the parties
likely to be the most affected. They now realized that the lands they
had duly bought and paid for, and for which they held deeds under the
authority of the Crown, were coveted by the land speculators, and,
under color of law, the latter purposed to wrest them from their hands.
In 1765, a committee from the Grants waited upon the newly-appointed
Governor of New York, Sir Henry Moore, to solicit his protection
against the New York patents; but this measure failed of its purpose.
The following year an agent was sent to the Court of Great Britain to
recount the unjust proceedings against them; and the King in Council,
in response thereto, issued an order bearing date of July 24, 1767,
requiring of the Governor of New York that he should not, “upon pain of
his Majesty’s highest displeasure, presume to make any grant whatsoever
of any part of the lands in question, until his Majesty’s further
pleasure should be known concerning the same.” This order was obeyed
during the administration of Governor Moore; but after his death, which
occurred in the fall of 1769, it was wholly disregarded, and grants
were made by successive governors up to the Revolutionary period.
After the death of Moore, New York proceeded to carry out its plan by
attempting to compel the Vermontese to repurchase their lands, or to
abandon them. Many of the settlers did not have the ready funds with
which to repurchase their homes, had they been so minded; while the
great majority peremptorily refused to submit. This bold opposition was
followed by actions of ejectment at Albany, and judgments against the
protesting settlers, the original proprietors.
The Governor of New York exercised a little judicious diplomacy by
making a partial distinction between the settlers on the east and west
sides of the Green Mountains, and, by winning some of the leading
characters over to his interest, by that means divided the people. Some
settlers on the east side, by yielding up their New Hampshire titles,
had new or confirmation grants from New York on payment of half fees.
The usual fee of the former colony for granting a township was about
three hundred dollars; but under the latter it generally exceeded two
thousand dollars.
To promote a further division between the two sections, New York gave
civil and military commissions to settlers on the east side. A new
county was erected there, and a log court house and jail was built in
the wilderness, eight miles distant from any settlement. The Governor,
by this stratagem, partially brought the eastern counties to coincide
with New York, thus placing the western district in the interior of
the government. He hoped in that way to compel their submission;
forgetting that men, who had braved every danger and hardship attending
the settlement of a wild country, would not tamely submit to be
dispossessed. The contest now grew warm and serious. Writs of ejectment
were issued and served; some officers were prevented by force from
serving their writs; the papers were returned to the Supreme Court at
Albany.
Ethan Allen, a proprietor under the Hampshire Grants, accompanied by an
eminent barrister of Connecticut named Ingersoll, repaired to Albany
to answer in behalf of the Grants. When the first case was brought,
Ingersoll answered for the defendant, supporting his plea by the royal
orders and instructions to Governor Wentworth to make grants of land
in the province of New Hampshire, and also produced the grant and
charter to the settlers. The judge would not admit them to be taken as
evidence, on which Ingersoll perceived the cause was already prejudged,
and withdrew from the defense.
CHAPTER III.
RESISTING THE NEW YORK CLAIMANTS.
On the return of Mr. Allen to Bennington, the people met in convention,
and passed a resolution to support their rights and property by force,
inasmuch as justice was denied them by the intriguing land-jobbers
controlling the civil power of New York. This was a bold stroke of one
hundred men thus to oppose the most favored and influential colony
under the Crown; but the Vermonters rightly conjectured their quarrel
was with the governor of New York and a few land speculators only, and
not with the body of its inhabitants.
Matters were daily becoming more serious. Civil officers were opposed
by the people of the Grants; the latter were in turn indicted for riot,
and sheriffs were sent to apprehend the delinquents. These officers
were seized and severely chastised _with twigs of the wilderness_;
that is to say, they were bound to trees and treated to an application
of beech rods on their bare backs, well laid on. Every day produced
new events: the settlers resolved to form themselves into a military
association for mutual protection.
Before the close of the year 1770, committees of safety had been
organized for purposes of defense against the New York claimants. These
committees afterwards met in general convention, when important issues
were to be determined. Ethan Allen was commissioned Colonel Commandant,
and Seth Warner, Remember Baker, Robert Cockran, Gideon Warren and
others, were appointed captains.
The Governor of New York had threatened to drive the Vermonters
into the Green Mountains, which occasioned their taking the name of
“Green Mountain Boys.” The committees of safety passed a resolution
in general council, in 1771, that no officer from New York be allowed
to carry out of the Hampshire Grants any person, without permission
given by the committees, or the military commanders. Surveyors of land
under New York were forbidden to run any lines within the Grants; and
transgressors in this particular were to be punished according to the
judgment of a court formed among the military officers or elders of the
people.
“Hugh Monroe, an old offender, was taken, tried, and ordered to be
whipped on his naked back. He was tied to a tree, and flogged till he
fainted; on recovering he was whipped again till he fainted; he revived
and underwent a third lashing till he fainted; his wounds were then
dressed, and he was banished the district of the New Hampshire Grants.”
These severities proved a salutary lesson, and the Green Mountain Boys
became a terror to their adversaries.
The convention next issued a decree forbidding all persons taking out
grants, or confirmations of grants, under New York. This had the effect
of uniting the settlers very much in the common cause. About the same
time the Colonial Assembly of New York authorized the sheriffs to call
out a _posse comitatus_ in case of opposition to the execution of their
office; and the Governor offered a reward of £150 for Colonel Ethan
Allen, and £50 each for Warner and five others therein named, to any
person that should take and confine them in any jail in New York. As a
measure of retaliation, Allen and the other proscribed persons offered
a reward of £5 for the taking of John Taber Kemp, Attorney General of
New York, and published the same in the newspapers of the day.
The Supreme Court at Albany, having awarded a judgment on a writ of
ejectment against James Breckenridge, of Bennington, the sheriff of
Albany County summoned a posse to the number of seven hundred and fifty
men to go and assist in serving the same. The officers collected about
three hundred, and reaching Breckenridge’s house some hours in advance
of the sheriff’s party, stationed their men in ambuscade in readiness
to receive them.
An officer and eighteen men were placed inside the house. One hundred
and fifty were secreted behind trees, in a wood, near the road by which
the sheriff must pass, and where he would naturally halt his men while
he went to demand possession of the premises. The other division was
stationed behind a ridge of land, in a meadow, within gun-shot of the
house, but out of sight of the sheriff’s men. This arrangement of the
ambuscade enabled the Green Mountain Boys to have a cross-fire on the
Yorkers without endangering themselves; and they were instructed to
hold themselves in readiness to commence the attack in case the sheriff
forced the door, the signal to be a red flag hoisted above the chimney
top.
When the sheriff and his party approached, all was silent; and
exultingly they marched directly into the trap without being aware
of their critical situation. Mr. Ten Eyck, the sheriff, went to the
house and demanded entrance as Sheriff of the County of Albany; and
threatened in case of refusal, to force the door. The answer was,
“Attempt it, and you are a dead man.” He repeated his demand; and was
answered by “hideous groans from within.”
At this juncture, the two divisions exhibited their hats on the points
of their guns, which made them appear more numerous than they really
were. The sheriff and his men, realizing the danger of their situation,
“and not being interested in the dispute,” beat a hasty retreat,
without a gun being fired on either side. This affair served not only
to cement the union of the people, but also to cause a higher estimate
to be placed on them by the neighboring colonies.
On another occasion, an armed party of fifty men proceeded to
Arlington, where they took prisoner Captain Remember Baker, one of the
seven proscribed persons, severely wounding both him and his wife.
Baker was put into a sleigh, and the party set out with all speed for
Albany. An express was dispatched to Bennington with tidings of the
occurrence. Ten men promptly mounted fleet horses, and after a ride
of thirty miles, intercepted the kidnapping party at a crossroad.
The ten horsemen impetuously charged upon the fifty Yorkers; and the
latter, supposing them to be the advance guard of a larger force, left
their prisoner and fled. Captain Baker was nearly exhausted with loss
of blood; but he was kindly cared for, his wounds dressed, and he was
restored to his wife and children, to their no small joy, and that of
his friends.
A report reached Bennington that Governor Tryon was on his way by water
to Albany, with British Troops, with a purpose to subdue or destroy the
Green Mountain Boys. This was the more readily credited, as the royal
troops had lately been used on Bateman’s[B] Patent, in the colony of
New York, to quell some disputes about the titles or rents of lands;
and it was known that the subsequent grantees of the New Hampshire
Grants had applied to the Governor of New York for a similar favor.
The committees of safety met the military officers to consult on
the measures proper to be taken. They felt themselves at a crisis
that would either compel them to submit, or take the field against a
royal Governor and British troops. Having reflected on the justice of
their cause, the labor and expense of building and the cultivating
of their lands, they unanimously resolved “that it was their duty to
oppose Governor Tryon and his troops to the utmost of their power, and
convince him and his council that they were punishable by the Green
Mountain Boys for disobeying his majesty’s prohibitory orders of July,
1767.” The elders of the people assured the military officers that they
would afford them all the assistance in their power, and advised them
to concert among themselves the plans of defense, and then withdrew.
A messenger was sent to Albany to ascertain the truth of the report,
and learn the strength of the enemy and the order of marching. On his
return, the messenger reported that “the British troops were wind-bound
some distance below Albany, and were destined to relieve the garrisons
at Oswego, Niagara, and Detroit, and that Governor Tryon was not with
them.” Of course all preparations for a battle were suspended.
The Governor and land agents of New York were in due time apprised of
this “note of preparation,” and were thus assured the Green Mountain
Boys would fight even the King’s troops on provocation. This affair
served the purposes of Vermont as well as a bloody victory could have
done; and prompted the Convention to forbid “all inhabitants of the New
Hampshire Grants to hold or accept any office of honor or profit under
the colony of New York, and requiring all civil and military officers
who had acted under New York to suspend their functions under penalty
of being _viewed_.[C]”
The first settlers of Clarendon were adherents of New York.
Disturbances had often sprung up in that place, and Mr. Spencer, who
had acted as Justice of the Peace under New York, had often sent
writs against the people. Colonel Allen and a few hundred men set
off for Clarendon, to frighten Spencer out of the country. Acting on
information received of Allen’s intended visit, Spencer fled into the
woods, and was not to be found when the party reached the house.
After scouting the woods in vain, they marched three miles and put up
for the night. Towards daylight, Allen and his two men went again to
Spencer’s house. Forcing the door with a log, they rushed in with their
guns and pistols, crying out for Spencer to appear; but he had not
ventured to return home.
As they rejoined the main force, a small dog was discovered, which,
unfortunately for the dog, bore the name of Tryon. This animal they cut
into pieces with their swords for no other cause than that its name
was Tryon; they held up the pieces of the dog on the points of their
guns and cried out--“Thus will we do with Tryon!” Spencer was so much
alarmed at these proceedings that he fled to New York, and matters
remained quiet for a time.
In the spring of 1772, Governor Tryon, through the medium of a minister
residing in Bennington, made overtures to the people of the Grants for
a pacification. He promised if they would send agents to negotiate an
accommodation, they would be received and protected, only excepting
Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, Remember Baker, and Robert Cockran.
[Illustration: “Viewing” a New York sheriff with beech rods.]
This proposal being accepted, Captain Stephen Fay and Dr. Jonas Fay
were sent to represent Vermont before the Governor, to arrange for
an adjustment of claims. The most that was effected was a cessation
of hostilities until his Majesty’s pleasure could be further known.
During this armistice, a surveyor named Cockburn was privately sent
to survey out and locate lands within the bounds of the New Hampshire
Grants. Ira Allen and a number of men went in search of him. They
found the offender at Bolton, one hundred and thirty miles through
an almost unbroken wilderness to the north of Bennington. They broke
his instruments and allowed him to depart, with an admonition never
to be seen in those parts again under pain of death. Only the partial
armistice, and the efforts for a restoration of peace then in progress,
saved Mr. Cockburn a severe whipping.
Governor Tryon next essayed the plan of establishing a colony of
emigrants under the New York proprietors. The settlers were to be
Scotchmen, and the colony was to be located at New Haven Falls. Allen
was duly apprised of this, who, with a number of trusty followers,
repaired to the place and began the construction of a block fort. The
Scotch emigrants wisely sent some agents to view the country before
coming in with their families; and learning the nature of the dispute
as to title, refused to have any more to do in the matter.
One evening while Colonel Ethan Allen and Levi Roberts were at the
house of a friend by the name of Richardson, they were surprised by
two sergeants and ten soldiers from the garrison at Crown Point, all
of them well armed. Allen and Roberts were well known to the soldiers,
and realized they were caught in a trap, as, stimulated by the reward
on their heads, the soldiers would be certain to take them before the
New York authorities. But even in this dilemma, Allen’s presence of
mind did not forsake him. Both he and Roberts had their side arms about
them, and he judged the soldiers would not immediately risk an open
encounter. Calling for liquor, he began to make merry with the men;
and such was his address, and his powers of conversation, that they
were actually forced to join in the revelry. It was not long before the
sergeants were dismayed at beholding their men, one by one, yielding
to the seductive influence of their potations. Yet the doughty Colonel
kept lustily calling for more liquor; and with well-feigned huskiness
of voice, pressed all to drink, swearing they would merit his eternal
displeasure if they refused.
At length, after nearly all had rolled from their chairs, stupefied by
the quantities of liquor they had swallowed, Allen demanded to be shown
to bed. He was answered that the sergeants had engaged the only spare
beds in the house. He refused their offer to give up one of the beds to
himself and Roberts, with a maudlin remark that two such jolly subjects
of the King should have the best the house afforded, and declared his
intention to sleep in the barn.
Leaving their guns in the house to disarm suspicion, Allen and Roberts
suffered themselves to be conducted to the barn by the sergeants, where
they were locked up for the night. The Colonel was apparently so far
overcome with liquor as to require the assistance of two men to enable
him to walk; and he reeled about, and dropping down helpless upon the
straw, fell off into a drunken slumber. Even Roberts began to have
serious misgivings as to the condition of his Colonel, whom he had seen
drain glass after glass during the evening, enough to turn the heads
of half a dozen men. But no sooner had the footsteps of the retreating
sergeant died away, than the labored breathing of the Colonel suddenly
ceased; and sitting up, drew off his boots and poured therefrom the
rum that Roberts was ready to swear he had seen disappear down Allen’s
throat.
Allen knew the soldiers had only repaired to the house to allow himself
and his companion time to get sound asleep, when they would return and
surprise them. What was to be done, must be done quickly. But Allen had
no intention of leaving without their rifles. While they debated as to
the best method of securing them, those coveted weapons were brought
them by Miss Richardson, who had found means to privately remove them
from a window; then making their egress from the barn, they hastily
sought the safety of the dark forest. An hour later the sergeants went
to secure their prisoners, whom they expected to find helplessly drunk,
but the birds had flown.
One Hough, of Clarendon, was persuaded to accept the office of Justice
of the Peace under New York, and attempted to officiate as such. He was
taken before the committee of safety, where he plead in justification
that he was authorized by the colony of New York. The committee caused
the resolution of the Convention of the New Hampshire Grants to be read
to him, forbidding all persons holding any office under New York, and
then pronounced judgment on the prisoner that he “be taken and tied to
a tree, and there, on his naked back, to receive two hundred stripes;
his back being dressed, he should depart out of the district; and in
the event of his return, unless leave was granted, he was to suffer
death.” It is needless to add the sentence of whipping was summarily
executed. This occurred in January, 1775. Hough had signalized himself
as being very active in procuring the outlawry acts against Allen and
others of the Green Mountain Boys.
Dr. Samuel Adams, of Arlington, was outspoken in his denunciation of
the Green Mountain Boys, and counseled the people to purchase lands
under New York titles. The Doctor was cautioned to keep silent, and
not needlessly incur their displeasure; but he declared he would free
his mind, and, providing himself with a pair of good horse-pistols and
other weapons, said he was ready to silence any man who dared to cross
him. He was soon afterward surprised, and carried to the Green Mountain
Tavern at Bennington, where the committee heard his defense. Of course
judgment was rendered against him, and preparations made to carry his
sentence into execution.
As was common in those days, a post some twenty or more feet in height
held the tavern sign. On the top of this sign-post was a stuffed
catamount’s skin, showing large teeth, looking and grinning towards New
York. Dr. Adams was tied in an arm chair and hoisted up to the sign,
where he hung two mortal hours, as a punishment for his treasonable
utterances. A large number of the citizens assembled to see the
sentence carried out, and they were loud in their jeers and merriment
at the Doctor’s discomfiture. He was then let down, dismissed by the
committee, and admonished to go and sin no more.
Colonel Ethan Allen was once on a visit to his brother Heman, who was
residing at Salisbury, Conn. A plot was laid by some Yorkers to capture
and convey him to the Poughkeepsie jail, and so obtain Tryon’s promised
premium. Robert M’Cormick, who was on intimate terms with the family,
had been engaged to act as decoy. He was to spend the night with the
family as their guest, and at a convenient hour, open the door and
conduct the gang to the apartment where the Colonel slept. A sleigh was
to be in readiness outside, in which their prisoner could be driven
with all speed out of Connecticut.
M’Cormick parted from his companions at some distance from Heman
Allen’s house. He was kindly received, and offered a bed for the night.
It was noticed he was unusually reticent, and quite reserved in his
participation in the hospitalities tendered him. He made some indirect
inquiries after Colonel Allen, who had ridden out that afternoon, but
who was momentarily expected to return.
From these circumstances Heman was led to suspect some plot was on
foot against his brother, and so expressed himself on that gentleman’s
return. The Colonel thereupon taxed M’Cormick at his unusual concern,
and so pressed the poor fellow that he confessed there was a plot
to capture him, and that he had come for the purpose of privately
informing him of it. M’Cormick departed soon after, and told the
gang of what he had done. Preparations were made for defense by the
household, but they remained through the night unmolested.
[Illustration: Old Catamount Tavern.]
The scene of this adventure was the birthplace of Ethan and Ira Allen,
from which, at an early age, they removed with their parents to the
Hampshire Grants. Ethan was remarkable for the boldness with which
he declared his opinions, and a self confidence that was abashed by
no consciousness of ignorance. He acquired a wide notoriety as a
pamphleteer during the Vermont troubles, there being no paper published
there at that time. His enemies tried to fix on him the stigma of an
outlaw; and even so careful a historian as Irving is led to make the
observation that he was “a kind of Robin Hood among the mountains.”
The late T. S. Arthur once wrote of him as being a “guerilla chief,”
forgetting that he acted under the direction of a committee of
safety--an authority universally adopted by the other colonies during
the Revolution.
Ira Allen was still further traduced. The _Western Star_, a paper
published at Stockbridge, Mass., in 1797, styles him the “Vermont Land
Jobber;” and states he was at the time under arrest for treasonable
designs against the government of Great Britain, concluding with the
observation--“All humane men should shudder at the idea of a halter;
and many honest men will rejoice if Allen’s liberation puts an end to
his restless career in future.” Allen, it seems, had been charged with
supplying the Irish, then in rebellion against England, with arms:
after eight years of litigation he was acquitted.
CHAPTER IV.
MANDATORY LAWS OF NEW YORK.
The spirit of opposition and resentment had risen so high because of
the events recorded in the preceding chapter, that New York was led
to adopt the most stringent measures of coercion. The law which the
wisdom of that colony devised to meet the exigencies of the occasion
was a curiosity in American Legislation. It enacted that if any
person opposed the civil officers of New York, or burned or destroyed
property belonging to subjects of that colony, or assembled for
riotous purposes, such offenders shall be adjudged guilty of felony,
without benefit of clergy, and were to suffer death as felons. The law
made it the duty of the Governor to publish the names of offenders
indicted for capital offenses, with an order requiring them to deliver
themselves up in seventy days; in default of which the courts might
award execution against them the same as though they had been tried and
convicted--the death penalty to be administered without the benefit of
clergy. All crimes, therefore, that had been committed on the Grants,
could be tried at Albany, and a neglect to obey summons to deliver
one’s person into custody, was equivalent to a conviction. Thus was
sought to be evaded the dangerous duty of serving processes on the
Green Mountain Boys, and they would convict themselves by refusal to
surrender without the inconvenience of a trial.
If this law was remarkable, the answer of the Green Mountain Boys was
no less so. Said they: “By legerdemain, bribery and deception, they
[the New Yorkers] have extended their dominion far and wide. We are
resolved to inflict immediate death on whomsoever shall attempt the
apprehension of the persons indicted as rioters. We will kill and
destroy any person that shall be presumed to be accessory, aiding or
assisting in taking any of us; although they have a license by the law
to kill us, and an indemnification for so doing, they have no such
indemnification from the Green Mountain Boys. If New York insists on
killing us to take possession of our vineyards, let them come on; we
are ready for a game of scalping with them.” These sentiments were
announced by handbills and in the papers throughout New England, with
the design of deterring New York from attempting to enforce the law, as
such an attempt would be certain to result in an effusion of blood. The
people of Vermont maintained in this that they were merely contending
for justice, and that the officers of New York, who were calling upon
the inhabitants of Vermont to obey the royal orders, were themselves
acting in open violation of the express commands of their King.
A new interest may be awakened when the character of the claimants is
considered. The Green Mountain Boys were the actual settlers. Each
family had its log house in the midst of the clearing, with luxuriant
crops of corn and potatoes growing among the charred stumps. These
pioneers had brought nothing into the woods with them except what could
be carried on horseback; some even brought in their goods on hand-sleds
in winter, the infirm and children being drawn by husbands and
brothers. A few cattle, sheep and hogs, shared rude sheds along with
the horses. The rewards of industry and thrift were beginning to be
realized. Many families lived remote from each other, and weeks might
often pass by without meeting a neighbor. There was plenty of room for
the Yorkers if they wished to turn farmers, and were willing to carve
a home out of the wilderness as others had done. But such was far from
their purpose. Besides, a farm ready cleared, with a snug house and
barn, is preferable to one in the unbroken wilderness, when either can
be had for the taking--and so thought the New York land-jobbers.
CHAPTER V.
AFFAIR AT WESTMINSTER.
Colonel Allen collected the documents relative to the several grants of
the Crown, including that to the Plymouth Colony, to Lord Say and Seal,
to the Duke of York, and some other papers, and in 1774 published them
in a book. This had the effect of bringing the Vermont troubles into
notoriety. The newspapers everywhere were circulating the proceedings,
which resulted in stirring up public sentiment against the Crown, as
it was supposed the Governor and Council of New York were sustained in
their claims by the home government.
Hitherto the opposition to New York had been confined principally to
the inhabitants west of the Green Mountains. As already stated, the
policy of New York had been to divide the people in their sentiment,
by a conciliatory course in respect to those living on the Connecticut
River. But now an incident occurred which had the effect of arousing
the spirit of opposition throughout the whole extent of the Hampshire
Grants.
In September, 1775, a meeting of delegates from the several colonies
met at Philadelphia, to consult upon measures for the public safety.
This was followed by an almost universal suspension of the royal
authority, the courts being closed, or adjourned without doing any
business. New York alone refused assent to the patriotic measures
recommended by Continental Congress. The court of justice for the
County of Cumberland, on the Hampshire Grants, was to be held in March
of that year at Westminster. Much dissatisfaction prevailed throughout
the county, because of the course adopted by New York, and attempts
were made to dissuade the judges from holding the court, without avail.
Early in the morning of the day appointed, the people of Westminster
and the adjacent towns took possession of the court house to prevent
the officers of the court from entering. The opposing party appeared,
armed with guns, pistols and swords, and commanded the people to
disperse. This being refused, the judges and their friends retired.
About eleven o’clock at night they again appeared and demanded
admittance; being again refused, they opened fire, killing one man and
wounding several more. The wounded men, and some others, were seized
and dragged to prison.
The next day the people flocked in from every part of the country. A
coronor’s inquest was instituted on the body of their fallen comrade,
and a verdict returned of “willful murder by the Court Party,” some of
whom were immediately seized and placed in jail.
The news of this event spread far and wide throughout the Hampshire
Giants, and fired the hearts of the stern yeomanry with an
irrepressible bitterness and rage against the authorities of New
York. A meeting of the committees of safety was held at Westminster
the following month, at which spirited and patriotic resolutions
were passed, among which was a declaration “that it is the manifest
duty of the inhabitants, on the eternal and immutable principles of
self-preservation, wholly to renounce and resist the administration of
the province of New York, until such times as the lives and property of
the inhabitants can be secured thereby.” Indeed, such was the state of
feeling, that but for the ominous occurrences preceding the American
Revolution, which for the time absorbed all minor considerations, New
York and Vermont would have been brought to the direful issues of a
civil war.
CHAPTER VI.
ATTITUDE OF CONGRESS.
It must not be supposed, however, that in the overshadowing event of
the great drama of the Revolution, the disputed claims to jurisdiction
over Vermont were entirely forgotten. On the contrary, New York
improved the very first opportunity to make application to Congress
for a recognition of her title to the territory. Then New Hampshire,
inasmuch as she had made the original grants of the soil, memorialized
Congress for a recognition of her claims. Next Massachusetts, fearing
lest the others should proceed to carve up the disputed territory
as they could mutually agree, interposed her plea for a portion,
as coming rightfully under her jurisdiction. So, while Vermont was
battling bravely with the common enemy devastating her borders, she
had to contend with the plots and baneful policy of three beleaguering
and powerful States; and she only asked of Congress an independent
sovereignty and even-handed justice.
Thus were four factions asserting a right to a jurisdiction over the
territory, and each demanding of Congress a recognition of its claims.
That body chose the wisest course practicable. It advised each party
to refrain from a forcible exercise of authority over the disputed
territory as a preliminary measure to future adjustment. To this New
York, Massachusetts and New Hampshire readily agreed, and authorized
Congress to settle the whole matter in controversy.
But the Green Mountain State was of different mettle. She had already
declared herself free and independent; she had boldly assumed the
powers of government, and had exercised those powers in every part of
her territory. She was not willing to surrender her sovereignty at the
behests of a Congress by which her rights were not respected, and in
which she was not represented. She was ready, as she had ever been,
to bear her share of the war with Great Britain, and her sturdy Green
Mountain Boys had more than once proved their valor and patriotism on
the bloody field; but she would not consent to resign her just rights
to the arbitrament of any body of men under heaven.
In June, 1780, Congress declared “that the proceedings of the
inhabitants on the New Hampshire Grants were highly unwarrantable,
and subversive of the peace and welfare of the United States; and
that they be strictly required to abstain in the future from all acts
of authority, civil or military, over those inhabitants who profess
allegiance to other States.”
Undaunted by this reprimand, Vermont responded, through her Governor
and Council, that she considered the same subversive of her inalienable
rights; that it was not in accord with the principal on which Congress
grounded its own independence; and that it was contrary to the
provision of the Federal Constitution forbidding Congress to meddle
with the internal policy of unrepresented territory. Vermont farther
intimated that if the present course was persisted in, she would have
no motive to continue hostilities with Great Britain, and maintain an
important frontier for a country that treated her people as slaves;
but that it would remain for her to finally appeal to God and to
an impartial world, to say who would be accountable for the awful
consequences that must ensue.
And now having outlined thus much in advance by way of a better
understanding of our subject, we will proceed to treat more in detail.
CHAPTER VII.
FALL OF TICONDEROGA.
On the night of the 17th of April, 1755, a lantern was hung out from
an upper window of the North Church of Boston. Never did the beams of
a tallow dip go forth on more momentous errand. As the feeble rays
shot out into the night, few realized therein a symbol of the cause
of Liberty that was so soon to be consecrated with patriot blood, and
that was destined to create a refuge for the oppressed of every land.
Hostile British troops were silently threading the dark marshes, and
this was the signal to the minute men to prepare for their coming.
The British had placed guards on all the roads leading out of Boston
to prevent all intelligence of the midnight sally from getting abroad;
but the enemy had proceeded only a few miles when alarm guns, booming
through the night air, and the clanging of village bells, showed
that the news of their approach was traveling before them, and that
the country was rising. An express was sent back to Boston for a
reinforcement, and Major Pitcairn was detached to press forward with
all speed.
About seventy of the yeomanry of the country had been drawn up in
military array near the church on the village green at Lexington.
Pitcairn halted his men within a short distance of the church, and
ordered them to prime and load. They then advanced at double quick. The
Major, riding forward, shouted, “Disperse, ye rebels! lay down your
arms and disperse!” The patriots refused to obey; nor were they put to
flight until eight of their little band were killed and ten wounded.
The victors formed on the common, fired a volley, and gave three
cheers for their inglorious triumph. Colonel Smith now arrived with
the remainder of the force, and the march was resumed to the little
village of Concord.
There the alarm had preceded them, arousing the inhabitants in the dead
hour of night. The church bell called together the inhabitants. The
minute men seized their arms and paraded near the church. Efforts were
being made to conceal the military stores. A horseman brought word that
the British troops had fired upon the people at Lexington, and were
then advancing in victorious array upon Concord.
The excitement and indignation of the brave patriots were fully roused.
Some of the militia marched down the road to meet the English force,
and reported it to be three times their own. They now retired to an
eminence about a mile from the centre of the town.
About seven o’clock the British troops hove in sight, with flags
displayed and arms glittering in the morning sun. A strong detachment
took post on the green, while parties were sent out to destroy the
military stores. The yeomanry from the surrounding country were
pouring in with such arms as they could obtain, until the little
war-gathering on the height numbered nearly five hundred. At ten
o’clock a body of three hundred dislodged the British from the north
bridge, with a loss of two men killed. By this time, the stores having
been destroyed, the enemy prepared to retreat.
The British troops were jaded with their long night march, but there
was no rest or safety for them short of Boston. On their return march,
the adjacent rocks and stone fences formed convenient breastworks, from
behind which rustic marksmen sent the deadly bullet full into their
ranks. Some were shot down: others dropped from sheer exhaustion; the
rest hurried on with no care for their fallen comrades.
Before reaching Lexington, Colonel Smith received a severe wound in the
leg. About two o’clock in the afternoon, they were met by a detachment
one thousand strong, with two field pieces. This was the reinforcement
that had marched so gaily through Roxbury to the tune of “Yankee
Doodle,” in derision of the rebels. The troops opened to the right and
left, allowing the retreating soldiers to throw themselves into the
hollow square to rest. A little after sunset the pursuit terminated
at Charlestown common. A half hour afterward, a powerful body of men
from Marblehead and Salem came up to join in the chase. Thus the
ministerial troops narrowly escaped being cut off. The British loss was
seventy-three killed, and one hundred and seventy-four wounded; that of
the patriots forty-nine killed and thirty-nine wounded.
The cry for vengeance at this desecration of American soil resounded
through the land.--Measures were concerted in council; the outrage was
discussed in cabin and palace, and around the camp-fire of the hunter;
while the voice of supplication from altar and dwelling was heard,
asking the Almighty to bless the patriot cause.
As by common impulse, public attention was turned to the British
fortresses of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, against which retaliatory
measures could be employed with the best effect. As these forts were
located near the homes of the Green Mountain Boys, and their hardy
courage fitted them for a duty of this kind, requests were sent
simultaneously from several of the provinces to Ethan Allen[D] and
his followers to surprise and capture those places. The provincial
Legislature of Connecticut, though not openly sanctioning the invasion,
lent money from its treasury to those engaged in it, and appointed a
committee to assist in raising troops and supervising their management.
The force finally engaging in the expedition was about two hundred and
seventy strong, composed of Green Mountain Rangers, with the exception
of sixteen men from Connecticut and a score or so from Massachusetts.
Towards the close of April, 1775, it was evident something of unusual
interest was transpiring in the Hampshire Grants. The labors of the
farm were neglected at a time when they would require most attention,
and with one accord each sturdy husbandman shouldered his trusty rifle,
and silently betook himself to a journey.
The course of each led through the wilderness toward a central point
near Bennington; and, before long, a motley array of mountaineers, in
rough garb but of tried strength and valor, were gathered as though for
some military exploit. Colonel Ethan Allen was placed at the head of
the expedition,--James Eaton and Seth Warner being second and third in
command: the troops arrived at Shoreham, opposite Fort Ticonderoga, on
the night of the 7th of May. Detachments were sent off to Skenesborough
(now Whitehall), and other points, to secure all the boats they could
find for the transportation of the troops to the opposite shore.
About this time Benedict Arnold appeared among them, thirsting for
military glory. He bore a colonel’s commission from the Massachusetts
committee of safety, and attempted to assume command of the expedition.
The Green Mountain Boys, however, would follow no leader but Allen, and
Arnold was obliged to yield, engaging to act as volunteer, with the
rank but not the command of colonel.
The night of the 9th of May had arrived, but not so the boats for which
detachments had been sent in quest. Yet it was deemed best not to delay
the enterprise, and transportation was commenced with the few boats at
command. The work proceeded slowly; day was about to break when Allen
and Arnold, with only eighty-three men, had crossed. To wait another
day would lead to discovery by the garrison. Allen drew up his men
and announced to them his purpose. “It is a desperate attempt,” said
he, “and I ask no man to go against his will. You who are willing to
follow, poise your firelocks.” Not a soldier shrank from his duty.
Guided by a boy, they mounted the hill silently and at a rapid pace.
Day was breaking as Allen, with Arnold at his left hand, arrived at a
sally port. A sentry snapped his piece at him and retreated, closely
followed by Allen and his men. Another sentinel thrust at Eaton with
his bayonet, but was struck down, when he begged lustily for quarter.
His life was spared on condition of his leading the way instantly to
the quarters of the Commandant who was yet in bed. Allen thundered at
the door, and demanded a surrender of the fort. The Commandant appeared
at the door half dressed, “the frightened face of his pretty wife
appearing over his shoulder.” By this time the Green Mountain Boys had
formed on the parade ground, and were giving vent to hearty cheers. The
garrison were made prisoners as they rushed forth in their confusion,
having been startled out of their sleep. The Commandant was bewildered
at what he beheld, and addressing Allen, cried out, “By what authority
do you act?” “In the name of the great Jehovah and the Continental
Congress!” was the reply.
Captain Delaplace with forty-eight of his men, a great supply of much
needed military and naval stores, and a valuable fortress, were among
the trophies of this brilliant dash of inexperienced farmer soldiers.
Colonel Seth Warner, who had now come over from Shoreham with the
residue of the troops, was sent with a detachment against Crown Point,
an express having been previously dispatched to Captain Baker, of
Onion River, forty miles distant, to come with his company to assist.
Captains Warner and Baker appeared before Crown Point nearly at the
same time; the garrison, consisting only of a sergeant and twelve men,
surrendered without firing a gun. Here were taken upward of a hundred
cannon. On his way down, Captain Baker intercepted two small boats
which had been sent to give the alarm to St. Johns, on the Sorel River.
Arnold now insisted on being given the command of the fortress,
as being the only officer clothed with legal authority. Allen was
too popular to be eclipsed by the assumptions of Arnold; and the
Connecticut committee, which had accompanied the enterprise, gave an
instrument in writing investing Allen with full command of the fort
and its dependencies, until he should be in receipt of orders from the
Connecticut Assembly or Continental Congress. Arnold was forced to
content himself, meanwhile, with a statement of his grievances to the
Massachusetts Legislature.
Just at this time a new project was set on foot which had the effect to
appease the restless spirit of Arnold. The detachment originally sent
to Skenesborough arrived with a schooner and several bateaux. Allen and
Arnold arranged to continue their conquests by an attempt to surprise
St. Johns, the frontier post of Canada. Arnold, who had been a seaman
in his youth, took command of the schooner, which had been furnished
with cannon and ammunition from the fort, while Arnold and his Green
Mountain Boys embarked in the bateaux.
Arnold outsailed the other craft, surprised the post of St. Johns, and
made its garrison prisoners; captured the King’s sloop of seventy tons,
with two brass pieces and seven men; took four bateaux and destroyed
several others; and then, learning that troops were on the way from
Montreal and Chamblee, spread his sails to the breeze and swept up the
lake with his prizes and his prisoners, and some valuable stores.
On the way he met Allen and the bateaux. Salutes were exchanged, cannon
answering to musketry. Learning from Arnold the particulars of his
victory, Allen determined to push on and occupy the vacated post. The
Canadian reinforcement had already taken possession on his arrival, so
he returned to Ticonderoga.
This series of brilliant exploits was hailed as if in requital for the
recent acts of British atrocity, and as an omen of a brighter future
for the colonies. To the adherents of the Crown it must have been the
occasion of astonishment and alarm. It drew public attention to the
prowess of the Green Mountain Boys; and their leaders, from being
denominated outlaws, were now extolled as patriots.
The capture of those frontier posts impressed the American people with
a sense of their ability to cope with the disciplined soldiers of
England, and helped some to decide for independence who had trembled in
the balance, and at the same time contributed to render preparations
for defense more prompt and effectual.
CHAPTER VIII.
EXPEDITION INTO CANADA.
Although these dashing exploits met with the unqualified approval
of public sentiment throughout the country, yet Congress for a
time wavered as to the disposition of the captured fortresses. An
endorsement of those victories by that body would destroy all chances
of an ultimate reconciliation with England, of which some entertained
strong hopes; others thought the day for a peaceable settlement had
passed, and insisted that those victories should be followed by
energetic action. The Green Mountain Boys kept possession of the forts
until Congress had, so to speak, legitimated their capture, and by its
order, Colonel Hinman’s regiment of Connecticut troops was dispatched
to relieve them.
Another question had arisen as to which should have the credit of
capturing the posts, Allen or Arnold. Both had sent dispatches to
the provincial authorities, with an account of the capture, each
claiming the honor of victory. “Colonel Allen,” wrote Arnold to the
Massachusetts committee of safety, “is a proper man to head his own
wild people, but is entirely unacquainted with military service; and as
I am the only person who has been legally authorized to take command
of this place, I am determined to insist on my rights, ... and shall
keep the fort at every hazard, until I have further orders.” The
Massachusetts authorities referred the matter to Congress.
Allen had written to the Albany committee for men and provisions to
enable him to maintain his conquest. That committee feared retaliatory
measures from Great Britain, and asked advice of the New York
committee; but that body was also unequal to the task of acting in a
matter of such moment, and referred likewise to Congress.
Both Allen and Arnold were ambitious for further laurels, and each were
anxious to lead an expedition into Canada. Allen wrote to the New York
authorities in this strain: “If the Colonies would suddenly push an
army of two or three thousand strong into Canada, they might make an
easy conquest, except a reinforcement from England should prevent it.
Such a diversion would weaken Gage, and insure us Canada. I wish to
God America would, at this critical juncture, exert herself agreeably
to the indignity offered her by a tyrannical ministry. She might rise
on eagles’ wings, and mount up to glory, freedom and immortal honor,
if she did but know and exert her strength. Fame is now hovering
over her head. A vast continent must now sink to slavery, poverty,
horror and bondage, or rise to unconquerable freedom, immense wealth,
inexpressible felicity, and immortal fame. I will lay my life on it,
that with fifteen hundred men and a proper train of artillery I will
take Montreal. Provided I could be thus furnished, and if an army
could command the field, it would be no insuperable difficulty to
take Quebec.” A letter in similar strain was written by Arnold to the
Governor of Connecticut.
About this time Captain Remember Baker was killed by an Indian in
the British service. This being the first blood shed in the northern
department, his death made more noise in the country than would the
loss of a hundred men toward the close of the war.
On the arrival, at Ticonderoga, of Colonel Hinman’s Connecticut troops,
the greater part of the Green Mountain Boys returned to their homes.
Ethan Allen and Seth Warner repaired to Congress to get pay for their
men, and to solicit authority to raise a new regiment. They were
received with distinguished marks of honor by that body. The same pay
was awarded them that was given to the Continental troops; and it was
recommended to the New York Convention that a corps of Green Mountain
Boys should be raised to serve under officers of their own choosing.
To the Convention of New York Allen and Warner accordingly
repaired--the province on whose statute books was recorded an
unrepealed act of outlawry against them--and boldly asked for an
audience. There was at first some demurring as to their admission to
the Hall of Assembly; but patriotism, and an overruling necessity,
plead in their behalf. A regiment of Green Mountain Boys, five hundred
strong, was decreed, and the people of the Grants were notified of the
resolve, and requested to raise the regiment.
Congress was not at first inclined to favor an invasion into Canada,
but subsequent developments induced a change in its plans. The recent
exploits on the Lake had produced a favorable effect on the Canadians,
and it was thought they would flock to the patriot standard were it
unfurled among them with an imposing force. Besides, another effectual
blow in this quarter might paralyze all hostility, if given before
there had been time to rally.
That body thought General Schuyler a fit leader for the undertaking,
in which sentiment it was heartily seconded by Washington. Schuyler at
once set about his duties amid difficulties that well-nigh distracted
him. He had calculated on being joined at a certain date by the
regiment of Green Mountain Boys which Allen and Warner had undertaken
to raise in the Grants. But a quarrel had ensued between those brothers
in arms, which filled the Green Mountains with discord and party feuds.
The election of officers took place on the 27th of July, by committees
from the different townships. Ethan Allen had been passed by, and
Seth Warner nominated a Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment. This was
a crushing blow to the ambition of Allen. He said in his letters from
camp: “I find myself in the favor of the officers of the army, and
the younger Green Mountain Boys; but the old farmers on the Hampshire
Grants, who do not incline to go to war, and whom I have saved from
the encroachments of New York, have met in a committee meeting,
and in their nominations have wholly omitted me.” Allen repaired to
Ticonderoga, where he was retained to act as pioneer on the Canadian
frontier.
The expedition against Canada had been determined on. Arnold, more
fortunate that his rival, had attained the object of his ambition,
which was no less than the command of a force against Canada: he was to
proceed by way of the Kennebec River.
At the beginning of September, Gen. Schuyler, who commanded the main
expedition, was stationed with his little army at Isle Aux Noix, at
the outlet of Lake Champlain. From this point he sent out Colonel
Ethan Allen and Major Brown to reconnoitre the country, distribute
friendly addresses among the people, and ascertain their feelings. Then
proceeding along the Sorel River, he approached the fort at St. Johns,
when a cannonade opened, and a slight action ensued. Night coming on,
they cast up a small intrenchment and encamped. Owing to unfavorable
intelligence they withdrew to Isle Aux Noix to await the arrival of
artillery and reinforcements.
Meanwhile, Allen returned from his reconnoitering expedition, of which
he gave a most encouraging report. The Canadian captains of the militia
were ready, he said, to join the Americans whenever they should appear
with sufficient force. He had held talks, too, with the Indians, and
found them well disposed. He was convinced that an inroad into the
province would meet with a hearty cooperation.
Preparations were made for a second investment of St. Johns, and Ethan
Allen was sent to beat up for recruits among the people he had lately
visited, while Major Brown was dispatched with one hundred and thirty
men to make friends in the vicinity of Chamblee, and form a junction
with the army as soon as it should arrive at St. Johns.
General Schuyler had been for some time the victim of a complication
of maladies. When everything was in readiness for his departure, he
was attacked by a severe access of his disorder, which compelled him to
turn over the conduct of the expedition to General Richard Montgomery.
He then set out in a covered barge for Ticonderoga. An hour after
his departure he met Colonel Warner with one hundred and fifty Green
Mountain Boys, the first that had reported of the new regiment. Some
had deserted, and the remainder were at Crown Point, whence they were
about to embark. About three hundred of the regiment finally joined the
expedition.
The investment of St. Johns was begun, yet it proceeded but slowly. A
letter had been received, meantime, from Colonel Allen, giving high
hopes of further reinforcement. “I am now,” wrote he, “at the parish
of St. Ours, four leagues from Sorel to the South. I have two hundred
and fifty Canadians under arms. As I march they gather fast. You may
rely on it that I shall join you in about three days with five hundred
or more Canadian Volunteers. I could raise one or two thousand in a
single week’s time; but I will first visit the army with a less number,
and if necessary, go again recruiting. Those who used to be enemies to
our cause come, cap in hand, to me; and I swear by the Lord I can raise
three times the number of our army in Canada, provided you continue the
siege. The eyes of all America, nay of Europe, are or will be on the
economy of this army, and the consequences attending it.”
Colonel Ethan Allen was on his way to St. Johns when he met Major
Brown with his detachment. A conversation ensued, during which Brown
remarked that the garrison at Montreal did not exceed thirty men, and
might easily be surprised. Allen’s nature was instantly aroused. Here
was an opportunity for another bold stroke like that at Ticonderoga. A
plan was forthwith agreed upon. Allen was to return to a point nearly
opposite Montreal, and cross the river, by means of canoes, a little
below the town in the night; while Brown agreed to cross with two
hundred men a little above; and the two detachments were to attack
Montreal simultaneously at opposite points.
The two parties, who were several miles from each other, mutually
agreed that in the event of either being hindered from coming at the
time appointed, early notice should be given to the other. The night
proved windy, and Brown, judging it dangerous to attempt crossing the
river in canoes, went quietly to rest. Allen, apprehending no danger
from the wind, on the night of the 24th of September sent the few
canoes in his possession repeatedly across the river, first taking
the precaution of stationing guards in the roads to prevent any alarm
reaching Montreal. As he had heard nothing to the contrary from Brown,
he supposed that officer to be carrying out his part of the enterprise.
The day advanced, but no signal came from Major Brown. It was evident
he had not crossed. Allen would gladly have retraced the steps he had
taken, but it was too late. Information had been conveyed to the town,
and a force of forty regular troops were sent out to attack him. A
smart action ensued; most of Allen’s Canadian recruits gave way and
fled; a number of Americans were slain; at last he surrendered to Major
Campbell, honorable terms being promised, together with thirty-eight of
his men who remained faithful to him.
The prisoners were marched into town and delivered up to Colonel
Prescott, the Commandant. Their rough appearance and rude equipments
became the subject of much adverse comment. “Their leader,” says
Irving, “albeit a Colonel, must have seemed worthy of the band; for
Allen was arrayed in rough frontier style; a deer-skin jacket, a vest
and breeches of coarse serge, worsted stockings, stout shoes, and a red
woolen cap.” We give Allen’s own account of the reception he met with:
“He [the Commandant] asked me my name, which I told him. He then asked
me whether I was that Colonel Allen that took Ticonderoga. I told him
I was the very man. Then he shook his cane over my head, calling me
many hard names, among which he frequently used the word rebel, and put
himself in a great rage.”
Notwithstanding Major Campbell’s promise of honorable treatment of
his prisoners, Allen was put on board the Gaspé schooner of war, and
heavily ironed--Prescott giving him the parting assurance that he would
yet grace a halter at Tyburn. From his place of confinement he wrote
the subjoined letter to the General:
“HONORABLE SIR:--In the wheel of transitory events I find myself a
prisoner, and in irons. Probably your honor has certain reasons to me
inconceivable, though I challenge an instance of this sort of economy
of the Americans during the late war to any officers of the Crown.
On my part, I have to assure your honor, that when I had the command
and took Captain Delaplace and Lieutenant Fulton, with the garrison
of Ticonderoga, I treated them with every mark of friendship and
generosity, the evidence of which is notorious, even in Canada. I have
only to add, that I expect an honorable and humane treatment, as an
officer of my rank and merit should bear, and subscribe myself, your
honor’s most obedient servant,
ETHAN ALLEN.”
The following is appended by the British annotator: “N. B.--The author
of the above letter is an outlaw, and a reward is offered by the New
York Assembly for apprehending him.”
After the prisoners had been conducted into Montreal, General
Prescott gave orders to a sergeant and file of men, to put to death
some Canadians who had been taken in arms with Colonel Allen. They
forthwith went, with bayonets fixed, to execute their commission.
Allen, understanding their purpose, stepped between them and the
Canadians, and told the guard to thrust him with their bayonets if
they must shed human blood, but to spare the Canadians who deserved
no censure, as what they had done was in obedience to his orders. The
guards hesitated, and Prescott being consulted, that officer revoked
the order.[E]
During Allen’s imprisonment he was confined on board a man-of-war,
commanded by Captain Littlejohn, who exercised much clemency towards
his prisoner, and removed his irons except when military officers came
on board. A dispute arose between the Captain and an officer, resulting
in arrangements for a duel. The Captain requested Allen to serve as his
friend. The latter replied “if it was consistent with his situation
he would do himself the honor.” The Captain answered that “he could
change his dress, and go on shore in disguise, and no questions would
be asked.” The parties went ashore, but by the interposition of friends
the dispute was settled.
At a later period, Colonel Allen was put on board a ship under command
of Captain Smith. He was heavily ironed, and confined in the most
dreary part of the vessel. When fairly out to sea, Captain Smith
ordered Allen’s irons taken off, and requested him to eat at his own
table while he remained on shipboard. The Colonel came from his dark
abode and thanked the Captain for his generous conduct, remarking “he
did not know it would ever be in his power to return the compliment.”
That officer replied--“gentlemen did not know when they might render
essential services to one another.”
On board was a great number of prisoners, who laid a plan to kill
Captain Smith, and run off with the ship. When the project was ripe for
execution, Allen was led into the secret. He firmly told them if they
murdered Captain Smith they must also murder him, at which they were
greatly alarmed. He quieted their fears by saying, “drop your plans,
and I will be as faithful to you as I have been to Captain Smith.” Here
the matter ended, and the Captain never knew of his danger, nor of the
service of his grateful friend.
Information had been received by Gen. Washington of the indignities
heaped upon Colonel Allen, captured by Prescott when Commandant at
Montreal, and who was now, himself, a prisoner in the hands of the
Americans. Washington wrote to General Howe to the following import:
“Sir:--We have just been informed of a circumstance, which, were it
not so well authenticated, I should scarcely think credible. It is
that Colonel Allen, who, with his small party, was defeated and made
prisoner near Montreal, has been treated without regard to decency,
humanity, or the rules of war; that he has been thrown into irons, and
suffers all the hardships inflicted upon common felons.
“I think it is my duty, sir, to demand, and do expect from you, an
eclaircissement on this subject. At the same time, I flatter myself,
from the character which Mr. Howe bears as a man of honor, gentleman
and soldier, that my demand will meet with his approbation. I must
take the liberty, also, of informing you that I shall consider your
silence as a confirmation of the report, and further assuring you, that
whatever treatment Colonel Allen receives, whatever fate he undergoes,
such exactly shall be the fate of Brigadier Prescott, now in our hands.
The law of retaliation is not only justifiable in the eyes of God and
man but absolutely a duty.”
Washington observed in a letter to Congress: “My reason for pointing
out Prescott as the object who is to suffer for Allen’s fate, is
that I am given to understand that Prescott is the cause of Allen’s
sufferings. I thought best to be decisive on the occasion, as did the
generals whom I consulted thereon.”
Shortly afterwards, Washington received a letter from Levi Allen, a
brother to the Colonel, and of like enterprising and enthusiastic
character. It was dated from Salisbury, Connecticut, and enclosed
affidavits of the harsh treatment his brother had experienced, and of
his being confined on board of the Gaspé, “with a bar of iron fixed
to one of his legs, and iron to his hands.” Levi proposed to go to
England, where he supposed his brother was, raise a mob and set him
free, bribe the jailor, or in some way deliver him from confinement.
Washington kindly advised against Levi’s wild project. The measure of
retaliation was actually meted out to Prescott, of which Washington
spoke in his letter to Howe.
The efforts of Washington and Congress to effect the exchange of
Ethan Allen, “the brave, but eccentric captor of Ticonderoga,” were
meritorious. The daring exploits of that chieftain had cost him a world
of trouble. “Thrown into prison as a felon; threatened with a halter;
carried to England to be tried for treason; confined in Pendennis
Castle; retransported to Halifax; and now a prisoner in New York.” He
writes: “I have suffered everything short of death. I am fired with
adequate indignation to revenge both my own and my country’s wrongs.
I am experimentally certain I have fortitude sufficient to face the
invaders of America in the place of danger, spread with all the horrors
of war. Provided you can hit upon some measure to procure my liberty,
I will appropriate my remaining days, and freely hazard my life in the
service of the colony, and maintaining the American Empire. I thought
to have enrolled my name in the list of American heroes, but was nipped
in the bud.”
Allen was finally exchanged for Colonel Campbell, after three years of
captivity. Washington, in a letter recommending that something be done
for him, observes: “His gratitude and firmness seemed to have placed
him out of the reach of misfortune. There is an original something
about him that commands admiration, and his long captivity and
sufferings have only served to increase, if possible, his enthusiastic
zeal. He appears very desirous of rendering his services to the States,
and of being employed; and at the same time he does not discover any
ambition for high rank.” On the strength of this recommendation,
Congress voted Allen a brevet commission of Colonel.
Montgomery, during his campaign in Canada, retained Colonel Warner and
his regiment of Green Mountain Boys, who contributed their services to
the downfall of the strongholds of Chamblee, St. Johns, and Montreal;
having served out the time for which they had enlisted, they were
dismissed and returned home.
In 1776, soon after the death of Montgomery at the storming of Quebec,
the Hampshire Grants raised a second regiment under Colonel Warner,
which marched to Quebec, and gave essential relief to the besieging
army of that place. At the beginning of May the siege was raised in
consequence of the bad state of health of the troops, and the arrival
of reinforcements from England. General Sullivan conducted the retreat
in a masterly manner; the army arrived at Crown Point in due time, in a
deplorable state.
CHAPTER IX.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A CIVIL GOVERNMENT.
This disastrous retreat exposed the frontiers of the Grants to an
invasive war; most of the inhabitants of Onion River and along the
shore of Lake Champlain instantly removed, and the militia was
organized for the general defense. Internal dissensions were rife
regarding the establishment of a civil government. Some were for
joining with New Hampshire; others were in favor of forming a new
state; and a few proposed uniting with New York during the war;
but this last too much effected the title to lands to be seriously
considered.
Vermont was likely to be devastated as a common battle-ground; yet
the people met in Convention at Dorset, January, 1776, and drew up
a petition to Congress, in which they declared their readiness to
furnish their quota of men in support of the war, and bearing an equal
proportion of the expense, and asked that their rights might be secured
them. Congress recommended that they submit to the authority of New
York for the present, and assist their countrymen in the contest with
Great Britain.
Colonel Allen being in captivity, Baker dead, Warner, Cockran, and
others, engaged in the army, the Council of the New Hampshire Grants
was greatly weakened, and months passed without any decisive results.
The government of the province was conducted by committees and
conventions as before the war, though the bitterness of the dispute
with New York seemed to be lost in the common cause of the struggling
colonies; for those who had been outlawed for high treason against the
government of New York, now passed freely through that province.
The following were some of the reasons for forming a new State:
A new government would perpetuate the name of the Green Mountain Boys,
and the honor of their leaders.
A new government would establish the title to their lands under the
New Hampshire Grants, and provide that unappropriated lands might be
disposed of to defray the expenses of the war.
The active part taken by her citizens in the taking of Ticonderoga and
Crown Point, would entitle the State to a favorable consideration by
Congress.
That upon the revolutionary principles adopted by Congress, Vermont was
the oldest State in America.
A call was issued for a convention, which, after several adjournments,
on the 15th of January, 1777, declared the district of New Hampshire
Grants to be a free and independent State. A declaration and a petition
to Congress were drawn up, and a committee appointed to present the
same.
New York, alarmed at the possible consequences of the measure, wrote
to Congress, through the President of the Committee of Safety, as
follows:
“I am directed to inform Congress that by the arts and influence of
certain designing men, a part of this state has been prevailed on
to revolt. Information we have received would lead us to believe
some persons in our sister States have fostered and fomented these
divisions. But as those informations tend to accuse some of your
honorable body being concerned in this scheme, decency obliges us
to suspend our belief. The Convention are sorry to observe that
by conferring a commission upon Colonel Warner, with authority to
name the officers of a regiment to be raised independently of the
Legislature of this State, and within that part of it which hath lately
declared itself independent, Congress hath given too much weight to
the insinuations of those who pretend that your honorable body are
determined to support those insurgents; especially as this Colonel
Warner hath been constantly and invariably opposed to the legislature
of this State, and hath been on that very account proclaimed an outlaw
by the late government thereof. It is absolutely necessary to recall
the commissions given to Colonel Warner, and the officers under him,
_as nothing else will do justice to us_.” Congress voted to dismiss the
petition of Vermont.
Notwithstanding this rebuff, the people resolved to draft a
constitution for the new State. A committee was also appointed to visit
the officer in command at Ticonderoga, and consult with him respecting
the defense of the frontiers.
While the committee was at that post, Burgoyne appeared in force on
Lake Champlain, and resting at Crown Point sent a detachment of three
hundred, mostly Indians, to land at the mouth of Otter Creek, and
ravage the frontier settlements. The commanding officer at Ticonderoga
refused to send off any of his troops in aid of the panic-stricken
families, but allowed Col. Warner to go with the committee to raise a
volunteer force from the Green Mountain Boys. A hasty levy was raised,
with which the raiders were promptly repelled.
All who were members of the Convention left the militia and repaired
to Windsor, July 4th. A draft of the constitution was laid before the
convention and read. The matter under consideration was new, of great
moment, and required serious deliberation; it was debated step by step,
and paragraph by paragraph. While absorbed in their duty, an express
arrived with tidings that Ticonderoga had been evacuated, and that the
whole frontier of the Hampshire Grants was exposed to the ravages of
the enemy.
At this awful crisis the Convention was for adjourning, as many of the
members had families residing in the portions likely to be overrun by
the enemy and their Indian allies. Indications of a terrible thunder
storm among the mountains having put all thoughts of immediately going
home out of the question, some of the more thoughtful called attention
to their unfinished work. In the midst of the peals of thunder, the
incessant flashes of lightning and the tumult of the elements without,
the constitution was read, paragraph by paragraph, for the last time;
and as the sun broke forth upon a smiling landscape, invigorated with
the summer shower, Vermont was in possession of a constitution, and
stood pledged to its support. A Council of Safety was instituted to act
during the recess, the Convention adjourned, and the members betook
themselves to their homes.
Three days afterward, this “outlaw” Warner and his proscribed Green
Mountain regiment were engaged in deadly conflict, on the soil of
Vermont, with the British and Indian foes of America, on the memorable
battle field of Hubbardton, in which Warner’s force was decimated to
about ninety men.
CHAPTER X.
BATTLE OF BENNINGTON.
The British were of opinion that the people of the Grants were opposed
to the Revolution, and would join the standard of England the moment a
force was marched into the territory. This belief was founded on the
dissensions with New York, the unsatisfactory resolutions of Congress,
and the charges of outlawry brought against the people of the Grants by
their neighbors.
Bennington was a central place, whither the live stock had been
collected, and whence the American army derived its supplies. It was
likewise a depot of wheeled vehicles and grain deposits, and was
guarded by relieving bodies of militia. Bennington was to be surprised.
The country was to be scoured from Rockingham to Otter Creek. All
public magazines were to be sacked. All cattle belonging to royalists,
and which could be spared by their owners, were to be paid for; and all
the rebel herds and flocks were to be driven away.
Colonel Skene, the noted royalist after whom Skenesborough (now
Whitehall) was named, held a position in the expedition: indeed, it
was owing largely to his representations that it was undertaken.
Lieut.-Col. Baum was sent in charge of the detachment. He had in his
command two hundred dismounted dragoons of the regiment of Riedesel,
Captain Frazer’s British marksmen, some Canadian Tories, and Indians,
in all amounting to about five hundred men, with two pieces of cannon.
It was expected the dragoons would supply themselves with horses in the
course of the foray, and a skeleton corps of royalists would be filled
up with recruits.
Burgoyne encamped on the east side of the Hudson, so as to be near at
hand in case assistance was wanted. Baum set out from camp at break of
day on the 13th of August, 1777. The state of the roads, the excessive
heat, and want of horses and wagons, all contributed to render the
progress slow and tedious. A few horses were brought in, and some
wagons captured; but the inhabitants managed to remove most of their
effects in time. The Indians killed or drove off all that came into
their hands, unless they were paid in cash for their prizes.
Baum found the people of Bennington ready to give him a reception. The
veteran Stark was there, with eight hundred New Hampshire militia; and
Colonel Warner found himself at the head of about six hundred Green
Mountain Boys, hastily collected to repel the invaders. Thus once more
the cause of American Independence was to rest largely on the valor and
patriotism of the outlawed Warner and his band of brave followers.
Stark had, with difficulty, been prevailed on to take the command. He
had a farm among the Vermont Mountains, and his sympathies were in
harmony with her people; he, too, was smarting under a sense of the
injustice of Congress. He only took up arms, he said, in a moment of
exigency, to defend the neighborhood which otherwise would be exposed
to the ravages of the enemy.
On the 15th, Stark sent forward a detachment under Colonel Gregg, and
on the following day advanced with his own men to support them. He met
them about five miles off, in full retreat, with Baum and his force a
mile or more in the rear.
Stark now halted, and deployed his men for action. Baum drew up his
troops and formed them in a strong position on high ground at a bend
of a little river, and began to intrench. Stark fell back to await
reinforcements, and to entice Baum from his intrenchments. A skirmish
took place in which thirty of Baum’s men and two Indian Chiefs were
killed.
The incessant rain of the 15th prevented a general engagement,
but there was continual skirmishing. Baum employed the interim in
strengthening his position; and finding the opposite force much larger
than he anticipated, he had sent off in all haste to Burgoyne for
reinforcements. The latter immediately detached Col. Breyman with five
hundred Hessian Grenadiers and infantry, and two six pounders, leaving
behind him his tents, baggage and standards. So bad were the roads,
that Breyman was nearly two days getting little more than twenty miles.
Meanwhile expresses had been sent in every direction by the Americans,
and recruits were pouring in from all parts of the country:--among
them, Colonel Symonds with a body of Berkshire militia.
On the morning of the 16th, the sun was shining brightly, and Stark
prepared to attack Baum in his intrenchments, although, for the
most part, his men had only ordinary firelocks without bayonets.
He separated his force into two divisions: one was detached to the
enemy’s left under Colonel Nichols; a second, under Col. Herrick, was
sent to the rear of his right; these two were to join and attack the
British in the rear, while the third was to make a demonstration in
front.
Col. Skene and other royalists, when they saw the Americans issuing
from the woods on different sides, endeavored to persuade Baum that
these were some of the Tories flocking to his standard. The Indians
were the first to discover the error. “The woods are full of Yankees,”
they shouted; and retreated, yelling like demons, between the troops
of Nichols and Herrick. Several of them were killed as they ran the
gauntlet.
At the first sound of firearms, Stark, who had remained behind in camp,
mounted his horse and gave the word _forward_! The homely speech made
by him when in sight of the enemy is familiar to every school boy.
“Now, my men! there are the red-coats! Before night they are ours, or
Molly Stark will be a widow!”
Baum found himself assaulted on every side, but he fought with a dogged
stubbornness and determination. He planted his cannon advantageously,
and his fire was effective. Stark, who was in the battle of Bunker
Hill, and in engagements in the French war, says it was the hottest
fight he ever saw. He inspired his men with his own impetuosity. They
drove the royalists upon the Hessians, and pressing after them, mounted
the works with incredible fury. A Hessian eyewitness declared the
rebels fought with desperation, advancing to within eight paces of the
loaded cannon to take surer aim at the artillerists. The latter were
slain and the cannon captured. The royalists and Canadians took to
flight and escaped to the woods. The Hessians maintained their ground
until the last cartridge was expended; then taking their broadswords,
Baum and his men attempted to cut their way to a road in the woods.
Many were killed in the attempt, and the survivors were taken
prisoners. Baum was among the wounded.
The victors now dispersed; some to collect the booty, or seek
refreshments, and others to care for the wounded or look after the
prisoners. At this juncture Breyman’s tardy reinforcement came up,
making its slow and toilsome way to the scene of action, with numbers
augmented by many of the enemy that had fled. Stark made superhuman
efforts to rally his men, but all were in hopeless confusion. Just as
the day seemed lost to the Americans, the standard of Colonel Warner
came in sight, borne by his six hundred Green Mountain Boys, fresh from
repose, and eager for the fray; for were not the safety of their homes,
and the fate of their wives and children, dependent on the issues of
their arms?
The shock and tumult of battle broke out anew as these newly arrived
reinforcements joined in deadly strife, and the ground was to be fought
over once more. It was four in the afternoon when this second action
commenced. Stark’s men rallied, and entered again into the fight; Col.
Breyman’s command was driven before the patriot forces from wood to
wood, and from hill to hill, until sunset. The last stand of the enemy
was at Van Shaick’s mill, where, having expended all their ammunition,
the enemy retreated under cover of night, leaving two field pieces and
all their baggage in the hands of the Americans.
Burgoyne was awakened in the night with the intelligence that Baum
had met and surrendered to the enemy. Next came word that Breyman
was engaged in severe and doubtful conflict. Drums beat to arms. The
whole camp was roused, and Burgoyne was preparing to march his whole
army to Breyman’s assistance, when word came in that he was on his way
back in safety. The main army remained in camp at the Batten Kiln, but
Burgoyne forded that stream and pushed forward until he met Breyman
and his troops, haggard and fatigued from hard fighting and incessant
marching in the hot weather. Four brass field pieces, nine hundred
dragoon swords, one thousand stand of arms, and four ammunition wagons
were the fruits of the victory. Thirty-two officers and four hundred
and sixty-four privates were taken prisoners. The Americans lost
one hundred in killed and wounded. The British killed could not be
ascertained, as many had fallen in the woods. Stark remarked, that had
there been another hour of daylight, the whole British force would have
fallen into their hands.
Tidings of the affair at Bennington reached Washington just before he
moved his camp from the neighborhood of Philadelphia, and it relieved
his mind of a load of anxiety. In a letter to Putnam he wrote: “As
there is not now the least danger of General Howe’s going to New
England, I hope the whole force of the country will turn out, and by
following the great stroke struck by General Stark near Bennington,
entirely crush Burgoyne, who seems to be in want of almost everything.”
The compliment paid to the troops of Vermont by General Burgoyne,
was to this effect: “The district of the New Hampshire Grants, a
wilderness little known in the last war, now abounds with the most
active, rebellious and hardy race of men on the continent, who hang
like a gathering storm, ready to burst on my left.” This was written
shortly previous to his capitulation. This brilliant double victory at
Bennington, by relieving New England from apprehensions, and enabling
the patriots to concentrate their forces against Burgoyne, resulted in
forcing that General to surrender, on the plains of Saratoga, as noble
an army as was ever sent to subdue a country. The news spread through
America and Europe, sealed the alliance between France and the United
States, and so secured their independence.
In the next chapter we will relate how this timely service of the
Green Mountain Boys was requited by Congress. It is not within the
range of human wisdom to say what would have been the effect on the
American cause, had the demand of New York been complied with, and
Stark and Warner been stripped of their commissions before the battle
of Bennington. The enemy would have been left to devastate the country
at their pleasure, and by diverting the patriot stores in and around
Bennington to the use of Burgoyne’s army, thereby rendered his position
well-nigh impregnable.
CHAPTER XI.
PRIVATE NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE BRITISH.
Brilliant and signal as had been the feats of these Vermonters with
the sword, not less so were their acts of diplomacy. One can but be
impressed with the spectacle of a handful of men accomplishing by
policy what they could never have done by power--for years keeping
at bay an army of British troops 10,000 strong, hovering over and in
readiness to swoop down and devastate their exposed and unprotected
frontier, at the same time the people were permitted to go on
unconcernedly about their harvest.
The claims to independence on the part of Vermont were still
unacknowledged by Congress, and New York was still importunate and
vexatious. The British generals in America endeavored to turn these
circumstances to their own account, by detaching Vermont from the cause
of the Colonies, and making it a British province. The first intimation
that the people of Vermont had of this circumstance was conveyed in
a letter from Colonel Beverly Robinson, dated New York, Mar. 30th,
1780, and delivered to Colonel Ethan Allen in the street at Arlington
in July. Allen communicated the contents of the letter to Governor
Chittenden and some others, but returned no answer.
Meantime, the village of Royalton had been sacked and burned by a
party of three hundred Indians under a British officer, four of the
inhabitants killed, and twenty-five taken prisoners. It was arranged
that the Governor should address a communication to General Haldimand,
then commanding in Canada, proposing a cartel for the exchange of
prisoners,--the letter to be sent under a flag to the enemy’s lines. In
October, the British appeared in great force on the lake; such was the
alarm that the Legislature, then in session at Bennington, adjourned,
many of the members taking arms and hastening to the frontiers.
In a few days Colonel Ethan Allen received a flag from Carleton, with
an answer to Governor Chittenden’s letter respecting the cartel. With
it was enclosed a proposition for a truce with Vermont. Allen agreed
to the proposal on condition that the frontiers of Vermont should
include the territory to the Hudson River. This truce, however, was
not publicly known; the militia were immediately disbanded and allowed
to return home. The militia of New York were also on their frontiers;
not being in the secret, they were surprised to see the Vermont troops
returning home, and still more to learn that the British were retiring
to Canada.
In February, 1781, Colonel Robinson wrote again to Ethan Allen,
enclosing a copy of the former letter. He was induced to make another
trial, he said, “especially as I can now write with more authority,
and assure you, that you may obtain the terms mentioned in the above
letter, provided you and the people of Vermont take a decisive and
active part with us.”
Allen returned no answer to either of these letters, but enclosed
them both in a communication to Congress. In that letter he says: “I
am confident that Congress will not dispute my sincere attachment to
my country, though I do not hesitate to say I am fully grounded in
opinion that Vermont has an indubitable right to agree on terms of
a cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, provided the United
States persist in rejecting her application for a union with them;
for Vermont, of all people, would be most miserable, were she obliged
to defend the independence of the United States, and they at the same
time at full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence of Vermont.
I am as resolutely determined to defend the independence of Vermont,
as Congress that of the United States, and rather than fail, will
retire with the hardy Green Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns of
the mountains, and wage war with the devil, hell, and human nature
at large.” This somewhat forcible language was excusable under the
circumstances.
Early in that year, Vermont, by a vote of her Legislature, adopted the
policy of the States of New York, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, that
had been laying claim to the territory of the Grants, and put in her
claim of jurisdiction over a large part of each of those States. Thus
Vermont was turning the weapons of her antagonists upon themselves.
Numbers of representatives from the annexed districts took their seats
in the Vermont assembly. At the time of extending her claims, she
passed an act of general amnesty; this liberal and wise act of lenity
had the desired effect.
The State of Vermont was at this time in a forlorn condition; torn by
intestine divisions and the intrigues of her enemies in Congress: all
the cannons, nay, every spade and pickaxe taken by her valiant sons
at Ticonderoga and Crown Point were removed out of the State to Fort
George; Colonel Warner’s regiment, raised in and for the protection
of Vermont, was put into Continental service, and stationed to defend
the frontiers of New York, not half so much exposed as Vermont; at the
same time New York had recalled her State troops from Skenesborough,
while an enemy, by coming up Lake Champlain, might land within a day’s
march of hundreds of inhabitants who were remaining on their farms.
Congress had interfered with the internal policy of Vermont, by cutting
off her ways and means of raising money and men for self defense by
the following: “Resolved, unanimously, that in the opinion of this
body, no unappropriated lands or estates, which are or may be adjudged
forfeited, or confiscated, lying in said district [Vermont], ought,
until the final decision of Congress in the premises, be granted or
sold.” We transcribe, on this topic, the words of Ira Allen:
“Thus left, as she had reason to suppose, by the intrigues of those who
claimed and coveted her fertile soil, to be a prey to the common enemy,
similar to the fate of their brethren, descendants from Connecticut,
who settled at Wyoming and Susquehanna, and were mostly killed by a
party of Indians; their towns and villages burned, and their country
depopulated (supposed to be through the intrigues of land-jobbers),
which has since become a prey to the Pennsylvania claimants, a junto
similar to the New York monopolists, who were then taking every measure
that the malignancy and avarice of human nature could suggest, for the
destruction of the people of Vermont.” That there was some foundation
for this explanation of the Wyoming massacre, is made only too apparent
by subsequent events.
In April, 1781, Colonel Ira Allen was commissioned to settle a cartel
with the British in Canada for the exchange of prisoners, and also to
procure an armistice between the British forces and Vermont. This was
thought well-nigh impracticable, as the British troops numbered 10,000
effective men, which must remain inactive, not being able to annoy
other States without first annoying Vermont, while the latter had only
7,000 men as an offset. But an armistice must be had, or the frontiers
evacuated until assistance could come from the States whose influence
had rendered Vermont defenseless.
Allen arrived at Isle Aux Noix in due time, and was accorded apartments
by Major Dundas, the officer in charge. At a convenient time Allen
observed that Congress was endeavoring to bring Vermont into subjection
to New York, but that they, rather than yield, would see Congress
subjected to the British government, provided that Vermont could be a
distinct colony under the Crown on safe and honorable terms; and that
the people were not disposed longer to assist a government which might
subject them and their posterity to New York, under which they could
never be safe in person or property.
The replication to these observations was, that the territory of
Vermont could be a colony under the Crown, with privileges equal to
those enjoyed by any other colony, and that those who assisted in
effecting such an event, would be duly honored and rewarded. Much
conversation passed on the subject, of which General Haldimand was duly
informed. Nothing decisive was accomplished, but the negotiation caused
the army to remain inactive, which was a matter of congratulation to
Allen.
The cartel was completed, and a verbal agreement entered into that
hostilities should cease between Great Britain and those under the
jurisdiction of Vermont, until after the sitting of the Legislature
of that state. On Colonel Allen’s return several influential people
waited on him, desiring to be advised whether to remain or remove to
the interior portions of the country. Allen told them to remain quiet
on their farms, and not think it strange though they had no army to
protect the frontier; and that should any event make it necessary, for
the safety of their families, to move, they might depend on seasonable
information. This immunity of Vermont from the aggressions of the
British, led the people on the borders to be all the more anxious to be
annexed to her territory, as a measure of safety to their families
and to their property.
[Illustration: First Church in Vermont.]
Grave suspicions having become rife that negotiations were being
carried on between Vermont and the British in Canada, several men of
discernment among the Whigs were sent from Vermont and the neighboring
States to attend the sessions of the Legislature, to watch if there
might be measures pursuing which would be eventually injurious to the
common cause of the United States.
On the other hand, the British in Canada were anxious to know whether
Allen and his friends would be faithful, and so conduct matters as to
justify a cessation of hostilities. With these objects in view, their
representatives attended the sessions; as the Assembly convened in the
meeting house the spectators took seats in the galleries.
In a few days both houses joined in a committee to consider the subject
of Ira Allen’s mission to Canada. The Governor proceeded to state the
facts of the settlement of the cartel, and that if further particulars
were desired, Colonel Allen was then present and could best inform
them. On being requested to speak, Allen made his statement, which
showed the British had exhibited great generosity in the transaction;
and after stating sundry things, concluded with the remark that if any
member, or auditor in the gallery, wished to ask further questions, he
was ready to answer them.
Those who were in the interest of the United States paid their
compliments to Allen for his open and candid conduct. In the evening he
had a conference with the Canadian spectators, who seemed to be equally
well pleased.
In July, Ethan Allen was informed by one of his neighbors that some of
his friends from Canada wished to speak with him in the dusk of the
evening of that day. At the time appointed, Allen, with only his cane
in hand, cheerfully went to a British guard under arms, and received
a packet. In the evening of the following day he met them again and
returned an answer. This mode of correspondence was continued; and
whenever dispatches came in this way, General Ethan Allen or Colonel
Ira Allen (they lived in the same house) went and received them and
returned an answer, not trusting the dispatches to any other person.
It is worthy of remark that Sunderland, their place of residence, was
more than sixty miles from the frontiers, yet a sergeant and guard
frequently passed with their arms in 1781 and 1782, without being
discovered by any one who would inform against them.
About this time there appeared in the newspapers of the day a letter
from Lord George Germain to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Whitehall, Feb.
7th, 1781, which letter had been captured by the French and carried
to Paris, from whence it had been forwarded to Congress, and by them
ordered to be printed. It ran thus:
“The return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance is an event
of the utmost importance to the King’s affairs; and at this time, if
the French and Washington really meditate an irruption into Canada,
may be considered as opposing an effectual barrier to the attempt.
General Haldimand, who has the same instructions with you to draw over
those people, and give them support, will, I doubt not, push up a body
of troops to act in conjunction with them, to secure all the avenues
through their country into Canada; and when the season admits, take
possession of the upper parts of the Hudson and Connecticut Rivers, and
cut off the communication between Albany and the Mohawk country. How
far they may be able to extend themselves southward or eastward must
depend on their numbers, and the disposition of the inhabitants.”
This letter had greater influence on Congress than all other
considerations that had yet been brought to bear; and that body
promptly directed that a committee be appointed to confer with a like
committee from Vermont, “on what terms it may be proper to admit
Vermont into a federal union of these States.”
Accordingly, Vermont sent on her committee; while they were in
Philadelphia they procured a copy of a letter from the Governor of New
Hampshire to the President of Congress, stating that his State could
not furnish its quota of men or money in support of the war, as a third
part of the State had revolted and joined Vermont. This draft Allen
transmitted to the British Commissioners at Skenesborough, who laughed
heartily with the Vermont committee.
Those who are disposed to regard this action of Allen and his
associates as inimical to the cause of American Independence, will do
well to consider that the effect was to neutralize the strength of
10,000 British troops as opposed to a like number from Vermont; the
final result to the cause would be the same as though both forces took
the field and slaughtered each other, with the advantage to Vermont
that she was saved from being overrun by a devastating army.
Meanwhile the British Commissioners were becoming impatient. They
stated as their instructions, which they were not at liberty to
deviate from without putting an end to the armistice, that his
Excellency, General Haldimand, in pursuance of full powers vested in
him by his Majesty, should issue his proclamation offering to confirm
Vermont as a colony under the Crown, provided the people would return
to their allegiance; that an army should come up the Lake in October
with said proclamation, and the Legislature must accept the same, and
with the British take measures for their common defense.
This was a sore strait for perplexed Vermont diplomats. It was deemed
best, however, to have the proclamations brought up the Lake rather
than incur the risk of a discontinuance of the armistice, in the
present defenseless state of the frontier.
The Legislature met at Charlestown early in October, and about the same
time a powerful British army under St. Leger was landed at Ticonderoga.
A skirmish having occurred between a party of Vermonters under command
of Sergeant Tupper and a number of the enemy, the Sergeant was killed
and his men retreated. St. Leger sent his clothes and effects, with
an open letter, to General Enos, informing him of the fate of the
Sergeant, and apologizing for his death. This dispatch and the apparel
were publicly delivered to General Enos, which made no little noise
among the troops.
The preceding negotiations were not known to more than a dozen men
in Vermont. An express came in with letters for Governor Chittenden,
announcing the arrival of the British at Ticonderoga, in which were
blended public matters and private negotiations. The messenger had
not failed to proclaim the extraordinary message of St. Leger, which
occasioned large crowds to follow, to hear the news. On opening the
letters the Governor saw it was not prudent to have them publicly read.
At this confused moment Major Runnals came running in and demanded
of Colonel Allen the reason why St. Leger was sorry the Sergeant
was killed? Allen replied he could not tell. Runnals repeated the
question, to which Allen then made an evasive answer. This enraged
Runnals, who again loudly demanded what reasons could possibly induce
a British general to be sorry when his enemies were killed? Allen
retorted with some warmth by advising Runnals to go at the head of his
regiment and demand of St. Leger the reasons for his sorrow, and not
stay there eating up the country’s provisions and doing nothing while
the frontiers were invaded. This manœuvre drew all attention, for the
moment, from the letters. Meanwhile new ones were made out which were
read in place of the originals for the satisfaction of the people.
The crisis is approaching, yet the leaders in the stirring drama are
not dismayed. A communication from Allen to the British announces that
matters are going on propitiously for their designs, but in view of
unfavorable reports direct from the seat of war, suggested it would
hardly be expedient to publish the proclamation just then. In less
than an hour after this communication reached Ticonderoga, an express
arrived there with the news of the capture of Cornwallis and his
entire army. Before night the British had embarked all their troops
and stores, and had set sail with all haste for Canada. Thus were
the Vermont diplomatists relieved, at the last moment, from their
embarrassment and danger; and thus were the frontiers of that State
preserved from the horrors of war by the sagacity and daring of a few
determined men.
CHAPTER XII.
CONCLUSION.
Years elapsed. Hostilities between Great Britain and the American
Colonies had ceased; and on the 20th of January, 1783, the preliminary
articles of peace were signed, which established the independence
of the United States. The adoption of the Federal Constitution
followed, which was ratified by the thirteen original States, and the
first Congress assembled under it March 3d, 1789. During the period
succeeding the peace, Vermont had been pursuing the even tenor of her
way, not over-solicitous about an organic union with the States, and
without any external foes to dread. But the ancient difference with New
York still remained unsettled. A new political generation had come upon
the stage, in whose bosoms the bitter feuds of their fathers were not
perpetuated.
One difficulty, however, presented itself. New York had aforetime
granted large tracts of land in Vermont, and the grantees were loudly
complaining of the injustice in not being allowed to take possession of
the property, or having its purchase price refunded. New York felt no
very strong obligation to refund the money that had been extorted for
those grants by royal governors before the war; still she was disposed
to favor a compromise. Public opinion and mutual interests called for
a reconciliation with Vermont, and her admission into the Confederacy
of States, inasmuch as the measure would increase the representation of
New England in Congress.
On the 23d of October, 1789, committees from the respective
Legislatures of Vermont and New York met to arrange the settlement of
the only issue remaining--the amount of compensation the claimants
under the New York grants should receive from Vermont. It was agreed
that on payment being made to her of $30,000, New York was to consent
to the admission of Vermont into the Union, and to give up all claims
to jurisdiction within the latter State. On the 18th of February, 1791,
Congress, without a dissenting voice or vote, passed an Act “That on
the 4th day of March, 1791, the said State, by the name and style of
the ‘State of Vermont,’ shall be received and admitted into their Union
as a new and entire member of the United States of America.”
THE END.
ACADIA:
A LOST CHAPTER IN AMERICAN HISTORY.
BY PHILIP H. SMITH.
This is a work of deep interest and great historical value.--American
Catholic Quarterly Review.
I thank you for the volume and for the service you have performed
for students and readers of American History. Those who peruse
your book will better understand Longfellow’s beautiful poem,
“Evangeline.”--Benson J. Lossing, LL. D.
It is what it claims to be. “A Lost Chapter in American History,” and
should find its way into the library of every student of our country’s
history.--Po’keepsie Enterprise.
It is something new, and as a stranger it will be made welcome. It is
history as good as romance.--New Orleans Picayune.
The subject itself is explained most thoroughly.... Not the least
interesting part of the book are the legends of the Gaspé Coast which
are appended to it.--N. Y. Independent.
Price $2. Liberal discount to the trade. Mailed to any address in any
quarter of the world.
PHILIP H. SMITH, Publisher,
Pawling, N. Y.
HISTORY OF
DUCHESS COUNTY.
BY PHILIP H. SMITH.
For the first time it puts Duchess County before the world in a light
of which none of us needs to be ashamed.--Joel Benton in Amenia Times.
The most interesting and instructive events are blended with the whole
in a manner calculated to make it entertaining, as well as a valuable
book of reference.--Fishkill Jour.
For a long time there has been a general desire that some one
should write a history of Duchess County, and at length Mr. Smith
has undertaken the work, the result being a handsome volume of 500
pages.--Po’keepsie Eagle.
Price $2, mailed to any address.
PHILIP H. SMITH, Publisher,
Pawling, N. Y.
ELIZABETH FRY:
LIFE AND LABORS OF THE EMINENT PHILANTHROPIST, PREACHER, AND PRISON
REFORMER.
BY EDWARD RYDER.
“Mr. Harvey, two days ago I saw the greatest curiosity in London, aye
and in England too, sir, compared to which Westminster Abbey, the
Tower, the British Museum, nay Parliament itself, sink into utter
insignificance! I have seen, sir, Elizabeth Fry in Newgate, and have
witnessed miraculous effects of true Christianity upon the most
depraved of human beings.”--John Randolph.
We shall not look upon her like again! and must try to preserve the
impression of her majesty of goodness which it is a great privilege to
have beheld.--Baroness Bunsen.
I could wish that your book might be found in every Christian
family.--Rev. W. S. Clapp.
389 pp., 8vo., with full page portrait of Elizabeth Fry. Price $1,
mailed to any address.
PHILIP H. SMITH, Publisher,
Pawling, N. Y.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] In 1763, Rev. Samuel Peters, the first clergyman who paid a visit
to the thirty thousand settlers in that country, in the presence of
a number of landed proprietors, performed the ceremony of giving a
new name to the province, “on the top of a rock standing on a high
mountain, then named Pisgah, because it provided the company a clear
sight of Lake Champlain to the west, and of the Connecticut River to
the east, and which overlooked all the trees and hills in the vast
wilderness at the north and south,” ... which new name is “Verd Mont,”
in token that her mountains and hills shall ever be green and never
die. He then poured the spirits about him and cast the bottle at the
rock. The ceremony being over, the company descended Mount Pisgah and
took refreshments in a log house, kept by Captain Otley, where they
spent the night with great pleasure.--Hist. Mag.
[B] Should read “Beekman’s” Patent, in Duchess County, probably in the
present town of Pawling.
[C] An expression signifying an application of the beech rod.
[D] Irving describes Allen as “well-fitted for the enterprise by his
experience as a frontier champion, his robustness of mind and body,
and his fearless spirit. He had a rough kind of eloquence, also, that
was very effective with his followers.” “His style,” says another who
knew him personally, “was a singular compound of local barbarisms,
scriptural phrases, and oriental wildness: and though unclassic, and
sometimes ungrammatical, was highly animated and forcible.” General
Washington wrote, “there is an original something in him which commands
attention.”
[E] Ira Allen’s History of Vermont.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized.
Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.
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