The Project Gutenberg eBook of Rajah Brooke, by Spenser St. John
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
using this eBook.
Title: Rajah Brooke
the englishman as ruler of an eastern state
Author: Spenser St. John
Release Date: May 3, 2023 [eBook #70688]
Language: English
Produced by: Bob Taylor, Peter Becker and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RAJAH BROOKE ***
Transcriber’s Note
Italic text displayed as: _italic_
Bold text displayed as: =bold=
[Illustration: Decoration]
BUILDERS OF
GREATER BRITAIN
EDITED BY H. F. WILSON, M.A.
_Barrister-at-Law
Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge
Legal Assistant at the Colonial Office_
[Illustration: DEDICATION BY SPECIAL PERMISSION TO HER MAJESTY THE
QUEEN]
BUILDERS OF GREATER BRITAIN
1. SIR WALTER RALEGH; the British Dominion of the West. By MARTIN
A. S. HUME.
2. SIR THOMAS MAITLAND; the Mastery of the Mediterranean. By WALTER
FREWEN LORD.
3. JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT; the Discovery of North America. By C.
RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A.
4. EDWARD GIBBON WAKEFIELD; the Colonization of South Australia and
New Zealand. By R. GARNETT, C.B., LL.D.
5. LORD CLIVE; the Foundation of British Rule in India. By Sir A.
J. ARBUTHNOT, K.C.S.I., C.I.E.
6. ADMIRAL PHILLIP; the Founding of New South Wales. By LOUIS BECKE
and WALTER JEFFERY.
7. RAJAH BROOKE; the Englishman as Ruler of an Eastern State. By
Sir SPENSER ST JOHN, G.C.M.G.
8. SIR STAMFORD RAFFLES; England in the Far East. By the EDITOR.
Builders
of
Greater Britain
RAJAH BROOKE
[Illustration: Decoration]
[Illustration: Brooke (signature)]
RAJAH BROOKE
THE ENGLISHMAN AS RULER OF AN
EASTERN STATE
BY
SIR SPENSER ST JOHN, G.C.M.G.
AUTHOR OF
‘HAYTI; OR, THE BLACK REPUBLIC,’
‘LIFE IN THE FORESTS OF THE FAR EAST,’
ETC.
LONDON
T. FISHER UNWIN
PATERNOSTER SQUARE
MDCCCXCIX
_Copyright by T. Fisher Unwin, 1897, for Great Britain and
the United States of America_
PREFACE
I have undertaken to write the life of the old Rajah, Sir James
Brooke, my first and only chief, as one of the Builders of Greater
Britain. In his case the expression must be used in its widest
sense, as, in fact, he added but an inappreciable fragment to the
Empire, whilst at the same time he was the cause of large territories
being included within our sphere of influence. And if his advice
had been followed, we should not now be troubled with the restless
ambition of France in the Hindu-Chinese regions, as his policy was to
secure, by well defined treaties, the independence of those Asiatic
States, subject, however, to the beneficent influence of England
as the Paramount Power, an influence to be used for the good of
the governed. Sir James thoroughly understood that Eastern princes
and chiefs are at first only influenced by fear; the fear of the
consequences which might follow the neglect of the counsels of the
protecting State.
The plan which the Rajah endeavoured to persuade the English
Government to adopt was to make treaties with all the independent
princes of the Eastern Archipelago, including those States whose
shores are washed by the China Sea, as Siam, Cambodia and Annam, by
which they could cede no territory to any foreign power without the
previous consent of England, and to establish at the capitals of the
larger States well-chosen diplomatic agents, to encourage the native
rulers not only to improve the internal condition of their countries,
but to inculcate justice in their treatment of foreigners, and thus
avoid complications with other powers.
Sir James Brooke first attempted to carry out this enlightened policy
by concluding treaties with the Sultans of Borneo and Sulu, to secure
these States from extinction; the latter treaty was not ratified,
however, owing to the timidity of a naval officer, foolishly
influenced by a clever Spanish Consul in Singapore, who took
advantage of the absence of the Rajah. In the forties and fifties the
expansion of Great Britain, as is well known, was looked upon with
genuine alarm by many of our leading statesmen.
Sir James Brooke, however, was not destined to see the fufilment of
his ideas, as a ministry came into power in 1853 which cared nothing
for the Further East, and in the hope of consolidating their majority
in Parliament sacrificed their noble officer to appease the clamour
raised by Joseph Hume and his followers, who, like other zealots,
pursued their objects regardless of all the evidence which could be
brought to refute their unfounded accusations. Joseph Hume may be
called a libeller by profession, who began his career by making his
fortune in the East India Company’s service in a very few years—a
remarkable achievement; and who afterwards, when in Parliament,
brought himself into notoriety by attacking first Sir Thomas
Maitland, secondly Lord Torrington, and ultimately Sir James Brooke,
whose shoe latchets he was unworthy to unloose.
Sir James had thus but a short career as an English official. He was
named Confidential Agent in 1845, Commissioner and Consul-General
in 1846, Governor of Labuan in 1847, and his return to England in
1851 practically closed his active political connection with England,
though he did not resign all his offices until 1854.
But the Rajah did not thus conclude his own career; he returned
to Sarawak and devoted all his energies to the development of
his adopted country, and of the neighbouring districts. I shall
have to relate what extraordinary vicissitudes of fortune he had
to encounter, and how after many years of conflict he emerged
triumphant, to leave to his successor, Sir Charles Brooke, a small
kingdom, well organised as far as Sarawak was concerned, with
strongly established positions reaching to Bintulu, which have but
increased in influence and in power to further the well-being of
the natives of every race and class; and to prove to all who care
to interest themselves in the subject, what a gain to humanity
has resulted from the old Rajah having had the courage and the
forethought to found his rule in a wild country, whose inhabitants,
with few exceptions, were till then inimical to Europeans, and mostly
tainted by piracy. But he argued truly that these people knew very
imperfectly what Englishmen were, and he determined to show them
that some, at all events, were worthy of their confidence, and could
devote themselves without reserve to their welfare.
The peculiarity of the Rajah’s system was to treat the natives, as
far as possible, as equals; not only equals before the law, but in
society. All his followers endeavoured to imitate their chief, and
succeeded in a greater or less degree, thus producing a state of
good feeling in the country which was probably found nowhere else in
the East, except in Perak, one of the Protected States in the Malay
Peninsula, into which one of his most able assistants introduced his
method of government. I am told that this good feeling, if not the
old friendly intimacy between native and European, still exists to a
considerable degree throughout the possessions of the present Rajah,
which is highly honourable to him and to his officers.
I have not attempted to re-write my account of the Chinese
Insurrection (see Chapter VI.). I wrote it when all the events
were fresh in my mind, and no subsequent information has rendered
it necessary to make any changes. It was a most interesting and
important incident in the Rajah’s career, and it fixed for ever in
the minds of his countrymen how wise and beneficent must have been
his rule of the Malays and Dyaks, that they should have stood by him
as they did when he appeared before them as a defeated fugitive.
How far-seeing were the Rajah’s views and plans is proved by the
fact that his successor has found it unnecessary to change any phase
of his policy, whether political or commercial, whether financial,
agricultural or judicial; with the growth of the country in
population and wealth all has been of course considerably augmented,
but the lines on which this great advance has been made were laid by
the first Rajah, and that this honour is due to him no one should
deny.
As there was but one Nelson, so there has been but one Sir James
Brooke. How admirable was the simplicity of his character! So kind
and gentle was he in manner, that the poorest, most down-trodden
native would approach him without fear, confident that his story
would be heard with benevolent attention, and that any wrong would,
if possible, be righted. And as for the purity of his private life,
he was a bright example to all those around him.
It may be thought that I have exaggerated the grandeur of the Rajah’s
personality, and the great benefits he conferred on the natives, and
that I have been influenced in my views by the warm friendship which
existed between us. If there be any who hold this opinion, I would
refer them to Mr Alfred Wallace’s work, _The Malay Archipelago_, in
which, after dwelling in a most appreciative manner on the Rajah’s
rule in Sarawak, he adds these eloquent words, ‘Since these lines
were written his noble spirit has passed away. But though by those
who knew him not he may be sneered at as an enthusiastic adventurer,
or abused as a hard-hearted despot, the universal testimony of
everyone who came in contact with him in his adopted country, whether
European, Malay or Dyak, will be that Rajah Brooke was a great,
a wise and a good ruler, a true and faithful friend, a man to be
admired for his talents, respected for his honesty and courage, and
loved for his genuine hospitality, his kindness of disposition and
his tenderness of heart.’
The portrait of Rajah Brooke facing the title page is taken from the
picture by Sir Francis Grant, which is one of his best works. It is a
most speaking likeness, and I have left it in my will to the Trustees
of the National Portrait Gallery, if they will accept it.
SPENSER ST JOHN.
4 CHESTER STREET, S.W.
_Note._—I would wish to add a few words to explain why, in the course
of this _Life_ of Rajah Brooke, I have not dwelt on the controversy
which raged for some years about the character of the Seribas and
Sakarang Dyaks. The only person who, to a late period, held to his
view that these tribes were not piratical was Mr Gladstone; but
after reading my first _Life of Rajah Brooke_, in which I defended
the policy of my old chief with all the vigour I could command, I
received the following note from him, which rendered unnecessary any
further discussion of the subject:—
_February 25, 1880._
MY DEAR SIR,—I thank you very much for sending me your _Life of
Sir James Brooke_, which I shall be anxious to examine with care.
I have myself written words about Sir James Brooke which may serve
to show that the difference between us is not so wide as might be
supposed, and I fully admit that what I have questioned in his acts
has been accepted by his legitimate superiors, the Government and
the Parliament.—I remain, yours faithfully,
W. E. GLADSTONE.
HIS EXCELLENCY SPENSER ST JOHN.
It is as well that I should publish another letter, to show that
Mr Gladstone bore me no ill-will on account of the vigorous way I
had attacked him whilst defending the policy of my old chief. I had
applied to Lord Granville to be sent out as Special Envoy to renew
relations with the Republic of Mexico, and the following is his
Lordship’s reply:—
FOREIGN OFFICE, _May 28, 1883_.
MY DEAR SIR SPENSER,—Many thanks for your note. I have availed
myself of your offer, mentioning it to Gladstone, who highly
approved (notwithstanding the hard blows you once dealt him), and
I have submitted your name to the Queen, who, I feel sure, will
sanction the step.—Yours sincerely,
GRANVILLE.
It is pleasant to place on record this generosity of feeling in one
of our greatest statesmen, whose career has now been closed.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE, xi
CHAPTER I
BROOKE’S ANCESTORS AND FAMILY—HIS EARLY LIFE—APPOINTED
ENSIGN IN THE MADRAS NATIVE INFANTRY—CAMPAIGN
IN BURMAH—IS WOUNDED AND LEAVES THE
SERVICE—MAKES TWO VOYAGES TO CHINA—DEATH OF
HIS FATHER—CRUISE IN THE YACHT ‘ROYALIST,’ 1
CHAPTER II
EXPEDITION TO BORNEO—FIRST VISIT TO SARAWAK—VOYAGE
TO CELEBES—SECOND VISIT TO SARAWAK—JOINS MUDA
HASSIM’S ARMY—BROOKE’S ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF
THE CIVIL WAR—IT IS ENDED UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF
HIS ACTIVE INTERFERENCE—HE SAVES THE LIVES OF THE
REBEL CHIEFS, 11
CHAPTER III
THIRD VISIT TO SARAWAK—MAKOTA INTRIGUES AGAINST
BROOKE—VISIT OF THE STEAMER ‘DIANA’—HE IS
GRANTED THE GOVERNMENT OF SARAWAK—HIS PALACE—CAPTAIN
KEPPEL OF H.M.S. ‘DIDO’ VISITS SARAWAK—EXPEDITION
AGAINST THE SERIBAS PIRATES—VISIT OF SIR
EDWARD BELCHER—RAJAH BROOKE’S INCREASED INFLUENCE—VISIT
TO THE STRAITS SETTLEMENTS—IS WOUNDED IN
SUMATRA—THE ‘DIDO’ RETURNS TO SARAWAK—FURTHER
OPERATIONS—NEGOTIATIONS WITH BRITISH GOVERNMENT—CAPTAIN
BETHUNE AND MR WISE ARRIVE IN SARAWAK, 43
CHAPTER IV
SIR THOMAS COCHRANE IN BRUNEI—ATTACK ON SHERIF
OSMAN—MUDA HASSIM IN POWER—LINGIRE’S ATTEMPT
TO TAKE RAJAH BROOKE’S HEAD—MASSACRE OF MUDA
HASSIM AND BUDRUDIN—THE ADMIRAL PROCEEDS TO
BRUNEI—TREATY WITH BRUNEI—ACTION WITH PIRATE
SQUADRON—RAJAH BROOKE IN ENGLAND—IS KNIGHTED ON
HIS RETURN TO THE EAST—VISITS THE SULU ISLANDS—EXPEDITION
AGAINST SERIBAS PIRATES, 71
CHAPTER V
ATTACKS ON THE RAJAH’S POLICY—VISITS TO LABUAN, SINGAPORE
AND PENANG—MISSION TO SIAM—THE RAJAH’S RETURN
TO ENGLAND—DINNER TO HIM IN LONDON—HIS REMARKABLE
SPEECH—LORD ABERDEEN’S GOVERNMENT APPOINTS A
HOSTILE COMMISSION—THE RAJAH’S RETURN TO SARAWAK—COMMISSION
AT SINGAPORE—ITS FINDINGS, 103
CHAPTER VI
THE CHINESE SURPRISE THE TOWN OF KUCHING—THE RAJAH
AND HIS OFFICERS ESCAPE—THE CHINESE PROCLAIM THEMSELVES
SUPREME RULERS—THEY ARE ATTACKED BY THE
MALAYS—ARRIVAL OF THE ‘SIR JAMES BROOKE’—THE
CHINESE, DRIVEN FROM KUCHING, ABANDON THE INTERIOR
AND RETREAT TO SAMBAS—DISARMED BY THE DUTCH, 141
CHAPTER VII
EVENTS IN THE SAGO RIVERS—THE RAJAH PROCEEDS TO ENGLAND—CORDIAL
RECEPTION—FIRST PARALYTIC STROKE—BUYS
BURRATOR—TROUBLES IN SARAWAK—LOYALTY OF THE
POPULATION—THE RAJAH RETURNS TO BORNEO—SETTLES
MUKA AFFAIRS WITH SULTAN—INSTALLS CAPTAIN BROOKE
AS HEIR APPARENT—AGAIN LEAVES FOR ENGLAND—SARAWAK
RECOGNISED BY ENGLAND—LIFE AT BURRATOR—SECOND
AND THIRD ATTACKS OF PARALYSIS—HIS DEATH
AND WILL, 177
CHAPTER VIII
PRESENT CONDITION OF SARAWAK—RAJAH AN IRRESPONSIBLE
RULER—SARAWAK COUNCIL—GENERAL COUNCIL—RESIDENTS
AND TRIBUNALS—EMPLOYMENT OF NATIVES—AGRICULTURE—TRADE
RETURNS—THE GOLD REEFS—COAL
DEPOSITS—VARIED POPULATION—IMPOLITIC SEIZURE OF
LIMBANG—MISSIONS—EXTRAORDINARY PANICS—REVENUE—ADMINISTRATION
OF JUSTICE—CIVIL SERVICE—ALLIGATORS—SATISFACTORY
STATE OF SARAWAK, 203
CHAPTER IX
PRESENT CONDITION OF NORTH BORNEO—LOVELY COUNTRY—GOOD
HARBOURS ON WEST COAST—FORMATION OF NORTH
BORNEO COMPANY—PRINCIPAL SETTLEMENTS—TELEGRAPHIC
LINES—THE RAILWAY FROM PADAS—POPULATION—TOBACCO
CULTIVATION—GOLD—THE PUBLIC SERVICE—THE
POLICE OF NORTH BORNEO—METHODS OF RAISING
REVENUE—RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE—TRADE RETURNS—EXPORTS—INTERFERENCE
WITH TRADERS—A GREAT FUTURE FOR NORTH BORNEO, 232
APPENDIX
MR BROOKE’S MEMORANDUM ON HIS PROPOSED EXPEDITION TO
BORNEO, WRITTEN IN 1838, REPRINTED FROM VOL. I. OF
‘THE PRIVATE LETTERS OF SIR JAMES BROOKE, K.C.B.,
RAJAH OF SARAWAK.’ EDITED BY J. C. TEMPLER, BARRISTER-AT-LAW
(BENTLEY, 1853), 259
INDEX, 291
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PORTRAIT OF SIR JAMES BROOKE, AFTER THE PICTURE
BY SIR FRANCIS GRANT, P.R.A., IN THE POSSESSION
OF THE AUTHOR, _Frontispiece_
MAP OF SARAWAK AND ITS DEPENDENCIES AT THE CLOSE
OF SIR JAMES BROOKE’S GOVERNMENT, _To face page 49_
MAP OF BORNEO AND PART OF THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO,
SHEWING BRITISH TERRITORIES, BRITISH
PROTECTORATES AND FEDERATED MALAY STATES, _To face page 96_
Rajah Brooke
CHAPTER I
BROOKE’S ANCESTORS AND FAMILY—HIS EARLY LIFE—APPOINTED ENSIGN IN
THE MADRAS NATIVE INFANTRY—CAMPAIGN IN BURMAH—IS WOUNDED AND LEAVES
THE SERVICE—MAKES TWO VOYAGES TO CHINA—DEATH OF HIS FATHER—CRUISE
IN THE YACHT ‘ROYALIST’
James Brooke was the second son of Mr Thomas Brooke of the Honourable
East India Company’s Bengal Civil Service, and of Anna Maria Stuart,
his wife. Their family consisted of two sons and four daughters. One
of the latter, Emma, married the Rev. F. C. Johnson, Vicar of White
Lackington; another, Margaret, married the Rev. Anthony Savage; the
eldest son, Henry, died unmarried after a short career in the Indian
army.
Mr Thomas Brooke was the seventh in descent from Sir Thomas Vyner,
who, as Lord Mayor of London, entertained Oliver Cromwell in the
Guildhall in 1654; whilst his only son, Sir Robert Vyner, who had
taken the opposite side in those civil contests, received Charles
II. in the city six years later. On the death of Sir Robert’s only
son George the baronetcy became extinct, and the family estate of
Eastbury, in Essex, reverted to the two daughters of Sir Thomas
Vyner, from one of whom, Edith, the Brooke family is derived, as one
of her descendants married a Captain Brooke, who was Rajah Brooke’s
great-grandfather.[1]
Mr Thomas Brooke, though not distinguished by remarkable talent, was
a straightforward, honest civilian, and his wife was a most lovable
woman, who gained the affections of all those with whom she was
brought into contact. She always enjoyed the most perfect confidence
of her distinguished son. To her are addressed some of his finest
letters, in which he pours forth his generous ideas for the promotion
of the welfare of the people whom he had been called upon to govern.
James Brooke was born on the 29th of April 1803 at Secrore, the
European suburb of Benares, and he remained in India until he was
twelve years old, when he was sent to England to the care of Mrs
Brooke, his paternal grandmother, who had established herself in
Reigate. He shortly afterwards went to Norwich Grammar School, at
that time under Dr Valpy, but he remained there only a couple of
years, as, after the freedom of his life in India, discipline was
irksome to him, and he ran away home to his grandmother. I never
heard him say much about the master, but he loved and was beloved by
many of his schoolfellows, and showed even then, by his influence
over the boys, that he was a born leader of men.
About this time his parents returned from India and settled at Combe
Grove, near Bath, where they collected their children around them.
A private tutor was engaged to educate young Brooke, but it could
have been only for a comparatively short time, as in 1819 he received
his ensign’s commission in the 6th Madras Native Infantry, and soon
started for India. He was promoted to his lieutenancy in 1821, and
in the following year was made a Sub-Assistant Commissary-General, a
post for which, as he used to say, he was eminently unfitted.
When the war with Burmah broke out in 1824 Brooke found himself
thoroughly in his element. As the English army advanced into
Assam the general in command found himself much hampered in his
movements by the want of cavalry. Brooke partly relieved him of this
difficulty; his offer to raise a body of horsemen was accepted. By
the orders of the general he called for recruits, who could ride,
from the different regiments, and soon had under him an efficient
body of men, who undertook scouting duties. He found it difficult
to keep them in hand, for the moment they saw an enemy they would
charge, and then scatter in every direction where they thought a
Burmese might be concealed.
During an action in January 1825 he performed very efficient service
with his irregular cavalry, charging wherever any body of Burmese
collected. He received the thanks of the general, and his conduct
was mentioned in despatches as ‘most conspicuous.’ Two days later
occurred an instance of what is almost unknown in our army. A company
of native troops had been ordered to attack a stockade manned by
Burmese; the English officer in command advanced until, on turning
a clump of trees, he came well under fire; then, losing his nerve,
he bolted into the jungle. Brooke arrived at that moment, saw the
infantry wavering, threw himself from his horse, assumed the command,
and thus encouraged they charged the stockade, but Brooke literally
‘foremost, fighting fell.’ Seeing their leader fall, the men were
again about to retreat, when Colonel Richards, advancing with
reinforcements, restored the fight, and in a few minutes the place
was taken, though with heavy loss. No attempts were ever made to turn
these strong stockades, and thus the army suffered severely and to no
purpose.
I have often heard Sir James Brooke tell the story. He had been sent
out to reconnoitre; found the enemy strongly posted, and suspecting
an ambuscade, galloped back to warn his superior officer, but too
late, as firing had already commenced, and the infantry, without a
leader, were confused. He placed himself at their head, but as he
charged he felt a thud, and fell, losing all consciousness. After
the action was over, his colonel, who had seen him fall, inquired
about young Brooke, and was told that he was dead; but examining the
fallen officer himself, found him still alive and had him removed
to hospital. A slug had lodged in his lungs, and for months he lay
between life and death. It was not, in fact, until August that he was
strong enough to be removed, and then only in a canoe. He was paddled
down a branch of the Bramapootra, rarely suffering from pain, but
gazing pensively at the fast-running stream and the fine jungle that
lined its banks; in after life it seemed to him as a dream.
On the Medical Board at Calcutta reporting that a change of climate
was necessary, he was given a long furlough. He returned to England
and joined his family at Bath. The voyage did him some good, but the
wound continued very troublesome, and at times it appeared as if he
could not recover. After the slug had been extracted, however, he
gradually got better, so that in July 1829 he was enabled to embark
on board the Company’s ship _Carn Brae_; but fate was against his
again joining the Indian army. This vessel was wrecked, and when, in
the following March, he sailed for the East on board the _Huntley
Castle_, she was so delayed by bad weather, that when she called in
at Madras Brooke found that he could not join his regiment before the
legal expiration of his leave. He consequently resigned the service
and proceeded in the _Huntley Castle_ to China.
Brooke never cared much for the East India Company’s service, and as
he had formed friendships on board the _Huntley Castle_ he preferred
continuing in her to remaining idle in India awaiting the Directors’
decision, which, even if favourable, could scarcely arrive before
twelve months had expired. The decision was favourable; but as young
Brooke had in the meantime left Madras the matter dropped. The
Indiaman first touched at the Island of Penang, one of the Straits
Settlements, and here Brooke had an opportunity of seeing what lovely
islands there were in the Further East. It is not necessary to dwell
on this voyage, as nothing of importance occurred during it; but his
stay in China made a deep impression on Brooke’s mind. He saw how
the Chinese ill-treated and bullied our countrymen, and how the East
India Company submitted to every insult in order not to imperil their
trade.
After the usual stay in the Canton River, the _Huntley Castle_
returned to England, and Brooke found himself at home with no
employment whatever. He formed many projects; the favourite one,
which he had discussed with the officers of the _Huntley Castle_, was
to purchase a ship, load her with suitable goods, and sail for China
or the adjacent markets. But as none of the friends had any capital,
Brooke confided their views to his father, and naturally met with the
objection that his son was not a trader and never could become one.
However, in the end, the young fellow prevailed. The brig _Findlay_
was bought, laden with goods, and with his partner, Kennedy, formerly
of the _Huntley Castle_, and his friend, Harry Wright, also of the
same vessel, he set sail for the Further East. This voyage was not
destined to be a success. Brooke wished to introduce on board the
easy discipline of a yacht, whilst Kennedy, who was captain, went to
the other extreme and would insist upon the severe discipline of the
navy, without its safeguards. Differences soon arose, and as they
found trade by interlopers was not encouraged, Brooke went to see
Mr Jardine, of the firm of Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Company, and
laid the case before him. The shrewd man of business could not but
smile at the idea of this elegant young soldier managing a trading
speculation. He, however, agreed to buy vessel and cargo, and told
the partners they had better leave the matter in his hands. No
objection was raised, and Mr Jardine so judiciously invested in silks
the amount he had arranged to pay, that in the end comparatively
little loss accrued, none of which was allowed by Brooke to fall on
Kennedy.
On his return to England Brooke wearied of continued leisure, and
although he yachted about the Southern Coast and the Channel Islands,
he longed for some sphere of action which could bring his great
abilities into play. The death of his father, in December 1835,
gave him complete independence. The fortune left was sufficient to
provide for his wife, and to give to each of his children £30,000.
Brooke now decided to carry out the plan he had formed since his
first voyage to China, which was to buy a small vessel and start on
a voyage of discovery. But this time there were to be no partners
and no trade; he intended to be complete master in his own ship. He
ultimately fixed his choice on the _Royalist_, a schooner yacht of
about 142 tons burden. He was delighted with his purchase, and soon
tried her qualifications by starting in the autumn of 1836 for a
cruise in the Mediterranean. There he visited most of the principal
cities, including Constantinople, which in after years afforded him
a constant subject of conversation with the Malays, who interested
themselves in every detail of his visit. ‘Roum’ to them is still the
great city where dwells the head of the Mohammedan religion.[2] Among
those who accompanied him on this cruise was his nephew, John Brooke
Johnson, afterwards known as Captain Brooke, and also John Templer,
who was then and for many years afterwards one of his warm friends
and enthusiastic admirers.
Though determined to make a voyage of discovery in the Eastern
Archipelago, Brooke was not able to leave England till December 1838.
He employed all his spare time in studying the subject, finding out
what was already known, and drawing attention to his plans by a
memoir he wrote on Borneo and the neighbouring islands, summaries of
which were published in the _Athenæum_ and in the _Journal_ of the
Geographical Society. He felt a great admiration for Sir Stamford
Raffles, and ardently desired to carry out his views in dealing with
the peoples of the Further East.
How well Brooke sums up the feelings which prompted him to undertake
what was in every respect a perilous enterprise! ‘Could I carry
my vessel to places where the keel of European ship never before
ploughed the waters; could I plant my foot where white man’s foot had
never before been; could I gaze upon scenes which educated eyes had
never looked on, see man in the rudest state of nature, I should be
content without looking to further rewards.’
It is difficult, even under the most favourable circumstances, to
convey to the mind of a reader an exact portrait of the man whose
deeds you desire to chronicle; but as I lived for nearly twenty
years with James Brooke, I feel I know him well in all his strength
and his weakness. Let me try to describe him. He stood about five
feet ten inches in height; he had an open, handsome countenance; an
active, supple frame; a daring courage that no danger could daunt; a
sweet, affectionate disposition which endeared him to all who knew
him well. Those whom he attended in sickness could never forget his
almost womanly tenderness, and those who attended him, his courageous
endurance. His power of attaching both friends and followers was
unrivalled, and this extended to nearly every native with whom he
came in contact. His few failings were his too great frankness, his
readiness to believe that men were what they professed to be, or
should have been, and (for a short time in latter years) that the
unsophisticated lower classes were more to be trusted and relied on
than those above them in birth and education. His only weaknesses
were, in truth, such as arose from his great goodness of heart and
his confiding nature.
No painter ever succeeded better in conveying a man’s self into a
portrait than Sir Francis Grant in his picture of Sir James Brooke.
I have it now before me, and all I have said of his appearance may
be seen at a glance. Although thirty years have passed since we lost
him, he remains as much enshrined as ever in the hearts of his few
surviving friends.
This brief preliminary chapter ended, I will now describe Brooke’s
voyage to Borneo, and the events which succeeded that remarkable
undertaking.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: These details are taken from Miss Jacob’s _Life of the
Rajah of Sarawak_, Vol. I., page 1.]
[Footnote 2: When I first went to live in Brunei, the Sultan of
Borneo’s capital, there was living there an old haji who was visiting
Egypt at the time of Buonaparte’s invasion, and who remembered well
the Battle of the Nile and the subsequent expulsion of the French by
the English.]
CHAPTER II
EXPEDITION TO BORNEO—FIRST VISIT TO SARAWAK—VOYAGE TO
CELEBES—SECOND VISIT TO SARAWAK—JOINS MUDA HASSIM’S ARMY—BROOKE’S
ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF THE CIVIL WAR—IT IS ENDED UNDER THE
INFLUENCE OF HIS ACTIVE INTERFERENCE—HE SAVES THE LIVES OF THE
REBEL CHIEFS
Brooke sailed from Devonport on December 16, 1838, in the _Royalist_,
belonging to the Royal Yacht Squadron, which, in foreign ports,
admitted her to the same privileges as a ship of war, and enabled
her to carry a white ensign. As the _Royalist_ is still an historic
character in the Eastern Archipelago, I must let the owner describe
her as she was in 1838. ‘She sails fast; is conveniently fitted up;
is armed with six six-pounders, and a number of swords and small arms
of all sorts; carries four boats and provisions for four months. Her
principal defect is being too sharp in the floor. She is a good sea
boat, and as well calculated for the service as could be desired.
Most of the hands have been with me for three years, and the rest are
highly recommended.’
Whilst the _Royalist_ is speeding on prosperously towards Singapore,
and calling at Rio Janeiro and the Cape, let me sum up in a few words
the object of the voyage.
The memorandum[3] which Brooke drew up on the then state of the
Indian Archipelago (1838), shows how carefully he had studied the
whole subject. He first expounds the policy which England should
follow if she wished to recover the position which she wantonly threw
away after the peace of 1815; he then explains what he proposed to do
for the furtherance of our knowledge of Borneo and the other great
islands to the East. Circumstances, however, as he anticipated might
be the case, made him change the direction of his first local voyage.
The _Royalist_ arrived in Singapore in May 1839, and remained at
that port till the end of July, refitting and preparing for future
work. There Brooke received news which induced him to give up for the
present the proposed voyage to Marudu Bay, the northernmost district
of Borneo, and visit Sarawak instead. Rajah Muda Hassim, uncle to
the Sultan of Brunei, was then residing there, and being of a kindly
disposition, had taken care of the crew of a shipwrecked English
vessel, and sent the men in safety to Singapore. This unlooked-for
conduct on the part of a Malay chief roused the interest of the
Singapore merchants, and Brooke was requested to call in at Sarawak
and deliver to the Malay prince a letter and presents from the
Chamber of Commerce.
This was a fortunate diversion of his voyage, as at that time Marudu
was governed by a notorious pirate chief. The bay was a rendezvous
for some of the most daring marauders in the Archipelago, and nothing
could have been done there to further our knowledge of the interior.
All being ready, and the crew strengthened by eight Singapore Malay
seamen,[4] athletic fellows, capital at the oar, and to save the
white men the work of wooding and watering, the _Royalist_ sailed for
Borneo on the 27th of July, and in five days was anchored off the
coast of Sambas. All the charts were found to be wrong, so that every
care had to be taken whilst working up the coast. A running survey
was made, and on the 11th August Brooke found himself at the mouth of
the Sarawak river.
When Brooke first arrived in Borneo, the Sultan Omar Ali claimed all
the coast from the capital to Tanjong Datu, whilst further south
was Sambas, under the influence of the Dutch; but the rule of Omar
Ali was little more than nominal, as each chief in the different
districts exercised almost unlimited power, and paid little or no
tribute to the central Government.
At the time of Brooke’s first visit to Sarawak the Malays of the
country had broken out into revolt against the oppressive rule of
Pangeran Makota, Governor of the district, and fearing that they
might call in the aid of the Sambas Malays, and thus place the
country under the control of the Dutch, the Sultan sent down Rajah
Muda Hassim, his uncle and heir-presumptive, to endeavour to stifle
the rebellion; but three years had passed, and he had done nothing.
He could prevent the rebels from communicating with the sea, but he
was powerless in the interior.
On hearing of the arrival of the _Royalist_ at the mouth of the
river, Muda Hassim despatched a deputation to welcome the stranger
and invite him to the capital—rather a grand name for a small
village. Brooke soon got his vessel under weigh, and proceeded up the
Sarawak, and after one slight mishap, anchored the next day opposite
the rajah’s house, and saluted his flag with twenty-one guns.
Muda Hassim received Brooke in state, and the interview is thus
described: ‘The rajah was seated in his hall of audience, which,
outside, is nothing but a large shed, erected on piles, but within
decorated with taste. Chairs were arranged on either side of the
ruler, who occupied the head seat. Our party were placed on one
hand, and on the other sat his brother Mahommed, and Makota and
some other of the principal chiefs, whilst immediately behind him
his twelve younger brothers were seated. The dress of Muda Hassim
was simple, but of rich material, and most of the principal men
were well, and even superbly dressed. His countenance is plain, but
intelligent and highly pleasing, and his manners perfectly easy. His
reception was kind, and, I am given to understand, highly flattering.
We sat, however, trammelled by the formalities of state, and our
conversation did not extend beyond kind inquiries and professions
of friendship.’ Brooke’s next interview was more informal, and
closer relations were established, which encouraged him to send his
interpreter, Mr Williamson, to ask permission to visit the Dyaks.
This was readily granted, but before commencing his explorations, he
received a private visit from Pangeran Makota. He was probably the
most intelligent Malay whom we ever met in Borneo, frank and open in
manner, but looked upon as the most cunning of the rajah’s advisers.
He was much puzzled, as were indeed all the nobles, as to the true
object of Brooke’s visit to Borneo, and confident in his power,
determined to find it out. And though Brooke had in reality no object
but geographical discovery, he could not convince his guest of that
fact, who scented some deep intrigue under the guise of a harmless
visit.
Brooke now took advantage of the rajah’s permission to explore
some of the neighbouring rivers, and he was shown first the fine
agricultural district of Samarahan, but only met Malays. His next
visit was to the Dyak tribe of Sibuyows, who lived on the river
Lundu, which discharged its waters not many miles from Cape Datu,
the southern boundary of Borneo proper.
From Tanjong Datu, as far as the river Rejang, the interior
populations are called Dyaks—Land or Sea Dyaks—the former, a quiet,
agricultural people, living in the far interior, plundered and
oppressed by the Malays; they are to be found in Sarawak, Samarahan
and Sadong. The Sea Dyaks were much more numerous, and though under
the influence of the Malays and Arab adventurers, were too powerful
ever to be ill-treated. They occupied the districts of Seribas and
Batang Lupar, and those on the left bank of the Rejang, with a few
scattered villages in other parts, such as this Sibuyow tribe on the
Lundu.
The chief of this branch of the Sea Dyaks, the Orang Kaya Tumangong,
was always a great favourite of the English officers in Sarawak. His
was the first tribe that Brooke visited, and he then formed a high
opinion of the brave man and his gallant sons, who were faithful unto
death, and who were always the foremost when any fighting was on hand.
The village they occupied was, in fact, but one huge house, nearly
six hundred feet in length, and the inner half divided into fifty
separate residences for the fifty families that constituted the
tribe. The front half of this long building was an open space, which
was used by the inhabitants during the day for every species of work,
and at night was occupied by the widowers, bachelors and boys as
their bedroom. The Sea Dyaks are much cleaner than the Land Dyaks,
and the girls of Sakarang, for instance, looked as well washed as any
of their sisters in May Fair.
The distinction of Land and Sea Dyaks was due to the fact that
the former never ventured near the salt water, whilst the latter
boldly pushed out to sea in their light bangkongs or war boats,
and cruised along at least two thousand miles of coast. When the
_Royalist_ first arrived in Sarawak the majority of the Sea Dyaks
were piratically inclined. This practice arose in all probability
from their inter-tribal wars—the Seribas against the Lingas and
Sibuyows—and from their custom of seeking heads—almost a religious
observance. When a party of young men went out to search for the
means of marrying, and had failed to secure the heads of enemies, we
can easily imagine their not being too particular about killing any
weaker party they might meet, even if they were not enemies, and,
finding it met with no retaliation, continuing the practice. In this
they were encouraged by the Malay chiefs who lived among them, and
who obtained, on easy terms, the women and children captives who fell
into the hands of the Dyak raiders. Although the Linga and Sibuyow
branches of the Sea Dyaks hunted for heads, they were the heads of
their enemies, whilst the Seribas, and, in a lesser degree, the
Sea Dyaks of the Sakarang and the Rejang spared no one they could
overcome.
Brooke’s next visit was to the river Sadong, to the north-east of
Sarawak, and there he met Sherif Sahib, a great encourager of piracy
of every kind. Sometimes he received the Lanuns,[5] the boldest
marauders who ever invested the Far Eastern seas, bought their
captives and supplied them with food, whilst at others he would aid
the Seribas and Sakarangs in their forays on the almost defenceless
tribes of the interior, or share their plunder acquired on the coasts
of the Dutch possessions.
Finding that the rebellion in the interior of the Sarawak would
prevent him from visiting it, Brooke decided to return to Singapore.
After a friendly parting with Muda Hassim, whose last words were, ‘Do
not forget me,’ the _Royalist_ fell down the river. The night before
Brooke had settled to sail he was joined by a small Sarawak boat with
a dozen men, who were to pilot him out; but about midnight shouts
were heard from the shore of ‘Dyak! Dyak’! In an instant a blue light
was burnt on board the yacht and a gun fired, and then there came a
dead silence. Brooke sprang into a boat and pushed off to the Malay
prahu, to find half the crew wounded. It seemed that a cruising party
of Seribas Dyaks had no doubt seen the fire lighted on the shore,
and had noiselessly floated up with the flood tide and attacked the
Malays, not observing in the dark night the _Royalist_ at anchor.
This occurrence showed how necessary it was to be on one’s guard at
all times.
The news brought by Brooke was well received in Singapore, as it
opened up a new country to British commerce, and prevented the Dutch
gaining a footing there, with their vexatious trade regulations,
which practically debarred native vessels from visiting British ports.
As the Rajah Muda Hassim had assured his English visitor that the
rebellion in the interior of Sarawak would collapse before the next
fine season, he decided to pass the interval in visiting Celebes, a
most attractive island, then but imperfectly known.
No part of Brooke’s journals is more interesting than the account of
his experiences in Bugis land. They are, however, simple travels,
without many personal incidents to be noted; but here, as elsewhere,
he acquired the same ascendency over the natives, and the memory of
his visit remained impressed on the minds of the Bugis rulers, who
followed his advice in regulating their kingdoms, and especially
listened to his counsels when he pointed out the danger of entering
into armed conflict with their Dutch neighbours.
The following observations extracted from Brooke’s journals are
remarkable: ‘I must mention the effect of European domination in the
Archipelago. The first voyagers from the West found the natives rich
and powerful, with strong established governments and a thriving
trade. The rapacious European has reduced them to their present
position. Their governments have been broken up, the old states
decomposed by treachery, bribery and intrigue, their possessions
snatched from them under flimsy pretences, their trade restricted,
their vices encouraged, their virtues repressed, and their energies
paralysed or rendered desperate, till there is every reason to fear
the gradual extinction of the Malay. Let these considerations, fairly
reflected on and enlarged, be presented to the candid and liberal
mind, and I think that, however strong the present prepossessions,
they will shake the belief in the advantages to be gained by European
ascendency, as it has heretofore been conducted, and will convince
the most sceptical of the miseries immediately and prospectively
flowing from European rule as generally constituted.’
The above observations naturally apply to the Dutch and Spanish
systems, which at that time alone had sway in the Archipelago, as
England, with its small trading depots, did not actively interfere
with the native princes. Yet it must be confessed that Borneo
proper, which had generally escaped interference from their European
neighbours, fell from a position fairly important to the most
degraded state, entirely owing to the incapacity of its native rulers
and not to outside influences.
The visits to Sarawak and Celebes tended to confirm Brooke’s
convictions that, if England would but act on a settled plan and on
a sufficient scale, she could still save and develop the independent
native states, without any necessity of occupying them.
In the year 1776 the Sultan of Sulu ceded to England all his
possessions in the north of Borneo, and the East India Company formed
a small settlement on the Island of Balambangan; this being on a very
inefficient scale, was easily surprised by pirates and destroyed.
Later on another attempt was made by the Company to establish
themselves on the island, but it was soon abandoned.
Brooke, after carefully studying the subject, came to the same
conclusion as Sir Stamford Raffles and Colonel Farquhar had done
before him, that it was a mistake to take small islands; but that,
on the contrary, this country should establish a settlement on the
mainland of Borneo. As all the independent states of the Archipelago
are filled with a maritime population, islands are not so safe from
attack as the mainland, where the interior population is rarely
warlike. He recommended that England should take possession of Marudu
Bay, establish herself strongly there, be constantly supported by
the navy, and from thence the Governor, with diplomatic powers,
could visit all the independent chiefs and make such treaties with
them as would prevent their being absorbed by other European
States. His policy was of the most liberal kind; he would have
sought no exclusive trade privileges, but he would have preserved
their political independence. He would have established in the more
important states carefully-selected English agents, to encourage the
chiefs in useful reforms and to prevent restrictions on commerce.
On the mainland he would not have instantly established English
rule, except in a well-chosen, central spot, and there he would have
awaited the invitation of the chiefs to send an English officer to
aid them in governing.
Had this great plan been executed on a suitable scale Brooke’s
name would have been enshrined among the greatest builders of the
British Empire. It is not too late even now; but where shall we find
another Brooke to carry it out? North Borneo is at present under the
protection of Great Britain, but it is owned and administered by a
Chartered Company, and in these days cannot, under such conditions,
hold the same position as a Crown colony.
The time seems propitious. The Spaniards have lost their hold over
the Philippines, and Sulu and the great island of Mindanau will
soon be free from their depressing influence; even the Dutch are
acting on a more enlightened system, which would be encouraged, if
England took an active interest in the Archipelago. The North Borneo
Company would scarcely refuse a proposal to place the country under
our direct rule, and with another Sir Hugh Low it might be made a
valuable possession, and would gradually dominate the whole of the
Archipelago.
The Philippines will now be governed by one of the most progressive
nations in the world, and the effect of their rule will be
far-reaching. It would appear to be advisable that Great Britain
should simultaneously take over North Borneo, as the conditions
heretofore existing have so completely changed.
From Celebes Brooke returned to Singapore to refit. His plans were to
visit Borneo again, then proceed to Manila, and so home by Cape Horn.
He arrived at our settlement in May, left it again in August, and
reached Sarawak on the 29th, to find himself cordially received by
Muda Hassim. The war was not over, nor was the end of it in sight. A
few half-starved Dyaks had deserted the Sarawak Malays, and come into
the Bornean camp to be fed; but the route to Sambas was still open,
and it was suspected that supplies were furnished by the Sultan of
Sambas, who coveted the territory.
After considerable discussion and consideration, Brooke thought he
would visit the headquarters of the army which was supposed to be
besieging the enemy; but he found it seven miles below the principal
hostile fort. The spot was called Ledah Tanah, or the tongue of land,
where the two branches of the river meet. It was the site of the old
capital, and even when I was there some ten years later the iron-wood
posts of the houses still existed, untouched by time, though over
sixty years in use. As Brooke expected, Makota, at the head of the
army, was doing nothing, and as he rejected the advice of his white
visitor, and seemed determined not to advance nearer to the enemy,
Brooke returned to Sarawak, and even announced his departure, as
the North-East monsoon was coming on, and he did not wish to face
it on his voyage to Manila. However, Muda Hassim appeared to feel
his departure so acutely, that his heart smote him, and he agreed
to visit the army once more, particularly as the Land Dyaks were
now really leaving the rebels and joining the Bornean forces. He
therefore returned to the camp, and by his energy compelled Makota to
act. The stockade at Ledah Tanah was pulled down and moved to within
a mile of the enemy’s chief fort, Balidah, and gradually stockade
after stockade was built, until the most commanding one was erected
within three hundred yards of the hostile fort. Brooke sent to the
yacht for two six-pounders and a sufficient supply of ammunition,
and, with the aid of his men, soon battered down the weak defences
of the enemy, and then proposed an assault. But this bold advice was
looked upon as insanity, and though promises to advance were freely
given, when it came to action they all hung back. At length, wearied
with this procrastination, Brooke, in spite of the entreaties of all
the native chiefs, embarked his guns and returned to the _Royalist_,
and sent word to the rajah that his stay was utterly useless; but
when Muda Hassim heard the decision, ‘his deep regret was so visible
that even all the self-command of the native could not disguise it.
He begged, he entreated me to stay, and offered me the country, its
government and its trade, if I would only stop and not desert him.’
Though Brooke could not accept the grant then, as it would have been
extracted from the rajah’s deep distress, he agreed to return to the
army; and once more the guns were embarked in the boats, and every
man who could be spared from the _Royalist_ accompanied Brooke to
the front. There he met Budrudin, Muda Hassim’s favourite brother,
with whom he soon contracted a friendship which ended only with the
Malay prince’s life. He was brave, frank and intelligent; he quickly
appreciated the noble character of the white leader of men, and ever
after he fully trusted him.
The episodes of the closing campaign of this civil war were so
amusing, that although the story has been published several times, I
cannot refrain from repeating it again in the words of the English
chief.[6]
‘On the 10th December we reached the fleet and disembarked our
guns, taking up our residence in a house, or rather shed, close
to the water. The rajah’s brother, Pangeran Budrudin, was with
the army, and I found him ready and willing to urge upon the other
indolent pangerans the proposals I made for vigorous hostilities.
We found the grand army in a state of torpor, eating, drinking and
walking up to the forts and back again daily; but having built these
imposing structures, and their appearance not driving the enemy
away, they were at a loss what to do next, or how to proceed. On
my arrival, I once more insisted on mounting the guns in our old
forts, and assaulting Balidah under their fire. Makota’s timidity
and vacillation were too apparent; but in consequence of Budrudin’s
overawing presence he was obliged, from shame, to yield his assent.
The order for the attack was fixed as follows: our party of ten
(leaving six to serve the guns) were to be headed by myself.
Budrudin, Makota, Subtu and all the lesser chiefs were to lead their
followers, from sixty to eighty in number, by the same route, whilst
fifty or more Chinese, under their captain, were to assault by
another path to their left. Makota was to make the paths as near as
possible to Balidah, with his Dyaks, who were to extract the sudas
and fill up the holes. The guns having been mounted, and their range
ascertained the previous evening, we ascended to the fort about
eight a.m., and at ten opened our fire and kept it up for an hour.
The effect was severe. Every shot told upon their thin defences of
wood, which fell in many places so as to leave storming breaches.
Part of the roof was cut away and tumbled down, and the shower of
grape and canister rattled so as to prevent their returning our fire,
except from a stray rifle. At mid-day the forces reached the fort,
and it was then discovered that Makota had neglected to make any road
because it rained the night before! It was evident that the rebels
had gained information of our intentions as they had erected a fringe
of bamboo along their defences on the very spot we had agreed to
mount. Makota fancied the want of a road would delay the attack; but
I well knew that delay was equivalent to failure, and so it was at
once agreed that we should advance without any path. The poor man’s
cunning and resources were now nearly at an end. He could not refuse
to accompany us, but his courage could not be brought to the point,
and pale and embarrassed he retired. Everything was ready—Budrudin,
the Capitan China and myself, at the head of our men—when he once
more appeared, and raised a subtle point of etiquette, which answered
his purpose. He represented to Budrudin that the Malays were
unanimously of opinion that the rajah’s brother could not expose
himself in an assault; that the dread of the rajah’s indignation far
exceeded their dread of death; and in case any accident happened
to him, his brother’s fury would fall on them. Budrudin was angry,
I was angry too, and the doctor most angry of all; but anger was
unavailing. It was clear they did not intend to do anything in
earnest; and after much discussion, in which Budrudin insisted if
I went he should likewise go, and the Malays insisted that if he
went they would not go, it was resolved that we should serve the
guns, whilst Abong Mia and the Chinese, not under the captain,
should proceed to the assault. But its fate was sealed, and Makota
had gained his object; for neither he nor Subtu thought of exposing
themselves to a single shot. Our artillery opened and was beautifully
served. The hostile forces attempted to advance, but our fire
completely subdued them, as only three rifles answered us, by one of
which a seaman was wounded in the hand, but not seriously. Two-thirds
of the way the storming party proceeded without the hostile army
being aware of their advance, and they might have reached the very
foot of the hill without being discovered, had not Abong Mia, from
excess of piety and rashness, began most loudly to say his prayers.
The three rifles began then to play on them. One Chinaman was killed,
the whole halted, the prayers were more vehement than ever, and
after squatting under cover of the jungle for some time they all
returned. It was only what I expected, but I was greatly annoyed
by their cowardice and treachery—treachery to their own cause. One
lesson, however, I learnt, and that was, that had I assaulted with
our small party, we should assuredly have been victimised. The very
evening of the failure the rajah came up the river. I would not see
him, and only heard that the chiefs got severely reprimanded; but
the effects of reprimand are lost where cowardice is stronger than
shame. Inactivity followed, two or three useless forts were built,
and Budrudin, much to my regret and to the detriment of the cause,
was recalled.
‘Amongst the straggling arrivals I may mention Pangeran Dallam, with
a number of men, consisting of the Orang Bintulu, Meri, Muka and
Kayan Dyaks from the interior. Our house, or, as it originally stood,
our shed, deserves a brief record. It was about twenty feet long,
with a loose floor of reeds and an attap or palm-leaf roof. It served
us for some time, but the attempts at theft obliged us to fence it in
and divide it into apartments—one at the end served for Middleton,
Williamson and myself. Adjoining it was the storeroom and hospital,
and the other extreme belonged to the seamen. Our improvements kept
pace with our necessities. Theft induced us to shut in our house at
the sides, and the unevenness of the reeds suggested the advantage
of laying a floor of the bark of trees over them, which, with mats
over all, rendered our domicile far from uncomfortable. Our forts
gradually extended to the back of the enemy’s town, on a ridge of
swelling ground, whilst they kept pace with us on the same side of
the river on the low ground. The inactivity of our troops had long
become a by-word amongst us. It was, indeed, truly vexatious, but
it was in vain to urge them on, in vain to offer assistance, in vain
to propose a joint attack, or even to seek support at their hands;
promises were to be had in plenty, but performances never.
‘At length our leaders resolved on building a fort at Sekundis,
thus outflanking the enemy and gaining the command of the upper
course of the river. The post was certainly an important one, and
in consequence they set about it with the happy indifference which
characterises their proceedings. Pangeran Illudin (the most active
amongst them) had the building of the fort, assisted by the Orang
Kaya Tumangong of Lundu. Makota, Subtu and others were at the next
fort, and by chance I was there likewise; for it seemed to be little
apprehended that any interruption would take place, as the Chinese
and the greater part of the Malays had been left in the boats. When
the fort commenced, however, the enemy crossed the river and divided
into two bodies, the one keeping in check the party at Pangeran
Gapoor’s fort, whilst the other made an attack on the works. The
ground was not unfavourable for their purpose, for Pangeran Gapoor’s
fort was separated from Sekundis by a belt of thick wood which
reached down to the river’s edge. Sekundis itself, however, stood
on clear ground, as did Gapoor’s fort. I was with Makota at the
latter when the enemy approached through the jungle. The two parties
were within easy speaking distance, challenging and threatening
each other, but the thickness of the jungle prevented our seeing or
penetrating to them. When this body had advanced, the real attack
commenced on Sekundis with a fire of musketry, and I was about to
proceed to the scene, but was detained by Makota, who assured me
there were plenty of men, and that it was nothing at all. As the
musketry became thicker, I had my doubts when a Dyak came running
through the jungle, and with gestures of impatience and anxiety
begged me to assist the party attacked. He had been sent by my old
friend the Tumangong of Lundu, to say they could not hold the post
unless supported. In spite of Makota’s remonstrances, I struck into
the jungle, winded through the narrow path, and, after crossing an
ugly stream, emerged on the clear ground. The sight was a pretty one.
To the right was the unfinished stockade, defended by the Tumangong;
to the left, at the edge of the forest, about twelve or fifteen of
our party, commanded by Illudin, whilst the enemy were stretched
along between the points, and kept up a sharp-shooting from the
hollow ground on the bank of the river. They fired and loaded and
fired, and had gradually advanced on the stockade, as the ammunition
of our party failed; and as we emerged from the jungle, they were
within twenty or five-and-twenty yards of the defence. A glance
immediately showed me the advantage of our position, and I charged
with my Englishmen across the padi field, and the instant we appeared
on the ridge above the river, in the hollows of which the rebels were
seeking protection, their rout was complete. They scampered off in
every direction, whilst the Dyaks and Malays pushed them into the
river. Our victory was decisive and bloodless; the scene was changed
in an instant, and the defeated foe lost arms and ammunition either
on the field of battle or in the river, and our exulting conquerors
set no bounds to their triumph.
‘I cannot omit to mention the name of Si Tundu, a Lanun, the only
native who charged with us. His appearance and dress were most
striking, the latter being entirely of red, bound round the waist,
arms, forehead, etc., with gold ornaments, and in his hand his
formidable Bajuk sword. He danced, or rather galloped, across the
field close to me, and, mixing with the enemy, was about to despatch
a haji, or priest, who was prostrate before him, when one of our
people interposed, and saved him by stating that he was a companion
of our own. The Lundu Dyaks were very thankful for our support, our
praises were loudly sung, and the stockade was concluded. After the
rout, Makota, Subtu and Abong Mia arrived on the field; the last,
with forty followers, had ventured half way before the firing ceased,
but the detachment, under a paltry subterfuge, halted so as not to
be in time. The enemy might have had fifty men at the attack. The
defending party consisted of about the same number, but the Dyaks
had very few muskets. I had a dozen Englishmen, Subu, one of our
Singapore boatmen, and Si Tundu. Sekundis was a great point gained,
as it hindered the enemy from ascending the river and seeking
supplies.
‘Makota, Subtu and the whole tribe arrived as soon as their safety
from danger allowed, and none were louder in their own praise, but,
nevertheless, their countenances evinced some sense of shame, which
they endeavoured to disguise by the use of their tongues. The Chinese
came really to afford assistance, but too late. We remained until the
stockade of Sekundis was finished, while the enemy kept up a wasteful
fire from the opposite side of the river, which did no harm.
‘The next great object was to follow up the advantage by crossing
the stream, but day after day some fresh excuse brought on fresh
delay, and Makota built a new fort and made a new road within a
hundred yards of our old position. I cannot detail further our
proceedings for many days, which consisted, on my part, in efforts
to get something done, and on the others, a close adherence to the
old system of promising everything and doing nothing. The Chinese,
like the Malays, refused to act; but on their part it was not fear,
but disinclination. By degrees, however, the preparations for the new
fort were complete, and I had gradually gained over a party of the
natives to my views; and, indeed, amongst the Malays, the bravest of
them had joined themselves to us, and what was better, we had Datu
Pangerang and thirteen Illanuns, and the Capitan China allowed me to
take his men whenever I wanted them. My weight and consequence was
increased, and I rarely moved now without a long train of followers.
The next step, whilst crossing the river was uncertain, was to take
my guns up to Gapoor’s fort, which was about six or seven hundred
yards from the town, and half the distance from a rebel fort on the
river’s bank.
‘Panglima Rajah, the day after our guns were in battery, took it
into his head to build a fort on the river’s side, close to the
town in front, and between two of the enemy’s forts. It was a bold
undertaking for the old man after six weeks of uninterrupted repose.
At night, the wood being prepared, the party moved down, and worked
so silently that they were not discovered till their defence was
nearly finished, when the enemy commenced a general firing from all
their forts, returned by a similar firing from all ours, none of the
parties being quite clear what they were firing at or about, and the
hottest from either party being equally harmless. We were at the time
about going to bed in our habitation, but expecting some reverse I
set off to the stockade where our guns were placed, and opened a
fire upon the town and the stockade near us, till the enemy’s fire
gradually slackened and died away. We then returned, and in the
morning were greeted with the pleasing news that they had burned and
deserted five of their forts, and left us sole occupants of the left
bank of the river. The same day, going through the jungle to see one
of these deserted forts, we came upon a party of the enemy, and had
a brief skirmish with them before they took to flight. Nothing can
be more unpleasant to a European than this bush-fighting, where he
scarce sees a foe, whilst he is well aware that their eyesight is
far superior to his own. To proceed with this narrative, I may say
that four or five forts were built on the edge of the river opposite
the enemy’s town, and distant not above fifty or sixty yards. Here
our guns were removed, and a fresh battery formed ready for a
bombardment, and fire-balls essayed to ignite the houses.
‘At this time Sherif Jaffer, from Linga, arrived with about seventy
men, Malays and Dyaks of Balow. The river Linga, being situated close
to Seribas, and incessant hostilities being waged between the two
places, he and his followers were both more active and warlike than
the Borneans; but their warfare consists of closing hand to hand with
spear and sword. They scarcely understood the proper use of firearms,
and were of little use in attacking stockades. As a negotiator,
however, the Sherif bore a distinguished part; and on his arrival
a parley ensued, much against Makota’s will, and some meetings
took place between Jaffer and a brother Sherif at Siniawan, named
Moksain. After ten days’ delay nothing came of it, though the enemy
betrayed great desire to yield. This negotiation being at an end,
we had a day’s bombardment, and a fresh treaty brought about thus:
Makota being absent in Sarawak, I received a message from Sherif
Jaffer and Pangeran Subtu to say that they wished to meet me; and on
my consenting they stated that Sherif Jaffer felt confident the war
might be brought to an end, though alone he dared not treat with the
rebels; but, in case I felt inclined to join him, we could bring it
to a favourable conclusion. I replied that our habits of treating
were very unlike their own, as we allowed no delays to interpose; but
that I would unite with him for one interview, and if that interview
was favourable we might meet the chiefs at once and settle it, or put
an end to all further treating. Pangeran Subtu was delighted with
the proposition, urged its great advantages, and the meeting, by my
desire, was fixed for that very night, the place Pangeran Illudin’s
fort at Sekundis. The evening arrived, and at dark we were at the
appointed place and a message was despatched for Sherif Moksain. In
the meantime, however, came a man from Pangeran Subtu to beg us to
hold no intercourse; that the rebels were false, meant to deceive
us, and if they did come we had better make them prisoners. Sherif
Jaffer, after arguing the point some time, rose to depart, remarking
that with such proceedings he would not consent to treat. I urged
him to stay, but finding him bent on going I ordered my gig (which
had some time before been brought overland) to be put into the
water—my intention being to proceed to the enemy’s kampong and hear
what they had to say. I added that it was folly to leave undone what
we had agreed to do in the morning because Pangeran Subtu changed
his mind; that I had come to treat, and treat I would. I would not
go away now without giving the enemy a fair hearing. For the good
of all parties I would do it—and if the Sherif liked to join me, as
we proposed before, and wait for Sherif Moksain, good; if not, I
would go in the boat to the kampong. My Europeans, on being ordered,
jumped up, ran out and brought the boat to the water’s edge and in
a few minutes oars, rudder and rowlocks were in her. My companions,
seeing this, came to terms, and we waited for Sherif Moksain, during
which, however, I overheard a whispering conversation from Subtu’s
messenger, proposing to seize him, and my temper was ruffled to such
a degree, that I drew out a pistol, and told him I would shoot him
dead if he dared to seize, or talk of seizing, any man who trusted
himself from the enemy to meet me. The scoundrel slunk off, and we
were no more troubled with him. This past, Sherif Moksain arrived,
and was introduced into our fortress alone—alone and unarmed in an
enemy’s stockade, manned with two hundred men. His bearing was firm;
he advanced with ease and took his seat, and during the interview
the only sign of uneasiness was the quick glance of his eye from side
to side. The object he aimed at was to gain my guarantee that the
lives of all the rebels should be spared, but this I had not in my
power to grant. He returned to his kampong, and came again towards
morning, when it was agreed that Sherif Jaffer and myself should meet
the Patingis and the Tumangong, and arrange terms with them. By the
time our conference was over the day broke, and we descended to our
boats to have a little rest.
‘On the 20th December we met the chiefs on the river, and they
expressed themselves ready to yield, without conditions, to the
rajah, if I would promise that they should not be put to death. My
reply was that I could give no such promise; but if they surrendered,
it must be for life or death, according to the rajah’s pleasure, and
all I could do was to use my influence to save their lives. To this
they assented after a while; but then there arose the more difficult
question, how they were to be protected until the rajah’s orders
arrived. They dreaded both Chinese and Malays, especially the former,
who had just cause for angry feelings, and who, it was feared, would
make an attack on them directly their surrender had taken from them
their means of defence. The Malays would not assail them in a body,
but would individually plunder them, and give occasion for disputes
and bloodshed. Their apprehensions were almost sufficient to break
off the hitherto favourable negotiations, had I not proposed to
them myself to undertake their defence, and to become responsible
for their safety until the orders of their sovereign arrived. On my
pledging myself to this they yielded up their strong fort of Balidah,
the key of their position. I immediately made it known to our own
party that no boats were to ascend or descend the river, and that any
person attacking or pillaging the rebels were my enemies, and that I
should fire upon them without hesitation.
‘Both Chinese and Malays agreed to the propriety of the measure, and
gave me the strongest assurances of restraining their respective
followers; the former with good faith, the latter with the intention
of involving matters, if possible, to the destruction of the rebels.
By the evening we were in possession of Balidah, and certainly found
it a formidable fortress, situated on a steep mound, with dense
defences of wood, triple deep, and surrounded by two enclosures,
thickly studded on the outside with _ranjaus_. The effect of our
fire had shaken it completely, now much to our discomfort, for the
walls were tottering and the roof as leaky as a sieve. On the 20th
December, then, the war closed. The very next day, contrary to
stipulation, the Malay pangerans tried to ascend the river, and when
stopped began to expostulate. After preventing many, the attempt
was made by Subtu and Pangeran Hassim in three large boats, boldly
pulling towards us. Three hails did not check them, and they came
on, in spite of a blank cartridge and a wide ball to turn them back.
But I was resolved, and when a dozen musket balls whistled over
and fell close around them, they took to an ignominious flight. I
subsequently upbraided them for this breach of promise, and Makota
loudly declared they had been greatly to blame, but I discovered that
he himself had set them on.
‘I may now briefly conclude these details. I ordered the rebels to
burn all their stockades, which they did at once, and deliver up
the greater part of their arms, and I proceeded to the rajah to
request from him their lives. Those who know the Malay character
will appreciate the difficulty of the attempt to stand between the
monarch and his victims. I only succeeded when, at the end of a long
debate—I soliciting, he denying—I rose to bid him farewell, as it
was my intention to sail directly, since, after all my exertions in
his cause he would not grant me the lives of the people, I could
only consider that his friendship for me was at an end. On this he
yielded. I must own that during the discussion he had much the best
of it; for he urged that they had forfeited their lives by the law,
as a necessary sacrifice to the future peace of the country; and
argued that in a similar case in my own native land no leniency would
be shown. On the contrary, my reasoning, though personal, was, on the
whole, the best for the rajah and the people. I explained my extreme
reluctance to have the blood of conquered foes shed; the shame I
should experience in being a party, however involuntarily, to their
execution, and the general advantage of a merciful line of policy.
At the same time I told him that their lives were forfeited, their
crimes had been of a heinous and unpardonable nature, and that it
was only from so humane a man as himself, one with so kind a heart,
that I could ask for their pardon; but, I added, he well knew that
it was only my previous knowledge of his benevolent disposition, and
the great friendship I felt for him, which had induced me to take
any part in the struggle. Other stronger reasons might have been
brought forward, which I forbore to employ, as being repugnant to
his princely pride, viz., that severity in this case would arm many
against him, raise powerful enemies in Borneo proper, as well as
here, and greatly impede the future right government of the country.
However, having gained my point, I was satisfied.
‘Having fulfilled this engagement, and being, moreover, with many
of my Europeans, attacked with ague, I left the scene with all the
dignity of complete success. Subsequently the rebels were ordered to
deliver up all their arms, ammunition and property; and last, the
wives and children of the principal people were demanded as hostages
and obtained. The women and children were treated with kindness and
preserved from injury or wrong. Siniawan thus dwindled away. The
poorer men stole off in canoes, and were scattered about, most of
them coming to Kuching. The better class pulled down the houses,
abandoned the town and lived in boats for a month when, alarmed
by the delay in settling terms and impelled by hunger, they also
fled—Patingi Gapoor, it was said, to Sambas, and Patingi Ali and
the Tumangong amongst the Dyaks. After a time it was supposed they
would return and receive their wives and children. The army gradually
dispersed to seek food, and the Chinese were left in possession of
the once renowned Siniawan, the ruin of which they completed by
burning all that remained and erecting a village for themselves in
the immediate neighbourhood. Sherif Jaffer and many others departed
to their respective homes, and the pinching of famine succeeded to
the horrors of war. Fruit, being in season, helped to support the
wretched people, and the near approach of the rice harvest kept up
their spirits.’
Thus ended the great civil war, which is so renowned in local
history. The three chiefs mentioned—Patingi Gapoor, Patingi Ali and
the Tumangong—with their sons and relatives, will appear again as
some of the principal actors in the history of Sarawak. All except
Patingi Gapoor remained faithful to the end, or are still among the
main supports of the present Government. I knew them all, with the
exception of Patingi Ali, who was killed whilst gallantly heading an
attack on the Sakarang pirates during Captain Keppel’s expedition in
1844.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 3: _See_ Appendix.]
[Footnote 4: I knew one of them, Subu, the favourite of every
foreigner in Sarawak.]
[Footnote 5: The Lanuns came from the great island of Mindanau, in
the Southern Philippines, which was a nominal possession of Spain,
and cruised in well-armed vessels.]
[Footnote 6: _Voyage of the Dido_, Vol. I., page 172, _et seq._]
CHAPTER III
THIRD VISIT TO SARAWAK—MAKOTA INTRIGUES AGAINST BROOKE—VISIT OF
THE STEAMER ‘DIANA’—HE IS GRANTED THE GOVERNMENT OF SARAWAK—HIS
PALACE—CAPTAIN KEPPEL OF H.M.S. ‘DIDO’ VISITS SARAWAK—EXPEDITION
AGAINST THE SERIBAS PIRATES—VISIT OF SIR EDWARD BELCHER—RAJAH
BROOKE’S INCREASED INFLUENCE—VISIT TO THE STRAITS SETTLEMENTS—IS
WOUNDED IN SUMATRA—THE ‘DIDO’ RETURNS TO SARAWAK—FURTHER
OPERATIONS—NEGOTIATIONS WITH BRITISH GOVERNMENT—CAPTAIN BETHUNE AND
MR WISE ARRIVE IN SARAWAK
Peace being again restored to the country, Brooke was enabled to
study the position. Muda Hassim occasionally mentioned his intention
of rewarding his English ally for his great services by giving him
the government of Sarawak; but nothing came of it, as when the
document for submission to the Sultan was duly prepared it proved to
be nothing but ‘permission to trade.’ However unsatisfactory this
might be, Brooke accepted it for the moment, and it was agreed that
he should proceed to Singapore, load a schooner with merchandise, and
return to open up the resources of the place. In the meantime the
rajah was to build a house for his friend, and prepare a shipload of
antimony ore as a return cargo for the schooner.
While in Singapore Brooke wrote to his mother concerning his plans,
and he now added, ‘I really have excellent hopes that this effort
of mine will succeed; and while it ameliorates the condition of
the unhappy natives, and tends to the promotion of the highest
philanthropy, it will secure to me some better means of carrying
through these grand objects. I call them grand objects, for they are
so, when we reflect that civilisation, commerce and religion may
through them be spread over so vast an island as Borneo. They are so
grand, that self is quite lost when I consider them; and even the
failure would be so much better than the non-attempt, that I could
willingly sacrifice myself as nearly as the barest prudence will
permit.’
Many, perhaps, could write such words, but Brooke really felt them,
and fully intended to carry out his views, whatever obstacles might
stand in his way; and they were many, for on his return to Sarawak
in the _Royalist_, with the schooner _Swift_ laden with goods for
the market, he found no house built and no cargo of antimony ready.
A house in Sarawak could be built in ten days or a fortnight, as the
materials are all found in the jungle and the natives are expert at
the work.
The antimony was procurable, but, as Brooke afterwards found, it
was the product of forced labour, almost always unpaid. One cannot
but smile at Brooke’s first attempt at trade. Without sending up to
see whether the antimony was ready, he accepted Muda Hassim’s word,
and then handed over to him the whole of the cargo of the _Swift_.
What might have been expected followed. No sooner had the Malay
rajah secured the goods than the most profound apathy was shown as
to the return cargo. The same system was followed with regard to the
government of the country; every attempt to discuss it was evaded,
and I believe that Makota did his best to persuade Muda Hassim that
the Englishman was but a bird of passage, who would soon get tired of
waiting, and would sail away without the return cargo, and drop all
thoughts of governing the country.
Pangeran Makota, who had been Brooke’s enemy throughout all these
proceedings, was now ready to act. He knew that the Land Dyaks in the
interior, as well as the Malays of Siniawan whom the Englishman had
aided to subdue, now looked to him as their protector; he therefore
determined to destroy his prestige. He invited the Seribas Sea Dyaks
and Malays to come to Sarawak; they came in a hundred bangkongs, or
long war boats, with at least three thousand men, with the ostensible
object of attacking a tribe living near the Sambas frontier, who had
not been submissive enough to Bornean exactions; but every violent
act they committed would have been overlooked if they only gave a
sufficient percentage of their captives to the nobles. Already these
wild devils had received the rajah’s permission to proceed up the
river; the Land Dyaks, the Malays, the Chinese were full of fear, as
all are treated as enemies by the Seribas when out on the war-path.
As soon as Brooke received notice of what Muda Hassim, instigated by
Makota, had done, he retired to the _Royalist_ and prepared both his
vessels for action. The Malay rulers, hearing how angry he was, and
uncertain what steps he might take, recalled the expedition, which
returned, furious at being baulked of their prey, and would have
liked to have tried conclusions with the English ships, but found
them too well on their guard.
This very act which Makota expected would lower the Englishman’s
prestige, naturally greatly enhanced it, as it was soon known, even
into the far interior, that the white stranger had but to say the
word and this fearful scourge had been stayed.
Another event soon followed which greatly raised Brooke’s influence
among the natives. He received notice that an English vessel had been
wrecked on the north coast of Borneo, and that the crew were detained
as hostages by the Sultan of Borneo for the payment of a ransom. He
now sent the _Royalist_ to try and release them, whilst he despatched
the _Swift_ to Singapore for provisions, and remained with three
companions in his new house in Sarawak. Could anything better prove
his cool courage? The _Royalist_ failed in its mission, but almost
immediately after its return, an East India Company’s steamer came up
the river to inquire as to its success, and finding the captive crew
still at Brunei, proceeded there and quickly effected their release.
The appearance of the _Diana_ twice in the river had its effect on
the population, as it was probably the first steamer they had ever
seen.
Makota had been greatly disappointed that his intrigues had failed
to force the white strangers to quit the country, but his fertile
invention now thought of more sure and criminal means. ‘Why not
poison them?’ He tried, but failed; his confederates confessed, and
then Brooke resolved to act. Either Makota or himself must fall. By a
judicious display of force, quite justified under the circumstances,
he freed the rajah from the baneful influence of Makota, who from
that time forward ceased to act as chief adviser, and regained his
former ascendency. Muda Hassim immediately carried out his original
promise, and in a formal document handed over the government of the
district of Sarawak to Brooke. The news was received with rejoicing
by the Land Dyaks, the Sarawak Malays and the Chinese, but with some
misgivings by the rascally followers of the Bornean rajahs. This
event took place in September 1841.
Brooke’s first act was to request Muda Hassim to return to their
families the women and children who had been given as hostages after
the close of the civil war. He succeeded in most cases, but as the
younger brothers of Muda Hassim had honoured with their notice some
of the unmarried girls, he was forced to leave ten of them in the
harems of the rajahs.
Being now Governor of Sarawak, he determined to effect some reforms.
One of the greatest difficulties he encountered was the introduction
of impartial justice; to teach the various classes that all were
equal before the law. He opened a court, at which he himself
provided, aided moreover, by some of the rajah’s brothers and the
chiefs of the Siniawan Malays, and dispensed justice according
to the native laws, which in most cases are milder than those of
European countries. When absent himself his chief officer acted for
him. As long as these laws were only applied to Dyaks, Chinese or
inferior Malays, there was no resistance, but when the privileged
class and their unscrupulous followers were touched, there arose some
murmurings.
[Illustration: SARAWAK AND DEPENDENCIES
MAP OF SARAWAK AND ITS DEPENDENCIES AT THE CLOSE OF SIR JAMES
BROOKE’S GOVERNMENT.]
Brooke saw at once that to ensure stability to his rule he must
govern the people through, and with the aid of, the chiefs to whom
they were accustomed. He therefore proposed to Muda Hassim to restore
to their former positions the men who had been at the head of the
late rebellion, and who certainly had been more sinned against
than sinning. To this the rajah agreed, which added much to the
Englishman’s influence, not only among the Malays, but also among the
Dyaks, who were accustomed to be ruled and, it must be confessed,
to be plundered by these chiefs. But the tribes thought that it was
better to pay exactions to one than to be exposed to the persecutions
of many.
Although Muda Hassim had made over to Brooke the government of the
country, it was necessary that this grant should be ratified by the
Sultan. Brooke therefore proceeded to Brunei in the _Royalist_,
accompanied by Pangeran Budrudin. It was also very necessary to pave
the way for Muda Hassim’s return to the capital, with his rapacious
followers, before Sarawak could really prosper. Everything succeeded;
the Sultan not only ratified the grant, but sent a strong invitation
to his uncle to return to his old position of being the prime
minister, whose absence they all deplored. His Highness sent letters
to that effect, and when the _Royalist_ arrived at Sarawak there was
very general rejoicing.
The greatest state was observed when the Sultan’s letters were
taken on shore. ‘They were received and brought up to the reception
hall amid large wax torches. The person who was to read them was
stationed on a raised platform. Standing near him was the Rajah
Muda Hassim, with a sabre in his hand; in front was his brother
Jaffer with a tremendous Lanun sword drawn; and around were the
other brothers and myself, all standing, the rest of the company
being seated. The letters were then read—the last one appointing me
to hold the government of Sarawak—after which the rajah descended
from the platform and said aloud, “If anyone present disowns or
contests the Sultan’s appointment, let him now declare it.” All were
silent. “Is there any pangeran or young rajah that contests the
question? Pangeran Der Makota, what do you say?” Makota expressed
his willingness to obey. One or two other obnoxious pangerans, who
had always opposed themselves to me, were each in turn challenged,
and forced to promise obedience. The rajah then waved his sword, and
with a loud voice exclaimed, “Whoever he may be that disobeys the
Sultan’s mandate now received, I will cleave his skull.” And at the
moment some ten of his younger brothers jumped from the verandah,
and drawing their long krises, began to flourish and dance about,
thrusting close to Makota, striking the pillar above his head, and
pointing their weapons at his breast. A motion on his part would have
been fatal, but he kept his eyes on the ground and stirred not. I
too remained quiet, and cared nothing about this demonstration, for
one gets accustomed to these things. It all passed off, and in ten
minutes the men who had been leaping frantically about, with drawn
weapons and inflamed countenances, were seated, quiet and demure as
usual. This scene is a custom with them, the only exception being
that it was pointed so directly at Makota.’
This unworthy chief was now ordered to leave the country, as his
presence was not only distasteful to the Tuan Besar, as Brooke was
called, but to all those whom he had driven, by his oppressions,
into the rebellion which had lately been quelled. The Bornean rajahs
also looked upon him as an interloper, and he found no support from
them; he was said, in fact, to be a stranger from the Dutch ‘sphere
of influence,’ as it is now the fashion to call possession without
occupation.
A new era was about to dawn on Sarawak by the advent of the British
navy. Before dwelling on the change which took place in consequence,
let me glance briefly at Brooke’s position. He had been granted the
government of the country by Rajah Muda Hassim, a grant confirmed by
the Sultan; he had gained the confidence of the former, who leaned on
him for support, and who hoped through his influence to recover his
former paramount position in the capital; he was cordially supported
by the Siniawan Malays, and was fully trusted by the Land Dyaks. He
was also aided to a certain extent by those useful but troublesome
subjects the Chinese, who then only dreamt of making themselves
supreme in the interior. He was supported by three English followers,
and the occasional presence of his yacht, the _Royalist_. How was it
possible for anyone, therefore, to declare that he had seized the
country by force, and held it by force, as was afterwards affirmed
by a small English faction? His only enemies were Pangeran Makota and
a few discontented Borneans, who dreaded the reign of justice and
order. Though secure of the support of the inhabitants of Sarawak,
he was opposed by his neighbour the Sultan of Sambas, backed by
the Dutch, and he had the mouths of his rivers almost blockaded
during eight months of the year by the fleets of Lanun and Balignini
pirates who cruised along the coast during the fine season. His
people were also in constant peril from the expeditions organised
by Sherif Sahib, the chief of the neighbouring district of Sadong,
the rendezvous of every species of pirate; and all coast trade was
stopped by the constant presence of the Seribas and Sakarang Dyaks,
led by their warlike Malays, who foraged along the whole western
coast of Borneo. He was saved simply by his great prestige, as
he had in reality no force with which he could cope with a large
pirate fleet—a prestige acquired by his bravery, his tact, his great
kindness, and the just and benevolent rule which he was striving with
all his energy to introduce into his adopted country.
And what were his chief objects? How well the following lines express
them: ‘It is a grand experiment, which, if it succeeds, will bestow
a blessing on those poor people, and their children’s children will
bless my name.’ Again, ‘If it please God to permit me to give a stamp
to this country which shall last after I am no more, I shall have
lived a life which emperors might envy. If by dedicating myself to
the task I am able to introduce better customs and settled laws, and
to raise the feeling of the people, so that their rights can never in
future he wantonly infringed, I shall indeed be content and happy.’
This is how the Rajah describes his residence and mode of life at
Kuching: ‘I may now mention our house, or, as I fondly call it, our
palace. It is an edifice fifty-four feet square, mounted on numerous
posts of the nibong palm, with nine windows in each front. The roof
is of nipa leaves, and the floors and partitions are all of planks.
Furnished with couches, table, chairs, books, etc., the whole is as
comfortable as man could wish for in this out-of-the-way country; and
we have besides bathing-house, cook-house and servants’ apartments
detached. The view from the house to the eastward comprises a reach
of the river, and to the westward looks towards the blue mountains
of Matang; the north fronts the river and the south the jungle. Our
abode, however, though spacious, cool and comfortable, can only be
considered a temporary residence, for the best of all reasons, that
in the course of a year it will tumble down, from the weight of the
superstructure being placed on weak posts.
‘The time here passes monotonously, but not unpleasantly. Writing,
reading, chart-making employ my time between meals. My companions are
equally engaged—Mackenzie[7] with copying logs, learning navigation
and stuffing specimens of natural history; Crymble is teaching our
young Bugis and Dyak boys their letters for an hour every morning,
copying my vocabularies of languages, ruling charts and the like;
whilst my servant Peter learns reading and writing daily, with very
poor success, however. Our meals are about nine in the morning and
four in the afternoon, with a cup of tea at eight. The evening is
employed in walking never less than a mile and a half measured
distance, and, after tea, reading and a cigar. Wine and grog we have
none, and all appear better for it, or, at least, I can say so much
for myself. Our bedtime is about eleven.’
In 1843, after an almost unbroken stay of nearly two years in Borneo,
Brooke again visited Singapore, and found welcome news. The British
Government had decided to inquire into the Bornean question, and it
was stated that Sir Edward Belcher had been ordered to visit Sarawak
in H.M.S. _Samarang_; but what was of much greater importance, and
proved of incalculable benefit to Sarawak and to British interests
in Borneo, was that Brooke made the acquaintance of Captain the
Hon. Henry Keppel, who was in command of H.M.S. _Dido_. As I have
elsewhere remarked, Keppel, with the instincts of a gentleman, at
once recognised that he had no adventurer but a true man before him,
and henceforward exerted all his energy and influence to further his
friend’s beneficent projects. They were indeed genuine Englishmen,
and looked to what would advance the veritable interests of their own
country—to increase its prestige in Borneo and clear the seas of the
pirates who destroyed native commerce on its way to our settlements.
The _Dido_ in the first days of May 1843 sailed from Singapore for
Sarawak, and on the 13th anchored off the Moratabus entrance of the
river. When the natives heard that their Governor had arrived, they
swarmed down to the ship in their boats, delighted at his return
among them; and the sight of the beautiful frigate, so powerful
in their eyes, assured them that she would not leave before some
measures had been taken against the pirates. Rajah Muda Hassim
eagerly seized on this opportunity to obtain some security for native
trade, and earnestly entreated Captain Keppel to attack the pirates
of Seribas and Sakarang, who were especially dangerous to the coast
traffic. Having satisfied himself of the truth of the allegations
against the marauders, Keppel determined to act, and, having
announced his intention, he was soon assured of the support of a
native contingent, who decided to follow their English chief wherever
he went, although with many misgivings as to the result of an attack
on these much-feared corsairs, who had plundered their coasts with
impunity for several generations.
I need not describe this expedition against the pirates, as the
details have been often published; and as Admiral Keppel is now
engaged in writing his memoirs, we shall have full particulars at
first hand.[8] The _Dido_ anchored off the Seribas river, and being
joined by a native force of five hundred men, the English boats put
off with crews of about eighty seamen and marines, and carried in
the most dashing style every fort or obstruction placed in their
way. No obstacles daunted them, and their enemies, numbering many
thousands on each branch of the river, were so astonished by this
novel mode of fighting in the open that they fled on every occasion,
abandoning their towns and forts, which were promptly destroyed by
our native allies, now trebled in number. The Seribas considered
themselves invincible, and had collected their means of resistance in
well-chosen spots, their guns covering the booms across the river,
but to no purpose, and the towns of Paku, Padi and Rembas all shared
the same fate.
It is a very remarkable circumstance that as soon as each section
recognised the hopelessness of resistance, they entered freely into
communication with their assailants, and under cover of the white
flag, and often unarmed, approached their English conquerors with
perfect trust and confidence. They all agreed to visit Sarawak, and
promised amendment for the future.
The complete collapse of the defence astonished everyone, and those
natives who had taken part in this memorable campaign began to
acquire confidence in themselves, and were ever ready to follow
their white leaders in all future expeditions.
Captain Keppel, in his _Voyage of the Dido_, has given us a very good
account of the house in which Mr Brooke lived in 1843, and of which
I have already introduced its occupant’s own description. Captain
Keppel says that the English Rajah’s residence, although equally rude
in structure with the abodes of the natives, was not without its
English comforts of sofas, chairs and bedsteads. It was larger than
any other house in the place, but, like them, was built on nibong
piles, and to enter it it was necessary to make use of a ladder. The
house consisted of but one floor; a large room in the centre, neatly
ornamented with every description of firearms in admirable order and
ready for use, served as audience hall and mess room, and the various
apartments around it as bedrooms, most of them comfortably furnished
with matted floors, easy-chairs, pictures and books, with much more
taste and attention to comfort than bachelors usually display. But,
the fact is, you could never enter any place where Brooke had passed
a few days without being struck by the artistic arrangement of
everything. His good taste was shown even in trifles, though comfort
was never sacrificed to show. The house was surrounded by palisades
and a ditch, forming an enclosure, in which were to be found sheep,
goats, pigeons, cats, poultry, geese, ducks, monkeys, dogs, and
occasionally a cow or two.
Then, as later, the great hour of meeting was sunset, when, after the
preliminary cold bath to brace the nerves, relaxed by the heat of
the day, all the party met to dine. When Keppel was at Kuching all
the officers of the _Dido_ were welcome, and many a merry evening
was passed at Brooke’s house. I have often heard him speak of that
glorious time. Then the future was all hope, no disappointments had
depressed the mind, and the cheerfulness of the host was infectious.
I have never met anyone who in his playful mood was more charming.
He told a story well, he was animated in discussion, fertile in
resource, and, when beaten in argument, would shift his ground with
great dexterity, and keep up the discussion to the entertainment of
us all. An appreciative observer once wrote, ‘The Rajah has certainly
a most uncommon gift of fluency of language. Every subject derives an
additional interest from his mode of discussing it, and his ideas are
so original that to hear him speak is like opening out a new world
before one. His views about Sarawak are so grand that it is with real
pain one thinks how very little has been done to aid him in his noble
efforts.’ Captain Keppel was also a capital storyteller, so that
between the two, with occasional assistance from the others, the time
passed gaily, and it was often well on in the small hours before the
party broke up.
It was a great disappointment to all that Captain Keppel now received
orders to proceed to China, as he had intended before his departure
to complete his work by attacking the Sakarangs, who lived in the
interior of the Batang Lupar river, and who were powerfully supported
by Arab and Malay chiefs.
The next event of importance was the arrival of Sir Edward Belcher
in H.M.S. _Samarang_. He had been sent to report on Sarawak and on
Bornean affairs in general. He was a clever but very unpopular man,
and made his ship the most uncomfortable in the service. After a
short stay in Sarawak, visiting the interior and making inquiries, he
decided to proceed to Brunei and enter into communication with the
Sultan. Brooke was to have accompanied him, but the _Samarang_ had
but just started to descend the river when she touched on a rock,
and as the tide fell, she turned over on her side and filled with
water. It was a misfortune to the ship, but a blessing to Sarawak,
as it drew general attention to Brooke’s settlement. By dint of the
greatest exertion on the part of officers and crew, and the aid
afforded by the native population, within eleven days the vessel
was again afloat. In the meantime the _Royalist_ had been sent to
Singapore for provisions and aid, and before twelve days had elapsed
she returned with a ship of war. Others soon followed, to find the
_Samarang_ out of all danger. As soon as her refit was completed,
she sailed for Brunei with Brooke on board. His friends had pointed
out to him that, to render his work in Sarawak permanent, he must
obtain a grant in perpetuity from the Government of Brunei, and this
he readily secured. Moreover, His Highness the Sultan wrote to Sir
Edward Belcher expressing the strong desire of his Government to
trade and their wish to co-operate in the suppression of piracy.
Whilst all was proceeding favourably in Borneo, Brooke was much
disturbed by the news of the proceedings of Mr Wise, his agent in
London. There was no doubt of the talent and earnestness of this
man, but those who knew him well felt that he was rather working
for his own benefit than for that of his employer. He knew that a
true account of the actual state of Sarawak would fail to draw the
attention of the mercantile community; he therefore raised false
expectations as to the value of the trade which would arise as soon
as Borneo was thrown open to British commerce. When Brooke was made
aware of this he wrote to his friend Templer, ‘It does appear to
me, judging from Mr Wise’s letters and the steps he has taken, that
some exaggerated hopes are entertained, and hopes as unreasonable as
exaggerated.... In fact, I will become no party to a bubble; or gain,
or accept any negotiation from Government upon false grounds’ (_sic_).
Brooke’s views on the management of a wild country and the only way
to develop commerce among savage, and even among half-civilised
peoples, were so wise and trustworthy that they would merit being
quoted in full did space permit. He was indeed a most sagacious
ruler, with a positive instinct as to the manner in which native
races should be treated, and he always insisted that progress to be
permanent must be slow, and that throwing capital _en masse_ into an
undeveloped country would only produce disappointment and loss.
How true is the following: ‘Good temper, good sense and conciliatory
manners are essential to the good government of natives, and on this
point it is that most Europeans are so grossly wanting. They always
take [with them] their own customs, feelings and manners, and in a
way force the natives to conform to them, and never give themselves
the trouble of ascertaining how far these manners are repugnant to
the natives.’ In my long experience I could scarcely name a dozen men
whom I have seen treat native races as they should be treated, and
most of these were among the devoted followers of Rajah Brooke. His
own manners were perfect.
One result of the defeat of the Seribas was the increased influence
of the English ruler. Sherif Sahib of Sadong now thought it prudent
to return to the Sow tribe of Dyaks fifty of the women and children
whom his people had seized, and although this was but an instalment
it was something gained.
In a few lines written on November 14, 1843, Brooke sketched the
policy which he wished the English Government to pursue. ‘If we act,
we ought to act without unnecessary delay. Take Sarawak and Labuan,
or Labuan alone, and push our interest along the coast to Sulu,
and from Sulu towards New Guinea, gaining an influence with such
states (and acquiring dormant rights) as are clear of the Dutch on
the one hand and of the Spaniards on the other.’ But this policy was
neglected, and to some extent it is now too late to carry it out.
In December 1843 Brooke again visited Singapore, and there he shortly
afterwards received news of his mother’s death. Though affectionate
to all his relations, his love and tenderness centred in his mother,
and her loss was the more acutely felt, as, from a mistaken feeling,
the seriousness of her illness had not been reported to him.
Whilst visiting Penang Brooke joined in an expedition to punish some
piratical communities on the coast of Sumatra; and as a guest on
board H.M.S. _Wanderer_, he went with the boats that were sent to
attack the town of Murdoo. A strong current swept the captain’s gig
under an enemy’s stockade. There was no help for it, so Brooke sprang
out and led a rush upon the fort, during which he received a gash in
the forehead and a shot in the arm. Reinforcements coming up, the
place was soon captured. On the return of the expedition to Penang
the ship’s crew begged the captain’s permission to man yards and give
three cheers for their gallant guest. Here he met Captain Keppel
on his way to Calcutta, who promised to pick him up at Singapore
on his return and visit Sarawak again, and chastise the pirates of
Sakarang. Brooke therefore waited, but was again disappointed, as
the _Dido_ was ordered to China, and he had therefore to remain in
the Straits until the end of May, when Captain Hastings gave him a
passage over to Borneo in the _Harlequin_.
This long absence had encouraged his enemies, who now hoped that
they were free from their troublesome neighbour. Sherif Sahib,
however, though boasting as loudly as ever, did not feel secure in
Sadong, and therefore prepared his vessels to remove himself and
all his immediate following to the interior of the Batang Lupar
river, where he would be in touch with the other Arab adventurers
who commanded the different districts of that mighty stream. As a
defiance to Sarawak, he invited all the Sakarang Dyaks to meet him
at the entrance of the Sadong river, and there they rendezvoused to
the number of two hundred Dyak bangkongs and Malay war boats. Some
mischief was done along the coast, but Brooke surprised one of their
expeditions and captured several of their war vessels.
During Brooke’s absence from Sarawak, his new house on the left
bank of the river had been built on a rising knoll between two
running streams, with the broad river flowing below. It was a pretty
spot, and now he could write, ‘I like couches, and flowers, and
easy-chairs, and newspapers, and clear streams, and sunny walks.’
Here and there were planted and tended with uncommon care some rose
plants, the Rajah’s favourite flower. ‘All breathes of peace and
repose, and the very mid-day heat adds to the stillness around me. I
love to allow my imagination to wander, and my senses to enjoy such
a scene, for it is attended with a pleasing consciousness that the
quiet and the peace are my own doing.’
At length, however, the _Dido_ came, accompanied by the Company’s
steamer _Phlegethon_, and it was decided to begin operations by
attacking the Arab sherifs in their strongholds on the Batang Lupar
river.
The Batang Lupar for the first twenty miles looks a noble stream.
About that distance from the mouth occurs the Linga, the first branch
of the river which leads to the Balow villages, inhabited by Dyaks
under the influence of Sherif Jaffer—the same Dyaks who had joined
Keppel’s expedition against the Seribas pirates; they were warlike
but not piratical. The next branch on the left bank of the river
was the Undup, and then on the right bank the Sakarang, a stream
inhabited by a dense population of piratical Dyaks; and about fifteen
miles below the mouth of that branch was built the town of Patusin,
strongly defended by forts and stockades.
As the arrival of the _Dido_ had been fully expected, the Sarawak
preparations for the expedition were well advanced, and in view
of Keppel’s triumphs in the previous year, there was no holding
back, but all were eager for the fray. Even Pangeran Budrudin was
permitted to join the Sarawak contingent—something quite new in the
annals of the royal family.
On the 5th of August 1844 the expedition started, and on the 6th was
well within the river Batang Lupar. By the 8th all was ready for
the attack, and on the rising flood tide the steamer and boats were
carried up stream at a bewildering pace, and soon found themselves in
face of the town and forts of Patusin. The English boats formed up
alongside of the steamer, and pulled to the shore under a very hot
fire; but nothing could daunt their crews, and they carried the forts
by assault, with the loss of only one English sailor killed and a few
wounded. Nor were the natives behindhand; they vied with their white
comrades, and were soon in full pursuit of the flying enemy.
In the afternoon the force marched to the attack of a neighbouring
town where the chief Sherif Sahib had his residence; but there was
no resistance, and the place was soon plundered and destroyed by our
native allies. Amongst the spoil captured at Patusin were sixty-four
brass guns and a smaller number of iron ones; the latter were thrown
into the river. Having completely destroyed these Malay pirate
settlements, not forgetting that which had been formed by Pangeran
Makota, and handed over to the natives those war boats which would be
useful to them, while the remainder were hacked to pieces and burnt,
the force prepared for an assault on the Sakarang pirates.
The attack on the Sakarangs was similar in its incidents to that on
the Seribas. The river was staked, but nothing could stop the onset
of the invaders. The town was taken without much opposition; but the
greatest loss on the British side was incurred from the imprudence
of a scouting party. Brave old Patingi Ali had been sent ahead to
reconnoitre, when, probably urged on by a Mr Stewart, who had been
concealed in his boat, he proceeded too far; and when a large force
rowed down the river to attack him, he found his retreat cut off by
long rafts which had been pushed off from the banks and completely
closed the river. He and his party were overwhelmed, and out of
seventeen men only one escaped; Mr Stewart was among the killed.
Having completed their work, Captain Keppel and Brooke pulled back to
Patusin, where they were joined by Sir Edward Belcher and the boats
of the _Samarang_. They now all returned to Sarawak, but within a
few days after their arrival the news came that the Arab chiefs and
their followers were collecting at Banting on the Linga, the chief
village of the Balow Dyaks, under the protection of Sherif Jaffer.
The expedition immediately returned, and drove off the intruders; and
Pangeran Budrudin, in the name of the Bornean Government, deposed
Sherif Jaffer, and so settled the country, under the advice of
Brooke, that comparative peace reigned there for nearly five years.
At this time it was calculated that Sarawak had received an increase
of five thousand families, or, more probably, individuals; it was
a genuine proof of the confidence of the people of the coast in the
only spot where peace and security could be obtained, but it was
also a sign of the terror inspired by the piratical fleets, and the
general bad government of the districts under the rule of the native
chiefs.
The greatest service Sir Edward Belcher ever did for Sarawak was the
removal of Muda Hassim to Brunei. He had been long anxious to leave,
but he would not do so, except in state. So Sir Edward arranged
that not only the rajah and his immense family should be received
on board the Company’s steamer the _Phlegethon_, but as many of his
rascally followers as possible; and then, with Brooke on board, the
_Samarang_ set sail for Brunei. The expedition was received with some
suspicion, but ultimately Muda Hassim and the Sultan were to all
appearance reconciled, and the former was restored to his position
as prime minister. An offer was made by the Sultan to cede Labuan
to England as a British settlement, and that offer was transmitted
to the English Government. Labuan is an island off the mouth of the
Brunei and neighbouring rivers, which appeared admirably adapted for
a commercial and naval post, and the discovery of coal there settled
the point.
As soon as Muda Hassim had departed from Sarawak, and Brooke was
left, _de facto_ as well as _de jure_, the only governor, confidence
in his remaining in the country grew rapidly, and trade improved.
But the negotiations which his friends were carrying on with the
British Government moved slowly and drew forth some impatient remarks
from him. Henceforth I may occasionally call him the Rajah, _par
excellence_, as he now was in truth the only rajah in Sarawak.
Hearing that some members of Sir Robert Peel’s Government had stated
that they did not understand Brooke’s intentions, the Rajah wrote
rather indignantly—’December 31, 1844.... I am surprised, however,
that they say they do not understand my intentions. Independently
of my published letter, I thought they had had my intentions and
wishes dinned into them. My intention, my wish, is to develop the
island of Borneo. How to develop Borneo is not for me to say, but
for them to judge. I have, both by precept and example, shown what
can be done; but it is for the Government to judge what means, if
any, they will place at my disposal. My intention, my wish, is to
extirpate piracy by attacking and breaking up the pirate towns; not
only pirates direct, but pirates indirect. Here again the Government
must judge. I wish to correct the native character, to gain and hold
an influence in Borneo proper, to introduce gradually a better system
of government, to open the interior, to encourage the poorer natives,
to remove the clogs on trade, to develop new sources of commerce. I
wish to make Borneo a second Java. I intend to influence and amend
the entire Archipelago, if the Government will afford me means and
power. I wish to prevent any foreign nation coming on this field;
but I might as well war against France individually, as to attempt
all I wish without any means.’
Was this policy not clear enough? Had it been followed, the
independent portion of the Eastern Archipelago would have been
completely under our influence, and would have ended by becoming
practically ours. We should have had New Guinea and the islands
adjacent, and thus given the Australians a free hand to develop what
certainly should be considered as within their sphere of influence.
How the English Rajah’s policy was wrecked, I must explain later on;
at this time (1845) all seemed advancing to its fulfilment.
In the meantime the British Government were acting in their usual
cautious, half-hearted way. They did not really care a rush about
Borneo or the Eastern Archipelago, and I have no doubt that the
subordinate members of the Government offices looked with disgust on
those who were urging them to intervene in Borneo. They hated any new
thing, as it forced them to study and find out what it was all about.
But as they could not stand still, they sent out Captain Bethune to
inquire. He arrived in February, in H.M.S. _Driver_, and brought with
him the temporary appointment of Brooke as Her Majesty’s confidential
agent. This was a distinct advance, as he had now to proceed to the
capital to deliver officially a letter from the Queen to the Sultan
and the Government of Brunei. With Captain Bethune came Mr Wise, the
Rajah’s agent in England.
In Brunei they did not find Muda Hassim’s Government very firmly
established, as they were threatened not only by Pangeran Usop, a
connection of the Sultan’s and a pretender to the throne, but by the
pirates of the north, with whom Usop was in league. During their stay
in Brunei, both Brooke and Captain Bethune examined the coal seams
near the capital, but they do not appear to have been considered
workable, as no one has ever attempted to open a mine there. The
quality of the coal has been pronounced good, and as the seams crop
out of rather lofty hills it cannot be considered as surface coal.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 7: He was afterwards killed by Chinese pirates.]
[Footnote 8: Sir Henry Keppel’s Memoirs have lately been published.]
CHAPTER IV
SIR THOMAS COCHRANE IN BRUNEI—ATTACK ON SHERIF OSMAN—MUDA HASSIM
IN POWER—LINGIRE’S ATTEMPT TO TAKE RAJAH BROOKE’S HEAD—MASSACRE
OF MUDA HASSIM AND BUDRUDIN—THE ADMIRAL PROCEEDS TO BRUNEI—TREATY
WITH BRUNEI—ACTION WITH PIRATE SQUADRON—RAJAH BROOKE IN
ENGLAND—IS KNIGHTED ON HIS RETURN TO THE EAST—VISITS THE SULU
ISLANDS—EXPEDITION AGAINST SERIBAS PIRATES
Hearing that Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane was expected in Singapore,
the English Rajah determined to proceed there to explain to him the
true position of affairs on the north-west coast of Borneo. He found
the admiral ready to take measures to suppress piracy, and the Rajah
left with the impression that he would act against the great pirate
chief, Sherif Osman. In the meantime, he returned himself to Brunei
in the _Phlegethon_ to find his Bornean friends very despondent.
However, in August the admiral appeared, and at the invitation of the
Sultan attacked Pangeran Usop for holding two British subjects in
slavery. This noble and his followers fled to the hills. Sir Thomas
then proceeded to Marudu Bay to chastise Sherif Osman, the most
notorious pirate chief in the Archipelago. His place of residence,
up a narrow river, was carefully fortified with an extra strong boom
across the stream. A very powerful expedition was sent up from the
fleet. In attempting to force their way through the well-prepared
obstructions our men were exposed to a murderous fire from the forts,
and we lost heavily; but the town was taken and burnt. I visited the
place afterwards, and was somewhat surprised that a detachment was
not landed below the boom and the position turned; but we always like
to take the bull by the horns. The pirates suffered severely. Sherif
Osman was mortally wounded and died shortly afterwards, and Marudu
ceased for a time to be a pirate rendezvous.
Returning to Brunei with the good news, Brooke was delighted to
hear that his friend Budrudin had defeated Usop, who, with a force
from the hills, had come down to surprise the town, and had driven
him away from the neighbourhood of the capital. He was some time
afterwards taken at a place called Kimanis, and by order of the
Sultan was strangled with all the formalities due to a person who had
royal blood in his veins. Thus Muda Hassim’s power appeared securely
established. His enemies without and within had been defeated, and
his warlike brother, Lanun, on the mother’s side—which accounted for
his unusual daring—was at the head of a strong party. The English
Rajah felt that they were comparatively safe; yet he had his secret
misgivings, and tried in vain to persuade the admiral to station a
brig on the coast.
Captain Bethune now returned to England to make his report to the
British Government, and Brooke was left to a welcome repose—doubly
welcome after all the exertions of the previous months.
It was during the summer of this year that a very curious episode
occurred. Whilst the Rajah was at dinner with his English followers
in the new house to which I have already referred, and which had
been constructed some distance below the Malay town, Lingire, the
well-known pirate chief, walked into the dining-hall, followed by a
large party of his warriors. As they were all fully armed, the Rajah
saw at once that mischief was meant. He received the chief most
courteously. A chair was given him, and all the other Dyaks squatted
down on the floor round the table. Cigars were handed round, and then
the Rajah asked what was the news. Lingire answered that they had
just pulled up the river to pay him a visit.
The Rajah called up a very intelligent native servant and said to him
in English, ‘Bring me another bottle of sherry,’ and then added in a
careless voice, ‘Let the Malay chiefs know who are here.’ The servant
duly brought in the wine and then retired. Whilst the Seribas
chief was drinking his sherry, the Rajah exerted himself to the
utmost to entertain him—told him story after story, got the Dyak to
relate instances of his own prowess. His vanity was so tickled that,
forgetting the object of his visit, he dilated on his forays into the
Dutch territories, where he had surprised the Chinese settlers. ‘They
won’t fight, those cowards,’ he said. ‘They run away from an armed
man, or drop on their knees and beg for mercy.’ The Rajah encouraged
him to continue, but time and the Datus moved slowly, and he could
see the Dyaks exchanging glances, as if to say the moment had arrived
for action. In another minute they would have been on their feet and
the unarmed Englishmen slain, when footsteps were heard on the gravel
walk. Lingire looked anxious as the powerful form of the Datu Patingi
appeared in the verandah, which was soon crowded with armed Malays.
The Datu Tumangong soon followed, and the Dyaks were surrounded.
They did not move—a move would have sealed their fate. The Datus
threatened and scolded them to their hearts’ content, asked how they
had dared to enter the Rajah’s house with arms in their hands, and
had not the white chief interfered the Malays would have executed
summary justice on the rascals.
The Rajah then spoke. He said he knew very well that Lingire had come
to surprise them, but he would not have it said that anyone who came
to his country should be in fear of death, however much he merited
it, that he would forgive him, and he might go. At a sign from the
Rajah the Malays opened their serried ranks, and Lingire and his
followers crept out like whipped curs and disappeared from the river.
Years after I saw Lingire sitting on a chair beside the Rajah, but I
do not think he ever confessed to us that his design had been to kill
the white men, though it was well known that he came for no other
purpose. He had, in fact, boasted that he would take the Rajah’s head
and hang it up in a basket which he had already prepared and placed
in a tree near his village. Had he attacked the Rajah the moment he
entered the room nothing could have saved the Englishmen, as they
were quite defenceless; and he could have done it with impunity, as
no Malay war boat could have overtaken a Dyak bangkong. This is but a
specimen of the Rajah’s marvellous escapes. I had the above account
from his cousin, Arthur Crookshank.
The year 1846 opened satisfactorily. The attack on the pirate haunts
at Marudu, the punishment and the subsequent death of Pangeran Usop,
rendered the position of Muda Hassim stronger, and the strict watch
kept on the Seribas and Sakarangs during 1845 had prevented any
marauding on their part. Whilst peace appeared now to be established
both at home and abroad, the Rajah was again troubled by the action
of his agent Wise. This clever but unscrupulous man kept writing
that he would make Brooke the richest commoner in England if he
would give him a free hand; and, in fact, without waiting for any
permission, he began to project large associations which were to take
over the country of Sarawak and rival the old East India Company in
wealth and power. When Brooke understood what his agent was doing,
he wrote that he would be no party to such schemes, and that he
would not surrender Sarawak to the tender mercies of a mercantile
association.
I first made the acquaintance of Mr Wise in 1846, and I well remember
how lavish he was in the praise of Brooke, and what hopes he
entertained of the success of an all-absorbing company. But as time
passed his enthusiasm for his friend and employer gradually lessened,
till the result was an open rupture. To this I must refer hereafter.
1846, which opened under the finest auspices, soon however changed
its aspect. News came of marauding on the part of the Sakarang Dyaks;
but this was trifling to what followed. H.M.S. _Hazard_, Commander
Egerton, had been sent by the admiral to Brunei to communicate
with Rajah Muda Hassim. As soon as the ship anchored at the mouth
of the Brunei river, a native hurried on board, and by signs made
the officers understand that some great calamity had occurred at
the capital, while he appeared to warn Egerton not to proceed up
the river. Fortunately his warning was attended to; and as he kept
repeating in Malay, ‘Tuan Brooke’ and ‘Sarawak,’ the _Hazard_
weighed anchor and proceeded to that place. The Malay brought serious
news indeed. The Sultan had ordered the murder of Muda Hassim,
Budrudin and the rest of the legitimate royal family, and had
succeeded in destroying the most important chiefs. These were his own
uncles and cousins.
A conspiracy seems to have been hatched among the Sultan’s followers,
who were the friends and associates of the late Pangeran Usop, to
kill Muda Hassim and his family, not only for the sake of revenge,
but to prevent them gaining a preponderating influence in the
country. Already the people were looking to them as the rising
power, and the Sultan’s prestige was visibly declining. Besides,
with their increasing influence they were acquiring too many of the
profits which used to accrue to the Sultan’s _entourage_. As the
representatives of the party which preferred the old methods of
government, the latter disliked the alliance which was springing up
between this branch of the royal family and the Rajah of Sarawak,
as the representative of the English, and therefore they found no
difficulty in persuading the half-imbecile Sultan that his immediate
deposition was meditated. He therefore gave the order that Muda
Hassim and his family should be attacked and killed. Though warned
that some conspiracy was brewing, they took no heed, lulled in
fancied security, and were easily surprised. Muda Hassim defended
his home with a few followers, but finding that they would soon be
overpowered, shot himself so as not to fall into the hands of his
enemies.
Pangeran Budrudin was attacked at the same time. Brooke wrote to
Keppel, on April 5th 1846, ‘After fighting desperately and cutting
down several of the Sultan’s hired assassins, he was shot in his left
wrist, his shoulder and chest were cut open so as to disable his
right arm. A woman, by name Nur Salum, fought and was wounded by his
side. His sister and a slave boy called Jaffir, though both wounded,
remained by him, the rest of his few followers having been cut down
or having fled. The four retired into the house and barred the door.
Budrudin, wounded and bleeding, ordered the boy to get down a cask of
powder, break in the head and scatter it in a small circle. He then
told Jaffir to escape, gave him my signet ring, of which I had made
him a present, and told him to beg me not to forget him and to tell
the Queen of England of his fate. He then called the women to him,
and when the boy had dropped through the flooring into the water,
fired the powder, and all three were blown into the air.’ No hero
could have died more nobly, and what fine creatures must those women
have been!
No natives ever appear to consider or to care for the consequences of
their acts until the acts are done. They are blinded by their hate;
but no sooner had the conspirators murdered the principal members of
the royal family than they began to tremble for the future. They knew
the friendship which united the English Rajah to Pangeran Budrudin,
and began to reflect that he would spare no pains to punish them.
With the death of this brave pangeran all hopes of regenerating the
Government of Brunei vanished.
At that time we had in the East an admiral who dared to act—Sir
Thomas Cochrane. When he heard of the massacre he determined to
proceed to Brunei to inquire what was the meaning of these violent
measures. He rightly argued that the massacre did not directly
concern England, unless the Sultan was about to repudiate all his
engagements with us. On his way he called in at Sarawak to see
Brooke, and to ask him, as the British Government’s confidential
agent, to accompany the expedition.
The squadron arrived off the Brunei river on the 6th June, and Sir
Thomas immediately sent a message to the Sultan, saying he was about
to visit the capital and desired an interview with His Highness. Some
messengers of inferior rank brought down the reply that the admiral
might ascend the river in two small boats. No notice was taken of
this restriction, and the steamers, with the smaller vessels in tow,
and accompanied by the boats of the squadron, began to ascend the
river. As they neared the capital they were received with volleys
from every battery; but the marines and blue-jackets were soon on
shore, and the defenders fled in haste. On entering the central
canal of Brunei, a battery at the Sultan’s Palace opened fire, which
did considerable damage to the _Phlegethon_. There was no serious
resistance, however, and when the force took possession of the
town they found it completely deserted. The Sultan escaped to the
interior, and the party sent to capture him naturally failed in their
object.
A provisional government was established under Pangeran Mumein,
a respectable noble, not of royal descent, and Pangeran Mahomed,
a brother of Muda Hassim, but not of much intelligence; then a
proclamation was issued, saying that the Sultan might return to his
capital if he were prepared to fulfil his engagements.
Nothing ever raised the prestige of the English so much as the
capture of Brunei. As a military feat of arms it was of no
importance, but to the tribes of the interior it was looked upon as
a marvel of heroism. They naturally thought Brunei to be the only
great power on earth, so that when they heard that the English had
taken their capital, they rejoiced that their oppressors had received
such a lesson. Cautiously looking around to see that no Malay was
present, they would laughingly tell how they had seen the Sultan and
his nobles flying through the jungle with the English at their heels,
and ask why having once taken the country we did not keep it. These
or similar inquiries were made wherever I travelled in the interior.
Sir Thomas Cochrane, having seen the establishment of the provisional
government, sailed for China; but during his passage up the
north-west coast of Borneo destroyed several pirate communities,
and, leaving Captain Mundy of H.M.S. _Iris_ to complete the work,
proceeded to Hong Kong.
When Brooke returned to Sarawak he was indeed received as the
‘Conquering Hero.’ The Malays there were very much like the tribes
of the interior, thoroughly imbued with the idea that the Sultan of
Brunei was a great monarch, second to none; and therefore the news
that the capital had been taken and that the Sultan had fled to the
woods was a complete surprise; but the surprise was only equalled by
the pleasure it gave, as the Brunei Government was unpopular to the
last degree, indeed hated for its oppression.
While in Brunei Brooke collected those of the families of Muda Hassim
and his brothers who wished to be removed from the capital, and
brought them down to Sarawak, where for years they were supported by
him.
1846 closed, as it had begun, with every sign of prosperity. There
was peace in all the neighbouring districts, and the native trade on
the coast was considered to be very flourishing. Kuching, the capital
of Sarawak, was continually increasing, as the natives removed to
it from the less secure rivers, and there was every hope that the
British Government would now really make an effort to develop the
coast. They had decided to occupy the island of Labuan and establish
a commercial settlement there, and this, it was expected, would lead
to a more forward policy.
Having received instructions from Her Majesty’s Government, Brooke,
in May 1847, proceeded to Brunei to negotiate a treaty with the
Sultan, which should not only regulate the trade relations between
the two countries, but should contain a clause declaring that British
subjects committing offences within His Highness’s dominions might
only be tried by Her Majesty’s representative. The treaty was signed,
and then Brooke left on board the Company’s steamer _Nemesis_,
Captain Wallace, who was on his way to Singapore. When they arrived
near the mouth of the Brunei river they were hailed by a native prahu
and were informed that a Balignini pirate squadron was outside,
capturing fishing and trading boats. As soon as the _Nemesis_ rounded
the sandy point of the island of Muara they saw eleven Balignini
prahus in full chase of a native vessel, but as soon as the steamer
appeared the pirates turned towards the shore, and finding escape
hopeless, pulled into a shallow bay, anchored their vessels, bows
seaward, and all kept in position by hawsers connecting the prahus to
each other. The steamer arrived, when the pirates immediately opened
fire on her, and after rather a prolonged action they cut their
cables. Some prahus pulled away to the north, others to the south,
while the remainder were deserted by their crews. It is needless to
enter into details, but it may be mentioned that in all the vessels
taken were found crowds of captives, principally from the Dutch
possessions. None of the prahus made the Balignini Islands, as the
three that escaped the steamer were so riddled with shot that the
crews had to take to their boats, and after a painful voyage at last
reached home. The pirates of the eight other prahus were forced to
seek refuge on shore, and after committing some murders and other
excesses, were surrounded, and then they surrendered to the Sultan,
who had them all put to death.
Peace being established along the north-west coast by the energetic
action of Sir Thomas Cochrane and the wise policy of Brooke, the
latter decided to visit England after an absence of nearly nine
years. He knew that the action with the Balignini would deter those
pirates from visiting the coast for some time; he was satisfied
that the Brunei Government could do no mischief; the Dyak pirates
were still under the influence of the punishment they had received,
and Sarawak was prosperous and safe. So leaving his cousin, Arthur
Crookshank, in charge, he started for England, where he was sure to
be well received, as Captain Keppel’s successful _Voyage of the Dido_
had made the ruler of Sarawak well known to all Englishmen.
After a tedious voyage Brooke landed in England on October 2nd, and
was soon surrounded by friends and relations. The Queen received him
at Windsor Castle, and he was so fêted by all that he had but little
time left to transact business. Brooke could not but feel that his
countrymen fully appreciated the services he had rendered to England.
He was presented with the freedom of the City of London, many clubs
elected him a member by special vote, Oxford honoured him with her
distinctions. The undergraduates went wild with enthusiasm at the
mention of his name, for he was pre-eminently a leader to create that
feeling among young men. He made friendships, which were lifelong,
with Earl Grey and the Earl of Ellesmere.
Mr Wise gave him a grand dinner, and there delivered a speech
which was an unqualified eulogium on his employer; it was not only
eulogistic, it was fulsome in his praise. I remember well all the
circumstances, and they are important; they impressed themselves
deeply in my mind. My father, who was present at this dinner, when he
came home, said to me, ‘I cannot understand Wise. He has just made a
speech in which he has declared that Brooke is one of the greatest
and best of men, whilst privately he tells me he is a robber and a
murderer.’ On my father asking for an explanation, Mr Wise excused
himself, saying that it was the necessity of his position which
forced him to dissemble.
Brooke, who before he left Borneo had been named Commissioner
and Consul-General, was now called upon to accept the position of
Governor of the new settlement of Labuan, and was placed at the head
of an efficient staff. I was appointed secretary to the Rajah, as
Commissioner, and was thus brought into the closest relations to
him. We were all ordered to hold ourselves in readiness to proceed
to Borneo in H.M.’s frigate _Meander_, Captain Keppel, on the 1st
February 1848.
How high were our hopes when we sailed from Portsmouth! They nearly
made us forget the discomforts of our position on board—discomforts
almost inseparable from an attempt to turn a ship of war into a
passenger vessel. Our progress appeared to us slow, first from very
stormy weather, and then from incessant calms.
The _Meander_, though of forty-four guns, was but a second-rate
frigate; she had, however, a picked crew, whom the fame of her
captain had induced to join; she was fitted with special boats
for river service, as she was intended to act against the pirate
communities. I need not dwell on the details of this voyage, but
I must introduce an anecdote related by Sir Hugh Low of his great
chief. ‘No circumstances, however unexpected, flurried him.... I
was once a passenger with him in a large man-of-war. His cabin was
on the port side of the vessel, and he was sitting in an arm-chair
which leant against the bulkhead. I was stretched on a locker on the
opposite side of the cabin, and there being a fresh breeze the ship
was heeling over to starboard, when we felt a sudden increase in the
lurch, which threw me headlong against the lee bulkhead, the Rajah’s
chair being tilted up so that his feet were in the air. I attempted
to crawl towards the door, when the Rajah, who had been reading,
asked me where I was going. I said, “I am going to see what is the
matter; the vessel is capsizing.” He replied, “You have nothing to do
with it; you are only a passenger. Stay where you are.” The danger
was averted by the promptness of the carpenter, who with one stroke
of his sharp axe severed the main brace, and the vessel immediately
righted itself.’
We were all glad to reach Singapore, for although the officers did
their utmost to make us comfortable, it was not possible that much
success could attend their efforts. I daresay they were as pleased to
see us land as we were to find ourselves on shore. One thing I may
mention, however; the gun-room officers pressed me to remain with
them instead of facing the expense and discomforts of a Singapore
hotel; but I could not avail myself of their kindness as I had my
secretary’s duties to perform.
About three weeks after our arrival, the surveyor, the late Mr Scott,
afterwards Sir John Scott, and Captain Hoskins, harbour-master,
were sent ahead to prepare the necessary buildings for the officers
that were to follow. This was our first mistake. Neither of these
gentlemen knew anything about tropical countries, nor even the
language of Borneo, and fixed the site of the settlement on a
grassy plain, that turned into a swamp as soon as the rainy season
commenced. Had the Lieutenant-Governor, Mr Napier, been sent ahead,
or had Mr Low (now Sir Hugh Low), the Colonial Secretary, accompanied
the advance party, their special knowledge of the Tropics would have
saved us the consequences of this disastrous error. After a long and
apparently unnecessary delay of three months and a half at Singapore,
we sailed in the _Meander_ for Sarawak. Before our departure,
however, news arrived that Her Majesty had been pleased to name
Mr Brooke a K.C.B., and he was duly installed before we left that
British settlement.
On September 4, 1848, the _Meander_ anchored off the Muaratabas
entrance of the Sarawak river, and the reception accorded to their
Rajah by the native inhabitants made a deep impression, not only on
me, but on all who witnessed it. The whole population turned out to
meet him, and the river, as far as the eye could reach, was thronged
with boats. Everything that could float was put into requisition—the
trading vessels, the war boats carrying their crews of a hundred, a
few unwieldy Chinese junks, and every canoe in the capital. All were
gaily dressed, and the chiefs crowded on board the frigate. At 1 p.m.
we left under a royal salute, with yards manned and hearty cheers
from the crew, and started for a six hours’ pull to the capital. We
arrived after sunset and found every house brilliantly illuminated.
The Rajah’s reception at Government House, where all the English were
assembled, was naturally very hearty, and soon the whole place was
crowded with natives.
Finding that during his absence the piratical tribes had recommenced
their raids on the neighbouring towns, the Rajah thought of forming
a league of the well-disposed districts, and therefore introduced a
flag, which was not only a Sarawak flag, but might be used by any
member of the league. This flag was hoisted, with great ceremony, on
the staff in front of the Government House, and it is now used along
the whole coast as far as, and in a place or two beyond, the Sultan’s
capital.
About this time a mission, under the auspices of the Church of
England, was established in Sarawak, and great hopes were entertained
of its success.
I may as well mention who were the members of the Rajah’s staff.
While we were at Kuching, his nephew, Captain Brooke of the 88th,
joined him as A.D.C., but as he was to be the Rajah’s heir in Sarawak
it was thought he would soon retire from the army; then Arthur
Crookshank, who had hitherto represented him in Borneo; Charles
Grant, his private secretary; Brereton, at that moment unattached;
and myself, secretary to the Commissioner.
In the first days of October we embarked on board the _Meander_
and sailed for Labuan, where we arrived on the 7th. Labuan lies,
as I have stated, off a large bay, into which flow the Brunei, the
Limbang, the Trusan, and many other rivers, and seemed well adapted
for a commercial and naval station. It has a fine harbour and plenty
of coal, and as we arrived on a bright day, the place looked very
attractive. A broad grassy plain, which skirted the harbour, was
about three quarters of a mile deep, then it met the low hills and
thick jungle. Our houses had all been constructed near the sea,
with the plain behind us, and their neat appearance, although only
of native materials, quite delighted us. Keppel soon sailed to tow
down to Singapore H.M.S. _Royalist_, which had been dismasted by a
sudden squall, and we were left to the care of a few marines and
blue-jackets.
The south-west monsoon was now blowing fiercely, and brought up with
it heavy clouds and drenching rain, and our plain speedily became a
fetid swamp, which laid many low with fever and ague. In an interval
of fine weather we proceeded to Brunei in the _Jolly Bachelor_, a
vessel belonging to the Rajah, but manned by blue-jackets, the steam
tender _Ranee_ and some other boats, to ratify our treaty with the
Sultan, and found prepared for us a long, low shed of a house, in
which we all took up our quarters. Brunei was in truth a Venice of
hovels, or rather huts, perched on posts driven into the mud banks
found in the broad river. Everything looked as though it were falling
to decay—the palace, the mosque, the houses of the pangerans, in
fact, the whole city of perhaps 20,000 inhabitants.
The wretched Sultan was even then suffering from a disease—cancer
on the lip—which carried him off a few years subsequently. He was a
mean-looking creature, and his previous atrocities had earned for him
the description, ‘the head of an idiot and the heart of a pirate.’
After finishing our business we returned to Labuan.
I never spent such a wretched month as that of November 1848. After
a short respite the south-west monsoon began to blow again, the rain
fell in torrents, the sea was driven up to such a height that the
waves washed under all our houses, which were built on piles, and
destroyed many of our stores. The Rajah’s English servant attributed
the diminution of the wine and brandy to the same cause. Fever was
soon upon us. First the marines and blue-jackets fell ill and many
died; then all our Chinese workmen and Kling servants; then Sir James
Brooke, the Lieutenant-Governor, the Colonial Secretary, the Colonial
Doctor, Captain Brooke, Mr Grant, and many others were down with this
weakening disease. The only ones to escape were Mr Scott and myself.
Admiral Collier arrived during this period, and fled, panic-stricken,
from the place, and ever after did all in his power to injure the
colony, and certainly did what he could to keep Her Majesty’s
vessels away, though those on board ship scarcely ever suffered.
There was gloom in every house; even the Chinese would not stay, and
went over to establish themselves in the capital.
Fortunately the barracks for the Madras garrison had been built on
the swelling ground at the back of the plain, and to this place the
Governor sent all those he could. While there they quickly recovered,
and it was decided to have fresh houses built for the whole staff
near the military quarters.
At the end of November the weather began to improve, as the
north-east monsoon made itself felt, and the _Meander_ fortunately
arrived, and Keppel insisting, Sir James and some of his staff were
embarked on board, and we sailed along the north-west coast on the
way to Balambangan Island, where an English vessel had been wrecked.
Finding her burnt to the water’s edge, Sir James decided to proceed
to Sulu and visit the Sultan.
At Sugh, the capital, we found both coolness and hesitation. Some
Dutch vessels had lately bombarded the town, and the Sultan had not
forgotten our attack on Sherif Osman of Marudu Bay. This chief had
married a relative of his, and his death after the engagement with
the English was still remembered. Besides, there were some survivors
and many relatives of those killed in the engagement in May 1847,
against whom it was necessary to take every precaution.
Whatever was the motive, the Sultan got over his soreness of heart,
and determined to see the great white chief whose fame had long
since reached his ears. He and the people were soon assured that the
English had no hostile intentions, and shortly after our arrival a
reception was arranged.
The Sulu Islands were claimed by the Spaniards, but they had
never made good their claim, for although they had sent several
expeditions against the Sultan, which were followed by treaties,
these were seldom observed by either side. The islands themselves
are as beautiful as, perhaps more beautiful than, any others I
have ever seen, well cultivated and producing all the food the
natives required, but their commerce appeared very limited. They
were the principal rendezvous of the Balignini and Lanun pirates,
and consequently a slave emporium. The products of the sea, such as
pearls and mother-of-pearl—_bêche de mer_—so prized by the Chinese,
were the most valued articles of trade, a large portion of which,
however, came from the islands further east. The proceeds of the
plunder sold by the pirates were too often invested in guns and
powder.
Sulu is nominally governed by a Sultan and a council of nobles, who,
however, possess but limited authority over the population of the
thousand and one isles.
The Sultan and his nobles received us in such state as they could
manage in a hurry, since after the late attack on them by the Dutch
their valuables had been sent to the mountains. Their reception
of the English envoy was most kind. As Sir James did not wish to
introduce business during this visit, our intercourse was purely
formal, and after mutual inquiries as to the state of our health,
and a curious reference made by the Sultan to the recent revolution
in France, we took our leave. The Sultan was a young man, pale and
emaciated, the result, it was said, of too much indulgence in opium.
The _Meander_ soon sailed from Sulu, and after calling at Samboangan,
the Spanish penal settlement in the island of Mindanau, we returned
to our colony of Labuan, where we were pleased to find that all
the officers were well, and that they had removed from the swampy
plain to the higher land behind it. There was, however, but little
progress visible, as the fever panic still prevailed. We did not stay
long here, as the Rajah was anxious to begin operations against the
Seribas and Sakarang pirates, who had again commenced to ravage the
coast. We reached Sarawak on the 16th February. A daring attack of
the Seribas Dyaks on the Sadong district, when they captured over a
hundred heads, made us move out with our native fleet to pursue them,
but a return of the north-east monsoon drove us to shelter. Later on,
accompanied by the boats of the steamer _Nemesis_, we destroyed some
of their inland villages, and thus kept them quiet for a time.
To crush these pirates, however, we required a stronger force, and
had to wait for the arrival of one of Her Majesty’s ships. In the
meantime, in order to save the independence of Sulu, threatened both
by the Dutch and the Spaniards, Sir James determined to proceed there
in the steamer _Nemesis_ and negotiate a treaty. After calling in at
Labuan, we continued our course to the Sulu seas. We were received
by the Sultan and nobles in the most friendly manner, and Sir James
had no difficulty in negotiating a treaty which, had it been ratified
and supported, would have effectually preserved the independence of
the Sultan. Our intercourse with these people was most interesting.
Preceded by his fame, Sir James soon made himself trusted by the
brave islanders, and one proof was that the Sultan asked him to visit
him in a small cottage, where he was then staying with a young bride.
I was among those who accompanied our Rajah, and on the darkest of
dark nights we groped our way there. The Sultan was almost alone, and
he soon began to converse about his troublesome neighbours, the Dutch
and the Spaniards, expressing a strong hope that the English would
support him.
Sir James explained to him our position in Labuan, and cordially
invited his people to come and trade there, assuring him that the
English had no designs on the independence of their neighbours, but
that they only wanted peace and the cessation of piracy. One or
two nobles dropped in, and the conversation turned on the subject
of hunting, and our hosts proved themselves eager sportsmen, and
invited us to return when the rice crop was over and they would
show us how they hunted the deer, both on horseback and on foot.
The Sultan, during the evening, took a few whiffs of opium, whilst
the rest of the company smoked tobacco in various forms. The women
were not rigidly excluded, as they came and looked at us whenever
they pleased; but we could not see much of them, and it is a form
of politeness to pretend not to notice their presence. After a very
enjoyable evening, we bade farewell to the Sultan, as we were to sail
the following day.
Sir James Brooke had intended to return there, establish himself on
shore for a month, and join the nobles in their sports, and thus
acquire a personal influence over them. He thought he could wean them
from intercourse with the pirates and turn them into honest traders.
It must be confessed that when we were there we had abundant evidence
that the Balignini and Lanun pirates did frequent the port to sell
their slaves and booty and lay in a stock of arms and ammunition. Sir
James was, however, persuaded that if British war steamers showed
themselves every now and then in Sulu waters, the pirates would
abandon these seas. The moment was propitious; the Spaniards had just
destroyed the haunts of Balignini, capturing many and dispersing the
rest. The sanguinary defeat of eleven of their vessels in 1847,
by the _Nemesis_, was not forgotten, and it required but a little
steady patrolling to disgust the nobles with this pursuit; in fact,
many had sold their war vessels and guns, saying, that now the
English steamers were after them, it was no longer the profession
of a gentleman. I never met natives who pleased me more; the young
chiefs were frank, manly fellows, fond of riding and hunting, and our
intercourse with them was very pleasant. It was always a matter of
regret with me that I never had an opportunity of visiting them again.
Leaving Sulu, we called in at Samboangan, and had a very agreeable
time with the acquaintances we had previously made there. We saw
how little the Spaniards had done to develop the immense island of
Mindanau. Here and there on the coast were some small settlements,
with cultivation extending but a few miles inland, but there was a
great air of neatness about the places dotted along the coast.
On our return voyage we touched at Labuan, and then went on to
Sarawak, where we found H.M.’s brig _Albatross_, Commander Farquhar,
and the _Royalist_, Lieutenant-Commander Everest. The _Nemesis_
proceeded on to Singapore, but soon rejoined us.
[Illustration: MAP OF BORNEO AND PART OF THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO,
SHEWING BRITISH TERRITORIES, BRITISH PROTECTORATES, AND FEDERATED
MALAY STATES.]
The expedition which was now organised was the largest that ever left
the non-piratical districts for the punishment of the marauders.
Besides the steamer _Nemesis_, we had the boats of the _Albatross_
and _Royalist_, and about one hundred native prahus, manned by
between three and four thousand men. I have in another work so fully
described this expedition that I will not give a fresh account,
but content myself with a summary of our proceedings. As a turning
point in the history of the coast it will ever be remembered, not
only as the greatest blow that was ever struck at Dyak piracy, and
practically its destruction, but also because it led to the great
misfortune that Sir James Brooke considered it necessary to retire
from the public service, a step which was forced upon him by the
weakness of Lord Aberdeen’s Government and the malice of his enemies.
On the 24th July 1849 the _Nemesis_ started with the _Royalist_,
the _Ranee_ tender, and seven English boats in tow, and we followed
in the evening with our powerful native contingent. The campaign,
as planned by the authorities, was to proceed up the great river of
Rejang, and attack the pirate communities from inland; but on our way
to the mouth of that river we received information that ninety-eight
Seribas war boats had pulled along the coast towards our point of
rendezvous, the Rejang. It was instantly decided that on its return
we should attempt to intercept this fleet, and our force was divided
into two squadrons, one to guard the entrance of the Seribas, the
other the mouth of the next river to the north, the Kaluka.
After two days’ waiting, our spy boats, at sunset on the 31st,
brought intelligence of the approach of the pirate fleet. When they
saw us at the mouth of the Kaluka, they gave an exultant shout and
dashed away for home, but their hopes soon vanished as they were
met by the _Nemesis_, the English boats, and the mass of our native
fleet. Some turned to escape by the Kaluka, but were driven back and
pursued by our light division. They now lost all hope of being able
to get away in their heavy bangkongs; they therefore ran them on
shore and escaped into the jungle.
In the morning the Rajah received a note from Farquhar to say that he
had gone up the Seribas with the steamer to prevent any of the pirate
boats escaping, but the few who had forced their way through the
blockading squadron were already far beyond his reach. Our division
then proceeded to the mouth of the Seribas. What a sight it was!
Seventy-five of their war boats were lying on the sands, eighteen
had been sunk at sea, and twelve alone escaped up the river. Such a
defeat had never before been known.
These war boats were very different from what have been described by
certain critics. I measured one. It was eighty feet in length, nine
in breadth, and its pulling crew must have consisted of at least
seventy men. The pirates murdered all their girl captives, and, after
shocking mutilations, cut off their heads and escaped. We soon had
ample proof of the piracies committed by this fleet. Not only had
they attacked villages on shore, but they had captured two large
native vessels on their way to and from Singapore. It would have been
easy to have destroyed the fugitive pirates by occupying a narrow
isthmus over which they must pass, but Sir James Brooke, convinced
that this great defeat would have full effect, called off his excited
native followers to the attack of the interior strongholds.
During our stay in the districts of Paku, we lost some men from the
over-confidence of the sons of the Orang Kaya Tumangong of Lundu, who
advanced to clear the path by which we were to march on the town.
They were stooping to pull out the _ranjaus_ when the Seribas, headed
by Lingire, sprang upon them, and cut down two, while the third son
escaped, as a party of our Malays poured a volley into the enemy
and killed several of them. However, we advanced next day and laid
their country waste, our native contingent loading themselves with
plunder. Having showed the pirates that no defences could prevent our
punishing them, it was decided to carry out the original plan and
attack those Sakarang and Seribas Dyaks who lived on the Kanowit,
a branch of the great Rejang river, about a hundred miles from the
mouth of the latter. These men were most feared by the inhabitants of
the Sago districts, which were situated near the western entrances of
the mighty stream.
Many of our native allies now left us, as they were loaded with
plunder and were not provisioned for so long a voyage; so we
proceeded with the _Nemesis_, the English boats, and our principal
Malay war prahus, and as soon as we appeared on the Rejang fresh
bodies of natives began to join us, eager to retaliate upon those
who had so often attacked them and captured their trading vessels.
The Rejang is a splendid river, destined some day to be an important
highway of commerce, as its various branches open out a large extent
of country, and it penetrates further into the great island of Borneo
than any other stream on the north-west coast.
The _Nemesis_ towed many of the boats up to the entrance of the
Kanowit branch, and anchored there whilst the expedition pushed up
to attack the great pirate chief Buah Ryah, who had established his
quarters in the interior of this broad river. We advanced rapidly,
and were within one day’s pull of his forts, while Captain Brooke,
with the light division of fast-pulling boats had reconnoitred some
miles ahead, and found that the pirates were beginning to show in
great numbers, which made us feel assured that we should soon be
in touch with the main body. We landed to inspect a large village
house, which was surrounded by a cotton plantation, and found it
well built, and full of baskets of the skulls of the unfortunates
who had been surprised by these marauders. I counted three hundred
heads in one village. We then fell down the river to join Sir James
Brooke and the English force, in great spirits at the prospect
of coming in contact with the enemy next day. We were therefore
astonished to hear, on our arrival, that it had been decided to
give up the object of our expedition and return. As dinner was
over, we removed to a short distance from our chiefs to have our
meal in quiet, and to express to each other our indignation at the
decision to which our naval commander had come. Some others joined
us, equally disappointed. Towards the end of the meal, I could not
help raising my glass and saying aloud, ‘Oh, for one hour of bonnie
Keppel!’ Captain Farquhar sprang up and came over to us to inquire
what I meant. We told him why we considered his determination
very detrimental to the cause, as we were approaching Buah Ryah’s
stronghold. He urged, however, the fatigue of his men, who had been
pulling many days in succession against a strong current. We proposed
a day’s rest, but on a hint from Sir James I gave up the discussion.
He thought as I did, that Buah Ryah would, with some reason, proclaim
that we were afraid to attack him, and would be thus encouraged to
hold out. This actually happened, and thus the pacification of these
districts was delayed for many years. There is no doubt that the
English sailors were really tired, and possibly also dissatisfied,
as all the skirmishing was done by our native contingent, who forged
ahead of the slow-pulling men-of-war’s boats. How we missed the
special boats of the _Meander_! The sailors, however, might have
been sure that had there been any real fighting ahead, all would
have waited for them.
As we gloomily fell down the river we met thousands of natives
who were coming to join our expedition, and who were desperately
disappointed that Buah Ryah had not been punished. When near the
mouth of the Kanowit we were hailed by the inhabitants of the
villages we had destroyed. A conference ensued; they showed their
faith in the white man by boldly pulling out to our prahus. They did
not attempt to deny their piracies, but promised amendment; and most
of these chiefs kept their word.
As we returned towards Sarawak the native chiefs of all the trading
towns on the coast came to express their unbounded thanks to the
English Rajah and to the Queen’s forces for the punishment they had
inflicted on the pirates, and the prospect it held out of trade being
carried on free from danger of pillage and death.
CHAPTER V
ATTACKS ON THE RAJAH’S POLICY—VISITS TO LABUAN, SINGAPORE AND
PENANG—MISSION TO SIAM—THE RAJAH’S RETURN TO ENGLAND—DINNER TO HIM
IN LONDON—HIS REMARKABLE SPEECH—LORD ABERDEEN’S GOVERNMENT APPOINTS
A HOSTILE COMMISSION—THE RAJAH’S RETURN TO SARAWAK—COMMISSION AT
SINGAPORE—ITS FINDINGS.
We were fairly contented with the results of the recent expedition,
and thought that all would be satisfied with our efforts to put down
piracy and protect trade. We were therefore greatly surprised on our
arrival in Sarawak to find that two English papers had commenced
violent attacks on our proceedings, founded at first on some reports
of excesses by our native allies during our expedition in the spring,
when we punished the pirates at the Kaluka river. At the time we
suspected, and it was clearly proved afterwards, that the originator
of this campaign against the Rajah was Mr Henry Wise, Sir James’s
discarded agent.
I have already mentioned that Mr Wise had been accidentally
entrusted with a mass of the Rajah’s private correspondence with his
mother and with Mr John Templer; in the former Mr Wise found the
expression, ‘A friend was worth a dozen agents’; and in the latter
such words as, ‘If Wise does not obey my instructions I will kick
him to the devil.’ Mr Wise was by nature vindictive, and it was not
surprising that he was somewhat roused by such freedom of expression,
though it occurred in confidential letters to the Rajah’s most
intimate friends. The reason why these energetic remarks had been
made was Sir James’s discovery that Wise was trading on his great
name, and (as already stated) endeavouring to form companies with
very large capital to develop the resources of Sarawak. The Rajah
tried in vain to stem this current by pointing out that there could
be no employment for a large capital in a new country, and that
everything must advance gradually. This would not have suited Wise’s
views, which were to gain for himself a large fortune, careless as to
who suffered in the process.
Mr Wise succeeded in floating the Eastern Archipelago Company, with a
nominal capital of £100,000, and managed so to mystify the directors
that they agreed to accept his own terms, by which he would have
monopolised nearly all the profits. But notwithstanding that there
were some respectable names among the directors the public did not
come forward, and all, or nearly all, of the shares remained in the
hands of the company. The City would not help, as it soon became
known that capitalists of undoubted strength had been ready to find
the money, but were suspicious of Mr Wise’s refusal to state his
terms before the company was formed.
Having secured, as he thought, three thousand a year for certain,
with other great advantages in prospect, Mr Wise threw off the mask,
and now declared to Government that he could no longer associate
himself in any way with Sir James’s sanguinary policy. He forgot
entirely that his company had been formed to take advantage of the
English Rajah’s unique position in Borneo, so as to develop its
resources and to work the coal in Labuan, of which colony Sir James
Brooke was Governor.
Mr Wise was soon in communication with the press, but the majority
saw through the discarded agent, and would have nothing to do with
his pretended disclosures. He succeeded, however, in gaining the ear
of Joseph Hume, who promised to bring the case before Parliament, and
managed to win over to his side Mr Cobden, and, to a lesser degree,
Mr Bright. I must here observe that because Mr Cobden advocated
Free Trade with great ability and success, his followers appear to
consider that words must not be applied to him which he was ready
enough to apply to others. Many pretended to be shocked that Sir
James Brooke answered these attacks with his characteristic energy;
and I remember meeting one of the foremost statesmen of the present
day at a dinner on my return from Borneo in 1860, who, in reply to
a question of mine, said that the language which Sir James Brooke
had employed when speaking of ministers had prevented them from
restoring him to his position in the public service or showing their
appreciation of the great good he had done. It took my breath away.
After they had heaped on him every humiliation which was possible, he
was to sit quiet and bear it. It was not, however, in his nature to
sit quiet when calumny after calumny was propagated by his enemies. I
will allow that his language was strong and occasionally injudicious,
but we must remember the provocation, and that his heart was set on
the safety of Sarawak. I must add that not one of those around him
ever attempted to increase his indignation; on the contrary, we urged
him to treat these attacks with contempt.
After having spent one hundred and sixty days in ships and boats
during the first eight months of 1849, we were, indeed, glad of a
little rest. The squadron now dispersed, Her Majesty’s ships sailed
for Singapore; Captain Brooke, suffering from fever, went to China
for a change; and Grant and I remained with the Rajah. Though quiet,
we were busy, as deputation after deputation arrived from the pirate
rivers to express their firm determination to give up piracy, and
messengers came from the distant inland tribes to interview the
Rajah, ‘for the Dyaks had heard, the whole world had heard, that the
Son of Europe was the friend of the Dyak.’
We also visited several of the interior tribes, and the manifold
proofs that the Rajah witnessed of the great advance made by those
poor and humble subjects of his raj must have been pleasing to him.
It was during these quiet months that we gave ourselves up to the
library. The Rajah was a good reader, and it was a treat to hear him
read Miss Austen’s novels, which were great favourites of his. He was
also very fond of religious discussions, and I think we listened to
the whole of the long controversy between Huxley and Priestley, and
heard all Channing’s Essays. Whatever the Rajah touched appeared to
gain an additional brightness. He was always gay and full of fun, and
dearly loved an argument.
Every evening the native chiefs came in to talk to the Rajah, who
supplied them with cigars, and it was from these conversations that
he gained that minute knowledge of the local politics of every
district, which served him so admirably when he had to deal with
the chiefs along the coast. The Rajah had the rare gift of never
forgetting a name or a face. One evening a poor Milanau came in, and
after touching the Rajah’s hand, squatted on the floor, and remained
silent, as many chiefs were present. ‘I have seen that man before,’
said Sir James; and presently he turned round and addressed the
native by name, and said, ‘Bujang, what is the news from Bintulu?’
This man had piloted a steamer into that river ten years previously,
and the Rajah had never seen him since.
Finding he could not shake off the fever and ague contracted during
our expeditions, Sir James decided to proceed to the island of
Penang, one of the Straits Settlements, where he had been offered
the use of Governor Butterworth’s bungalow on a hill more than
two thousand feet above the sea level. Hearing, however, that his
officers in Labuan were at loggerheads, he decided first to proceed
to that colony and investigate the cause of these dissensions. We
left Sarawak on the 11th December, reaching our destination on the
14th; and it was time indeed that the Governor should arrive. Our
few days were prolonged to over ten weeks, as an inquiry had to be
instituted into the conduct of the Lieutenant-Governor. Though I
do not think that anything was proved against his personal honour,
it was clearly established that his violent temper and quarrelsome
disposition rendered him unsuited for the position, and Sir James
Brooke suspended him from his functions.
While this inquiry was going on, we proceeded to Brunei to see the
Sultan, and heard, whilst we were in the capital, that the Chinese
traders were most anxious to remove to our colony, but I do not
believe they ever really intended to do so. They had built houses
for themselves in the capital, and were doing a thriving trade on
a small scale; and unless they all agreed to move at the same time,
none would move. The Bornean Malay traders also talked of migrating
from the capital to a spot opposite the colony. The slave question
would prevent their establishing themselves within its boundaries;
but it is always a difficult thing for men to abandon their homes,
and in this case, as the power of the Brunei Government was broken,
they no longer feared oppression. So the colony remained stagnant.
We left Labuan at the end of February, and after calling in at
Sarawak, proceeded to Singapore, where a budget of news awaited us.
The English Government had appointed Sir James as Special Envoy to
proceed to Siam and Cochin China to form treaties with those states;
at the same time we heard of the renewal of virulent attacks on the
Rajah’s policy by certain journals and Members of Parliament. After
a pleasant stay of a fortnight, we proceeded to Penang in the hope
that we should all shake off the fever and ague contracted during our
exhausting expeditions.
No man loved nature more than did the Rajah, and he enjoyed his
stay on this lofty hill. He could ride, or wander among the lovely
flowers and plants of the Governor’s garden, or he could gaze on the
beautiful scenery which unfolded itself around us. Those six weeks
were indeed delightful, and we often looked back on our quiet sojourn
there and its refreshing rest. We busied ourselves also in preparing
for our missions to Siam and Annam, to which I had been appointed
secretary.
As the ship of war which was to have taken us to Siam was soon
expected, we would not wait for the mail steamer, but left Penang
in a sailing vessel, and took seventeen days to reach Singapore, a
distance of only four hundred miles; in our case it was the greater
haste the less speed.
On our arrival in Singapore we found that there was no vessel
ready for us, and we had to wait weary months there before one was
placed at our disposal. At first we were to have had the _Hastings_
battleship; then, from some personal reason, it was decided by
Admiral Austen, brother to Jane Austen, no doubt the ‘William’ of
_Mansfield Park_, that we were to have H.M.’s steamer _Sphynx_,
Captain Shadwell. It was quite useless to show ourselves in Siam
without a commanding force, if we wished to secure a favourable
treaty. It was known that the King of Siam had become hostile to
Europeans, and nothing but fear would work on his prejudiced mind.
Had we appeared off the Menam River with a strong squadron, our
mission would have been respected.
Early in August we left Singapore for Siam in the _Sphynx_, attended
by the Company’s steamer _Nemesis_, and were soon at our destination.
Captain Brooke and I were sent in to the forts at the mouth of
the river to make arrangements for the Envoy’s suitable reception.
We found the people on shore in great alarm, and we heard that a
heavy boom had been placed across the river to prevent the steamers
proceeding to the capital. When we had settled our business we
returned to Sir James, and it was arranged that he should enter the
river next morning in the larger ship. It appeared to a landsman that
no sufficient precautions were taken to mark the deepest passage,
but we trusted to a native pilot, who speedily ran us on a sandbank.
There was no help for it, as the _Sphynx_ could not be moved, but to
be transferred to the _Nemesis_, and we then steamed on to the forts.
The minister charged with foreign affairs had come down to receive
us, so the first meeting between him and the English Envoy took place
at the village close to the mouth of the river.
It was an amusing scene. The arrogance of this half-civilised
people was extreme, and the minister, to show his disdain, had the
seats intended for the English Envoy and his suite placed in a
position of marked inferiority. He himself was seated on a divan,
with soft cushions, and surrounded by his gold betel boxes and tea
service, whilst his followers crouched behind him, and no native
approached, except on his hands and knees, crawling like an insect
along the floor. The minister rose as we entered, and pointing
to some chairs, motioned us to be seated, but Sir James passed
them by. He approached the minister and shook hands, and sat down
opposite to him; we all followed suit, and did the same, placing our
chairs beside that of our chief. The minister was breathless with
astonishment, but he resumed his seat, and in a short time recovered
his composure, and the usual routine of questions and answers
followed. He said that the Government had built a house for the
reception of the mission, and that state barges were being prepared
to convey the Envoy and his suite to the capital. Had the _Sphynx_
been able to enter the river, we might have insisted on going to the
capital in the _Nemesis_, but it was settled that we should proceed
in the state barges. Captain Brooke and I went first to inspect
the temporary house allotted to us, but finding it unsuitable, we
accepted the offer of an English merchant to take his house for the
mission, and use the other for our escort and for visitors from the
ships.
Sir James Brooke was soon satisfied that, under the then reigning
king, success was hopeless, as he had imbibed a strong prejudice
against foreigners through the unjustifiable conduct of an English
merchant, who had nearly ruined the prospects of our trade by an
attempt to coerce the King into buying a steamer at four times its
value. But what proved of importance was the confidential intercourse
which took place with Chaufa Mungkut, the legal heir to the throne.
This prince had retired to a monastery to avoid the persecution of
the King, who was an illegitimate elder brother.
We readily gathered sufficient information as to the King’s
ill-treatment of various British subjects to warrant our Government
acting against him; but all our present advances were rejected. I may
again repeat that had we arrived with a strong squadron, with ships
which could have entered the river, and decided to proceed to Bangkok
in a war vessel, there would have been little opposition to signing
a treaty; but Sir James thought that not much would be gained by
forcing a convention on the Siamese.
Satisfied that nothing could be done, Sir James sent to the Foreign
Minister the value of all presents received, and we started for the
mouth of the river in the state barges, and soon found ourselves on
board the _Sphynx_ on our way to Singapore. Our only success had been
the discovery that Chaufa Mungkut was favourable to the English, that
he was an educated prince, who could converse and correspond in our
language, and that when he came to the throne he would be ready to
negotiate.
On our arrival in Singapore we received the particulars of the debate
of July 12, 1850, which had taken place in the House of Commons
concerning our proceedings against the Seribas pirates. Though Mr
Hume’s motion had been rejected by a great majority, Sir James justly
complained that no minister had stood up to express their approval of
his policy.
However, though these attacks might irritate, they could not do away
with the pleasure afforded by the good news from Sarawak. The civil
war which had broken out in Sambas between the Chinese gold-working
companies and the Sultan, backed by the Dutch, had caused about 4000
Chinese agriculturists to fly from that country and take refuge in
Sarawak. This was a welcome addition, for wherever Chinese settle
there are trade and cultivation, and revenue follows in their
footsteps.
As soon as we could send off the papers connected with the Siam
Mission we proceeded to Sarawak to find great activity there. The
Chinese were spreading about the town and in the interior, and
the Rajah was soon busy regulating the affairs of the country,
preventing the encroachments of the Chinese on the Dyaks, to which
they were very prone, and visiting various inland tribes to mark
their progress. At one of those villages we were struck by the
intelligent questions put by several of the Dyaks regarding Siam and
the neighbouring states, and on inquiry we found that before the
advent of the white Rajah the rulers of the country were accustomed
to send them to pull an oar in the pirate fleets which then cruised
throughout these seas. They had evidently used their eyes to some
purpose whilst thus employed.
A very severe attack of fever and ague interrupted the Rajah’s
activity, and he was at length persuaded to listen to the voice of
his medical man, and to return to England for the benefit of his
health. But he first visited Labuan, which he found still making but
slow progress; and, though it appeared at one time that there was
really about to be an influx of Chinese and Malays from the capital,
when it was found that the Governor was returning to England they
made up their minds not to move until he came back. Some of the
latter had had their prahus towed over by the _Nemesis_, but they
soon went away again, and the contemplated movement never took place.
The fact was that at that time they trusted only the English Rajah,
and if he were not in Labuan to protect them they would not risk
exciting the hostility of the Brunei Government.
We soon started again for Sarawak, and on the 17th of January the
Rajah left us for Singapore on his way to England. His three offices
were thus filled—Mr Scott, afterwards Sir John Scott, was in charge
of the Colony of Labuan; Captain Brooke of the Principality of
Sarawak; and I remained as acting Commissioner.
I should mention that whilst we were away attending to Siamese
affairs, Mr Balestier, Special Envoy from the United States, went
to Sarawak in a frigate, the bearer of a letter from the President
to Sir James Brooke, as ruler of the State of Sarawak, proposing a
convention between the two countries. As a British official, Sir
James thought it right to submit the subject to Lord Palmerston, who
found nothing objectionable in the proposed arrangement; however,
amid the heated controversy that was in progress, the question was
unfortunately neglected.
We had all hoped that this visit to Europe was for health’s sake;
but the requisite rest could not be obtained, as Sir James found
himself at once pursued by the malignity of his enemies—Mr Wise and
the Eastern Archipelago Company—who had found channels to diffuse
their false accusations, as I have before noticed, in Mr Hume and
Mr Cobden. In the debates in the House, Lord Palmerston spoke out
strongly and clearly, and the majority was absolutely crushing; but
Joseph Hume did not know when he was beaten, and brought the question
again and again before Parliament.
Sir James now turned on his enemies; dragged the Eastern Archipelago
Company into court, and the case ended by it being declared that ‘The
directors had signed a false certificate, knowing it to be false.’
This was in regard to their capital. Their charter was therefore
abrogated and the seal torn off that document. These directors must
have bitterly regretted having joined Wise in his campaign against
the Rajah.
Sir James was also busy in answering hostile attacks, and his
letters addressed to Mr Drummond, M.P., on Mr Hume’s assertions,
were considered masterly compositions, completely establishing his
case—the view entertained by all reasonable men. Mr Sidney Herbert
also determined to break a lance with the Rajah, but soon repented
of his temerity and retired discomfited from the field. Sir James
had this advantage over his adversaries, that his conduct in Borneo
had been marked by so much courage, and was so straightforward and
honourable, that they could find no weak point in his armour.
A great dinner was given to Sir James Brooke at the London Tavern, on
the 30th April 1852, attended by over two hundred men of distinction,
and among the many speeches that were made, one by Baron Alderson was
especially remarkable. He observed, ‘that the greatest benefactors
of the human race have been most abused in their own lifetime,’ but
notwithstanding this, ‘he promised him the approbation of his own
conscience, the approbation of all good and reasonable men, and of
Almighty God, who does justice and who will reward.’
The speech of the evening, however, was that of the guest. Those
who had never heard him before were surprised and delighted. His
noble presence, his refined manner, the charm of his voice, quite
captivated them, whilst his words carried conviction. He wound up by
saying, ‘Do not disgrace your public servants by inquiries generated
in the fogs of base suspicions; for, remember, a wrong done is like
a wound received—the scar is ineffaceable. It may be covered by
glittering decorations, but there it remains to the end.’ Prophetic
words!
Lord Derby’s Government was now in office, and Lord Malmesbury
settled with Sir James Brooke that he should be appointed Her
Majesty’s representative in the Further East, to enable him to
negotiate treaties with foreign powers. He was to begin with Siam and
Cochin China. A General Election, however, took place in the autumn
of 1852, which sealed the fate of the Conservative Ministry. Sir
James had already been named Envoy to Siam, and would have proceeded
at once to that country by the special wish of Chaufa Mungkut, the
new king, when the Mission was suddenly and unexpectedly put off,
owing to His Majesty’s desire to have further time to complete the
elaborate funeral ceremonies required by custom for his brother, the
late king. Ever since our mission to Siam in 1850, Chaufa Mungkut had
kept up a private correspondence with the Rajah of Sarawak, in whose
doings he showed great interest.
So closed the year 1852, and on the 1st January 1853 appeared the
list of the new ministers—the Coalition Ministry of Lord Aberdeen.
‘England loves not coalitions,’ said D’Israeli; and we certainly
did not love this one. Probably to strengthen their parliamentary
majority, and yielding to the influence of Mr Cobden, the new
Government decided to grant Mr Hume’s demand and issue a Commission
to inquire into the conduct of Sir James Brooke. Sir James himself
had always courted inquiry, and therefore the Ministry might have
communicated their intention to him before he left England, which
he had decided to do during the first week in April. But instead of
consulting with him, they tried to keep the whole affair dark, and
it was only accidentally that Sir James heard of it. I never could
understand how a frank, loyal man like Lord Clarendon could lend
himself to such proceedings, but I suppose he was overruled by Lord
Aberdeen and Mr Sidney Herbert.
Finding that their determination to issue a Commission of Inquiry
could no longer be concealed from Sir James Brooke, they wrote to
him officially on the subject, and stated that they would call
on the Governor-General of India to choose Commissioners. They
further assured Sir James that ‘the inquiry should be full, fair
and complete.’ But the whole transaction had been so underhand, so
humiliating to him personally, so derogatory to him as ruler of
Sarawak, that he felt it bitterly, and he closed his despatch to Lord
Clarendon, April 4, 1853, the day he left England, with these words:
‘It is with sorrow unmixed with anger that I leave the world to judge
the services I have rendered and the treatment I have received.’
On Sir James Brooke’s arrival in Singapore he found that while the
Government had been reticent with him, they had been confidential
with Mr Hume, who repaid that confidence by divulging all the
details of the proposed Commission to the editor of a hostile paper
in Singapore. This personage made the most of it, and indulged in
violent tirades, in which he gloated over the disgrace which had
fallen upon Sir James. But this abuse affected none of the Rajah’s
friends, who were the flower of Singapore society.
No ships of war were now at his disposal, and I doubt whether in his
then state of mind he would have accepted their services. He returned
to Sarawak in a small merchant brig, the _Weraff_, commanded by a
cheerful little Frenchman.
His reception in his adopted country might have consoled him for
the injustice of his own Government, for never had he received a
more sincere welcome. The whole population was astir, and the hill
on which Government House stood, as well as the house itself, was
crammed with his joyous subjects; but he soon complained of being
tired. We noticed that the Rajah’s face looked swollen, and I heard
a native say he had _purunasi_, but none of us understood the word,
which meant smallpox in the language of the north. Fever came on, and
I used to sit for hours with him. At last it was manifest to everyone
that it was smallpox. No sooner did he hear this than he insisted
that all those who had not suffered from that disease should leave
the room, and he chose his attendants among the Malays and submitted
to native treatment. His cousin, Arthur Crookshank, watched over him,
and all would have braved the danger of contagion, but he would have
none of us with him. A Mr Horsburgh, a missionary, who thought he
had passed through the ordeal, joined those who were nursing him.
By the Rajah’s express order our hill was tabooed, and all were
forbidden to approach for fear the disease might spread; but this
rule was afterwards relaxed in favour of those who had already
suffered from it, and as most of the Malays were in that case,
they came every day to inquire. There was no doubt of the intense
feeling of anxiety that oppressed the people. There were prayers in
the mosques, votive offerings by Klings and Chinese, and as for the
Dyaks, they were in despair. However, the crisis passed, and then
the Rajah was overwhelmed with presents. Scented water was brought
for his bath; delicate dishes, to tempt his appetite, came from the
native ladies; and the rejoicing was true and heartfelt. We all
remained near the Rajah, and as soon as we were permitted eagerly
joined in nursing him. The attack had been most severe, and it would
have been difficult for a casual acquaintance to have recognised the
same man in our chief, who had just escaped from the very jaws of
death.
As soon as the Rajah was sufficiently recovered, he decided to visit
the capital. The Sultan Omar Ali was dead, and Pangeran Mumein had
been chosen to fill that office, although he did not belong to the
royal family. We started in the same little merchant brig _Weeraff_,
and were soon at the capital. The Rajah knew that every kind of
intrigue had been going on during his long absence. The Eastern
Archipelago Company had sent their agent to try and induce the late
Sultan to complain of the conduct of Her Majesty’s Commissioner; and
the Ex-Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan had also written to the Brunei
Government to tell them of the Commission, and to insinuate that Sir
James was no longer the powerful personage that he had been. The
Queen had decided to inquire into his conduct; so now was the time to
act. However, these intrigues completely failed.
The Rajah had not been a week in the capital when his influence was
as completely re-established as when he had an admiral and a squadron
at his back. The grant of Sarawak was confirmed, and a new deed was
made out, giving him the government of the rivers, as far as the
Rejang, on the payment of £1000 a year. Not even Mr Hume could say
that he obtained these concessions by the use of force.
While we were in Brunei, we lodged in the Sultan’s palace, and were
fed from the royal kitchen; we found the cuisine excellent. The
Sultan and pangerans were constant visitors, and we enjoyed our
stay among them. Not only did the Brunei Government confirm public
grants, but they handed over to the Rajah the originals of the
letters addressed to them by Mr Napier and others, showing how active
his enemies had been as soon as it was known that a Commission of
Inquiry had been granted by our vacillating ministers.
Nothing could better illustrate the conduct and character of the
Rajah than the results of this visit. Here was this man, under the
ban of the British Government, exposed to every insult from a reptile
press—fortunately among English papers a very small minority—and
apparently in deep disgrace. Yet in his own adopted country he was
respected, loved and trusted beyond any other man by all races and
creeds.
Upon our return to Sarawak we heard of Lord Clarendon’s instructions
to the Commission which was to inquire into Sir James Brooke’s
conduct and position. As I propose to devote a few pages to it later
on, I need not dwell upon them now.
The Rajah had long meditated a scheme to bring the Land Dyaks
of Sarawak, Samarahan and Sadong under the direct rule of the
Government. Up to the year 1853 the Dyak tribes had been apportioned
among the three Datus or Malay chiefs, which was the immemorial
custom; but it was found in practice to work badly, particularly
in the hands of the Datu Patingi. He was an ambitious man, fond of
parade, and kept up two large establishments for his principal wives.
To support the expense, he not only exacted all that was legally
due to him, but carried on a system of forced trade, preventing the
Dyaks from buying, except of him and his agents—a truck trade on an
extended system and in its worst form. The complaints which reached
headquarters were numerous. After he had married his daughter to
one of the Arab adventurers on the coast, who pretended to be a
descendant of the Prophet, his extortions knew no bounds.
The Rajah determined to pay the Datus fixed salaries, fifty per cent.
beyond their legal dues, and to insist on the trade with the Dyaks
being as free in practice as it was in theory. The Malay chiefs were
pleased with the arrangement; but gradually the old abuses of forced
trade were reintroduced by the Patingi, and the Rajah was often
obliged to interfere to protect the Dyaks.
The Patingi became dissatisfied when he found his evil courses
checked, and began to conspire against his benefactor, who had saved
his life after the civil war was ended; and when he heard that a
Commission had been appointed by the English Government to try the
Rajah, he became very active in his intrigues, and proposed to the
other chiefs to expel the English from Sarawak. None joined him, and
though they kept a watch on his proceedings, they never breathed
a word of the nascent conspiracy either to the Rajah or to any of
his officers. When the whole executive Government, English as well
as Malay, were away on an expedition, a brave young chief, Abong
Patah, came to me (I was then Her Majesty’s acting Commissioner)
and revealed all the details of the plot. I instantly sent off the
news to the Rajah, who did not doubt its truth for a moment. He had
himself observed very suspicious movements of the Patingi’s armed
vessels, and had also noticed that whenever that chief anchored near
the English war prahu, where all the Rajah’s officers assembled every
evening, the other chiefs would, apparently by accident, allow their
prahus to drop alongside. The Rajah communicated the discovery to
some of his most trustworthy followers, both English and Malay, but
left the Patingi in ignorance, though judicious precautions were
taken to frustrate his machinations.
As soon, however, as the Rajah returned to the capital, he summoned
a meeting of all the chiefs and principal men of the country, and in
open court accused the Patingi of all his crimes and misdemeanours.
He told him that on account of the respect he had for his family
he would not try him for high treason; but that all his arms
and ammunition must be handed over to abide the decision of the
Government. The Patingi was too surprised to deny his guilt; in
fact, he knew that every chief present was aware of his criminal
intentions. It ended by his being permitted to make the pilgrimage
to Mecca. The Rajah’s leniency, though judging by subsequent events
misplaced, was so natural that it met with general approval, except
among the more far-seeing of the Malays, who predicted that this
ungrateful chief would yet do the English an ill turn.
The Rajah then tried an experiment, of which some doubted the wisdom,
of supplying the place of the deposed Datu by appointing the head
of the Mohammedan priesthood in Sarawak to become the third ruling
Malay chief. He was brother to the Datu Bandhar—a quiet, honest, good
Malay. How well the Rajah judged has been shown by the subsequent
history of Sarawak. The Datu Imaum has always proved the mainstay of
the English in all their troubles and difficulties; and, although
much over eighty, I heard of his being well and active until quite
recently.
The Rajah had intended to adopt no warlike measures against the
pirate Dyaks, headed by the notorious chief Rentab, until the
Commission was over, but after waiting fifteen months, and finding
no signs of its assembling, he determined to lead an expedition
against them. Previous attempts by his officers had failed, but this
expedition was so well organised that its success was assured.
Eight thousand Malays and Dyaks answered to the summons of their
chief, whilst an expedition of fifteen hundred men threatened the
enemy in the interior of the Rejang, and well-armed war prahus
anchored in the Seribas. We pushed up the great Batang Lupar river,
then ascended the Sakarang as far as our big war boats would go,
built a fort for their protection, left a garrison—and there the
Rajah was persuaded to remain, as his state of health did not permit
him to expose himself to the further hardships of the advance.
We proceeded in our light boats, or pushed through the jungle.
I never saw such a go-as-you-please expedition. An enterprising
enemy might have cut us off as we scattered through the woods, but
fortunately they were over-awed by the reports of our numbers and
of our arms. Captain Brooke, who was in command, saw the danger of
this method of advance, and decided to continue the expedition in
boats. Our people had found a large number of these in the jungle,
hidden there by the enemy, so we soon had enough for the Malays. At
first most of the Dyaks preferred to walk, but gradually they secured
sufficient canoes to enable all to advance by the river.
The object of the expedition was to attack Sungei Lang—a large
fortified village held by Rentab and his followers, and, if possible,
a stronghold he had constructed on the summit of the Sadok Mountain.
After much skirmishing and firing, the fort was gallantly stormed,
and before sunset was completely in our hands. And glad we were
that there had been no delay, as scarcely were we housed, when a
violent tempest burst, that would have effectually drenched us had we
remained in the open. We stayed in this village whilst our men were
employed punishing the followers of Rentab; but no attempt was made
to attack his fortified post on the summit of the Sadok mountain.
Natives seldom care to continue a campaign after its announced
object has been accomplished, and our object was to take Sungei
Lang. Sadok defied successive expeditions for eight years more. The
Sakarang river was now in flood, so that on our return we passed over
all natural obstructions in safety. We were heartily received by the
Rajah and congratulated on our success, as the storming of Rentab’s
stronghold was no mean achievement with only native followers.
On our arrival at Sarawak we had news of the Commissioners being
expected at Singapore, and H.M.’s. brig _Lily_ arrived to convey
Sir James Brooke and his followers to our Straits Settlements, but
the Rajah had to go alone, as Grant, Brereton and myself were down
with fever, the result of over-exposure to sun and rain and the cold
watches of the night. Brereton did not recover, and in him the Rajah
lost a most efficient and devoted officer.
No one now cares for the Commission sent to inquire into the position
and conduct of Sir James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak, and Commissioner
and Consul-General in Borneo; but as its results were so disastrous I
must devote a few pages to it.
As I have before mentioned—and here I am obliged to repeat some
observations I have previously made—when Sir James Brooke found that
his agent in England, Mr Wise, was trying to involve him in schemes
which he considered doubtful, he endeavoured to check him, and used
strong language about his projects, looking upon them as designs to
defraud the public by false representations. Mr Wise accidentally
came to know the energetic expressions used by his employer, and
decided to have his revenge, but he held his hand until the right
moment had arrived. He still continued to press Sir James to join his
gigantic companies, but failed in his attempts. Other events occurred
which excited him still more, such as the Rajah’s handing over to the
British Government, instead of directly to himself, the grant of the
coal seams in certain portions of the Sultan’s dominions which Sir
James had received whilst Her Majesty’s Agent. At length, when his
employer called upon him to produce his accounts, as a very large
balance was due to him, Mr Wise began to denounce him publicly. The
Farquhar expedition furnished him with the opportunity, and he now
posed as a humanitarian, and furnished certain members of the press
with garbled information. We may imagine how unscrupulous he was when
Lord Clarendon stated, ‘It had been detected in the Foreign Office
that Mr Wise’s “_Papers printed for use in the Government Offices_”
could not be relied on, and that some were “simple forgeries.”’
Mr Wise, however, managed, as I have said, to persuade Mr Joseph Hume
to enter into his projects, who found an ally in Mr Cobden, and they
both commenced a campaign in the House of Commons against the Rajah.
This continued until the Coalition Ministry, under Lord Aberdeen,
came into power in 1853. To secure the Parliamentary support of
the Free Trade party, Lord Aberdeen weakly consented to issue a
Commission on the lines suggested by Mr Hume, Sir James’s vindictive
adversary.
The Commission might have been issued with the concurrence of both
parties, as Sir James was anxious for a full inquiry; but the
Government, whilst informing Mr Hume of their intention to accede to
his demand, thought it becoming to keep Sir James ignorant of it, and
he found it out by accident.
Forty-five years have passed since this event occurred, and yet I
cannot write of it without a flush of indignation. Mr Gladstone made
this observation: ‘His (Sir James’s) language respecting Mr Hume
and Mr Cobden, two men of the very highest integrity ... is for the
most part quite unjustifiable.’ Mr Hume’s integrity, by his own
confession, was not above suspicion, and Mr Cobden may be judged by
the following extract: ‘Sir James Brooke seized on a territory as
large as Yorkshire, and then drove out the natives, and subsequently
sent for our fleet and men to massacre them.’ The insolence and
ignorance displayed in the latter statement, as I have elsewhere
observed, are about equal.
Grant and I soon followed the Rajah to Singapore, and found the
Commission sitting. It was composed of Mr Prinsep and Mr Devereux,
the former suffering from a malady which was beginning to show itself
at intervals, and quite incapable of conducting the inquiry with
dignity; the latter everything which could be desired—a man of marked
ability, impartial and painstaking.
When the Commission opened its sittings, only two complainants came
forward—the ex-Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan, and an editor of a
newspaper. Both of these were informed that their cases were beyond
the scope of the Commission. As, however, above fifty inhabitants of
Singapore had signed an address to Mr Hume, supporting his demand for
an inquiry into the character of the tribes of Seribas and Sakarang,
the Commissioners naturally thought that they would be prepared
with some evidence of their assertion that these tribes were not
piratical, and that they had been massacred under false pretences;
but all the memorialists who were called by the Commissioners denied
having any knowledge on the subject, and many had signed under the
impression that they were aiding the cause of Sir James Brooke. The
Commissioners waited day after day for hostile witnesses, but none
came.
While we were all waiting for that testimony which was not
forthcoming, a gentleman who was sitting next me said, ‘I should like
to give evidence.’ I mentioned his wish to the Commissioners. He was
then called forward, and stated that his name was Boudriot; that he
was in the Civil Service of the Dutch Government; that he had resided
four and a half years in Borneo. He knew of the Seribas and Sakarang
Dyaks; he had always known them as pirates, killing and murdering all
along the coast. They came down in large, armed boats, holding each a
crew of from eighty to ninety, killing the men they met and carrying
off the women and children as slaves. In one excursion they killed
about four hundred men. This happened in the Dutch possessions. They
had ravaged the Dutch settlements; probably the recorded instances
would number one hundred. ‘As every one in Borneo knows them (as
pirates), I am surprised that anyone should question their existence.’
When it is remembered that this evidence was given unsolicited by
a high and experienced Dutch official, who, on his way home on
furlough, happened to be passing through Singapore, and that the
Netherlands Government had shown itself exceedingly jealous of Sir
James Brooke’s position in Borneo, no further evidence would seem to
have been required. Mr Boudriot’s coming forward to bear testimony
in favour of a political opponent was as honourable to the Dutch
official as to his Government, which he knew would not object to his
testifying in favour of the truth.
The witnesses called by the hostile memorialists came to curse,
but remained to bless. Reluctant as they were to tell all they
knew, enough was dragged out of them to show the true character
of the Seribas and Sakarang Dyaks. One was the dismissed
Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan, the second a man of German
extraction, who had lived on Sir James Brooke’s bounty for many
years, and the third the banished Patingi of Sarawak; but he showed
no animus against Sir James Brooke. In point of fact, they did not
prove hostile witnesses, as the testimony of the first two, apart
from the feeling displayed, was quite satisfactory. Mr Devereux and
Mr Prinsep observe in their reports that the memorialists or their
agent did what they could to prevent the native witnesses from
appearing, but enough came forward to prove to both Commissioners the
piratical character of these Dyaks, and Mr Devereux pointedly remarks
that no undue severity was exercised.
In spite of the instructions to the Commissioners, which were
remarkable for their hostile spirit, these gentlemen reported
favourably on all those points on which the public felt any interest;
the Seribas and Sakarang Dyaks were declared pirates, and it was
found and placed on record that Sir James had not been a trader
whilst in the service of the Crown. On matters of opinion they
differed, and did not accept Sir James’s claim of the complete
independence of Sarawak _de jure_, though it was so _de facto_. The
other questions were of no practical importance.
Although we did not receive the report of the Commissioners until the
end of the following year, I may now notice the findings, and then
close this unfortunate story of ministerial weakness and bad faith.
There were four heads of inquiry.
First—Whether the position of Sir James Brooke at Sarawak was
compatible with his duties as Commissioner and Consul-General?
It was decided to be incompatible; but Mr Devereux added, ‘It may be
stated as regards the past that the junction of the two positions has
had beneficial results.’ As the British Government had appointed Sir
James to the post without any solicitation on his part, with a full
knowledge of his position at Sarawak, any blame would be theirs and
not his. As, however, he had resigned his posts, this point had only
an academic interest.
Second—Whether the interests of Sir James Brooke as a holder of
territory, and as a trader in the produce of that territory, were
compatible?
It was found that Sir James was not a trader in the true sense of the
term any more than the Governor-General of India.
Third—Personal complaints against Sir James Brooke.
Two were made, but not entertained by the Commissioners.
Fourth—What were the relations of Sir James Brooke with and towards
the native tribes on the north-west coast of Borneo, with a view to
ascertain whether it was necessary that he should be entrusted with
a discretion to determine which of these tribes were piratical, or,
taking into account the recent operations on the coast, to call for
the aid of Her Majesty’s forces for the punishment of such tribes.
Mr Devereux remarked, ‘It appears most desirable that there should
be an authority empowered to call for the aid of Her Majesty’s naval
forces for the suppression of piracy.’
‘I have already declared my opinion that the Seribas and Sakarang
Dyaks are piratical tribes; it was therefore most just and expedient,
and in conformity with the obligations of treaty, that punishment
should be inflicted on them with the view to the suppression of their
atrocious outrages. The exact measure of punishment which should have
been inflicted is a question which does not belong to me to decide,
but I may say that it was essential that the thing should be done,
and done effectually. So far as regards the loss of life inflicted on
them, there does not appear any reasonable ground for sympathy for a
race of indiscriminate murderers.’
I have thus shortly summed up the proceedings and findings of the
Commission. I have not thought it necessary to enter into any
details, as the questions are dead, and no one feels any interest in
the mendacious statements of a W. N. or a Chameroozow.[9] The Seribas
and Sakarang Dyaks are now some of the best subjects of Sarawak,
so faithful that they are enlisted as soldiers and garrison the
principal forts.
The Commission closed, and we returned to Sarawak towards the end of
November with a feeling of great relief. As a ship of war had fetched
the Rajah from Sarawak, so a ship of war took him back, and Captain
Blaine of H.M.S. _Rapid_ showed him every courtesy, and treated him
officially as a prince in his own country.
Our next six months were passed quietly. The Rajah was anxious about
the report of the Commission, but he felt that in all essential
points it must be in his favour. During this peaceful time he busied
himself with the interior affairs of the country, or retired for
recreation to his charming cottage among the hills.
No one who had not lived in close intimacy with the Rajah could
form any idea of the charm of his society. His conversation was
always attractive, whether he was treating of political or religious
questions, and when he was in good spirits, his ordinary talk was
enlivened by playful humour. His affectionate disposition endeared
him to all, and although subsequently differences arose with some of
his followers and relatives, no one among them but preserved a kindly
feeling towards their old chief. Our visits to the hill cottage left
so pleasant an impression on my mind that they can never be forgotten.
At this time, on the advice of Earl Grey, the Rajah created a
‘Council of Sarawak,’ the first members of which were himself and
his two nephews, to represent the English element, and four Malay
chiefs to represent the native inhabitants of Sarawak. It proved a
most useful measure, and the native members showed themselves highly
efficient.
In October 1855 Captain Brooke and Charles Grant left us for a visit
home, and Arthur Crookshank was still absent in England, so that
much work fell on the Rajah. We had scarcely settled down to a quiet
life when we were disturbed by the arrival of despatches from Lord
Clarendon, enclosing the Blue Book containing all the documents
relating to the Commission, and expressing a cold approval of Sir
James Brooke’s conduct. I also received despatches, one appointing
me Consul-General in Borneo, and the other containing an Order in
Council directing me to send to the nearest English colony all
British subjects accused of crimes and misdemeanours within the
Sultan’s dominions, including Sarawak. The absurdity of such an
Order in Council appears never to have struck the Foreign Office. In
the first place, it was in direct opposition to our Treaty with the
Brunei Government; secondly, the sending for trial to Singapore of a
prisoner and all the witnesses would have entailed an expenditure of
hundreds of pounds, possibly on account of a thief who had stolen the
value of a shilling. It was no difficult matter to point out to our
Government that it was wiser to let well alone; that the courts of
Sarawak had always exercised jurisdiction over British subjects, and
that no complaints of injustice had ever been made. I consequently
suggested that the system then at work should be continued.
Any other solution would have been felt to be intolerable, both
by the Rajah and by the native chiefs. Fortunately wise counsels
prevailed in England, and the proposed arrangement, which was
founded on ignorance, was reversed. I was authorised to inform
the Sarawak Council that Her Majesty’s Government had no desire
whatever to interfere with them, or to prevent them choosing what
form of government they pleased; and I added that the British
Government accepted the plan suggested for settling the question of
jurisdiction. In fact, the Sarawak courts were authorised to continue
to try British subjects as before.
The Rajah was deeply mortified by Lord Clarendon’s despatches. After
all the promises the latter had made to the late Lord Ellesmere,
that if the Commission reported in Sir James Brooke’s favour the
Government would be prepared to do all that he desired, to receive
a bare statement of approval of his conduct was very disheartening.
After all the mischief which arose from the mere appointment of
the Commission, the loss of prestige which produced the Patingi’s
abortive plot, and later on the Chinese insurrection, such treatment
was inexplicable to him. He was sore and indignant. He only asked for
a steamer to be placed on the coast to check piracy. Even this was
refused.
However, when Lord Clarendon agreed to recognise the jurisdiction
of the Sarawak courts, the Rajah was greatly mollified. He wrote,
‘The Government has done far more than I expected, and our
misunderstanding is at an end.’ The strong expressions of good-will
contained in the same despatch had a very tranquillising effect upon
him, and he almost thought he had forgiven the Government their great
injustice.
As the British Government would not allow me to ask for an
_exequatur_ from the Sarawak authorities, I left Kuching for Brunei
in August 1856. It was severing very precious ties. Before I sailed,
Arthur Crookshank had returned to his post and brought with him, as
his bride, a ‘vision of beauty,’ to use the Rajah’s own phrase.
During this year some capitalists in London formed the Borneo
Company, to develop the resources of the territories under Sarawak
rule. Coal had been discovered in various places, and there were
valuable products to be collected, principally sago, gutta-percha and
india-rubber; there was also the produce of the antimony mines, and
subsequently cinnabar, or the metal containing quicksilver.
A short time before Mr Macdougall, the head of the Borneo Mission,
had been raised in rank, and was named Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak.
As slight returns of fever and ague had weakened the Rajah, he
accepted Sir William Hoste’s offer of a passage to Singapore in
H.M.S. _Spartan_, where he passed a few months recruiting his health.
Towards the end of January 1857 he returned to Sarawak in the _Sir
James Brooke_, a steamer sent out by the Borneo Company to aid in
their commercial work. The Rajah found the country greatly excited
by persistent rumours of a Chinese conspiracy. His valuable officer,
Mr Arthur Crookshank, fully believed in the hostile intentions of
the Chinese Kungsi or Gold Working Company, and had therefore manned
the forts with sufficient garrisons. But Sir James Brooke, having
summoned the Chinese chiefs before him, and punished them for their
illegal acts, was satisfied with their submission, and believed they
would not be so insensate as to endeavour to carry out their previous
threats. He therefore dismissed the extra men from the forts, and
wrote to me on February 14th, ‘Congratulate me on being free from all
my troubles.’
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 9: _Remarks on a Recent Naval Execution._ By W. N. _Borneo
Facts_ versus _Borneo Fallacies_. By Louis A. Chameroozow.]
CHAPTER VI
THE CHINESE SURPRISE THE TOWN OF KUCHING—THE RAJAH AND HIS OFFICERS
ESCAPE—THE CHINESE PROCLAIM THEMSELVES SUPREME RULERS—THEY ARE
ATTACKED BY THE MALAYS—ARRIVAL OF THE ‘SIR JAMES BROOKE’—THE
CHINESE, DRIVEN FROM KUCHING, ABANDON THE INTERIOR AND RETREAT TO
SAMBAS—DISARMED BY THE DUTCH
Chinese colonists are the mainstay of every country in the Further
East; but they carry with them an institution which may have its
value in ill-governed countries, but which in our colonies is an
unmitigated evil. I refer to their secret societies. A secret
society is ostensibly instituted under the form of a benevolent
association, but actually its members are banded together to obey
no laws but their own, to carry out the behests of their leaders
without question, and to afford protection to each other under all
circumstances. If a member of the secret society commit a crime he
is to be protected or hidden away; if he be taken by the police, the
society is bound to secure him the ablest legal assistance, furnish
as many false witnesses as may be required, and if he be convicted,
pay his fine, or do all in its power to alleviate the discomforts
of a prison. Therefore, flogging is the most deterrent form of
punishment, as it cannot be shared. Should the society suspect any
member of revealing its secrets, or from any cause desire to be rid
of an obnoxious person, it condemns the individual to death, and
sentence is carried out by its members, who, through fear of the last
penalty, always obey their oath. On these occasions the mark of the
society is put on the victim to show who has ordered the deed. In our
colonies we have not been altogether successful in putting down these
pernicious associations.
For many years the Chinese living in Kuching, the capital of Sarawak,
had attempted to form secret societies, but the Rajah’s vigorous hand
had crushed every attempt, and it appeared as if success had attended
his policy. This was the case so far as the Chinese of the capital
were concerned; but in the interior, among the gold workers, the
Kungsi performed the functions of a secret society, and its chiefs
carried on extensive correspondence with their fellow-countrymen in
Sambas and Pontianak, the neighbouring Dutch possessions, and with
the Tien-Ti-Hué (Heaven and Earth Secret Society) in Singapore.
When Mr Fox and I made a long tour, in July 1856, among the Chinese
settlements of the interior, we became convinced that opium
smuggling was being carried on to a great extent, as however numerous
might be the newcomers, the revenue from that source had a tendency
to decrease.
At last it was discovered that opium was sent from Singapore to the
Natuna Islands, and from thence it was smuggled into Sarawak and
the Dutch possessions of Sambas and Pontianak. It was proved that
the Kungsi had been engaged in this contraband trade, and it was
fined £150, a very trifling amount, considering the thousands it
had gained by defrauding the revenue, and measures were immediately
taken to suppress the traffic. This, and the punishment of three of
its members for a gross assault on another Chinaman, were the only
grounds of complaint which could be alleged against the Sarawak
Government.
But these trivial cases were not the real cause of the Chinese
insurrection in Sarawak. Before that date all the Celestials in the
East had been greatly excited by the announcement that the English
had retired from before Canton, and that the Viceroy of the province
had offered a reward of £25 for every Englishman slain. The news had
been greatly exaggerated. It was said we had been utterly defeated
by the Chinese forces, and now was the time, the Gold Company
thought, to expel the English from Sarawak and assume the government
themselves. The secret societies were everywhere in great excitement,
and the Tien-Ti-Hué sent emissaries over from Singapore and Malacca
to incite the gold workers to rebellion, and used the subtle, but
unfortunately cogent argument, that not only were the English crushed
at Canton, but that the British Government was so discontented with
the Rajah that it would not interfere, if the Kungsi only destroyed
him and his officers, and did not meddle with private English
interests or obstruct trade. Here we see another disastrous effect of
the Commission.
It was also currently reported that the Sultan of Sambas and his
Malay nobles offered every encouragement to the enterprise; and the
Chinese listened much to their advice, as these noblemen can speak
to the Celestials in their own language, and are themselves greatly
imbued with Chinese ideas. To explain this curious state of things,
it may be mentioned that the children of these nobles are always
nursed by girls chosen from among the healthiest of the daughters of
the Chinese gold workers. Further, about that time there was a very
active intercourse carried on between the Malay nobles of Sambas and
Pangeran Makota, the Rajah’s old enemy and the Sultan of Brunei’s
favourite minister, and the latter was constantly closeted with an
emissary of the Tien-Ti-Hué of Singapore, to whom I am about to refer.
To show that this was not a mere conjecture I may state that on the
14th of February 1857, four days before the insurrection in Sarawak,
a Chinese named Achang, who had arrived at Brunei from Singapore a
few days previously, and had a year before been expelled from Sarawak
for joining a secret society, came to my house to try and induce my
four Chinese servants to enter the Hué, adding as a sufficient reason
that the Gold Company of Sarawak would by that time have killed all
the white men in that country.
At Bau, the chief town of the Chinese in Sarawak, the secretary of
the Kungsi showed a letter from the Straits Branch of the Tien-Ti-Hué
to a Malay trader named Jeludin, urging them to act against
the foreigner. I mention these facts to show the extraordinary
ramifications of these secret societies, which in every country where
they exist are the source of endless trouble and disorder.
During the month of November 1856 rumours were abroad that the
Chinese Gold Company intended to surprise the small stockades which
constituted the only defences of the town of Kuching, and which, as
no enemy was suspected to exist in the country, were seldom guarded
by more than four men each. Mr Crookshank, who was then administering
the government, took the precaution (as has been stated) to man them
with a sufficient garrison, for it was said that during one of their
periodical religious feasts several hundred men were to collect
quietly, and make a rush for the arsenal. On the Rajah’s return from
Singapore he instituted some inquiries into the affair, but could
obtain no further information than such as vague rumour afforded.
He consequently reduced the garrisons, after punishing the Chinese
chiefs; but such experienced officers as Mr Crookshank and the chief
constable, Mr Middleton, were not satisfied, feeling that there was
mischief in the air; and Mr Charles Johnson wrote to me that if their
high tone was not lowered the Chinese would certainly do the country
a mischief.
I was sitting one day reading in my verandah, in the Consulate at
Brunei, when a Malay hastily entered and said, ‘I have just arrived
from Singapore.’ Whilst detained by very light winds we approached a
schooner coming from Sarawak, and one of the crew called out to us,
“The Chinese have risen against the Rajah and killed all the white
men.” He knew no more. This, coupled with what I had previously
heard of the conversations of the Hué leader, made me feel very
uncomfortable. I would have left for Sarawak at once, but there was
no means of direct communication. In a few days a hurried note from a
friend who had escaped to Singapore told me part of the catastrophe,
but it was not for two months that I had the full particulars in a
letter from the Rajah himself.
It appears that when the Kungsi saw their professions of loyalty
accepted, they began to prepare for hostile operations, and on the
morning of the 18th of February 1857 the chiefs assembled about six
hundred of their followers at Bau, their most important station, and
placing all the available weapons in their hands, marched them down
to their principal wharf at Tundong, where a squadron of their large
cargo boats was collected. It is now known that until they actually
began to descend the river none but the heads of the movement were
aware of its true object, so well had the secret been kept. To
account for the preparations, it was given out that an attack was
meditated on a Dyak village in Sambas, whose fighting men had in
reality killed some Chinese.
During their slow passage down the river, a Malay, who was accustomed
to trade with the Chinese, overtook them in a canoe, and actually
induced them to permit him to pass under the plea that his wife and
children lived in a place called Batu Kawa, eight miles above the
town, and would be frightened if they heard so many men passing, and
he was not there to reassure them. Instead of returning home, he
pulled down as fast as he could till he reached the town of Kuching,
and going straight to his relative, a Malay trader of the name of
Gapur, a trustworthy and brave man, told him what he had seen; but
Gapur said, ‘Don’t go and tell the chiefs or the Rajah such a tissue
of absurdities;’ yet he went himself over to the Datu Bandhar and
informed him. The chiefs answer was, ‘The Rajah is unwell; we have
heard similar reports for the last twenty years; don’t go and bother
him about it. In the morning I will tell him what your relative
says.’ This great security was caused by the universal belief that
the Chinese could not commit so egregious a folly as to attempt
to seize the Government of the country, considering that, with
agriculturists included, they did not number above four thousand,
while at that time the Malays and Dyaks within the Sarawak territory
amounted to two hundred thousand at least. It was strange, however,
and unpardonably negligent on the part of the Datu Bandhar not to
have sent a fast boat up the river to ascertain what was really going
on. Had he done so, the town and numerous lives would have been
saved, and punishment would only have fallen on the guilty.
Shortly after midnight the squadron of Chinese barges pulled silently
through the capital, and dividing into two bodies, the smaller
entered a creek, called Sungei Bedil, just above the Rajah’s house,
while the larger party continued its course to the landing-place of
the fort, and sent out strong detachments to surprise the houses of
Mr Crookshank, the magistrate, and Mr Middleton, the head constable,
and a large force was told off to attack the stockades. Unaccountable
as it may appear, none of these parties were noticed, so profound was
the security felt; and everyone slept.
The Government House was situated on a little grassy hill, surrounded
by small, neat cottages, in which visitors from the out-stations
were lodged. The Chinese, landing on the banks of the Bedil stream,
marched to the attack in a body of about a hundred, and passing by
an upper cottage, made an assault on the front and back of the long
Government House, the sole inhabitants of which were the Rajah and an
English servant. They did not surround the house, for their trembling
hearts made them fear to separate into small bodies, as the opinion
was rife among them that the Rajah was a man brave, active, skilled
in the use of weapons, and not to be overcome except by means of
numbers.
Roused from his slumbers by the unusual sounds of shouts and yells
at midnight, the Rajah looked out through the Venetian blinds, and
immediately conjectured what had occurred. Several times he raised
his revolver to fire at them, but convinced that he could not defend
the house alone he determined to effect his escape. He supposed
that men engaged in so desperate an enterprise would naturally take
every precaution to ensure its success, and concluded that bodies
of insurgents were silently watching the ends of the house; so,
summoning his English servant, he led the way down to a bath-room on
the ground floor which communicated with the lawn, and telling him to
open the door quickly and follow close, the Rajah sprang forth, with
sword drawn and revolver cocked, but found the coast clear. Had there
been twenty Chinese there, he would have passed through them, as his
quickness and practical skill in the use of weapons were unsurpassed.
Reaching the banks of the stream above his house he paused, observing
that it was full of Chinese boats; but presently, hearing his alarmed
servant, who had lost him in the darkness, calling to him, he knew
that the attention of the Chinese would be attracted that way, and
dived under the bows of one of the barges and swam to the opposite
shore unperceived. As he was then suffering from an attack of fever
and ague, he fell utterly exhausted, and lay for some time on the
muddy bank till, slightly recovering, he was able to reach the
Government writer’s house.
An amiable and promising young officer, Mr Nicoletts, who had but
just arrived from an out-station on a visit to the Rajah, was lodged
in a cottage near; startled by the sound of the attack, he rushed
forth to reach the chief’s house, but was intercepted and killed
by the Chinese, who severed his head from his body, and bore it on
a pike in triumph as that of the Rajah. Mr Steel, the Resident on
the Rejang, and an experienced officer, quietly looked through the
window of his cottage, and seeing what was passing, slipped out of
the house, and soon found himself sheltered by the jungle; and the
Rajah’s servant, whose shouts had drawn the Chinese towards him,
had to display very unwonted activity before he could reach the
protecting forest and join Mr Steel.
The other attacks took place simultaneously. Mr and Mrs Crookshank,
rushing forth on hearing this midnight alarm, were cut down, the
latter left for dead, the former seriously wounded. The constable’s
house was attacked; he and his wife escaped, but their two children
and an English lodger were killed by the insurgents.
Here occurred a scene which showed how cruel were these Chinese. When
the rebels burst into Mr Middleton’s house he fled, and his wife,
following, found herself in the bath-room, and by the shouts was
soon convinced that her retreat had been cut off. In the meantime
the Chinese had seized her two children, and brought the eldest down
into the bath-room to show them the way by which the father had
escaped. Mrs Middleton’s sole refuge was a large water jar, which
happened to be full, and she only raised her mouth above water to
draw breath; there she heard the poor little boy questioned, pleading
for his life, and heard his shriek, when the fatal sword was raised
which severed his head from his body. With loud laughter these fiends
kicked the little head from one to the other, and then rushed out in
pursuit of Mr Middleton. Fortunately the bath-room was in darkness,
so the mother escaped unseen. The Chinese then set fire to the house,
and she distinctly heard the shrieks of her second child as they
tossed him into the flames. Mrs Middleton remained in the jar till
the falling embers forced her to leave it. She ran to a neighbouring
pond and, fortunately, was thus sheltered from the savages who
were rushing round the burning dwelling. Her escape was indeed
extraordinary.
The stockades, however, were not surprised. The Chinese, waiting for
the signal which was to be the attack on the houses, were at length
perceived by a sentinel, and he immediately roused the Treasurer,
Mr Crymble, who resided in the stockade which contained the arsenal
and the prison. He endeavoured to make some preparation for defence,
although he had but four Malays with him. He had scarcely time,
however, to load a six-pounder field-piece, and get his own rifle
ready, before the Chinese, with loud shouts, rushed to the assault.
They were led by a man who bore in either hand a flaming torch. Mr
Crymble waited until they were within forty yards; he then fired and
killed the man who, by the lights he bore, made himself conspicuous,
and before the crowd recovered from the confusion in which they
were thrown by the fall of their leader, discharged among them the
six-pounder loaded with grape, which made the assailants retire
behind the neighbouring houses or hide in the outer ditches. But
with four men little could be done; and some of the rebels, having
crossed the inner ditch, began to remove the planks which constituted
the sole defence. To add to the garrison’s difficulties, they threw
over into the inner court little iron tripods, with flaming torches
attached, which rendered it as light as day, whilst they remained
shrouded in darkness.
To increase the number of defenders Mr Crymble released the sole
occupants of the prison—a fraudulent debtor and a Malay madman who
had killed his wife in a fit of fury. The former quickly disappeared,
whilst the latter, regardless of the shot flying around, stood to
the post assigned him, opposite a plank the Chinese were trying
to remove. He had orders to fire as soon as the first assailant
appeared, and when the plank gave way and a man attempted to force
his body through, he pulled the trigger of his carbine, without
lowering the muzzle, and sent the ball through his own brains. Mr
Crymble now found it useless to prolong the struggle. One of his
four men was killed, and another, a brave Malay corporal, was shot
down at his side. The wounded man begged Mr Crymble to fly and leave
him to his fate, but asked him to shake hands with him first and
tell him whether he had not done his duty. The brave Irishman seized
him by the arm and endeavoured to drag him up the stairs leading to
the dwelling over the gate; but the Chinese had already gained the
courtyard, and pursuing them, drove their spears through the wounded
man. Mr Crymble was forced to let go his hold, and with a brave
follower, Daud, swung himself down into the ditch below. Some of the
rebels outside the fort, seeing their attempted escape, tried to stop
the Treasurer, and a man stabbed at him, but the spear only glanced
on his thick frieze coat, and the Chinese received in return a cut
across the face from the Irishman’s cutlass which was a remembrance
to carry to the grave.
The other stockade, though it had but a corporal’s watch of three
Malays, did not surrender; but finding that every other place was in
the hands of the Chinese, the brave defenders opened the gate, and,
charging the crowd of rebels, sword in hand, made good their escape,
though all were severely wounded.
The confusion which reigned throughout the rest of the town may be
imagined, as, startled by the shouts and yells of the Chinese, the
inhabitants rushed to the doors and windows and beheld night turned
into day by the bright flames which rose in three directions—where
the Rajah’s, Crookshank’s and Middleton’s large houses were all
burning at the same time.
It was at first very naturally thought that the Chinese contemplated
a massacre of the Europeans, but messengers were soon despatched
to them by the Kungsi to say that nothing was further from their
intention than to interfere with those who were unconnected with the
Government, which refinement of policy shows that the plan had been
concocted by more subtle brains than those possessed by the gold
workers of Bau.
The Rajah had, as soon as possible, proceeded to the Datu Bandhar’s
house, and being quickly joined by his English officers, endeavoured
to organise a force with which to surprise the victorious Chinese;
but it was impossible. No sooner did he collect a few men than their
wives and children surrounded them and refused to be left behind; and
being without proper arms and ammunition, it was but a panic-stricken
mob. So he instantly took his determination, with that decision which
had been the foundation of his success, and, giving up the idea of an
immediate attack, advised the removal of the women to the left-hand
bank of the river, where they would be safe from a land attack of the
Chinese, who could make their way along the right-hand bank of the
river by a road which ran at the back of the town.
This removal was accomplished by the morning, when the small party
of English under the Rajah walked over to the little river of Siol,
which falls into the Santubong branch of the Sarawak river. At the
mouth of the Siol the Rajah found the war boat of Abang Buyong, with
sixty men, waiting for him, which was soon joined by six others
and many canoes, for no sooner did the Malays of the neighbouring
villages hear where the Rajah was than they began flocking to him.
He now started for the Samarahan, intending to proceed to the Balang
Lupar to organise an expedition from the well-supplied forts there.
On their way they rested at the little village of Sabang, and to the
honour of the Malay character I must add that never during the height
of his power and prosperity did he receive so much sympathy, tender
attention and delicate generosity as now, when a defeated fugitive.
They vied with each other as to who should supply him and his party
with clothes and food, since they had lost all; and if to know that
he was enshrined in the hearts of the people was any consolation to
him in his misfortunes, he then had ample proofs of it. No wonder
that in reading these accounts the _Daily News_, hitherto so hostile
to him, should say, ‘We have sincere pleasure in proclaiming our
unreserved admiration of the manner in which he must have exercised
his power to have produced such fruits.’
When morning broke in Kuching, there was a scene of the wildest
confusion. The six hundred rebels, joined by the Chinese vagabonds
of the town, half-stupefied by opium, were wandering about in every
direction, discharging their muskets loaded with ball cartridges.
But at eight o’clock the chiefs of the Gold Company sent a message
to the Bishop of Sarawak, requesting him to come down and attend the
wounded. He did so, and found thirty-two stretched out, most of them
from shot wounds; but among them he noticed a man with a gash across
his face from the last blow Mr Crymble had struck at the rebels; and
before the Bishop’s arrival they had buried five of their companions.
Poor Mrs Crookshank had lain on the ground all night, desperately
wounded, and with extraordinary coolness and courage had shammed
death whilst the rebels tore the rings from her fingers, or cut
at her head with their swords. Her life was saved by her mass of
braided hair. Early in the morning her servant found her still
living, and went and informed the Bishop, who had great difficulty in
persuading the Kungsi to allow him to send for her. She arrived in
the mission house in a dreadful state.
It was soon evident that, in the intoxication of victory, the Chinese
aimed now, if not before, at the complete domination of the country,
and summoned the Bishop, Mr Helms, agent for the Borneo Company, Mr
Ruppell, an English resident, and the Datu Bandhar to appear at the
Court House. The Europeans were obliged to attend the summons. The
Malay chief also came, but with great reluctance, and contrary to the
advice of the Datu Imaum, his more energetic brother; but he thought
it expedient to gain time.
The Chinese chiefs, even in their most extravagant moments of
exultation, were in great fear that on their return up the river the
Malays might attack them in their crowded boats and destroy them, as
on the water they felt their inferiority to their maritime enemies.
It must have been an offensive sight to the Europeans and the Malays
to witness the arrangements in the Court House on that day of
disaster. In the Rajah’s chair sat the chief of the Gold Company,
supported on either side by the writers or secretaries, while the
representatives of the now apparently subdued sections took their
places on the side benches. The Chinese chief then issued his
orders, which were that Mr Helms and Mr Ruppell should undertake
to rule the foreign portion of the town, and that the Datu Bandhar
should manage the Malays, while the Gold Company, as supreme rulers,
should superintend the whole and govern exclusively the up-country
districts. During this time the Europeans could see the head of Mr
Nicoletts carried about on a pole to reassure the Chinese that the
dreaded Rajah had really been killed. The Chinese chiefs knew better,
but they thought to impose upon their ignorant followers.
Everything now appeared to be arranged, when the Bishop remarked that
perhaps Mr Charles Johnson might not quite approve of the conduct
of the Chinese in killing his uncle and friends. At the mention
of Johnson’s name there was a pause. A blankness came over their
countenances, and they looked at each other as they now remembered,
apparently for the first time, that he, the Rajah’s nephew, was the
resolute and popular ruler of the Sakarangs, and could let loose at
least ten thousand wild warriors upon them. At last it was suggested,
after an animated discussion, that a letter should be sent to him
requesting him to confine himself to his own government, and then
they would not attempt to interfere with him.
They appeared also to have forgotten that there were Sadong, under
Mr Fox, and Rejang, under Mr Steel, who, between them, could bring
thousands into the field, and that Seribas also was panting for an
opportunity to find fresh enemies. All this never seemed to have
occurred to them before undertaking their insensate expedition.
The Chinese were very anxious to have matters settled at Kuching,
as, with all their boasts, they were not feeling comfortable. They
were not only anxious to secure the plunder they had obtained, but
the leaders knew that the Rajah was not killed, and what he might
be preparing was uncertain. They therefore called upon the European
gentlemen and the Malay chiefs present to swear fidelity to the Gold
Company, and under the fear of instant death they were obliged to go
through the formula of taking oaths with the sacrifice of fowls.
Next day the rebels retired up-country unmolested by the Malays, and
a meeting was at once held at the Datu Bandhar’s house to discuss
future proceedings. At first no one spoke. There was a gloom over
the assembly, as the mass of the population was deserting the town,
carrying off their women and children to the neighbouring district
of Samarahan as a place of safety, when Abang Patah, son of the Datu
Tumangong, addressed his countrymen. He was a sturdy man, with a
pleasant, cheerful countenance, and a warm friend to English rule,
and his first words were, ‘Are we going to submit to be governed by
Chinese chiefs, or are we to remain faithful to our Rajah? I am a man
of few words, and I say I will never be governed by anyone but by
him, and to-night I commence war to the knife against his enemies.’
The unanimous determination of the assembly was to remain faithful
to the Rajah, but they were divided as to the course to be pursued.
Patah, however, unfortunately, cut the knot of the difficulty by
manning a light war boat with a dozen Malays, and proceeding at once
up the river, attacked and captured a Chinese boat, killing five
of its crew. In the meantime all the women and children had been
removed from the town, and some trading prahus were manned and armed
but imperfectly, as the Chinese had taken away the contents of the
arsenal, and the chief portion of the crews of the war boats were
engaged in conveying the fugitives to Samarahan.
Patah’s bold act was no doubt well meaning, but was decidedly
premature, as the Malays, being scattered, could not organise any
resistance, and urgent entreaties were made to the Rajah to return
and head this movement. He complied, as he could not even appear to
abandon those who were fighting so bravely for him; but he knew it
was useless, and arrived at Kuching to find the rest of the English
flying, the town in the hands of the Chinese, and smoke rising in
every direction from the burning Malay houses.
It appears that when the news reached the Chinese that the Malays
were preparing to resist their rule, they determined to return
immediately to Kuching, and attack them before their preparations
could be completed. They divided their forces into two bodies, as
they were now recruited by several hundreds of men from other gold
workings, and had forced the agriculturists established at Sungei
Tungah to join them; in fact, their great boats could not hold half
their numbers, so one body marched by a new road which had been
opened to the town, while the other came down by the river.
As soon as the Malays saw the Chinese barges rounding the point above
the town they boldly dashed at them, forced them to the river banks,
drove out the crews, and triumphantly captured ten of the largest
cargo boats. The Chinese, better armed, kept up a hot fire from the
rising ground, and killed several of the boldest Malays, among others
Abang Gapoor, whose disbelief in his kinsman’s story enabled the
rebels to surprise the capital, and who to his last breath bewailed
his fatal mistake; and one who was equally to be regretted, our
faithful old follower, Kassim. The latter lingered long enough to
see the Rajah again successful, and he said he died happy in knowing
it. Notwithstanding their losses, the Malays towed away the barges,
laden, fortunately, with some of the most valuable booty, and secured
them to a large trading prahu, anchored in the centre of the river.
Having thus captured some superior arms and ammunition they could
better reply to the fire of their enemies who lined the banks.
In the meantime the Rajah arrived opposite the Chinese quarter, and
found a complete panic prevailing, and all those Malays and Dyaks who
had preceded him flying in every direction. Having in vain attempted
to restore order, he drew up his boat on the opposite bank to cover
the retreat, and after a sharp exchange of musketry fire he returned
to Samarahan to carry out his original intention.
The Rajah joined the fugitives, and his first care was to see to the
safety of the English ladies, the children, the non-combatants and
wounded, and to send them off, under the charge of Bishop Macdougall
and others, to the secure and well-armed fort of Linga. He now felt
somewhat relieved, as he knew that there his charges would be in
perfect safety, as they were surrounded by faithful and brave men,
who could have defended the fort against any attack. There were no
enemies at Linga, except such as existed in the imaginations of the
terror-stricken runaways from Sarawak, who had not yet recovered from
their panic.
The Rajah prepared on the following day to take the same route, in
order to obtain a base of operations and a secure spot where he
could rally the people and await a fresh supply of arms. It was sad,
however, to think of the mischief which might happen during this
period of enforced inaction, particularly as the Datu Bandhar and a
chosen band were still in Kuching on board the large trading vessel,
which was surrounded by lighter war prahus. Here was our gentle
Bandhar, a man whom no one suspected of such energy, showing the
courage of his father, Patingi Ali, who was killed during Keppel’s
Sakarang expedition, and directing attacks on the Chinese whenever an
opportunity offered. Thus harassed, the rebels were dragging up heavy
guns, and it was evident the Malays could not hold out for many days,
particularly as there was now little to defend; the flames which
reddened the horizon, and the increasing volumes of smoke, told the
tale too well that the Malay town was being completely destroyed.
With feelings of the most acute distress the Rajah gave the order for
departure, and the small flotilla fell down the river Samarahan, and
arriving at its mouth put out to sea, when a cry arose among the men,
‘Smoke! smoke! It is a steamer!’ And sure enough there was a dark
column rising in the air from a three-masted vessel. For a moment
it was uncertain which course she was steering, but presently they
distinguished her flag—she was the _Sir James Brooke_, the Borneo
Company’s steamer, standing in for the Muaratabas entrance of the
Sarawak river. The crew of the Rajah’s prahu, with shouts, gave way,
and the boat was urged along with all the power of their oars, to
find the vessel anchored just within the mouth.
‘The great God be praised!’ as the Rajah said. Here, indeed, was a
base of operations. The native prahus were taken in tow, and the
reinforcements of Dyaks, who were already arriving, followed up with
eager speed. What were the feelings of the Chinese when they first
saw the smoke, then the steamer, it is not necessary to conjecture.
They fired one wild volley from every available gun and musket, but
the balls fell harmlessly; and when the English guns opened on them,
they fled panic-stricken, pursued by the rejoicing Malays and Dyaks.
Early that morning a large body of Chinese had proceeded from the
right to the left bank to burn the half of the Malay town which had
hitherto escaped destruction, but though they succeeded in destroying
the greater portion, they signed their own death warrant, as the
Malays, at the sight of the steamer, resumed the offensive, seized
the boats in which their enemies had crossed the river, and the Dyaks
followed them up in the forest. Not one of that party could have
escaped. Some wandered long in the jungle and died of starvation;
others were found hanging to the boughs of trees, having preferred
suicide to the lingering torments of hunger. All these bodies were
afterwards discovered, as they were eagerly sought for. The natives
said that on every one of them were found from five to twenty pounds
sterling in cash, from the pillage of the public treasury, besides
silver spoons and forks, or other valuables—the plunder of the
English houses.
The main body of the Chinese on the right bank retired in some order
by the jungle road, and reached a detachment of their boats which had
been sent from the interior to its terminus, and from thence moved on
to Balidah, opposite Siniawan, the fort famous in Sarawak history,
which the Rajah had besieged on his first arrival, and which after
the insurrection was over became the headquarters of Charles Grant,
Resident of Upper Sarawak.
Thus was the capital recovered, all burnt, however, except the
Chinese quarter of the town, and the Mission and Mr Helms’s Borneo
Company’s premises. The Rajah established himself temporarily on
board the _Sir James Brooke_, and the Government soon began to work
again. The Land Dyaks, who had been faithful to a man, sent to
request permission to attack the enemy. This being accorded, the
chiefs led their assembled tribes, and rushed in every direction
on the Chinese, driving them from their villages, and compelling
them to defend two places only, Siniawan and Bau, with Tundong, the
landing-place of the latter town. The smoke rising in every direction
showed them that they were now being punished for the injuries they
had inflicted on others. The Gold Company, in their blind confidence,
had made no preparations in case of defeat, and it was well known
that their stock of food was small, as everything had been destroyed
at the above-named places except their own stores, and these were
required to supply the people whom they had forced to join them from
the town, and the whole agricultural population.
The harassing life they led must soon have worn them out without any
attacks, for they could no longer pursue their ordinary occupations,
or even fetch firewood or water without a strong-armed party, as
the Dyaks hung about their houses, and infested every spot. It soon
became a question of food, and they found they must either obtain it
or retire across the frontier into Sambas. They therefore collected
all their boats and made a foray eight miles down the river to Ledah
Tanah, and there threw up a stockade in which they placed a garrison
of two hundred and fifty picked men, under two of their most trusted
leaders. They placed four guns in position to sweep the river, and,
armed with the best of the Government’s muskets and rifles, they not
only commanded the right and left-hand branches, but felt secure
from a direct attack by the main river. Parties were then sent
out to plunder the Dyak farmhouses, and one bolder than the rest
attempted to scale the mountain of Serambo to destroy the Rajah’s
country house; but the Dyaks barred the passage with stockades, and
by rolling down rocks on the advancing party effectually defended
their hill. These Chinese were very different from those we see
in our British settlements. Many of them were half breeds, having
Dyak mothers, and were as active in the jungle as the aborigines
themselves.
To check the Chinese forays, and afford assistance to the Land Dyaks,
the Rajah sent up the Datu Bandhar with a small but select force
to await his arrival below the Chinese stockade; but the gallant
Bandhar, on being joined by the Datu Tumangong and Abang Buyong, and
a few Sakarang Dyaks, dashed at the fort, surprised the garrison at
dinner, and carried it without the loss of a man. The Chinese threw
away their arms and fled into the jungle, to be pursued and slain
by the Sakarang Dyaks. Stockades, guns, stores and boats were all
captured, and what was of equal importance, the principal instigators
of the rebellion were killed.
As soon as the few that escaped from the fort reached Siniawan, a
panic seized the Chinese there, and they fled to Bau, where they
began hastily to make preparations to retire over the frontiers. The
Rajah, who was hurrying up to the support of the Bandhar, hearing
of his success, despatched Mr Johnson with his Dyaks to harass the
enemy; these, together with the Sarawak Malays, to whom most of the
credit is due, pressed on the discomfited Chinese, who, fearing to
have their retreat cut off, started for Sambas. They were attacked at
every step, but being supplied with the best arms, they were enabled
to beat off the foremost parties of their assailants, and retire
in fair order along the good road which led to the Dyak village of
Gumbang on the Sambas frontier. Still, this road is very narrow, and
every now and then the active Dyaks made a rush from the jungle that
borders the path and spread confusion and dismay. But the Chinese had
every motive to act a manly part; it was their only line of retreat,
and they had to defend above a thousand of their women and children,
who encumbered their disastrous flight.
At the foot of the steep hill of Gumbang they made a halt, for the
usual path was found to be well stockaded, and a resolute body of
Malays and Dyaks were there to dispute the way. It was a fearful
position; behind them the pursuers were gathering in increasing
strength, and unless they forced this passage within an hour, it must
be death or surrender. At last someone, it is said a Sambas Malay,
suggested that there was another path further along the range, which,
though very steep, was practicable; this was undefended, and the
fugitives made for it.
The Sarawak Malays and Dyaks, seeing too late their error in
neglecting to fortify this path also, rushed along the brow of
the hill, and drove back the foremost Chinese. Their danger was
extreme; but at that moment, as if by inspiration, all the Chinese
girls rushed to the front, and encouraged the men to advance. This
they again did, and cheered by the voices of these brave girls,
who followed close clapping their hands, and calling them by name
to fight with courage, they won the brow of the hill, and cleared
the path of their less numerous foes. While this was going on,
another column of Chinese, in the absence of most of its defenders,
surprised the village of Gumbang, burnt it to the ground and then
crossed the frontier. They were but just in time, as the pursuers
were pressing hotly on the rearguard, and the occasional volleys
of musketry told them that the well-armed Malays were upon them;
but they were now comparatively safe, as they were all clear of the
Sarawak frontier, and although a few still pursued them, the main
body of the Malays and Dyaks would not enter Dutch territory, and
halted on the summit of the Gumbang range.
The miserable fugitives, reduced to two thousand, of whom above half
were women and children, sat down among the houses of the village of
Sidin, and many of them, it is said, wept not only for the loss of
friends and goods, which they had suffered owing to the insensate
ambition of the Gold Company, but also because they had to give up
all hope of ever returning to their old peaceful homes.
That Company, which on the night of the surprise had numbered six
hundred, was now reduced to a band of about one hundred, but these
kept well together, and being better armed than the others, formed
the principal guard of the Tai-pé-Kong, a sacred stone, which they
had, through all their disasters, preserved from the profane hands
of their enemies. Several times the assailants, who mistook it for
the gold chest, were on the point of capturing it, but on the cry
being raised that the Tai-pé-Kong was in peril, the men gathered
round and carried it securely through all danger. At Sidin, however,
all immediate apprehension being over, the discontent of those who
had been forced to join the rebels burst forth without control, so
that from words they soon came to blows, and the small band of the
Company’s men was again reduced by thirty or forty from the anger of
their countrymen.
Continuing their disorderly retreat, they were met by the officers
of the Dutch Government, who very properly took from them all their
plunder and arms, and being uncertain which was their own property,
erred on the safe side by stripping them of everything. The Dutch
officers sent back to Sarawak all the loot the Chinese had taken
either from the Government or from private individuals.
Thus terminated the most criminal and causeless rebellion that
ever occurred, which during its continuance displayed every phase
of Chinese character, arrogance, secrecy, combination, an utter
incapability of looking to the consequences of events or actions, and
a belief in their own power and courage which every event belied. The
Chinese, under their native leaders, have never fought even decently,
and yet up to the very moment of trial they act as if they were
invincible.
This insurrection showed, in my belief, that though the Chinese
always require watching, they are not in any way formidable as an
enemy; and it also proved how firmly the Sarawak Government was
rooted in the hearts of the people, since in the darkest hour
there was no whisper of wavering. Had the Chinese been five times
as numerous, there were forces in the background which would have
destroyed them all. Before the Chinese had fled across the frontier,
the Seribas and Sakarang Malays and Dyaks, under Mr Johnson, had
arrived, and the people of Sadong were marching overland to attack
them in rear, while the distant out-stations were mustering strong
forces, which arrived to find all danger past.
I believe that it was almost worth the disaster to show how uniform
justice and generous consideration are appreciated by the Malays
and Dyaks, and how firmly they may become attached to a Government,
which, besides having their true interests at heart, encourages and
requires all its officers to treat them as equals. The conduct of the
Malay fortmen, of Kasim and Gapoor, the generous enthusiasm of Abang
Patah, the gallant rush at the Ledah Tanah stockade by the Bandhar
and his followers, showed what the Rajah had effected during his
tenure of power. He had raised the character of the Malay, and turned
a race notorious for its lawlessness into some of the best-conducted
people in the world.
I may add that the results of the Chinese insurrection were very
curious in a financial point of view. Though about three thousand
men were killed or driven from the country, yet as soon as quiet was
thoroughly restored, the revenue from the Chinese soon rose, instead
of falling, which proves what an extensive system of smuggling had
been carried on. The breaking up of the Gold Company was felt by all
the natives as a great relief. It is worthy of remark that while the
Chinese were still unsubdued in the interior, boats full of their
armed countrymen arrived from Sambas, fully believing that Kuching
was now in the hands of the Kungsi, but on their proceeding up the
river to join them, were met by the Malays, driven back and utterly
defeated.
The Dutch authorities behaved with thorough neighbourly kindness on
this occasion, for as soon as they heard of the rebellion of the
Chinese, they sent round a steamer and a detachment of soldiers to
the assistance of the Sarawak authorities. Fortunately by that time
all danger was past, but the kindness of the action was not the less
appreciated. H.M.S. _Spartan_, Captain Sir William Hoste, also came
over to Sarawak, but I fear that his instructions were less generous:
he could aid in protecting British subjects, but not the Government
of Sarawak. The shadow of that baneful Commission still hung over the
operations of our navy.
While the Rajah was struggling with all these difficulties, the _Sir
James Brooke_, which had been sent to Singapore for supplies, now
returned, bringing a large party to join him—his nephew, Captain
Brooke, and Mrs Brooke, Mr Grant, Mr Hay, a new recruit, of whom
the Rajah said: ‘A gentlemanly man, young, of good family, and of
the right stamp,’ in truth, the only class of officer suitable for
the work. There came also many people connected with the Borneo
Company, including Mr Harvey, the managing director, Mr Duguid, the
head of the Sarawak branch, and others. In giving me an account of
the arrivals, the Rajah wrote: ‘Our domestic intelligence is of the
best and pleasantest. Brooke’s wife is a sweet, sensible, but playful
creature, charming in manners.’
When the news of the Chinese insurrection reached Seribas, all the
chiefs were anxious to go to the help of the Government, and while
many of them were away in Sarawak, our old Sakarang adversary,
Rentab, of Lang Fort reputation, attacked the villages of our
friends. The Rajah therefore determined to punish him, and started
for Seribas himself to encourage the well intentioned, and Captain
Brooke visited the Rejang, while Mr Charles Johnson was ordered to
attack Sadok, the chief’s mountain stronghold, with his Malays and
Dyaks. The attack failed, however, though Charles Johnson exposed
himself to every danger to secure success.
I went down to Sarawak by the first opportunity, and reached it
in July, to find everything proceeding as if no insurrection had
occurred. Though the Malay town had been burnt to the ground, yet
the inhabitants had soon recovered their energy, and had rebuilt
their houses, which, though not so substantial as the former ones,
still looked very neat. Some things were missed in the landscape:
the handsome Government House, with its magnificent library,
had disappeared; and there were other gaps to be filled up, but
fortunately the Chinese had had no time to destroy the church, the
mission house, or the Borneo Company’s premises.
I never saw a more perfect library than that destroyed by the
Chinese, perfect in everything—the best historians and essayists,
all the poets, the most celebrated voyages and travels, books of
reference, and a whole library of theology and law, as well as a
goodly array of the best novels. Besides losing his beloved library,
the Rajah was at the same time deprived of all the records of
his previous life, for he had collected his journals and papers,
and these shared the fate of his books. He was, as I have said,
a great reader, and had latterly devoted himself to the study of
international law. He remembered the salient points of a question
with great accuracy, and could explain clearly every subject he
studied. He had a wonderful gift of language.
I found, as I had expected, that the loss of worldly wealth had had
little effect on my old chief, who was as cheerful and contented in
his little, comfortless cottage as he had ever been in Government
House. His health, which before the insurrection had not been strong,
had wonderfully improved through his great exertions in endeavouring
to restore the country to its former prosperous state, and I never
saw him more full of bodily energy and mental vigour than during
the two months I spent in Sarawak in 1857. Everyone took the tone
of the leader. There were no useless regrets over losses, and it
was amusing to hear the congratulations of the Malay chiefs,—‘Ah,
Mr St John, you were born under a fortunate star to leave Sarawak
just before the evil days came upon us.’ Then they would recount the
personal incidents which had occurred to themselves, and tell with
great amusement the shifts to which they had been put for the want of
every household necessary. There was a cheerfulness and a hope in the
future which promised well for the country.
I found that the deserted gardens around the town had been in part
reoccupied, for already Chinese were cultivating them. In order to
avoid interrupting the narrative, I have not before noticed that
during the height of the insurrection, when the rebels had only been
driven from the town a few days, news came that several hundred
Chinese, fugitives from the Dutch territories, had crossed the
frontier near the sources of the left-hand branch of the Sarawak,
and were seeking the protection of the Rajah’s Government. Though
harassed by incessant work, he did not neglect their appeal, but
immediately despatched trustworthy men; and they were thus safely
piloted through the excited Dyaks, who thought that every man that
‘wore a tail’ should now be put to death. No incident could better
illustrate the great influence possessed by the Rajah over Dyaks and
Malays, or his thoughtful care for the true interests of his country,
during even the most trying circumstances.
When the insurrection was completely over, the Rajah sent Sherif
Moksain to Sambas with communications for the Dutch authorities.
As the Sherif had been at one time in charge of the Chinese in
the interior he knew them well, and he said it was distressing to
see the unfortunate agriculturists, who had been made to join the
rebels, lamenting their expulsion from the country. They begged for
permission to return, and subsequently many did, and established
themselves in their old quarters.
Thus ended the second plot against the Rajah’s life and authority,
the direct outcome of the loss of prestige and strength which
followed the appointment of the commission sent to try him for high
crimes and misdemeanours, the favourable findings of which had never
been brought home to the native mind by any act of reparation made by
the British Government.
CHAPTER VII
EVENTS IN THE SAGO RIVERS—THE RAJAH PROCEEDS TO ENGLAND—CORDIAL
RECEPTION—FIRST PARALYTIC STROKE—BUYS BURRATOR—TROUBLES
IN SARAWAK—LOYALTY OF THE POPULATION—THE RAJAH RETURNS TO
BORNEO—SETTLES MUKA AFFAIRS WITH SULTAN—INSTALLS CAPTAIN BROOKE
AS HEIR APPARENT—AGAIN LEAVES FOR ENGLAND—SARAWAK RECOGNISED BY
ENGLAND—LIFE AT BURRATOR—SECOND AND THIRD ATTACKS OF PARALYSIS—HIS
DEATH AND WILL
The insurrection over, and all his absent officers returned from
England, the Rajah had more time for the rest he required; but no
sooner had a little calm been restored to him, than he was strongly
moved by the news of the Mutiny in India. ‘He turned clammy with
agitation when he first heard of it’; and how true is the ring of the
following—‘I felt then, annoyed and disgraced though I have been,
that I was an Englishman, and the ties and feelings which men have
wantonly outraged are planted too deep to be torn up.’
Though it is highly probable that the many changes which had taken
place in the management of the army in India had conduced to the
Mutiny, by separating the officers from their men, and weakening the
dependence of the soldiers on their superiors in order to concentrate
everything in the hands of the War Department at Calcutta or
elsewhere, yet one of its causes was the great increase in the number
of married officers, who were completely out of touch with the native
element, and heard nothing of what was going on among the men in the
regiment.
A little later the Rajah wrote to his nephew, Captain Brooke: ‘I have
sometimes thought that since the earlier days the bonds of sympathy
between the native and European have been slacker.’ These words
reflected the thoughts which had arisen in my own mind during the
visit I paid to Sarawak in 1857. It was not so much that there was
any outward sign of the mutual sympathy being less, but there was
little of that old familiar intercourse which undoubtedly produced
and fostered it. And this, ungallant as the opinion may seem, I put
down to the presence of the ladies. After dinner they retired to
the drawing-room, and we could hear music and singing going on, and
most of the gentlemen were eager to join them. The native chiefs,
and others who had continued their evening visits, soon became aware
of this, and gradually they frequented Government House less and
less, and finally ceased going except when business called them
there. Under these conditions the same intimate friendship could not
continue. I have been so long absent from Sarawak that I know but
little of the present state of affairs there, but I fear that the
former easy intercourse was never wholly re-established, and that
those pleasant evenings with the best class of natives are things of
the distant past, in fact, of the days of the old Rajah.
For these and many other reasons I think that gentlemen who govern
native states should not marry, or if an exception be made in favour
of the chief, certainly his subordinates, who are employed in
out-stations where natives abound, should not be married. And this
rule might well be applied to the officers sent to our North-Western
frontier in India. Marriage immediately separates the governors from
the governed. Ladies as a rule cannot be brought to understand that
the natives can in any case be considered as equals, and are apt to
despise them accordingly. With such ideas, how can bonds of sympathy
exist between the rulers and the ruled?
At that time, 1857, the Sago Rivers, north-east of the Rejang,
were very much disturbed. Though there were some extenuating
circumstances, the action of Sarawak was not altogether free from
blame. A quarrel had arisen between two native chiefs, one the
governor of the district of Muka Pangeran Nipa, and the other his
cousin, Pangeran Matusin. The first act of the tragedy was that
the latter dashed into the house of the former and murdered him
and eleven of his women and children. The second was the driving
out of Matusin and the slaughter of thirty-five of his friends
and relations. Sarawak, then administered by the Rajah’s nephew,
unfortunately sided with Matusin, and interfered with arms in her
hands within the Sultan’s territory.
Before, however, these latter acts occurred, the Rajah had been to
Brunei to try and induce the Sultan to let him settle matters in the
Sago Rivers,[10] and although no formal documents were executed he
was requested to see that right was done, but the Sultan would have
nothing to do with that man of violence, Matusin. The Rajah went
to Muka, and a period of calm followed this visit, but nothing was
settled on a permanent basis.
Sir James now decided to proceed to England, as many important
affairs required his presence there. On his arrival he found everyone
disposed to treat him with distinction, and Lords Clarendon and
Palmerston were especially cordial. They even offered a Protectorate,
all that was really wanted to ensure the stability of Sarawak and
its future progress. But that unfortunate Commission had made
the Rajah suspicious of Ministers. He thought they might grant a
Protectorate, and then thoroughly neglect Borneo affairs. This was,
no doubt, an error, as under the Protectorate of England, Sarawak
has progressed to its present prosperous state without needing, or
being required to submit to, the slightest interference on the part
of Her Majesty’s Government. The Rajah thought, however, that if
England had a monetary interest in Sarawak she would be more apt to
look after the nascent State. He therefore asked that they should
repay him the money he had expended in bringing the country to its
present condition. Another reason for this request was that after the
Chinese insurrection he had been compelled to borrow £5000 from the
Borneo Company, and he wished to repay it. Every penny of his own
fortune had been spent, and his only assured income was the pension
of £70 which had been granted to him on account of the wound received
in Burmah. But this does not alter my opinion that he should have
accepted the Protectorate without further question. The Government
next offered to establish a naval station in one of the ports of
Sarawak; why this was not accepted I never heard.
On February 21, 1858, Sir James Brooke went to a Drawing-Room, and
Her Majesty spoke to him most graciously, and the Prince Consort
shook him cordially by the hand; indeed, the Royal Family ever showed
the greatest interest in his career; and his reception at the Prime
Minister’s greatly pleased him.
Then came a change of Ministry, as Lord Palmerston had been defeated
on the Conspiracy Bill, and the Rajah instantly felt a difference in
the tone adopted towards him by the Government. Lord Derby cared
little for Borneo, though his son, then Lord Stanley, showed a very
appreciative interest in Sarawak.
The Rajah’s friends thought that by continually agitating, by
dinners, meetings, and deputations, they might influence the
Government, and they persuaded him to join in the movement, but
upon a temperament so nervous as the Rajah’s this wrought infinite
mischief. His nephews also were wounding his feelings by writing from
Sarawak that the Rajah desired to ‘sell Sarawak into bondage.’ No
wonder he felt dreadfully ‘hurt and humiliated,’ and cried out that
‘he was weary, weary of heart, without faith, without hope in man’s
honesty.’
On the 21st October 1858, after making a brief speech in the Free
Trade Hall at Manchester, he says, ‘I felt a creeping movement come
over me. I soon knew what it was, and walked with Fairbairn[11] to
the doctor’s. Life, I thought, was gone, and I rejoiced in the hope
that my death would do for Sarawak what my life had not been able to
effect.’ Thus the Rajah described his first attack of paralysis. This
closed his active participation in the movement, though his friends
did all they could, and a very strong effort was made to interest
the commercial classes and induce the Government to do something in
support of his position in Borneo.
As soon as the Rajah could be moved with safety, he went to his
cottage at Godstone to rest, but with little result, as his friends
were then negotiating with the English Government respecting Sarawak.
His views on the subject were quite clear and he was now strongly
in favour of a Protectorate. Many wished the Government to take
the country over as a Crown colony, but that would have proved an
expensive failure, as the people were not sufficiently advanced to
bear the necessary taxation.
A great deputation, one of the most influential that ever waited on
a Minister, had an interview with Lord Derby, but all to no purpose.
His lordship was as unsympathetic as he could well be. He failed to
appreciate the noble conduct of the Rajah, and could only look upon
his efforts in Sarawak as a sort of speculation—half commercial,
half political. He had evidently not taken the trouble to study the
subject, or he was incapable of appreciating a generous nature. But
the Cabinet was not of the same opinion, and soon overtures were made
by Lord Malmesbury with reference to a Protectorate being granted
by England. Before anything could be settled, however, Lord Derby’s
Ministry resigned.
The Rajah was now again worried by his pecuniary embarrassments. The
Borneo Company pressed for the repayment of the £5000 advanced after
the Chinese insurrection, but a generous lady came forward and freed
him from this claim. At the same time some of his friends raised a
testimonial to mark the appreciation of his public work. Had there
not been some underhand opposition by those who pretended to support
it, it might have reached the amount expected, namely, £20,000, but
it only realised £8800. With a portion of this he bought the small
estate of Burrator on the skirts of Dartmoor, and here he ever felt
truly at home. He became strongly attached to the place, and it was
difficult to make him leave it even for a season. It was a charmingly
wild spot, under the shadow of the great tors which render the
country about them so wonderfully picturesque. The air is pure and
bracing, and his sojourn there may be said to have relit the lamp of
life which had been almost extinguished.
In Sarawak affairs were in a bad state. The unreasonable efforts made
by its Government to support Pangeran Matusin in Muka, the savage
instigator of the civil war, were the cause of much strife, and the
illegal conduct of the officer administering the Government was
deeply resented in Borneo. The Sarawak officials were possessed with
the monomania that the Sultan of Borneo was always intriguing against
them, which was a pure myth, as the Brunei Government had neither the
energy nor the power to affect them.
The intriguers were within their own territories, for whilst they
were watching for outside plots and hostile action, a dangerous
conspiracy was being hatched by some discontented chiefs. The heads
of this conspiracy were the ex-Datu Patingi Gapoor, now named Datu
Haji, as he had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, who had been permitted
to return to Sarawak after the Chinese insurrection, and Sherif
Musahor, a chief of Arabian descent, established on the Rejang.
The first evidence of this treachery was the surprise of the fort
at Kanowit, and the murder of two Sarawak officers, Messrs Fox
and Steele. Yet so ignorant of the real plotters were the English
officials at the capital, that when an expedition was sent to
punish the murderers, Tani, one of our best friends, was accused
as an accomplice and was executed. As he was led forth to death he
protested his innocence, but added, ‘You will soon know who is the
real culprit.’ In the end not one of the actual murderers escaped, as
they were tracked for years, and were all ultimately killed.
Sherif Musahor, however, was the real instigator of these murders,
and the truth soon came out that the Datu Haji and he were the
promoters of all the disturbances. The former was banished and the
latter driven out of the country. He had practically no influence
in Sarawak, and the Malay chiefs were as ready to follow Charles
Johnson in his campaign against him as against any other enemy of the
Government. All the stories about his mysterious influence were all
nonsense, and had no effect on the minds of the Sarawak people.
Some of the biographers of Sir James Brooke have fallen into the
error of supposing that Sarawak was abandoned by the English
Government during these perilous years. This, as I have already
shown, was not so, for immediately after the Chinese insurrection,
both Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon offered a Protectorate, but
this offer was refused, except under conditions difficult for the
British Government to accept. A naval station placed within Sarawak
territory was also proposed; this likewise was rejected. Therefore,
it must be confessed, the charge of entirely abandoning Sarawak
was not well founded, as the refusal to accept British protection
tied the hands of Ministers. The British Government went as far as
they thought they could safely go, but, as I have already remarked,
the Rajah did not feel satisfied with a bare Protectorate, as he
mistrusted their sincerity.
On my way home from Brunei to England, early in 1860, I stopped at
Singapore, and falling in there with Charles Grant, who had come over
to recruit an English crew for a small gunboat, I heard of all that
had been going on in the Rajah’s territories. I resolved to go over
to Sarawak to judge of the situation for myself, so as to be able
to carry home the latest news to Sir James Brooke. All real danger
was now past. The energy and courage of the Rajah’s nephew, Charles
Johnson, the present Rajah, had triumphed over all difficulties,
and the coast as far as the Rejang was completely tranquil. It is
easy to be wise after the event, but I did not then believe, nor do
I believe now, that the Sarawak Malays were in any way affected by
the plottings of the Datu Haji or of Sherif Musahor. They were afraid
of some assassinations of foreigners until the former chief was
banished the country, but on my arrival, in March 1860, I found them
as sound and as loyal as ever they had been. If they had not been so,
there was nothing to prevent them expelling every European from the
country. They were all unanimous in their praise of the manner in
which Charles Johnson had met the danger and crushed it.
Things were indeed now about to assume a brighter aspect. The same
generous lady who had paid off the debt due to the Borneo Company
found the money to buy a steamer, and with a steamer the stability of
Sarawak would be finally established. The Rajah visited Glasgow to
look out for a suitable one, and soon selected the _Rainbow_, for so
he christened her, as the emblem of hope. Arriving in England shortly
after this purchase, I went down to Scotland with my old chief to
see the steamer start. There was no more despondency. He would nail
his colours to the mast. In fact, the presence of the steamer on the
coast as the property of the Sarawak Government closed the period of
alarms, of plots and troubles, and since then I do not believe there
has been a single dangerous conspiracy to check the progress of this
little kingdom. But before the _Rainbow_ arrived on the coast there
was to be one more difficulty.
When Johnson drove Sherif Musahor out of the districts subject to
Sarawak, he first fled to Muka, and then proceeded to Brunei and
Labuan. His stories did not influence the Sultan, who knew the man,
and was well persuaded that he had instigated the murder of Fox
and Steele. Indeed, before I left Brunei, he had confided to me
his suspicions. But the Sultan was still angry with the action of
Sarawak, which had treated his sovereign rights with great contempt,
so he encouraged the fugitive to proceed to Labuan and lay his
complaints before Governor Edwardes, who was known to be hostile both
to Sir James Brooke and his rising raj. This led to an interchange
of views between the Governor and the Sultan, in which I fear the
former promised to use all his influence to lower the position of His
Highness’s great feudatory, and he sent for a ship of war to carry
out his intentions. Unfortunately, he obtained an Indian steamer, the
_Victoria_, instead of one of Her Majesty’s navy. No naval officer
would have countenanced his proceedings.
Early in 1860, Captain Brooke returned to Sarawak and took over the
administration of the Government, and I am persuaded he had the
firm intention of living at peace with his neighbours, but he found
that the high-handed proceedings of the previous year had been so
deeply resented that the Governor of Muka, Pangeran Dipa, son of
the murdered chief, had ordered all the Sarawak trading vessels to
leave his district, and having fortified the entrance to the Muka
River, awaited the effect of Sherif Musahor’s appeal to the Acting
Consul-General.
Captain Brooke, thinking that he could settle these difficulties by
negotiation, went with a small force to Muka to interview Pangeran
Dipa, determined to try every method of conciliation, but no sooner
did his vessels enter the Muka than the guns of the fort opened
fire on them. Captain Brooke thereupon retired to the entrance of
the river, built a stockade, and sent for reinforcements. These
soon came pouring in, a brisk attack was opened upon the enemy, and
success would soon have crowned their efforts, had not Governor
Edwardes appeared in his steamer and commanded Captain Brooke on his
allegiance to suspend his operations. He naturally protested against
such interference, but prudently withdrew his forces, and retired to
Sarawak. The Governor had brought down with him Sherif Musahor, the
murderer of his fellow-countrymen.
Captain Brooke now appealed for justice to the British Government,
and Lord John Russell, who was at the Foreign Office, thanked him for
his conciliatory and prudent conduct, and then took Mr Edwardes in
hand.
When I left Brunei early in 1860, I had requested Mr Edwardes to
accept the acting appointment of Consul-General, which had enabled
him to interfere on the coasts of the Sultan’s dominions. But as
soon as I heard of his violent proceedings I could not but offer to
sacrifice my leave and return to Borneo to resume my official duties.
Sir James Brooke decided to go back to the East by the same mail in
which I had taken my passage. From Singapore the Rajah went over to
Sarawak in his own steamer, the _Rainbow_, and I followed in H.M.S.
_Nimrod_, Captain Arthur. I called in at Kuching, and there addressed
a letter to the Council of Sarawak, stating that Her Majesty’s
Government disapproved of Mr Edwardes’s interference. I then went on
to Labuan, relieved my substitute of his position as Consul-General,
and proceeded to my post in Brunei. I found the Sultan very reserved,
and rumours were rife that the Governor of Labuan had promised
not only to interfere in Muka, but to remove all the English from
Sarawak, and restore that country to the Sultan. This, I imagine, was
but an invention of the Oriental mind, which jumped too hastily to
conclusions. At all events the Sultan and all his high officers of
State were still very angry, and naturally so, at the original armed
interference of Sarawak within their territory. But when they found
that the Rajah himself had arrived at Kuching, that he would pay over
all the fines his nephews had raised within the Sultan’s frontiers,
and that he was prepared to make advantageous proposals to the Brunei
Government, their brows cleared, and I found myself once more a
welcome visitor in their Halls of Audience.
The Rajah arrived, and matters were soon explained and arranged.
The Brunei Government decided to banish Sherif Musahor from
their dominions, and to send for the Governor of Muka to explain
his conduct. I was requested by both parties to act as mediator,
and I went as soon as possible to Muka in Her Majesty’s corvette
_Charybdis_, Captain Keane. We entered the river with all the boats
of the ship, and were soon behind the fortifications with two hundred
marines and blue-jackets. This judicious display of force awed these
turbulent chiefs. No show of resistance was made, and both Sherif
Musahor and Pangeran Dipa decided to obey the Sultan’s mandate.
Little, therefore, remained to be done. The Rajah went up to Muka
with a large squadron, and all the chiefs there kept their word and
submitted. Dipa went off to Brunei, and Musahor was exiled to the
Straits Settlements. With all his faults, nay, crimes, I could not
but pity him. He had been such a good fellow in former years, and
he had been so injudiciously treated by the local Sarawak officers
with whom he had come in contact, men very inferior to him in every
way, and totally unfitted to deal with a man of rank, a supposed
descendant of the prophet Mahomed. He lived for many years in
Singapore, but I do not know whether he is still alive.
The Rajah took up his residence for some weeks in the fort at Muka to
endeavour to restore order in what might be called a regular chaos of
misgovernment, and succeeded to a great extent. It was regretted by
all that his stay was so short, as his magnetic influence over the
natives was so remarkable that they all were ready to carry out his
views and submit to his superior judgment. No one only accustomed
to European countries could imagine the confused state of affairs,
for no man among the lower classes appeared to know whether he was a
free man or a slave, and if the latter, who was his master, as he had
probably been sold half-a-dozen times by people who had no authority
over him. However, in most cases, these sales were more nominal than
real, as the self-created masters, unless chiefs, seldom attempted to
enforce their fictitious rights.
We soon went to Brunei again, and then the Rajah gladdened the heart
of the Sultan by taking over the Sago districts on a yearly payment
of four thousand five hundred dollars, and giving him a year’s
revenue in advance. Past complaints were now put on one side, and all
was peace.
I had been promoted to be _Chargé d’Affaires_ in Hayti, so that as
soon as I had introduced my successor to the Sultan, I prepared to
proceed home; but as the Rajah had decided to leave for England also,
we returned together to Sarawak, where he wished to arrange some
affairs before bidding adieu to Borneo.
At his nephew, Captain Brooke’s, request he publicly installed him
as Rajah Muda or heir apparent, and left him in charge of the
Government. To this ceremony Sir James Brooke summoned all the
principal men of the country, and introducing Captain Brooke as the
Rajah Muda, bade them all farewell; adding, however, that should his
presence ever be necessary, he would return to resume the Government
and to aid them in their difficulties. I never heard a better speech;
many of the audience burst into tears, and all were deeply moved.
Definite explanations were exchanged between the uncle and his
nephew, which gave the Rajah a free hand in all negotiations in
England, and these arrangements were reduced to writing. I also had a
distinct explanation with Captain Brooke as to his views, so that I
might advance them as far as I could agree with them.
We started for Singapore in the _Rainbow_, and, as we were detained
there by an accident to the mail steamer, the inhabitants of the
settlement, to show that no unkind feeling remained in any section
of society, gave the Rajah a ball. At supper his health was drunk
with all the honours; some good speeches were made, and most of his
friends then said farewell to him, thinking they should see his face
no more. Though rejoiced at my removal from Brunei, I could not leave
the Further East without regret, as I had spent many happy years
there.
Among Sir James Brooke’s most active friends and supporters was Mr
John Abel Smith, who was very intimate with Lord John Russell, our
Foreign Minister, and, in 1862, he opened negotiations with him and
other Ministers for the recognition of Sarawak as an independent
State. At first there was a proposal to make it a Crown Colony, but
that was prudently discarded. Then a Protectorate was proposed, and
at last all the negotiations centred on one point, the recognition
of Sarawak. There was little or no opposition in the Ministry, when
someone unfortunately suggested that Lord Elgin, the Governor-General
of India, should send over an official to report on the actual
condition of Sarawak. The Governor of the Straits Settlements,
Colonel Cavanagh, was chosen to prosecute this enquiry. Instead of
simply carrying out his instructions, he showed Captain Brooke the
secret and confidential papers which had been entrusted to him. The
latter thought that his rights were being tampered with, whereas,
had he been fully informed, he would have found that recognition
was the only question then under the consideration of the Ministry.
But Captain Brooke was not quite himself at that time. He had just
lost his second wife and his eldest son, and the inquisitiveness of
the Governor probably chafed him. Whatever may have been the cause,
he wrote to Lord John Russell to say that the country could not be
handed over to England without his and the people’s consent, and then
sent a defiant letter to his uncle announcing that he had assumed the
government of the country and would defend his rights by force.
The Rajah could not accept such a defiance. He returned to Sarawak,
met his repentant nephew at Singapore, and sent him home on leave.
Bad advisers in England induced him to withdraw his submission, and
it ended in a complete estrangement between the uncle and nephew. He
was deposed from his position as heir apparent, and thenceforth he
ceased to have any interest in Sarawak. He had been my most intimate
friend, and I regretted his action exceedingly, particularly as it
was one of my own confidential memoranda to our Government which had
incited his ire. This memorandum related to a different question from
that which was before the Government, and had he been more patient
he would have learnt that Lord John Russell fully recognised the
inhabitants of Sarawak as a free people, whose consent would have
been necessary to any transfer.
When the news reached England that the Rajah’s authority was
uncontested in Sarawak, and that Captain Brooke had retired from the
scene, Lord John Russell determined to acknowledge its independence,
and appointed a consul, who had to ask for his _exequatur_ from
the Sarawak Government. Thus this much vexed question closed to
the satisfaction of all those who loved and admired the Rajah,
but not to that of a group of false friends who had been working
against him in all kinds of underhand ways. But as these are now
turned to dust I will not refer to them again. It was a triumph
for the Rajah, and was the reward of his constancy, of his high
principle, his irreproachable character and devotion to his people.
The evilly-disposed were now silenced, and left him at peace for the
remainder of his life.
I was at that time in Hayti and did not see the Rajah during the
years 1863, 1864 and 1865, but we kept up a constant correspondence.
I could not rise superior to injuries as he did, and in one of my
letters I slightly reproached him with appearing to forgive a person
who had deeply injured him, and remained impenitent. His answer shows
the kindly nature of the man. ‘True it is he injured me, and deeply,
and perhaps what you say is true, he will injure me again, but in
Sarawak _I cannot quarrel_ or feel resentment against anyone, however
great the evil done to myself.’
Mr Ricketts was named consul at Sarawak, and he soon sent home highly
interesting reports about the country. He stayed there two years,
but as there was really nothing for a consul to do, a vice-consul
succeeded him. At present Great Britain has a vice-consul at Brunei,
who is accredited to the Rajah of Sarawak as well as to the Sultan.
The Rajah, during these years, really enjoyed life. His anxieties had
almost ceased. The revenues of Sarawak were improving, thus ensuring
increased stability. There was both peace and contentment there,
and trade was rapidly extending throughout all its dependencies.
His own health was remarkably good, and he could enjoy visits to
country houses, and occasionally indulge in partridge shooting. He
could now write, ‘In spite of trials and anxieties, calumny and
misrepresentation, _I have been a happy man_, and can pillow my head
with the consciousness of a well-spent life of sacrifice and devotion
to a good cause.’
I never knew a man so ready to help when he saw the strong oppress
the weak. As an instance of this, he boldly threw the weight of his
influence on the side of Bishop Colenso, when he saw the great Church
dignitaries ready to condemn him.
The Rajah spent much of his time during the remaining years of his
life at Burrator, and became as popular and as beloved among the
small farmers and cottagers as ever he had been in the Far East
during the height of his prosperity. He often took me to visit these
rough but kindly people, and it was a pleasure to see how they all
greeted him. I particularly noticed how the children would run out
of the cottages to touch his hand, as if his gentle smile fascinated
them. He did all he could for the parish, helped to restore the
ruined church, and, in 1865, was cheered by the arrival of a
clergyman and his wife, Mr and Mrs Dakyn, who remained his kind and
tender friends to the day of his death.
In the autumn of 1866 he received a severe shock. His nephew wrote
that he had sold the steamer _Rainbow_ to pay off a debt due to
their Singapore agent—a debt incurred through careless extravagance
in carrying out too many public works at a time. For a moment it
almost stupefied him, as this steamer had not yet been paid for.
We soon proved to him, however, that there was but little cause
for uneasiness, as the Sarawak revenue was ample to meet all
disbursements, if more care were exercised in the expenditure on
public works. But Sarawak without a steamer, he felt assured, would
sink back into its old state of insecurity, and therefore a steamer
must be had. By great exertion he succeeded in raising the necessary
funds, and purchased a vessel which was christened the _Royalist_,
after his famous yacht.
I stayed with the Rajah at Burrator during the autumn of 1866, and
he appeared very much stronger. He took his daily rides and walks,
but he was full of anxiety about Sarawak, which continued until the
steamer was secured. When we were alone we would take our afternoon
ride and then return to tea, and between that meal and dinner he
enjoyed his reading. He liked to have someone with him, and every
now and then would put down his book and talk of any question that
was then interesting him. After a while he would resume his reading
and we would both remain quiet for a time. I never knew anyone who
understood better what has been called ‘the luxury of silence.’
Two or three days before Christmas I left Burrator for London, and
we went up together as far as Plymouth. I never saw the Rajah more
gay or full of spirits, and he played whist with great enjoyment,
but on his return home, the next day, he was struck down by a second
attack of paralysis, and we were hastily summoned to his bedside. He
partially recovered, but was never again able to write. His career
was closed. He lived on, however, for about two years, when the final
attack came at Burrator where, fortunately, he was surrounded by many
of his nearest relatives. He died on the 11th June 1868. After his
third attack he did not recover consciousness, but passed peacefully
away. He was buried at Burrator under the yew tree in the churchyard,
at the spot he had chosen himself. His death was felt by all his
neighbours as a personal loss, as he was, in truth, the friend of
everyone in his parish.
More than thirty years have passed since the Rajah’s death, and yet
the admiration for his character and his great qualities has but
increased among those who knew him well or could appreciate the work
he had done. I have endeavoured to portray him as he appeared to me,
but there was a grandeur about his personality which it is difficult
to describe. He could not enter a room without the impression being
conveyed that you were in the presence of great superiority, and yet
in manner he was ever simple and courteous.
The purity of his private life was such that it could not but
impress both natives and Europeans, and that magnetic influence, as
it is called, which he undoubtedly possessed was but the result of a
superior mind, ever influenced by a kindly heart. He was a _chevalier
sans peur et sans reproche_, and it will be difficult to look upon
his like again.
The Rajah bequeathed Sarawak to his nephew, the present Sir Charles
Brooke, G.C.M.G. He had lived to see the country prosper, and died
without anxiety as to its future. The public debt due to him by
Sarawak, he passed on to his successor, and the only encumbrance
remaining was for the money advanced to buy the steamers, and the
warlike expenditure incurred during the Muka expedition. This was
but a slight burden on the finances, and was soon paid off. I rather
dwell on this subject, as an unfounded statement has been made that
at the Rajah’s death Sarawak was a bankrupt State. There is no ground
for such an assertion. The paltry debt due was covered tenfold by the
value of the ships, the buildings, the public works, and the rising
revenue which had accrued principally from the security given by the
presence on the coast of Borneo of the steamers in the service of
Sarawak.
I will add a copy of the Rajah’s will, as far as it relates to public
matters:—
‘The last will and testament of Sir James Brooke, K.C.B., Rajah
of Sarawak. I, James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak, of Burrator, in the
County of Devon, give, devise and bequeath all that my sovereignty
of Sarawak, aforesaid, and all the rights and privileges whatsoever
thereto belonging unto my nephew, Charles Johnson Brooke, Tuan Muda
of Sarawak, son of the Rev. Francis Charles Johnson, and the heirs
male of his body lawfully issuing; and in default of such issue
unto my nephew, Stuart Johnson, another son of the said Francis
Charles Johnson, and the heirs male of his body lawfully issuing;
and in default of such issue I give, devise and bequeath the said
sovereignty, its rights and privileges, unto Her Majesty, the Queen
of England, her heirs and assigns for ever; and I appoint Miss
Angela Georgina Burdett-Coutts of Stratton Street, Piccadilly, and
Thomas Fairbairn, of the city of Manchester, Esquire, and John Abel
Smith, of Chester Square, in the County of Middlesex, Esquire,
M.P., trustees of this my will to see the purposes aforesaid
carried into effect. I bequeath to my said nephew, Charles Johnson
Brooke, his heirs, executors and administrators, all my real and
personal estate in the Island of Borneo and England, and constitute
him likewise my residuary legatee.’ (After mentioning some private
legacies which he wished paid, he added), ‘I leave all my papers
to the care of Spenser St John, Esq., H.B.M. _Chargé d’affaires_
at Hayti, whom I appoint as one of my executors, together with
Alexander Knox, Esquire,’ etc.
Sir Charles Brooke, the present Rajah, has three sons living, and his
brother, Stuart Johnson, died, leaving one son.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 10: The Sago Rivers or districts are Muka, Oya, Egan Bruit
and Mato.]
[Footnote 11: Afterwards Sir Thomas Fairbairn, and one of the most
judicious and tried friends whom the Rajah ever had.]
CHAPTER VIII
PRESENT CONDITION OF SARAWAK—RAJAH AN IRRESPONSIBLE
RULER—SARAWAK COUNCIL—GENERAL COUNCIL—RESIDENTS AND
TRIBUNALS—EMPLOYMENT OF NATIVES—AGRICULTURE—TRADE RETURNS—THE
GOLD REEFS—COAL DEPOSITS—VARIED POPULATION—IMPOLITIC SEIZURE OF
LIMBANG—MISSIONS—EXTRAORDINARY PANICS—REVENUE—ADMINISTRATION OF
JUSTICE—CIVIL SERVICE—ALLIGATORS—SATISFACTORY STATE OF SARAWAK
I have found materials for writing this chapter in the numbers of the
Sarawak _Gazette_, an official journal published once a month. I have
read its contents with great interest, as every district to which it
refers was once familiar to me, and I am able to trace clearly the
changes which have taken place since I left Borneo. I might rather
have used the word expansion, as in truth the changes have not been
so great as might have been expected.
The Government is carried on as it was in the old days. The Rajah is
_de facto_ an irresponsible ruler, though he can summon the Sarawak
Council to meet and advise him as to any new law, or any modification
to be made in the financial arrangements of the country; and I
understand that the Rajah always consults them on such occasions.
This Council is composed of the Rajah and two of the senior English
officers, and four native chiefs of Sarawak Proper. It was the Earl
Grey of 1855 who recommended its establishment to the old Rajah, and
it has proved itself exceedingly useful. Its first meetings took
place in 1856.
There is also a General Council composed of the chiefs of the various
districts under the rule of the Rajah, with a due proportion of
English officers. They assemble about once a year, to the number
of from forty to fifty. Though it is not often that business is
submitted to their deliberations, they are addressed by the Rajah
on subjects of general interest, and are afterwards invited to dine
at the Palace. It is a decided step in advance that this meeting of
native and European officers should take place, as it tends to efface
local prejudices, and to consolidate the Government. This General
Council was not summoned during the lifetime of Sir James Brooke,
though he often talked of doing so, and would have carried out his
intention had he lived.
The country is divided into five chief districts under English
Residents: Sarawak Proper, Batang Lupar, Rejang, Baram and Limbang.
In each of these there are also several assistants to look after
the management of the sub-districts. All these officers hold courts,
but there is an appeal from the findings of the junior officers
to the Resident of the district, and all very serious sentences
are ultimately referred to the capital for the Rajah’s decision
or approval. From the reports in the _Gazette_, I gather that
very substantial justice is administered. The notions of equity
entertained by some of the junior officers may be rather crude;
but the power of appeal enables anyone who is dissatisfied with a
sentence to refer the matter to the Resident, and the natives often
make use of this privilege with results satisfactory to themselves.
The Government of Sarawak is a kind of mild despotism, the only
government suitable to Asiatics, who look to their chief as the sole
depositary of supreme power. The influence of the old Rajah still
pervades the whole system, and native and European work together in
perfect harmony. Though the head of each district is an Englishman,
every effort is made to employ the natives in responsible positions,
as collectors of revenue, as judges with the Rajah or the Residents
in the superior courts, as sole judges in the native tribunals, which
try all cases where their religion or racial customs are affected,
and as chiefs of the different tribes and local communities, and, on
the whole, the results appear to be satisfactory.
The old Rajah used to write that the development of native states
must be slow in order to be permanent, and the development of
Sarawak has been very slow, slower than most people would have
expected, as the introduction of steamers on the coast pointed to
more rapid progress.
Agriculture is the mainstay of every Asiatic country. In the early
years of the old Rajah’s Government the natives only grew rice
sufficient for their own consumption, and the Chinese confined
themselves to a little gardening near their small settlements;
but when, in 1850, the Chinese flocked from Sambas into Sarawak,
Captain Brooke saw the necessity of encouraging as many as possible
of those accustomed to agriculture to settle on the fertile soil
near the river’s banks, and began by establishing colonies of these
industrious immigrants at places about eight miles above the capital,
at Sungei Tungah and Batu Kawa. These flourished until the year 1857,
when the Chinese insurrection interfered with their progress for a
time.
The financial distress which followed this great upheaval prevented
any further assistance being given to agriculturists, until, in
1875, the present Rajah, Sir Charles Brooke, determined to encourage
gambier planting, and this he followed up by introducing the
cultivation of pepper, coffee, including the Liberian variety, cocoa
and the oil palm. Of these coffee appears the most popular among
the Malays and Dyaks, who have carried its cultivation into most of
the districts of Sarawak, on a small scale, it is true, but as the
plants bear, and the returns come in, many more are now encouraged to
cultivate this useful shrub.
Only one English Planting Company tried its fortune in the country,
and this failed for want of capital to enable it to await results. In
1895, 500 cwts. of coffee were exported, whilst in 1896 the export
rose to 1483 cwts., nearly treble the amount, and there is every
probability that the annual produce will proportionally increase;
gambier rose from 26,250 cwts. in 1895 to 29,285 cwts. in 1896; and
pepper, a very valuable article, was exported in both years to the
amount of over 18,000 cwts. These three important cultivations were
introduced into the country by the present Rajah, and their products
were valued in 1895 at £46,820, and in 1896 at £44,082.
The planting of sago, an indigenous palm, has been much encouraged,
and the export of the manufactured flour in 1896 amounted to over
15,000 tons, of a value of about £70,000. A little tea is grown but
is not exported. There is no doubt that the Sarawak Government has
done much to encourage agriculture, but it has failed as yet to
attract European capital. I notice that lately the Borneo Company
has commenced to plant gambier. One of the causes of the failure
above referred to is, that European capitalists are not tempted by
the prospect of having their enterprises under the control of an
irresponsible ruler, however just and capable he may be, as all
might change on the advent of a successor. But they might reflect
that the Borneo Company have been carrying on their business for the
last forty years without any difficulties arising.
There are millions of acres in the Sarawak territory which are open
to European capitalists; hundreds of thousands of acres on the great
river of Rejang alone, where water carriage would be at their door,
and produce could be shipped direct to Europe, and that is only one
out of the many districts awaiting foreign enterprise.
It is curious that an agricultural population like that of Sarawak
does not grow sufficient rice for its own consumption. In 1896 it
had to import of this grain to the value of about £42,000. It is
true that only a portion of the population is really industrious—the
Chinese and the Seribas and Sakarang Dyaks. The former are otherwise
employed, whilst the latter devote much of their energy to the
collection of jungle produce. And yet in the district of Samarahan
alone sufficient rice might be cultivated to supply the whole country.
If we compare the trade returns of Sarawak for the years 1876 and
1896, and take only the dollar value, the increase is striking,
but if you turn the amounts into sterling the results are very
disappointing. In 1876 the exchange value of the dollar was four
shillings, whilst in 1896 it had fallen to two shillings only. This
depreciation of silver certainly aids those countries where the
dollar and rupee circulate by the great nominal augmentation of the
value of their produce, whilst it enhances the price of European
goods by a hundred per cent. when paid for in silver.
In 1876 Imports from Foreign Countries, £169,000
” 1896 ” ” 227,000
” 1876 Imports Coasting Trade, 94,000
” 1896 ” ” 142,000
” 1876 Exports to Foreign Countries, 186,000
” 1896 ” ” 242,000
” 1876 Exports Coasting Trade, 98,000
” 1896 ” ” 113,000
These figures may relate principally to the trade of Sarawak Proper,
as each of the large districts has a small direct trade with
Singapore, but the indications are to the contrary, as the coal
exported from Sadong is included in these returns, and the sago flour
from some at least of the out-stations.
The export of antimony has fallen off considerably, and cinnabar
has been nearly worked out. Jungle produce continues to be found in
large quantities, and gutta-percha, India rubber, rattans, beeswax
and timber considerably swell the trade returns; but coal and gold
are, I think, destined to develop Sarawak in a remarkable manner. The
Borneo Company, which until lately had not been able to invest much
capital in their operations on account of the difficulties attending
the first working of coal in Sarawak, as a result of the scarcity of
antimony and the gradual failure of the great deposits of cinnabar,
has now entered on a new phase of activity.
Gold has been known to exist for many years. Even on the arrival of
the first Rajah, the Chinese were working it on a small scale, but
only in the alluvial deposits. I was with the late Dr MacDougall,
Bishop of Sarawak, when, in 1854, he picked up a piece of quartz with
specks of gold distinctly visible in it, but it was not until many
years later that great reefs of gold-bearing quartz were discovered,
and although good results were obtained in the laboratory, the
industry could not then be worked on a commercial basis. Lately,
however, the Borneo Company has found that by the cyanide process it
can make the working of the stone pay, and it has now erected very
extensive and elaborate machinery, which, when in full operation,
will crush three hundred tons of quartz a day. This will be the
salvation of Sarawak, for there is no reason, if the working of
the present plant prove a mercantile success, why a dozen similar
establishments should not be erected, as the stone is practically
inexhaustible, the reefs having been traced for about thirty miles.
The latest reports from Sarawak show that the machinery is doing well
in the Company’s establishment at Bauh, and so satisfied are the
directors with the results that they are putting up a considerable
plant at Bidi, where the quartz is richer in quality. Both these
places are in the interior of Sarawak Proper.
The benefit to Sarawak will be twofold, as the Government is to
receive five per cent. of the gold produced, and large numbers of
Chinese, whom the Company finds can alone be relied on for regular
operations, must be imported to work the plant and quarry the stone.
The ‘farms’ and the import duties will benefit by this influx of
labour, and it may enable the Sarawak Government ultimately to
abolish all export duties on agricultural produce. We used to reckon
that each Chinaman on an average increased the revenue by two pounds
sterling per annum.
The washing for gold by the Chinese in the alluvial soil has not for
many years proved very productive; in fact, it has been thought that
the discontent of the Chinese, before the great insurrection of 1857,
arose partly from the fact that the gold workings did not pay, and
the coolies began to look with suspicion on the integrity of their
chiefs.
Coal, though worked for many years, produced at first no practical
results, but in 1896 nearly 23,000 tons were exported, and the amount
increased greatly during 1897 and 1898. This also must affect the
revenue both directly and indirectly in a very satisfactory manner.
The only factories which have proved successful in Sarawak are those
that produce sago flour. These will doubtless increase, as in many
places the natives have for several years past augmented their
plantations, and it is a cultivation which suits their indolent
habits, for after tending the young plants during the first year,
little or no care is subsequently given to the palm trees.
The population of Sarawak is very varied. In all its districts, with
the exception of the Milanau rivers and Baram, there is an indigenous
Malay population, who are born traders and fishermen, and only
cultivate as it were under protest, but they do grow a little rice, a
few rough vegetables, and lately some have made small coffee gardens.
As a rule they neglect the last, or overcrowd the plants with other
products.
In Sarawak, Samarahan and Sadong the interior is inhabited by Land
Dyaks, a very primitive race, who are, however, slowly advancing,
while some, as those in Samarahan, must be getting rich, as a
Resident reports seeing the girls dancing in silks and brocades,
with strings of silver dollars hanging round their waists. It was
a pleasure to read of this advance, as many previous accounts had
pointed to a great deterioration in their condition.
But the pride of Sarawak must always be the Sea Dyaks who live on the
Batang Lupar, the Seribas and the right-hand branches of the Rejang.
These were the destructive pirates of the coast, who put to sea in
large fleets of fast vessels, and ravaged every district they could
reach. When the expeditions of Captains Keppel and Farquhar had put
down their piracies at sea, and the land operations, principally
conducted by the present Rajah, then chief Resident on the Batang
Lupar, had subdued them in the interior, they began to look to other
fields of activity. Even as early as 1853 I sent a report home
about their energetic work in the antimony mines. Now, they are
the most industrious of the collectors of jungle produce, and have
spread wherever that is to be found, whether in the interior of the
Rejang, Baram, or Limbang districts. One hears of them also in the
territories of the British North Borneo Company, where they should
be welcome immigrants, not only on account of their industry, but of
their readiness to support the established Government. Owing to this
last amiable trait in their character they have been recalled by the
Sarawak Government under the penalty, in case of disobedience, of
being declared outlaws. This was a mistake, as they would be equally
useful to the North Borneo Company, which is combating lawlessness
as much as the Sarawak Government, and among a far more dangerous
population. In looking over my Sarawak correspondence I find that
they were accused of acting against the regulations of the Company,
particularly in the interior of Padas, but this appears to have
arisen from the foolish restrictions placed on the Dyaks and others
by the subordinate officers in that district, which were strongly
condemned by the Resident at Labuan, the late Mr Maxwell, a man of
remarkable intelligence and experience, the latter acquired when in
the Sarawak service.
These Sea Dyaks even ventured across the China Sea, and sought for
jungle produce throughout the Malay Peninsula, but I hear that they
also have been recalled, why or wherefore it is difficult even to
guess. In reading through these _Gazettes_, I have come across
references to a Dyak selling gutta-percha in Singapore for $1200; to
another having disposed of produce in the bazaar to the amount of
$1500; and to a prahu being swamped with $2000 worth of goods or cash
on board. These Dyaks are indeed a valuable population.
The next to be noticed are the Milanaus, who live at the mouths of
the rivers Rejang, Oya and Muka, and are apparently a race apart.
They are perhaps a little more industrious than the Malays, and
devote themselves to planting and roughly manufacturing sago. A
portion of this population has been converted to Mohammedanism,
whilst the rest cannot bring themselves to abandon pork.
In the far interior of the Rejang, the Bintulu, and all through the
Baram districts, are the numerous tattooed tribes, as the Kayans
and the Kineahs; the mongrel villagers called Kanowits; and the
wildest of wild tribes, the Punans and Pakatans. As yet none of these
tribes have made their mark either in the field of battle or in any
industry, except in the working of iron ores or their products, but
it is comparatively lately that they have come under the influence
of the English. The Sarawak Government appears to have a very
intelligent Resident in Baram, Mr Hose.
The Chinese will no doubt gradually fill up the different districts
of Sarawak, but the progress is slow. They do not seem to take kindly
to Borneo in general, probably because wages are low, the native
seldom receiving more than twenty-five cents or sixpence a day,
though the wages of the Chinese are doubtless considerably higher.
In many villages, however, where they are permitted to settle, you
will be sure to find Chinese shopkeepers, who carry on a thriving
trade. They have the reputation of not being very honest dealers, as
false weights are too often resorted to, in order to enable them to
pay a price nominally higher than the market rate, which renders fair
competition impossible. I could never understand why restrictions
were so often placed on their settlement among the interior tribes,
except where the Dyaks themselves objected to their presence. It is
true they are not very honest, but in my time we found the natives a
match for them in this line, as they used to insert stones into the
large lumps of gutta-percha. As might be expected from the low class
of Chinese who immigrate into Sarawak, the principal occupants of the
prisons are found among their ranks.
Limbang and Trusan, to the north of the Sultan’s capital, are the
latest acquisitions of Sarawak. They contain a mixed population of
Kadayans, Muruts and Bisayas, with no very marked characteristics.
I am loath to write anything which may appear as an adverse criticism
of the conduct of the present Rajah, with whom I have been friends
for over fifty years, but unless we are to adopt the principle that
‘the end justifies the means,’ it is difficult to approve the action
of Sarawak in seizing by force any part of the Sultan’s dominions.
A little gentle, persevering diplomacy would have secured Limbang
without violating any principle of international law. I am convinced,
however, that the present Rajah was deceived by someone as to the
political position of that district, as he wrote that, for four years
previous to his action, Limbang was completely independent of the
Sultan, which his officers subsequently found was not the case.
The Sultan is the Suzerain Lord of all the possessions of the present
Rajah, with the doubtful exception of Sarawak Proper, and Great
Britain is the Protector of Sarawak and Brunei alike, yet the Sarawak
_Gazette_, the official organ of its Government, thus refers to the
Brunei under British protection: ‘Brunei has long been a disgrace,
a blot on the map of Borneo. There murder and robbery thrive, and
criminals from all around find a refuge from the punishment merited
by their evil deeds, with the knowledge and sanction of the Sultan,
and under the protection of the British flag.’
To use an expressive, but not very elegant, phrase, the writer has
‘let the cat out of the bag.’ It is probably true that the British
Government would not permit Sarawak to seize Brunei and depose the
Sultan, but there are other and more peaceful means of putting an
end to Brunei, if it be the sink of iniquity described. Already the
Kadayans are taking up their permanent residence in Baram under the
Sarawak flag, and many Borneans and Kadayans are moving to Limbang;
while a certain number have already established themselves in Padas
under the flag of the North Borneo Company. By degrees the population
of the capital will completely disperse and settle in the surrounding
districts, and the capital will cease to exist as a centre of
authority.
That the inhabitants of Limbang rejoiced to be placed under the
protection of the Sarawak flag there can be no doubt. I knew them
well, and how they suffered from the exactions of the Pangerans
and their rapacious followers, and no one would have more rejoiced
than myself to hear they had been put under Sarawak rule in a less
forcible way. As poverty increased in Brunei, so had the exactions
augmented, and Limbang, being near, suffered the most. Perhaps some
of my readers may think that in this case ‘the end _did_ justify the
means.’ At all events, that appears to have been the view taken by
our own Foreign Office.
As far as I can judge from the notices in the Sarawak _Gazette_, and
from my private correspondence, neither the Missions nor education
have made much progress, though there are schools at the capital, and
both the Anglicans and the Roman Catholics have establishments in the
country. The Mission schools appear to educate from two to three
hundred pupils, but little is evidently done at the out-stations, and
the Dyaks in general are left to themselves, although at one time the
field appeared most promising. I fear that the explanation is that
the true missionary spirit is dead in our Church. It is no longer
looked upon as a field for talent, and those who would not pass
muster in an English parish are sent off to vegetate in a Bornean
out-station, where their influence is _nil_.
I notice it reported in a private letter that the Catholic Mission is
the more prosperous, as it appears to be well provided with money,
erects substantial buildings, and has a very competent staff.
How little the influence of European rule touches the inner life and
belief of the native, whatever may be his race! I remember being in
Singapore at the time the Government was building a new church, when
it was reported that the convicts were seizing people at night and
murdering them in order to bury their heads under the foundations
of the new building. A panic prevailed for a considerable time, and
natives only ventured out in strong parties. And this occurred in a
British settlement after our Government had been established there
over thirty years. I discussed this unaccountable panic with my
Chinese butler, who spoke English well, and had lived all his life in
European families. His only answer to my repeated questions was that
he hoped it was not true, that he did not know, but he understood
it was generally believed. Our missionaries in China have the same
experience.
Another intelligent native remarked that the English must have been a
barbarous race, as formerly they sacrificed a human victim every time
they prepared to take the sacrament, but that in more modern days
they had become more civilised, as they now only sacrificed dogs, a
reference to the periodical destruction in British settlements of all
stray animals. What a perverse interpretation of missionary teaching!
After fifty years of English rule in Sarawak a similar panic
occurred. I will quote the Sarawak _Gazette_ of September 1, 1894:
‘Some months back a most unaccountable scare took possession of the
Asiatic population of Sarawak Proper—Malays, Chinese, Dyaks and
others being similarly affected. It was at first rumoured that the
Government required human heads to place under the foundations of
the new high level reservoir at the waterworks, and that men were
sent out at night to procure these.... Other equally absurd stories
followed and were fully believed, many natives going so far as to
assert that they had met with these head hunters about the native
town at night. The people no longer ventured out after dark; coolies
whose work would preclude their return to their own homes at night
were unobtainable, not a boat could be obtained to cross the river
after dark, and the majority of persons whose business took them
further than the limits of the bazaar, carried arms.’
The entire article is too long to quote; the panic spread all along
the coast, invaded the Dutch territories, and found its way to the
furthest out-stations. Numerous murders were really committed, and
at first the natives were afraid to report them. Gradually, however,
people came to their senses, but only to fall into another panic,
on the ground that robbers were wandering under the Malay houses,
which are built on piles, and stabbing at the inmates from below.
A few deaths from this cause did, in fact, occur, which gave an
excuse for the alarm, and some ingenious thieves bored holes through
boxes resting on the floor and extracted their contents. It must be
remembered that these floors are not of planks, but of laths of the
nibong palm with interstices between them, and are generally covered
over with matting.
It is almost incredible that people who had been governed by the
old Rajah and his successor, and governed in the most benevolent
and generous manner for over fifty years, should have believed that
their rulers could be capable of seeking their heads to bury under
the foundations of the new waterworks. It appears as if there were no
common ground on which the intellect of the white and coloured races
can meet; they never understand us and we shall probably never fully
understand them.
Finance has never been the strong point of the Sarawak Government.
The Revenue in 1876 (Exchange 4s.) £36,636
” ” ” 1896 ( ” 2s.) 49,376
The treasurer’s financial statement for the year, 1896, is too full
of trivial details to be satisfactory, but the tables which are
published in the same number of the _Gazette_ enable one to form a
very clear idea of the financial state of the country.
The ‘farms’ are the most important source of revenue, and those that
are legitimate are the opium and spirit farms; the gambling farm
is no doubt suitable to the Chinese, and discourages play among
the Malays and Dyaks. But the objectionable farms are the pork,
the fish and the pawnbroking. The pork farm was abolished in 1896,
as it was found to restrict the supply of good meat, and raise its
price to the industrious Chinese labourer, who could only obtain an
inferior article, while it brought in but little to the revenue. The
Government slaughter-houses are as profitable, and do not interfere
so much with trade. The _Gazette_ notices that after the abolition of
this farm the supply of meat became more plentiful, and was of a much
finer quality, with a reduction in price. The fish market is equally
objectionable. The monopolists pay so poorly for the supply, that,
according to the _Gazette_, the fishermen earned less than fourpence
a day, whilst the price of fish was so raised that the Government
imposed a maximum; but this paternal measure did not answer, and
it was repealed. The fish farm should go the way of the pork farm.
There are also obvious objections to a pawnbroking farm. A system of
licenses would pay better, and be much less liable to abuse.
Though the export duties on agricultural produce are light, they are
unsound in principle, interfere with trade, and lessen the profit of
the industrious steady planter; and they only bring in about £2500
a year. It would be better to add to the list of imports subject to
duty. The probate duties are quite unsuited to a half or quarter
civilised people, and must render the Residents unpopular with the
best of the population. No sooner is the news received of the death
of a Dyak chief than the nearest English officer has to start off
to the spot to see that the Government dues are not evaded, and the
wages, or their equivalent, of the boat’s crew must often exceed the
amount received. There is another tax which checks what might become
a considerable industry—the duty on salt. This prevents any real
development of the extensive fisheries of the coast, as not only is
a necessary product taxed, but a duty is also raised on the exported
salted fish, which has thus to bear a double weight. A bounty might
be granted equivalent to the amount of the duty on the salt used. The
stamp duty has only lately been imposed, and may possibly be useful
in the administration of justice, but it will have to be worked with
very great caution.
If the Borneo Company succeed with their new gold working machinery,
and there is no apparent reason why they should not do so, the
increase in the revenues may enable the Rajah to do away with or
modify those taxes and duties, which impede commerce and hinder the
progress of the country. It must have been uphill work to carry on
the Government with revenues so inelastic.
When I first arrived in Sarawak I do not think the cattle exceeded
a dozen, and these were at a place about fourteen miles above the
capital, and were very much neglected. At present we find cattle at
every station, and English bulls are often imported to improve the
breed. The natives also in several districts have cattle of their
own, and under gentle pressure are paying more attention to them. I
do not remember that during my long residence in Sarawak we had beef
even once a year.
The Sarawak courts are not influenced by maudlin pity, and punish
by heavy fines all those who by carelessness, or any action of
their own, cause the death or wounding of any human being. Many
casualties are said to occur from men supposing that a noise in the
brushwood was caused by a wild beast, and firing at once and thus
slaying a fellow hunter; these never escape deserved punishment. The
setting of traps to kill pig or deer often caused the infliction of
injuries or even death on the unwary, and the setter suffered in
consequence. I wish this system of punishing wanton carelessness
were introduced into English practice. We might then hear of fewer
cases of criminally careless people presenting guns at their friends,
and, when a fatal result follows, saying glibly that they thought the
weapon was not loaded.
In outlying stations, the killing for the purpose of securing heads
would have been a very constant practice had not the present Rajah
sternly resolved to insist on the death penalty whenever the culprits
belonged to tribes who thoroughly understood the law; whilst upon
others who had but recently come under the sway of Sarawak, and were
still almost in the savage state, he was content to impose heavy
fines. This judicious administration of justice is having a very
salutary effect, and will gradually extinguish the evil.
It sounds curious to read of both parties in a case being fined, but
very often both are to blame in a greater or less degree, and are
punished in proportion. But what must have taxed a Resident’s gravity
was the hearing a case of two privates in the Sarawak Rangers,
accused of working a charm, in order to compass the death of an
ex-comrade, and fining the victim as well as the culprits.
The Rajah is kept well informed as to what passes throughout his
extensive territories, as he insists on the Residents and Assistant
Residents sending monthly reports of all occurrences in each of
their districts, and I understand that every one of them also keeps
a diary of events. This methodical system must be very useful to
the Government. The reports from Baram and Limbang are especially
interesting, and I could have wished them fuller.
For the information of those who may desire to enter the Sarawak
service, or are interested in the subject, I will mention the
salaries which were fixed from January 1, 1898. I may premise by
saying that I have taken the dollar to represent two shillings, the
exchange value, but that by no means represents its local value, as
prices and wages in dollars have not increased in anything like the
proportion of the fall in the exchange. In some cases wages do not
appear to have increased much since my time, when the dollar was
always worth more than four shillings.
MAXIMUM SALARIES IN STERLING.
Divisional Residents, £540 per annum.
With allowances from £120 to 240 ”
Treasurer, 480 ”
Second-Class Resident, 360 ”
Medical Officer in charge, 420 ”
Assistant Residents, 240 ”
Cadets on joining, 120 ”
Do., of one year’s standing, 144 ”
Postmaster, 360 ”
Police Inspector, 360 ”
The treasurer, second-class Residents and medical officer have also
allowances, the amount of which is not stated; military commandant,
etc., according to respective agreements. Of course, to turn these
salaries into dollars you have only to multiply by ten.
The terms for furlough pay are very liberal, leave being generally
granted on full pay, and the dollar valued at four shillings.
Pensions are given, after thirty years’ service, at the same rate of
exchange, half pay for life—furloughs in Europe not included.
I have remarked before how difficult it is to induce English ladies
to associate with natives, but I have heard that the Ranee, Lady
Brooke, has been in the habit of visiting the Malay ladies and
receiving their visits in return, and I noticed in one of the
_Gazettes_ that Mrs Maxwell, the wife of the late chief Resident,
gave an elaborate picnic to the daughters of the principal Malays.
This is as it should be, and must have a good effect. It is
interesting to read that cricket has been introduced among the native
lads, and that some of them take to it with zest.
I have noticed an occasional remark in the _Gazette_ on the hostility
displayed by Singapore towards Sarawak. That there was in Sir James
Brooke’s time a great jealousy both of Sarawak and Labuan there
can be no doubt. It was founded on a foolish idea that these two
places might become centres of independent trade with Europe to the
detriment of Singapore. The far-seeing knew that it would not be so,
and that instead of being rivals they would become feeders of our
great free-trade port, but it would seem that among a few of the
narrow-minded this jealousy still exists.
Among the dangers to life in Sarawak are the crocodiles or
alligators. Some naturalists declare that one of the two species—I
believe the latter—is not found in Asia, but I think that those who
have had the measurement of those reptiles, to estimate the amount
of reward for their destruction, must have noticed that there are
apparently two species—one very broad in the head, the other very
long and narrow. It is true we never examined their teeth, by which
we might have distinguished them. It is said on good authority that
there is a third species only found in fresh water, living for
preference in the deep pools of the far inland reaches of the rivers.
Sir Hugh Low saw them in the interior of the Rejang, and I often
heard of them in Sarawak. I remarked to a native chief that it was
curious that this species should have fixed its habitat away from the
deep water. ‘Not more curious,’ he answered, ‘than seeing you white
men in Borneo.’
Whatever the true name of these brutes may be, the destruction of
life traceable to them is considerable. They seize people bathing
on the banks of rivers, catch unwary children, and snatch people
from their canoes. They will often swim on the surface of the water
with their victims in their mouths, and the _Gazette_ mentions one
instance where the alligator appeared with the body on the second
day. As they are called alligators in Borneo, I will not change their
name.
Many a tale of quiet heroism may be told connected with these
attacks. One day a mother and daughter were paddling up the Linga
river, when the former was snatched from the boat by an alligator.
It did not attempt to sink with its victim, which gave time to the
daughter to spring on its neck, and, leaning forward, she gouged out
the eyes of the reptile, which instantly let go the mother and dived
to the bottom of the stream. I have known of several instances of
these heroic attempts to save relations.
There was an alligator which created a panic among all those who had
to pull by the entrance of the Siol stream on the Sarawak river, so
many had been its victims. It was ultimately taken, and measured, it
is said, over twenty-four feet in length.
When I was living in Brunei a similar panic occurred. So many people
were snatched from their boats that there was talk of a crusade being
undertaken against the alligator which caused it. But as that did not
come off, I proposed to my six boatmen that we should attempt the
destruction of the brute. I armed my men with muskets, and I took for
my own use a Minié rifle. We arranged that I should have first shot,
and if I missed, they were to fire a volley at the enemy. We pulled
down quietly to the haunted spot, and then floated with the stream.
We had not been there many minutes when my head man said, ‘There he
is.’ I looked round, and all I could see were a pair of prominent
eyes, a broad forehead and a streak of its back. It was coming at us
with all its speed. I waited until it was within about twenty-five
yards, and then fired. The heavy ball struck it between the eyes,
then bounded off, and fell into the water many a yard away. There
was great commotion as the alligator dived beneath the surface. My
men, who had wonderfully sharp eyes, said that the bullet had torn
the skin off the forehead, and that the beast must die, as the worms
with which these waters swarm would get into the wound. A week or
two subsequently, some fishermen told me they had seen an immense
alligator, at least twenty feet in length, lying on the mud bank of
a small stream. All the flesh on its head and neck was rotting away,
and it was evidently nearly dead, as it scarcely moved on their
approach. At all events, the man-eater never appeared again. The
largest alligator which I ever measured myself was only seventeen
feet six inches long, but Sir Hugh Low tells me that he has himself
measured one which touched twenty-six feet in length.
I think it highly probable that hunger has driven the alligators
to be as aggressive as they have been during the last few years.
When the rinderpest was killing cattle in the Malay Peninsula,
some similar disease attacked the wild pigs, and they died by
hundreds. About the same time a like mortality occurred in Borneo.
The principal food of the alligator is the wild pig, which is taken
whilst swimming across the rivers in search of jungle fruits. When
the pest occurred this supply of pork was much lessened, and the
alligators became more voracious.
The wild animals in Sarawak must be rapidly disappearing as
cultivation and population increase, and also as a ready market is
found for venison. Wild pig and various species of deer are the only
animals which were ever plentiful in Sarawak. In its last acquired
districts, however, such as Baram and Limbang, there are large herds
of wild cattle—splendid beasts.
This account of the present condition of Sarawak I feel to be very
meagre, but I have been unable to obtain any information except from
the _Gazette_, which, being written for a special purpose, only
enters into the minor details required to keep the superior officers
informed of what is passing in the interior and at the out-stations.
If the old Rajah could see the present state of his adopted country,
he would have every reason to be proud of the results of his work,
for although it has not become what he hoped—a second Java—it is
progressing. As the present Rajah, Sir Charles Brooke, was brought
up to his work under the old influences, he has carried out the
views and projects of his uncle in a very satisfactory manner, and
it is only to be hoped that whenever his son may succeed him he may
be thoroughly imbued with those traditions which have secured the
success of one of the most striking enterprises of modern times.
The old Rajah relied entirely for his position in Borneo on the
support of the natives themselves, and the present Rajah does nearly
the same.[12] They both had a corps of English officers (civilians)
to aid them in governing the country, but the military forces are
purely native, and these also constitute the bulk of the civilian
employés, from the Datus, those valued members of the Supreme
Council, to the humblest policeman. The more one reflects on the
subject the more one is disposed to admire the system which has
produced a unique Government, the like of which has never been seen
before. But whilst we admire the system introduced by the old Rajah,
we must not forget those who have so admirably carried it out, at
the head of whom is the present Rajah, with his staff of trustworthy
assistants.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 12: There are now a few Sikh police.]
CHAPTER IX
PRESENT CONDITION OF NORTH BORNEO—LOVELY COUNTRY—GOOD HARBOURS
ON WEST COAST—FORMATION OF NORTH BORNEO COMPANY—PRINCIPAL
SETTLEMENTS—TELEGRAPHIC LINES—THE RAILWAY FROM
PADAS—POPULATION—TOBACCO CULTIVATION—GOLD—THE PUBLIC SERVICE—THE
POLICE OF NORTH BORNEO—METHODS OF RAISING REVENUE—RECEIPTS AND
EXPENDITURE—TRADE RETURNS—EXPORTS—INTERFERENCE WITH TRADERS—A GREAT
FUTURE FOR NORTH BORNEO
To complete the survey of those countries, which, through the policy
of Rajah Brooke, were ultimately brought under the influence and
protection of England, I must devote a chapter to the British North
Borneo Company.
There is nothing grander or more lovely than the country which lies
between our colony of Labuan and Marudu Bay, on the extreme north
of the great island. I have sailed many times along that beautiful
coast, and have been lost in admiration at the variety of its
scenery, from the soft outline of its well-wooded shores to the
succession of ranges of undulating hills which form the background,
until all are dwarfed by the magnificent mountain of Kina Balu, which
towers above them.
In our journeys towards this lofty mountain, Sir Hugh Low and I
passed through a great variety of country. Our first expedition
took us from Abai Bay across a cultivated plain to the interior of
the Tampasuk river, the low land extending for many miles on either
side of the path we followed, and stretching for an indefinite
distance ahead of us. Here the natives ride the water buffaloes,
the oxen, the bulls and cows as they do horses in other countries.
We took up our quarters for the night in the substantial house of
a Bajau chief, an old friend of my fellow traveller, and next day
we started inland, riding for many hours over a slightly undulating
plain, which continued to the foot of the ranges of hills in front.
We occasionally passed pretty villages, shaded by dense clumps of
cocoanut palms and mango trees. The scene was magnificent. When we
reached the first low range the path became stony and very rough,
so that we had to give up our horses and trust to our own feet, and
most enjoyable days they were, as we advanced along the banks of
the Tampasuk, through fertile fields in full cultivation, the only
inconvenience our having so constantly to ford the river. At length
we turned from the stream, climbing a steepish hill to the extensive
village of Kiau, which is built on a sloping buttress of Kina Balu,
about three thousand feet above the level of the sea.
On our next visit to the mountain we started from Gaya Bay, then
across the lake-like Mengkabong river, and after riding over a
well-cultivated plain we climbed to the summit of the first range of
hills, and then followed the ridges towards the mountain. Nothing
could have been finer than the scenery. There was no forest, of
which in Borneo one sometimes gets tired; all the land was either
under cultivation or had been cultivated, ideal spots for coffee
plantations if the soil be suitable. We continued on the high land
until we reached the Tampasuk river, when we followed the same path
as we had taken on our previous journey. The weeks we spent on the
great mountain were weeks of pleasure, and we explored many of its
buttresses, and at length climbed again to its summit. Mr Alfred
Wallace used to say that it was worth the journey to Borneo in order
to eat the fresh fruit of the Durian, but I think the fatigues of the
long voyage would be amply repaid by a visit to this lovely coast and
an excursion to its great mountain.
On one occasion we pitched our tents for a time on the western
slope of Kina Balu, about five thousand feet above the sea, on a
spot which was fairly level for half a mile in length by a quarter
in breadth. There were but few trees, the ground being rocky, but
the stony surface was covered by beautiful nepenthes plants, with
purple pitchers, which held as much as two quarts of water. From
this elevation we could see over the ranges of hills we had passed
in our journeys, the reaches of many rivers, the Tampasuk plain to
the China Sea beyond. It would be a perfect site for a sanatorium.
Roads would have to be made, then invalids and others would come to
enjoy the healthy breezes, and gain strength to make excursions over
the mountain. Forty years ago I recommended the Government of India
to send the least guilty of their mutineers to the north-west coast,
where they would have opened up a splendid country, and our camping
ground would have furnished space for the barracks required for a
garrison of English troops.
In these days when mountaineers are seeking new worlds to conquer,
it may interest them to read the following short description of our
first joint expedition to Kina Balu. To ascend this splendid peak
has, no doubt, been the desire of all those who have looked upon its
noble proportions. Seen from the north-west, no grander effect can
be conceived, as it rises sheer out of the plain and sweeps aloft
until it attains the towering height of nearly fourteen thousand
feet. Its grand precipices, its polished granite surfaces, glittering
under the bright tropical rays, the dashing cascades which fall
from a height so great that they dissolve in spray before they
are lost in the dark valleys below, have a magical effect on the
imagination, and I felt a longing, scarcely to be conceived, to
explore its unknown beauties. No amount of fatigue, no suffering, no
opposition could stop us when once we started from the coast, and
the first time I reached the summit, it was with bare feet that left
a red tinge on the rocks at every step. But all this was unnoticed
as I viewed the grandeur of the scene around, the lofty peaks of
every varied form, the magnificent slopes of apparently polished
granite, the broad terraces, the cyclopean walls fringing the giddy
precipices, the chasms, whose depths the eye could not penetrate.
There was nothing that stopped our onward march, and no rest was
sought until we reached the solitary southern peak and I had climbed
to its very pinnacle, and rested on a spot not a yard in breadth.
Then, and only then, did the glow of triumph mantle in my cheeks as
my eyes rested with satisfaction on the vast panorama spread out
below. Unfortunately misty clouds swept round the mountain obscuring
the splendour of the scene, but they lent a powerful aid to the
imagination, as through the rents in the fleecy curtain, rivers,
mountains and villages were now visible, now hidden. And there,
looking south, in the distance high above all, with nothing but the
thin air between, rose another peak, so lofty that it was impossible
to estimate its distance. In that rarefied air remote objects appear
near, and the voice can be heard without an effort through a space
which in the plains below it could not penetrate.
I had never before attained so great a height, and never before
had I seen such flowers so brilliant and so numerous. There were
rhododendrons of the brightest scarlet, or blood colour, or rosy
pink, in bunches of forty blossoms, covering trees twenty feet
in height. And not single trees, but masses of rhododendrons in
sheltered nooks, literally bending beneath the weight of their
flowers. And how marvellous were the shapes of the nepenthes, how
beautiful in colour, how delicate in form!
Fourteen thousand feet does not appear very lofty for a mountain,
but from the north-west you see the whole gigantic form without the
intervention of other summits. In Bolivia I have looked at heights
rising to over twenty-five thousand feet, but you observe them from
plains twelve thousand feet above the sea; in Mexico, the highest
volcano reaches to about nineteen thousand feet, but then it is
usually seen from the capital, itself at seven thousand five hundred
feet; and the same with the highest European mountains.
Sir Hugh Low and I were for many years the only real explorers of
these mountains, and I feel a sort of paternal interest in the
British North Borneo Company, as Sir Alfred Dent once informed me
that it was my work, _Life in the Forests of the Far East_, which
first suggested the idea of acquiring the north-west coast for a
governing and developing company.
The north-west coast possesses two very important harbours. Gaya
Bay has often been recommended as a naval station to command the
China Seas. It certainly offers every facility, and would be a port
of refuge in war time for our mercantile marine. In many respects,
however, the Port of Labuan is more suitable for all purposes, as
it not only has an excellent anchorage easily defended, but it is
well supplied with coal from mines on the island itself, and is
opposite the terminus of the trans-Bornean railway, now in course
of construction, which would bring down full supplies of cattle and
provisions from the fertile districts of Padas and Kalias. It has
also the advantage of having the whole of Brunei Bay enclosed by
territory under English protection, with the Sarawak Government coal
mines at Muara, and the productive rivers of Limbang and Trusan to
add to its supplies.
Labuan is administered, with the sanction of our Government, by
the British North Borneo Company, and is likely to be one of the
most flourishing of its possessions, as it is not only connected by
telegraph lines with Singapore and Hong Kong, a through British line,
but it must increase in consequence in these days of wars and rumours
of wars.
Sir Alfred Dent acquired through an agent the concession of the
north-west coast of Borneo from the Sultan of Brunei, though with
some important exceptions, now in process of being handed over to
the Company, as well as the north-east coast, which during the last
century had been ceded to England by a Sultan of Sulu, but which we
had left unoccupied; all necessary arrangements were made with the
government of those islands. These concessions were first worked
by a Provisional Association, and were, in 1881, taken over by the
newly-formed North Borneo Company on very onerous terms, which, at
the present day, it would be useless to criticise, but which left the
directors with insufficient working capital to push development with
any vigour.
It is not necessary to trace in any detail the history of the Company
during the last seventeen years. My object being rather to give a
general view of its present condition. I may remark, however, to
account for its still backward state, that its progress was much
impeded by a want of knowledge, on the part of both the chairman and
the directors, of the country they were chosen to administer. Within
these last few years this defect has been rectified, and we may now
confidently expect that progress will be more rapid.
The north-east coast of Borneo presents a great contrast to that
of the north-west, as the land lies low, but is in general very
fertile. As long ago as 1852 we marched through the district of
Tungku on Darvel Bay, and could not but admire the splendid crops
which covered the earth, and the vigour of the growth of the palms
and fruit trees.
The principal settlements of the North Borneo Company are Labuan,
Padas, Kalias and Sandakan. To Labuan I have already referred. As a
centre of native trade it is likely to become important, and Victoria
Harbour is often crowded with steamers anxious to secure coal. Its
unhealthy stage appears to have passed away; in fact, the whole of
North Borneo may be looked upon as fairly healthy, for although
on the north-east coast there are many districts where fever is
prevalent (an incident common to every tropical country when the
jungle is first cut down), yet this malaria disperses in time.
Next to Labuan lie the districts of Padas and Kalias, well filled
with an agricultural population, quiet and fairly industrious. Their
principal industry is the cultivation of the sago palm and pepper.
Padas had been chosen as the starting point of the telegraph line,
which has been carried across the country to Sandakan Bay, a distance
of three hundred miles. It does not appear to work very successfully,
as it is liable to constant interruption from the wires being broken
by falling trees. My experience of Bornean forests is that trees
seldom fall even during the fiercest storms if their supports are
left untouched. The finest forest trees, except the Tapang, have
most of their roots running along the surface of the ground, and
have a very poor hold, but they are supported in their positions
by innumerable creepers, which vary in size from those resembling
a ship’s cable in diameter to the most delicate rattan. Cut these
braces and the tree is liable to fall. This is so well known to the
natives that, when clearing old forests, they only cut the principal
trees partly through, except a line of the outermost ones, which are
hacked until they give signs of falling. The whole line then comes
down, dragging to the earth all the trees partially cut through, as
if they were bound together by cords, instead of by Nature’s cables.
It is probably the cutting of the telegraphic line through the forest
which has weakened the natural supports, and so the trees fall. If
any other telegraph line be run it would be worth while trying to
make the forest trees serve instead of poles, as these appear to have
rotted within the first year.
From the occasional notices in the _Herald_, the North Borneo
official paper, it would appear that the line was cut most of the
way through primeval forest, thus opening out millions of acres of
virgin land for agriculturists to develop. When the existence of this
line is thoroughly understood, and its working can be ensured, it
will no doubt induce those ships which trade between Australia and
China to call in at Sandakan. Had the line been reliable, no doubt
the Spaniards of the Philippines would have used it, in order to
telegraph to their Government, instead of going all the way round to
Labuan.
But the great experiment in Borneo is the railway. It starts from
what may be termed the Padas district, at a point on the coast called
Bukau, and the first section is to the Penotal Gorge, about fifty
miles in the interior on the way to the east coast. Its course, as
traced on the map, will take it well south of east, and it will have
its terminus in Santa Lucia Bay. I have seen no reason given why it
should not be taken to Sandakan, the headquarters of the Company, and
a first-class harbour. It appears a mistake to lessen the importance
of the capital, unless there are strong commercial reasons, depending
on the tobacco plantations, for diverting its course through an
unknown country, close to the Dutch frontiers.
If this railway succeed it will open a new era in Bornean
development; and it should succeed, as, with liberal land laws,
foreigners and natives will settle along the line and form
plantations. But who are the inhabitants beyond the Penotal Gorge?
They are mentioned once or twice in the course of the reports as
Muruts or Dusuns, who will no doubt work jungle produce as soon as
they find a profitable market; in fact, they are doing so now to
a small extent. If the promises made to the Company be kept, and
sawmills be erected near the western terminus, then the timber trade
will give profitable employment to the railway. Neither timber nor
jungle produce, however, will make a railway pay, and therefore the
Company must be prepared to support cultivators and planters all
along the line, and the money will be well and profitably employed.
They have themselves started an experimental plantation at Sapong,
where tobacco and other products are cultivated with very fair
success, and this will encourage others. I shall watch the progress
of this railway with the greatest interest, and though there will be
many complaints at its slow progress, yet if capital can be found
to finish it, it must prove of great benefit to the Company. It is
satisfactory to learn, from the latest reports, that the natives are
flocking to its neighbourhood, and that they have already cleared the
land for a width of three miles on either side of the line.
Gaya Bay has so lately come under the direct control of the Company
that nothing has been done yet for its development, but only some
of its smaller harbours can be expected to be touched at first.
Nearly all the districts in its neighbourhood are, however, fairly
populated, and there is considerable cultivation on the rivers
Patatan, Ananam and Kabatuan.
Kudat, on Marudu Bay, appears at one time to have been chosen for
the Governor’s headquarters, but it showed no promise of rapid
development, and they have now been transferred to Sandakan. There
is, however, a good deal of cultivation going on, and among the
immigrants are several hundred Chinese Christians called Hakkas,
who appear to have fled from the persecution of their heathen
brethren. These are likely to be a permanent population and should be
encouraged, as they are sure to support the Government.
The most important settlement on the mainland of Borneo, within the
Company’s grants, is Sandakan. It is a fine bay, fairly healthy, with
excellent sites for a town, and is connected by a water passage with
the important river of Kina Batañgan, from which a short road leads
to the gold workings of Sigama. Its inhabitants already muster, I
understand, about three thousand, and it has the principal Government
offices, a church, a club, an hotel and some rideable roads. It only
wants coal to render it an important port of call, and this is said
to have been found not far from the town, and is about to be worked.
The inhabitants of the districts under the sway of the Company are
of many different races. The bulk of the population are Dusuns or
Idaán, very much like the better class of the Land Dyaks of Sarawak.
They are easily governed, and among them head hunting is a tradition
rather than a practice, as only in one village that Sir Hugh Low and
I visited did we find a head house, or any skulls hung up to the
rafters, as is commonly the case in the communities south of the
Baram. We stayed in their villages on several occasions, and formed
a very favourable opinion of the people.
The above remarks are based upon our observations made in 1858, but,
if Mr John Whitehead is not mistaken, these races must have greatly
deteriorated, as he writes a good deal about the practice of head
hunting among them in 1888. When we were there we heard like reports
and met many parties of armed Dusuns, who were said to be on the
war-path, but as at the same time we also met numerous parties of
Dusun men, women and children carrying tobacco to the coast villages
through what was said to be an enemy’s country, we did not pay much
attention to such statements. We saw also small parties of women
and children working in the fields miles away from their villages,
which could not occur if there were any real danger from hostile
tribes. Either Mr Whitehead was deceived by similar stories to those
which were constantly dinned into our ears, or the Dusuns have sadly
deteriorated. These stories of enemies were fabricated chiefly with
the object of preventing our visiting neighbouring villages.
I am afraid we should find great changes if we returned to Kina Balu,
as Mr Whitehead mentions that the Company have found it necessary to
send punitive expeditions against these Dusuns. I trust, however,
that this is a mistake.
The next in importance to the Dusuns from their numbers are the
Bajaus, who are still often called Sea Gipsies from their wandering
habits, but many thousands of them have abandoned their old custom
of living in boats and have settled on the lake-like Mengkabong
river and in many other places along the north-west coast, until you
reach Tampasuk, where, a few miles inland, they are numerous. The
Bajaus are also to be found on the north and east coasts, and are
there deemed a very useful class, as fishermen and collectors of sea
produce for export to the China market.
The Lanuns, of marauding celebrity, lived formerly on the Lower
Tampasuk and Padasan rivers, but since their pirate settlements
were routed out by Sir Thomas Cochrane in 1846, they have gradually
abandoned the coast, and retired to their own country, the great
island of Mindanau. Probably a few who have intermarried with the
Bajaus may still be left. They were a gallant, courteous people, but
too lawless for our times.
On the north-east coast there is a very mixed population of people
from the Sulu Islands—some Malays, many Bajaus, and since the advent
of the Company, several Chinese and a few Europeans and Madrasees.
In Padas and Kalias and on the rivers to the south of Patatan, there
are many Malays from Brunei; Kadayans, who are probably aborigines
converted to Islam; many descendants of the ancient Chinese colony,
who can still speak their old language, but dress and live like
other natives of the island. From these curious mixtures of races are
derived the industrious agriculturists of those districts.
The native Borneans of whatever race have shown no power to augment
the population. The deaths appear almost to equal the births,
but that may arise from the great neglect of the children, and
the inability of the natives to combat epidemics—smallpox and
cholera sometimes sweeping them off by thousands. These causes of
depopulation may lessen under the influence of civilisation, but not
to a very great extent.
The Company will have therefore to depend on the Chinese, and perhaps
on the Japanese, for the future population, as their industry is
undoubted, and the teeming millions of the parent countries can
supply endless recruits. But it would be dangerous to rely upon these
hard-working but turbulent people alone, and therefore a mixture of
Javanese, Boyans and Tamils would be very desirable.
The Company have very rightly based their prosperity on agriculture,
and have done much to encourage subsidiary associations in their
efforts to cultivate tobacco, and in some respects with very great
success, as the produce has been of first-rate quality and fetches
very high prices. In fact, the soil appears particularly adapted to
this valuable plant, but, as always occurs when any new business is
started, insufficient capital, and managers without any idea of
economical working, nearly wrecked this promising industry. It now
appears to have passed this trying stage and established itself on a
firm basis, and its prospects are excellent.
The soil of the east coast, and many districts of the west, appears
suited to every tropical cultivation. Coffee, both Liberian and
Asiatic, grows with astonishing vigour, even yielding fruit in the
third year. In other countries the best coffee is grown on hills at
least three thousand feet above the sea level, and planters in Borneo
may find it worth their while to attend to this. It is in favour of
planters that all the products they have essayed have flourished for
generations before the advent of the Company. Coffee is found in the
hills round the capital. I sent home excellent specimens of cotton
grown on the north-west coast as long ago as in the Fifties, and Saba
tobacco was famous and much preferred to the Javanese by all the
natives of Brunei. We noticed at Kiau, on Kina Balu, how carefully
the Dusuns cultivated their tobacco, keeping the fields perfectly
clean. Pepper was grown by the Chinese throughout the last century,
so that none of these products are experiments. They have simply to
be grown by experienced managers, instead of by the careless native
methods.
As yet the search for minerals has not been successful. Gold has
been found in many districts, but has not hitherto been worked so as
to prove a mercantile success. As, however, alluvial gold has been
collected in several streams, the quartz reefs will yet be found,
as in Sarawak, where, after more than fifty years of expectation,
machinery has been erected to crush the stone. A small company has
been formed in London to work the gold found in the sand and gravel
banks in the Sigama river, which will be raised from its bed by a
dredging machine. The latest accounts are that the dredger is already
above the rapids, and had commenced working. There is nothing in the
world like gold to attract population.
The geological formation of the great mountain of Kina Balu, and
its surrounding ranges, would appear to offer a grand field for
geologists, but it is a difficult country to explore, except where
the sandstones check vegetation, but these last-named strata are
never prolific in minerals.
Since the North Borneo Company has had a business man at their head,
and there is a better knowledge of Borneo among the directors, it
appears to be going the right way to work to develop the country. It
has made some necessary roads; the electric telegraph, though not
at present very important in itself, has opened up the interior and
shown what may be expected from pushing on the railway through this
as yet undeveloped country.
The territory of the State of North Borneo is under the rule of a
governor, Mr Beaufort, chosen by the Court of Directors, and under
him are many Residents and sub-officers who administer the affairs
in the various districts. As the _Herald_ appears to publish only
_résumés_ of the reports from the different stations, it is difficult
to form any idea of the capacity of the officials or the manner in
which they perform their work, but, on the whole, I should say it was
satisfactory. However, there is nothing more difficult than to find
men to manage natives so as to gain their confidence. As a rule the
higher the class from which they are chosen, the greater chance there
is of their success.
The State of North Borneo has an armed police, which only numbers
four hundred, for their very extensive territory, and it proves
how amenable the natives must be to authority that they can keep
comparative order. The few outbreaks which have occurred have been
easily suppressed, though as yet it is uncertain what will be the
future conduct of the last rebel, Mat Sali, and his gang. If terms
have been made with him which will in the future keep him quiet, so
much the better for all. A portion of the North Borneo armed police
consists of Sikhs. It is difficult to exaggerate the admirable
conduct of these men during the difficult operations against Mat
Sali. In the attacks on his fort their behaviour was simply splendid,
and their English officers, both civil and military, were indeed
well worthy to lead such men. It is to be regretted that their
brave commandant, Jones, was killed. It is easy to criticise the
desperate onslaught, and say it was foolhardy, but it is by such
gallant contempt of odds that the Empire has been won, and that we
can record with pride ‘the Deeds which made the Empire.’ And all this
goes on in an almost forgotten part of the world, as a mere matter
of duty, without any idea on the part of these brave fellows that
their countrymen will ever hear of their noble conduct. Wherever the
Sikhs and their English officers may be, we may feel assured of good
work being done, as, for instance, in East Africa, with the late
Lieutenant Alston and his dashing followers.
The revenue is raised in British North Borneo generally on the lines
adopted in other Eastern possessions. The principal source of income
is derived from ‘farms.’ The most important are those of opium and
spirits. They are the easiest and best methods of raising revenue,
as they only touch the weaknesses or the vices of the Chinese, and
are generally highly productive; and, where the authorities are not
amenable to the influence of ignorant but well-meaning fanatics, the
gambling farm is not only productive but has a good moral effect, as
experience has proved that the evil is lessened by being concentrated
at spots under the surveillance of the police. The farms of pork
and fish, and in a lesser degree, perhaps, the pawnbroking, are
liable to great objections. The pork farm might be suppressed and
public slaughter-houses established, as is done now in Sarawak; and
pawnbroker’s licenses might be substituted for that farm, which,
in practice, proves so onerous to the poor. The fish farm should
be suppressed and an open market substituted. As there is no clear
financial statement published, I am aware that I may be criticising
in the dark.
Duties on imports are often necessary, and export duties on timber
and jungle produce are very defensible, as someone aptly remarked
that the collectors only reap the harvest without having been put
to the trouble or expense of sowing or planting, and someone must
pay for the protection they all enjoy. As a rule, however, duties
on agricultural products should be avoided. The tax on nibongs
and attaps is something quite original, can produce but a trifle,
and must be excessively annoying to the natives, as these are the
building materials of their houses.
I will now give the receipts and expenditure in North Borneo for the
five years 1893-7, as the receipts are now normal, and not affected
by the speculative rush of planters and others, who disbursed money
without a thought of the morrow:—
Income. Expenditure.
1893, £31,345 £30,338
1894, 31,559 28,818
1895, 37,075 33,266
1896, 42,841 33,015
1897, 43,778 ...
As far as it goes this is a satisfactory increase in the revenue,
but is a mere bagatelle if we consider the vast territory from which
it is produced. But no striking increase can take place until the
Chinese feel thoroughly at home there. That North Borneo was once
very popular with them is attested by all the accounts we gather
from travellers and from native tradition. The very names show how
they influenced the country. We have Kina Benua, the Chinese land;
Kina Balu, the Chinese widow, the name of the great mountain; Kina
Batañgan, the Chinese river (in the written annals of the Court of
Brunei, it is mentioned that a Chinese kingdom was established on
that river); then we have Kina Taki and Kina Bañgun, the names of
small streams in the north. This shows how numerous the Chinese must
have been in this territory. The causes of their disappearance are
obscure, but may be readily imagined. Bad government in Brunei, the
increase of piracy, the cutting off of the junks, the risings against
oppression by this unwarlike race led to massacres; in fact, these
causes are clear from the accounts of the natives. But where the
Chinese have once been, they will come again.
It must be uphill work trying to extract taxes from natives, who,
though they are accustomed to be robbed and plundered by their
own rulers, are very unwilling to pay even the smallest regular
impost. The Sarawak Malays do so readily with their capitation tax,
as that payment frees them from the liability of being called out
for military service, and the more civilised and industrious they
become, the more they appreciate this freedom from liability. The
capitation tax is a just one, though often it requires great caution
in its collection to avoid discontent. As a rule it should not be
collected in those districts in which the Company have no permanent
officers located. Flying visits often do more harm than good. It is
difficult to see how any addition can be made to the taxation. The
State of Borneo must trust to the gradual development of the country
and to the increase of its population, but all trammels on the free
circulation of traders should be removed.
It is evident from the trade returns of North Borneo that the country
is progressing. Take the statistics for the same five years:—
Imports. Exports.
1893, $1,116,714 $1,780,593
1894, 1,329,066 1,698,543
1895, 1,663,906 2,130,600
1896, 1,882,188 2,473,753
1897, 1,887,498 2,942,293
The dollar is now only worth two shillings. I do not know if these
returns include those of our Colony of Labuan. I believe not, as no
mention is made of the export of coal in the detailed lists.
Tobacco is the most important article of export. There are several
companies busily engaged in developing this industry, as the Bornean
leaf has now taken a high position in the markets, and its quality
is excellent. It not only furnishes the leaves used as wrappers,
but as a smoking tobacco it has met with much favour. The principal
plantations are in the north-eastern coast, near the river Kina
Batañgan and Darvel Bay. The Government are also trying an experiment
on the Sapong line, which will be followed by the railway. The
tobacco which was so sought after by the natives in old days was,
however, a product principally of the north-west coast. It would
probably be advantageous to find out the exact spots where the Saba
plants were grown. There is very little likelihood of there being a
glut of tobacco on the market, as many of the old sources of supply
are drying up, as in Cuba, and, to a lesser extent, in Manila, and
the recent judicious reduction of duty in England will increase its
consumption. I have no sympathy with those who would instead have
lowered or abolished the duty on tea, as if tea drinkers should not
contribute to the support of our navy, which secures the arrival of
their favourite leaf.
The production of coffee, cotton, gambier and pepper are as yet on a
very small scale, as most of the plantations are in their infancy.
Pepper used to be grown to a considerable extent in the districts
opposite, and a little north of Labuan, but here, as elsewhere, no
doubt, the exceedingly low prices may have induced the natives to
neglect the cultivation of this vine. Sarawak now produces about
15,000 tons of gambier, worth $700,000. This should encourage
planters in North Borneo.
Cutch, manufactured from the bark of the mangrove tree, has became a
very important export, and the development of this industry can only
be limited by the demand. Gutta and rubber are of some importance,
and rattans are taking an important place in the list of exports, and
so are sago flour and timber. Although as a rule export duties on
cultivated products are to be avoided, there are many good reasons
why the Government should put a duty on tobacco, which, however, is
so very light, only one per cent., as scarcely to affect its price,
whilst the sum so raised is of importance to the Treasury. The police
and other expenses connected with the protection of this industry are
considerable.
In reading over the reports in the _North Borneo Herald_, I have
noticed the tendency of the officers in charge of districts to
interfere with the movements of traders. One will only allow certain
men to go into the interior to collect jungle products, but they must
not take with them merchandise to barter with the natives; another
objects to traders going into the interior to buy produce there,
as it prevents the aborigines coming down to have ‘a glimpse of
civilisation’; a third charges for permits, which induces people to
get into the Company’s interior districts from the Brunei territory,
and to return that way, thus depriving the Government of its export
duties (to this I notice Mr Maxwell objected); a fourth is afraid
that the Chinaman will cheat the innocent Dusun, but after a very
short time the latter becomes a very good match for the trader. I
remember certain natives bringing hundreds of pikuls of worthless
gutta, carefully coated over with the genuine article, to the bazaar
in Sarawak. The Chinaman tested it, and finding no stones concealed
inside the lumps, bought it at rather a high price, but was surprised
to find on its being sent to Singapore that it was unsaleable. I do
not think, therefore, that the officers of the State of North Borneo
need trouble themselves about the trading incapacity of the Dusuns.
But the scales and weights of the Chinese should be periodically
tested, as this is their favourite method of cheating the unwary.
I have always objected to these restrictions on trade, and to the
free movements of traders, as they existed in Sarawak. They owed
their origin there, as in North Borneo, to the jealousy of the native
chiefs, who do their utmost to monopolise the trade themselves,
and therefore counsel the English officers not to allow Chinamen
to penetrate into the interior. I would give perfect liberty to
everyone, and this would not only increase the number of traders, but
add considerably to the exports.
I have considered with great attention the negotiations which took
place between the directors of the British North Borneo Company and
the present Rajah of Sarawak, Sir Charles Brooke, and I have come to
the conclusion that the shareholders were perfectly right not to part
with their territory or resign its management. The Rajah would have
found this great increase of dominion very burdensome, and I should
be inclined to doubt whether Sarawak possesses either the capital
or the staff to enable her thus to increase her responsibilities.
Sarawak, as I have observed, has generally failed to attract English
capital, and although the Rajah has governed his own territories with
eminent success, it does not follow that he would have succeeded
in so developing North Borneo as ever to have been able to pay the
shareholders a dividend. They have already waited seventeen years,
with an occasional trifling return, and probably they may have to
wait some time yet, as the country has been but very partially opened
out, but that there is a great future before North Borneo, I have
full confidence.
When the State of North Borneo has advanced sufficiently, it might
follow the example of the old East India Company—convert the capital
of the association into stock at high interest to compensate for
past losses, and then, under a Court of Directors, devote the whole
of the revenue of the State to the advancement of the interests and
welfare of the country. This solution would no doubt be satisfactory
to everyone connected with the enterprise.
APPENDIX
_Mr Brooke’s Expedition to Borneo._[13]
Borneo (in the language of the natives Bruni), Celebes, Sulu, the
Moluccas, and the islands of the Straits of Sunda and Banca, compose
what is commonly called the Malayan group, and the Malays located
on the sea shores of these and other islands may with certainty be
classed as belonging to one nation.
It is well known, however, that the interior of these countries is
inhabited by various tribes, differing from the Malays and each
other, and presenting numerous gradations of imperfect civilisation.
The Dyaks of Borneo, the Arafuras of New Guinea, and others,
besides the black race scattered over the islands (objects here, as
elsewhere, of traffic), present an interesting field of inquiry; and
it is surprising, whilst our acquaintance with every other portion
of the globe, from the passage of the Pole to the navigation of the
Euphrates, has greatly extended, we know scarcely anything of these
varieties of the human race beyond the bare fact of their existence,
and remain extremely ignorant of the geographical features of the
countries they inhabit.
Countries which present an extended field for Christianity and
commerce—which none surpass in fertility—rich beyond the Americas
in mineral productions, and unrivalled in natural beauty, yet
continue unexplored, and spite of the advantages which would
probably result, have failed to attract the attention they so well
deserve. The difficulty of the undertaking will scarcely account
for its non-performance; if we consider the voluntary sacrifices
made on the shrine of African research, or the energy displayed and
the sufferings encountered by the explorers of the Polar regions,
yet the necessity of prosecuting the voyage in an armed vessel,
the wildness of the interior tribes, the lawless ferocity of the
Malays, and the dangers to be apprehended from the jealousy of the
Dutch, would prevent most individuals from fixing on this field for
their exertions, and points it out as one which can only be fully
accomplished by Government, or some influential body.
It is not my object to enter into any detail of the past history
of the Malayan nations, but I may refer to the undoubted fact that
they have been in a state of deterioration since we first became
acquainted with them; and the records of our early voyagers,
together with the remains of antiquity still visible in Java and
Sumatra, prove that once flourishing nations have now ceased to
exist, and countries once teeming with human life are now tenantless
and deserted. The causes of such lamentable changes need only be
alluded to, but it is fit to remark that whilst the clamour about
education is loud, and extravagant dreams are entertained of the
progressive advancement of the human race, a large tract of the globe
has been gradually relapsing, and allowed to relapse, into barbarism.
Whether the early decay of the Malay states and their consequent
demoralization arose from the introduction of Mohammedanism, or
resulted from the intrigues of European ambition, it were useless to
discuss; but we are very certain that the policy of the Dutch has,
at the present day, reduced this ‘Eden of the Eastern wave’ to a
state of anarchy and confusion, as repugnant to humanity as it is to
commercial prosperity.
Enough is known of the harshness of this policy, and there is no
need of here contrasting it with the energetic, successful, though
ill-supported sway of Sir Stamford Raffles—but it is the indirect
influence which it exerts that has proved so baneful to the
Archipelago, under the assumed jurisdiction of this European power.
Her unceasing interference in the concerns of the Malay Governments,
and the watchful fomenting of their internal dissensions, have
gradually and effectually destroyed all rightful authority, and
given rise to a number of petty states, which thrive on piracy and
fatten on the slave trade. The consequent disorganisation of society
arising from these causes has placed a bar to commercial enterprise
and personal adventure, and has probably acted on the interior
tribes much in the same way as this fatal policy has affected the
Malays. As far as can be ascertained, the financial and commercial
concerns of the Dutch have not been prosperous; it is easy to
conceive such to be the case, as it will be conceded that oppression
and prosperity cannot coexist. In short, with the smallest possible
amount of advantage, the Dutch Government has all along endeavoured
to perpetuate an exclusive system, aiming more at injury to others
than any advantage to themselves, or to the nations under their
sway; for where an enlightened administration might have produced
the most beneficial results, we are forced to deplore not only the
mischief done, and the mass of good neglected, but the misery and
suffering inflicted on unhappy races, capable, as has been proved, of
favourable development under other circumstances.
The policy of the British in the Indian Archipelago has been marked
by vacillation and weakness. The East India Company, with a strong
desire to rival the Dutch, aimed at doing so by indirect and
underhand means, and shrunk from the liberality of views and bold
line of conduct which was perhaps inconsistent with their position
and tenure of authority. It was in vain that Sir Stamford Raffles
urged on them a line of conduct which, had it been pursued, must
eventually have ensured the ascendency of the British over the space
from Borneo to New Holland, and have linked her colonies in the East
by a chain of posts from the northern part of India to the southern
extremity of Van Diemen’s Land. The timidity of the Company and the
ignorance or indifference of the then existing Governments not only
neglected to carry this bold project into execution, but sacrificed
the advantages already acquired, and, without stipulation or reserve,
yielded the improving Javanese to the tender mercies of their former
masters. The consequences are well known; all the evils of Dutch
rule have been re-established, and the British watchfully excluded,
directly or indirectly, from the commerce of the islands.
It is true that the settlement of Singapore has attracted a large
portion of the native trade to its free port, and has become, from
its happy situation, in some measure an emporium for Straits’
produce; but, with this single commercial exception, our loss of
footing and political influence in the Archipelago is complete,
and our intercourse with the natives has gradually become more
restricted. We may sum up these remarks by taking a brief survey
of the present position of the Archipelago. The Dutch are masters
of a large tract of New Guinea at one extreme, and, at the other,
have possessed themselves of the coast of Borneo, extending from the
western boundary of Borneo proper to the southern limit of Matan.
A glance at the chart will show that they have stations of more or
less importance connecting these points, and that Java, and their
settlement on Sumatra, give them exclusive command of the Straits
of Sunda. It may likewise be here observed that their territorial
extension is only limited by their desires, for as there is no check
from European nations, a title to possession is too readily acquired
from distracted and contending native Governments.
But the position of the Dutch nation in the ‘Far East,’ though
apparently so imposing, is, in reality, far from strong, and their
power would easily sink before the vigorous opposition of any
European country.
Java, exhausted and rebellious, submits, but remembers the period
of British possession. The wild Battas, of Sumatra, successfully
repel the efforts of the Dutch to reduce them. The Chinese of the
southern part of Borneo are eager to cast off the yoke of masters
who debar them every advantage, and would fain, were it in their
power, exact a heavy tribute. Their possessions in New Guinea are
nominal rather than real, and their older settlement of the Moluccas,
fallen in value, can scarcely be supposed to compensate for the
sacrifice of men and money caused by their narrow-minded views and
ill-directed efforts. The Dutch are strong enough to defy any native
power directed against them, but their doubtful title and oppressive
tenure would, as I have before said, render the downfall of their
rule in the Archipelago certain and easy before the establishment of
a liberal Government and conciliating policy.
Of the Malays, it is sufficient here to remark that they have ceased
to be powerful, and that their distracted and disorganised state
renders it dangerous for friends or strangers to trust themselves in
their hands; but their hatred of the Dutch is unbounded, and there is
no reason to think that any insuperable obstacle would be met with in
the formation of a strong legitimate Government amongst them.
Our recent knowledge of the position of the native states is so
circumscribed, however, that it is difficult to say much on this
subject.
The Bugis, the traders of the islands, and their hardiest and most
enterprising race, are checked and hampered by Dutch restrictions,
and this remark, applying most forcibly to them, is true of the whole
trading interests, and renders all alike inveterately hostile to the
Dutch.
It may be fairly concluded from the foregoing remarks that the injury
done to British interests by the cession of Java and the consequent
loss of power has been greatly counterbalanced by the misrule of the
Dutch since their undisputed re-establishment. The field is again
open, therefore, to any nation desirous of rivalling Holland, and
little doubt can be entertained of the success of such an effort, if
carried on by a course of policy and conduct the reverse in every
respect of that pursued by the present monopolists. The fact must be
always borne in mind that the Dutch are masters of the Archipelago
_only_ because no other nation is willing to compete with them, and
although any attempt by another power might, and would, doubtless,
be watched with the greatest anxiety and distrust, and every
opposition, direct and indirect, be levelled against it, yet it could
not be considered any infringement of acknowledged right or actual
possession.
A liberal system, indeed, recommended by mutual advantage, would
assuredly triumph over any local opposition, if not obstructed by
European interests; nor is there any great reason to apprehend such
a probability, unless, going from one extreme to another, we should
attempt hostility to regain what was foolishly thrown away.
Nevertheless, sooner or later, the time _must_ arrive when we shall
again be in possession of these islands, and we may accordingly look
forward and prepare for the event in various ways.
The subject may be divided under two heads, viz., Territorial
Possession, and Commercial Prosperity; and these appear so intimately
blended, that the second is greatly dependent on the first, for it
must be remembered that Sir Stamford Raffles, the highest authority
on this point, has pronounced that no purely commercial settlement
can succeed in the Archipelago, and has attributed the numerous
failures which have occurred to a lack of knowledge of the country,
and the non-possession of territory.
Many arguments might be urged, and many reasons given, to show the
entire justice of this opinion, but it will be sufficient to state
that where a native population exists, and is rightly governed, an
influence is insensibly acquired and strengthened, not only over
those immediately protected, but also over the neighbouring tribes,
and that on the occasion of any disturbance or collision with other
powers, the means of resistance or the punishment of aggression are
at hand. A commercial post, on the contrary, though advantageously
situated, is liable to the fluctuations and distractions of its
neighbours, its means of attack or defence are necessarily limited,
and whilst it fails to command respect, the natives are rather
injured than benefited by its existence.
The chief consideration, however, seems to be that territorial power
is constantly opening new sources of traffic, and extending those
already established, by disembarrassing trade of the intermediate
clogs which tend to limit exports, from the small amount of benefit
to the original dealer—and to lessen the demand—from the increased
price attendant on passing through various hands.
The insular situation of Singapore may be adduced as a proof of
this, for all articles of Straits produce, before coming into the
possession of the British merchant, afford profits to several
classes of natives, in a very unequal degree; and little hope can
be entertained of the favourable progress of a trade wherein the
original producer or proprietor participates to so trifling an extent
in its advantages. It may, indeed, be considered a monopoly by the
natives inhabiting the coasts, as severe on the interior tribes as
the Dutch restrictions on themselves.
For these and many other causes which readily occur, it would seem
that territorial possession is the best, if not the only means, by
which to acquire a direct and powerful influence in the Archipelago,
but any government instituted for the purpose must be directed to the
advancement of the native interests and the development of native
resources rather than by a flood of European colonization, to aim at
possession only, without reference to the indefeasible rights of the
Aborigines.
On the second head, viz., the Commercial Prosperity, nothing need be
added save that, being dependent on the right working of the first
principle, it must unavoidably, in its progress, present a striking
contrast to the commercial monopolies of the Dutch, and be the means
of bringing the English merchant in contact with the original native
dealer.
The advantages, political and commercial, accruing from a
well-managed territory need only be alluded to, as everyone in the
slightest degree acquainted with the country is well aware of its
vast capability.
In a political view, the contiguity of the islands to our possessions
in New Holland and India, and the command over China, are
sufficiently apparent; and commercially, it would only be necessary
to quote their productions to prove their value. The difficulty of
once more placing our interests on a footing worthy a great nation
is no doubt considerable, but apt to be greatly overrated; as the
unpopularity of the Dutch, and the weakness of the native states,
would ensure success to an establishment aiming at sufficient results
by slow but steady means. The question, indeed, is not one embracing
the acquisition of territory, but its _occupation_: viz., whether
England shall claim and improve lands she holds by as good a title
as any the Dutch can show, and whether, doing so, she shall use the
full ascendency of her national position to extend her commerce, and
distribute her manufactures among a people who have always, when
permitted, shown their craving for mercantile adventure?
A strong government established in Malludu[14] Bay, a British
territory capable of extension, and possessing internal resources,
having sufficient authority to cultivate a good understanding
with the native governments, and spread inferior posts over the
Archipelago, as opportunities offered, would effect this object,
and, without infringing upon the claims of any foreign state, ensure
a commercial footing on a scale never yet developed in this portion
of the world. Malludu Bay, situated at the northern extremity of
Borneo, has been mentioned as best adapted for the purpose in view on
several accounts.
1st. It is a British possession.
2nd. There is no great Malay or Bugis settlement in its vicinity.
3rd. It is the place where, in all probability, a direct intercourse
may be held with the Dyaks of the interior.
4th. The position relative to China is advantageous.
5th. It forms the western limit of the Archipelago, and our new
settlement at Port Essington bounds it to the eastward. The climate
and the soil are well spoken of: a river flows into the bay, and
is reported to communicate with the lake of Keeny Balloo[15] and
the mountains in the interior—one of very considerable elevation.
Above all, however, the natives are reported to be docile and easily
taught; the servants of the Company attached to their settlement of
Balambangan were decided in opinion that this bay was far preferable
in every respect to the station chosen and subsequently abandoned.
Supposing these advantages to be as above stated, yet it would
scarcely authorise any active steps being taken without a more
accurate knowledge than we at present possess of the particular
locality and of the States in its vicinity; it is to this point that
I would direct attention, remarking, however, that although Malludu
Bay should on inquiry be found to be unfit for the purposes of
colonisation, yet the general view of our policy remains unaffected,
as it would be only necessary to obtain a suitable place.
With a settlement at each extremity of the Archipelago, we could
readily protect the trade of the natives, and obtain minor posts, and
free-trade ports, whence the best principles of commerce and good
government might be disseminated, and our interests best promoted, by
the general prosperity of the countries under our sway, or in our own
vicinity. It is scarcely necessary to say more on this subject, but
before closing these remarks, I cannot help adverting to the colony
at Port Essington.
The former settlement, which existed in the immediate neighbourhood
of Port Essington, was after a trial (of a few years) abandoned as
useless, and the same difficulties which checked the progress of the
first will probably impede the present colony.
It was a striking feature of this settlement, that the natives,
though frequenting the coasts to the northward of New Holland,[16]
seldom if ever visited or offered to trade with the settlement. This
has, I know, been attributed to the natives being ignorant of the
existence of the place, but this reason appears to me improbable
in the highest degree, and we may with more justice surmise the
cause to be our utter disinclination and local inability to protect
traders from the consequences attendant on a breach of Dutch
regulations. This conjecture gathers confirmation from the facts
that the inhabitants of the Eastern portion of the Archipelago are
not addicted to maritime adventure, being supplied by the traders
of the Western Islands with such articles of European or Chinese
manufacture as are suited to their tastes. The Bugis vessels that
frequent the north coast of New Holland chiefly carry on the trade
with the Arafura group, and it is evident that going and returning
from this voyage they are at the mercy of the Dutch cruisers. Is it
probable, then, that the Dutch would allow an intercourse with a
British settlement which it was in their power to prevent? And whilst
the Bugis are the carriers, is it not in the power of the Dutch to
restrict and harass, if not totally to prevent, their communication
with us? The natives of the Archipelago cannot look to the British
for protection, but they can and do look for Dutch vengeance, and
dread it.
These considerations are not urged against advantages to be derived
from the possession of Port Essington, but rather as a warning
against the over-sanguine expectations of its having a trade of
any considerable extent, whilst our relations with the Archipelago
continue on their present eclipsed footing. The good to result from
this colony must be looked for on the continent of New Holland,
where it will probably extend and make the same progressive strides
to importance as the sister colonies in the same country: but with
reference to the Archipelago, its government will want authority to
control the evil influence sufficiently to ameliorate the present
system.
Not far distant to the westward of Port Essington is the large
and fertile island of Timor, a portion of which there is no doubt
the Government of Portugal would cede willingly for the smallest
equivalent, as it has been long virtually abandoned, and is utterly
useless to the mother country. The size and situation would render
the possession of the Portuguese frontier of this island a desirable
acquisition, and the favourable opportunity may not, if allowed to
pass over, again recur.
The same, indeed, may be said of Leuconia, which, offering no real
benefit to Spain, would, in the hands of the English, be a lever to
rule both China and the Archipelago. Rich, fertile, and blessed with
a fine climate, within a few days’ sail of Canton, and commanding
the China sea, it would be an unrivalled jewel in the colonial tiara
of England. When our relations with China come to be settled, and
settled they must shortly be, the importance of Manila can scarcely
be overrated.
Spain, distracted and torn by internal factions, and pledged to
England by treaty and obligation, would readily place Leuconia in our
hands as a guarantee for the sums due, and would probably cede the
possession in lieu of the claims we have on her exchequer.
For such an acquisition, the present is the time, the tide in our
affairs which, taken at the flood, would lead on to fortune; and as I
have before stated, that in a political point of view it is only on
an extended scale that any real advantage, national or local, is to
be gained, I must re-urge my conviction that it is better to leave
the Archipelago in its present state until the next general war, when
it will again pass into our hands, than, by contenting ourselves
with paltry and insignificant stations, convey false impressions of
our national importance, not easily removed from the minds of the
natives.[17]
Whatever difference of opinion may exist, or whatever degree of
credit may be due to the views here recommended, there can be no
doubt of our future ascendency in the Archipelago, whether attempted
at the present time, or delayed until the fortunes of war offer a
fitting occasion. In either case a previous acquaintance will greatly
facilitate the result, and must in all probability tend to a more
just appreciation of these highly interesting countries; for when
public attention is once aroused, and a stimulus given to inquiry,
it cannot fail in fully developing the resources, and exhausting the
knowledge of the mine, which has heretofore been left to the weak and
casual efforts of individual exertion. It has been remarked by Mr
Farquhar that the indifference of the British Government must have
originated solely from the want of information, or its incorrectness,
since it is not improbable that the riches of Sumatra and Borneo are
equal to those of Brazil and New Spain. The lapse of years has by no
means weakened the force of this observation, for Borneo, Celebes,
and indeed the greater portion of these islands are still unknown,
and the government is as indifferent now to these countries, equal
in riches, and superior in commercial advantages to the new world.
The apathy of two centuries still reign supreme with the enlightened
people of England, as well as their Government, and whilst they
willingly make the most expensive efforts favourable to science,
commerce, or Christianity in other quarters, the locality which
eminently combines these three objects is alone neglected and alone
uncared for.
It has unfortunately been the fate of our Indian possessions to have
laboured under the prejudice and contempt of a large portion of the
well-bred community, for whilst the folly of fashion requires an
acquaintance with the deserts of Africa, and a most ardent thirst
for a knowledge of the usages of Timbuctoo, it at the same time
justifies the most profound ignorance of all matters connected with
the government and geography of our vast possessions in Hindostan.
The Indian Archipelago has fully shared this neglect, for even
the tender philanthropy of the present day, which originates such
multifarious schemes for the amelioration of doubtful evils, and
which shudders at the prolongation of apprenticeship in the West for
a single year, is blind to the existence of slavery in its worst and
most exaggerated form in the East. Not a single prospectus is spread
abroad, not a single voice upraised in Exeter Hall, to relieve the
darkness of paganism and the horrors of the slave trade. Whilst the
trumpet tongue of many an orator excites thousands to the rational
and charitable object of converting the Jews and reclaiming the
gipsies; whilst the admirable exertions of missionary enterprise in
the Ausonian climes of the South Sea have invested them with worldly
power as well as religious influence; whilst the benevolent plans
of the New Zealand Association contemplate the protection of the
natives by the acquisition of their territory: whilst we admire
the torrent of devotional and philosophical exertion, we cannot
help deploring that the zeal and attention of the leaders of these
charitable crusades have never been directed to the countries under
consideration. These unhappy countries have failed to rouse attention
or excite commiseration, and as they sink lower and lower, they
afford a striking proof how civilisation may be crushed, and how the
fairest and richest lands under the sun may become degraded by a
continuous course of oppression and misrule.
It is under these circumstances I have considered that individual
exertions may be usefully applied to rouse the zeal of slumbering
philanthropy, and lead the way to an increased knowledge of the
Indian Archipelago.
Such an exertion will be made at some cost and some sacrifice, and I
shall here quit the general topic, and confine myself to the specific
objects of my intended voyage. It must be premised, however, that
any plan previously decided on must always be subject, during its
execution, to great modification, in countries where the population
is always wild and often hostile, and where the influence of climate
is sometimes fatally opposed to the progress of inquiry. Local
information, likewise, frequently renders a change both advisable
and advantageous, and circumstances, as they spring up, too often
influence beyond the power of foresight, especially in my own case,
where the utmost care will still leave the means very inadequate to
the full accomplishment of the proposed undertaking.
With a small vessel properly equipped, and provided with the
necessary instruments for observation, and the means for collecting
specimens in Natural History, it is proposed, in the first place,
to proceed to Singapore, which may be considered the headquarters
for the necessary intervals of refreshment, and for keeping open a
certain communication with Europe. Here, the best local information
can be obtained, interpreters procured, the crew augmented for
any particular service, and, if needful, a small vessel of native
construction may be added to the expedition to facilitate the objects
in view. An acquaintance may likewise be formed with the more
respectable of the Bugis merchants, and their good-will conciliated
in the usual mode, viz., by civility and presents, so as to remove
any misconceived jealousy on the score of trading rivalry, and to
induce a favourable report of our friendly intentions in their own
country, and at the places where they may touch. The _Royalist_[18]
will probably reach Singapore in the month of February or March 1839,
at the latter end of the N.E. or rainy monsoon. The delay consequent
on effecting the objects above mentioned, besides gaining a general
acquaintance with the natural history and trade of the settlement,
and some knowledge of the Malay language, will usefully occupy the
time until the setting in of the S.W. or dry monsoon. It may be
incidentally mentioned, however, that, in the vicinity of Singapore,
there are many islands imperfectly known, and which, during the
interval of the rainy season, will afford interesting occupation. I
allude more especially to the space between the Straits of Rhio and
those of the Durien, and likewise to the island of Bintang, which,
although laid down as one large island, is probably composed of
small ones, a better acquaintance with which might facilitate the
voyage from Singapore to the eastward, by bringing to light other
passages besides those of Rhio and Durien, and at any rate would add
something to the knowledge of the country in the immediate vicinity
of our settlement. On the commencement of the healthy season, I
purpose sailing from Singapore, and proceeding without loss of
time to Malludu Bay. This spot has been chosen for our first essay
for reasons previously enumerated, and in a country every part of
which is highly interesting, the mere fact of its being a British
possession gives it a prior claim to attention. The objects in view
may be briefly mentioned.
1st. A general knowledge of the bay, and the correct position of its
various points, so as to determine its outline.
2nd. To make inquiries of the settlement of Cochin-Chinese, reported,
on Earl’s authority, to be fixed in the neighbourhood of Bankoka. (An
intercourse will if possible be opened with this settlement.)
3rd. Carefully and minutely to explore the rivers which flow into
the bay, and to penetrate, if practicable, as far as the lake and
mountain of Keeny Balloo.
4th. Every endeavour will be used to open a communication with the
aboriginal inhabitants, and to conciliate their good opinion. I
speak with great diffidence about penetrating into the interior of
this country, for I am well aware of the insurmountable difficulties
which the hard reality often presents, previously overlooked, or
easily overcome on the smoothness of paper, or in the luxury of a
drawing-room. The two points chiefly to be relied on for this purpose
are a friendly intercourse with the natives, and the existence
of navigable rivers. It is mentioned by Sir Stamford Raffles, on
native authority, that a land communication of not more than forty
miles exists between Malludu Bay and Keeny Balloo, but neither this
computation, nor any other derived from the natives, can be relied
on, for the inhabitants of these countries are generally ignorant
of any measure of distance, and their reckoning by time is so vague
as to defy a moderately certain conclusion. The fact, however, of
the vicinity of the lake to the bay is certain, and it follows as a
reasonable inference that the river or rivers flowing into the bay
communicate with the lake. The existence of such rivers, which were
from the locality to be expected, are mentioned by Captain Forrest.
Most of this north part of Borneo (he says), granted to the East
India Company by the Sulus, is watered by noble rivers; those that
discharge themselves into Malludu Bay are not barred. It is by one
or the other of these rivers that I shall hope to penetrate as far
as the lake and mountain of Keeny Balloo, and into the country of
the Idaan. I have not been able to learn that any Malay towns of
importance are situated in the bight of the bay, and their absence
will render a friendly communication with the aborigines a matter
of comparative ease. The advantages likely to result from such
friendly relations are so evident, that I need not dwell upon them,
though the mode of effecting such an intercourse must be left to the
thousand contingencies which govern all, and act so capriciously on
the tempers of savage races. The utmost forbearance and liberality,
guided by prudence, so as not to excite cupidity, appear the
fundamental rules for managing men in a low state of civilisation.
The results of an amicable understanding are uncertain at its
commencement, for they depend on the enterprise of the individual
and the power of the native tribe into whose hands he may chance
to fall. I will therefore not enter into a visionary field of
discovery, but it appears to me certain that, without the assistance
of the natives, no small party can expect to penetrate far into a
country populous by report, and in many parts thickly wooded. Without
entertaining exaggerated expectations, I trust that something may be
added to our geographical knowledge of the sea-coast of this bay;
its leading features, productions, river anchorages and inhabitants;
the prospects of trade and the means of navigation; and although
my wishes lead me strongly to penetrate as far as the lake, yet
the obstacles which may be found to exist will induce me to rest
satisfied with the more moderate and reasonable result. It may not
be superfluous to notice here that a foregone conclusion appears to
be spread abroad regarding the aboriginal (so-called) inhabitants
of Borneo, and that they are usually considered and mentioned under
the somewhat vague appellation of Dyaks. They are likewise commonly
pronounced as originating from the same stock as the Arafuras of
Celebes and New Guinea, and radically identical with the Polynesian
race. The conclusion is not in itself highly improbable, but
certainly premature, as the facts upon which it is built are so
scanty and doubtful as to warrant no such structure. On an island so
vast as Borneo, races radically distinct might exist, and at any rate
the opposite conclusion is hardly justifiable from the specimens of
language, or the physical appearance of the tribes of the southern
portion of the country. We have Malay authorities for believing
that there are many large tribes in the interior, differing greatly
in their degree of civilisation, though all alike removed from the
vicinity of a superior people. We have the Dyaks of the south, the
Idaan of the north, the Kayan warriors and the Punan, a race little
better than monkeys, who live in trees, eat without cooking, are
hunted by the other tribes, and would seem to exist in the lowest
conceivable grade of humanity. If we can trust these accounts,
the latter people resemble in many particulars the Orang Benua,
or aborigines of the Peninsula, but the Dyaks and Idaans are far
superior, living in villages, cultivating the ground and possessing
cattle; besides these, we have the names of several other tribes and
people, and in all probability many exist in the interior with whom
we are yet unacquainted.
There are strong reasons for believing that the Hindoo religion,
which obtained so extensively in Java and Sumatra, and yet survives
in Balli and Lombok, was likewise extended to Borneo, and some
authors have conceived grounds for supposing a religion anterior
even to this. If only a portion of these floating opinions should be
true, and the truth can only be tested by inquiry, we may fairly look
for the descendants of the Hindoo dynasty as well as an aboriginal
people. It never seems to have occurred to anyone to compare the
Dyaks with the people of Balli and Lombok; we know indeed little of
the former, but both races are fair, good-looking and gentle. Again,
respecting the concluded identity of the Dyaks and Arafuras; it is
clear we have a very limited knowledge of the former, and, I may
ask, what do we know of the Arafuras? In short, I feel as reluctant
to embrace any preconceived theory as I am to adopt the prevailing
notion on this subject, for it requires a mass of facts, with which
we are lamentably deficient, to arrive at anything approaching to a
reasonable conclusion. To return, however, from the above digression
to the proceedings of the _Royalist_, I would remark that it depends
greatly on the time passed in Malludu Bay whether our next endeavour
be prosecuted at Abai on the western, or Trusan Abai on the eastern
coast. The object in visiting Abai would be chiefly to penetrate
to the lake, which, on the authority of Dalrymple and Barton, is
not very far distant thence by a water communication; but should
any success have attended similar efforts from Malludu Bay, this
project will be needless, as the enterprise will be prosecuted to the
westward, and reach the vicinity of Abai. As Kimanis is the limit
of the British territory to the westward, so Point Kenabantongen,
situated to the southward of the bay of Londakua (Sandakan?),
forms the eastern boundary, and a line drawn from coast to coast
between these points is represented as including our possessions.
A reference to the chart will show the extent to be considerable,
and the eastern coast from Malludu Bay to Point Kenabantongen is so
little known, that it is desirable to become acquainted with its
general features and conformation, and to seek thence the means of
gaining an inlet into the interior should it be denied at Malludu
Bay. The reported proximity of Keeny Balloo to Malludu Bay, and
likewise to Abai, would (supposing it to be anything like the size
it is affirmed) lead us to expect that it cannot be far distant
from the eastern coast, and it is reasonable to conclude that some
rivers or streams discharge themselves into the sea, in the numerous
indentations that abound on this shore. However this may be, the
coast, with its bays, islands, and bold headlands, is one of great
interest, the careful inspection of which as far as Point Keneonjon
will add to our knowledge. The longitude of Point Unsong and Point
Keneonjon will likewise determine the eastern extremity of Borneo, as
the latitude of Point San Paniange will give the northern extreme of
the island.
Much might be added on this topic, especially on the reputed
communication by a line of lakes from Malludu Bay to Benjar Massin,
which, if true, would in all probability place some of these lakes
near particular points of the eastern coast, as the whole line from
the relative position of the two extremes must be on the eastern side
of the island. These reports, and the various surmises which arise
from them, are matters rather of confirmation than discussion, and I
will therefore only add that, tempted by success, I shall not devote
less than a year and a half to this object; but in case of finding
a sickly climate, or meeting with a decidedly hostile population, I
shall more easily abandon the field, and turn to others of not less
interest, and perhaps less risk.
Equal to Borneo in riches, and superior in picturesque beauty to any
part of the Archipelago, is the large and eccentric country of the
Bugis, called Celebes; so deep are the indentations of its coast,
that the island may be pronounced as composed of a succession of
peninsulas, nearly uniting in a common centre in the district of
Palos, and thus, by the proximity of every part to the sea, offering
great facilities for brief and decisive inland excursions.
The Dutch hold possession of Macassar, and formerly had settlements
on the north-west coast and in the Bay of Sawa; their power appears
never to have been very extensively acknowledged, and at present I
have not been able to find any account of the condition of their
factories. This information will probably be gained at Singapore, and
at all events, I am by no means ambitious of frequenting their ports
further than necessity obliges, and expect but little information
from them respecting the internal regulations of their colonial
Government, or the trade or productions of the territory under their
sway. I propose, therefore, limiting my inquiries to the northern and
north-eastern portion of the island, more especially the great Bay of
Gunong Tella. It is impossible to state here the direction of these
inquiries, or any definitive object to which they should be turned,
as I am acquainted with no author who speaks of the country save in
a general and vague manner. It is reported as rich, mountainous,
strikingly beautiful, and possessed of rivers abounding in birds,
and, like Borneo, inhabited by wild tribes in the interior, and by
the Bugis on the seashores and entrances of rivers. The character
of the Bugis, so variously represented, gives me strong hopes of
rendering them, by care and kindness, useful instruments in the
prosecution of these researches, for all writers agree that they are
hardy, active, enterprising and commercial, and it is seldom that a
people possessing such characteristics are deaf to the suggestions of
self-interest and kindly feeling.
The arrogance and especially the indolence of the Malays counteract
the influence of these strong incentives, and the impulse which
governs such wild tribes as the Dyaks and Arafuras is a dangerous
weapon which cuts all ways, and often when least anticipated. The
Bajoos (Bajaus), or sea gipsies, are another race on whom some
dependence may be placed, particularly if they be freed from the
trammels of debt, swindled upon them by the Malays. Mr Earl, who
had a personal acquaintance with this tribe, and could speak their
language, always expressed to me a degree of confidence in their good
faith which must have had some grounds.
I may here conclude the first stage of the expedition, during the
progress of which the headquarters will be fixed at Singapore.
During some of the intervals I hope to see Manila, and to acquire a
cursory knowledge of the unexplored tract at the southern extremity
of Manila, called in Norries’ general chart the Tiger Islands. The
time devoted to the objects above mentioned must, as I have before
said, be regulated by the degree of fortune which attends them; for,
cheered by success, I should not readily abandon the field; yet, if
persecuted by climate or other serious detriments, I shall frequently
shift the ground to remove myself beyond such evil influence. It
is scarcely needful to continue a detail of projects so distant,
having already carved out for myself a work which I should be proud
to perform, and which is already as extended as the chances of human
life and human resolves will warrant.
The continuation of the voyage would lead me to take the _Royalist_
to Timor or Port Essington, thence making excursions to the Aru
Isles, Timor Laut, and the southern shores of North Guinea. That part
of the coast contiguous to Torres Straits I am particularly desirous
of visiting, as it has been suggested to me by Mr Earl, and I think
with reason, that a better channel than the one we are at present
acquainted with may be found there. That such a channel exists,
and will be discovered when the coast is surveyed, I entertain but
little doubt, but the navigation is hazardous, and from the westward
must be attempted with great caution. My own proceedings must of
course be regulated by the discoveries previously made by Captain
Wickham and others, and as this gentleman has orders to survey Torres
Straits, the field may be well trodden before I reach it. The rest
of the voyage I shall consider as one merely of pleasure, combining
such utility as circumstances will permit. It is probable that I
shall visit our Australian settlements, glance at the Islands of the
Pacific, and return to Europe round the Horn.
Before concluding this long paper, I may observe that there are
points of inquiry which may be useful to the studies of the learned,
which, provided the process may be moderately simple, I shall
be willing to make, and I shall always be happy to receive any
directions or suggestions regarding them. I allude to observations of
the tides, to geology, natural history, etc., etc., for the general
observer often overlooks highly interesting facts from his attention
not being called to them. The specimens of natural history will be
forwarded from time to time, and information will be sent to the
Geographical Society which may always, if it be of any value, be
used as freely as it is communicated. In like manner, the objects
of natural history will be open to any person who is interested in
such pursuits. I cannot but express my regret that, from pecuniary
considerations as well as the small size of the vessel, and the
limited quantity of provisions she carries, I am unable to take a
naturalist and draughtsman, but I should always hail with pleasure
any scientific person who happened to be in the countries at the
time; and I may venture to promise him every encouragement and
facility in the prosecution of his pursuits.
I embark upon the expedition with great cheerfulness, with a strong
vessel, a good crew, and the ingredients of success, as far as the
limited scale of the undertaking will permit; and I cast myself on
the waters, like Southey’s little book; but whether the world will
know me after many days is a question which, hoping the best, I
cannot answer with any degree of assurance.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 13: This Appendix is reprinted from Vol. I. of _The Private
Letters of Sir James Brooke, Rajah of Sarawak_, edited by J. C.
Templer, Barrister-at-Law (Bentley, 1853), from the original MS. in
his possession. A brief abstract of it was published in the _Journal
of the Geographical Society in 1838_, Vol. VIII., p. 443.]
[Footnote 14: In the text of this volume the name is spelt ‘Marudu.’]
[Footnote 15: Kina Balu.]
[Footnote 16: _I.e._, Australia.]
[Footnote 17: I may here add a brief summary of the Dutch trading
regulations:—Death was inflicted on traders in spice and opium
not first bought from the Company. It is forbidden, under heavy
penalties, to export or import the following articles, viz., pepper,
tin, copper, Surat silks, Indian cloths, cotton yarns of all sorts,
unstamped gold, Samarang arrack, muskets, gunpowder, etc., etc.
All vessels required a pass. No vessel to carry powder or shot in
greater quantity than specified in the pass. No port was open to any
vessel coming from the northward of the Moluccas, except Batavia. No
navigation was allowed to be carried on by the vessels of Banka and
Billiton, except to Palembang: no navigation from Celebes!]
[Footnote 18: The _Royalist_, a yacht of 142 tons burthen, belonging
to the Royal Yacht Squadron, in which the enterprise was prosecuted.]
ERRATA
_For_ ‘on’ _read_ ‘in,’ page 99, line 9.
_For_ ‘Governor’ _read_ ‘Government,’ page 109, line 13.
_For_ ‘_Weeraff_’ _read_ ‘_Weraff_,’ page 120, line 9.
_For_ ‘Pangeran, Nipa’ _read_ ‘Pangeran Nipa,’ page 179, line 27.
_For_ ‘Imaun’ _read_ ‘Imaum,’ page 126, line 8.
” ” ” ” ” 157, ” 15.
INDEX
A
Abai Bay, 233.
Aberdeen, Lord, 118;
questionable conduct, 119;
issues commission, 130.
Agriculture, the mainstay, 206;
introduction of new cultures, 206;
land awaiting immigrants, 208;
Malay cultivation, 212;
agriculture in Padas, 240.
_Albatross_, H.M.S., 96.
Alderson, Baron, remarkable speech of, 117.
Alligators, 227;
three species, 227;
anecdote, 227;
dangerous, 227;
heroic conduct, 228;
huge reptile, 228;
destruction of a man-eater, 228;
one measured 26 feet, 229;
causes of exceptional voracity, 130.
Alston, Lieutenant, in East Africa, 251.
Antimony, 209.
Austen, Miss, her novels, 107;
her brother the Admiral, 110.
B
Bajaus, customs of, 233;
useful population, 246.
Balestier, Mr, U.S. Envoy, proposes convention, 115.
Balignini pirates, action with, 82.
Ball given by inhabitants of Singapore, 193.
Bandhar, Datu, 126;
fatal mistake, 147;
his house rendezvous of British officers, 154;
summoned by Chinese chiefs, 157;
gloomy meeting, 159;
courageous conduct, 163;
captures Chinese fort, 167.
Balow Dyaks, 63;
their Arab chief deposed, 67.
Batang Lupar, the, 64;
Dyaks under present Rajah, 213.
Bau, Chinese chief town, 147;
assemble forces at, 147;
driven into, 165;
gold quartz crushing at, 210.
Beaufort, Mr, Governor of North Borneo, 249.
Belcher, Sir Edward, 54;
visits Sarawak, 59;
proceeds to Brunei, 60;
joins Keppel, 66.
Bethune, Captain, sent to Borneo, 70;
reports to Government, 73.
Borneo Company, 139;
establishment saved, 165;
agents arrive, 173;
lends Rajah £5000, 181;
presses for repayment, 183;
established over forty years, 208;
erects crushing plant, 210;
successful results, 210;
increasing establishments, 210.
Boudriot, Monsieur, 131;
conclusive testimony, 132.
Brereton, Mr, 88;
a devoted follower; death, 128.
British Government, 54;
slow to act, 68;
care nothing for further East, 69;
decide to occupy Labuan, 82;
strong language concerning, 106;
appoints Brooke Envoy to Siam, 109;
appoints commission, 118;
mean conduct, 119;
cause of Brooke’s misfortunes, 176.
Brooke, Mr, Rajah’s father, 2;
his death, 8.
Brooke, Mrs, Rajah’s mother, 2;
her death, 62.
Brooke, Rajah, his parents, 1;
his ancestors, 2;
birth at Benares, 2;
first arrival in England, 2;
sent to Norwich Grammar School, 2;
first commission, 3;
the Burmese War, 3;
first action, 4;
severely wounded, 5;
returns to England, 5;
resigns Government service, 6;
first voyage to China, 6;
second voyage in brig _Findlay_, 7;
purchases _Royalist_, 8;
wrote memoir on Eastern Archipelago, 9 (_see_ Appendix);
his character, 10;
portrait by Grant, 10;
sails for Eastern Archipelago, 11;
his views, 12;
Singapore, 12;
leaves for Borneo, 13;
received by Muda Hassim, 14;
visits Lundu, 16;
Sherif Sahib, 18;
attack by pirate Dyaks, 18;
visits Celebes, 19;
European domination, 19;
Brooke’s own policy, 21;
second visit to Sarawak, 23;
takes part in the civil war, 24;
close of warlike operations, 25;
final engagement, 30;
treats with the rebels, 36;
their surrender, 39;
saves their lives, 40;
views on Borneo, 44;
resolute conduct, 46;
Governor of Sarawak, 48;
establishes courts of justice, 48;
Brooke’s position, 51;
his occupations, 54;
his great sagacity, 61;
wounded, 62;
‘to make Borneo a second Java,’ his policy, 69;
escapes death at Lingire’s hands, 73;
coolness and presence of mind, 73;
establishes Provisional Government in Brunei, 80;
signs English Treaty with Sultan, 82;
returns to England, 83;
received by Queen, 84;
honours, 84;
Commissioner and Governor of Labuan, 85;
anecdote, 85;
a K.C.B., 87;
returns to Sarawak, 87;
the Sarawak flag, 88;
illness, 90;
leaves for Sulu, 91;
reception by Sultan, 92;
second visit, 94;
signs treaty, 94;
leads expedition against pirates, 97;
policy attacked, 103;
anecdote, 107;
appointed Envoy to Siam, 109;
returns to Sarawak, 114;
leaves for England, 115;
no rest there, 116;
great speech, 117;
shameful treatment, 119;
smallpox, 120;
friendly reception by Sultan, 122;
expedition against Rentab, 126;
attends commission, 128;
charm of his society, 136;
mollified by tone of Lord Clarendon’s despatches, 139;
his house surprised by Chinese, 149;
escape, 150;
attempts to organise forces 154;
retires from Kuching 155;
premature return, 160;
retires to Samarahan, 162;
the _Sir James Brooke_, 164;
end of Chinese insurrection, 170;
loss of perfect library, 174;
his MSS. and journals burnt, 174;
cheerful and contented, 174;
effect on Rajah of Indian Mutiny, 177;
bonds of sympathy slacker, 178;
proceeds to England, 180;
refuses Protectorate, 180;
pension of £70 only income, 181;
British Government to repay outlay, 181;
attends Drawing-Room, 181;
despondent, 182;
first attack of paralysis, 182;
freed from pecuniary embarrassments, 183;
testimonial of £8800, 184;
buys Burrator, 184;
mistrusts British Government, 186;
would nail colours to the mast, 187;
returns to Borneo, 190;
arranges with Sultan, 190;
residence in Muka, 190;
Sago rivers, 191;
takes leave, 193;
independence of Sarawak acknowledged, 195;
his kindly nature, 196;
‘a happy man,’ 197;
second attack of paralysis, 199;
third attack and death, 199;
buried at Burrator, 199;
his memory ever abiding, 199;
his character, 200;
bequeaths Sarawak to his nephew Charles, 200;
his will, 200;
in default of male heirs leaves Sarawak to the Queen, 201;
leaves papers to Mr St John, 201;
Appendix—Settlements to be on mainland, 267;
sound views on colonisation, 267;
foreshadows his own government’s enlightened opinions, 276;
neglect of Eastern Archipelago, 276;
objects of voyage, 277;
Singapore as headquarters, 278;
Marudu Bay, 280;
interior population, 282;
projects, 288.
Brooke, Sir Charles (nephew), foresees Chinese troubles, 146;
popular Governor of Sakarang, 158;
dread of the Chinese, 158;
harasses the enemy, 167;
attacks Rentab’s fort, 173;
mistaken interference in Sultan’s dominions, 180;
his energy and courage, 186;
succeeds his uncle, 200;
his three sons, 202;
an irresponsible ruler, 203;
encourages cultivation, 206;
regrettable action as to Limbang, 216;
judicious administration of justice, 224;
well informed by officers, 224;
a unique government, 231;
satisfactorily administered, 231.
Brooke, Captain, John (nephew), 88;
leads light division of boats, 100;
visits the Menam, 110;
left in charge of Sarawak, 115;
commands expedition against Sungei Lang, 127;
returns to England, 137;
marries, 172;
takes over administration, 188;
proceeds to Muka, 189;
reinforcements, 189;
ordered by acting Consul-General Edwardes to suspend attack, 189;
thanked by Lord John Russell, 189;
installed as Rajah Muda, 192;
declares himself rajah, 194;
deposed, 195;
establishes agricultural settlements, 206.
Brooke, Mrs (niece), 172;
Captain Brooke’s wife, 173.
Brunei, taken by Sir Thomas Cochrane, 50;
great effect on interior tribes, 80;
unpopularity of Brunei Government, 81;
‘Venice of hovels,’ 89;
‘a blot on the map of Borneo,’ 216.
Budrudin, Pangeran, his fine character, 25;
joins expedition, 65;
defeats Pangeran Usop, 72;
murdered in Brunei, 77;
details of his noble death, 78.
Bugis visited by Brooke, 19;
enterprising traders, 265;
supply Eastern Islands, 272.
Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, trustee to Rajah’s will, 201.
Burrator, in Devonshire, purchased by Rajah, 184;
he is enamoured of the place, 184;
life there, 197.
C
Cattle, 223.
Cavanagh, Colonel, sent to Sarawak, 194.
Celebes, island of, 286;
the inhabitants, 287.
_Charybdis_, H.M.S., judicious display of force, 191.
Chaufa Mungkut, 122;
friendly to the English, 113;
puts off Mission, 118.
Chinese attack Belidah Fort, 28;
establish village at Siniawan, 42;
removal to Labuan, 108;
influx of Chinese to Sarawak, 114;
offer prayers for Brooke’s recovery, 120;
conspiracy, 140;
secret societies, 141;
put down in Kuching, 142;
established in the interior, 142;
the Kungsi, 142;
ramifications, 142;
opium smuggling, 143;
Kungsi fined, 143;
intrigues, 144;
encouraged by Sambas, 144;
preparations for hostilities, 146;
surprise Kuching, 148;
clever combinations, 148;
attack Government House, 148;
attack stockades, 152;
burn buildings, 154;
their policy, 154;
aim at supremacy, 157;
their plans detailed, 158;
obedience sworn to them, 159;
recapture Kuching, 160;
driven out again, 164;
cut off in jungle, 164;
main body retire, 165;
establish stockade at Ledah Tanah, 166;
Chinese half breeds, 166;
fly to Bau, 167;
retire towards Sambas, 167;
brave girls, 168;
cross the Sambas frontier, 169;
‘sat down and wept,’ 169;
turn on plotters, 170;
disarmed by Dutch, 170;
deprived of loot, 170;
character of Chinese, 170;
insensate insurrection, 170;
not formidable, 170;
Sambas Chinese defeated, 172;
arrival of agriculturists, 175;
gold washing did not pay, 211;
Borneo not popular, 215;
low class, 215;
Chinese Christian settlement, 244;
only reliable workers, 247;
grow pepper, 248;
false weights and measures, 257;
Chinese in Borneo, 264.
Clarendon, Lord, instructions to Commissioners, 123;
Wise’s forgeries, 129;
cold approval, 137;
appoints new Consul-General, 137;
recognises Sarawak courts, 139;
expresses his good will, 139.
Coal, in Labuan, 68;
in Brunei, 70;
in Sarawak, 139;
successfully worked, 211;
in Sandakan, 244.
Cobden, Mr, 105;
his influence, 118;
attacks Rajah, 129;
unjustifiable language, 130.
Cochrane, Sir Thomas, 70;
attacks Pangeran Usop, 71;
attacks Marudu, 72;
proceeds to Brunei, 79;
fired on, 79;
captures the capital, 80;
destroys pirate communities, 81.
Coffee, increasing cultivation, 207;
in North Borneo, 248.
Colenso, Bishop, defended, 197.
Collier, Admiral, 90.
Commission to inquire, 118;
commissioners from India, 119;
inquiry ‘to be full, fair and complete,’ 119;
instructions to commissioners, 123;
the only two complainants dismissed, 131;
a threatened fiasco, 131;
notable witnesses, 131;
clear testimony, 132;
report favourable on all important points, 133;
findings on each head of inquiry, 134;
evil effects on Rajah’s position, 130.
Cotton in North Borneo, 248.
Council of Sarawak, 137.
Crookshank, Arthur, 75;
left in charge, 83;
tends Brooke in smallpox, 120;
marries, 139;
mans forts, 145;
wounded, 151.
Crookshank, Mrs, 139;
desperately wounded, 151;
Bishop intercedes for her, 157.
Crymble, Mr, 53;
gallant defence of arsenal, 152;
personal prowess, 153.
Cutch, an important export, 256.
D
‘Daily News,’ the, 156.
Dakyn, Mr and Mrs, 197.
Darvel Bay, 240.
‘Deeds which made the Empire,’ 251.
Dent, Sir Alfred, 237;
acquires concession of north-west coast, 239;
of north-east coast, 239.
Derby, Lord, cares nothing for Borneo, 182;
unsympathetic treatment of Rajah, 183.
Devereux, Mr, commissioner, 130;
fine character, 137;
findings of commission, 132;
clear results due to him, 133.
_Diana_, steamer, at Sarawak, 47.
_Dido_, H.M.S., 55;
proceeds to China, 59;
_Voyage of the Dido_, 83.
Dipa, Pangeran, closes Muka to Sarawak trade, 178;
fires on Captain Brooke, 189;
ordered to Brunei, 191.
Drummond, Mr, letters to, 116.
Dusuns, 244.
Dutch inimical, 52;
generous conduct of Dutch official, 131;
disarm Chinese, 170;
return loot, 170;
neighbourly kindnesses of their authorities, 172;
Dutch Government exclusive, 262;
jealous of British trade, 263;
extensive possessions, 263;
monopolists, 266;
trading regulations, 275.
Duties, export, 222;
objectionable duties and taxes, 222;
on salt especially, 222;
other duties on exports, 252;
capitation tax, 253.
Dyaks, Land and Sea, 16;
houses, 16;
Sea Dyaks pirates, 17;
visit to Land Dyaks, 107;
intelligent natives, 114;
under direct rule of Government, 123;
attack Chinese, 165;
defend Serambo, 166;
advancing in wealth, Sea Dyaks most energetic, 213;
valuable population, 214.
E
Eastern Archipelago Company, 104;
disastrous policy, 105;
charter abrogated, 110;
intrigues in Brunei, 122.
East India Government, 262;
timid policy, 263.
Edwardes, Governor, hostile to Sarawak, 118;
sends for ship of war, 188;
interferes with Sarawak forces, 189;
left in charge of Consulate, 189;
Government disapproves, 190;
relieves him, 190.
Egerton, Commander, sent to Brunei, 76.
Elgin, Lord, 194.
Essington, Port, 271.
Everest, Commander, 96.
F
Fairbairn, Mr (Sir Thomas), a judicious friend, 182;
tries to interest Government, 183;
appointed trustee, 201.
Farms, Sarawak, opium, spirit and gambling legitimate, 221;
of pork, fish and pawnbroking objectionable, 221;
pork farm abolished, 221;
in North Borneo, opium and spirit, 251;
objectionable farms, 251.
Farquhar, Commander, 96;
defeats Seribas pirates, 98;
anecdote, 101.
Farquhar, Mr, opinion on value of Eastern Archipelago, 273.
Forrest, Captain, on Marudu Bay, 281.
G
Gambier, large exports, 207;
Borneo Company plants, 207.
Gaya Bay, 234;
splendid harbour, 238;
only lately occupied, 243.
Gladstone, Mr, comments, 130.
Gold, 210;
worked by machinery, 210;
alluvial washings not productive, 211;
at Sigama, 244;
on north-east coast, 248.
Grant, Mr Charles, 88;
illness, 128;
returns to England, 137;
Resident of Upper Sarawak, 165;
returns to Borneo, 172;
raises English crew, 186.
Grey, Earl, his advice, 137.
Gumbang village stockaded, 167;
taken and burnt, 169.
H
Hakkas, Chinese Christians, 244.
Hay, Mr, 172.
Herbert, Sidney, 116;
supposed influence, 119.
Hindu Religion, 283.
Horsburgh, Rev. ——, tends Rajah in smallpox, 120.
Hose, Mr, resident in Baram, 215;
interesting reports, 225.
Hoste, Captain Sir William, sent to Sarawak, ungenerous instructions
to, 172.
Hume, Joseph, M.P., 105;
his motion in the House of Commons, 113;
next motion defeated, 116;
indiscretion, 119;
attacks Rajah, 129;
his integrity not above suspicion, 130.
I
Imaum, Datu, appointed, 126;
his energy, 157.
J
Jaffer, Sherif of Linga, 35;
his Dyaks, 64;
deposed, 67.
Jones, Mr, killed fighting, 250.
Jungle produce in Sarawak, 209;
in North Borneo, 256.
K
Kalias, agricultural district, 240.
Kanowit, 99;
piratical population, 100;
repentant villagers, 102;
fort surprised, 185.
Kayans, 214;
work iron, 214.
Keppel, Captain (now Admiral Sir Harry), 55;
attacks Seribas Dyak pirates, 56;
takes Patusin, 65;
defeats Sakarang pirates, 56;
publishes _Voyage of the Dido_, 83;
appointed to _Meander_, 85;
voyage out, 85;
takes Rajah to Sulu, 91.
Kiau, village, 234;
cultivation of tobacco, 248.
Kina Balu, mountain, 233;
journeys to, 233;
second visit, 234;
nepenthes, 235;
first ascent, 235;
magnificent view, 237;
lovely flowers, 237;
geological formation to be studied, 249.
Kuching, capital of Sarawak, 14;
Brooke’s second visit, 23;
town illuminated, 88;
surprised by Chinese, 149;
stockades defended, 152;
morning after capture, 156;
town deserted, 159;
recaptured by Chinese, 160;
Malay town burnt, 163;
rebuilt, 173.
L
Labuan, island of, 68;
occupied by England, 82;
description, 89;
unhealthiness, 89;
great sickness, 90;
stagnant, 109;
no advance, 115;
splendid anchorage, 238;
site for naval station, 238;
administered by state of North Borneo, 238;
coaling station, 240;
now healthy, 240.
Ladies, strong objections to, in wild Asiatic country, 179;
never associate with natives, 179;
exceptions, 226.
Lanuns, abandon north-west coast, 246.
Library, Rajah’s perfect, 174.
_Lily_, H.M.S., sent for Rajah, 128.
Limbang taken by Sarawak, 215;
illegally, 216;
inhabitants rejoice, 217;
Brunei oppressions, 217;
interesting reports, 225.
Lingire, Seribas chief, plans to murder Rajah, 73;
allowed to go unpunished, 75;
kills young Sibuyow chiefs, 99.
London Tavern, great dinner at, 117;
eloquent speech by Rajah, 117.
Low, Mr (now Sir Hugh), anecdote of Rajah Brooke, 85;
Colonial Secretary, 87;
journeys to Kina Balu, 233;
first explorer, 237;
favourable opinion of Dusuns, 244.
Luconia or Luzon, advantages of, 273.
M
Macdougall, Rev. ——, made a Bishop, 140;
attends wounded, 156;
saves Mrs Crookshank, 157;
fugitives sent away with Bishop, 162.
_Meander_, H.M.S., voyage, 85;
to Sulu, 91.
Makota, Pangeran, 14;
visits Brooke, 15;
commands Bornean army, 23;
cowardice, 27;
his intrigues, 45;
invites Seribas Dyaks to foray, 46;
attempt on Brooke’s life, 47;
ordered to leave, 51;
his village destroyed, 66;
Sultan’s favourite minister, 144.
Malays, fatal European policy, 262;
disorganised, 265.
Malayan group, 259.
Malmesbury, Lord, 118;
favours protectorate, 183.
Marudu, pirate haunt, attacked, 72;
agricultural settlement, 243;
establish government there, 269;
its advantages, 270;
could extend, 271.
Matusin, Pangeran, 179;
murders Pangeran Nipa and family, 180;
driven from Muka, 180.
Middleton, Mr, 140;
believes in Chinese conspiracy, 146;
children murdered, 151;
fearful scene, 151.
Milanaus inhabit Sago rivers, 214.
Military forces in Sarawak, native, 231.
Mission Church of England, 88;
head of, named Bishop, 140;
mission house saved, 165;
not prosperous, 217;
missionary spirit dead, 218.
Mission, Roman Catholic, 217;
slightly advancing, 218.
Moksain, Sherif, rebel-envoy, 37;
sent to Sambas, 176;
report on fugitive Chinese, 176.
Muda Hassim, Rajah, 12;
sent to quell rebellion in Sarawak, 14;
offers country to Brooke, 25;
his irresolution, 44;
untrustworthiness, 45;
cedes Sarawak to Brooke, 48;
invited to return to Brunei, 49;
exciting scene, 50;
requests Keppel to attack pirates, 55;
removes to Brunei, 67;
murdered, 77;
details, 78.
Mumein, Pangeran, chosen as Sultan, 121;
lodges Rajah in Palace, 122;
confidence in Rajah, 123;
supposed to intrigue against Sarawak, 184;
receives Musahor, 188;
intrigues with Governor Edwardes, 188.
Musahor, Sherif, 185;
driven out of Sarawak, 185;
appeals to Sultan and Consul-General, 188;
returns to Muka with Edwardes, 189;
Sultan banishes him, 191;
sent to Singapore, 191.
Mutiny, Indian, effect on Rajah of the, 177;
one cause of, 178.
N
Napier, Lieutenant-Governor, 87;
suspended, 108;
intrigues in Brunei, 122;
case dismissed, 131;
appears as hostile witness, 133.
_Nemesis_, steamer, Captain Wallace, action with pirates, 82;
visit to Sulu, 94;
expedition, 96;
crushes Seribas pirates, 98;
in the Rejang, 100;
proceeds to Siam, 110.
Nicoletts, Mr, murdered, 150;
head on a pole, 158.
_Nimrod_, H.M.S., proceeds to Borneo, 190.
Nipa, Pangeran, 179;
murdered, 180.
North Borneo, 21.
North Borneo, state of, 232;
grand mountains, 233;
splendid country, 234;
fine harbours, 238;
slow progress, 239;
fertile lands, 240;
principal settlement, 240;
capable Chairman and Directors, 249;
armed police, 250;
officers worthy to lead brave men, 250;
ancient Chinese settlements, 253;
Chinese names, 253;
difficulties of raising revenue, 253;
interference with traders, 256;
injudicious regulations, 256;
proposed cession to Sarawak, 258;
another East Indian Company, 258.
O
Omar Ali, Sultan of Brunei, 13;
ratifies grant of Sarawak, 49;
offers to cede Labuan, 67;
orders Muda Hassim and Budrudin to be killed, 77;
signs treaty, 82;
puts pirates to death, 83;
cancer, 90;
death, 121.
Opium, smuggling of, 143;
very considerable, 172.
Orang Kaya Tumangong, 16;
defends Sikundis, 31;
death of sons, 99.
Order in Council, absurd character of, 137;
revoked, 138.
Osman, Sherif, attacked, 71;
his death, 71.
P
Padas, agricultural district, 240;
telegraphic lines, 240;
mixed population, 246;
terminus of railway, 242.
Paku, country laid waste, 99.
Palmerston, Lord, 115;
defence of Brooke, 116;
cordial reception, 180;
offers Protectorate to Sarawak, 180.
Panics among natives, 218;
in Singapore, 218;
perverse notions of natives, 219;
panic in Sarawak, 219;
in Dutch territories, 220;
extraordinary delusion, 220.
Patah, Abong, reveals Patingi’s conspiracy, 124;
his speech to Sarawak Malays, 159;
bold but injudicious action, 160.
Patingi, Datu, 74;
oppresses Dyaks, 123;
given salary, 124;
conspires against Rajah, 124;
carefully watched, 125;
banished, 125;
appears before commission, 133;
again plots against Government, 185;
again banished, 185.
Patingi Ali, killed by pirates, 66.
Patusin, town of, attacked and taken, 65.
Penang, island of, 109.
Pepper, considerable amount produced, 207;
in Padas and Kalias, 240.
Pirates frequent Sulu Islands, 95;
Dyak oarsmen, 114;
ravage Dutch possessions, 132.
Population, Malays, 212;
Land Dyaks, 212;
Sea Dyaks, 212;
Milanaus, 214;
Kayans and Kineahs, 214;
Punans and Pakatans, 214;
inhabitants forsaking Sultan’s territories, 217;
of North Borneo, 244;
Dusuns, 244;
Borneans not a productive race, 247.
Prinsep, Mr, Commissioner, 130;
incapable, 131.
Punans, 214;
little better than monkeys, 283.
R
Raffles, Sir Stamford, 9;
his broad views, 263;
the highest authority, 266.
Railway, trans-Bornean, 238;
starts from Padas, 242;
a great experiment, 242;
a new era, 242;
experimental farm, 243;
good prospects, 243.
_Rainbow_, steamer, bought for Sarawak, 187;
takes Rajah to Borneo, 190.
_Rapid_, H.M.S., takes Rajah to Sarawak, 136.
Rejang river, districts granted to Rajah as far as, 122.
Rentab, pirate chief, 126;
his fort stormed, 127;
attacks friendly Dyaks, 173;
defends Sadok, 173.
Revenue of Sarawak, 221;
revenues inelastic, 223;
in State of North Borneo, 251;
revenue and expenditure, 252;
inelastic also in North Borneo, 254.
Rice, small cultivation, 208;
imported, 208.
Ricketts, Mr, first Consul at Sarawak, 196.
_Royalist_, H.M.S., 96.
_Royalist_, schooner, 8;
description, 11;
of the R. Y. squadron, 278.
_Royalist_, Sarawak steamer, 198.
S
Sadok, pirate fort, 127.
St John, Mr (Sir Spenser), appointed secretary, 85;
acting Commissioner, 115;
Consul-General, 137;
despatch on Order in Council, 137;
reply, 138;
leaves for Brunei, 139;
rumours of disaster, 146;
visits the Rajah, 173;
congratulations of Malays, 175;
again visits Sarawak, 186;
returns to post in Brunei, 189;
asked to act as mediator, 191;
proceeds to Muka, 191;
an unfortunate memorandum, 195;
shoots man-eating alligator, 229;
ascents of Kina Balu, 233.
Sago production encouraged, 207;
sago factories successful, 211;
increased cultivation, 212;
in Padas, 240.
Sago rivers or districts, 179.
Sahib, Sherif, restores captives, 62;
retires to the Batang Lupar, 63;
his town destroyed, 65.
Sakarang Dyaks, pirates, 18;
their fleet, 63;
their country, 64;
chief town attacked and taken, 66;
three hundred skulls, 100;
Rentab a Sakarang pirate, 126;
expedition against, 126;
their principal fort taken, 127;
condemned as pirates by Commission, 135;
faithful soldiers, 136;
harass Chinese, 167;
sharp traders, 257.
_Samarang_, H.M.S., capsizes in Sarawak River, 59;
recovered, 59;
proceeds to Brunei, 60.
Sambas, Sultan of, encourages Chinese to rebel, 144.
Samboangan, Spanish settlement, 96.
Sandakan, telegraph to, 240;
the capital, 242;
fine bay, 244;
mixed population, 246.
Sapong, experimental plantation, 243.
Sarawak, 13;
country offered to Brooke, 25;
its government ceded to him, 48;
increase of population, 67;
reception by inhabitants of, 87;
grant renewed, 122;
divided into five districts, 204;
its courts, 205;
its government a mild despotism, 205;
its development must be slow, 205;
wild animals of, 230;
meagre account, 230;
satisfactory state of, 231;
a unique government, 231.
Sarawak Council created by Rajah, 137;
despatch addressed, 190;
a consultative assembly, 204;
composition, 204;
useful, 204;
general council, 204;
its composition, 204.
Sarawak Courts, 223;
no maudlin pity, 223;
might be imitated in England, 224;
death penalty for head hunters, 224;
in cases, heavy fines, 224;
amusing decision, 224.
Sarawak _Gazette_, 203;
intemperate article, 216;
account of panic, 219;
Singapore jealousy, 226.
Sarawak Malays, rebel against Makota, 14;
hold the interior, 23;
defend Siniawan, 26;
surrender to Brooke, 39;
disperse, 41;
chiefs reinstated, 49;
join Keppel’s force, 56;
attack pirate stronghold, 65;
rejoice at capture of Brunei, 81;
hearty reception of Rajah, 87;
evening visits, 107;
anxious time, 121;
rejoicings, 121;
native expedition against pirates, 126;
gallantly defend stockades, 153;
noble conduct of, 155;
faithful to death, 160;
attack Chinese, 161;
capture barges, 161;
take stockades, 167;
pursue enemy, 167;
drive Chinese over frontier, 169;
devoted population, 171;
fine character of Malays, 171;
rebuild their town, 173;
cheerful views, 175;
bonds of sympathy slacker, 178;
thoroughly faithful, 187;
employed as Government officers, 205;
satisfactory results, 205;
Malay chiefs against unrestricted trade, 257.
Sarawak Service, 225;
salaries, 225;
allowances, 226;
furlough pay, 226;
pensions, 226.
Scott, Mr (Sir John), sent to Labuan, 86;
Governor, 115.
Secret societies, 141.
Seribas Dyak pirates, 18;
Dyak fleet, 46;
attacked by Keppel, 56;
their country, 64;
Lingire, 73;
attempts to murder Rajah, 73;
attack Sadong, 93;
fleet caught at sea, 98;
great defeat, 98;
size of vessels, 98;
proofs of piracy, 99;
testimony of Dutch official, 132;
convincing proofs, 132;
no undue severity, 133;
indiscriminate murderers, 135;
now faithful soldiers, 136;
aid Government, 173;
under present Rajah, 213.
Siam, 109;
Brooke’s mission to, 110;
chief minister, 111;
our interview, 111;
legation, 112;
king hostile, 112;
British subjects, 113;
failure of mission, 113;
proposed second mission, 118.
Sikh police, in Sarawak, 231;
in North Borneo, 251;
splendid behaviour, 251.
Singapore, the settlement of, 263;
native trade, 268.
_Sir James Brooke_, steamer, the, 140;
saves Sarawak, 163;
government established on board, 165.
Smith, John Abel, M.P., 193;
negotiations, 194;
trustee, 201.
_Sphynx_, H.M.S., 110;
on shore, 111.
Spring traps, 223;
fatal accidents, 223.
Stanley, Lord, appreciates Sarawak, 182.
Steel, Mr, his escape, 150;
resident in Rejang, 158;
murdered, 185.
Stewart, Mr, killed by pirates, 66.
Sulu, Sultan of, ceded North Borneo to England, 21;
Rajah’s visits, 92-94;
signs treaty, 94.
Sungei Lang, fort, stormed, 127.
T
Tai-pé-Kong, sacred stone, saved by Chinese, 169.
Tampasuk, 233;
customs of Bajaus there, 233.
Tani, friendly chief, executed by mistake, 185.
Telegraph line, 240;
through primeval forests, 241;
use of, 242.
Testimonial raised for Rajah, 184.
Timor, Portuguese island, should be acquired, 273.
Tobacco, cultivated, 243;
fine quality, 247;
native cultivation, 248;
valuable export, 254;
companies, 255;
plantations, 255.
Trade returns, 208;
Sarawak imports and exports, 209;
of North Borneo, 255.
Trusan River, 215.
U
Usop, Pangeran, 70;
opposes Muda Hassim, 70;
attacked by Cochrane, 71;
defeat, 72;
executed, 72.
W
Wallace, Mr Alfred, 234.
_Weraff_, brig, 120;
visit to Brunei, 121.
Whitehead, Mr John, reports on head hunting, 245.
Wild cattle, 230.
Wise, Mr Henry, Brooke’s agent, 60;
proceeds to Borneo, 70;
great schemes, 75;
projects disallowed, 76;
dinner to Brooke, 84;
his hypocrisy, 84;
attacks Rajah’s policy, 103;
his bad conduct, 129.
THE END
_Colston & Coy. Limited, Printers, Edinburgh._
T. FISHER UNWIN, Publisher,
SIX-SHILLING NOVELS
_In uniform green cloth, large crown 8vo., gilt tops_, =6s.=
[Illustration: Decoration]
=Effie Hetherington.= By ROBERT BUCHANAN. Second Edition.
=An Outcast of the Islands=. By JOSEPH CONRAD. Second Edition.
=Almayer’s Folly.= By JOSEPH CONRAD. Second Edition.
=The Ebbing of the Tide.= By LOUIS BECKE. Second Edition.
=A First Fleet Family.= By LOUIS BECKE and WALTER JEFFERY.
=Paddy’s Woman=, and Other Stories. By HUMPHREY JAMES.
=Clara Hopgood.= By MARK RUTHERFORD. Second Edition.
=The Tales of John Oliver Hobbes.= Portrait of the Author. Second
Edition.
=The Stickit Minister.= By S. R. CROCKETT. Eleventh Edition.
=The Lilac Sunbonnet.= By S. R. CROCKETT. Sixth Edition.
=The Raiders.= By S. R. CROCKETT. Eighth Edition.
=The Grey Man.= By S. R. CROCKETT.
=In a Man’s Mind.= By J. R. WATSON.
=A Daughter of the Fen.= By J. T. BEALBY. Second Edition.
=The Herb-Moon.= By JOHN OLIVER HOBBES. Third Edition.
=Nancy Noon.= By BENJAMIN SWIFT. Second Edition. With New Preface.
=Mr. Magnus.= By F. REGINALD STATHAM. Second Edition.
=Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland.= By OLIVE SCHREINER.
Frontispiece.
=Pacific Tales.= By LOUIS BECKE. With Frontispiece Portrait of the
Author. Second Edition.
=Mrs. Keith’s Crime.= By Mrs. W. K. CLIFFORD. Sixth Edition. With
Portrait of Mrs. Keith by the Hon. JOHN COLLIER, and a New Preface
by the Author.
=Hugh Wynne.= By Dr. S. WEIR MITCHELL. With Frontispiece
Illustration.
=The Tormentor.= By BENJAMIN SWIFT, Author of “Nancy Noon.”
=Prisoners of Conscience.= By AMELIA E. BARR, Author of “Jan
Vedder’s Wife.” With 12 Illustrations.
=The Gods, Some Mortals and Lord Wickenham.= New Edition. By JOHN
OLIVER HOBBES.
=The Outlaws of the Marches.= By Lord ERNEST HAMILTON. Fully
illustrated.
=The School for Saints=: Part of the History of the Right
Honourable Robert Orange, M.P. By JOHN OLIVER HOBBES, Author of
“Sinner’s Comedy,” “Some Emotions and a Moral,” “the Herb Moon,” &c.
=The People of Clopton.= By GEORGE BARTRAM.
11, Paternoster Buildings, London, E.C.
T. FISHER UNWIN, Publisher,
THE GREY MAN
BY
S. R. CROCKETT
_Crown 8vo., cloth_, =6s.=
_Also, an Edition de Luxe, with 26 Drawings by SEYMOUR LUCAS, R.A.,
limited to 250 copies, signed by Author. Crown 4to., cloth gilt_,
=21s.= _net_.
[Illustration: Decoration]
“It has nearly all the qualities which go to make a book of the
first-class. Before you have read twenty pages you know that you are
reading a classic.”—_Literary World._
“All of that vast and increasing host of readers who prefer the
novel of action to any other form of fiction should, nay, indeed,
must, make a point of reading this exceedingly fine example of its
class.”—_Daily Chronicle._
“With such passages as these [referring to quotations], glowing with
tender passion, or murky with horror, even the most insatiate lover
of romance may feel that Mr. Crockett has given him good measure,
well pressed down and running over.”—_Daily Telegraph._
11, Paternoster Buildings, London, E.C.
Transcriber’s Notes
pg 6 Changed: which, even if favourable, could scarely
to: which, even if favourable, could scarcely
pg 235 Changed: following short discription
to: following short description
pg 268 Changed: only means, by which to aquire
to: only means, by which to acquire
pg 279 Changed: A general knowlege of the bay
to: A general knowledge of the bay
pg 288 Changed: unexplored tract at the southern extemity
to: unexplored tract at the southern extremity
pg 290 Errata changes have been made in text
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RAJAH BROOKE ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the
United States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you “AS-IS”, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™'s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
