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Title: A mission to Gelele, King of Dahome, Vol. 2 (of 2)
Author: Sir Richard Francis Burton
Release date: April 29, 2026 [eBook #78571]
Language: English
Original publication: London: Tylston and Edwards, 1864
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78571
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A MISSION TO GELELE, KING OF DAHOME, VOL. 2 (OF 2) ***
The Memorial Edition
OF THE
WORKS
OF
CAPTAIN
SIR RICHARD F. BURTON,
_K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., &c., &c., &c._
* * * * *
VOLUME IV.
A MISSION
TO
GELELE, KING OF DAHOME.
* * * * *
_IN TWO VOLUMES._
VOLUME II.
[Illustration: THE KING’S VICTIMS.]
A MISSION
TO
GELELE, KING OF DAHOME
WITH NOTICES OF
THE SO-CALLED “AMAZONS,” THE GRAND CUSTOMS,
THE YEARLY CUSTOMS, THE HUMAN SACRIFICES,
THE PRESENT STATE OF THE SLAVE TRADE,
AND
THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.
BY
CAPTAIN SIR RICHARD F. BURTON,
K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., &c., &c., &c.
(LATE COMMISSIONER TO DAHOME,)
AUTHOR OF “A PILGRIMAGE TO AL-MADINAH AND MECCAH.”
EDITED BY HIS WIFE,
ISABEL BURTON.
“If a man be ambitious to improve in knowledge and wisdom, he should
travel into foreign countries.”—PHILOSTRATUS IN APOLL.
“Every kingdom, every province, should have its own
monographer.”—GILBERT WHITE.
Memorial Edition.
* * * * *
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME II.
LONDON:
TYLSTON AND EDWARDS.
MDCCCXCIII.
_(All rights reserved.)_
Printed for the Publishers at
THE MECCAN PRESS,
3, Soho Square, London, W.
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
* * * * *
CHAPTER. PAGE.
XIV.—The King’s “So-sin Custom”—(_Continued_)
Section C. 1
Section D. 6
Section E. 12
Section F. 18
XV.—Of the so-called Amazons and the Dahoman Army 42
XVI.—Addo-kpon, the Bush King’s So-sin Customs
Section A. 58
Section B. 59
Section C. 62
Section D. 66
Section E. 70
Section F. 72
XVII.—Of the Dahoman Religion 88
XVIII.—The Sin-kwain, or Water-sprinkling Custom 111
XIX.—Of “The Negro’s Place in Nature” 118
Note.—Adahoonzou’s Speech 140
XX.—The Day of Triumph 145
XXI.—Dahome and her Capital 154
XXII.—The Firing to Whydah, and Conclusion of the Customs 169
XXIII.—The Delivery of the Message 180
XXIV.—Return to the Seaboard 193
Conclusion 204
APPENDICES.
I.—Itinerary 215
II.—Rev. Mr. Bernasko’s Account Current with Captain 220
Burton
III.—Extract of a Letter from the Rev. Mr. Bernasko 222
Copy of Commodore Wilmot’s Report.—No. 1 227
Copy of Commodore Wilmot’s Report.—No. 2 251
IV.—Catalogue of the Dahoman Kings 265
V.—Dahomey, its People and Customs 303
A MISSION
TO
GELELE, KING OF DAHOME.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XIV.—(_Continued_).
THE KING’S “SO-SIN CUSTOM.”
SECTION C.
_The Bonu-gan nun Kpon ’gbe dié,[1] or Third Day of the King’s Customs._
At half-past 3 P.M., on the last day of 1863, we hammocked to our former
place before the south-eastern or Komasi Gate, and found the _séance_
much as it was before. On this occasion, however, besides the standing
dish of three royal skulls, there were on the King’s proper left, eleven
“neptunes,” or broad shallow brass pans of Abeokutan crania, nine or ten
to each.[2] A dozen men were capering before royalty; when they had
ceased, knelt, and shovelled, eight others performed the “Ganchya”
dance, in which the hands are washed in imperceptible water, or rubbed
like a draper’s assistant.
Within the bamboos, women passed before the throne from left to right,
bowed to Gezo’s ghost, and after prostrating to the King, presented
arms. First came a procession of eighteen Tansi-no, or fetish women, who
have charge of the last monarch’s grave,[3]—slow and solemn old gipsies,
in gold-trimmed broad-brim felts or white night-caps. They were preceded
by bundles of matting, eight large stools, calabashes, pipes, baskets of
water, grog, and meat, with segments of gourd, above and below, tobacco
bags, and similar commissariat articles; and they were followed by a
band of horns and rattles. Eight stools, or chiefs with their attendant
“Amazons,” and young female slaves of the palace, made obeisance, whilst
armed women sang dirges in the minor key, clapped hands, and presented
arms. Followed a dance of six Amazons to a very weak band.
Presently two messenger-women came from the right end of the square,
ushering twenty-one umbrellas—of which two were coloured, and the rest
white—divided into three parties, accompanied by the usual band and
canteen. The chief was the she-Min-gan, whose back was all pigtails
depending from the score of coral and metal necklaces with which she had
been decorated. Joined by the Adanejan’s “mother,” a middle-aged
officeress, stout as the most “bulbous” Englishwoman, and round in every
part where curves should be, she performed a knife dance. The pair then
took muskets and skirmished, whilst the others formed up and pranced
before the King. Finally, the Min-ganess disposed herself opposite the
throne, upon the knobs of two war sticks stuck in the ground—it was
Britannia sitting as she does in pence on the edge of her shield.
The King then rose and walked forward to throw cowries, the local money,
amongst his subjects. All removed their ornaments and girt their loins;
it is a point of honour to fight for the royal bakhshish, and nob and
snob join in the melée. No notice is taken if a man be killed or maimed
in the affair; he has fallen honourably fighting for his sovereign. Some
lose eyes and noses; the Dahomans gouge like Lancashire “purrers” or
Sœstudalian peasants, bite like hyenas—I have seen a hand through which
teeth met—and scratch like fisherwomen or cat-o’-mountains. We speedily
withdrew our chairs. The King, habited in a toga of tender green, came
forward to the bamboos, and stood as _agonistarch_ under his umbrellas
and parasol, which were upheld by nine women and by two very small
girls. He took from baskets, which were brought up in turn to him, heads
of strung cowries, and tossed them high up to the crowd, who fought for
them as if they were gold. The bundles were torn to pieces in a moment,
so were the strings, and at times there was a scramble, a bite, and a
scream about a single shell.[4]
The King, surrounded by his guard, then perambulated the square by west
and south, still throwing strings of cowries; from where we stood, the
dust-blurred mass of fighting negrohood looked like the dæmons of some
mediæval picture, or the dreams of Father Pinamonti. When royalty had
returned to the bamboo, we were summoned to “fight for cowries,” and not
being in uniform we scrambled like school-boys, omitting however the
Dahoman adjuncts. When our attendants and the Moslem deputation had
received their share, we regained our old places. The palace gate was
thrown open, and through it we saw the women all hustling one another as
the men had done.
The chief of the hunchbacks,[5] Lizi-dogo-bo-je’gbwo-to-men,[6]
wielding, with arms like Rob Roy’s, a circinal-edged hide-whip, and
assisted by his attendants, soon cut a way through the crowd. After
“Lizzy’s” performance appeared a body of fetishers in three parties,
headed by Boro and Zenhwe, their captains. The first seven carried on
their heads each an ugly “wee wudden goddity,” supposed to walk by
itself after nightfall. These “Bo” are dwarfish attempts at humanity,
male and female—the sexes made very distinct—lamp black and red, with
white caps and pagnes.[7] The second party, consisting of ten men, bore
in their hands as many iron fetish sticks, from 4 feet to 6 feet long,
capped mostly with a barrel cone like a modern Moslem cresset, apex
downwards, and topped with rude iron imitations of land tortoises. The
third party, also ten in number, was the band.
Having danced with much effusion and paraded their godlings, the
fetishers defiled to the right and vanished from the crowd. The King
then walked up to the victim shed, and paced down its length within the
railing. To the score of wretches there sitting pilloried he threw with
two hands as many heads of cowries, and these were placed by the
attendants upon the caps of the recipients. He conversed freely with
several of them. The others, though I could see no sign, were probably
gagged, for the reason before stated. He then came up and snapped
fingers with me, when a hint was given that at my intercession several
victims would be pardoned. This also is a Dahoman formula. I pleaded for
them, saying that mercy is the great prerogative of kings, when nearly
half of them were brought up before Gelele, were untied, and were placed
by their keepers on all fours to hear the royal clemency.
An “Ago!” and a ting! tang! caused a deep hush, and the Min-gan, whose
beard and hair were brick-red with dust, uttered a long, dreary, drowsy
speech, much reminding me of a certain “Great Eltchi.” The substance
was, that the chief of a tributary town, Izatakuno, having sent instead
of cowries palm kernels to the King, he, the Min-gan, ashamed to report
such an outrage, had captured the prisoners exposed at the palace shed.
The high officer again powdered his hair and reclined on one arm, whilst
the King informed him that the proceeding was duly approved of, and that
the pardoned rebels must be speedily removed from his sight. His right
royal speech was followed by an uproar of cymbals, the usual two
decanters of rum were sent to us, and thus we got “pass,” or permission
to leave “the presence.”
That night was our “watch night,” which the hammock men kept for us with
potations pottle deep of trade spirits.
SECTION D.
_The So-nan-wen-kan ’gbe,[8] or Fourth Day of the Kings Customs._
The first day of the new year (1864) was chosen for the ceremony of
loosing horses, which is not usually performed till a fortnight after
the opening of the Customs. Mr. Cruikshank was feverish: the labour of
pleasure in Dahome is somewhat hard; I therefore went alone to the usual
place, and found there a new hat. It belonged to a dark youth, M.
Joaquim de Cirqueira Lima. He had been brought up at Berlin, and there
had attracted considerable notice. Presently returning to Africa, he
became head clerk to the Hamburg factory at Lagos; and at the death of
his father, the headman of Brazilian emigrants, who had received an
umbrella from the King, he had gravitated to the quality of “Whydah
gentleman.” All the chief caboceers were sitting in poor clothes under
old blackened and war-soiled umbrellas, which will be laid aside to-
morrow. There was a suspicious gathering of vultures on the tree under
which our chairs were disposed. Can their sagacity extend to guessing
that death is near?
Seven men were prancing before the King, whose brother Anlinwanun
substituted for them an untired troop. After their obeisances and
salutations, the bamboo barrier was enlarged for the Amazon dances. A
peloton of fifty wives and fighteresses, several of them “half-heads”
and others with a haircrest along the poll-ridge, stood up: then,
turning towards the tent where Gezo’s ghost was, they capered and they
sang in chorus and in solo to the Amazon band on the left of the throne,
lauds of the old King. After that performance fourteen of the tallest
and most swaggering, not including a small girl, formed line, and two
mistresses of the ceremonies, armed with horsetail chauris, chanted and
sometimes pranced to give time in rear. The toilette was the pink of
propriety,—a vest, a pagne, a shorter undergarb and Ffon chokoto or
“pantilettes,” longer than the male article, and extending to the knees:
it is a provision which might be naturalized in all countries where
_caleçons_ are not _de rigueur_. When the time was to be changed, one or
both of the Blue Companies advanced towards the band with pin toes
straight in front, ungracefully throwing out first one arm, then the
other, with one or two fingers extended, and clapping palms on the
thighs or on something fleshier. Thus the measure was taken up by a
single cymbal, and finally by the full band. The dancers stamped,
wriggled, kicked the dust with one foot, sang, shuffled, and wrung their
hands—there is ever a suspicion of beheading in these
performances—bending almost double, ducking heads, moving sideways to
right and left, fronting and facing everywhere, especially presenting
the back, converting forefingers into _strigils_, working the arms as in
Mediterranean swimming, and ending in a _prestissimo_ and very violent
movement of the shoulders, hips, and loins. Then whilst the rest reposed
on short stools there was a grand _pas de deux_. The whole merits of the
ballet were time and unison: nothing could be less graceful or more
deficient in the poetry of motion. All ended with kneeling, bending
heads to the ground, and rubbing palms.
Thereupon Adan-men-nun-kon of the guard, supported by a three-deep
column of fifty men, stood up, and, in the bawling barking tone affected
by the real brave, declared that as the Fanti Company had sung about
breaking Abeokuta, so the Blue had sworn to destroy it. The sentiment
was seconded by the Gau and the Matro with such jumping and breast
beating that a stranger would suppose them to be in a violent rage. The
general uproar of captains, the dance, and presenting arms, sticks and
knives, testified their general joy, and they chanted to the effect that
they would not only knock down the walls of Abeokuta, but they would
also carry away the bits for Gelele their King. It reminded me of the
Southern heroes who carried Mr. President Lincoln’s coffin, and were
“bound” to bring him back in it, and have not done so.
The women having re-formed a single peloton five deep, Ji-bi-whe-ton,
their coloneless, issued from the midst of them; her scalp was clean
shaven and shining, a single little lock held a silver knob like the
finial of a tea-pot, and her chief ornament was the common _fleur-de-
lis_ of silver attached by a chain to her neck. She wore a vest, pink
before and white behind, with a drooping slovenly collar: a black
leather cartridge-belt kept in position her long blue striped waist-
cloth and confined on her left hip an ammunition bag, whilst her right
hand grasped the muzzle of a short musket, to which were hung many
charms. In hoarse manly tones she called out severally her best women,
each of whom sharply responded “Tamulé! O Brave!” presented them to the
King, handed to them their cowries, placed the bundles upon their heads,
and dismissed them. Some of the more forward made short speeches with a
pert air, and struck their bosoms, as to say, “I am the woman to do it,
I.” At times a dozen or two stood up, sang and raised one or both arms,
the forefinger as usual being extended, thus swearing to brave deeds
before the King.
Similarly Adan-men-nun-kon presented his chosen warriors, who, unlike
the women, prostrated themselves. At one name, Mocho,[9] the
captainesses laughed satirically, showing the rivalry ever existing
between the two sexes. The women, naturally somewhat incontinent of
tongue, also supply all omissions and explanations of the men’s
speeches, whilst these dare not interrupt their sister soldiers. On the
other hand the full private, the jester, the bush man, in fact every
one, addresses his sovereign without interruption, demanding and
receiving audience and justice. So far the despotism is quite _en
règle_: it is the progressive democratic, not the barbarous
aristocratic. Lastly, there was a general “Tamulé!” the women sang and
clapped hands, whilst the _élite_ danced. This example was duly followed
by the men.
Silence having been once more proclaimed, the King spoke fiercely about
the capture of Abeokuta, and he was seconded by Adan-men-nun-kon the
Brave. The women fired, the men blew their horns, and both companies,
masculine and feminine, sang to this purport: “We refused to let our
King furnish his father’s grave with any skulls and bones save those of
the Egbas. These we swear now to procure for him. If the foe soar in the
air we will fly, if he dive we will follow him, if he sink in earth we
will descend after him.” The King excitedly informed them that he would
see the oath kept. The Blues rushed tumultuously afar, skirmishing and
firing: presently they returned at a _pas de charge_, and clustered
before the King, whilst the women chanted Nago songs, in which they are
said to excel.
After the heralds had cried “Oyez!” the King ordered them to sing again,
when they recited the past prowess of the two principal companies. Once
more Gelele, with violent gestures and wildly tossing his arms, declared
that he must go and break Abeokuta. Two baskets of cowries were brought
out, the Amazons carried off their share, and an old messenger woman
bore the other to the men, who after prostration loaded it upon their
shoulders.
The King made a third warlike speech, to the effect that dirty cloth
must be washed, and that his honour must be redeemed by destroying
Abeokuta. The women sang, both sexes presented arms, and jesters blew
loud blasts with their tusk-horns. Again the Amazons chanted to the
funereal tinkle of a single cymbal, succeeded by a full band. After
sundry dances, all sat down, touched with their foreheads the ground
opposite the old King’s tent, and then saluted, with the usual three
_batta-palmas_, his royal son. Wearing many silver studs in a Turkish
cap-like mop of hair, fifteen princesses, mostly daughters of Gelele,
and wives of the Adanejan and other officers, issued from the palace,
and knelt in two lines close to the throne. On the Meu’s side appeared
the seven Bo images mentioned yesterday, preceded by two fetisheers in
peculiar dress. A So[10] was brought up to us, a bull-face mask, of
natural size, painted black, with glaring eyes and peepholes, the horns
were hung with red and white rag strips, and beneath was a dress of
bamboo fibre covering the feet and ruddy at the ends. It danced with
head on one side, and swayed itself about to the great amusement of the
people.
Presently our chairs were hastily removed, and we retired to the eastern
shed, whilst the natives, flying in confusion, occupied the southern
side of the square. Women dressed in every shade of colour came
streaming from the palace, and turned to the right; so that, on passing
the King, they presented as usual the dexter shoulder. They were
preceded by the To-no-nun and a single bell: after the first turn he and
his twenty eunuchs took post at the eastern corner of the palace wall,
and in bird-like voices, cried out to the public to admire what was
passing.
First came thirteen old mothers of the chief captains, followed by
eighty women, some with their sticks of office, each carrying in a
calabash two heads of cowries. After them trooped forty women and girls
with ten strings per head in plates and platters. Then, preceded by
small girls, walked the fifteen married princesses in fine raiment. The
rest of the procession consisted of nineteen women, bearing on their
pates bottles of rum; forty women, each with two heads of cowries;
twenty women and young girls, known by their nude bosoms, with ten
strings each; and, lastly, the she Meu and Min-gan with thirteen
attendants. They circumambulated the square thrice, singing, in peculiar
tones, the exploits of the late and of the present King, and enumerating
their victims.[11] The presents are for distribution amongst the lieges
during the coming night. They have much diminished: in Gezo’s time there
were 1000 carriers. After the third round some huddled into the palace,
and the rest, after again forming up before the King and reciting his
titles, followed. It was the usual African inconsequence—£100,000 to
carry £20.
Shortly after 6 P.M. we returned to our old sitting-places. The woman
Meu, standing amongst twenty chief captainesses, habited in Hausa tobes,
addressed her male colleague, who, like the others, was lying elbow-
propped on the ground. She informed him that the King, who was worthily
making the Customs of his sire, had brought out rum and cowries for his
singers—the bards who, in Dahome, preserve all history.[12] Then the
she-Min-gan addressed the men, to the effect that Dahome expects every
man to do his duty. Ten bottles of rum and 120 heads of cowries were
finally given to the women, and we were graciously dismissed.
SECTION E.
_The Zan Nyanyana, or Evil Night._
As we wended our way homewards from the palace to the city gate, we
found both sides of the road lined with bamboo railing, to keep the
thoroughfare clear for the King: it serves its purpose effectually as
policemen and Life Guards in England. To-night Gelele will walk in
procession with his wives, and attended by the high officials, from the
Komasi House to the Uhun-jro marketplace, where the Min-gan will perform
sundry executions with his own hand.
As sometimes happens, the subject of Men-huwu[13] or human sacrifice in
Dahome has been thoroughly misunderstood by the press and the public at
home. It is by no means done to “keep up the good old customs of the
country.” The object is not to “offer a valuable and acceptable present
to Heaven”; nor is it penance or self-deprivation done because the thing
parted with is precious or coveted. The King takes no pleasure in the
tortures and death, or in the sight of blood—as will presently appear.
The 2000 killed in one day, the canoe paddled in a pool of gore, and
other grisly nursery tales, must be derived from Whydah, where the
slave-traders invented them, probably to deter Englishmen from visiting
the King.
It is useless to go over the ground of human sacrifice from the days of
the mild Hindu’s Naramedha[14] to the burnings of the Druids, and to the
awful massacres of Peru and Mexico. In Europe the extinction of the
custom began from the time of polite Augustus. Any Encyclopædia will
show that human sacrifice, like slavery, is almost universally a
concomitant of a certain stage of civilization, and that with the
increase of knowledge it disappears for ever.
Human sacrifice in Dahome is founded upon a purely religious basis,
which not only strengthens but perpetuates the custom. It is a touching
instance of the King’s filial piety, deplorably mistaken, but perfectly
sincere. The Dahoman sovereign must, I have said, enter Deadland[15]
with royal state, accompanied by a ghostly court of leopard wives, head
wives, birth-day[16] wives, Afa wives, eunuchs—especially the chief
eunuch,—singers and drummers, King’s “Joto’si,” and “King’s Devils,”
bards and soldiers. This is the object of what we have called the “Grand
Customs,” when the victims may amount to a maximum of 500. We find the
same process extending through the continent to the south-eastern
country of the Cazembe, who shows an equal veneration for his “Muzimos,”
or ancestral ghosts. Every year, moreover, decorum exacts that the first
fruits of war and that all criminals should be sent as recruits to swell
the King’s retinue. Hence the ordinary annual customs. We can hardly
find fault with putting criminals to death,[17] when, in the Year of
Grace 1864 we hung four murderers upon the same gibbet before 100,000
gaping souls at Liverpool, when we strung up five pirates in front of
Newgate, when, during the late age of “hanging Mondays,” the Latinist
exclaimed,
Scarce can our fields, such crowds at Tyburn die,
With hemp the gallows and the fleet supply;
and when our last but one Christian king killed a starving mother of
seventeen, with an infant at her breast, for lifting a yard of linen
from a shop counter. A Dahoman visiting England but a few years ago
would have witnessed customs almost quite as curious as those which
raise our bile now. With respect to slaying captives, it must be
remembered that this severity depends upon the nature of African wars;
with these people, _lex talionis_ is the highest experience of law, and
after defeat quarter is given only to those who are reserved for slavery
or for sacrifice. There is, therefore, a shade of excuse for it. The
executions are, I believe, performed without cruelty; these negroes have
not invented breaking on the wheel or tearing to pieces their victims,
as happened to Ravaillac and the half-witted Damiens. Finally, it must
be remembered that throughout the year Customs’ time is the only period
of punishment—that the sacrifice is done openly, enabling all to witness
the consequences of crime, and that it seems to wither away all minor
offences of violence.
There are always at least two Evil Nights during the annual customs, and
there may be more. Commander Forbes, I have said, owns that King Gezo
had reduced the number of his victims to thirty-six. The present King
has reduced them to thirty-nine or forty. But this number must be
doubled, to include the female victims killed by the Amazons in the
palace, and not permitted to be seen by man.[18] The presumed total of
the “butchery bill” will therefore be seventy-eight or eighty.[19]
As all who leave the house during the evil night are beheaded, it is not
easy to learn what is then enacted. Our bearers, however, afterwards
sang a song, how the King had asked a man of the Min-gan, which officer
had presented the gift, how the man was charged with a message to Gezo,
saying that the Customs were being properly performed, and how he and
his fellows are clubbed with knob-sticks.[20] I could not find out
whether, like the Meriah victims of the Khonds, who hardly thanked
General Campbell for saving their lives, the doomed are intoxicated: it
is probable, the object being to send them to the other world in the
best of tempers. Although the missionaries deny the fact, I believe that
the King[21] begins by using a broad sharp blade upon the neck of a
kneeling criminal, after which the same is done to others by the Min-
gan, the Meu,[22] and their assistants.
Dahome, it will be seen, shows to advantage by the side of Abeokuta,
Ashanti, and Benin. When I visited, in 1860, what Mr. Duncan calls that
“saintly place of so many converts,” one “basket sacrifice,” as the
Egbas delicately call it, had just been performed; one occurred during
our week’s residence in the town; and a third immediately after we had
left. At Komasi, one man is slain per diem, except on the Wednesdays,
which are the King’s birthdays; moreover, the death of every caboceer
demands a number of victims, whereas in Dahome only a single slave
accompanies the Min-gan and the Meu, such honour not being permitted
since the early part of Gezo’s reign to any other caboceer. Finally,
when I visited the city of Great Benin, in 1862, I saw three violent
deaths in three days, though the yearly ceremonies had ended, and the
large open space before the palace was strewed with human skulls and
bones.
But although the Dahoman Customs have been greatly exaggerated and admit
some little palliation, the annual destruction of human life is terribly
great. However trivial an action is done by the King, such as inventing
a new drum, being visited by a white man, or even removing from one
palace to another, it must be dutifully reported by some male or female
messenger to the paternal ghost.[23] I can hardly rate the slaughter at
less than 500, in average years of the annual Customs, and at less than
1000 during the year of the Grand Customs. At exceptional occasions,
especially of the King’s illness, many are slain on the suspicion of
witchcraft,[24] which here, as everywhere in Africa, is a capital
offence. During the earthquake which prostrated Accra in 1862, Gelele
was informed that his father’s ghost had been seen bathing in the sea,
and was returning to Agbome. According to Mr. Bernasko he slew two
slaves,—others say the unfortunate captives from Ishagga,[25]—and was
surprised to hear that the earthquake had been felt where his father’s
name was unknown. The History mentions part of the palace wall at Agbome
being overthrown in the days of Sinmenkpen (Adahoonzou II., 1774-1789),
when the Europeans, improving the occasion, tried to reform the royal
manners. “It does not, however, appear that this representation produced
any alteration in the King’s behaviour.”
It is evident, that to abolish human sacrifice here is to abolish
Dahome. The practice originates from filial piety, it is sanctioned by
long use and custom, and it is strenuously upheld by a powerful and
interested priesthood. That, as our efforts to abolish the slave export
trade are successful, these horrors will greatly increase, there is no
room to doubt. Finally, the present King is for the present committed to
them; he rose to power by the goodwill of the reactionary party, and
upon it he depends. There is a report that his grandsire Agongoro
(Wheenoohew) was poisoned because he showed a propensity to
Christianity, and the greatest despots are in Yoruba easily told to “go
to sleep,” or are presented with the parrot’s eggs. Gelele, I am
persuaded, could not abolish human sacrifice if he would; and he would
not if he could. The interference of strangers will cause more secrecy,
and more decorum in the practice; but the remedy must come from the
people themselves.
During the last reign, the victims, gagged and carrying rum and cowries
for the people, were marched about, led with cords, and the visitors
were compelled to witness the executions.[26] In 1862-63, the wretches
were put to death within hearing, if not within sight, of the white
visitors. In 1863-64, the King so far regarded the explicit instructions
which I had received, that no life was publicly taken during daytime.
This is, let us hope, the small end of the wedge.
SECTION F.
_The Minai Afunfun ’khi Uhun-jro men Dadda Gezo[27]; or Fifth and Last
Day of the King’s “So-sin Custom.”_
During the night, at times the deep sound of the death-drum and the loud
report of a musket informed us that some mortal spirit had fled. The 2nd
of January, 1864, opened with a preliminary “palaver,” brought by the
Buko-no. Some years ago, during the reign of Gezo, when all were
employed at the palace, a fire nearly destroyed the city; consequently
came forth a royal ordinance, directing every hearth to be kept cold on
that day, except within the royal precincts. But, though this
restriction does not apply to white visitors, our vexatious host could
not help trying his hand at an _avanie_ by which he gained little but
contempt.
I was debating whether to decline attending at the palace, as desired to
do on the “glad day,” when, as if the King had divined my intention, the
Prince Chyudaton called upon me at an early hour and explained that all
those slain during the last evil night were criminals and captives. At
11 A.M. we proceeded, armed with all our patience, to the Komasi House,
where was to take place the ceremony called by strangers “The Procession
of the King’s Wealth,[28]”—it should be rather “Of the Royal Poverty.”
The approach to the palace was not pleasant. The north-eastern or
market-shed was empty; out of its tenants, nine had perished. Four
corpses, attired in their criminals’ shirts and nightcaps, were sitting
in pairs upon Gold Coast stools, supported by a double-storied scaffold,
about forty feet high, of rough beams, two perpendiculars and as many
connecting horizontals. At a little distance, on a similar erection, but
made for half the number, were two victims, one above the other. Between
these substantial affairs was a gallows of thin posts, some thirty feet
tall, with a single victim hanging by his heels, head downwards. Lastly,
planted close to the path was a _patibulum_ for two, dangling side by
side. Fine cords, passed in several coils round the ankles and above the
knees, attached them to the cross-bar of the gallows, and the limpness
of their limbs showed that the “dear breath” had lately been beaten out
of them. There were no signs of violence upon the bodies, which were
wholly nude; they had been mutilated after death, in respect to the
royal wives, and very little blood appeared upon the ground below.[29]
We then passed to the south-eastern gate of the Komasi House, where the
palace shed was also untenanted. In front of sundry little black dolls,
stuck in the ground at both sides of the entrance, lay a dozen heads.
They were in two batches of six each, disposed in double lines of three;
their faces were downwards, and the cleanly severed necks caught the
observer’s eye. Around each heap was a raised rim of white ashes. These
victims had probably been slaughtered directly in front of the gate, as
there were traces of blood there: the bodies had been removed, so as not
to offend the King. Within the palace entrance were two more, making a
total of fourteen. Thus, during King’s “Evil Night,” twenty-three human
beings had lost their lives.
We sat under the thin shade of the tree garnished with queer fruit and
white flags, enjoying the Harmattanish weather, and were greeted by
sundry nobles, who politely thanked us for honouring the day with
uniform. After a long _séance_ we entered the Podoji, or palace-yard, in
which we had pitched the tent. It was crammed with dignitaries, male and
female, all habited in their gaudiest attire. The time of royal mourning
had now passed by, and merriment was once more restored to the nation.
In the centre of the court, which was divided into two by a fence-work
of matting, rose a sugar-loaf-shaped pavilion of native make, called the
Tokpon. It was supported by a strong central pole, on the top of which,
pedestalled upon a little oval, was a small white-capped fetish figure
holding a hatchet in the right hand: above it hung a flag, also white,
with a chocolate-hued spread eagle in the centre. Posts of strong
scantling, disposed in an inner circle, propped up the heavy flaps, and
the outer edge was kept extended by iron rods, some four feet long,
planted in the ground and passed through eyelet-holes. Thus was
generated a draught which, despite crowding, kept the interior cool. The
cloth was of the coarsest material, gaudy but rainwashed; red and yellow
were the predominant tints, varied with patches and rags of check. The
grotesque ornaments, of different coloured cloths, sewn on to the
outside, were lions devouring men and beasts, turkey-buzzards with wings
abased, blue snakes, four-legged birds holding swords, and other
symptoms of the “ridiculous trade,” heraldry. The entrance was garnished
with the usual galleries for Vo-sisa, little flags, and Bo-so or fetish
stick-bundles: on its proper right squatted the band of women, on the
left were ranged calabashes of food and drink. A white calico curtain,
passed round the iron bars, prevented our seeing the women and children
that crowded the interior, and the mat wall that divided the Podoji
showed us only the standards and the umbrellas of the female troops.[30]
Conspicuous objects on the left of the pavilion were two Ajalela or
fetish pots, made by the present King.[31] Both are lamp-black, shaped
like amphoræ, about four feet high, and planted on tripods. The larger
was solid, the smaller was cullendered with many small holes, and both
were decorated with brass and silver crescents, stars, and similar
ornaments. The second, when filled with water and medicine, allows none
to escape, so great is its fetish power; an army guarded by it can never
be defeated, and it will lead the way to Abeokuta. Towards the end of
the procession the smaller vase was carried off by the men, after they
had made obeisance to the King. The women, with similar ceremony,
presently removed the other.
We were seated but a short time under the thin tamarind tree when a fall
of matting on the proper left of the pavilion and almost in front of us,
was raised, and the royal leopard wives and Amazons, copiously
besilvered, ushered in the King. He was more dressed than usual, in a
skull-cap of puce-coloured satin and a toga of violet silk; a rapier,
the gift of Captain Wilmot, was swung to his shoulder by a crimson silk
sash, and an ignoble necklace of imitation jewellery lay upon his broad
breast: he walked under a red parasol, with the usual plated spittoon by
his side. To the music of a full band he crossed the court, waiting to
return our salutes as we advanced towards him, and entered the Tokpon,
when its white curtain was removed. We then betook ourselves to our
chairs, which were placed near the royal fetisheers, who sat grouped
under a black and tattered umbrella, fronted by about twenty iron sticks
planted in the ground, some cresset shaped and quaintly capped with the
tortoise, others crescents and demi-lunes, and mostly decorated with
pendants of cowries. Immediately by our side squatted a little knot, the
King’s sons, the youngest of whom might be twelve years old. Dako, the
eldest, who had just been made a caboceer, was a plain youth about
twenty, with an unpleasant countenance. He is, I believe, the heir
apparent. Presently we were joined by the Hun-to-ji, or king’s
silversmith, a high official, whose long calico gown, white pantaloons,
straw hat, slippers and European chain, proved his Brazilian descent.
Under him are workmen who will convert dollars—gold has no value
here—into chains, rings and crucifixes: all are of the rudest make, and
when tested with nitrate of silver they become lead coloured.
This was to be, as is the present King’s practice, a mixed Custom. It
began with a general salutation on the part of the singers and drummers,
who in silver horns and bracelets danced before the throne, and waved
their horse-tail fly-flappers. They were followed by the chief
ministers, splendid in silk robes of Hausa cut, resembling the Arab’s
“aba,” short sleeved and hanging to the ankles: as there must be
something ill-sorted about the African, their multitudinous necklaces
and silver charms reposed upon common, and by no means cleanly, trade
shirts. A troop of “Guiriots,” or jesters, knelt before the throne,
pushed and shoved one another, contorted their countenances, and
exchanged all manner of buffooneries to amuse the King. The Kpo-
fen-’su,[32] captain of blunderbusses, headsman, and headman of jesters,
a living old skeleton, wore a long red cap hanging on his shoulder, with
broad white circles of chalk round his eyes and mouth, that made his
countenance look at a distance like a leather-covered skull. This pipe-
claying, and here and there a streak of black made with gunpowder, are
the only remains of the “uncouth devices painted on the face and body,
and giving a very fiend-like appearance.” The coadjutress in the inside
is similarly goggled. The jesters were followed by a dozen pursuivants
armed with gong-gongs, who advanced bending towards the throne, and
shouted the “strong names,” or titles. Conspicuous amongst them was an
oldster in a crimson sleeveless tunic and yellow shorts; his head was
red with dust, he carried a large bill-hook, and he went about attended
by four drums and one cymbal.
After this preliminary, the processions began to pass round the yard.
The line, which affected a funereal slowness, marching to the sound of
one cymbal and a chorus of women, was composed of eighty-five men; first
the ministers, then the governors, and lastly the minor chiefs. They
were led by the new Ajyaho, who was bareheaded; his right hand rested
upon a long cane, and his left held a bill-hook; a brass-hilted sword
and a little dirk were stuck in both sides of his belt. Next came the
Min-gan, who had a deer’s head of thin brass hanging from his girdle;
and who, in quality of king’s Calcraft-in-Chief, carried a long,
straight, and sheathed blade. Then bent the old Meu, supporting himself
upon a beadle’s silver-headed cane; attached by a narrow fillet or
bandeau of velvet to the left side of his head was a small silver-
mounted dirk or dagger, worn point downwards. The Yevogan, like all the
rest, carried a cane; he was armed with a bill-hook, and from his girdle
depended a brass-scabbarded blade. The Adanejan wore silver horns and
bracelets, and displayed his finery over an old trade shirt. He was
followed by his father, the Alo-lokpo-nun-gan,[33] a brother of the late
king, who wore four knives, in pairs, attached to both temples by a hoop
stiff with silver. Of the rest some went bareheaded, others had caps;
one wore a tin crown, a circlet and four branches meeting at the poll;
and several had flat silver plates three to four inches in diameter,
fixed tightly on the scalp by a concealed lock of hair. There was a
profusion of necklaces and bracelets; not a few displayed themselves in
the dignity of cast-off merino coats and ancient capes hardly extending
to the waist; all wore long sashes hanging down their left sides, and
besides carrying long staves they were well armed. Here was an old
cavalry sabre with open guard, there a straight blade with silver hilt,
there a broad-headed Dahoman bill-hook. Sizing was not the rule; in
places a quasi-dwarf was followed by a tall fellow who could eat from
off his neighbour’s head. As these Guys passed the entrance of the royal
pavilion they did obeisance, and after the third turn they formed line
opposite the tent, knelt, bending low, and, at a given signal of a
fugleman on the right, touched the ground with their foreheads and
arose. This was the invariable conclusion of each act, and the whole was
about as sensible as those Temperance and other gatherings with flags
and banners, which make men wonder what satisfaction rational beings can
derive from them. Each procession lasted from eight to twenty minutes.
The ministers were followed at some interval by another Indian file of
fifty men, the chief captains, body-servants, and headmen of singers and
drummers. They were conducted by a “Lali,[34]” or half-head, with the
right side of his pericranium clean shaven, and the left in a casing of
silver, that looked like a cast, or a half melon. This unique cap was
solid below, barred above, and disclosing the black hair beneath; it was
fastened to the head by a tight string. Each man had his musket. Two
were under Ta-bla[35]—huge broad-brims, stiff with tin plates nailed on
a surface of red cloth, and edged with frames of trade looking-glasses
flapping in the air. I much wondered who could have been the hatter.
Adan-men-nun-kon, the Capitano Sparafucile, was there, fierce as ever,
with red scarf and cartridge-box, a war axe on his left shoulder, and a
carbine on his right. The To-no-nun carried a bunch of keys. There were
the two tall casque men with their very long guns, habited in black
frock coats, over which hung their coral necklaces, and with common
pagnes, knotted on the left sides under the European garb, so as to make
them appear deformed. The Buko-no, our host, joined them, having
previously extracted from a large calabash a dozen necklaces, a pair of
mushroom-shaped silver horns, and a watch that wanted only glass and
main-spring. In the rear were two blunderbusses, and the last was a
melancholy-looking Grimaldi, smoking a bone by way of pipe, whose ashes
he occasionally halted to remove.
At the end of the third circuit, a chosen few received presents of rum
and bracelets; all kissed the ground, and presented arms, a knife in the
right and a gun in the left hand; whilst bells tinkled and snake-bone
and watchmen’s rattles were sprung. Again the fall of matting was
raised, and issued from the harim a corresponding procession of she
ministers. Before these noble dames began marching round, sundry old
messengeresses, slaves of the palace, knelt in line upon the open space
in front of us, forming the demarcation between the sexes. In the pride
of that utterly gratuitous virtue, celibacy, they passed demurely round,
reserved as nuns, and for the same reason: they rarely allowed a glance
to fall upon us males, pitying, I presume, our poor hearts. First came
the five great honours of the empire,—the Ajyaho, the Min-gan, the Meu,
the Yevogan, and the Adanejan. The Min-gan had a bill-hook in her left
hand, as executioneress of the inside; the others used staves or sticks,
and all carried swords at their left sides. These five were habited in
long Hausa tobes of red silk, the upper garb light and the skirt heavy,
and two wore tin crowns over red calico. They were followed by the
lesser dignities in blue, striped togas of similar cut, and some had
their heads bound with white calico, like the male singers and
fetisheers. This file walked somewhat faster than the men, to the music
of a band playing in the tent. After the third circumambulation, they
formed up in line before the King, waved both hands four times, and
quickly retired behind the matting.
Then came the captainesses, forty-two in number, corresponding with the
men. First stalked two “silver half-heads,” with pouches on their right
sides, cartridge boxes round their waists, and bill-hooks whose handles
were swathed in cloth. Then came the Khe-tun-gan and the Akpadume, the
she-Gau and the Meu, elderly women, far too stout for active service.
Behind them were two heroines, decorated with beards of monkey skin, and
men’s nightgear of white calico. A pair of bayonet women followed, with
silver sharks on their red “Liberty Caps.” Number nine was a very bulky
old figure, in the cook’s bonnet of the ’Mman, or Madcap company
described at Kana: she is one of the captainesses of the right, or Min-
gan’s side. There were also steeple-crowned broad-brims, as amongst the
males. Some had shaggy skull-caps, like pepper-corn hair, stained a deep
indigo, and others had applied the dye to their locks which contrasted
well with the silver ornaments. Others had big fool’s caps of stuffs
striped white, blue and red, and hanging over their shoulders. All wore
sashes with the ends depending in front; and carried, at half-cock,
muskets or blunderbusses, with the muzzle cap off. Some were decorated
with a human skull, or with a lower jaw, fixed to a thin brass plate
dangling from the waist. At the end of the performance they formed line
before the King, saluted, firstly, with the right hand; secondly, with
presented guns and knives, and again disappeared within the harim.
After the drummers and heralds had played some antics before the royal
tent, dancing, springing rattles, and powdering themselves with dust, a
very ridiculous procession was formed. The male ministers had changed
their dresses for motley, and staff-propped, with left shoulders
covered, and pipes alight—both showing them to be privileged
persons—they again promenaded before the King. The Ajyaho wore, like
Prince Chyudaton, a straw hat with a broad black ribbon; the meagre face
of the black Min-gan was buried in a vast old felt, and a cockaded
cocked hat of the last century, very dingy and frayed, and worn on the
wrong side, well suited the age-bleared eyes, the hollow cheeks, and the
fallen-in lips of the fox-like Meu. The latter also had fastened on his
silver armlets over a trade shirt. The best man of the party was the
Yevogan, who, residing at Whydah, had achieved a chimney-pot hat, whilst
the others were fain to be content with caps, straw hats, billycocks,
cotton extinguishers, sailors’ waterproofs, crocodile caps, calico
fillets, and even bare scalps. Adanejan smoked a German student’s pipe,
the others being reduced to long and short white clays—mostly French,
with monkey and skull bowls—to native manufacture, or to none. Each time
the procession passed the royal tent, the old and tattered garments were
changed for others just as bad. At the end they bowed with their hats
before the King, bared their bodies to the waist, knelt, made obeisance,
and retired.
Then was the turn for the men captains, who also, like the ministers,
appeared before the King with wrapped-up shoulders, smoking pipes: all
were armed with muskets as before. One old officer of the ’Mman Guards
carried a double sword, like huge scissors. The To-no-nun and another
official wore the robes of an Egyptian fellah. The Buko-no was habited
in an ancient Turkish rug, which he held magnificent, and he smoked with
an air a pestilent Bahia cigar. After the third tour, they tucked up
their clothes, knelt down, and saluted the King ceremoniously by kissing
the ground, palm-clapping in three sets, again kissing the ground,
clapping palms, and finally by rising and upraising weapons.
This necessitated two other processions from the inside, namely, of she
ministers and captainesses, who were muffled up, and who smoked like the
men. At the close of the circumambulation the members of both bodies sat
on their heels before the King, alternately kissed the ground four and
clapped palms three times, and then rising presented arms. A few of the
warrioresses sang in “the presence” with the forefinger emphatically
cutting the air. This brought on a male chant touching Abeokuta, which
also concluded with raised weapons. The rum, which had been copiously
sent from the King’s pavilion, now began to take effect upon the African
brain. Our table was soon spread with liquor, baskets of oranges, and
boiled manioc, whilst the chiefs were supplied by their wives and slave
girls with food and drink brought in large calabashes.[36] It is the
habit to dine before the King at Agbome. The Buko-no’s “Princess” came,
attended by twenty of her women. She was a brown girl, about eighteen,
with the comeliness of that age, and much resembling the King: her
coralled arms were rounded, and her hands well made; a number of
necklaces hung upon a high and ample bosom, modestly covered with a fine
white cloth, and a double row of brass and silver circlets, like new
sixpences,[37] studded her cauliflower _coiffure_. Whilst the slave
girls behind, were spreading a table-cloth upon dried reeds, she retired
to the rear, and kneeling,[38] bent to the earth. She then served her
husband with her own hands, touched the ground with her forehead, and
bent before him with averted head during the whole meal, never raising
her face, as it would be deemed “bold” to stare at him; but using,
Lesbia-like, a roving eye. The old Harpagon having washed his hands, ate
with a claw like that of a prey-bird, and seemed to enjoy the sensation
caused by the buxom wife’s presence.
The misery of the display moved my compassion. In the whole assembly
there was hardly a redeeming point of picturesqueness or appropriateness
except the “Porto Novo” Moslems. As they stood at the other end of the
court, their swart faces were set off by snowy turbands encircling tall
red caps, and hanging down somewhat in the “Taylasan” style, whilst
their showy shawls, thrown over the left shoulder, their neat sandals,
their full dark pajammas or drawers, and their ample white shirts, made
them appear different and superior beings. The wretched pagans, however,
had imitated them: amongst the occupants of the harim I saw two poor
copies of “Al-Islam.”
A troop of “Joto-si,” drummers, and half heads, of all ages, made
obeisance before and presented arms to the King. Then the Min-gan arose,
and addressed his men, to the cries of “Tamulé!” from the women, upon
the subject of Abeokuta. He said that Gezo’s son had just made a custom,
and had killed criminals for his father, who must desire the destruction
of Egba-land, and he called upon me by name to testify to the same.
Thrice as he spoke, the Meu stood up, and with outstretched right hand,
vociferated “Yáté!” meaning, in Fanti, “we understand.” The King
responded briefly, that whereas ashes never smoke, the cinders in that
palace would burn down many a house.
In these slow proceedings, 3.40 P.M. had already sped before business
began. Presently an occasional rattle, the _vagitus_ of women calling
out, in bird-like tones, the King’s titles, and the long firing of
heavily loaded muskets by the male soldiery behind us and on our right,
announced the beginning of the end. The first motley group that passed
us was composed of drums, duck-guns, muskets, small infernal machines on
wheels, blue-clad bayonet women, blunderbusses of brass and iron,
soldieresses in grass-cloth skirts, and their band of loud braying
horns, one duck-gun, one huge blunderbuss, small metal whistles and long
flageolets, two dozen razor women, with as many knife women, and,
finally, a captainess of Gezo’s force. They halted before the throne,
danced, played, fired guns, cheered, presented arms, and having received
largesse in rum and cowries, passed out of the palace-yard through the
main gate by which we had entered it. Followed a Mau-no[39] fetish woman
under her umbrella, with a troop called Lisa-’si,[40] waving peculiar
iron rods, serpent-shaped, like the classical Jove’s thunderbolts, as
expressed by poets and painters: some wore white turbands, others were
bareheaded, and all were hung about with long strings of white and black
beads. The party was brought up by slave girls carrying baskets and
calabashes. Then, preceded by six bellowing horns, stalked in slowly,
and with measured gait, the eight Tansi-no, who serve and pray for the
ghosts of dead kings. In front went their ensign, a copper measuring-
rod, fifteen feet long, and tapering to a fine end: behind it were two
chauris and seven mysterious pots and calabashes wrapped in white and
red checks. The old women seemed to wear about forty cloths each, which
may account for their elephantine development _à tergo_: they were
followed by three little girls, and they “louted” low as the vulgar herd
before the King.
The Aro company of archers danced in the presence, and recited the royal
titles. The _valuables_ now appeared, and almost any pawnbroker’s shop
could boast a collection more costly and less heterogeneous. The only
remarkable article was the carrier, who represented—in Cuba—a large sum.
Sixteen brilliant banners held horizontally, preceded a wheelbarrow with
a fancy red and blue flag. Three brass, four copper, and six iron pots,
curiosities on account of their great size. Four long horns in calico
_étuis_. Five huge fans, followed by razor women. Eight images, of which
three were apparently ship’s figure-heads white-washed, and the rest
very hideous efforts of native art. Sixty-seven women with brown faces,
and bead mittens and gauntlets on their wrists. Twenty-one girls
carrying[41] cylinders of red and white beads. Seventeen women with
silver plates fastened to the sides of their skulls, habited in red
clothes, and handling bead cat-o’-nine-tails. Twelve women, also in red.
Seventeen fetish pots, three jars, one silver-plated urn, attended by
singing women. Twenty casque-women with red tunics, and plumes, and
black horsetails. Eight helmet girls, with red plumes, dark crests, and
coats, and white loin cloths. Six pieces of plate, a tree, a crane, a
monkey, and other things which I could not distinguish. Some were four
feet high, and all were apparently silver, borne by many women on
boards: of these three were double, and the whole were intended as
jewels to decorate the present King’s grave. After singers and dancers,
a huge drum, carried by a woman porter, whilst the performer walked
behind her mate, “leathering” it with a will. Three large chairs,
preceding about fifty Gbe-to,[42] or elephant huntresses, clad in
chocolate and dark blue, and ostentatiously eschewing white. They had
huge tufts of hair, affected large heavy guns, and were conspicuous for
bustles of talismans behind and strings of cowries in front, adorning
bits of bone, relics of the enemy. Four pots in their cloths. A large
silver-mounted ebony box, like a bullock trunk. One big stool, one
common trade box, and one calabash. Two iron horns shaped like palm
leaves, and a dozen small girls preceding the mysterious Zan-ku-ku.[43]
It was a portable screen, work, of blue checked and striped cloths,
upheld by women with muskets and sticks, and it contained a gold-topped
crimson umbrella. Zan-ku-ku is the “place” of the old King: no one is
supposed to know what is inside. Men turned away their heads, and my
questions remained unanswered till we returned home. A large band with
twenty muskets, and three women in broad-brimmed felts. Fourteen fetish
women, who perform rites for the last sovereign’s ghost, in white caps
and tunics of bright yellow grass-cloth. Five black girls, dressed in
blue, who were saluted with drums and horns as they passed us. Six flags
turned towards the right hand, a caboceeress under an umbrella, a pipe-
bearer, and a dozen unarmed girls. Two women carrying water breakers,
three with pots from which depended white streamers, and two large glass
jars. A line of 703 women and girls with “grey-beards,” seltzer jars,
country pots of “pitto[44]” or native beer, and bottles of trade rum and
gin, the size of the receptacle becoming small by degrees, and the whole
supported by a rear-guard. The liquor will this night be distributed in
the market-place to the multitude: and the heralds behind us returned
praise by crying out the King’s “strong names,” trilling out the words
by patting their lips, while the women around the monarch uttered the
Khé or bird sound. A motley group surrounding two women in big felts. A
band and a troop of bardesses,—the first rank with eight singer’s
staves, distinguished by their triangles of glazed calico, the second
being an armed and an unarmed company: they paraded round the court,
played and sang on the right of the tent entrance, and received glasses
of rum. At this time the King kindly supplied us with cashew fruits
(alakazú), tiger-nuts (f’iu), and the red fruit of the Lisé tree noticed
at Whydah. It certainly rained meat and drink that day in the palace,
but, I suspect, nowhere else.
Then came two girls, waving round and round small white flags, upon
which were horned and rainbow-coloured serpents swallowing their own
tails. A band in front of the late King’s great war-drum, “He-is-able-
to-do-any-thing.” Ten smaller drums of the King’s, called Addugba, and
common instruments. Seven troubadour-women, holding horse-tails and
twirling flags in their left hands: their heads were wrapped in
kerchiefs of red, shawl pattern, and their short scarlet cloaks had
yellow hoods showing lions with upturned tails. Assisted by fifty women,
they danced long and violently before the King, whilst the band,
squatting near the flag of the tent-entrance, regaled us with stunning
music. A woman carrying a huge battle-axe perforated like a fish-slicer.
Forty-two girls bearing baskets of cowries on wooden platters—sixpence
above and £200 below! A large flag, two immense native stools of black
and white wood, covered with cloth; two articles like warming-pans, of
copper and brass, a drum rudely carved with native figures, and an
escort of bayonet women. Two “black white men,” natives of the country,
dressed in trousers and blouses, but shoeless, walking under ragged
parasols.[45] Another of Gezo’s drums, about the size of a bullock,
carried by four men, with two poles lashed along its sides. Another
European piece of plate on a wheeled car, covered with red calico;
bayonet women, and a large box of skulls. Finally, the Agran-hohwe,[46]
or jaw-umbrella, whose white top and lappets were thickly studded over
with these pleasant reliques.
Then the royal equipages began to pass, the animals being men harnessed
with ropes. Most of them are old barouches and other presents given to
the kings when slavery was an important branch of English commerce, and
when the Home Government supported William’s Fort. Many of these
heirlooms are becoming valuable as antiques. The first were of home, or
native, manufacture—a blue-green shandridan, with two short flagstaffs
attached to the front. Two things, like Palkigaris, or _broncards_,
supporting a light umbrella. The present King’s cab-brougham, with a
lion on the panels. Two American trotting wagons, with leathern hoods. A
band of flageolets, followed by a man in a red blanket, with the Badawi
hood. After a space, a male slave carrying a long blue pole, topped with
an imitation knife, stained red. Another broken-down vehicle. Two large
old canopied hammocks, the one of red velvet, the other of yellow silk,
belonging to the late king, and borne by men. The present sovereign’s
little roan pony, with black points, led also by a man. A peculiar old
sedan-chair, dating from the days of Mr. Nash. Another state hammock; a
wheeled platform, with a bench for two, behind a large wooden horned
eagle and a bunchy plume of feathers; a rocking-horse, with housings and
bridle, on wheels; rattles; a large green chariot, of venerable
appearance, belonging to King Gezo; four hunchbacks, two flags; an
enormous red-and-green board, for playing “tables,” carried on two men’s
heads; another antiquated shandridan, followed by a band of horns and
chanting knife women; a large Gold Coast chair on a small nag; two big
Katake, or war foot-stools; a Men-ta-’zinkpo,[47] or large chair,
adorned with four or five human crania, and with its footstool cut out
of one piece; a French drum and tambourine; a small drum, with twelve
skulls; three boxes; a platform on wheels, followed by women; a Bath
chair, with a fringed red silk umbrella attached to it; a fighting man,
in wood, with drawn sword—probably the figure-head of some “Ajax”; a
large hammock, with bead hangings, and a pole inlaid with brass; four
umbrellas; a small troop of she-hunchbacks; bands; little iron and brass
swivel guns, carried on women’s heads; a peculiar sedan-chair, with gold
and red hangings, held high in the air, with four parasols to show that
it is used by the King; drummers; a metal soup-tureen; nine large
bottles, covered with red cloth and hung with cowries; urns, jars, and
_pateræ_ of vermilion-coloured earthenware, adorned with gingerbread
gilding, very large, and decorated with hangings of white and red
calico. Such was the _fripier’s_ collection which passed in motley
confusion before the King, whilst the carriers sang, danced, and made
obeisance.
Then defiled a body of armed women preceding seven umbrellas, of which
two were very gorgeous, shading nine “leopard wives” in bright clothing,
with swords, and a profusion of silver studs in their wool. Like the
others they made salutations, drank rum, and received small presents
from their lord. Another string of frippery, consisting of two home-made
images with white heads and blue skins, like the Egban Yemaya or Goddess
of Books; a short St. Lawrence and Gridiron; a Dominican friar and other
statuettes; the skulls of Bakoko and of his two companions, carried in
honour on young girls’ heads; a tree under a globular glass shade; red
jars before described; fancy native stools with and without cowries;
umbrellas and parasols also adorned with shells, and many minor items
which I had not time to note.
Presently the Vi-de-k’alo[48]—the Amazon Bi-na-zun, or storekeeper—a
portable personage, dressed in a white body cloth and a pink skirt, with
a broad-brimmed and gold-laced hat, apparently beaver, upon a head
swathed in calico, appeared, shaded by a red parasol. She was followed
by three long-poled flags, tricolour, and eagles, dating probably from
the days of the elder Napoleon; a troop of girls with jugs, ewers, jars
and “lustre” pottery, seven desks of old shape, basins and pitchers all
empty, pipe cases six feet long, four large stools, two parasols, and a
fat sheep with a necklace of cowries and a cloth over its hinder parts.
The next party was headed by twenty blunderbuss women in red caps, with
silver sharks. Then eight fine umbrellas, denoting as many of the late
King’s “leopard wives,” old and worn out women richly clad in red and
yellow silk cloaks, with fillets, bracelets, and sword-hilts of silver;
the most dignified propped themselves with beadle’s sticks. A silver
half-head woman with four bracelets, emitting from a long brass trumpet
lugubrious noises. Twenty-three fetish sticks in cloth bags; a red
velvet cushion with silver lions on it; glass platters; heaps of
cowries, like mould puddings; porcelain jars; a curious China vase, and
the two scarlet shields of the harim. Next came the Yavedo, female To-
no-nun or chief eunuchess, who is also the elder of Mr. Dawson’s two
mothers, in a black crested casque and red plumes, followed by two fancy
and crimson flags; six kettledrum girls, in scarlet caps and boddices,
and blue skirts with figures of red cloth sewn on; drums and drumlets; a
calabash with a pyramid of four skulls; two women with long tails, of
which they caught hold after dancing and bounding before the King[49]; a
group of fifty Nago or captive Egba women in dark indigo dresses,
celebrated as dancers, and jingling peculiar rattles thickly covered
with cowries; an old cut glass chandelier slung to a wonderful white
bird of native build eating a blue snake; seven parasols, and stools
carved and imaged.
Already, to our joy, those who had passed out of the palace gate before
the King, and had thrice walked round the square in single file, began
to return. Then appeared the living representatives of the mothers of
the Dahoman dynasty. As will be seen the first three queens are not
represented, showing that their names have been forgotten. The places of
“Zoindi,” the present sovereign’s mother, who still survives, and
Danhli-ke,[50] the parent of the “Bush king,” were under white
umbrellas, followed by baskets, calabashes, chairs, footstools, and a
band: the retinue might be composed of a hundred people. The
representatives were stout old women, remarkable, like the five others,
for breadth of beam and brim.
A torn flag, neptunes full of skulls, calabashes, stools, pots, and
other articles of furniture, preceded Agotime, mother of Gezo, and
Nutobe, the parent of the corresponding “Bush king.[51]”
Two umbrellas, buff-coloured and fancy, with a band, accompanied a
dwarfish dignitary with silver crown, big-topped staff, and red train
borne by followers. This was Senunme, mother of Agongoro (Wheenoohew),
the grandfather of the present King.
A pair of umbrellas, buff and fancy, with seats, calabashes, and other
necessaries, composed the _cortége_ of Hunajile, mother of Sinmenkpen
(Adahoonzou II.).
An elderly woman in a red coat, with a white handkerchief under her
broad brim, represented Chai, the mother of Tegbwesun (Bossa Ahadi).
A similar umbrella, succeeded by skulls and rattles, denoted Addono, the
mother of Agaja the conqueror (Guaja Trudo Audati).
The rear was rapidly brought up. It consisted of various other “drums
for Ganikbaja”; women in red nightcaps, with a silver shark on each side
fastened by a string; a band of small girls, four wall pieces, fancy
flags, four pikes with pink hangings and cross pieces like our old demi-
lune, carried by women in fools’ caps slashed blue and rose; razor
women; a huge scimitar; an English union-jack; all kinds of bands; five
plain standards attended by a large troop; four small girls with red
pennons; a company of singers, commanded by an old woman in a broad
brim, and followed by two chairs, muskets and blunderbusses. After this
party had formed up in line before the King, and had delivered
themselves of a song, whose length appeared uncalled for, came eight
skull-standards, carried by women in indigo; the Komasi drum; two brass
shields, segments of circles; six headwomen with bracelets and armlets
above the elbow, with white and spotted body-cloths, silver horns and
caps like cook’s bonnets; then two broad blades worked like fish-
slicers, rising from skulls; sundry black hide shields like tea-trays,
ten women carrying Bo-kpo or forked crutches swathed with red calico. A
crowd of thirty umbrellas now defiled through the yard, the headwoman
sitting upon her tall stool to watch the retinue marching by. Finally
the she Min-gan again passed before us, when we remarked that two of her
retinue were habited in the striped nightcaps and shirts of the executed
criminals, whose wardrobes here, as in England they say, become the
perquisite of Jack Ketch. The number tallied with the three naked
corpses suspended near the city gate, and this satisfied me that we had
seen all the males slain on this occasion, and that the women victims,
whose spoils had been taken by their _bourreaux_, did not exceed in
number the men.
The ceremony was necessarily hurried, because it began late, and was
exceedingly complicated; our jaded old host groaned with misery whenever
I proposed another question. The more time was wasted, because every
little party formed up opposite the royal tent entrance, made obeisance
according to the several ranks, and secured cowries and rum before
retiring. Women of rank merely touched the spirits, and poured the
remainder down the throats of their followers; and, despite the urgency
of messengers, none appeared willing to slur over or to hurry through
his or her honours.
After a stunning salute of blunderbusses we were called up to meet the
King, who came forward to shake hands and to snap fingers with us. As he
admired my regimental sword, I placed it in his hands: he returned it,
saying that we would speak about the matter at another time. He then
requested me to take the measure of his big Tokpon tent. As something
was said about our attending on the morrow, I put forward a request that
we might be allowed to pass the Sunday at home. This he at once conceded
with the best grace: visitors obtain everything (unimportant) which they
ask from him, whilst the “difficulty makers,” his ministers and
officials, grant nothing that they can possibly refuse.
Seven mortal hours of _séance_ had halted by before the elder Yevogan
led us out of the palace. Though it was waxing dark we could see the
railing still lining the streets. We hurried past the dead bodies, upon
which the heat had already taken effect; and we were right glad to find
ourselves once more _à table_.
The next day, Sunday, was emphatically one of rest to eyes and ears
dazed and fatigued by the confusion of multitudinous objects rapidly
passing, and by the terrible din of a Dahoman crowd. The only drawback
to our comfort was that the Message had not been given, although we had
been nearly a fortnight with the King. The Buko-no bore the major part
of the blame: this Cagliostro was probably awaiting the permission of
his Afa.
[Footnote 1: Bonu-gan (civilian captains, or ministers), nun (thing),
kpon (look), ’gbe (to-day), dié (this).]
[Footnote 2: The calabashes full of skulls are called men-ta-doka-men.]
[Footnote 3: The Dahomans, like other Yorubans, and the people of the
Gold Coast, bury in the house, choosing a room which is afterwards kept
locked. So Alexander ab Alexandro informs us that, before the Laws of
the Twelve Tables, the Romans interred corpses in their habitations,
using as coffins large casks and other vessels—whence arose the _lares_,
or ancestral ghosts. Gezo, I am told, is inhumed at the Komasi Palace in
a small room under a temporary thatch and matting shed, which will be
replaced with swish when there is blood enough to make it. According to
some authorities, the Tansi-no are all women, and descendants of kings,
who attend upon the royal graves, whilst these broad-brimmed personages
are called Bassaji, great fetish women representing the ghosts of former
monarchs.]
[Footnote 4: A head of cowries (= 2 shillings) keeps a poor man for
about four days, or £9 2s. 6d. per annum. An officer expends about £75
per annum, which is the rate of living of a Moslem gentleman and his
household in Syria.]
[Footnote 5: The “Gobbo” is here an institution. These deformities,
which are very common, contrary to the case of Africa generally, are of
both sexes and of all ages. We repeatedly saw troops of little she
hunchbacks.]
[Footnote 6: Lizi is his proper name. Dògò (the “languti” of India,
which we generally translate T-bandage), bo (and), je (falls into),
Agbwe-to (a certain sea-fetish, here used for “the sea,”) men (in). The
meaning is, “In his indispensables he falls into the sea,” that is to
say, “He is brave and fears nothing.”]
[Footnote 7: The first was a blue dwarf, in a grey pagne, with a hat on
head; the second, a blue woman, with protuberant breasts; the third, a
red dwarf with white eyes, clad cap-à-pié in red and brown; the fourth
was a small black mother and child in a blue loin-cloth, with a basket
or calabash on the former’s head; the fifth, ditto, but lesser; the
sixth, was a pigmy baboon-like thing, with red face under a white skull
cap, a war club in the right hand and a gun in the left; and the seventh
much resembled the latter, but was lamp black, with a white apron
behind. They were carved much as the face cut on the top of a stick by
the country bumpkin in England.]
[Footnote 8: So (horse), nan-wen (will break), kan (rope), ’gbe (to-
day). As I have said, the horses had been returned, but this is probably
the old name of the fête-day.]
[Footnote 9: If a man “get Afa” (Chapter xii.), before the births of his
children, the first boy is called Amoso, and the girl Alugba; the next
are named Mocho and Alugba-hwe, and so on.]
[Footnote 10: This is probably the Soh Soh of Commander Forbes (vol. ii.
p. 120), who considers it to be a representative of the thunder god. I
could not find in this buffoonery any mystic meaning: the attendants
only begged from us.]
[Footnote 11: All is repeated “by heart,” and a tenacious memory is
required. But the practice is hard: I rarely passed a palace, when the
King was out, without hearing a loud singing lesson within.]
[Footnote 12: The bards are of both sexes, and the women dwell in the
palace. These chroniclers and narrators of native tradition are here
called “Wenukhodoto,” in Egba, “Owgbo.” The King keeps a whole troop of
these laureates, very different from him of Bonny, who could afford only
“Poet Close.” On the other hand, the latter could plead the well-known
to Anglo-Indians “But, I’s English.”]
[Footnote 13: Men (man), huwu (killing). There is no euphuism, as in
Yoruba, where such murder is called the “basket sacrifice.” Koklo-huwu
is the sacrifice of poultry.]
[Footnote 14: Or killing a man. So Indra became a god, by the Aswa-medha
or horse sacrifice.]
[Footnote 15: In the History (p. 204) we read that the moment the death
of the King was heard of in the palace, the women began to kill
themselves and one another: when Sinmenkpen departed life, 595 perished.
Gezo ended this abomination by extorting a solemn fetish oath from all
his chiefs, men and women. Yet it must be unpleasant to find oneself at
Agbome when the King dies: I should imagine that a foreigner would not
be safe there at such a time.]
[Footnote 16: Birthday wives are those married on the King’s birthday.
The Joto ’si are half-heads, male and female, who correspond with the
“’Kra,” or “’Kla,” of the Gold Coast, and rank in Dahome next to the
eunuchs. Joto is the ancestor, whom Afa, or the Book of Fate, declares
to have sent the child into the world, and the child calls him Joto-
che—my Joto. The King’s Devils are those who have charge of his Legba or
priapus (History, p. 204).]
[Footnote 17: Commodore Wilmot (Appendix III.) should have inserted
“criminal” when asserting that the King of Dahome sacrificed his own
countrymen.]
[Footnote 18: The missionaries were at pains to hoodwink my eyes upon
this subject, which, however, like all things at Agbome, could not be
kept secret. When setting up the King’s tent in the palace-yard, I saw
poles being planted for a scaffold.]
[Footnote 19: Dr. Lankester calculates six deaths per mensem, as the
loss caused by crinoline in London.]
[Footnote 20: This agrees with the History. Others say that, like the
Khond victims, they are suffocated by the assistants, who hold their
noses and mouths. Decapitation, it will be observed, is the favourite
mode of execution at Dahome.]
[Footnote 21: Dr. M‘Leod (p. 65) declares it was known when “his
majesty” condescends to become the executioner, and relates that on one
occasion a poor fellow objecting to it, and declaring that he was
unacquainted with the way, the King cried “I’ll show it you”; and with
one blow, being very expert, made his head fly many yards from his body,
highly indignant that there should have been the least expression of
reluctance.]
[Footnote 22: Others say that the Meu executes only Addo-kpon the bush-
king’s criminals.]
[Footnote 23: All the victims, however, are not killed. On January 31st,
1864, two, a youth and a maiden, were offered up (officially), and kept
alive to sweep King Gezo’s grave. The sporadic sacrifice mentioned in
the text was known to former travellers. “The immolation of victims is
not confined to a particular period, for at any time, should it be
necessary to send an account to his forefathers of any remarkable event,
the King despatches a courier to the shades, by delivering his message
to whoever may happen to be near him, and then ordering his head to be
chopped off immediately; and it has not unfrequently happened during the
present reign, that, as something new has occurred to the King’s mind,
another messenger (as Mr. C—nn—g very justly observed, like the
postscript of a letter) has instantly followed on the same errand,
perhaps in itself of the most trivial kind.”—Dr. M‘Leod, p. 64.]
[Footnote 24: It must not be forgotten, that even in the days of the
Religio Medici, all are denounced as infidels and atheists who deny the
reality of witches.]
[Footnote 25: Joseph Madarikan, an Egban boy recaptured from the
Dahomans in March, 1864, asserts that a man named Moses Oshoko, an
Ishagga convert, was crucified by the Dahomans, and that William
Doherty, an English subject, was not killed: that he has been put under
one of the chief captains, who was charged to be ready to produce him,
if demanded, even after twenty years.]
[Footnote 26: M. Brandaô, a Portuguese merchant, was so terrified by the
executions, that he fled to Whydah, and fell sick there.]
[Footnote 27: Minai (we go to), afunfun (the small mat tent under which
the King sits), ’khi (for akhi, a bazar or market), Uhun-jro men (in the
Uhun-jro space, or on the Uhun-jro day), Dadda Gezo (for Grandfather
Gezo).]
[Footnote 28: There is, or used to be, the same annual ceremony in the
city of Great Benin, called the “Coral Feast.”]
[Footnote 29: M. Jules Gérard (Appendix III.) seems to imagine that the
mutilation preceded the execution, which I believe is not the case. The
same error has been noticed in Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 220). Mr. Norris,
in 1772, exactly describes the gibbets, with the naked and mutilated
victims hanging by the ankles, and he says that they had been clubbed on
the head, as by the old Roman “Ammazzatore.” A few days afterwards I
saw, in the market-place, a dog similarly suspended, as a Vo-sisa, or
fetish to prevent disease.]
[Footnote 30: This Tokpon is accurately described by Mr. Norris, but the
illustration in the History (opposite p. 135) has been drawn by the
artist upon his imagination. The same may be said about all the plates
in that book. Commander Forbes (vol. ii. p. 33) is but little more
correct. Mr. Cruikshank measured, at the King’s request, his largest
Tokpon, and found it to be 54 feet in diameter, by about the same
height, supported by twenty-four posts, besides the central pole, and
raised at the flap by eighty-five iron rods.]
[Footnote 31: As Gezo sat under the Adanzan shed, so Gelele performs the
Ajalela fetish. The pot reminded me of that given to the old
Janissaries.]
[Footnote 32: The Poh-veh-soo of Commander Forbes. The name means Kpo
(leopard), fen (claw), ’su (grown); _viz._, “He can prey on all beasts,”
and is a title originally given by Tegbwesun.]
[Footnote 33: Alo (hand), lokpo (one), nun (mouth), gan (captain).]
[Footnote 34: Any “half-head” is called a Lali.]
[Footnote 35: The Ta-bla is so called because tied to the head. Some
fetisheers, especially women, wear, perched upon the tops of their
polls, and lashed on, the cranium not being able to get into the
_coiffure_, ridiculous little steeple hats of straw, with the broadest
brims, and the thinnest possible steeples.]
[Footnote 36: These in Ffon are called “Kago,” amongst the Egbas
“Panshukú.”]
[Footnote 37: These, I suppose, are the coronets of silver mentioned by
Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 254).]
[Footnote 38: So Dr. M‘Leod says, “By thus constantly practising
genuflexion upon the hard ground, their knees in time become almost as
hard as their heels.”]
[Footnote 39: From máu (fetish of moon), and nò (a mother).]
[Footnote 40: From Lisa (fetish of sun), and ’si (a wife).]
[Footnote 41: In this part of Africa “carrying” always means on the
head.]
[Footnote 42: Gbé (a bush, not to be confounded with Gbè, the world),
and to (father, or he that does).]
[Footnote 43: Zan (night), ku-ku (dead dead), meaning that Gezo, like
Queen Anne, has departed this life.]
[Footnote 44: This is the beer of Dahome. It is either of rice or of
maize—the former being by far the more delicate—and is made in the usual
African way. The grain is soaked, sun-dried upon a mat, and wetted with
water, till germination develops the saccharine principle. It is again
sun-dried, coarsely ground and boiled with water; after which it is
cooled and drunk. The main objection to it, as to palm wine, is that it
will not keep. The older travellers seem agreed to hold it an
unwholesome beverage. I have ever found it the reverse.]
[Footnote 45: The King is said also to have similar “white _women_,” but
I did not see any. Dr. M‘Leod (p. 106) notices these black whites, whom
the King would authorize to assume the European dress, carry an English
umbrella, and wear shoes.]
[Footnote 46: Agran means a jaw-bone (inferior and human).]
[Footnote 47: Men (man), ta (head), ’zinkpo, for azinkpo (a native
chair). Azinkpo yevo is a white man’s chair.]
[Footnote 48: Vi (child), de (any), k’alo (stretching out the arms as
when a child wishes to be carried).]
[Footnote 49: The reader will find this dance described in chapter xvi.]
[Footnote 50: Danh (the rainbow), li (stand), and ke (the world).]
[Footnote 51: Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 254) thinks of these old women as
if they were really royal mothers and grandmothers, and he makes one to
be a century old, “being surprised to see with what agility they moved,
considering their years.”]
CHAPTER XV.
OF THE SO-CALLED AMAZONS AND THE DAHOMAN ARMY.
A chronic exaggeration touching the mis-called “Amazons[52]” has of late
years prevailed in England. Mr. Duncan found it “certainly a surprising
sight in an uncivilised country.” Commander Forbes, who drew, as artists
say, “from feeling,” was the first to colour the melodramatic picture
with a “sensation” and picturesqueness, a sentiment and a wild romance,
in which the real object is wholly wanting. He begins his account with
the untravelled statement that “there is not a more extraordinary army
in the world than that of the military nation of Dahome.”
The origin of the somewhat exceptional organization is, I have said, the
masculine _physique_ of the women, enabling them to compete with men in
enduring toil, hardships, and privations. I have remarked this corporeal
equality of the sexes in the grand Bonny and the “Oil Rivers” of the
Biafran Bight, where the feminine harshness of feature and robustness of
form rival the masculine; and writers upon Siam have made the same
observation.
Bosman (1700) allows the kinglet of Whydah 4000 to 5000 wives, who,
besides labouring in the fields, were used to execute the royal
sentences.[53] The monarch of Yoruba, according to Clapperton, could
boast that his wives, of whom some composed his body-guard, would,
linked hand in hand, reach clean across his kingdom. The late King Gezo
used to boast that he had organized the Mi-no; but the History depicts
them before he was born. The Europeans who visited Agaja (1708-1730),
found the Dahoman Court much as it is at the present day. “If the chief
officers wished to speak to the King they first kissed the ground, then
whispered their pleasure into the ear of an old woman, who communicated
it to the King, and brought his answer.” The same volume also informs us
that the warlike monarch, when his force had been reduced by the
“Eyeos,” “armed a great number of women like soldiers, having their
proper officers, and furnished like regular troops with drums, colours,
and umbrellas, making at a distance a very formidable appearance.” With
these, in about A.D. 1728, he attacked and defeated the combined host of
the Whydahs and Popos, and since that time the Amazons have ever been a
power in the empire.[54]
Doubtless Gezo, one of the most successful amongst the Dahoman monarchs,
regarded the feminine force with favouring eye. He depended upon it to
check the turbulence and treachery of his subjects, and to ensure his
own safety, for
“Qui terret plus ipse timet; sors ista tyrannis
Convenit.”
He may have also wished to cause rivalry, by the example of what is in
most cases illogically termed the “weaker sex.[55]” Perhaps, like the
old-school Anglo-Indian Nabob, he may have preferred the maid to the
man-servant.
Gezo ordered every Dahoman of note in the kingdom to present his
daughters, of whom the most promising were chosen, and he kept the corps
clear of the servile and the captive. Gelele, his son, causes every girl
to be brought to him before marriage, and, if she pleases, he retains
her in the palace: the only subjects exempt from this rule are the old
English and French slaves at Whydah. These girls, being royal wives,
cannot be touched without danger of death, they never leave their
quarters unless preceded by a bell to drive men from the road, and all
have slaves who act as spies. The sexes meet on the march and in the
field: at parades, as has been shown, they are separated by the typical
bamboo. A peculiar fetish, placed by the priests at the Agbo-dewe gate
of the royal abode,[56] induces, by reason of the purity of the place,
certain pregnancy[57] in the soldieress that sins. Instances have been
known where conscience has made the offender coward enough to sicken, to
confess, and to doom her paramour, if not herself, to a cruel death.
They have also a “pundonor.” Like
“That Mary Ambree
Who marched so free,”
many an Amazon captured at Abeokuta[58] has refused to become a wife
till the captor, weary of opposition, has killed the _acerba puella_ as
a useless animal.[59]
Of Gelele’s Amazons about two-thirds are said to be maidens, a peculiar
body in Africa, where—though 11,000 may have been buried at Cologne—no
one expects to find the _integra puella_, much less the old maid.[60]
The remaining third has been married. That an element of desperation
might not be wanting, women taken in adultery and liable to death, are
dashed to the King and duly enlisted. Besides these criminals, the
Xanthippes, who make men’s eyes yellow, are very properly put into the
army, and Africa is well stocked with the noble army of martyrs that
begins not with Socrates, and that ends not with Mr. Thomas Sayers.[61]
It is evident that such an organization presents nought of novelty: the
systematic organization is more logical and less harmful than the
volunteer furies who, as Abolitionists, urge men to ruin and to death.
The soldieress, at least, joins in the danger: this thing does not.
David flying from Absalom left ten of his concubines to guard his palace
at Jerusalem. The Greeks probably derived their Amazonian myth from
exaggerated reports of the strength and valour of the Caucasian women.
With respect to the visit of Thalestris, who desired issue by the
conqueror of Asia (which Arrian has exploded), it is no more than what
many a Badawiyah will solicit from the traveller who in fair fight beats
off her husband and brother. Amongst the Homerites of South Arabia it
was a law for wives to revenge in battle the deaths of their husbands,
and mothers their sons. The Suliote women rivalled the men in defending
their homes against Osmanli invaders. The Damot or Abyssinian Amazons of
Alvarez (1520) would not allow their spouses to fight, as the Jivaro
helpmates of Southern America administer caudle to the sex that requires
it the least. The native princes of India, especially those of Hyderabad
in the Deccan, for centuries maintained a female guard of Urdu-
begani[62] whose courage and devotion were remarkable. Bodies of
European fighting women are found in the celebrated “Female Crusade,”
organized in 1147 by order of St. Bernard. Temba-Ndumba, among the Jagas
of Southern inter-tropical Africa, according to old travellers, made her
subjects rear and teach their female children war, but she was probably
mad.[63] The Tawarik women rank with men like the women of Christianity,
and transmit nobility to their children. Denham found the Fellatah wives
fighting like males. According to Mr. Thompson (1823), the Mantati host
that attacked old “Lattaku” was led by a ferocious giantess with one
eye. M. D’Arnaud (1840) informs us that the King of Bahr, on the Upper
Nile, was guarded by a battalion of spear women, and that his male
ministers never enter the palace, except when required to perform the
melancholy duty of strangling their master. At present the Tien-Wang, or
Heavenly King of the Tae-pings, has 1000 she-soldiers.
Sporadic heroines, like Tomyris and Penthesilea of the Axe, are found in
every clime and in all ages, from Semiramis to the artilleryman’s wife
of Saragossa. Such were Judith and Candace; Kaulah the sister of Derar,
and her friend Oserrah; the wife of Aban Ibn Saïb; Prefect Gregory’s
daughter; Joan of Arc; Margaret of Anjou; Black Agnes; Jeanne Hachette;
Begum Sombre; Kara Fatimah; Panna Maryan, and many
“A bold vigaro stout and tall,
As Joan of Arc, or English Moll,”
—charmers far too numerous to specify. Many a fair form was found stark
on the field of Waterloo. During the late Indian mutiny the Ranis were,
as a rule, more manly than the Rajahs. And at present the Anglo-American
States and Poland show women who, despite every discouragement, still
prefer the military profession to all others.[64]
The regimen in which these women are compelled to live, doubtless
increases their ferocity in fight. It is the essence of training every
animal, from a game cock to a pugilist, and a married she-soldier would
be useful only as a mother of men. Commander Forbes thus explains the
action of forced celibacy: “The extreme exercise of one passion will
generally obliterate the very sense of the others; the Amazons, whilst
indulging in the excitement of the most fearful cruelties, forget the
other desires of our fallen nature.” But all the passions are sisters. I
believe that bloodshed causes these women to remember, not to forget,
LOVE; at the same time that it gratifies the less barbarous, but, with
barbarians, equally animal feeling. Seeing the host of women who find a
morbid pleasure in attending the maimed and dying, I must think that it
is a tribute paid to sexuality by those who object to the ordinary
means.[65] Of course they are savage as wounded gorillas, more cruel far
than their brethren in arms.
“For men at most differ as heaven and earth;
But women, worst and best, as heaven and hell.”
The existence of the Amazons is the second great evil of the empire. The
first is, or rather was, a thirst for conquest, which, unlike the
projections of civilized lands, impoverish and debilitate the country.
The object of Dahoman wars and invasions has always been to lay waste
and to destroy, not to aggrandize the empire by conquest and annexation.
As the History puts it, the rulers have ever followed the example of
Agaja, the second founder of the kingdom: aiming at conquest and at
striking terror, rather than at accretion and consolidation. Hence there
has been a decrease of population, with an increase of territory, which
is, to nations, the surest road to ruin. In the present days the wars
have dwindled to mere slave hunts—a fact which it is well to remember.
The women troops, assumed to number 2500, should represent 7500
children; the waste of reproduction, and the necessary casualties of
“service,” in a region so depopulated, are as detrimental to the body
politic as a proportional loss of blood would be to the frame personal.
Thus the land is desert, and the raw material of all industry, man, is
everywhere wanting. Finally, as regards the Amazons, nothing so
outrageously insults manly pride in the adjoining nations as to find
that the warriors who attacked them so stoutly are women—and some of
them old women.
The dress, the _physique_, and the personal appearance of the Amazons,
have repeatedly been described in these pages. I have also alluded to
the organization of the corps, which requires, however, more detail.
The soldieresses are not divided into regiments, as is supposed by Mr.
Duncan. There are, however, in the “Household Brigade,” three distinct
divisions or commands, female as well as male.
The Fanti Company[66] takes the centre, and represents the King’s body-
guards. These women wear round the hair, which requires scanty
confinement, narrow white fillets, with rude crocodiles of blue cloth
sewn on to the band.[67]
The right wing, under the Gundeme, or she Min-gan, and the Khe-tun-gan,
or female Gau. It is not distinguished by any peculiarity of costume.
The left wing, in charge of the Yewe or she-Meu and the Akpa-dume, who
is the coadjutress of the Po-su.
The King generally pays “distinguished strangers” the compliment of
placing them in command of his bodyguard, which honour, however, does
not entitle them even to inspect the corps. The “Bush-king” has also his
captains both on the men’s and on the women’s sides. There are
lifeguards and commanders for all the deceased sovereigns; moreover,
every high official has his head war-man or war-woman, with a recognized
title. The _cadre_ of commissions, in fact would become a country
numbering twenty millions instead of some 150,000.
These three corps[68] consist of five arms, under their several
officers—
1. The Agbarya or blunderbuss-women, who may be considered the
grenadiers. They are the biggest and strongest of the force, and each is
accompanied by an attendant carrying ammunition. With the blunderbuss-
women rank the Zo-hu-nun, or carbineers, the Gan’u-nlan, or Sure-to-kill
Company, and the Achi, or bayoneteers.
2. The elephant huntresses, who are held to be the bravest. Of these
women, twenty have been known to bring down, at one volley, with their
rude appliances, seven animals out of a herd.
3. The Nyekplo-hen-to, or razor women, who seem to be simply an
_épouvantail_.
4. The infantry, or line’s-women, forming the staple of the force, from
whom, as in France, the _élite_ is drawn. They are armed with tower
muskets, and are well supplied with bad ammunition; bamboo fibre, for
instance, being the only wadding. They have but little ball practice.
They “manœuvre with the precision of a flock of sheep,” and they are too
light to stand a charge of the poorest troops in Europe. Personally,
they are cleanly made, without much muscle; they are hard dancers,
indefatigable singers, and, though affecting a military swagger, their
faces are anything but ferocious—they are rather mild and unassuming in
appearance. They fought with fury with Gezo before Abeokuta, because
there was a jealousy between them and their brother soldiers, and
because they had been led for many years by that king to small but sure
victory. They fled, however, with the rest, when a little perseverance
would have retrieved the fortunes of the day.
5. The Go-hen-to,[69] or archeresses, who in Gezo’s time were young
girls—the parade corps, the pick of the army, and the pink of dancers.
They were armed with the peculiar Dahoman bow,[70] a quiver of poisoned
light cane shafts—mere birdbolts, with hooked heads, spiny as
sticklebacks—and a small knife lashed with a lanyard to the wrist. They
were distinguished by scanty attire, by a tattoo extending to the knee,
and by an ivory bracelet on the left arm. Their weapon has naturally
fallen in public esteem. Under Gezo’s son, they are never seen on
parade; and when in the field they are used as scouts and porters; like
our drummers and doolee-bearers, they also carry the wounded to the
rear.[71]
In 1863, I saw all these women troops marching, on service, out of Kana.
The officers, distinguished by their white head-cloths, and by an
esquiress-at-arms, generally a small slave girl, carrying the musket,
led their commands. They were mostly remarkable for a stupendous
stratopyga, and for a development of adipose tissue which suggested
anything but ancient virginity—man does not readily believe in fat “old
maids.” I expected to see Penthesileas, Thalestrises, Dianas—lovely
names! I saw old, ugly, and square-built frows, trudging “grumpily”
along, with the face of “cook” after being much “knagg’d” by “the
missus.” The privates carried packs on cradles, like those of the male
soldiery, containing their bed-mats, clothes, and food for a week or a
fortnight, mostly toasted grains and bean-cake, hot with peppers.
Cartridge-pouches of two different shapes were girt round their waists,
and slung to their sides were water-gourds, fetish-sacks, bullet-
wallets, powder-calabashes, fans, little cutlasses, wooden pipe-cases
enveloped in leather tobacco-bags, flint, steel, and tinder,[72] and
Lilliputian stools, with three or four legs, cut out of single blocks.
Their weapons were slung, and behind their backs dangled their hats,
scarecrow felts, “extinguishers” of white cotton useful as _sacs de
nuit_, umbrellas of plaited palm-leaf, and low-crowned, broad-brimmed
home-made straws, covered with baft more or less blue.
After a careful computation in 1863, I obtained the following
results:—Before ten A.M. were counted 1439, mostly weaponed; they then
marched in knots, in all 246; making, when we retired to breakfast, a
total of 1685. The movement was interrupted till our return, when the
King set out with a body-guard of 353. Thus the grand total was 2038,
and at most, allowing for omissions, 2500. But of these one-third were
unarmed, or half-armed, leaving the fighting women at a figure of 1700.
Mr. Bernasko and others, who exaggerate the consequence of the country,
asserted that, this being a small campaign, a large corps of Amazons
remained at Agbome, but I subsequently ascertained that such was not the
case.[73] Mr. Duncan (1845) reckons 6000 women soldiers (in vol. i. p.
227), and 8000 Amazons (vol. i. p. 231). Commander Forbes and Mr.
Beecroft (1849-1850), give 5000, but the heroines, like the commissariat
cattle in Afghanistan, were marched out of one gate and in through
another.[74] M. Wallon (1856-1858), besides dreaming of twenty or
twenty-five howitzers, carronades, and bronze mortars on campaigning
beds, assumed the number to be 5000; but his figures are all seen
through a magnifying medium.[75] Mr. Enschott (1862), after inventing a
park of artillery, furnished Dahome with 10,000 Amazons, which Commodore
Wilmot (1863) reduced to a half. The fact is, these “most illustrious
viragoes” are now a mere handful. King Gezo lost the flower of his force
under the walls of Abeokuta, and the loss has never been made good.
If the feminine force of Dahome is poor, the male is poorer far. The
History asserts, that “fear never enters the Dahoman mind”; but that
race has been long extinct, and Nagos, slaves, and mongrels occupy its
place.[76] The women are as brave as, if not braver than, their brethren
in arms, who certainly do not shine in that department of manliness.[77]
Except a few guards, the _huissiers_ of the palace, there are absolutely
no regulars; all are military men—even the singers, the hunchbacks, and
the eunuchs; they live in the town, and they are a mere militia, trading
and mechanical bourgeois and slaves. Dr. M‘Leod (1803) describes the
5000 to 6000 men whom he saw bivouacking near Grigwee (Whydah) as a
“wild-looking group, and armed in the most irregular manner, some with
musket, others with swords, spears, and clubs.” I inspected them when
setting out in 1863. Of the soldiers, about one-third was armed with
swords and Tower muskets, or more generally with cheap trade guns; the
others were serviles, used for carriage; some had the artless bow, many
carried only a knife or a war-club; and all were provided with the
inevitable rope to secure “chattels.” I need hardly repeat that the
object of a Dahoman war is to capture, not to kill. It was not easy to
form an estimate of their numbers, but, reckoning all hands, 15,000 men,
and certainly not more, might have passed through Kana.[78] This would
leave, at the end of a week’s march, 8000, and a maximum of 9000, both
sexes and all arms included; and these are the numbers that are
estimated, by English officers who afterwards visited their deserted
camps, to have been “out” when attacking the towns of Ishagga (1862),
Igbara (1863), and Abeokuta (1864).
The reader will see that I differ totally from Mr. Duncan[79]: “After
all I have seen of Africa, I believe the King of Dahomey possesses an
army superior to any sovereign west of the Great Desert”; and from M.
Wallon: “L’armée de Dahomy est donc suffisamment aguerrie et assez forte
pour lutter avec avantage sur son terrain même avec des troupes
disciplinées, extenuées par de longues marches, par le climat et
dépourvues d’artillerie.” And when Commodore Wilmot declares that “they
(the Amazons) would prove formidable enemies with good weapons, if they
possessed discipline and real courage,” it is equivalent to saying that
they would be good soldiers if they were good soldiers.
The capture of Abeokuta, and the massacre of its population, have ever
been, since Commander Forbes’ time, the pet theme of Dahoman bard and
warrior, and the King’s daily thought and nightly dream. To those who
know anything of the subject, it is evident that the capital of Egba-
land will, like threatened folks, live long. Gelele has twice attempted
to retrieve his father’s honour, but he and his troops have never dared
to cross the Ogun River, in fact to sight the city. This year will be
the third attack, and if it prove a failure he will not try another
assault for many a long day.
Thus Dahome steadily loses _prestige_. Weakened by traditional policy,
by a continual issue of blood, and by the arbitrary measures of her
King,[80] and demoralized by an export slave trade, by close connection
with Europeans, and by frequent failure, this breed of black Spartans is
rapidly falling into decay. The Abeokutans, far from feeling their old
terror of the King, now openly boast that they will “whip” the man who
attacked them with women. Had the capital of Egba-land not engaged in a
four years’ war with Ibadan, the Lord of the Amazons would not have
retired in safety from Ishagga and Igbara. At present, the Egbas, shut
up within their walls, are afraid to take the initiative; but some day
the King’s pet prophet will lead him to measures involving the loss of
his army, and possibly of his life.[81]
[Footnote 52: The word is probably some barbarian term Grecised. It has
three popular derivations—the Scythian, Amm Azzon, which the Greeks
interpreted, “without breasts”; ἄνευ μὰζου, without a breast (the
right), mythically believed to have been removed for the better use of
the bow; thirdly, ἄμαζωσας, or women living together. In Dahome the
soldieresses have two titles, Akho-’si, also applied to the eunuchry,
means king’s (Akhosu) wife (’si). The other and equally popular name is
Mi-no, our (mi) mothers (no). The system of motherhood is completely
mistaken by Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 228). The commonalty rarely know
their ranks and titles, and scarcely even their private names. The
doings inside the palace are always spoken of _sotto voce_. The Anglo-
African calls them “Ama-johns,” for which also a derivation might
perhaps be found.]
[Footnote 53: Of these women 300 to 400 would be sent to strip the
offender’s house, and to lay it level with the ground. But the King of
Dahome, it must be observed, distinguishes between his wives and his
soldieresses. At Court the former are unarmed, the latter carry weapons,
and do not commonly expect his particular attentions. The difference has
been overlooked by Dr. M‘Leod (p. 38), and by almost all subsequent
writers.]
[Footnote 54: Mr. Bulfinch Lambe, present at the capture of Ahada by the
same king, in 1724, mentions 2000 royal wives, but does not allude to
“Amazons,” which may be explained by the brevity of his communication.]
[Footnote 55: Because we make it so. The feminidæ, like the females of
the equidæ, show little corporeal inferiority to the males, and the best
proof is, that amongst tribes living in the so-called State of Nature,
women are generally the only labourers. We may etiolate them, as in New
England, or we may expand them, by beef and beer, to grenadiers, as in
olden England and in the north of Europe. To the present day, the woman
of the Scotch fishing islands is the man of the family, who does not
marry till she can support what she produces; and the times are not long
passed since she was, amongst the Southrons, a barber, a mason, and a
day labourer. It appears to me that in England there is a revival of the
feminine industries; and when it is asked, “What shall we do with our
old maids?” I would reply, that many might be enlisted. When Mr. Duncan
was asked by the King of Dahome if the same number of English women
would equal the Amazons, he, of course, answered _no_; we had no female
soldiers in England, but we had women who, individually and voluntarily,
had equally distinguished themselves. Such feminine troops would serve
well in garrison, and eventually in the field. The Medea of Euripides
preferred the risks of spear and shield amongst men to a single casualty
after the manner of women. The warlike instinct, as the annals of the
four quarters of the globe prove, is easily bred in the opposite sex. A
sprinkling of youth and beauty amongst the European Amazons would make
campaigning a pleasure to us; and the measure may be taken into
consideration when our new-fangled rage for neutrality shall be
succeeded by more honourable and less “respectable” sentiments; and when
the model Englishman shall be something better than a warm man of
business, with a good ledger, and “the dean’s daughter” to wife.]
[Footnote 56: Agbo (gate), dewe (search out, viz., your fault). Some say
that all the fetishes can discover crime.]
[Footnote 57: Others believe that the fetish, like the bitter water of
the Jews, causes bowel disease.]
[Footnote 58: This was written before the latest Dahoman attack, and
when last off Lagos (May 9, 1864) I heard the same thing.]
[Footnote 59: Though opportunity, which makes the thief, is decidedly
deficient, there have been, there are, and there ever will be,
occasional scandals. As a rule, these fighting _célibataires_ prefer the
_morosa voluptas_ of the schoolmen and the peculiarities of the Tenth
Muse.]
[Footnote 60: Dr. M‘Leod sadly errs (pp. 51, 53) when saying, “A
mutinous wife or a vixen, sometimes the treasure and delight of an
Englishman,—the enlivener of his fireside, and his safeguard from
_ennui_,—is a phenomenon utterly unknown in Dahomy; that noble spirit
which animates the happier dames in lands of liberty being here, alas!
extinguished and destroyed.” He is apparently somewhat a _farceur_, that
doctor. According to Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 141), if a man commit
adultery with the wife of another, and the case is laid before the King,
the offender is doomed to serve, so long as he is capable, in the
capacity of a soldier, and when unfit for that service, he was generally
offered as a sacrifice at one of the King’s annual Customs; but the
latter part of this cruel sentence has been abolished by the late King
of Dahome (Gezo), who is much more merciful than his predecessors.]
[Footnote 61: Commander Forbes wrongly, I believe, states that the King
gives Amazons in marriage to his warriors; he “dashes” his daughters and
the palace slaves, but he keeps the fighteresses for himself. Commodore
Wilmot (Appendix III.) asserts, that the King rarely takes the Amazons
to wife; on the contrary, he has several children by them.]
[Footnote 62: Urdu (a camp), begani (feminine of beg, a captain).]
[Footnote 63: In “Savage Africa,” a book which has before been quoted,
we read that this amiable Ethiopian pounded in a mortar her own male
child to make an invulnerable ointment; that she resolved to turn the
world into a desert, and did her best; and, finally, that waxing worse
with years, she took a lover to her arms by night and dined off him next
day. Of course this black Scourge of God was poisoned.]
[Footnote 64: On the other hand, the notorious Queen Zinga, or Jinga of
Angola, as she is called by the old travellers, daughter of the King who
died in 1640, kept, we are told, about her Court, fifty or sixty young
men for amatory purposes, dressed and named like women, whilst she
assumed the male dress and name; a touching tribute to the superiority
of masculine human nature in the mind of the feminine. The Court of
Loango offered a third anomaly, truly typical of the childish African
brain. The Macouda, a female officer of high rank, cohabited with any
man of her choice; the issue was accounted blood royal; and if her
concubators were unfaithful, death was their penalty. A touching tribute
to the superiority of the female in those regions. In Dahome the woman
is officially superior; but under other considerations, she still
suffers from male arrogance. The King has repeatedly said to me, that a
woman is still a woman. And when the Amazons boast that they are not
women but men, they stand self-convicted of the fact, that however near
to equality the sexes are, there is still always a somewhat of
preponderance of the active over the passive half of humanity.]
[Footnote 65: Instances of this organization must occur to every man who
has had a somewhat extended experience. I once knew an amateur nurse who
was kindness personified to the sick man, and who, after curing him,
always conceived to him a chronic aversion.]
[Footnote 66: The Blue (Blú or Brú) Company corresponds, on the men’s
side, with the Fanti.]
[Footnote 67: The captainesses of the life-guards are, as has been said,
Danh-ji-hun-to and Ji-bi-whe-ton. Those of Gezo were on the right Akutu,
on the other side Humbagi. The captain of the present King’s male
lifeguards is Adan-men-nun-kon, of the late ruler Gulonun, which is said
to mean “Tower musket.”]
[Footnote 68: In the field, however, as has been said in chapter viii.,
the Dahoman army numbers four divisions.]
[Footnote 69: Go (quiver), hen (hold), to (one that does). The bow is
called Dápo, and the arrow Gá.]
[Footnote 70: Go (quiver), hen (hold), to (one that does). The bow is
called Dápo, and the arrow Gá.
2 It is not straight nor a segment of a circle, but partly both, the
lower end being much less bulged than the upper horn, which, to protect
the strain, is armed with iron rings. The Dahomans ignore the crossbow,
nor have they, like the Nagos and Makhis, an iron guard for the right-
hand fingers, or a leather on the left wrist. The only efficient poison
comes from the Makhi country. Mr. Duncan (vol. ii. chap. 8) found poison
in the Dassa mountains north of Dahome, and the arrow heads of superior
manufacture.]
[Footnote 71: A man killed in battle is carried within the frontiers of
Dahome and buried in his fatherland. The Yoruba custom of “Ettá”
prevails here to a certain extent. When a traveller dies at a distance
from home, his companions must bring back for sepulture clippings of his
hair and nails.]
[Footnote 72: Called Dekiya, and made of scrapings of palm-trunk mixed
with a charcoal, known as Addisin, and sold in every market.]
[Footnote 73: When the King sets out upon a campaign, he carries with
him even the hammock-bearers of his European visitors, and the fishermen
of Whydah, who are like the butchers and bakers of an English town.
Moreover, all the runaways are sent up in irons to the capital.]
[Footnote 74: This trick is not beyond the African brain. Captain John
Adams (Remarks on the Country from Cape Palmas to the River Congo;
London: Whittaker & Co., 1823) mentions a French officer who easily
detected it when the army of the King of “Hio” (Oyo) was marched past
him. It was usually numbered at 100,000, the majority being cavalry; and
for centuries it has been the terror of the southern country.]
[Footnote 75: That officer makes the Dahoman kingdom to contain 800,000
to 900,000 souls. He gives Whydah, 20,000 to 25,000; Allada, 15,000 to
18,000; Agbome, 30,000; and the Dahoman army, 25,000 to 30,000.]
[Footnote 76: Commander Forbes rightly stated this in vol. i. p. 19.
“Strange and contradictory as it may sound, this great nation is no
nation, but a banditti, and there are few pure Dahomans.” Even the local
papers remarked the fact during the last attack.]
[Footnote 77: I have heard much of the English West India regiments and
of the negro corps of the Northern Union. But the testimony of white men
under fire with them, and—one of the best criterions of the soldier’s
efficiency—the list of officers killed and wounded in the few skirmishes
which have taken place during my service on the West African Coast
(1860-64), convince me that they are worth even less than Sepoys. All
men “well trained, well treated, well led, and well supported,” will of
course fight; but the Jamaicans and the West Africans will behave
perhaps the worst. I by no means include the Hausas, the Mandengas, and
other Moslem races, a material from which tolerable and even good
soldiers, as blacks, can be made.]
[Footnote 78: Mr. T. B. Freeman (1842) set down the number at 65,000.
The official figure of King Gezo’s army when he attacked Abeokuta
(1851), and that which will be adopted in history, is 16,000 Dahomans,
viz., 10,000 men, and the rest women, against 8,000 Egbas. For the whim
of truth the numbers should be inverted; but this would rob the
“deliverance” of its “providential” element.]
[Footnote 79: Vol. i. p. 240.]
[Footnote 80: It is said that Gelele has resolved to grind the faces of
his subjects for ten years, of which six have now elapsed. After that
time they will be applied to honest labour, and a man shall live on a
cowrie a day, so cheap will provisions become. He thus inverts the
Quinquennium Neronis, and however allegiant may be his people, he will
probably carry severity too far. But lately forty families have fled in
a batch to “Porto Novo” as a land of liberty, and they will be followed
by others.]
[Footnote 81: These remarks were written at Agbome, in January, 1863,
six weeks before the King’s utter failure at Abeokuta.]
CHAPTER XVI.
ADDO-KPON, THE BUSH KING’S SO-SIN CUSTOMS.
SECTION A.
_Of Addo-kpon, the Bush King._
One of the Dahoman monarch’s peculiarities is, that he is double; not
merely binonymous, nor dual, like the spiritual Mikado and the temporal
Tycoon of Japan, but two in one. Gelele, for instance, is King of the
city, Addo-kpon[82] of the “bush”; that is to say, of the farmer folk
and the country as opposed to the city. So the late Gezo’s _alter ego_
was Ga-kpwe.[83] This country ruler has his official mother, the Danh-
li-ke; his Min-gan, or chief executioner the Wimekho; and his Meu, or
master of ceremonies, the Awesu, father of the Whydah Yevo-gan. His
palace is at Akpwe-ho, a village on the road to Aja, about six miles to
the south-west of Agbome; as it is still built of matting and will not
be made of swish until Abeokuta is taken, I was not permitted to see it.
The house is furnished with male and female officers, eunuchs, and
wives, besides which, criminals and victims[84] are set apart at the
Customs. Thus Dahome has two points of interest to the ethnologist—the
distinct precedence of women, and the double king.
Our travellers are wholly silent upon the subject of this strange
organization.[85] I presume that the duplicate was invented of late
years to enable the King to trade like that Farmer Monarch—
“Who rams and cows and lambs and bullocks fed.”
Sinmenkpen (Adahoonzou II.) first assumed the direct monopoly of
commerce which his forefathers had held ignoble, but his successors
dropped it. It cannot be now said of Dahomans—
“They have a king who buys and sells,”
and yet Addo-kpon derives all the advantages of the industry of the
palace, in which many things, as pottery, pipes, mats, and cloths, are
manufactured and monopolized.
SECTION B.
_The Nun-kpon ’gbe Addo-kpon-ton,[86] or First Day of the Bush King’s
So-sin Customs._
On Monday, January 4th, 1864, we resumed the labours of “pleasure,”
without which, some one has truly said, life would be very endurable.
At two P.M. we passed through the city gate, where we were disgusted by
seeing the corpses still sitting and suspended. It was a hideous
spectacle, the turkey-buzzards picking at—but I will spare the reader’s
feelings: suffice it to say, even our hanging in chains was not more
barbarous.
We were somewhat late: as the parasol showed, royalty had already taken
its station. Whilst bowing to the King, we were informed that he wished
us again to “fight for cowries,” and, like himself, to dance before the
people. I excused ourselves rather to see how he would treat the matter;
peeled finger-tips and a sprained _annularis_ on a previous occasion had
interfered with my writing, about which he was most anxious; moreover,
the drivers had again ousted us, thus spoiling another night’s rest. The
ministers made the usual difficulty about delivering the Message, but an
answer came back at once. The King knew that white men do not “wrestle
for shells,” but that having admired my “bravery” and cunning—I had
rolled the Reverend over—he was desirous of seeing it again. Under the
circumstances, however, I must not fight, but receive cowries from him
at once. As regards the dancing, he had promised to show the lieges his
white friend’s performance, and he hoped that they might not be
disappointed. What answer could be made to a reply so amiable?
We found a small concourse of people, and about two dozen men were
kneeling before an equal number of baskets containing cowries. The
subject of the palaver was the eternal Abeokuta. Adan-men-nun-kon came
to me, and in a loud tone declared that I had fought well for cowries,
and was a strong man, like my company, the Blues. Whereupon the King
called me up to the bamboos, and with _force complimens_ presented me
with two heads, which I carried off amidst the applause of the people.
Mr. Cruikshank and the Reverend were similarly honoured. A little
excitement was caused by two men being severally hustled off to prison,
whilst the new Ajyaho stood up and explained their offence. They began
life as common soldiers, and had risen to be captains. Receiving on this
occasion no cowries, they had sent three impertinent reminders by the
chief ministers to say that they were in the presence; whereas the King
is the King, and does with his own what he wills. These men were greedy,
and must be punished accordingly. After which Gelele dismissed the
speakers for making too much noise. They carried off their cowries, the
males “presenting arms” with muskets, the women with sticks and knives.
Then we had for three hours, without intermission, the usual Amazon
dance and song, chorus and solo, with the whole _corps de ballet_, and
several _pas de deux_, ending in _prestissimo_ movements very fatiguing.
The King himself tapped a fast measure on a little tom-tom, and when his
officers pointed out this to us, we rose and bowed, whilst those around
presented arms, and royalty acknowledged the salutation with a small
crooked stick. Gelele made a speech about Abeokuta, when the Bo-chio
figures appeared, for a short time, and the normal patrol, a band with
skull-flags and drums, passed up the square.[87] The Amazons then sang a
song of disgrace for those who would not fight, and a pair of Ursine
dances concluded with a ferocious allocution by the Po-su. At the end of
this scene the women knelt and clapped hands before Gezo’s ghost.
Presently the caboceers approached the bamboos, and reclined on the
ground whilst the King again addressed them. A favourite captain, the
Toffa, had lately died, and another was to be promoted to his post. Some
of the ministers had proposed one of the royal brothers as heir, but the
King had replied, that although “Tanistry” may be lawful, it is still
the will of Mau (God) that when the sire dies the son should inherit.
Another Toffa was then elected, with the usual ceremonies.
When nearly dark, we were dismissed. The hammock men rushed frantically
past the place of execution to escape its terrible atmosphere.
SECTION C.
_The Second day of Addo-kpon, the Bush King’s So-sin Customs._
We deferred our exit till 3 P.M. of January 5th, for the sun was
terribly hot. On reaching the old place, we found three jesters
professionally at work before the King: as might be expected, two of
them were beating the third, who was pretending to cry. The Meu then
gave a pair of bead necklaces to each of the chief ministers, who, after
acknowledging the present, knelt before and solemnly saluted a large
basketful of “Wo” pudding.
Presently began the drum-beat, known as “Gblo.” At the further end of
the square appeared about twenty men, three of whom had tails of some
undistinguishable material ringed with black and yellow; these
appendages were fastened to small square pads of red cloth, adorned with
cowries, and the pincushion was girt round the waist over the loin-
wrapper. They pranced up to us with the left leg forwards, bending
slightly as they touched the ground, and a peculiar movement of the
glutei made the tail which out-topped their heads revolve like a
Catherine’s wheel. They were loudly greeted by the people, and were
presently joined by a volunteer with an irregular “fixing” of blue
cloth; he elicited equal applause. After saluting the King, they
disappeared. As has been shown, there is a similar female institution
within the palace.[88]
There had been some question amongst us touching the proper
signification of “Addo-kpon,” which the Buko-no professed inability to
explain. A message was sent by a Dakro woman to the King, who at once
honoured me with a full account of it. I acknowledged this philological
civility by returning “compliments.”
We were then summoned before the throne. The old man Meu, who required
perpetual prompting, addressed me with his childish treble in the usual
loud and would-be startling tone, “Mashna,” _i.e._, Commissioner. To
this the official response is an equally vehement “Wé!—adsum.[89]” He
then presented me with a singer’s Kpo-ga, or staff, and Mr. Cruikshank
with another, somewhat less silvered. We bowed and retired, the weight
of new honours pressing heavy on our shoulders. After sitting down, we
were again summoned by the old Meu, who informed me that the King had
been pleased to put me in the place of his Min-gan, or chief
executioner, whilst my companion was to perform before him as his Meu,
or master of ceremonies. I was then invested with a Bonu-gan-jei, or
“caboceer beads.” This was a double necklace of 240 greenish beads, with
eight cylinders of red coral; behind it hung a pigtail of sixteen cotton
strings, the thread being spun by a woman on the right of the throne.
The coral was sham, and the beads were poor imitation of the Popo
article called “Ketu.” Mr. Cruikshank and the Reverend were also
presented with similar symbols of high dignity and African
parsimoniousness.
The King had repeatedly fixed a day for me to dance before him, and had
deferred the operation probably with the delicate motive of allowing me
time to prepare myself for so great an event. Now, however, the hour had
come. I collected my party in front of the semicircle of caboceers, gave
time to the band, and performed a Hindustani _pas seul_, which elicited
violent applause, especially from the King. My companion then danced a
Dahoman dance with Governor Mark as fugleman, and his _disinvoltura_
charmed the people. It was then the Reverend’s turn to perform. He
posted himself opposite the throne, placed upon another stool his
instrument, a large flutina or concertina, and having preliminarily
explained the “God-palaver.[90]” bravely intoned his favourite hymns.
They were, Matthias (words by the excellent Dr. Watts, and singularly
out of place in Agbome), Arnold’s Job, with a refrain (making _more_
rhyme to _endure_), and Martin Luther’s “Old Hundreth” (opening with
“All people that on earth _do_ dwell.”) How is that the Wesleyan mind
cannot forego its fondness for this Ennian literature? The people stared
and chuckled a little, but—
Omnibus hoc vitium est cantoribus, inter amicos,
Ut nunquam inducant animum cantare rogati,
Injussi nunquam desistant.
The Reverend being in his pulpit, so to speak, gave his listeners a good
half hour of edification.
When the instrument was mute, the King proposed a modification. The
Reverend was to play and sing, whilst Mr. Cruikshank and I must dance as
before on both sides.[91] It was almost too ridiculous, but we complied
for a short time. My second _pas seul_, which ended the affair, was
greeted with firing guns and presenting arms by all my company, men and
women, especially the latter, to whom the salutation had been especially
directed. It required some strength of mind to prevent holding oneself a
manner of prodigy; the people evidently thought the power of dancing, of
using a sword, of learning enough to understand them in a month, of
writing down everything seen so as to recall it to their memories, and
of sketching objects so that even they could recognize them, to be an
avatar of intellect.
We then retired to a little distance, and sat aligned fronting the King,
whilst all the caboceers, in tumultuous throng, danced around us with
loud songs and cries of praise and congratulation. The parson then
intoned in “quick metre,” despite the singing master,[92]
“O, let us be joyful, joyful, joyful,
When we meet to part no more”
—an injunction involving consequences possibly even more lugubrious than
that truly abominable (to the African traveller at least) description of
future bliss in a land where there is
“No veiled sun, no clouded sky,
But sacred, high, eternal noon.”
Thus the Reverend acquired the title of “Missionary Governor.[93]” We
then withdrew our chairs to the south-eastern corner of the square, and
sat there till dark, watching the circumambulation of the King’s women.
It was the same scene as on New Year’s Day, and it ended our immediate
labours in the presence. Again the vultures spotted the large tree
before the palace gate. Surely they must have a sense of “time,” telling
them when to expect a feast. For to-night is a second Zan Nyanyana, a
Nox Iræ, when Gelele, as Addo-kpon, will slay the remainder of his
criminals and victims.
Our dancing had so excited the multitude, that we had hardly dined
before an irruption of friends by the score, all wishing to learn “white
man’s fashion,” crowded the house; and to increase confusion, arrived
the outward-bound mail-bag, bringing its usual amount of care and
excitement—such a contrast with the ataraxy and the _comme il faut_ calm
that characterize the more refined Anglo-Tropical mind. I thanked my
star for sending me to Dahome, and did not “endorse” the sentiment—
“Oh! la belle chose que la poste.”
SECTION D.
_The Be-du-’gbe,[94] or Third Day of the Bush King’s So-sin Customs._
Operations began at 7 A.M. on January 6th, when the King sent us four
baskets of akkara, or bean-cake yellow with palm-oil, and four pots of
ahan-vo[95]—“red liquor,” or native beer. His father brewed with maize,
but being a Diomedes, holding himself superior to his sire, he employs
for the purpose “white man’s rice.” The produce is rhubarb-coloured,
subacid, anything but “bub,” weak but wholesome and refreshing.
Our old host, of whose meddling propensities we had every day to
complain, visited us at 8 A.M., when we knew that nothing would be done
before noon, and authoritatively ordered us breakfastless to the palace,
for which he was, of course, ejected. Formerly English strangers were
lodged with the Meu, whom they found an intolerable stickler for
etiquette. Thence they were transferred to the Buko-no, and now the King
should be directed to build for them a private house; meanwhile lodging
them with the Prince Chyudaton.
At 10 A.M., in no very placid state of mind, we made for the palace. The
nine dead bodies had been removed after the fourth day of exhibition,
and in their stead were eight others, whose limp limbs showed that they
had lately met their doom. Four were hanging head downwards on single
gallows; a pair, one above the other, was seated, in their rude San
Benitos, on a rough scaffolding; and two were lying prone upon
horizontal planks raised on poles twenty feet high, with their heads
protruding from salt-bags of the common matting. We were again assured
that all were criminals and captives, and that the two last mentioned
had been thus grotesquely laid out for stealing the King’s salt—which
was probable. A little beyond the bodies, the top of a conical tent of
crimson cloth, a smaller Tokpon, intended for the King’s nightly
lodging, protruded from a mat fence covered with sadly tattered cloths.
Instead of dismounting at the south-eastern angle of the palace, we rode
behind our host—who, by-the-bye, had declared that whilst he did not
dismount we should[96]—to the thin-shadowed tree before the Komasi Gate.
Then we were fronted, as usual, by a semicircle of men and boys; and
sundry of the caboceers came to greet us with “mawnin’.[97]” One of
them, the Gbe-wedo, wanted remedies for a bad Guinea-worm. A medical man
visiting Agbome has no holiday; every twenty-four hours he will find a
fresh but a feeless case; and if he wants “practice,” he has only to
provide himself with what drugs and instruments the limited dispensaries
of the West African Coast allow. On the ground at each side of the
palace entrance were four heads, recently removed; this time they were
almost hidden behind little fences of grass. Thus the total number of
deaths for Addo-kpon, the Bush King, were sixteen, whereas Akhosu
Gelele, the City King, slew twenty-three; and a total of thirty-nine
lives were forfeited during the So-sin Customs of Agbome, in 1863-64.
At 10.45 A.M. we entered the palace, and found the larger Tokpon pitched
and surrounded with white cloth. Few spectators had assembled, and the
Ken-tin, or chief singer, occupied the centre of the yard, with nineteen
men kneeling behind him in two rows. He wore thimble-horns, a crimson
velvet cloak, like a caballero in the days of Gil Blas, and a scarlet
loin-cloth; he held the insignia of his order, a silver-mounted sword, a
bard’s staff, and a large black-horse tail. As the ceremony, which was
almost the same as the Display of the King’s Poverty lengthily described
on January 2nd, began earlier this day, the King entered at 11.45 A.M.
He was habited in a toga of blue and yellow tartan, and a green velvet
toque, with two horizontal stripes of silver lace; his principal
ornament was a necklace of cut and stained glass set in Mosaic gold, and
worth a few shillings. He came up, affably shook hands and snapped
fingers with us, and told me to write down everything seen on that
occasion—which I will not do. The whole affair was mean in the extreme.
The ministers and captains, male and female, paraded as before; but this
being the Bush King’s fête, they were fewer in number, and not so richly
attired as before. Baskets of cassava were as usual distributed to the
crowd, and there was no want of provaunt in the palace—its only merit.
Before entering the yard, the King had sent a message to ask me if I had
any objection in joining the display. My reply was, by no means, if he
wished it, and would allow us to walk by ourselves under parasols, which
are not permitted to the lieges. He freely consented, and with all
ceremony we circumambulated, in uniform, and with our head-decorations
and singer’s staves, the palace-yard from left to right, and not
regarding the throne as we passed the entrance. The bands of women in
the pavilion, and of men outside, frantically greeted us with cries of
_Yevo!_—the whites! After the third round we formed up in line and bowed
to the King, who was sitting upon a raised daïs with a clear approach
lined with bottles of liquor, calabashes of food, and the women of the
palace. He took up a fine gold-laced Spanish broad-brim,[98] and sending
out six flasks of Curaçoa and other liqueurs, pledged us all in turn.
The procession was succeeded by terribly lengthy speeches from the
Adanejan and the Gan, who complimented Gelele upon having so worthily
performed his Customs in the presence of white men. The addresses were
concluded amidst loud exclamations of _Un ’so!_ “I answer you,” and
_Yati!_ meaning, in Fanti, “I have heard,” the haranguers raising arms
and forefingers. These people have certainly practised as much as any
American politician the art of public speaking; they can talk for an
hour without saying anything.
At 3.15 P.M. the “wealth” began to pass, and terribly slow was this part
of the proceedings. The King attempted to lighten our labour by sending
us liquor, water, fruits, and a Moslem sweetmeat called Du-du-kwia, an
African imitation of the Arabian Halwa.[99] Baskets of provisions and
cowries were brought in great numbers from the palace, and most of the
caboceers had complicated dinners carried by their wives and slave-
girls. The smallest gift from the King was received with cries of “Wé!”
This was well; the royal hand is looked to, not the value of what it
out-deals. We were not provided with “pass-rum” before darkness came on,
and as we hurried housewards, the light railings along the road told us
that the indefatigable King’s labours had by no means ended. Firing of
guns disturbed the night, gin and rum were distributed, and cowries were
thrown; this we learned next morning, when a patient came with a finger
badly bitten in the struggle.
SECTION E.
_The E na-nyin hun,[100] or Fourth Day of the Bush King’s So-sin
Customs._
We listened to Hope’s flattering tale about a holiday, but at 2.15 P.M.,
on January 7th, we were unexpectedly summoned to the palace. The Tokpon
and the human heads had been removed from the entrance sides, nor was
there any connecting splotch of blood. Eight men danced on the male
side, the bamboos were then extended, when seven women, a small girl,
and a mistress of ceremonies in the rear, began to perform. As the sun
was sinking low, the King left his shed with a _peloton_ of fifty wives,
holding a singer’s staff, and shaded by a red-and-green parasol; after
adjusting his toga, he bowed to the tent occupied by his father’s ghost.
He sang to a male band, whilst the women joined in the chorus, and then
he inverted the process. The gist of the chant was, that miserable are
the sires of poor men who cannot honour them with offerings of wo-
pudding and greens in silver-mounted calabashes, such as Gezo was now
receiving. The sentiment was heard with the “khé” and the “Ububu” on
both sides. Six women then joined the King in singing and dancing. After
repeated performances to honour Gezo, Gelele presented us with half a
loaf of sugar and a basket of salt, for which we returned thanks. The
King presently sang in praise of his visitors, and danced repeated
solos. When this ended, a general ballet of women tumultuously advanced
amidst numerous discharges of guns, lasting till darkness came on. Mr.
Bernasko was then summoned to play “music” before royalty, but his sweet
sounds were drowned in negro noise. At last silence was obtained, and
the Meu, addressing us by our names, informed us that the morrow would
be a day of rejoicing, when both Akhosu and Addo-kpon would fire guns to
show that the days of mourning and punishment had gone by, and that all
who had attended the Customs would be “passed” with presents. He also
conveyed to us the royal wish that we should come early, as all
ministers caught napping are heavily fined, and—the crafty oldster had
served under three sovereigns—he privily warned his colleagues that the
Englishman, being a “King’s man,” would be before them all, and thus get
them into trouble. But they scoffed at him, and said, “These whites,
before they can leave the house, must bathe, and dress, and drink tea;
with them ‘early’ means after sunrise.”
During the night, the old King’s ghostly tent, the corpses, and both the
So-sin sheds, were removed. The place looked charming as before:—Nature,
serenely fair, wore upon her lovely face an ironical smile at what she
had witnessed amongst her sons.[101]
SECTION F.
_The So-debwe[102]—Fifth and Last Day of the So-sin Customs._
I awoke my people at 4 A.M. on January 8th, and before 5 we were seated
in front of the palace. Our old host had not slept that night, lest we
should give him the slip, and we found but one minister, the Abwejekun,
waiting to receive us. The early gong-gong men, one with a brass bell,
the other with a cymbal, apparently of silver, and both double
instruments, were standing at the gate, striking first the long and the
short tube, and reciting the “strong names” of the King and his
ancestors. As each lingering caboceer appeared, we tolled a large bell,
brought up from Whydah by Mr. Bernasko, and gave him a glass of gin,
with the solemn promise of reporting him to royalty, who had been made
aware by messenger of our arrival. All replied that great men do not
sleep at night,[103] and with comical ruefulness resigned themselves to
their fate.
The early morning at Agbome is full of beauty. As the “grandmother and
grandchildren[104]” waxed faint in the south, a lovely roseate blush
overspread the pale cheek of the eastern firmament, the earth’s ruder
forms were enveiled in soft gauzy blue, and the cool refreshing zephyr—
“The sweet first breathings of the hour of prime.”
—the “respiration of morn,” as the Persians call it, made distant music
amongst the tree-boughs.
At dawn about 200 male guards issued from the palace. The several
companies, under their captains, take this duty by turns; they pass
their nights in the Podoji, or yard, and by day they are relieved by the
Amazons. During Customs time they are more numerous than usual. Each
troop, as it passed us with flags and bands, halted and discharged guns
and blunderbusses, which were responded to within the palace. The
ministers also fired: they must be careful this day; if their weapons do
not behave well, the King reprimands them publicly, and perhaps fines
them.
At 6 A.M. we were conducted by the Meu to the palace gate, which was
still closed. We were placed in front of all the ministers, whom we had
outranked by early rising, and as they made obeisance, we salámed to the
Sublime Porte. We then turned to a band of drums and cymbals behind us,
and, in company with the Meu and Chyudaton, we performed a little
prancing in Dahoman style.
Shortly afterwards the large umbrellas were disposed under the King’s
shed, and at 7 A.M. Gelele, with a knot of she-soldiery, stalked under
his parasol to his accustomed place. We were at once summoned, thanked,
and complimented for having paid due honour to royalty—in this country
punctuality is _not_ the politeness of princes. Behind us the delinquent
ministers lay on the ground backed by the “Don-pwe people,” to whom in
such cases all the caboceers are committed for punishment. The sole
exceptions are the Min-gan and the Meu, who in case of delinquency are
prevented from entering their homes.
The Buko-no then lengthily and eloquently related our exploit, and
reported the Yevo-gan and Prince Chyudaton as in fault. They looked at
me with a jocose deprecation, and covered their heads with dust, whilst
the “Don-pwe” struck up a loud uproarious song, ending in a laughing
chorus, to deride the late men. The fat Adanejan, unhappily for himself,
joined us, and was added to the list; all laughed as he stretched out
the hand of deprecation towards the “small young men.” I then invoked
for these offenders the royal pardon, especially mentioning the old Meu,
whose warning had been neglected. The King, however, replied, that they
were in the hands of justice, from which even he could not save them,
and that they must sleep abroad and be fined in rum for preferring to
his service the bed and the “kicksey-wicksey.” Nothing could be said
against this slight penalty, and I was pleased with the opportunity of
proving to the ministers that in more important matters they might fight
a losing battle.
The two captains who had been locked up for shameless asking, now
received formal pardon, which they acknowledged by a dust-bath. Adanejan
was then made chief of the Ganchya drum, whose black head and brown body
rendered it conspicuous amongst the women’s band; he also, after
removing his necklaces, vigorously shovelled up earth. The King sent to
inform us that as it was too late to hear all the songs, he would at
once “pass” the singers and drummers, and then dismiss us to breakfast.
A bard, with official staff, then came forward and sang—
Gezo was a forest in which wild beasts (viz., his subjects) dwelt
securely,
And now Gezo has left to his son that forest.
The performer presently retired, and with his brethren danced a round
before the King.
The Blue and Fanti Companies thereupon received each a maiden flag of
white croydon, which is to bear their honours when they shall have won
them. The King sent to me a message that I must return in time for the
next Customs; my reply was that in such matters everything depended upon
orders from home. This elicited many flattering expressions, which
ceased only when the Gau arose and swore with violent gesticulation that
Abeokuta—the word wearies me!—must be taken this year, with a Kpwe-
to[105], or, as the Arabs say, with a Katl-am, or general massacre. The
Commander-in-Chief then called me up, and we performed together a short
_pas de deux_, with left shoulders forward, corresponding arm akimbo,
and ditto leg in the air. The Adan-men-nun-kon seconded the prophecy,
and the Mafro, an old caboceer, declared that when a wound is healed men
see the scar, meaning that on my return I should find the Egba capital
“broken,” and her people captives.
These speeches were mingled and concluded with singing, dancing,
drumming, and all manner of interruptions. By way of varying the
sameness, I gave a wine-glass of water instead of gin to a Klan or
jester-soldier, who was making all laugh by counterfeiting, and well
too, the dying agonies of a wounded man, by pretending to weep, and by
uttering wild cries, with similar savage facetiæ. He carried it in
triumph to his chief, without whose leave it could not be tasted; and
presently a loud Yep! yep! yep! from the crowd—so utterly different from
the hearty English Ha! ha! ha!—proclaimed the success of the trick. The
King, when informed of it, was abundantly amused, and the poor fool was
told that he must be punished for taking the glass. I replied that a
jester, who could not distinguish gin from water, deserved a mild
discipline; and the fellow exclaimed ruefully, “Preserve me from
drinking with _you_: you first give me the wrong stuff, and then you get
me a whipping!”
The women presently danced, sang, and drummed, and the she-Gau sent to
inform me that when a weight is too heavy for one, two may lift it;
meaning that the Blue and Fanti Companies were sure of victory. The Ji-
bi-whe-ton, or second in command of the latter, came out from the ranks
and exclaimed, the Yevo (albus) has now heard us talk, he shall
presently see our deeds. A fire for cooking must be made slowly,[106]
not so when one would burn an enemy’s town.
Meanwhile the ministers of both sexes had invested themselves in their
long Hausa tobes of ceremony. The Dakros placed in their hands divers
bundles of cloths, which were severally unfolded and held out
horizontally by the dignitaries. The recipients were called up according
to precedence of rank or merit; each shouted, “Wé!”—Adsum!—and rushed
forwards with affected hurry, capering as in childish glee. They knelt
down, with one hand on the head, whilst the ministers passed the cloth
plaid-fashion over their right shoulders and under their left arms. They
then returned and sat in batches. When the largesse was all distributed,
the two Meus of both sexes again called out the names of those whom the
King had honoured, and told them that they had “got pass.” During the
whole proceeding the women sang a chorus, and as each fresh cloth made
its appearance they greeted it with the Khe-cry, and the men with loud
Ububus. Followed dances on both sides of the bamboos.
Meanwhile the King’s smoker stood up before the throne. He was a black
youth, in an ochre-stained kilt, with a pigtail of sombre-coloured
cotton, and he used a long stem ending in a bowl as big as a cocoa-nut.
The office is one of the true African fantasticals, and the favoured man
is supplied from the royal pouch.
It was then our turn. When summoned, I went up hurriedly, according to
“etiquette”: it was past 8 A.M., and the sun was fierce, but the King
could not alter the custom and direct me to wear a hat. After being
addressed by the Meu, I was invested with a handsome cloth, of palace
manufacture—green, red, and yellow cotton; by formula it is called a
“counterpane,” and the King tells the presentee that it is meant for his
bed.[107] Mr. Cruikshank and the Reverend, the boy Tom, and the Buko-no,
were similarly honoured. After half an hour’s candidature for sun-
stroke, we bowed our thanks and retreated.
A small party of archers from the Agoni, or northern country, near
Makhi, then knelt before the King and dusted themselves. These bush-men
also boasted of the aid they would render to the army when attacking
Egba-land. Suddenly, as usual, there was a stir. We hurriedly arose and
went to the usual shed, where we sat, whilst the palace-women, carrying
cowries and rum-bottles, thrice circumambulated the square. When the
precious burdens were deposited before the throne we returned to our
umbrellas, and the King dispensed with the ceremony of crying out our
names and singing whilst we received his gifts. We were presented with
twenty heads[108] and as many plates of cowries, with ten bottles of rum
from Gelele, to which the mysterious Addo-kpon added an equal quantity.
I then was paid five heads for dancing—my first fee of the kind—and my
companion’s salary was similar. Finally, two decanters of rum announced
the happy moment of dismissal. It was already 11 A.M., but “indecent
haste” was forbidden; we followed at a funereal pace, the boys who had
been seized by the neck to carry the King’s costly gifts, and no short
cuts through the town were permitted by our conductor, So-kun, the
“English guide.” On the road we were informed that these were not the
grand presents—which, of course, will never come—and consequently that
they must be shared with the chief officers. About noon, after a
_séance_ of seven hours, we were able to break our fast.
It was past three P.M. when we were summoned to conclude the festivities
of the day. We repaired to the Uhun-jro market-place, and we found
pitched upon the spot, whence the red victim-shed had been removed, a
Do-ho,[109] or little cloth pavilion, intended for the King. It
resembled that under which he sat before the Komasi Gate; behind, and
connecting it with it, was a mat-tent, for privacy; and in front had
been planted a line of five umbrellas to shelter the Amazon officers.
Shortly after we had taken our places on the north of the pavilion, two
parties of Moslems, one numbering three, the other four turbands, passed
before us. To the left, or southwards, the distance was filled with
umbrellas and a dense dark crowd, whilst at times individuals and squads
of fetisheers and warriors flitted about the Champ de Mars. The
Harmattan wind presently began to blow with violence, raising the red
dust from the sun-parched ground—no pleasant preparation for those about
to view a Dahoman advance in heavy marching order.
First appeared a line of scouts, bayoneteers, and blunderbuss-men,
wearing a substitute for rifleman’s green—in Europe an error, but here
“no mistake.” They were habited in kilts, or cap-à-pie suits of freshly-
cut palm-leaf; some wore it like a _gloria_ round the head, others had
only the breast thatched, and the contrast of the verdure with the black
skin was peculiar. This is an old custom of the empire. The “eyes of the
force” were escorted by about 200 veterans, the remains of the Grande
Armée that had found its Moscow at Abeokuta. They marched in open order
like our light infantry skirmishers, and at times halted, knelt, and
delivered fire, all the muzzles being of course raised too high. Finally
they advanced tumultuously till they reached the northern extremity of
the market-place, where they formed line about 500 yards from us.
Then came the royal escort, the main body of the little army, men and
boys, about 500 strong. The King, who was in the centre of the battalia,
rode a little nag, smoking his usual pipe. He had drawn with
gunpowder[110] three broad lines upon his face, one straight from hair
to nose, and two curved from ears to nostrils. Everything about him was
in gloomiest war-style, the large umbrella was darkest indigo, the small
parasol chocolate-brown. Unlike his war-men, he wore over a short white
cloth a kilt of cotton stuff, scolloped at the edge, and darkened with
goat’s clotted blood and various barks; it was dotted with charms,
triangles of darker material, and small feathers protruding from bits of
cane. A bronze-coloured fillet encircled his head, and its long ends
fell upon his right and left shoulders; from his neck depended a short
horse-tail fly-flapper, whilst two of larger size, white and black, hung
from his sinister side. Through his belt was stuck a short Dahoman
_briquet_, and over his shoulder was a crooked club, spiked at the top,
and armed along the point of percussion with a line of large square-
headed nails. He wore sandals, and anklets of cowries and black seeds:
altogether he looked like “business.”
As we arose and mutually bowed, the King descended, and fired from the
hip five guns and carbines, very lightly loaded. He then remounted, and
made the three customary rounds of the market-place, followed by a few
“salvage-men” in green, fourteen standards, one pink and six white
umbrellas, the show-shields, and the skull-drums. The rear-guard
consisted of 100 men, accompanying the shabby umbrellas, which here
denote soldiery; at times they skirmished in European fashion, with a
fire pretty well _nourri_. After the third turn an order, sent to it by
means of messengers, who ran bawling along the noisy chattering line,
converted the rear into a van, which retired in turn, fraying out in a
line of light troops. The King then marched down to the south side of
the marketplace, where his parasol showed him to be sitting amongst the
women soldiery.
A fetish company of men and boys presently passed us at a run, carrying
implements of their craft, huge cressets, crescents of iron hung with
cowries, and various images, idols, and _simulacres_, chiefly of the Bo-
fetish—a crucified turkey-buzzard of wood with red dots on a white body,
another spotted animal encoiled by a snake, and sundry things
undescribable. This party also formed up with the veterans, at the
northern end of the Uhun-jro space.
It was now the Amazons’ turn to advance, and they came up in better
style as regards marching and firing than their brother soldiers. They
passed us with a _feu d’enfer_, and when the dust was not flying the
smoke hung like a pall upon the ground. The King was followed by unarmed
wives, who were fanning their lord and carrying a few weapons for his
proper use. The soldiery wore tunics of grey baft, stained brown with
blood and barks, covering the bosom and extending to the knees like the
men, short drawers, and white sashes hanging to the right. The King
dismounted, danced to an “Amazon” band, and again rode thrice round the
market-place, followed by his rear-guard singing and firing. After the
third turn he walked up to where our umbrella was pitched, and
discharging several carbines, he danced a simple morris, called Hun-
gan,[111] before a semicircle of armed women, who were chanting and
cheering him lustily. After this, he took from one of his head
fetishmen, a fine tall priest, with Abyssinian features, a crooked club,
covered with blue and black cloth, and ringed with Indian cowries, and
he performed another saltation. Then, holding my wrist, Gelele led me
out, and we danced opposite each other amidst tempestuous applause. On
this occasion the King expects strangers not to refuse him; I therefore
had the honour of executing a very notable decapitating movement. Mr.
Bernasko, as a “god-man,” was excused, and a slight fever had detained
Mr. Cruikshank at home; the performance, therefore, did not last long.
The King, after dancing, turned round and drank from a small case-
bottle, or decanter, with the usual noise and averting of faces on the
part of his subjects. I observed that before putting it to his lips he
allowed a few drops to fall upon the ground. This is not an oblation to
the gods as in ancient Europe, but the offering to ancestors, especially
to the paternal ghost, as made by the Chinese. Gelele showed me all his
fetish sticks, requesting that they might be sketched, and presently
retired to his little pavilion, where the scouts coated in grass danced
before him. He continued his attentions by sending food and drink at
short intervals, till we were surrounded by bottles and calabashes. One
gourd contained pomegranates, poor in the extreme, half ripe, bitter,
and preponderant in seed and rind. Another calabash, I was told, showed
a specimen of his own war-food, bananas, excellent Akansan, powdered red
pepper, in an Achatina shell, and a few pods of Malaguetta pepper,[112]
which were greedily seized by the Reverend. A massing and scattering of
umbrellas far to our left told us that the caboceers were on the move;
it was waxing late, and all was hurried. The chiefs were distinguished
by the vast variety of charms and amulets hung about their arms, necks,
and limbs, and some held a leaf of the Ayyan, or thunder fetish shrub,
to prevent their guns bursting. These talismans are intended to create
an artificial courage; all peoples having their own peculiar stimuli.
The Englishman nerves himself by a sense of duty and hope of profit. The
Frenchman by visions of glory, and of late years by a bargain with
Heaven that, if spared, he will believe in the Immaculate Conception.
The German remembers the Rhine and its “ichor divine.” The Russian
thinks of a kind of a demi-god; whilst in southern Europe the true
fetish appears in the shape of the cross, the medal, and the relic. The
braver Orientals, mostly Moslems, spur themselves by visions of
Paradise, and by the prospect of escaping the “Squeeze of the Grave”;
and the more cowardly Hindus and Chinese, regarding what is scandalously
called Dutch courage, as the spur of heroism, “bhang themselves”
accordingly. In many, if not in all, parts of Pagan Africa, the Congo
for instance, the negro will not think of fighting without fetishes that
will bring him safe out of battle; and even the less timid North
American must propitiate imaginary supernatural powers before he sets
out to “raise hair.”
The caboceers, like their King, passed round three times.[113] As a
rule, skirmishers, flags, and fetish preceded the captain of the party,
who walked or rode under his umbrella, whilst a full band and
stragglers, all firing heavily, brought up the rear. Each group numbered
from 10 to 100 men and boys, and was separated by a short interval from
its neighbours.
The ceremony much resembled that of the Entrance Day, but it was far
more military; it was the march of the Dahoman army, whereas the other
was the triumphal return from war. As sunset approached, the gale
increased. The King sent to say that, at a future and more favourable
time, I should see another review, and then passed, surrounded by his
“Amazons,” to the north of the Komasi Palace. We waited till the ground
was clear, and retired—not unwillingly.
The recreant ministers spent the night under sheds at the King’s gate,
being forbidden to enter their homes. The punishments of high officials
are here very capricious. Dr. M‘Leod mentions a chief magistrate being
ordered by the King “not to shave his beard, pare his nails, or wash
himself for a certain number of moons, and in this dirty state to sit
daily at the palace-gate several hours for public inspection.” This
exile continued till 5 P.M. of the next day (January 9th), when royalty
was induced to relent by a storm of thunder and rain, the latter falling
in peculiar spurts like jets of heavy drops. Agbwejekon, however, the
only caboceer who did his duty, was temporarily rewarded with
precedence, and was publicly presented with a fine cloth, a wife, and
ten heads of cowries. Next time the chiefs will not be outwitted: they
will pass the whole night in the square.
I will conclude this chapter with an account of the Dahoman campaign.
The King marches in the midst of his host, surrounded by his Amazons. At
the halt, a mat enclosure is made for him and them. The royal quarters,
known by their superior size, are pitched far from the rest, and beyond
danger of ambush. The males camp promiscuously in little huts. They move
at all hours, generally by night, guided by captives kidnapped from the
place about to be plundered; these men are disguised, tied up, and led
in the rear; and after returning to the capital, they are released with
presents. As may be imagined, not a few of them desert, to the great
peril of the invader. A few soldiers in the garb of traders, with cloth
and tobacco, precede and accompany the force to attract stragglers, who
are at once kidnapped. The army advances by circuitous ways, cutting its
own roads through the bush; a favourite plan is to spread false reports
about the intended direction, and to double round upon a town which has
heard that the foe has passed onwards. Great circumspection is ordered
when nearing the destination; no talking is allowed, though the soldiers
may snap fingers; and even smoking is forbidden. The point of attack is
secretly reconnoitered by a chosen spy during the day. They surround the
fated place so cautiously, that it is often taken unawares; and they
assault, as usual amongst barbarians, before dawn, with a rush, uttering
hellish cries and yells. The only village defences are prickly plants,
and these the troops are trained to despise. Any one appearing is at
once decapitated[114]; when weapons are thrown down, the prisoners are
tied up; their arms, however, are not pierced for cords, as asserted by
the Egbas. As a rule, their object is to capture, not to kill; only the
old, the sick, and the “unmerchantable” lose their heads, which serve as
trophies. The chiefs are reserved for public sacrifice. When the town is
broken, the conquerors raise in the centre a clay-heap, which is girt
with dry palm-leaf; the wretched fugitives may, after returning to their
ruined homes, place some of this material upon their necks, and appear
before the King, who then spares their lives. The army, even if
victorious, hurries back, after losing for every 100 prisoners some 200
of their own men by famine, fatigue, and privations, many of them self-
inflicted. During the whole campaign, even if it last six months, the
warriors may not remove their tunics for ablution. The marching-food is
scanty and poor enough to cause scurvy, and a single calabash of water
must often suffice for three days. We cannot wonder that the host is
decimated by disease, especially by small-pox.
The present ruler has lately made a huge “gong-gong,” a main tube or
cone crowned with thirty-nine small bells, denoting the number of towns
which he has broken. But all these towns would doubtless fit into a
middling-sized English village. It is amusing to hear the wild boasts of
the captains; one man has 40,000 followers, another thinks he has
16,000—remove the last two or three ciphers, and the remainder may be
correct. On the other hand, it is curious to consider the inconsequence
of those attacked, who, as I have said, after deliberately insulting and
provoking a quarrel with the King, will make no preparations for war; in
fact, will never think of the matter till they hear the death-cry at
their doors, and they find themselves hurried to Agbome, where they will
grace the next Customs.
In a previous volume,[115] I have described the warfare of the Egbas. It
is pitiful enough, but that of the Dahomans is worse. There is nothing
more contemptible than these negro slave-hunts: the “mild Hindu,” as the
Field of Paniput and many others may prove, has shown himself by far a
better soldier than the West African. Individually, the Dahoman dares
not desert upon the march, but he “malingers” readily, and he is so far
from being brave that the idea of amputation makes him faint with fear.
The decay of the old kingdom, and the deterioration of blood, are not to
be mistaken.
[Footnote 82: Addo (the light yellow Popo bead, which does not melt in
the fire), kpon (see!). It must not be confounded with Adda-kpun, or
oyster.]
[Footnote 83: Ga (market-day), kpwe (when it comes, _scil._, it must be
full).]
[Footnote 84: Some said that the palace shed was the King’s victim
depôt, the market shed, Addo-kpon’s: others confined the King’s especial
sacrifices to the turret of the market shed. Many men declared that the
King’s sacrifices were all captives, Addo-kpon’s all criminals; more
denied these distinctions.]
[Footnote 85: Mr. Bernasko (Appendix III.) mentions “Athopon,” which he
erroneously translates “hearth, a place in which a fire is made.” All
other books ignore the bush king’s existence.]
[Footnote 86: Nun (thing, custom) kpon (we look at) ’gbe (to-day), and
Addo-kpon-ton (belonging to Addo-kpon).]
[Footnote 87: This patrol begins at dawn and lasts through the day and
night. The African never yet invented an hour, but as the bands perform
at nearly equal tri-horal periods, he is here seldom at a loss for
finding his time. From 6 A.M. to 8 A.M. is the Ahan-’é, mostly of bone
rattles, followed till 11 A.M. by the Broh, rattles and drums. From 11
A.M. till noon is the Gan or Panigan, “gong-gongs,” with heralds
recapitulating the titles and exploits of all the Dahoman dynasty; this
was established by the present King; Gezo ordered it only once a day,
before dawn. From noon to 3 P.M. is the time of the Wime-hun—cymbals and
flutes, followed till sunset by the Goawe—mostly drums. From 6.30 P.M.
till 9.30 to 10 P.M., the Agbaja, tom-tom, beats; the Kpwen, or horns,
sound till midnight, relieved at 3 A.M. by the Akko; finally, the early
gun, or “gong-gong,” and the heralds’ work begin at 3 A.M. and end at
sunrise. The bands consist generally of a man and four boys. They sit
upon mats under a tree, before the palace gate, strike up at times, and
accompany the soldiers of the patrol.]
[Footnote 88: Mr. Norris well describes the dancing of the women: “Each
had a long tail fixed to her rump, which seemed to be a slip of leopard
skin sewed up and stuffed, which, by a dexterous wriggle of her hips,
she whirled round like a string with surprising velocity.” Mr. Duncan
shows disapproval of the practice, but Mr. Duncan belonged to the
respectable class, which “approves of” only its own practices. “Four
tall men, singularly dressed, and with bullocks’ tails tied so as to
hang over their hips behind, arranged themselves in line in front of his
Majesty, and by passing at the side step, lowering and poising the body
by the bend of the knee, causing the tail to make a circular motion of a
disgusting appearance.” Why “_disgusting?_”]
[Footnote 89: So E! or Hé! in the Egba tongue, is a respectful
acknowledgment, like Sir! or Madam! The Ffons sometimes say, Mi-se, we
hear, _i.e._, understand.]
[Footnote 90: So in the History (p. 131), Mr. Norris fixed the barrel of
the chamber-organ to the _hundred and fourth_ Psalm, at the request, and
for the future amusement of his host, “Bossa Ahadi.”]
[Footnote 91: Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 255) found it rather a difficult
task to dance and to play that “ancient Israelitish instrument”—the
Jew’s harp—at the same time.]
[Footnote 92: Who informs us that “when this air is sung quick
throughout, it is converted into an exceedingly vulgar jig-tune.”]
[Footnote 93: Yewe (god), nun (side), hun-to (drummer, ship captain,
governor).]
[Footnote 94: Be (joy; others say, live thou!), du (eat), ’gbe (to-day,
the Happy Day, because it ends the deadly part of Addo-kpon’s Customs).
It is also known as Bekpa-men ’gbe; meaning, Bekpa (mat-fence), men
(in), ’gbe (to-day: _subaudi_, we will go). Commander Forbes, whose
names and “customs” are equally unintelligible, writes (vol. ii. p. 33)
“Ekbah-tong-ek-beh,” and translates, “Display of the King’s wealth.”]
[Footnote 95: Ahan (any liquor), and vo (red). Ahan yevo, is “white
man’s liquor,” meaning rum.]
[Footnote 96: He did not dismount, to show how high he was in the King’s
esteem, who allows this liberty to be taken by his subjects on the
“Happy Day” only. He wished us to walk on foot, that the people might
see that we were the slaves of the King.]
[Footnote 97: “Good morning.” The people easily pick up a few words of
foreign languages, which, however, they can never master.]
[Footnote 98: The old prints in the History, though mostly drawn from
imagination, all show the King wearing one of these hats.]
[Footnote 99: A confection of sugar, milk, almonds, spices, &c.]
[Footnote 100: E (he), na-nyin (will pass, _i.e._, release from duty of
further attendance), hun (drum, viz., drummers and singers).]
[Footnote 101: As we found from the gathering of the turkey-buzzards for
a week afterwards, the corpses were thrown into the town moat, near the
Komasi Palace; during the “Atto-year” their place is on the north of the
enceinte. They are not disposed of, as Mr. Duncan says, “in a large pit,
at a considerable distance from the town.” In all cases their skulls,
which here are prized as much as by the Anthropological Society of
London, are subsequently removed, and are probably afterwards exhibited
as the trophies of heroic deeds.]
[Footnote 102: Meaning “thunder to-day,” so great will be the noise of
musketry.]
[Footnote 103: Great men are supposed to transact business at that
time.]
[Footnote 104: The Gold Coast name of the Southern Cross.]
[Footnote 105: Kpwe (plenty), and tó (here, there, and everywhere; not
to be confounded with tò, the world).]
[Footnote 106: Cuisinely considered, I believe this axiom to be
distinctly incorrect.]
[Footnote 107: The custom of presenting a “fine striped cotton cloth,”
is found in the History (p. 146), and the “counterpane” is also named.]
[Footnote 108: Or forty shillings. There are always fifty strings of two
score shells to the vulgar, and ten less to the royal, “head.” Moreover,
the strings are “shroffed,” or “cabbaged,” by the palace women, and must
be re-counted. According to the History, three to six were deducted as
perquisites from a string of thirty-nine. In Captain Phillips’ time
(1694) the King of Whydah gave out cowries in a smaller, and received
them in a larger, measure than any of his subjects.]
[Footnote 109: Do (a “bamboo” mat), and ho (a room). Some called it
Kpla-kpla.]
[Footnote 110: Not with a charcoal-blackened face, as declared by M.
Jules Gérard, Appendix iii.]
[Footnote 111: Hun (drum), and gán (big). My ear can detect no
difference between this adnoun and Gán, a captain.]
[Footnote 112: Here called Attakun, whereas Attakín is Cayenne pepper. A
present of this Guinea pepper from one soldier to another is considered
an insult, hinting that the recipient requires something to heat his
blood.]
[Footnote 113: The following list of chiefs who appeared this day is
banished to a foot-note:—
1. Advance guard representing royalty, 4 umbrellas, 40 men and boys
escorting Agugun and Ayohi, custodians of the palace. 2. The three great
ministers of the crown; a large chair, a parrot or fetish image and
stick, 3 flags, fancy umbrella (lappets with knives and heads of many-
coloured cloth), and 50 men were the “place” of the Min-gan, who was
sick. 3. Seven deviced flags, 2 red and black shields, 2 big chairs, 1
blue striped umbrella accompanied the Meu, riding his white nag. Two
large chairs, an English and a French flag, a pony, mats, calabashes, 4
men with boarding-pikes, attitudinising an attack, a white umbrella,
drums and band, with 4 deviced flags accompanying the Yevo-gan, who
danced before us. Then came Addo-kpon, the Bush King’s “place,” a heavy
line of razor and musket-men preceding an unridden horse, 2 men and 2
umbrellas, with two flags. Behind Addo-kpon marched the King’s brother
and great dignitaries. 1. The new Ajyaho, preceded by fetish sticks of
iron, followed by huge stools, 1 flag brown and tattered, 1 deviced, and
1 white and blue, a white umbrella, and an old brown ditto. 2. The
Akpulogan, or governor of Ahada, whose escort was very mean, many of his
men being absent on service; a head and knife flag, 2 white banners, a
horse, and a big stool. 3. The So-gan, with a noisy band, and 1
umbrella, buff and deviced. 4. The Ganze, with similar escort: he is a
young man, having been lately promoted. 5. The To-metti, with 2 flags,
one white, the other white and blue, and some 50 men; he also has lately
succeeded his father, who was one of Gezo’s brothers. 6. The Afarigbe,
own brother to Gelele; in his suite 5 men, with hair tightly bandaged in
calico, like Fetishmen. 7. The Anlin-wa-nun, with an English flag, his
party passing at the double. 8. The Tokpo, with knife and head umbrella.
9. The Bokovo, captain and brother to the late king. 10. The Adanejan,
with a party of 150 men firing lustily, red flag and fancy banner, a
horse, and in the rear 2 white umbrellas, 1 white pennon and 1 red. He
sent compliments to us by one of his slaves, an Ishaggan captive, who
looked the personification of mirth. 11. The Bin-wan-ton, with a small
party, and umbrella knife and head. 12. The Bi-na-zon under a white
umbrella, and a large party, amongst whom were sundry of the present
King’s young sons, who fired before us. 13. The Gwe-be-do, or second
eunuch. 14. The Buko-no, or King’s magician, attired _en militaire_—blue
drawers, tunic with cowries on black ground, straw cap dyed red and
supplied with chin-strap, and a small sword stuck in belt, and tomahawk
in right hand. He asked me if I had ever seen such a gun (_i.e._,
firing) at Abeokuta, and took place by my side. 15. The Attirive,
brother to the late king, with 2 umbrellas, 1 white and 1 head and
knife. 16. The Aho, another of the blood-royal, followed by three of the
princes; he had a blue umbrella, and a fancy blue flag. 17. The Voda,
brother to the present king, with a white umbrella. 18. The Nonnovo, who
is said to be a woman passing as a man, the eldest daughter of Gezo,
and, but for the Salic law of Dahome, his heir to the kingdom. 19. The
Tokunonfisan, captain and subject, with an English Union-Jack. 20. The
Gofle, a son of the old Meu, also with British flag. 21. The Chyudaton,
with a very small party. 22. The Kwenun, before an akhi-gan, or “king’s
merchant,” now promoted to captaincy of all traders at Whydah. He is a
large fat old man, grotesquely Silenus-like, but not unintelligent. 23.
The Men-jo-ten, second caboceer of Ahada, with white umbrella and fancy.
24. The Asogba-hosen, brother to the present King, with a bluish
umbrella, and a few attendants, chiefly boys. 25. The Awonyon, with a
white umbrella, a fancy flag, an iron stick crescent-topped, and 2
fetish images, one of them black, with a long white unicorn-horn. 26.
The Toja, a white umbrella, son to a brother of the late king. 27. The
Ahopwe, brother of Gezo, with a head and knife umbrella. 28. The
Assogba’u, with very few attendants. 29. The Enekpehun, another brother
of Gezo, with a blue and white umbrella. 30. The Nuage, a brother of the
present king. 31. Bosu-sau, on horseback, with white umbrella and bluish
flag. 32. The Nuase, a knife and head umbrella. 33. The Metokal, a white
umbrella. 34. The Vinyi-hun-to. 35. The Ajewanun, a French tri-colour.
36. The Khwechiri, a Whydah captain. 37. The Nolufren, ditto. 38. The
Mecho-nun. 39. The Bokpwe, a white flag. 40. The Ganzu. 41. The Adan-
vokun. 42, 43. Two new captains, names unknown. 44. The Jogbwenun. 45.
The Honjenun. 46. The Agbado. In the _arrière_ came the high military
officers, preceded by their escorts, firing hard. 1. The Gau, with an
awful flag, a crimson man sprawling on a white ground, a blue and white
flag, and smaller blue pennons, a black stool, and a pair of blackened
and tattered umbrellas. 2. The Matro, or second Gau, passing at a run,
with two white umbrellas and 1 head and knife. 3. The Po-su, a white
flag, with 2 pink and 1 buff umbrellas. 4. The Ahwig-bamen, or assistant
Po-su, with his band playing and his men firing, 1 white flag with green
beasts eating one another, and 2 tattered umbrellas, one of them head
and knife. 5. The Agbwi, with 2 white and 1 blue flags, and 2 white
tattered umbrellas. 6. The Allohan, another tattered umbrella. 7. The
Ahwesi, 1 plaid umbrella, and 4 white. 8. The Aovi, 1 white umbrella,
and 8 flags preceding. 10 (_sic_ in first edition). Very tattered
umbrellas, showing where the servants of the king were. 11. Fetisheers,
with Bo-chio images. 12. The royal “place,” with 9 flags, 2 huge stools,
2 red and blue shields, 1 head and knife umbrella, and another striped,
with blue lined valances. Thus the total number of parties was 58.]
[Footnote 114: Mr. Duncan, in more than one place (vol. i. pp. 233, 253,
261), declares that scalps are taken by the Dahomans. The custom appears
to be now obsolete; I did not find a trace of it.]
[Footnote 115: A Flying Visit to Abeokuta, chap. vii.]
CHAPTER XVII.
OF THE DAHOMAN RELIGION.
I cannot but admire the incuriousness of so many travellers who have
visited Dahome and have described its Customs without an attempt to
master, or at least to explain, the faith that underlies them. Their
excuses must be the difficulty presented by the incorporation of
manifold elements, and the various obstacles to exploring a religion
which every man, to a certain extent, makes up for himself. “Perhaps,”
said a Dahoman officer to Captain Snelgrave, the first European who
visited his country (1627), “that God may be yours who has communicated
so many extraordinary things to white men; but as that God has not been
pleased to make himself known to us, we must be satisfied with this we
worship”; and Captain Phillips truly remarks of the Whydah people, “In
truth they have so many things they call fetishes that I could never
understand the true meaning of the word.”
Fetishism, according to the older opinion, is, like the negro’s personal
conformation, a fall from the primitive inspired and spiritual belief of
mankind. The researches of our modern day tend to establish the fact of
a fossil ancestry of immeasurable inferiority to the present _Homo
sapiens_, the effect of a selection ever active throughout a course of
ages. Consequently anthropologists will substitute, even in the Hamite,
a rise above instead of a fall from the philosophic Adam: they will
consider his superstitions as the dawnings of belief struggling to
attain the brightness of day, equally inferior in the moral or
sentimental qualities to the Asiatic, and to the European in the
reflectives and the perceptives.
Africans, as a rule, worship everything except the Creator. Yet there
is, even amongst this people, a “_sensus numinis_” which raises them
above the Andamanian “Minkopi,” the Australasian races, and the idiots
or imperfect brain formations amongst the higher families. I will not
delay to inquire whether the Yoruban deity, confused and indigested as
the idea is, has not been greatly modified by converse with Al-Islam, or
whether it was not derived from Christians driven southwards during the
Vandal persecutions.
The Ffon name for the deity is Mau.[116] The Roman Catholic missioners
have preferred to call themselves Mau-no or Mau-mother, as opposed to
Vodun-no or fetish priest. On the other hand, Mau is the moon,[117] a
distinct trace of Sabæanism; as the feminine principle, it made man in
conjunction with Lisa or Se,—a male, the fetish representative of the
sun, of which more hereafter.[118] The Fanti or Wesleyan missionaries,
who translate Mau as “all the gods,” or “the unknown God,” prefer Yewhe,
or Ji-wule-ye-whe.[119] It is evident that, in the Dahoman mind, the
_numen_ has not had time to separate itself from material objects, or to
vindicate its right to Latria as opposed to Dulia.
This Mau, or Ye-whe, is the Esquimaux “Pirksoma”—“he who is above”—an
entity wholly undeveloped, and, for the same reason, the imperfect
intellect of both races. Being incomprehensible, the Supreme is judged
too elevated to care for the low estate of man; and consequently is
neither feared nor loved. The sentiment almost universal amongst negro
races corresponds with the views of many thinkers in modern or in
ancient Europe, who look upon the Deity as the Cause of Causes and the
Source of Law, rather than as a local and personal fact. It has, at
least, saved the African from anthropomorphism—a besetting peculiarity
of the Aryan race, whose hostility to a pure theism lingers, even at the
present time, in that Semitic faith which has become the creed of modern
Europe. Thus, so easily do extremes meet, and such is the radical
identity of creeds, the negro’s Deity, if disassociated from physical
objects, would almost represent the idea of the philosopher.
It has been doubted whether, in the present state of human nature, a
belief so abstract as Monotheism, asomatous and non-local, is a
sufficient proof for the weakness of mankind. As there is in man a
_besoin d’aimer_, so his veneration requires, they say, a Creator, whose
image he is. The Athanasian looks upon deism as atheism, and holds all
but a personal god no god or a useless god. In England the mind of
Milton found comfort in a Father, who, unable to forgive the
disobedience of his creatures, accepted the agony of a sinless Son; and
he saw nothing irreverent in recording a divine dialogue of Arian and
Calvinistic theology. Truly, says the Yoruban proverb, “The wisdom of
this year will be as folly in another.”
The African—somewhat like the vulgar Asiatic and European, especially
the southron—holds the illogical belief that his dark, silent, eternal
Deity can be influenced by intercessions animate and inanimate, human
and bestial; that the leopard and the crocodile, like the walí (saint)
and the prophet, and that the fetish shrub, like the Salagram, the
Karbela clay, or the bit of True Cross, may, by some inexplicable
process, control the inscrutable course of mundane law. These articles,
however, must not be confounded, as they often are by Europeans, with
the Platonic inferior deities. In some points they preserve a family
resemblance with the old Gebr faith. Thus the latter had, for instance,
Izad as angel or fetish for the sun, Mohr for the moon, Awa for water,
Gowad for air, Amardad for trees, and Bahman for cattle.
In Africa the list of fetish or worshipped objects is nearly endless.
Some powerful and indescribable influence residing in the elements, in
beasts (mostly the destructive), and even in man (generally human
benefactors), enables them to work present weal and woe, and wins for
them propitiation or deprecation. The tendency of humanity to worship
Nature and her powers extends from Pliny[120] to the American savage. It
recognizes as its temples, caverns, valleys, trees, and forests. The
Yorubas, of whom it must be remembered the Dahomans are a family, have
advanced from the adoration of the material object towards a
personification of Nature’s works, and these we consider idols or
_simulacres_.[121] There is another idea which in these lands often
makes and breaks gods. A man about to undertake a danger or a difficulty
looks about as, according to the same Pliny, the Romans did, for some
supernatural aid. He takes the first object, be it bird or beast, stock
or stone, seen in the morning when leaving his house, and he makes it
his Genius. If it prove useful, worship and sacrifice are not wanting:
on the other hand, a stronger “medicine” is sought.
In the days of Bosman (1700) the little kingdom of Whydah adored three
orders of gods, each presiding, like the several officers of a prince,
over its peculiar province.
The first is the Danh-gbwe, whose worship has been described.[122] This
earthly serpent is esteemed the supreme bliss and general good: it has
1000 Danh’si or snake wives, married and single votaries, and its
influence cannot be meddled with by the two following, which are subject
to it.
The second is represented by lofty and beautiful trees,[123] “in the
formation of which Dame Nature seems to have expressed her greatest
art.” They are prayed to and presented with offerings in times of
sickness, and especially of fever. Those most revered are the Hun-’tin,
or acanthaceous silk cotton (_Bombax_), whose wives equal those of the
snake, and the Loko, the well-known Edum, ordeal, or poison tree, of the
West African coast. The latter numbers few Loko-’si, or Loko spouses: on
the other hand, it has its own fetish pottery, which may be bought in
every market. An inverted pipkin full of cullender holes is placed upon
the ground at the tree foot, and by its side is a narrow-necked little
pot into which the water offering is poured. The two are sometimes
separated by a cresset-shaped fetish iron, planted in the earth. The
_cultus arborum_, I need hardly say, is an old and far-spread worship:
it may easily be understood, as the expression of man’s gratitude and
admiration. The sacred trees of the Hindu were the Pippala (_Ficus
religiosa_), the Kushtha (_Costus speciosus_), the sacred juice of the
Soma, which became a personage, and many others. The Jews, and after
them the early Christians and the Moslems, had their Tuba or Tree of
Paradise. Mr. Palgrave, traversing Arabia in 1862-63, found in the
kingdom of Shomer or Haíl distinct tree worship, the acacia (Talh) being
danced round and prayed to for rain. In Egypt and other Moslem lands
rags and cloths are suspended to branches, vestiges of ancient Paganism.
North European mythology embraced Yggdrasil, or the world tree. We no
longer approach the gods with branches of this sacred vegetation in
hand; still the maypole and Christmas tree, the Yule log and the church
decorations of evergreens, holly and palms, and the modern use of the
sterility-curing mistletoe, descend directly from the treovve-ordung, or
tree worship of ancient England. It is also curious that snake worship
is generally connected with it: so in the North European system,
Nidhoegg, the abyss-worm, lay coiled at the foot of Yggdrasil.
The youngest brother of the triad is Hu, the ocean or sea. Formerly it
was subject to chastisement, like the Hellespont, if idle or useless.
The Hu-no, or ocean priest, is now considered the highest of all, a
fetish king, at Whydah, where he has 500 wives. At stated times he
repairs to the beach, begs “Agbwe,” the Samudra-devta or ocean god, not
to be boisterous, and throws in rice and corn, oil and beans, cloth,
cowries, and other valuables. He doubtless knows the rule mentioned by
Captain Phillips, that the weather is better during the wane of the moon
than at its full and change. At times the King sends as an ocean
sacrifice from Agbome a man carried in a hammock, with the dress, the
stool, and the umbrella of a caboceer; a canoe takes him out to sea,
where he is thrown to the sharks. The Custom for this element is made at
Whydah, in a place near the greater market, and called Hu-kpa-men. It is
a round hut, with thatch and chalked walls; outside is a heap of bones,
whilst skulls, carapaces of the tortoise, and similar materials, cumber
the interior. The priest is a fetish woman, who offers water and Kola
nuts to, and expects rum from, white visitors.
These deities, originally of Whydah, have spread throughout Dahome, and
men now forget their first habitat. We may add a fourth, “So,” or
“Khevioso,”[124] the thunder fetish, whose weapon, as amongst our
classics unlearned in brontology, is here still supposed to be Abi, the
lightning.[125] This deity is worshipped at Whydah, in a So Agbajyí, or
thunder closet. It has about 1000 wives throughout the country. When a
man is killed by the electric fluid,[126] which renders sepulture, as
amongst the Romans, unlawful, these women place the body upon a
platform, and cut from it lumps, which they chew without eating, crying
to passers by—“We sell you meat!—fine meat! Come and buy!” This is the
nearest approach to cannibalism shown in Dahome. I saw nothing of the
blood-drinker described by Mr. Duncan, who, when offered a draught mixed
with rum, “could, with a good heart, have sent a bullet through his
head.”
In the following general list I have preserved no other order than that
dictated by my interpreters; the _Dii servatores_ and _compitales
sospitatores_ and _viales_, are all mixed.
1. Afa, as has been said,[127] is the messenger of fetishes and of
deceased friends. Its fetisheer is here called Buko-no, and by the
Egbas, Babbalawo. The people say of him, “The priest who is most cunning
takes to Afa,” meaning that it pays best; consequently, Buko-nos swarm
throughout the land. When Afa predicts evil the votary must perform the
catholicon—“Vo-sisa.” Ground is cleared near the house or in the bush, a
mat is then spread, and a short staff or thick peg is driven through the
latter; the worshipper, with his fetishman, who taps a small cymbal with
an iron rod, pours upon the wood first water and then the blood of a
fowl, whose body becomes, of course, the holy man’s perquisite. As has
appeared in the previous pages, there are many different forms of vo-
sisa.
2. Bo, a huge Priapus built of clay, and placed in markets, at gates,
and in rooms. He is the especial guardian of warriors, defending them
from fire and sword; and in his honour they are hung with cowries and
horsetails. The images called Bo-chio, the crutched stick, either
planted in the ground at home or carried abroad, when travelling, and
the Bo-so “struppi,” or bundles of truncheons painted and speckled, are
sacred to this great fetish.
3. Legba, also a Priapus and a Janus, whose appearance and worship have
been described.[128]
4. Gùn, or Gù, the iron fetish. It is the god Ogun of Abeokuta, where
human sacrifices are offered to it. In Dahome it has not that honour.
5. Hoho, the twin fetish,[129] that protects those exceptionals. At
Allada the birth was infamous, as men would not believe that a woman
could have two children by one husband; at Agbome, where population is
wanted, the mother is honoured. So at the mouth of the Benin River the
parent and offspring are put to death, and in the city of Great Benin
the King makes presents to the progenitrix. Amongst the Fanti, the Attah
is also respected, whereas in the Bonny River the twin-mother is called
a “she goat,” and is slain. The twin fetish has no wives, and its
offerings of little pots and irons have been minutely described.[130]
6. Sapatan, or small pox, the Buku god of Abeokuta, and the Sitla Devi
(small-pox goddess) of the Hindu.[131]
7. Takpwonun, the hippopotamus.
8. Kpo, the leopard—a royal Fetish.[132]
9. Gbwe-ji, the great bush Fetish, which helps huntsmen and foresters.
It is in the shape of a small snake, marked like a boa.
10. Kpate, the first Whydah man who, sighting a ship from his
plantation, brought it to anchor by waving a cloth tied to a long pole,
and led the captain into the town. Like Triptolemus, he is worshipped as
a benefactor to mankind.
11. Kpase, the man who helped Kpate.
12. Nate, the storekeeper of the sea, who is worshipped by fishermen,
and by those who work by water.
13. Avrekete, a fetish which steals the keys from Nate and gives to
man—hence he has some 500 wives.
14. Aizan, one of the many street gods which protect the market and the
gate. It is a large or small cone of clay, with a pipkin or a stone on
the top or at the base. Upon these are poured the consecrated
trash—flour, palm-oil, and boiled beans; sometimes fowls are killed for
it.
15. Agasun, the old Makhi Fetish that ruled Agbome before Dako conquered
it. It aided his enterprise, for which reason the Agasun-no, or head
fetishman, is at the capital equivalent to the Hu-no of Whydah. Its
emblem is not known. The abode of the great fetisheer, and the respect
paid to him by the King and multitude, have been described.[133]
16. Li (pronounced with ळ, the peculiar Sanskrit _l_) was a great fetish
at Whydah, in charge of the town before it was conquered by Agaja. The
place of worship is a little shed in the bush to the west of Savi.
17. Lisa, the fetish of Khwezioso, the sun. Its emblem is a red clay
pot, with a cover of the same material, striped white; on the top is a
rude chameleon (agaman), that animal being the messenger of Lisa. It is
placed upon a swish-heap and filled with water. Sometimes meat and other
food are offered to it.
18. Dohen, a Whydah fetish. It calls vessels and strangers to the
English Fort when that building is empty, consequently it is worshipped
there. Goats and fowls are sacrificed to it, and beans are especially
offered up.
19. Nesu, the proper Ffon fetish of Agbome, established by Agaja the
Conqueror. It is worshipped in large sheds called Nesu-hwe, adjoining
the various palaces. Its water pot is known as Bagwe, and when the
fetish women, guarded by Amazons, pass in strings towards the wells,
they are fetching the element for the mysterious rites of Nesu.
20. Ajaruma, the protecting Fetish of white men at Whydah. He also is
represented in the English Fort by a tree and a pot inside a room.
21. Tokpodun, the crocodile, formerly worshipped at Allada and Savi,
where Captain Phillips was not allowed to shoot it. All are now killed
off.
22. Zo, the fire Fetish. A pot is placed in a room and sacrifice is
offered to it, that fire may “live” there, and not go forth to destroy
the house. The Zovodun has already been described.[134]
23. Aydo-whe-do—commonly called Danh, the Heavenly Snake, which makes
the Popo beads and confers wealth upon man—is the rainbow. Its emblem
is, I have said, a coiled and horned snake of clay, in a pot or
calabash. This utensil, duly whitewashed, is placed at the foot of a
silk-cotton tree, or near hills of white ants, which are called Danh’s
houses. The Dahomans do not, as the French missionaries suppose, adore
insects.
Abeokuta has her _lares_.[135] Benin boasts a profusion of domestic
altars, which are here unknown. The Dahomans practise, however, like all
Yorubans, the worship of their own heads, in order to obtain good
fortune.[136] They do not, however, honour like the Egba traveller,
their big toes.[137] The “head” worshipper, after providing a fowl, kola
nuts, rum and water, bathes, dresses in pure white baft, and seats
himself on a clean mat. An old woman with her _medius_ finger-tip dipped
in water, touches successively his forehead, poll, nape, and mid-
breast—sometimes all his joints. She then breaks a kola into its natural
divisions, throws them down like dice, chooses a lucky piece, which she
causes a bystander to chew, and with his saliva retouches the parts
before alluded to. The fowl is then killed by pulling its body, the neck
being held between the big and first toe; the same _attouchements_ are
performed with its head, and finally with the boiled and shredded flesh,
before it is eaten. Meanwhile, rum and water are drunk by those present.
A quaint superstition!
The fetisheer is all powerful in Dahome. The last monarch was notably
desirous of modifying the horrors and the expenses of the national
worship; his son has been compelled to walk in the old path of blood. As
has been said, the King dismounts at the Agasu-no’s door, and prostrates
to him; besides which, he is guided in all his movements by his Buko-no.
When a grandee passes the house of a common priest, the latter comes to
the entrance, pronounces an allocution in the unintelligible hierarchic
tongue, whilst an acolyte shrieks a response to his recitative, and both
expect largesse.
There are writers, Captain Adams for instance, who would treat all the
ecclesiastical body in West Africa as mere impostors, which is much as
if a Zulu, unable to master the subject of Christianity, were to accuse
every European priest and parson of deliberate fraud. Fetish, moreover,
is, throughout the dark continent, the strongest engine of government—a
moral police—whose sudden removal would break up society.[138] In Dahome
it gains strength from the peculiar form of tyranny; wherever despotism
exists it must rest upon a strong and popular faith, and it will find in
its ministrants the most persistent and conservative allies, as they are
the most interested in repelling relaxation of discipline. A notable
case may be seen nearer home. The French Republic was satisfied with a
latitudinarianism of the amplest. The Napoleonic empire must conciliate,
if it cannot win over, the _parti-prêtre_. But the polished despotism
tempers the superstition and credulity of the ignorant many by the
scepticism and the rationalism of the educated few. The barbarous
tyranny admits only the thaumaturgic extreme. Amongst the turbulent
Fanti there is considerable infidelity touching fetish and its priests;
the Dahoman must believe and tremble.
Theological studies are strict in this section of Yoruba. The peculiar
fetish is chosen after a fit of ecstacy: abnormal brain action is not
uncommon amongst the negro races. During the fit the subject rushes, as
one distracted, to the idol, and, after violent exertions, sinks
fainting on the ground. When he recovers, the headman informs him what
fetish—the sea, for instance, or the snake—has come to him; and that, he
adopts for life. This ecstasy is the Hal (حال) of Arabia, the demoniacal
possession of the Days of Ignorance, the “spirit of prophecy” amongst
the Camisards or Shakers, the “spirit” in Methodism, and the “jerks” and
“holy laugh” of the camp-meeting. I have not seen it in Dahome, but old
residents have described it to me—all in almost identical terms. In many
points it resembles our modern spiritualism, which a late writer (“From
Matter to Spirit”) prefers to “fix upon some cause, even if false, than
upon none.[139]”
The neophyte is then removed from his friends to the fetish quarter of
the town. There he learns the holy fetish Jargon, which is
unintelligible to the uninitiated: the technical phraseology and the
professional twang—in fact, what John Foster calls “the vulgar of
religious authorship”—are the only traces of this enlightened process
still lingering in England. The course, which extends through two or
three years, ends with the songs, the dances, and the multifarious
ceremonies of the religious calling. The relatives then ransom the
acolyte, by paying sundry heads of cowries and clothes, goats, and fowls
to the principal; and the youth, gaudily dressed, is escorted home,
where, for three months, he will not make himself understood. At Agbome
there is an ordination. The aspirant is taken before the King, who
invests him in a new cloth, changes his name,[140] and addresses him
touching his future duties.
Many fetisheers retain their secular callings. Those who have the “cure
of souls” receive no regular pay, but live well upon the benevolences of
votaries who desire health or wealth, issue, and length of days, to
detect a wizard or to destroy a foe. Formerly they had as many _fueros_
as a Mexican ecclesiastic, and were not liable to capital penalties. It
was found advisable to alter the system, and to punish them under a
legal fiction: whilst the fetish is “upon” the criminal, he is safe;
when the fit has passed off, he is put to death.
Still, these fetisheers have many privileges. Both sexes, for instance,
may wear dresses forbidden to the commonalty, and personal vanity in
Africa emphatically knows no sore. The men shave half their heads or
confine the hair in white calico: many also carry a chauri, or fly-flap,
of horse or cow tail. Their costume is arbitrary, parts of it having
been borrowed, apparently, from the Portuguese priests at Whydah. The
women, especially the wives of the small-pox god, are also “half-heads”:
some decorate their hair with bunches of small East Indian cowries,
beads, or bright flowers, others with the feathers of little red birds
planted upright, so as to make them resemble horned owls; whilst others
wear the Tabla, or broad-brimmed steeple-hats, with tall thin crowns,
before described. There are many other _coiffures_—caps adorned, like
the hair, with shells and bouquets, fillets, and so forth. They cover
the bosom with kerchiefs; and gaudy-coloured cloths, extending to their
feet, are girt round the waist, where the stuff turns over with a fall
or narrow flap. Both sexes, especially the Mau, or moon fetish women,
prefer, as ornaments, long strings of cowries doubled back to back, with
a single black seed[141] separating the pairs. These are passed,
baldric-like, over the shoulder, and hang down by the side. I have
alluded to their other implements in the course of these pages.
About a quarter of the female population in Dahome may be
fetisheeresses, and girls are married to the fetish before their birth.
These Vodun-vi[142] are trained like the men, and though but slaves, are
greatly respected by the laity. How the sea-marriages and others are
conducted, no one knows; scandals are, of course, rife, but who can
substantiate them? The husband may not chastise or interfere with his
wife whilst the fetish is “upon” her, and even at other times the use of
the rod might be dangerous.[143] During the Customs these women pass the
forenoon in begging cowries: about four P.M. they don their clerical
habits at the fetish house, march in Indian file to the squares, where
the public dances are performed, and so excite themselves by music and
violent exercise that ecstatic fits are often induced. When the fête is
over, they re-assume the laical garb and return home.
The most peculiar, and perhaps the least noticed, tenet of Dahoman
religion is the “continuance theory,” which was apparently raised to a
doctrine by the sons of Misraim, and which the great Lawgiver of Israel
almost expelled from his system. Of the Egyptians it was said that they
lived in Hades rather than on the banks of the Nile: the Dahomans call
this world their “plantation,” and the next their “home.” I am unable to
decide whether it is a spontaneous idea, or whether it immigrated in
olden times, as all Africa’s poor arts and arms show a once general
intercourse, from that neutral region between the Semite and Hamite. We
trace it throughout pagan Yoruba and the Gold Coast, and it shows no
signs of a Christian or Moslem origin. It is essentially prosaic, as
among the vulgar of Europe. Former travellers vaguely allude to a rude
notion of futurity in the native mind: perhaps the idea has since grown;
possibly, the observer failed to break through native secretiveness.
Ku-to-men, or Deadland,[144] is the place which receives the “nidon,” or
ghostly part of man proceeding from him after death. This “next world”
offers none of those rewards and punishment by which, according to the
Semitic animist, the balance of good and evil in this life is to be
struck. He who escapes punishment here, is safe hereafter; there the
earthly king is a king, the slave a slave for ever and ever; the hunter
and warrior shall continue their favourite pursuits, and all will busy
themselves with the affairs of the living. When sunshine accompanies
rain, the people say that the ghosts are going to market, and with us
the devil beats his wife. It is impossible to determine whether the
departed are looked upon in the light of our spirits, souls, ghosts, or
pale shades wandering by the gloomy river: they are probably nothing but
the embodiment of the animal horror of death. Consequently, Satan and
other Semitic machinery are absolutely unknown. Ku-to-men is, in fact, a
Swedenborgian reproduction of this world, and it is placed under the
earth. Of course it has been visited as often as St. Patrick’s
“purgatory.” Many men, falling ill, believe themselves to be summoned by
some ancestral ghost: they repair to certain priests—mostly those of the
small-pox, the iron, the poison-tree, and the rainbow gods—not those of
the snake or the sea—and pay a dollar fee for the holy man to descend
and deliver their excuses. The fetisheer covers himself with a cloth,
and, after his trance, reports how, down among the dead men, he found
the shades eating, drinking, and making merry. He will even bring back
from Hades rare beads known to have been buried with a certain corpse;
and sometimes he must pawn his clothes to obtain a specimen or a
counterfeit. One of these worthies on the Gold Coast, after returning
with a declaration that he had left a marked coin in Deadland, dropped
it from his waist-cloth at the feet of the payer whilst drinking rum.
But _populus vult decipi_. Some fetisheers, exactly like our mediums,
pretend to summon the ghosts. On the other hand, the departed often
returns to earth in the body of a child, and yet remains in Deadland—an
idea which some travellers have confounded with metempsychosis. Curious
to relate, the Dahomans have a morbid fear of losing life: death is
never mentioned in the King’s presence except by some euphuism, as “the
tree has fallen.” As a rule, the more precise the knowledge of and the
belief in a future world, the less value do the believers attach to
present existence.
With so many priests the people must have numerous ceremonies. The
child’s name is given on the eighth day after the Buko-no has pronounced
what ancestor has sent it. The Genesitic precept (xvii. 10), here called
Adda-gbwibo, is not confined to the priestly practitioner. At Whydah it
is effected between the twelfth and sixteenth year; at Agbome it is
deferred till the twentieth: consequently, many fall ill after it, and
some die. The roughly-performed operation is rendered peculiar by a
double cut above and below: it is rather in the Moslem than in the
Jewish fashion, but it is doubtless indigenous, as amongst many tribes
of Central Africa. Hot sand is applied as a styptic to the wound; the
patient is dieted with ginger soup and warm drinks of ginger water, pork
being especially forbidden to him. The sister operation, excision,
wonderful to say, is entirely unknown; the reverse being so much the
custom, that a woman in the natural state is derided by others. The
_artiste_ is some ancient _sage femme_, and the effect is an
exaggeration of that which particularized the Hottentot Venus dissected
by Cuvier.
The Dahoman marriage is somewhat complicated. The aspirant sends to his
intended father-in-law’s house a man and a woman with two double flasks
of rum. These Mercuries open the affair, after many preliminaries, by
saying, “Our uncle wishes to wed one of your girls.” The parent inquires
and learns the suitor’s name, after which the proxies retire. If Afa
return a favourable reply, the family is informed of the coming event,
and the empty flasks are sent back, to signify consent and to grant
affiance. This honour is acknowledged by two other and full flasks; at
the same time two heads of cowries and two cottons for his _fiancée_
being forwarded by Cœlebs. He then collects as much cloth as he
can,[145] and this task may occupy three years, during which he is
expected to perform all Customs which the girl may have omitted, such as
sacrifice for her grandmother and other relatives.
On the “happy day”—which is always Sunday—three messengers with flasks
of rum are sent by the bridegroom at morning, noon, and sunset, to beg
their daughter from her parents. A large _cortége_ brings the bride to
her future home. The father and mother are seated upon chairs, and
ensues a general feast and carouse, as many goats and pigs as possible
being cooked; the banquet begins and ends with water and then rum.
After midnight the bridegroom retires to his sleeping chamber, and sits
on his couch. Three or four fetish-women, holding the girl’s wrists,
lead her in and place her two hands in his, saying, “Take your wife, we
give her to you; flog her if she is bad, and feed and clothe her well if
she pleases you.” They then drink water, rum, gin, and liqueurs with the
new couple; and at three or four A.M. retire, leaving them to become
_baron_ and _feme_.
The Dahomans are not behind the people of Europe in attaching an
extravagant value to the _primitiæ_. According to Mosaic custom, the
bridegroom at once bears rejoicing to his people the piece of grey or
white baft which covers the nuptial couch. On the bride’s side, a young
girl, left purposely in the house when the parents and friends have
retired, runs off with the discoloured “languti,” or T-bandage, here
universally worn. Great rejoicings follow the demonstration that the
daughter has proved herself an _illibata virgo_. Should the other thing
happen, some men send home their brides in wrath,[146] and demand back
their property of the father, who seeks out the author of his family
disgrace and compels him to pay substantial damages.
If all has passed off well, the husband, early on Monday morning,
carries cowries and rum as presents to the parents of his spouse. The
bride, after a week’s cohabitation, returns to her old home. On the
first Saturday she cooks food, and sends it to her master, who on the
next morning returns a gift of cloth, and from ten to forty heads of
cowries: dollars, however, are not refused. On the same evening the
bride returns permanently to her abode, and on Monday morning she visits
the market and buys liquor and provisions as a final feast for her
husband’s family. When the short period, corresponding with our
honeymoon, has elapsed, she joins the rest of the wives in the field or
the plantation, and subsides into a quasi-servile position. The vile
trick of alluring the unwary into _crim. con._, is as well understood at
Agbome as at Abeokuta.
The barren woman is called, in Ffon, “wen-si-no”; the Dahoman, however,
does not, like the Egba, attribute her misfortune to bad health, nor is
the word insulting, as it generally is in Asia and Africa. As usual,
throughout savage Africa, osculation is unknown, even by name, and an
offer to “salute” on the part of a white man is attributed to a display
of his cannibal propensities.
Curious to say, there is in barbarous Dahome a coroner’s inquest after
every death. The kings, who here monopolize murder, hearing that many
masters killed their slaves, established in all the towns “Gevi,” or
officers charged with controlling the abuse. When a death is reported
they must inspect the body; and their fee for certifying a natural death
is a head and a half of cowries. Then begins the chio-nun, or “corpse
time or mourning,” during which the weeping relatives must fast, and
refrain from bathing, but not from singing and dram-drinking. The body
is shaved, washed, and habited in its best attire, with bracelets,
necklaces, and other ornaments, not forgetting a piece of cloth as a
change of raiment when arriving in Deadland. A coffin is made of bamboo,
or of native or foreign wood; its huge size denotes, as in the Congo
regions, a caboceer. The body is disposed on one side, as if sleeping.
Except under peculiar circumstances,[147] the corpse, as usual in Guinea
from the Kru country to the south coast, is interred, either in its own
house or in the abode of certain ancestors. An oblong grave is dug for
the coffin: the paupers, who are buried wrapped up in palm matting, are
placed, as among the Moslems, in a niche offsetting from a circular pit.
The body is lowered with ropes, earth is filled in, and the ground is
smoothened with water. After mourning nine days, the men and women
relatives and friends visit the wives and family of the deceased, join
in the myriology, and dash to them cowries and cloths to decorate the
last home.
“Here bring the last sad gifts—with these
The last lament be said;
Let all that pleased, and still may please
Be buried with the dead.”
When a human sacrifice is made the head is placed upon the grave, and
the body is interred alongside of the corpse so honoured. Usually they
plant over the dead an Asen, or short cresset-shaped iron, upon whose
flat top water or blood, as a drink for the deceased, is poured. When a
Dahoman is interred abroad, a little earth from his tomb is brought
home.[148]
At Whydah missionary enterprise is still young; it is therefore not to
be judged as if it had enjoyed a fair trial. But all who know how deeply
rooted is fetishism in the negro brain, will despair of the nineteenth
succeeding better than the sixteenth century. In our modern day the good
work has begun here with the curse of sectarian theology upon it:
Catholics and Protestants working against one another in the same field.
I leave Messrs. Wallon and Dawson to speak each for the success of his
own “doxy,” and for the probable failure of the others:—
M. WALLON.
“Des bannières, des tableaux pieux, des images, des médailles
distribuées comme grisgris, deviendraient fétiches pour eux et les
disposeraient à connaître les signes qu’ils doivent respecter. Avec leur
tendance à nous considérer comme réellement supérieurs à eux et leur
croyance que cette supériorité nous est acquise par celle de notre Dieu,
ils renonceraient bientôt aux leurs pour adorer celui que nous leur
prions de connaître! Les femmes et les vieillards seraient là comme
partout les plus difficiles à vaincre; mais on s’emparerait aisément de
l’esprit des enfans dans un pays qui de lui-même a une véritable
disposition à la civilisation.”
All of which is contradicted by actual experiment.
MR. DAWSON.
“Fetish has been strengthened by the white man, whom the ignorant blacks
would not scruple to call a god if he could avoid death.[149] Gezo told
me that, hearing the white man’s god was at the beach, he was surprised,
thinking that he lived above, but ordered the Yevo-gan to bring him on
shore. When this was done, the people found ‘gods many,’ like their own,
the work of men’s hands, only better made, and brought them, with firing
and drumming, to a house built for them in the town. The King had now
not only his own but the white man’s gods, and thus he easily prevailed
over the Oyos, whom his father could not drive out. Were not these
grounds strong to compel the African’s mind to a complete reliance on
the efficacy of his fetish?”
Much of which has been proved to be true by the “inexorable logic of
facts.”
I cannot better conclude this chapter than with the words of an old
traveller: “It is morally impossible by mere human ministry to convince
the people of their errors and gross paganism, as it is to convert all
other blacks, unless Providence would effect a prodigious change in
their natures by its infinite irresistible grace.”
[Footnote 116: So the popular saying, Azo ewadelo Mau na dokpwenuwe (If
you walk and work, Mau thanks you, _i.e._, God is of the man who
works).]
[Footnote 117: Lisa-ji (lisa, or sun-sky) is the east, because the sun
comes out of it. Mau-ji is the west, because the moon is supposed to
begin there. Gbwe-ji (bush sky—also a fetish, which will be described)
is the north, under which lies the interior forest. Hu-men (in the sea)
is the south, for evident reasons. A small oriole, which soars like a
sky-lark, and strikes its wing-feathers together with a noise like the
locusts’ flight, is called Avo-kan ’gbe-khe—the bird that weaves cloth
(for Mau).]
[Footnote 118: Sé, which has been translated God and Spirit, means
rather the Ekra of the Gold Coast, also written Okra or Okla, ’kra or
’kla—one that has the Umbra, or ghost of another.]
[Footnote 119: Meaning Ji (the sky), wule (glittering), ye (a shadow—any
shadow), whe (the sun). The mulatto, the “tapoyer” of old travellers, is
called in Ffon Ye-whe-vi, or Ye-whe-child, because he has no fetish. He
is thus opposed to Vodun-vi, fetish child.]
[Footnote 120: (Lib. ii. chap. v.) Pliny, however, probably believed in
the Archeus of Nature, its original and all pervading principle.]
[Footnote 121: Ydoles, according to the old writers, were human or
bestial forms. “_Symulacres_,” or _simileetes_, are defined by
Maundeville, as “ymages made of lewed wille of man,” as two-headed or
four-armed figures.]
[Footnote 122: Chap. iv.]
[Footnote 123: Atin, contracted to ’tin in Ffon, is any tree.]
[Footnote 124: This word is peculiarly Whydah, whence I judge the
Dahoman fetish to have been first adopted there from the Shango, or
Jupiter Tonans of Yoruba.]
[Footnote 125: So we still say “thunderbolts.” According to Barbot, on
the Gold Coast (I have heard the same everywhere, from that place to
Camaroons), “when it thunders they say the Deity—with reverence be it
spoken—is diverting himself with his wives.” The Anglo-African is, “Man
for top, he play for bush.” Others again say, “Great devil he talk
angry.” A common imprecation in Dahome is, So ye mi, “Thunder fall upon
me if,” &c., &c.]
[Footnote 126: The corpse of a free man can be ransomed for ten heads,
that of a slave never.]
[Footnote 127: Chap. xii.]
[Footnote 128: Chap. iv.]
[Footnote 129: Hoho-no is the mother, Hoho-vi the children. The Dahomans
do not kill Albinos (here known as “men-wewe” or white bodies), of whom
I saw several in the capital: all were of the normal leucous type.]
[Footnote 130: Chap. x.]
[Footnote 131: In the Dahoman vocabulary by Commander Forbes our “small-
pox” is translated _Akpotin kpe-vi_, and explained in a foot-note, “A
poh tee peh vee; literally, small a poh tee.” But _Akpotin_, in the
Whydah dialect is a _box_, not a _pox_—hence the mistake, which is but
one in a thousand made in that vocabulary.]
[Footnote 132: In Dr. M‘Leod’s time it was confined to Dahome proper,
“but they deem it the safest way of worship to perform their acts of
devotion to his skin only, after death, which is stuffed for that
purpose.”]
[Footnote 133: Chap. x.]
[Footnote 134: Chap. iv.]
[Footnote 135: The images or teraphim of Laban and Micah (Gen. xxxi. 19,
30; Judges xvii. 5).]
[Footnote 136: So the Jews swore by their heads. The ceremony is called
in Ffon, E (he), wa (makes), ta (or ta-kun, the head), nun (thing). The
Egbas call it the “Olori li ori,” or Good Genius of Head.]
[Footnote 137: In Ffon, “Afo-su”; in Egba, “Ikpori.”]
[Footnote 138: So it has been popularly said of M. Renan’s views, that
an immense revolution, and one which Christians never desire to see,
would immediately follow their general reception.]
[Footnote 139: Though objecting to the name, which involves a theory, it
appears to me, after long inquiry, to be the action of an abnormal state
of the brain, which renders it, to an unknown and as yet undefined
extent independent of the external senses. It is less powerful in the
sanguine or lymphatic Englishman than in the peoples of Continental
Europe; and is most remarkable in the highly nervous temperament of the
Anglo-American.]
[Footnote 140: There are in Dahome no hereditary or heraldic surnames
and sire-names like those of Europe. All are personal and significant;
they are mostly given by the King, who often renews them. So in 2 Kings,
xxiii. 34, Pharaoh-nechoh turned the name of Eliakim, son of Josiah, to
Jehoiakim. And lately, Napoleon I. made all his vassal brethren assume
his first as the dynastic name.]
[Footnote 141: It is called Attikun, and is said to be produced by a
tall tree growing at a distance from Agbome.]
[Footnote 142: Vodun (fetish), vi (a child). The name is especially
applied to children claimed by a fetish.]
[Footnote 143: The old travellers inform us, that in their days these
ladies used to lord it over their lords to such an extent, that to
espouse a sanctified woman was like marrying an heiress in civilized
lands.]
[Footnote 144: Ku (dead), to (land), men (in, here pleonastic). It is
the “Samanmadi” of the Fanti, and the “Ipo-oku” of the Egbas. Mr. Duncan
(vol. i. p. 116), mentions a Custom held on April 11, 1845, “to ensure
to the spirits of departed friends a safe and easy passage across the
great waters westward. They mean the river Votta (Volta). If this custom
were not kept up, they believe the spirits would wander on the banks for
the space of 100 years, before they would have performed sufficient
penance for their friends’ neglect.” But this is a mixture of European
classical belief and the creed of the Gold Coast, especially of the Ga,
or Accra race, whose ghosts dwell beyond the Volta.]
[Footnote 145: The price of a wife, “young and uncorrupted,” in
Virginia, about 1620, was 100 lbs. of tobacco, each pound worth three
shillings.]
[Footnote 146: The Jews were more ferocious (Deut. xxii. 21).]
[Footnote 147: As royal blood must not be shed, Tegbwesun (Bossa Ahadi)
threw his brother Zingah into the sea off Whydah.]
[Footnote 148: Amongst the Egbas and various tribes of the Congo family
(Douville, Voyage au Congo, vol. i. chap. 13), various small parts of
the body are brought home to be reinterred.]
[Footnote 149: This is good testimony upon a point which only interest
or the veriest ignorance would dispute. Almost every West African tongue
testifies that the speakers consider white men supernatural beings on
account of their vast superiority, in all the arts of life, to these
poor pagans. The Krumen call Europeans Ku-be, or the ghost-tribe; the
Efik tribe of Old Calabar, Mbum Ekpo, or spirit men, and the Mpongwe of
the Gaboon River, M’buiri or ghost, and so on.]
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE SIN-KWAIN,[150] OR WATER-SPRINKLING CUSTOM.
This ceremony follows closely upon the So-sin, or Horse-tie rites. All
the Dahoman kings are interred, I have said, in the palace of Agbome,
where their graves are in different buildings. The King, however, must
repair to the several abodes of his ancestors in the order of their
succession, and he usually sleeps five to eight nights in each house.
The ghosts of the old kings are induced to lend their aid in present
wars by their tombs being sprinkled with water; which in Dahome means,
of course, blood, and that blood, human.
On January 9th, 1863, the King, after “giving water to his father” in
the Komasi Palace, passed about nightfall with loud singing, drumming,
and firing, to the gate of Aho, in the Agbome House. This monarch, the
Adahoonzou I. of our histories, is the second of the list, being the son
of Dako (Tacoodonou), the Romulus of Dahome. Yet he is preferred before
his sire in all rites and ceremonies, Dako being looked upon as a mere
captain, Aho as the founder of the capital, and the originator of the
gong-gong beaters, or heralds. There is a legend that he made during his
father’s life a public assertion of royal dignity, by committing the
offence which Ahitophel prescribed to Absolom.[151]
On the present occasion the King was hurried; during this moon of the
last year he had set out on his campaign; he therefore passed, after the
second day, to the old Dahoman palace, where the same pious rites were
performed for Dako (Tacoodonou), and Akaba (Weebaigah), the third king.
Wishing to see the ceremony, which is not usually shown to strangers, I
spoke to the Buko-no, who sent a message to summon us at 2 P.M. We were
accompanied by Mr. Dawson, the ex-missionary. Having once been detained
eighty-five days at Agbome by the present King, who is worse than his
father,[152] he had sent so many excuses to the royal invitation, which
here are commands, that all expected to see him brought up by force.
Setting out from the north-western corner of the Agbome Palace, along
the broad road which surrounds it, we met at that hot hour few of the
bell-ringing she-slaves that usually infest the thoroughfare. It led us
to the north side of the royal enceinte, which is upwards of a
geographical mile in circumference; here a rough fence of palm-mats and
a humble entrance denoted the place where a clay wall and a barn gate
would be built, and called after Zoindi, the King’s mother. After
passing another mean entrance, we came to that of Senunmé, mother of
Agongoro, the usual sloping shed backed by the swish wall, which here
became continuous. A few paces beyond it was the Porte of Agontimé,
mother of Gezo, distinguished by a perpendicular line of ten skulls set
in the outer face of the wall, and four horizontally disposed in its
depth at right angles to the door, to which a single cranium was nailed.
This gate opens to the north-west, upon a cleared space, with fine
sward, dotted with thick-shaded trees; on both sides of the entrance are
figs, and beyond this “Green Park” rises a clump of dirty mat huts—the
Ajyahi market. Here, on alternate years, the Human Sacrifices of the
Platforms are performed by the King, who throws to his subjects cloths
and cowries, captives and criminals. Two stages are erected for this
tragedy, one, the Akhosu Atto, or King’s Platform, due north of the
gate; the other Addo-kpon, or the Bush King’s stage, rises a little to
the west of where the market sheds now stand, clustering round a
gigantic and obscene clay image of the Bo-god. At the north-eastern
extremity of the green stands a national trophy, a large heap of granite
stones, brought, one by each soldier, from the hill fort of Kenglo,[153]
when “Ho-ho”—Mr. Duncan—was insulted, and which Gezo, his host, razed to
the ground. Further lies Abiji, the Potter’s Field of Dahome, where
thick smoke may often be seen in the morning.
Beyond the Ajyahi market, the Green Park, and the Potteries, are two
gates, bearing the name of Chai, mother of Tegbwesun (Bossa Ahadi), and
near it a small entrance where pots made in the palace are exposed for
sale. Ceramics are here in the same condition as Palissy found them
three centuries ago throughout Europe. The material, clay, glittering
with mica, is brought by women from a neighbouring water called Diddo,
and is hand-made; the wheel, as usual in Africa, is unknown to the
skilful Zen-men-to,[154] who are not, however, confined to the palace.
The smaller fictile wares fetch seven to fifteen strings, the larger
water-jars half a head, or one shilling each, and the price rises high
at Whydah. They are under-baked, and of unequal thickness, therefore of
extreme fragility, and the roads are strewed with their débris.
Near the palace-potteries houses crowd upon the outside wall, which has
another gate; from this the royal women go forth to fetch wood and
water: it is also provided with two exterior sheds, under which men
shelter themselves when waiting. The seventh entrance has a large barn,
called after Ahwanjile, mother of Sinmenkpen (Adahoonzou II.), and
beyond it at the north-eastern corner of the enceinte is that of Addono,
mother of Agaja the Conqueror, fronted by a fetish shed, resting upon
two mud columns, chequered with whitewash and grey-black.
Here we turned off to the left,[155] where a very torn and tattered
swish wall showed us that we were at the Dahome Palace, the cradle of
the royal family. Opposite the entrance was a small open space, and
behind us on to the south was the palace of the Min-gan, who, like the
Meu, has the charge of victims and state prisoners. From where our
chairs were placed, little was to be seen,—two humble thatch roofs, and
a pair of silver or plated imitations of birds, peering above the old
enceinte; sounds were heard inside, and at times we were passed by men
beating together solid bars of iron and blowing through the four-holed
flageolets, here called Pwete.[156] After sending in vain sundry
messages to the King, we became wearied of the _séance_, and returned
home to make a serious “palaver” with the “landlord.” His excuse was
that the sovereign had been pronouncing a long speech, which could not
be interrupted. I imagine that Gelele does not wish strangers to see the
nakedness of his old palaces, or the thinness of the company in them
assembled. Perhaps the presence of the victims may have something to do
with the exclusiveness.
The following is an account of the “Water-sprinkling” rites, given to me
by an eye-witness. The victims on each occasion are said not to exceed
two, and I have heard of the King judging one hundred and sixty, and
dismissing all without capital punishment. The tomb is approached with
animals of all sorts, from a bullock to a pigeon, with water, rum, kola
nuts, and many minor things. Whilst the ministers and captains are, like
the King, on all fours, the Dahoman form of kneeling, before the tomb, a
Tansi-no priestess, of blood-royal, offers up to the Ghost a prayer for
its living descendant’s long life and prosperity, and all of the
ancestral shades are invoked at each palace. She then pours water and
rum upon the grave, which is afterwards sprinkled with the blood of men
and beasts, then and there killed. The non-human meat is finally
dressed, and a “tavo,” or table, is “spread,” the stool of the deceased
being placed upon it as an emblem of his presence, and meat and drink
are strewed upon the mats around it. This part ends with a general
distribution of the provisions—the royal portions being sent inside the
palace. Mr. Bernasko described the ceremony, which he was permitted to
see, as follows: An enclosure of cloth surrounded the stool, or some
similar relic of the departed; a Tansi-no woman entered within it and
prayed; and lastly, the King, after performing his orisons, sprinkled on
the ground, to the right of the throne, rum, water, and native beer. It
is said by some that the monarch drinks a glass of blood at the Dahome
Palace, but this sensational report is highly improbable.
On January 14th, Gelele proceeded to the Agrin-go-men House, and watered
the grave of the great Agaja Dosu, who received a pair of victims. The
next day saw him at the palace of the King Tegbwesun (Bossa Ahadi),
outside the western walls of Agbome, in a place called Adan-do-’kpo-ji
Daho.[157] He then removed to the Lisehunzo[158] or House of Sinmenkpen
(Adahoonzou II.), which lies north of its neighbour, and separated by
fields which abound in partridges. Both are approached by a poor gate in
the city enceinte, called Sikpo. During the firing which accompanied
these pilgrimages, several accidents occurred. On the evening of the
16th, the King returned to Bwe-kon, a kind of village, near the Komasi
Palace, where there is a Kwe-gbo, or old and bush-grown enceinte,
belonging to Agongoro (Wheenoohew), his grandfather. About midnight a
servant of the Matro, whose left hand had been shattered by the bursting
of the musket, awoke us with loud and piteous cries of Ye-e-e-gé[159]!
Dr. Haran had treated an Amazon for the same accident, and Mr.
Cruikshank had excised a tumour from the forehead of another soldieress;
neither of these had uttered a groan. The King showed as much anxiety
for the man’s hurt as if he had been a caboceer. The wrist bones being
shattered, and the thumb hanging by a strip of flesh, Mr. Cruikshank
proposed an amputation. Having ascertained that we had no chloroform,
and determined that without such medicine so terrible an operation could
never be endured by man, the King refused his consent, and the Buko-no
removed the thumb and dressed the wound after his own fashion. This
piece of conservative surgery was by no means successful, the man dying,
probably of suppuration, a few days afterwards. Finally, on January
19th, the King returned with great noise and tumult to his father’s
palace of Komasi; and so ended the “water-sprinkling” custom of 1864.
At the risk of repetition, I must again refer to a curious fixed idea in
England, absonant withal, touching human sacrifice at Dahome. It is no
mere lust of blood nor delight in torture and death that underlies the
rite in these lands. The King has to perform a disagreeable task over
his ancestral graves, and he does it; his subjects would deem it impious
were he to curtail or to omit the performance, and suddenly to suppress
it would be as if a European monarch were forcibly to abolish prayers
for the dead.
[Footnote 150: Sin (water), kwain (sprinkling). This is generally called
giving water to the spirits of ancestors, and Commander Forbes writes
the word, See-que-’ah-hee (_passim_).]
[Footnote 151: Josephus (lib. 7, chap. 10).]
[Footnote 152: The captivity of a visitor at Agbome is complete.
Europeans usually begin to talk of leaving on the day of their arrival
at the capital, or the people will be persuaded that the whites desire
to remain.]
[Footnote 153: Or Kengro, the Koglo of Mr. Duncan (vol. ii. chap. 3).
Ho-ho means a tall man.]
[Footnote 154: Zen (pot), men (person, or making?), to (one that does).]
[Footnote 155: Passing Addono’s Gate to the right we find a deep angle
in the palace wall, where water is poured out to King Aho (Adahoonzou
I.), at an entrance called Patin sa, “near the Patin-tree.” Beyond it an
avenue of pollarded trees, leading to nothing, encloses a long and large
ridge, such as were turned up by the hoe in the good old times: it is
still kept as a model. Further eastward, and going under the usual “Vo”
gallows with a central mat, we come to the Han-ho-nukun-ji Gate, where
Agaja the Conqueror’s palace begins. The next building of any importance
in the enceinte is the Agrigomen Gate, which, like the whole of the
southern and south-western side, has been described in chap. x.]
[Footnote 156: The word is a corruption of the Fanti “ketí.” It is an
artless reed, open at both ends, with a little notch in the mouth-piece,
which is scraped thin to divide the wind. Mr. Dalzel remarks
(Introduction, p. 11) that “the King’s women understand and practise the
combination of the perfect concords, thirds and fifths,” and that their
little airs, played upon the flute and other instruments, are not
inelegant. Dr. Bowditch describes “the soft breathings of the long
flutes” at Ashante as being “truly melodious.” Dr. M‘Leod (p. 96) finds
the _flageolets_ of Dahome very sweet, and in the next page gives the
following sample of an air:—
[Music sheet]]
[Footnote 157: Meaning Adan (brave), do (live), ’kpo (high place), ji
(he stops or lives). Daho is great. Some call it Adan-do-’kpo-ji Khe-sa,
from khe (a kind of tree), and sa (under).]
[Footnote 158: Lise (a tree before described), and hun-zo, a kind of
fetish.]
[Footnote 159: In Fanti, Mewo! or megyá!—“My father!”]
CHAPTER XIX.
OF “THE NEGRO’S PLACE IN NATURE.”
“Vices the most notorious seem to be the portion of this unhappy
race—idleness, treachery, revenge, cruelty, impudence, stealing, lying,
profanity, debauchery, and intemperance, are said to have extinguished
the principles of natural law and to have silenced the reproofs of
conscience. They are strangers to every sentiment of compassion, and are
an awful example of the corruption of man when left to
himself.”—_Encyclopædia Britannica._ Art. “Negro” (1797).
“TO THE FOUNDER OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON,
“JAMES HUNT, ESQ., PH.D., F.S.A., ETC., ETC., ETC.
“MY DEAR HUNT,
“I have read with pleasure and profit your able and courageous paper
on the ‘Negro’s Place in Nature.’ It shows the reason why, at the last
meeting of the British Association, you were received with those
encouraging sounds, which suggested a mob of Eve’s tempters rather than
a scientific assembly of her descendants. Truth—especially new
Truth—will ever meet with some such left-handed compliment, which is,
however, the sincerest homage. Those hisses would have sounded in my
ears far sweeter than any cheers. In the case of your able supporter, my
friend Mr. C. Carter Blake, I can only hope that he shared in your
honours.
“Like other students of anthropology, I am truly grateful to you for
having so graphically shown the great gulf, moral and physical,
separating the black from the white races of men, and for having placed
in so striking a light the physiological cause of the difference—namely,
the arrested physical development of the negro. There is hardly a
traveller, however unobservant, who has not remarked the peculiar and
precocious intelligence of the African’s childhood, his ‘turning
stupid,’ as the general phrase is, about the age of puberty, and the
rapid declension of his mental powers in old age—a process reminding us
of the simiad. It is pleasant to see anatomically discovered facts
harmonizing with, and accounting for, the provisionary theories of those
who register merely what they have observed. M. Gratiolet’s Eureka, that
in the occipital or lower breeds of mankind, the sutures of the cranium
close at an earlier age than amongst the frontal races, admirably
explains the phenomenon which has struck the herd of men, however
incurious: it assigns a physical cause for the inferiority of the negro,
whose psychical and mental powers become stationary at an age when, in
nobler races, the perceptive and reflective principles begin to claim
ascendancy.
“In the letter prefixed to your excellent paper, you have called upon me
for my experience of the psychological character of the negro race. My
opinions have been formed mostly by comparing, after ten years of
travel, ‘on and off,’ the Africans with the Western Asiatics, amongst
whom I have lived eight years, for the most part like one of themselves.
This chapter is therefore dedicated to you, with the especial hope that
your paper, which is a credit to English anthropology, may, in course of
time, be expanded into a volume. The subject naturally parts itself into
three: 1. The popular opinion touching the negro in the pre-Abolitionist
times; 2. The general sentiments during that period of violent reaction;
and, 3. The present state of the public mind when it is gradually
settling into a middle and rational course. After being for some years
“paradoxical” in my conviction of the innate and enduring inferiority of
a race which has had so many an opportunity of acquiring civilization,
but which has ever deliberately rejected improvement, I find that the
rising authors are beginning to express opinions far more decided than
mine, and I foresee the futurity of hard compulsory labour which the
negromaniac will have brought upon his African _protégé_. The
philanthropico-criminal movement that began with Howard, has at last
reached, we are told, its limit of exaggeration, and the pendulum begins
slowly to swing back. It is the same with the negro, and as travelling
becomes more common, and the world knows more about him, he will lose
_prestige_ every year. In his case, as with the criminal, though there
is little danger of our relapsing into cruelties of which we read with
shame, yet there is an ill time coming. For sons may avenge the
credulity of their sires, by running into the clear contrary extremes,
and the unnatural ‘man and brother’ of the day may relapse into
‘nigger,’ the ‘savage,’ and the ‘semi-gorilla’ of the morrow. Already
there is a dawn of belief in a specific difference between the races,
which, carried out, leads to strange conclusions. Perhaps—permit me to
observe—our society could do nothing more useful than to determine what
signification the debated word ‘species’ should convey to the English
anthropologist. But the committee appointed to report on the terminology
of that science of which we are the humble students, will probably have
done so before these lines are published.
“The following remarks were written at Agbome long before I had seen
your pamphlet, and but little has been added to the original sketch.
With you I deprecate any political object being attributed to them.
“I do confess it is my nature’s plague
To spy into abuses.”
But this inclination is not indulged, as some unwarrantably believe,
from any ‘spite’ against, ‘antipathy’ to, or ‘instinctive aversion’
from, the negro, whom I regard as both useful and valuable in his proper
Place in Nature; nor have I any wish to ‘scare or outrage’ any ‘class,’
by ‘rabid flying at anything with a natural or artificial black coat.’
These be Irishisms.
“Hoping that your able President-ship will long continue to conduct the
affairs of our young society with the unexampled success of the last two
years, and believing with you that it is destined to accomplish the
great and important objects for which it was established,
“I subscribe myself,
“My dear Hunt,
“Yours very faithfully,
“RICHARD F. BURTON.”
When doctors are differing, and the professionally learned are
disputing, about the existence or non-existence of a great structural
gulf between the black and white races, it behoves the empirical
student, in other words the traveller, to record his experience of, and
to offer his opinion upon, the workings of the African’s mental
machinery. By these means we can obtain an _à posteriori_ evidence of
difference in mental and moral, and consequently in material, status;
and it is only by the comparison of many testimonies that the delicate
essence of truth can be evoked.[160] Before, however, proceeding to the
pith and marrow of the matter a few premisses must be briefly laid down.
Touching the African,[161] it may be observed that there are in England
at least two distinct creeds: 1. That of those who know him; 2. That of
those who do not. This may be predicated of most other moot points: in
the negro’s case, however, the singularity is, that ignorance not
knowledge, sentimentality not sense, sway the practical public
mind.[162] Hence, at every division, non-knowledge has on its side a
majority, and a something inherent in the unthinking looks upon this as
a test of truth, when the contrary is more often the case. For all
things, true, great, and good form an imposing minority.
Of the two types—the ignorant and the non-ignorant—the former is best
exampled by the north of Europe, and pre-eminently so by England.[163]
The southern nations, for instance the Spaniard, without even looking
upon the negro as his equal, and convinced of his own superiority,
endeavours to raise his congener in the scale of creation, and is not
irritated by failure because he is prepared for it.[164] With us the
“platform” selected during a rancorous political and property quarrel is
still held immutably true. These principles are supported by the
actives, the philanthropic few, between whom and Good Sense runs a broad
line of demarcation, and by those personally interested in keeping up
the delusion; and wonderful is the effect of English atmosphere upon
unpopular ideas imported from abroad. The passives are the many
listeners. To this supreme ignorance I must attribute the general
failure of English missionary enterprise in Africa, and to a great
extent the late lamentable occurrences, in which conversion has ended
with “killing no murder.” It is not a little instructive to see the
effect of Africa upon the exceptional philanthropist—as a rule, he so
loves all men, himself included, that he avoids the land as a
pestilence. When visiting the “Dark Continent,” he finds those living
amongst negroes all convinced of the African’s absolute inferiority; he
resists the evil influence as long as his nature permits, and he lapses
usually into the extreme contrary to that with which he commenced. He
begins by treating his blacks as men and brethren, he ends, perhaps,
with cruelty to them; whilst he has secured their contempt by degrading
himself to their level in attempting to raise them to his own.
To the home-bred Englishman, who has no personal experience of the
African, I would oppose the Anglo-American. The Northerner and the
Canadian see, it is true, the negro in that debased state to which his
race is condemned by climate above the Missouri Compromise Line.[165]
Beginning in Pennsylvania, the Abolitionist traded his slaves down
South—not liberated them—because they were not worth their hire. But he
has ever kept those who live under his protection in their proper
position, distinct from himself, in the church as in the omnibus, whilst
none but the extremest sectarians would admit them to the family circle,
or marry daughters to them. On the other hand, the Southerner knows the
African, and is known to him; hence in Africa he manages the negro
better than other white men.[166] As a boy he has a black nurse and
sable foster-brother, and in after years he is connected with the
“chattels” by the tie of a common interest. He laments the existence of
slavery, but he finds himself fast bound to it by the law of self-
preservation. Having wandered through every State of the Anglo-American
Republic, I can safely assert that in none of the richest, namely, the
centres of cotton, tobacco, and sugar, is white labour possible. If this
be true, surely the Abolitionist should qualify himself by six months’
work in Louisiana and the negrophile by a year of “Wandering in West
Africa,” before they venture upon their peculiar statements. “The South”
is between the horns of the dilemma, slavery or ruin, and she
necessarily prefers the former. That emancipated negroes will work
willingly in genial tropical climates, where life is so easily
supported, contradicts all our experience of the race; and after seeing
the black in many parts of Africa, under his own rule, and under that of
foreigners, French and English, Spanish and Portuguese, I am convinced
that the serfs of a Southern plantation would not change lots with their
free brethren.
Returning to public opinion at home touching the negro, we find in its
present transitional state four popular errors, which are amply
sufficient to confuse the whole subject.
The first and the front of offence, is the confusion of the mixed and
the mulatto with the full-blooded negro. By the latter word I understand
the various tribes of intertropical Africa, unmixed with European or
Asiatic blood.[167] In Anglo-America the least African taint makes a man
a “negro.” Messrs. Nott and Gliddon—to whom Dr. Waitz has done scanty
justice—were, methinks, justified in asserting that a few drops of the
purer _ichor_ produce a decided modification in the moral and physical
character of the black. Had the Slave States manumitted and deported
their mulattoes, the present state of things might not have been. In
Southern America, also, the mongrel is the canker of society and of
political life. In England, every frothy spouter of hackneyed phrases,
though he begins by owning to a mixture of race which, whilst
subordinating him to his father in intellect, and not unfrequently, in
_physique_, to his mother,[168] still enables him to distance his
indigenous half-brothers, is hearkened to as a Dingy Daniel come to
judgment—“a logical bomb falling amongst the Pandits”—a standing and a
talking proof that the mulatto’s maternal is equal, if not superior, to
his paternal family. When I see such a mongrel, who everywhere hates
both the purer races from which he sprang, stand up, backed, probably,
by a philanthropic and fighting Quaker, before a learned society, ere
his lips open it is known to me what parrot-talk he will emit. Cicero,
writing to Atticus, deemed the ancient Britons (_with whom the modern
English have little in common_) too stupid for slavery (_decidedly a
compliment according to our ideas_).[169] The white man is not looked
upon as a superior being in Black-land[170] (_the speaker well knowing
that his sole merit at home in Africa is the title of “oibo-dudu,” or
“white-black”_); that there are “full-blooded negroes” who have risen to
distinction (_quoting a few exceptions, who are not full-blooded to
prove the rule_), and that Paul’s Epistle to Philemon (_merely
recommending, on ground of his conversion, the manumission of a
fugitive_) was concerning a “servant” (_of_ δοῦλος, _I need hardly say,
he had never heard_). He will probably “bring down the house” with
something of Cowper’s wishy-washy sentimentality, as,
“Fleecy locks and black complexion,[171]
Cannot alter Nature’s claim;
Skins may differ, but affection
Dwells in white and black the same.[172]”
And the herd at Newcastle—how deep their studies! how extensive their
experience!—will hiss a counter-statement, and go home convinced that
they have been listening to a speech by a highly intellectual negro,
when the oft-repeated cant is doled out from memory by a white man with
a “dash of the tar-brush!”
The second error is the confusion of the negroid, the Semiticized, or
the noble African,[173] with the ignoble pure negro. This is a more
venial blunder than the first, because ethnological knowledge is
requisite to draw the distinction; but its effects are even worse. The
traveller is ever falling into this pit, and the mass of observers is as
yet hardly aware of the distinction. Of the alphabet invented by the Vai
or Vahie—a race cognate with the Mandenga and cognizant of the
Koran—Commander Forbes (Vol. i. p. 200) remarks, “How far we must have
mistaken the African’s constitution!” Mr. Winwood Reade proposes to
apply the term “negro” to the maritime races, and “African” to those of
the interior; but in the central continent there are tribes as purely
negro as on the coast. Others would assume 10° N. lat., and the same
line south of the equator, as the boundaries of the race; in the
interior, however, it crosses both these limits, nor has any frontier
been traced by travellers. As I have said, the fetor is the grand
discrimen; thus we distinguish the Somali Semite and free man from his
slave neighbour, the Kisawahili, and the Asiatic Malagash from the negro
Johanna-man, who will call himself an offset from the noble Arabian
Kuraysh. By not attending to this distinction between nobles and
ignobles, the Moor of Venice has been represented as a “nigger.” When
such men as Touissant l’Ouverture[174] (“The Opener”) are quoted as
“full-blooded blacks,” I must discover, before assenting to that
proposition, what was their descent. They might be of Hausa, or other
Semiticized blood: and this would be confounding Norman with Saxon. The
negroid has taken a long step in the way of progress; for the Arab and
the Negro, as might be expected, combine better than the European and
the black.[175] Al-Islam, by forbidding impure meats and spirituous
liquors,[176] by enjoining ablutions and decent dress, and by
discouraging monogamy and polyandry, has improved the African’s
_physique_, and through it, by inevitable sequence, his _morale_. It is
a cognate and a congenial civilization, not one imported from 1500 miles
of latitude, and sitting grotesquely upon the black mind, as the
accompanying vestments upon the sable body—both being made contemptible
by the contrast of what is and what ought to be. The pure negro does not
exist in septentrional or in Southern Africa. North of the Sahara, men
are more Semitic than Hamitic,[177] and resemble the peoples of Southern
Europe more than they do the typical negro. I have elsewhere given
reasons for suspecting in the great Kafir family a considerable mixture
of Arab, Persian, and other Asiatic blood.
The third fallacy is that Europe, and especially England, were the means
of introducing slavery into, or, at least, of increasing it in Africa,
with a corollary—ever maintained by a missionary interest, crying “Give!
Give! Give!”—that the empire must expiate the _delicta majorum_ by
spending money.[178] It requires the extremest illiterateness to hold
such tenets. Slavery was a rule in the days of Abraham. Ezekiel (xxvii.
13) mentions “trading the persons of men” in the markets of Tyrus; and
of the later classics there is not an author, from Juvenal to (Periplus)
Arrian, who does not allude to it. The more we explore the African
interior, and discover great races beyond the range of the white man,
the more confirmed and complete is the system of serfdom and thraldom.
The true African saying concerning the servile is, “Once a slave for
ever a slave.” And, as has been shown, the races that believe in another
world, will not manumit their bondsmen even there.
The fourth delusion is that the African vends his wife—as does the
_Anglais_ in France—and his family. This is an effect of sensational
oratory rather than of authority: all travellers have carefully
contradicted the assertion. The accurate Bosman (1698) says: “Not a few
in our country fondly imagine that parents here sell their children, men
their wives, and one brother the other; but those who think so deceive
themselves, for this never happens on any other account than that of
necessity or some great crime; but most of the slaves that are offered
to us are prisoners of war, which are sold by the victors as their
booty.” The learned Barbot (book iv. chap. 1) declares that whilst the
Slavonians traded with their progeny, in Africa the sale of children,
wives, and relatives, “if it ever happens, is so seldom that it cannot
be justly charged upon a whole nation as a custom and common practice.”
Commander Forbes (vol. i. p. 146) expressly asserts that “the laws of
Dahomey forbid such an unnatural sale of human beings,” which he seems
to have found on the south-western coast. The few exceptions would be
considered vile by their neighbour tribes, and even they rarely part
with their own blood except in dire distress or famine. I have seen the
same thing done in Sind and in Western India.[179] As it is, the
exported are almost invariably of two kinds—criminals and war captives;
converted into cash when not wanted for the Customs. The absolute
prevention of slave export is a very mitigated benefit—if, indeed, it be
any—to the African slave; and our humanity has often acted, like sparrow
clubs, in strengthening a worse plague. The History informs us that
Agaja the Great, after “breaking” Whydah, slew 400 men. Shortly
afterwards, however, having taken 1800 prisoners from a nation that had
offended him even more, “he contented his priests with 400 of them,
ships being then in the road, when he could turn the remainder to
profit.” And we have this excellent advice: “It is enough to show
through our history that avarice can sheathe the knife even of
superstition, and that her incitements to slaughter, powerful as they
may be, are confined within narrow limits when self-interest waits upon
lenity.”
I now proceed to offer the reader the result of my actual experience of
the negro character. The conviction that others, as competent to judge
as myself, will join issue with me, is an inducement to proceed, in the
hopes that truth may be elicited: whilst the suspicion that my
statements will be far from popular, makes me look forward to the day
when they will be.
The pure negro ranks in the human family below the two great Arab and
Aryan races. In Asia he is prized as a slave for hard work; as a servant
he is coarse-handed, pilfering, shameless, and with much of the
frowardness of a baboon. No one thinks of him as a freeman; and he,
“hereditary bondsman,” never dreams of liberty, because no one suggests
to him the idea.
The unpermanency of the half-breed, and the frequency of sterile
marriages amongst mulattoes, show an approach to specific
difference[180] between the white and black races furthest removed in
climate and civilization.
The negro’s brain, in which Burmeister and other physiologists found the
convolutions less numerous and more massive than in the European, is, to
judge from its action, weak—a very little learning addles it. Even the
Islamized Somal hold those that read and write to be less than men,
because their heads are good for nothing else.
One of the principal negro characteristics is his truly savage want of
veneration for God or man;—hence, the expressions which we should deem
blasphemous in his wild state, and the peculiar tone of his prayer,
commanding rather than supplicating, which distinguishes him in his
semi-civilization.
In the negro the propensities and passions are tolerably well grown, the
perceptives and reflectives are of inferior power, and the sentimental
or moral regions remain almost undeveloped. This is apparently the rule
of savage and barbarous races. His memory is mostly like that of the
Australian—powerless, except in matters touching his self-interest. His
face is an index to his mind. The circumoral region is prodigiously
developed. The lower brow, where the perceptives are placed by
phrenologists, denotes culture; the upper forehead and the vertex of the
cranium are weak, retreating and flattened.
The extremes of climate and the pitiless fecundity of Nature have bound
down the negro to the completely material. In this point he contrasts
greatly with the Hindu, in whom imagination, outrunning intellect,
degenerates into licence, and whose superabundance of reverence
oppresses inquiry.
The negro is still at the rude dawn of faith—fetishism—and he has barely
advanced to idolatry, the effect of deficient constructiveness.[181] He
has never grasped the ideas of a personal Deity, a duty in life, a moral
code, or a shame of lying. He rarely believes in a future state of
rewards and punishments, which, whether true or not, are infallible
indices of human progress.
The negro is, for the most part, a born servile—not a servant.[182] As
has been said, in Dahome and Benin all the subjects are literally the
King’s property. We cannot, therefore, apply to him the Homeric
statement that
“The day
Makes man a slave takes half his worth away.”
The negro will obey a white man more readily than a mulatto, and a
mulatto rather than one of his own colour.[183] He never thinks of
claiming equality with the Aryan race, except when taught. At Whydah the
French missionaries remark that their scholars always translate “white
and black” by “master and slave.” And he readily submits to the iron
hand.
The negro has an instinctive and unreasoning aversion to increasing
population,[184] without which there can be no progress. A veritable
Malthusian, he has a variety of traditions justifying infanticide,
ordeal, and sacrifice, as if, instead of being a polygamist, he were a
polyandrian.
The so-called civilization of the negro is from without; he cannot find
it within, and he has not the latent mental capacities ascribed to him
by the philanthropes. As an adult he is the victim of imitation, the
surest sign of deference; he freely accepts foreign customs, manners,
and costumes, however incongruous.
The negro, as a rule, despises agriculture, so highly venerated by the
Asiatics, Chaldeans, Chinese, Israelites, and Persians, and recognized
since the days of Aristotle as the most important of all the sciences.
If it flourished amongst the Egyptians, Carthaginians, and Abyssinians,
the battle-horses of negromaniacs, these were Semitico-Hamites, the
noble blood of Africa. His highest ambition is to be a petty trader,
whilst his thick skull, broad bones, and cold porous leathery skin,
point him out as a born “hewer of wood and drawer of water.”
The cruelty of the negro is, like that of a schoolboy,[185] the blind
impulse of rage combined with want of sympathy. Thus he thoughtlessly
tortures and slays his prisoners, as the youth of England torment and
kill cats. He fails in the domestication of the lower animals, because
he is deficient in forbearance with them: in a short time his violence
will permanently ruin the temper of a horse; and he will starve to death
the English dog, for which perhaps he has paid a high price.[186]
The negro has never invented an alphabet, a musical scale, or any other
element of knowledge. Music and dancing, his passions, are, as arts,
still in embryo. He cultivates oratory; and so do all barbarians. He is
eternally singing, but he has no idea of poetry.[187] His painting and
statuary are, like his person, ungraceful and grotesque; whilst his art,
like his mind, is arrested by the hand of Nature. His year is a rainy
season; his moons have no names; and of an hour he has not the remotest
conception. His technology consists of weaving, cutting canoes, making
rude weapons, and in some places practising a rough metallurgy.
The negro, in mass, will not improve beyond a certain point, and that
not respectable; he mentally remains a child, and is never capable of a
generalization. Man’s character is everywhere, to some extent, the gift
of climate. The tropics engender but few wants, exercise is more painful
than pleasant, therefore there is little work. Our transition state in
Europe has at least this consolation, that we can look forward to a
permanent improvement in type; to stocking the world with a higher order
of man. But in Africa, before progress can be general, it appears that
the negro must become extinct by being absorbed into the negroid.[188]
The negro is nowhere worse than at home, where he is a curious mixture
of cowardice and ferocity. With the barbarous dread and horror of death,
he delights in the torments and the destruction of others, and with more
than the usual savage timidity, his highest boast is that of
heroism.[189] He is nought but self; he lacks even the rude virtue of
hospitality, and ever, as Commander Forbes has it, he “baits with a
sprat to catch a mackerel.”
The negro, in his wild state, makes his wives work[190]; he will not, or
rather he cannot, labour, except by individual compulsion, as in the
Confederate States; or by necessity, as in the Barbadoes. When so
compelled, he labours well, and he becomes civilized and humanized to
the extent of his small powers. When not compelled, as S’a Leone and
Jamaica prove, he becomes degraded, debauched, and depraved.[191] I
conclude, therefore, with Franklin the philosopher, that the negro is
still, as he has been for the last 4000 years, best when “held to
labour” by better and wiser men than himself.
The removal of the negro from Africa is like sending a boy to school; it
is his only chance of improvement, of learning that there is something
more in life than drumming and dancing, talking and singing, drinking
and killing. After a time, colonists returned to Africa may exert upon
the continent an effect for which we have as yet vainly looked.
These last two items state merely bald facts, whatever be the deductions
from them. They by no means involve recognizing the abstract lawfulness
of slavery, or the right of one human being to possess and to sell
another. It is quite a different question to “defend the employment of
the negroes, as domestic working animals, by higher organized beings
called _men_.” Still less do they affect to justify the horrors of slave
driving, and of slave transporting, together with the permanent injury
to the African continent, which the modern pro-slavery writers that have
of late cropped up slur over or ignore.[192]
It must be remembered, however, that almost all races have had, in
religion and policy, human sacrifice and servitude; that the latter is
the first step taken by human society, and that without it no people,
from the Jews to the Brazilians, has ever risen above mere savagery.
This great principle is not eliminated from the earlier acts of the
social drama, till the hereditary bondsman has acquired power to free
himself. The stage following slavery is the _begar_, _corvée_ or
compulsory labour—and this co-exists with the highest known refinement.
An Act of Parliament in the reign of Queen Elizabeth compelled married
women till thirty and spinsters till forty to do service to the country,
if they had no other visible means of living. We imprison, punish, and
compel to labour our beggars and vagabonds, even if they fail to prove
how they subsist. We force our children to attend schools; and, until
lately, we have flogged youths of fourteen and fifteen who are to the
full as intellectual as the child-man negro; and the son of a king in
England is not, until twenty-one years old, as politically free as the
Anglo-African of S’a Leone. I see no objection to render liberated
labour forcible[193] until the African race is educated for wages, and
such habits are not learned in a day.
Nations are poor judges of one another; each looks upon itself as an
exemplar to the world, and vents its philanthropy by forcing its
infallible system or systems upon its neighbour. How long is it since
popular literature has begun to confess that the British Constitution is
not quite fit for the whole human race, and that the Anglo-Saxon has
much to do at home before he sets out a-colonelling to regenerate
mankind? Not later than 1849, the “inevitable conclusion” went forth
that “African commerce and African civilization must be entrusted
exclusively to men of African birth.[194]”
Africa’s great present want is an organized system of _bonâ-fide_
emigration. Doubtless the experiment which lately has failed, with a
disgrace equalling the coolie-trade from Assam and Cachar in 1861-2, is
full of difficulty. But as time runs on there will be no reason why it
should not succeed, and become one of the national regenerators.
The opinions of Dahome touching slave export are those learned from us
in the seventeenth century, when England fought for the monopoly. They
cannot master the change of sentiments in the nineteenth century, when
the prized privilege is denounced as a sin—a crime,—a _causa belli_,—the
“sum of all villanies.” I am induced to quote in its entirety the
fourteenth chapter of the History, which may enlighten many upon the
true state of things in Dahome.[195] The King, it will be observed,
expresses himself with shrewdness, and even with wisdom; but in these
lands the rulers are mostly a century in advance of their subjects[196]:
nor is there any deficiency of cunning in the words of the present
monarch to Commodore Wilmot (Appendix III). His polite expression, “I
will abolish slave trade, and gladly, but give me another and a better
traffic,” merely means that Dahome will never cease selling her captives
and criminals till she can employ them more profitably. And it must be
owned, that her system of dealing with offenders contrasts favourably in
simplicity and in economy with ours.
The _institution honnie_, however, is one of the causes of Dahoman
decline. This negro race cannot, I have said, render conquests a source
of aggrandisement: they make war to lay waste, capture and destroy, and
the present King prefers two slave hunts to his father’s one per annum.
At Whydah, in 1694, we are told that the price of a good “Kanumo” or
slave was equal to £3 15s. in goods; “Mackrons,” or unmerchantable
articles, not being accepted. The price is now, including the Custom
House fee, £16 16s., and the chattel is not so sound. The annual number
exported from Dahome cannot be higher than 15,000, which represents a
paltry sum of £250,000.
Were it not for the southward progress of Al-Islam, the slow and silent,
but sure advance of the Perfect Cure, the future of negro Africa would
not be bright. The experience of three centuries teaches us, that as a
rule the tropical continent cannot be colonized by Europeans. We have
also learned that hitherto maritime intercourse with its _aqua mortis_
and _bouches à feu_ has done nothing but degenerate the native, and that
until the long day when the Guinea Commanders—of whom bluff old Phillips
wrote, “their words and promises are the last to be depended upon of any
I know use the sea; for they would deceive their fathers in their trade
if they could”—shall become “virtuous,” such will continue to be the
result. The much talked of “reflux of the West upon the East” has yet to
begin doing good: hitherto, as a rule, the semi-civilized negroes, like
the S’a Leone people at Abeokuta, when restored to old influences have
proved themselves worse than the heathenry. They have almost to a man
displayed the blackest and most odious form of ingratitude, that which
does not merely ignore benefits conferred, but which bitterly hates the
benefactor for having conferred them. It is a generation of vipers that
found its way from the Red Grave to Lagos and Undestone.
* * * * *
NOTE.
* * * * *
ADAHOONZOU’S SPEECH.
As a proof that Adahoonzou was not at a loss for arguments to defend the
conduct of himself and his predecessors, when necessary, we shall close
that prince’s history with the heads of a speech made by him upon an
occasion which is about to be taken notice of, and which took up _two
hours_ in the delivery, for the Dahomans _are extremely verbose_.[197]
Governor[198] Abson having taken an opportunity of communicating to
Adahoonzou some of the particulars respecting the slave trade, which had
become the subject of conversation and parliamentary inquiry in this
country; and having carried with him some of the pamphlets for and
against the abolition of that traffic, which he read to him, in
Adahoonzou’s native language, the King listened with great attention,
and though business several times broke in upon the narration, still
requested Mr. Abson, after every interruption to proceed. When the whole
was finished, the King spoke as follows:
“I admire the reasoning of the white men, but with all their sense it
does not appear that they have thoroughly studied the nature of the
blacks, whose disposition differs as much from that of the whites as
their colour. The same great Being formed both; and since it hath seemed
convenient for him to distinguish mankind by opposite complexions, it is
a fair conclusion to presume that there may be as great a disagreement
in the qualities of their minds. There is likewise a remarkable
difference between the countries which we inhabit. You Englishmen, for
instance, as I have been informed, are surrounded by the ocean, and, by
this situation, seem intended to hold communication with the whole
world, which you do by means of your ships; whilst we Dahomans, being
placed on a large continent, and hemmed in amidst a variety of other
people, of the same complexion, but speaking different languages, are
obliged, by sharpness of our swords, to defend ourselves from their
incursions, and punish the depredations they make on us. Such conduct in
them is productive of incessant wars. Your countrymen, therefore, who
allege that we go to war for the purpose of supplying your ships with
slaves, are grossly mistaken. You think you can work a reformation, as
you call it, in the manners of the blacks; but you ought to consider the
disproportion between the magnitude of the two countries, and then you
would soon be convinced of the difficulties that must be surmounted to
change the system of such a vast country as this. We know you are a
brave people, and that you might bring over a great many of the blacks
to your opinions, by the points of your bayonets; but to effect this, a
great many must be put to death, and numerous cruelties must be
committed, which we do not find to have been the practice of the whites;
besides that, this would militate against the very principle which is
professed by those who wish to bring about a reformation.
“In the name of my ancestors and myself, I aver that no Dahoman man ever
embarked in war merely for the sake of procuring wherewithal to purchase
your commodities. I, who have not been long master of this country,
have, without thinking of the market, _killed many thousands_, and I
shall kill many thousands more. When policy or justice requires that men
be put to death, neither silk, nor coral, nor brandy, nor cowries, can
be accepted as substitutes for the blood that ought to be spilt for
example’s sake. Besides, if white men choose to remain at home, and no
longer visit this country for the same purpose that has usually brought
them hither, will black men cease to make war? I answer, by no means.
And if there be no ships to receive their captives, what will become of
them? I answer for you, they will be put to death. Perhaps you may ask,
how will the blacks be furnished with guns and powder? I reply by
another question: Had we not clubs, and bows and arrows before we knew
white men? Did you not see me make Custom for Weebaigah, the third King
of Dahome? and did you not observe, on the day such ceremony was
performing, that I carried a bow in my hand, and a quiver filled with
arrows on my back? These were emblems of the times, when, with such
weapons, that brave ancestor fought and conquered all his neighbours.
God made war for all the world; and every kingdom, large or small, has
practised it more or less, though perhaps in a manner unlike and upon
different principles. Did Weebaigah sell slaves? _No, his prisoners were
all killed to a man!_ What else could he have done with them? Was he to
let them remain in his country, to cut the throats of his subjects? This
would have been wretched policy, indeed, which, had it been adopted, the
Dahoman name would have been long ago extinguished, instead of becoming,
as it is at this day, the terror of surrounding nations. What hurts me
most is, that some of your people have maliciously represented us in
books, which never die, alleging that we sell our wives and children for
the sake of procuring a few kegs of brandy. No, we are shamefully
belied; and I hope you will contradict, from my mouth, the scandalous
stories that have been propagated, and tell posterity that we have been
abused. We do, indeed, sell to the white men a part of our prisoners,
and we have a right so to do. Are not all prisoners at the disposal of
their captors? and are we to blame if we send delinquents to a far
country? I have been told you do the same. If you want no more slaves
from us, why cannot you be ingenuous, and tell the plain truth, saying
that the slaves you have already purchased are sufficient for the
country for which you bought them; or that the artists who used to make
fine things are all dead, without having taught anybody to make more?
But for a parcel of men with long heads to sit down in England, and
frame laws for us, and pretend to dictate how we are to live, of whom
they know nothing—never having been in a black man’s country during the
whole course of their lives—is to me somewhat extraordinary. No doubt
they must have been biassed by the report of some one who has had to do
with us; who, for want of a true knowledge of the treatment of slaves,
found that they died on his hands, and that his money was lost; and
seeing others thrive by the traffic, he, envious of their good luck, has
vilified both black and white traders.
“You have seen me kill many men at the Customs, and you often observed
delinquents at Grigwee, and others of my provinces, tied and sent up to
me—I kill them; but do I ever insist on being paid for them? Some heads
I order to be placed at my door; others to be strewed about the market-
place, that people may stumble on them when they little expect such a
sight. This gives a grandeur to my Customs, far beyond the display of
fine things which I buy. This makes my enemies fear me, and, gives me
such a name in the bush.[199] Besides, if I should neglect this
indispensable duty, would my ancestors suffer me to live? Would they not
trouble me day and night, and say that I sent nobody to serve them; that
I was only solicitous about my own name, and forgetful of my ancestors?
White men are not acquainted with these circumstances; but I now tell
you that you may hear, and know and inform your countrymen why Customs
are made, and will be made, as long as black men continue to possess
their own country. The few that can be spared from this necessary
celebration, we sell to the white men. And happy, no doubt, are such,
when they find themselves on the path for Grigwee, to be disposed of to
the Europeans. ‘We shall still drink water,[200]’ say they to
themselves; ‘white men will not kill us, and we may even avoid
punishment, by serving our new masters with fidelity.’”
“All this, and much more to the same purpose,” adds Mr. Abson, “was said
by the Dahoman monarch, in my presence, however incredible it may appear
in England”; and I can see no reason to doubt it, unless we suppose that
common sense is confined within narrower limits than experience shows it
to be.
[Footnote 160: I was not a little amused by a reviewer of “The Lake
Regions of Central Africa,” in a fifth-rate provincial paper, who, after
thanking me for my facts, resolutely insisted upon supplanting all my
deductions by his own. Writers in the (London) “Times,” and the
“Saturday Review,” enjoy a prescriptive right to “do the thinking” for
their readers; but we are apt to recalcitrate when the critical hand of
a Methodistico-Missionary print arrogates to itself such claim.]
[Footnote 161: Used in the sense of negro, concerning which, more
presently.]
[Footnote 162: The affecting appeal, “Am I not a man and a brother?”
accompanying on the seal of the Anti-Slavery Committee a kneeling negro,
who, properly speaking, should have been on all-fours, has been to
Africa what Pope’s “Lo, the poor Indian!” has been to Anglo-America,—a
power steadily influencing national policy.]
[Footnote 163: The leaders in the “Times” (1859), as quoted by Mr.
M‘Henry (“The Cotton Trade,” pp. 68, 75), ought to bring some knowledge
to a “public”: seemingly they have not.]
[Footnote 164: “The Spaniards and Portuguese treat their slaves in every
respect better than the African slave merchants; and I know, from
personal inquiry, that none of M. de Suza’s slaves would accept their
liberty from choice.” (Mr. Duncan, vol. i. p. 114.)]
[Footnote 165: In N. lat. 36° 30′—a moral tropic, a boundary between
free labour and slave labour, laid down by the hand of Nature herself.]
[Footnote 166: Thus the Northerner as an overseer is notably more
impatient with, and cruel to, the slaves than a Southerner.]
[Footnote 167: In our popular works—treasuries of error—every one born
in Africa is a “negro.” Thus “God’s Image in Ebony” (London: Partridge
and Oakley), offers in two pages (93, 94), as “convincing proofs that
the negro is morally and intellectually as well as physically the equal
of the white man,” the following jumble of instances: Minerva (a negro
princess!), Origen and Athanasius (Alexandrian), Tertullian, Augustine
(Numidian), Alexandrinus and Cyril (Moors), Arius (Cyreniac and Semitic
speaking), Hannibal (a Phœnician), and Terence (a Roman). Messrs. Adams,
Cherson, and Armistead should learn their ethnological alphabet before
quoting these as “negro representatives of science, learning, religion,
war, and poetry.” The Abbé Gregoire’s examples are mostly mulattoes, as
Christophe and Dessalines. The oft-quoted Mr. ex-President Roberts, of
Liberia, is an octoroon.]
[Footnote 168: The older theory was, that in such mules the mother-blood
predominates (Estwick, History of Jamaica). But this is, to say the
least, doubtful.]
[Footnote 169: To my astonishment I have heard this threadbare fallacy
quoted in all simplicity by Mr. Charles Sumner, the Massachusetts
Abolitionist. The Britons’ inaptitude to learn music and other
accomplishments may still be traced to their purest descendants.]
[Footnote 170: In Africa, as in India, the aristocracy of the skin, as
the French deputy tauntingly called it, or the “prejudice of colour,” as
the modern phrase runs, is the outward and visible sign of an inward and
spiritual difference. One of Mr. Pritchard’s few good generalizations
is, that as a rule the darker and dingier the African tribe, the more
degraded is its organization.]
[Footnote 171: The purely melanous complexion is rare in Africa, where,
moreover, it is generally admired. The fetor is more conclusive as a
test than the colour of the skin. There is no exception to the rule of
smell.]
[Footnote 172: Which I deny. Affection, like love, is the fruit of
animalism refined by sentiment. The old travellers knew better than the
poet. “Here paternal affections and filial love hardly exist,” says the
History. So Bosman declares of the Gold Coast: “The mother gives the
infant suck for two or three years; which over, and they able to go, it
is then ‘Turn out, brutes!’” An absorbing egotism is the necessary rule
of savage and barbarous humanity, and society must have made great
progress before a man can think of his neighbour’s interests and live.
Hence the old author asserted of the negroes: “They are insensible to
grief and want, sing till they die, and dance into their graves.” Mr.
Duncan (vol. ii. p. 79) says: “Not even the appearance of affection
exists between husband and wife, or between parents and children. So
little do they care for their offspring, that many offered to sell me
one of their sons or daughters as slaves. They are, to speak the truth,
in point of parental affection, inferior to brutes.” But why multiply
quotations?]
[Footnote 173: Arab, Moorish, Abyssinian, Egyptian, Nubian, and Berber.]
[Footnote 174: His true race seems to be unknown.]
[Footnote 175: The worst melange is perhaps the Anglo-Saxon and the
negro. As in India, the French succeed better; there are a _naïveté_ and
coquetry in the Gallic half-caste which are unknown to our homely and
unattractive “Cheechees.”]
[Footnote 176: Africans, like the lower Asiatics, ever drink to excess:
“A glass or two” is a thing unknown to them. Consequently, rum has done
more harm for them than the slave ship has. As there is a perspective in
crime, making the farthest appear the smallest, so, as the world
progresses, the present acts of honest men, such as selling spirits,
weapons, and ammunition to savages, will be looked upon by their
grandsons as the “sum of all villanies.”]
[Footnote 177: These are poor words for ethnologists, but intelligible.
I use Hamitic for pure African or negro, Semitic for the Arab, and
Japhetic for the Aryan, or Indo-European race.]
[Footnote 178: In 1561 (the date of Sir John Hawkins’ first slave
voyage), England took the first of three commercial steps that raised
her to her present grandeur. A charter was presently granted by Queen
Elizabeth, who became a large shareholder, and the live produce of
Africa threw 500 millions sterling into the national purse. In 1756,
after the success of Clive, the profits of India became the “soil and
crops of England.” In 1800 began that enormous importation of American
cotton (the first few pounds were shipped in 1784), which formed the
third and culminating commercial speculation.—“The Cotton Trade,” by
George M‘Henry. London: Saunders, Otley & Co., 1863.]
[Footnote 179: Not to mention children sold in England as sweeps. So on
December 5, 1701, Alexander Steuart, found guilty at Perth of theft, was
gifted by the Justiciary, instead of being killed, to Sir John Areskin,
of Alva. Cromwell sold 3000 soldiers from Drogheda to the West India
planters, much as the Pasha of Egypt has lately sold a regiment or two
to France.]
[Footnote 180: Mr. Long (History of Jamaica) has testified to the
frequent infecundity, and the limited prolificacy of the male and female
mulatto. Geoffroy and Nott dwelt upon the sterility of mulattoes, whilst
Serres and others have asserted that the children of a white woman by a
negro are rarely viable. Dr. Seemann observed at Panama, and in South
America, that the European and the negro were not unlimitedly
productive—rarely passing the second cross. Buffon defined species to be
a “_succession constante d’individus semblables et qui se
reproduisent_.” Hunter’s criterion is, that the parents should produce
an offspring equally prolific with themselves, whereas hybrids are
incapable of perpetuating the breed. This fertility-test was widely
recognized. Cuvier, followed by Pritchard, defined species to include
separate origin (how proved?) and constant transmission of organic
peculiarities. Judged from this view-point, the negro is a sub-species
or permanent variety of the _genus homo_.]
[Footnote 181: The organ, not the bump.]
[Footnote 182: So in Anglo-America every stranger has remarked that
whilst the negro invariably chooses personal service, the American
Indian, shrinking from it with loathing, affords hardly a single
instance. In Africa, however, he has a good time of it. The author of
“The Niger Expedition” (vol. i. p. 398), justly remarks that “domestic
slavery in the negro’s native land is not more irksome than servitude in
ours”—he might safely have said more. And it must be remembered, as
Mungo Park stated in the last century, that paid service is unknown to
the negro. Indeed, African languages ignore the word.]
[Footnote 183: It is not a little instructive to see the Southern slaves
of Anglo-America, fighting as lustily for slavery as their Northern
brethren are contending for liberty, and the more especially so after
the dreadful pictures of plunder, rape, and murder drawn upon
imagination in Europe, and devoutly expected by the good people of
England, until hard facts have forced open their eyes.]
[Footnote 184: I speak of the people generally, not individually.
Personally, each man desires children, and yet he is of opinion that
propagation injures his tribe or nation.]
[Footnote 185: A sensible French missioner uses the phrase, “_Les noirs,
qui sont à peine aux blancs ce que sont les enfants aux hommes_.”]
[Footnote 186: Amongst the traders of the Bight of Biafra there are, I
am glad to say, few men so base as to sell an English dog to a negro
king or chief; and were a man to do so, he would be loudly blamed by his
fellows.]
[Footnote 187: In Ffon there is a rude kind of assonance, _e.g._:—
So nun ajilá: Agbanji ajodisá.
Take a thing and show it: on the counter ’twill be sold.
Which Commander Forbes (vol. ii. p. 100) writes with a wondrous waste of
“r’s”:
So wae re jar,
Jorgee
Ah jorgee sar.
]
[Footnote 188: Anti-slavery writers claim a concession, that if one
negro has shown a character identical with that of the white man, the
two families must be specifically the same: and they quote a few “living
witnesses,” some of whom are so white as hardly to be distinguished from
the superior race: others, Mandengas, Joloffs and Hausas. But these may
be numbered on a man’s fingers out of many a million, and we must not
found a law upon exceptions. On the other hand, those who hold the
specific difference of the negro, admit of no exceptionary instances. I
believe in the inferior genesis of the negro, and in his incapability of
improvement, individually and _en masse_.]
[Footnote 189: The learned and acute Dr. Pruner Bey asserts: “The negro
has no love for war; he is only driven to it by hunger. War, from
passion or destructiveness is unknown to him.” My personal experience
has ever found destructiveness highly developed in the negro’s
character.]
[Footnote 190: Barbot (book iv. chap. 5) says of Benin: “But the female
sex is there, in a most peculiar way, so brisk, jolly, and withal so
laborious, that they despatch all their work very fast, and with a
seeming pleasure and satisfaction.”]
[Footnote 191: Of the Sierra Leone people at Whydah, now extinct, see
Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 139).]
[Footnote 192: I allude more particularly to a pamphlet called “The
Slavery Quarrel, &c.,” by a Poor Peacemaker. London: Robert Hardwicke,
1863. It is a specimen of what is to come.]
[Footnote 193: Even in 1845, Mr. Duncan (vol. i. p. 115) was bold enough
to advocate the “free transportation of slaves from the coast of
Africa.”]
[Footnote 194: “The Negro Trade,” by Sir George Stephen: the offensive
tone of this pamphlet arises from its having been written for a
“Review.” Long before its day, Messrs. Buxton and MacQueen declared that
“it is by African hands and African exertions, chiefly, that the evil
[slave trade] must be destroyed.” I know only one part of the outer West
African coast which is at present perfectly free from the export, and
that is the Bight of Biafra, which certainly was cleared by English
hands and English exertions.]
[Footnote 195: Adahoonzou the Second’s (Sinmenkpen) speech upon hearing
what had passed in England upon the subject of the slave trade. (See
note at the end of this chapter.) The most important part of it is
confirmed by Dr. M‘Leod (p. 65), who states: “The performance of the
annual sacrifice is considered a duty so sacred, that no allurement in
the way of gain—no additional price which the white traders can offer
for slaves—will induce the King to spare even a single victim of the
established number; and he is equally inexorable with respect to the
chiefs of his enemies, who are never, on any account, permitted to live
if they fall into his hands.”]
[Footnote 196: When King Gezo was lectured by Mr. Duncan upon the
cruelty of slave exportation, the latter, to illustrate the barbarity of
separating children from their parents, “pointed out a she-goat with two
kids, and asked him, if one were taken away, whether the young would not
show symptoms of regret as well as the mother. At this he laughed
heartily, but remarked that the he-goat, the father of the kids referred
to, would feel quite indifferent.” Mr. Duncan could not help smiling in
return, when the King touched his forehead with his fingers, saying,
“Englishman wonderful and a good man.” Probably, the royal cynic meant
this compliment much as the “good young man” signifies in the mouth of a
fast young “party.” Mr. Duncan, however, rightly says of Gezo, as
compared with the mob, “The King possesses talent far beyond the
generality of his subjects; in fact, his noble mind seems to have been
formed to govern.”]
[Footnote 197: If Mr. Abson supposes long speeches are confined to
Europe and Africa he is mistaken: the Brazilians were famous for this
species of rhetoric long ago. When they wished to excite their people to
war, their Eldermen, from their hammocks, harangued their auditors on
the virtues and wrongs of their ancestors for six hours
together.—“Purchas Pilgrims,” 1036.]
[Footnote 198: The present Governor of Williams Fort, who has resided
there since 1766, and is well acquainted with the language.]
[Footnote 199: The country expression for the woods.]
[Footnote 200: Meaning “We shall still live.”]
CHAPTER XX.
THE DAY OF TRIUMPH.
On Wednesday, January 20th, we were suddenly summoned in the hot sun of
2 P.M. to the Komasi Palace. As we sat under the south-eastern corner
shade we were greeted with Al-Afiyah by our companions in misfortune,
the Moslems, who wore their usual snowy turbands and long white and blue
robes. Men in war tunics and wrappers hurried to the palace, and strings
of women were coming out all dust, showing that they had been made over
as wives to new captains.
We entered and sat down as usual beneath the thin tamarind tree,
opposite the huge whitewashed storehouse. Everything was very military:
the King’s verandah was a line of poor, sooty, and tattered umbrellas,
and before us were four similar, also blackened: one of these was for
the fetishmen, whose ten iron sticks were planted in the ground.
Opposite them, and on our side—the left—were seven umbrellas, and within
the bamboos stood the Fanti women fresh returned from the campaign. They
were in fighting garb, with white fillets round their heads, short
drawers, brown war tunics like the men’s, and not longer than kilts,
girt with white sashes and kept in position by cartridge boxes, with
brilliant pouches on their left sides, bright muskets, razors and
knives. Their ornaments were necklaces, projecting _glorias_ of brown
monkey skins, quantities of fetish beads, talismans and other
decorations about their breasts, and brass and iron rings on their left
arms. They were commanded by Danh-ji-hun-to, a thin, yellow, middle-aged
woman, with a hoarse voice and wearing two diminutive antelope horns on
her forehead.
At 4.25 P.M. a long line of unarmed men ran up, in Indian file, and
deposited near the bamboo barrier fifteen little bundles of coarse
matting. They were followed by four loads of calabashes, a bit of broken
canoe, a sheep and a goat carried in arms, nine old muskets and other
equally valuable trophies, which were ranged by the gallant captors in a
semi-circle before the King. Silence was proclaimed by a knot of some
eighty fighteresses and wives, who sat together in the open air on the
right of the throne, with their “drum,” three small rattles, and one
cymbal, on their proper left. The front rank wore silver horns; each
waved a fly-flapper when singing, and the handles of their long knives
were hung with pink streamers. Behind them were successively silver
hair, spangles, white fillets, and red nightcaps, placed loosely on the
heads of the blunderbuss women to keep off the sun. One had the true
sweep’s face, with cherry lips, and glaring white eyes set in deep
circles of black. All the _troupe_ squatted on their heels, kneeling up
when the emphasis of the song required it.
The fat Adanejan opened the speeching: the gist of his lengthiness was,
that Eddon, chief of Jabatan, a town of Makhi-speaking Nagos in Agoni,
about one day beyond Iketu, had ever been a spy and a malignant, sending
in reports to the King’s enemy, Abeokuta. The place had been taken after
six shots; there were few prisoners, as all the men ran away,
consequently the captors had proved themselves poor soldiers. The mat
bundles, then opened, disclosed human skulls imperfectly cleaned, some
being only smoke dried. One was much shattered, and another had part of
the green scalp adhering to the bone. It was a shabby display compared
with the days when, after an attack on Badagry, Sinmenkpen (Adahoonzou
II.) bought of his men 6000 crania.
The four skulls “with names” were then presented by the Adanejan as
Chabi the second chief, a Vodun-no or fetish woman, and Favi and Adibi,
two princes. Followed the live male prisoners of distinction. They were
naked to the waist, which was wrapped in blue calico, and they knelt,
with hands tied before and elbows connected behind by a lanyard, which
was held by a soldier, also on his knees. At each presentation a servant
of the Adanejan placed both hands upon the captive’s shoulders, standing
behind him, and called out his name and rank, which were repeated to the
King by a high officeress. The following fourteen were presented: First
were three boys; Eddon the chief, a miserably lean scowling man, who
will certainly lose his head, and Doicha Vodun-no, his brother; three
princes, Legbo, Bwedon, and Yabi; a hunter and a chief drummer; Chago, a
boy, one of the chief’s nephews, three small children, black, yellow,
and brown; and three sons of hunters, Bosu, Akholu, and Bosan. After
presentation, they were all led away by the men.
A violent drumming introduced nine women “with names,” as follows:
Chago, Epwe, Ayinan, and Ede, wives of the chief—the third very old, the
last aged about ten; Meneke and Yabu, hunters’ wives; Loko-si, a
hunter’s sister; Nyon, a Tansi-no, or fetish woman for the King; and
Ojohon, the daughter of a chief long ago slain. Behind them stood
several others, who were not named. The women captives, including one
with a babe at the breast, born on the march—
O Lucina ferox, hoc peperisse fuit?
—were led away by the women troops.
After this function, two boys and two girls were brought in from left to
right, were placed kneeling before and were presented as gifts to the
King. These the first fruits of the capture, are never bound till in the
royal presence: they are technically called So-si or Thunder-tail.[201]
After this customary ceremony, the messengeresses took the end of the
long tether connected with each small left arm, and conducted the
tribute into the harim.
Five soldier-prisoners were next placed on their knees, and were named
like the captives; one had lost his gun, another had tied up his sword
in a bundle, a third had no gunpowder, a fourth no ball, and the last
had drawn the royal ammunition without bringing back either head or
prisoner. The recreants were huddled away to jail, and their sentence
was confirmed by prolonged “Ububu,” from the male, and “Khe” on the part
of the feminine soldiery.
The Addugba drum then struck up. It is played by public women, an
organized and royal institution, appointed from the palace, and placed
under the Meu for the comfort and refreshment of the lieges.[202] The
present King has appointed a fresh troop of ladies of pleasure, but they
have not as yet received permission to practise. At first the
_honorarium_ was twenty cowries; hence the common title “Ko-si,” score-
wife or _quadrantaria_[203]: at the representation of the ministers the
_solatium_ was increased to two strings, or fourfold. They drum during
the day at the royal abode, and late at night they return to their own
quarters, near the Bwekon village and the Agbome Gate. There are
peculiarities about the institution which will presently strike the
reader.
The Addugba, “for outside,” consisted of four men and two women, the
latter standing behind with veiled bosoms, blue pagnes, and white
fillets: they used as fans discs of thin brass, pierced with holes and
surmounting long light handles. Their leader had a leathern apron, after
the fashion of the Lake Regions, but lined and streaked with cowries.
There were also the Ko-si, or _quadrantariæ_, “for inside,” an amount of
cynicism, which I had hardly expected. This internal Addugba stood
behind the warrioresses on the left of the throne, and wore red
headkerchiefs, and white and scarlet tunics, with lines of yellow cloth,
under blue pagnes. The men knelt and performed in the presence of the
King. The Adanejan now brought forward a sixth prisoner, and explained
his offence, deserting to Iketu, and attempting to join Jabatan. This
caitiff was also led off by his rope.
Shouts and trills announced that cowries and cloth were being brought
from the palace. Each owner of a skull received for it a head of shells
(equal to two shillings),[204] and the grizzly semi-circle broke up. The
fetisheers sang:—
E Bo-hun e degi.
The Bo-drum (of war), it is very good!
All the captives “with names” advanced on their knees up a lane leading
towards the King, and formed by ministers on one side and by captains on
the other. Their cords were held by their captors, who sold them to the
Crown. The minimum price was one head and two fathoms of cloth: an old
woman with children in her arms, and presently led off to the harim,
fetched the maximum, a large cloth and two heads and a half. All except
a small child, that cried a little with fear, showed the utmost
stoicism. The captors were then, with the usual ceremonies, invested by
the ministers; and each cloth was acknowledged with cries, to the soft
sounds of flageolets and the tinkling of cymbals. The prisoners “without
names” were then sold. Finally, the chief Eddon and his brother Doicha
were placed kneeling before the throne. His lucky captor, “Kiko,” a
young captain, after ample praise from the King as a warman that had
brought in three skulls, received, by various instalments, a total of
sixteen heads and a long white cloth. The capturer of the chief’s
brother received a pink pagne.
Divers decorated men now came hastily forward with war-axes and “blue
knives.” One youth declared that he would slay eighty, others forty of
the foe, and others still more moderately: at the end of this boasting
all prostrated and shovelled up the dust. “Ago” proclaimed Silence! and
the Adanejan told the public, to cries of “Tamulé!” that they must fight
bravely against Abeokuta. They clapped hands, received cowries and
liquor, and retired. The Gau and five men then made furious speeches
about the Egbas, ending with a sandbath, and the King caused villanous
cachinnation by declaring that when “spreading a table” for his father
he must place Jabatan upon it. To which the lanky chief listened without
moving even an eye-lid.
The Blue and afterwards the Fanti Companies rose, and capered from side
to side. Four Ananun-wa-hwisu, or “blue knives,” were then placed before
the King, and a corresponding number of women rushed out, grounded
muskets, took up the _armes blanches_, and danced like furies. As usual,
the men imitated them. It being my turn to give “bakhshish,” I wrote a
promissory note of 100 dols. for the women and 50 dols. for the men, who
have other means of subsistence. The bamboo fence was thrust out, and
Gelele came to the fore, dressed in a white fillet and a Mauve-coloured
tobe, one woman fanning and another shading him with a red and yellow
parasol. We remained seated as he harangued the lieges about my gift,
and whilst the herald shouted his strong names he declared that
Abeokuta, being no longer the Englishmen’s friend, must be broken. After
presenting cloth to his new favourite, the Ajyaho, and requesting me to
come to-morrow and address my company, he sent to us the usual two
flowered caraffes of rum, upon which we soon beat a retreat into the
cool moonshine.
At 1 P.M. on Thursday, January 21, we again went to the palace, and
found a similar _mise-en-scène_. About 200 Blues, some with gunpowdered
cheeks and forehead, were squatting in a semicircle before the throne:
on its right was a knot of about sixty female singers, on its left the
same number of Fanti women. The band, with waved hands and loud hums at
the end of each strophe, were singing:—
A dog fetches game for its master;
So the King brought Ishagga to his father’s ghost:
which sounded much like bathos or anti-climax. The ensuing clamour,
boasting, presenting arms and fearfully lengthy songs, were sleepy work
as well as absurd. That ancient Pistol, Adan-men-nun-kon, strode up and
down before the King, shouting Ye-ge! and pretending to weep over the
doom of the Egbas, who were eating and drinking, laughing and talking,
all heedless of the evil which awaited them. He was unconsciously
uttering his own death wail.
Another song, a storm of drums and rattles, and a “blue knife” dance,
summoned the King to perform, which, however, he did not. Two swords and
sash-belts sent to the chief’s captors, an old musket and powder pouches
or cartridge boxes, each worth perhaps a shilling, distributed amongst
the less deserving, caused a renewal of saltation and saluting. Two
piles of two hundred cowrie-heads, surrounded by rum bottles, were
heaped up “for woman’s side,” and “for man’s side”: amongst the
workwomen we recognised the Yavedo—Mr. Dawson’s younger mother—a large
black girl, perhaps ten years younger than her son. After more speeches,
vows and advice, especially from the Gau, who told the soldiers to
prepare provisions so as not to faint on the road, twenty-five kegs[205]
of powder were exhibited as the material for the morrow’s firing.
As sunset was approaching, the King summoned me before him to address
his guards. I was accompanied by Mr. Cruikshank and by Messrs. Bernasko
and Dawson, the “Prince Bah,” _alias_ Beecham, interpreting. I began by
saying that amongst us the officer is answerable when the soldier is
unprepared for fight. Our mode of inspecting and examining arms was then
shown. Against this nothing could be advanced. I next proposed to place
the left hand under the trigger guard, and inserting a knife handle into
the barrel muzzle, imitated our original bayonet. The King at once
objected, firstly, that it is good for soldiers even in play to run
risk, and, secondly, that they were expected to “go in” and “give a
touch” with their daggers. He evidently is, or would be, a “_général à
dix mille hommes par semaine_.” Of course, nothing remained to say but
that every country has its customs; and that amongst us it is, or it
ought to be,
“More honourable far _servare_
_Civem_ than slay an adversary.”
Being then urged to address the Blues, I exhorted them to talk less and
to do more, quoting,
Avun do kho, e do kho, e dume a.
A dog (who) talketh palaver, he talketh palaver, he biteth not.
This the old landlord illustrated by falling on all fours, and growling
like the _canidæ_, which here do not bark.[206] It being a Dahoman
fashion to praise the women at the expense of the men, I told the latter
that in our country the feminine gender was garrulous, and the masculine
silent, whereas at Agbome the phenomenon was reversed. As Adan-men-nun-
kon again violently addressed his monarch, he was told to keep all that
energy for the King of Abeokuta. The women, after deriding him, thanked
me, through their commanding officer, and next morning came a present of
provisions from both companies, with the usual complimentary message
that they had sat up all night pondering over the words of wisdom which
had fallen from my lips.
We were summoned on Friday, January 22nd, but business detained the King
till sunset, when he accepted an excuse. Saturday also was a day of
rest, our notes requiring to be written out. The time slips easily away
at Agbome. Rising with the dawn, we set out as soon as the hammock-men
can be collected, and walk till nine A.M. Refection follows till eleven,
and my lesson in Ffon outlasts the noon. If we visit the Komasi Palace,
the rest of the day will be a blank; the brain becomes so weary that
work in the evening is impossible. If we avoid it, the afternoon is an
inverted copy of the forenoon.
[Footnote 201: So (thunder, or heavy firing of guns), sí (a tail; not to
be confounded with ’sì for assì, a wife). The animal’s tail is the
hunter’s trophy, and he always removes it the first.]
[Footnote 202: So far Dahome is in advance of us. We now begin to see
the advantage of Lock Hospitals for the soldier, when every man of sense
recognized it years ago.]
[Footnote 203: Ko-si is not insulting; Agaleto, or _buona roba_, is;
Agaleto-vi—filius meretricis—is a common abusive phrase.]
[Footnote 204: In the History, the utmost price of a skull is twenty
ackies of cowries, or thirty shillings; of a captive thirty-two cabess,
cabeça, or head of cowries, equal to £16.]
[Footnote 205: The mark was “Kames Mills,” probably American sold as
English gunpowder, which the King prefers, finding, it is said, too much
charcoal in the French.]
[Footnote 206: In the kingdom of Uganda, north of Unyamwezi, courtiers
acknowledge the presence by wallowing and whining like dogs. Here they
wallow, but do not whine.]
CHAPTER XXI.
DAHOME AND HER CAPITAL.
The extent and population of Danh-ho-men-to (“the Land of Dahome”) have
been grossly exaggerated. Dr. M‘Leod, who never left Whydah, Commander
Forbes, and M. Wallon, have assigned to this inconsiderable province of
the Great Oyo or Yoruban empire, the wide region between the so-called
Kong Mountains on the north, and the Bight of Benin on the south, a
depth of two hundred miles. The rivers and lagoons of Lagos, others say
the Niger, are made the eastern, while the Volta River and the Ashantis
become the western frontier. This gives a breadth of one hundred and
eighty, making a total area of 36,000 square miles.
Such boundaries may have been, although I greatly doubt them: now we
must reduce Dahome to nearly one-tenth. Her northern frontier, bordering
on the Makhis, is a water called Tevi, eighteen hours of hammock, equal
to forty miles, from Agbome, giving a maximum direct distance of one
hundred miles. On the north-eastward, beyond the tributary Agoni tribes,
are the Iketu and other Nagos or Yorubans, who have been plundered, but
never subjected. To the north-westward are the semi-independent race of
Aja,[207] of Attakpame,[208] and others. The extreme extent, fifty
miles, narrows towards the south, giving the province a pyriform shape.
The base between Godome or Jackin, the easternmost settlement, and the
frontier between Whydah and the turbulent independent Popos, cannot
exceed twenty-five to thirty miles. Assuming, therefore, forty miles as
the medium breadth, we obtain a superficies of 4000 square miles.
Moreover, as has been shown, this small black Sparta is hedged in by
hostile accolents. “Porto Novo” and Badagry, to the eastward, have
fallen into European hands, whilst the Popo republics, on the west, are
safe in their marshes. The people of Agwe “came in” last year, and were
received by the King,[209] but they will add an element of weakness.
Dahome will crumble to pieces under the first heavy shock.
The numbers assigned to the kingdom vary greatly, and are all guess-
work. Commander Forbes proposes 200,000; M. Wallon raises it to 900,000;
Commodore Wilmot reduces it to 180,000, which I would further diminish
to 150,000,[210] of whom, perhaps, four-fifths are women and children.
The population is thus not a third of what the land could support. The
annual withdrawal of both sexes from industry to slave-hunting and the
Customs at the capital, the waste of reproduction in Amazons, and the
losses by disease and defeat, have made the country in parts a desert.
So contemptible is the African power which is perhaps the best known
throughout Europe! And so strong is eccentricity to attract notice!
Agbome first appears upon the stage of history in 1724, and since that
time there has been a regular intercourse between England and Dahome,
which has now a small literature of her own.[211] The _enceinte_ of the
capital is perhaps larger than that of any other Ffon town, but the
population certainly does not exceed that of Whydah. It is, of course,
floating, and perhaps at times may have reached the figures assigned to
it by Commodore Wilmot—20,000 souls. The site, like that of Allada, is a
rolling plain or plateau—these people ever prefer high ground—ending in
short bluffs to the north-west, where it is bounded by a long
depression,[212] suggesting the action of eluvium, grassy, and streaked
with long lines of trees, where water must lie, if not flow, in the wet
season. Scattered over this hollow are the principal pans which scantily
supply the city. Beyond the valley the country again rises towards the
Makhi Hills, whose jagged blue summits look enticingly mysterious to the
traveller. Amongst them, Minefin and Bowule[213] are described by the
people as high, cold, and abounding in game, especially wild hog: their
land wind is cooling and healthy. These hills, which may be considered
the threshold of the so-called Kongo region, supply the granitic and
schistose stones used by the people for grinding grain. A glance at the
map shows that between the Benin Gulf and the Niger the land is
prismoidal, with a long southern slope, and a shorter northern counter-
slope to the Great River.
Let us now circumambulate the _enceinte_ of Agbome, which has already
been partially described. Beginning from the southern, or Ako-chyo Gate,
which issues upon the Komasi Palace and the adjacent suburb of Bwe-kon,
about one mile leads us to the Kana-’gbonun, or eastern gate, by which
we first entered the city. The land between them is grassy, dotted with
palms, and showing by its ridges that the hoe was once active. Crossing
the village of little fetish huts at the Kana Gate, we bend northwards,
leaving to the right a path leading to the Kido, or north-eastern water-
pits. The country continues the same, and amongst the few farmsteads we
are shown Dokon, or Addokon, the Yevogan’s hereditary village. Hugging
the “zun,” or acacia bush of the moat, we pass a hole pierced through it
where the side is shallowest. Here begins a double line of
circumvallation, protecting the settlement from the north-east to the
north-west, including the principal waters, especially the King’s, and
probably intended as a defence against an equestrian enemy.[214] The
extreme distance between the false and the true _enceintes_ is more than
a mile, and the interval is overgrown with bush and grass, with here and
there a hut or a dwarf field. If we follow the outer line of ditch, the
path falls, by a succession of steps, with outcrops of iron-stone, into
the valley between Agbome and the Makhi Mountains. On the way, four or
five tall trees, which here distinguish the moat entrances, point out
the Tohun-’gbonun,[215] or north-western gate, in the false _enceinte_.
It is a small and poor approach, leading to a water called Nyassa.
Crossing, however, the ditch before reaching the Tohun-’gbonun we pursue
a goat track through grass, wild egg-plants, and neglected plantations,
leaving on our right, or northwards, the first slope of the great
depression. After ten minutes we reach the Agesi-’gbonun,[216] or
northern gap, opening upon the direct road to the Diddo or royal water,
and upon a path bending N.-East to the Nyassa pans. Opposite us the
north-western arm of the false _enceinte_, is crossed by the Alo-ma-bli-
nen-’gbonun,[217] built by King Gezo. If we would avoid this, we pass
through the Agesi-’gbonun into the _enceinte_, when a few yards conduct
us to a shrubby and apparently unguarded gap, the Tavosa-’gbonun[218]:
it opens to the N.-West, and the moat is spanned by a clay dyke with a
steep sag. Resuming from this point our walk, after ten minutes of
peasants’ path through neglected fields, we find the Agbo-e-ja-ga,[219]
which conducts to the palace of Tegbwesun (Bossa Ahadi). Here begins the
large exterior suburb, stretching from the N.-West, and spreading over
the country to the S.-West. Agbome, like other cities, is “going out of
town”; and the newer is decidedly the cleaner and the prettier locality.
In this part the _faubourg_ is called Adan-do-kpo-ji. Passing _en route_
the Lise-hun-zo or palace of Sinmenkpen (Adahoonzou II.), lying south of
the former, we find under fine trees a Nesu-hwe, or Nesu temple,
fronting a clear and cleaned space. A little beyond it lies a large
double gate, the Adan-do-kpo-ji, through which the King passes when
visiting the manes of his ancestors. The suburb here straggles out, and
on all sides appear farms and plantations of palm trees, which, however,
grow better inside the _enceinte_, where they are not scorched by bush
fires. Near the entrance is another Adan-blon-no-ten, an open space
where the King sits and swears: a gateless passage over the moat, known
as the E-Oyo-nagba-’gbonun,[220] connects it with the southern extremity
of the inner town and with the Kpo-go-e-ji,[221] a broad street near the
Komasi Palace, where a few market wives daily assemble to sell cankey
and other provisions. There is a similar out-door bazar near the Agbome
Palace, called the Kechli-’li, or “road of Kechi,” a Whydah caboceer.
Continuing our southerly course under a Vo-sisa or Afa charm to prevent
disease, in the shape of a gallows furnished with a dead dog, hung head
downwards, we reached the Uhun-jro market, and the Ako-chyo-’gbonun,
where our walk began. Each King builds his own gate at the time when he
is allowed to raise a palace of swish. Thus the total number, including
the Tohun-’gbonun and the Alo-ma-bli-nen-’gbonun, the sister entrances
through the false _enceinte_, and not including the gap, is eight. The
circumambulation required two hours, equal to five miles.[222]
To one walking round the inner _enceinte_, Agbome appears even to less
advantage. The aggerose surface is pitted with the deep holes common in
Yoruba towns: these earth diggings are alternately filled with offals,
foul vegetation—especially the unwholesome croton plant (_Croton
Tiglium_)—water, and mud, the latter drying, as in Whydah, to the
consistency of common ashlar. The circumference cannot be more than four
miles, occupying an hour and a-half; two-thirds of it is a fine open
country, scattered with trees and fields of bean and vetch, mostly
choked by dense grasses veiling the ancient furrows. To the west and
south-west, the buildings cluster thickest, and _latrinæ_ being unknown,
the ground about them is very foul, the Mosaic precept being utterly
neglected.[223] Agbome is as truly Dahoman as Washington is or was
United States,—a typical place. Somewhat like old and despotic Cairo, it
is a mass of villages, which under any but the present barbarians would
soon grow to be a city. When inspected, however, the composing elements
are found to be the palace carcases and a few large establishments
belonging to the principal officers and their retainers. The conspicuous
feature in the town is the Agbome House, a rude circle, measuring, if we
cut off the various angles, 2560 paces in circumference. The gates of
the Queens are, as has been seen, in the north and north-western walls:
those of the Kings are in the eastern and southern sides. Amongst the
most conspicuous of these are the Patin-sa, the Han-ho-nukun-ji,[224]
the Agrin-go-men, the Cowrie House, the Akwaji, the Singbo-men, and the
Adan-jro-ko-de, which some writers have confused into different
palaces;—they have all been alluded to in previous pages. To the north
of the Agbome, as was said, is the venerable but decrepid Dahome House,
and around both are the “compounds” of the chiefs, miniature copies of
the royal abodes and jealously separated by bush and trees for privacy
and in fear of fire. To the south-west of the Agbome palace is a thick
clump of houses, extending to the town ditch, and divided only by the
Uhun-jro market-place from the Komasi House. The two royal houses in the
Adan-do-kpo-ji are also surrounded by compounds, and the same may be
said of the Bwe-kon-hwe-gbo and the Jegbe Palaces.
The great drawback at Agbome during the dry season, is the deficiency
and the badness of the water. An Artesian well, or at least a Bletonist,
would be a boon. As a rule the supply is white with clay, and must be a
fertile source of dysentery. Often it is chalybeate; and, at the best,
it is stagnant. For some reason, superstitious or despotic, the lieges
are not allowed to dig wells; perhaps the gravelly nature of the soil,
and the depth of excavation required, would place the operation beyond
their powers. Supplies must be fetched, therefore, by the Sin-no, or
water wives, from the great depression bounding the town-plateau to the
north and north-west, where it is found in shallow pits, pans, and holes
cut near the larger pools to filter the element. As the nearest
habitations are distant two, and the farthest five, miles from these
_abreuvoirs_, the path is trodden day and night with heavy monotonous
toil. Those who want the water anywhere near the royal supply must begin
early, the women of the palace issuing after dawn, and keeping all clear
for themselves. Male Dahomans have lately been forbidden the road to
Diddo, the King’s water; holding ourselves, however, not included in
this prohibition, Mr. Cruikshank and I resolved to visit it.
Setting out at four on a misty morning, with two “Naureo,[225]” but
without interpreter or hammocks, we already found a thin string of
carriers on the way. After the Agesi-’gbonun, or northern gate, we
skirted the western arc of the false ditch, and presently fell into the
slope of the great depression. The ground was disposed in little steps,
ridges, and sheets of the usual reddish and large-pored iron-clay stone,
congested as if fused. Half-an-hour’s walk from the city led us to a
thick bush, garnished with huge trees, and the tremendous din of women
who were baling water with calabashes into their jars, told us that we
had arrived at our destination. Some wretches, wearied out, were
sleeping in the cleared places, with pots by their sides, and there had
been many breakages. The principal pits are those on the left of the
arenose path; they are cleaner than those of Nyassa and Kido, which show
an offensive scum, whilst the surrounding swamp savours of decay. After
our inspection we followed the northern road, till we reached a house
built across it, and occupied by Jabwa, warden of the wells. Beyond this
point, but turning to the right, before entering the bush, there is
another water called Danh-to-men.[226]
The “Minister of the Interior” is badly supplied at Agbome, and the
provisions are dearer even than at Whydah. Prices have quadrupled during
the last six years, the effect of an ultra-military policy; and very
often, as in a famine, no inducement will make men part with their
store. We tasted beef once only during our stay; the Tsetse fly abounds,
I believe, in the bush, but in the towns black cattle are plentiful, a
small bullock fetching 10 dols. to 16 dols. The mutton and goat’s-flesh
are equally lean, stringy, and tasteless, and the whole animal must be
bought; the sheep costing 2 dols., or half the price of its more
odiferous congener. Pigs are worth more than goats; in the palace they
are purely fed, elsewhere they find themselves. I never saw horseflesh,
which was eaten of old. Dried fish is sometimes sent up from the sea-
board. Turkeys, rare at Kana and Agbome, fetch 1 dol. 50 cents; Guinea
fowls and Manilla ducks, half-a-crown; and poor thin pullets, two
shillings each. Poultry, however, are seldom to be bought, especially at
the present season, when they are being sacrificed by order of Afa.
There are also a few pigeons. Eggs are not sold, perhaps under the
conviction that they will fetch more as pullets—when obtainable they are
worth 8 cents per dozen. Milk is not used,[227] and animals seem to
labour under a natural agalaxy.
There are, as has been said, four large and many smaller markets. At the
latter, the principal sale seems to be of water, grain, vegetables, and
a few fruits; the former is sold in pots, of various sizes, and,
according to quality, commands, at this season, from a halfpenny to a
penny per gallon. The cankey-ball (Dahome’s quartern loaf) fetched under
the old king, three cowries—it is now worth twelve. The principal, if
not the only, grains are maize and Guinea-corn, whose manifold
preparations have been alluded to. The vegetables are beans and vetches,
of various kinds; yams, tolerable; groundnuts, common; sweet potatoes,
plentiful at Whydah, rare here; manioc, sold boiled as well as raw;
ferine, _i.e._, farinha, “wood-meal,[228]” much used at Agbome and at
Whydah; and many kinds of greens, especially the excellent occro, or
esculent _Hibiscus_, locally called “Fevi,” or “Nye’un”; while chives,
or small onions, are sold in every bazár. The fruits are oranges, mostly
bitter, except those in the royal gardens; plantains and papaws in
plantations; limes, somewhat acerb; cashews and rare cocoas; mangoes,
guavas, and wild pine-apples, which, wanting water, run to leaf. The
tamarind is everywhere disregarded, even in the King’s house. The ginger
is very poor. A little sugar and salt can be bought or borrowed, red
pepper is abundant, and the black variety is unknown. As has been said,
all the liquor is of the vilest, and the traveller should land at
Whydah, where even beer is often unprocurable, with all his stores. It
may be said of the Dahoman as of “poor Paddy,” that he
“On basest food pours down the vilest drink.”
There are small patches of small-boled wild cotton, in the town, giving
false promise of better things to men of strong faith. The wild indigo
is sold in cakes, and is the common cloth-dye of the country; its colour
is excellent, but no amount of demand would produce a regular supply
here.
The list of animals in Dahome is not extensive. Elephants have been
killed out, lions are known only by name; hyænas—the local “resurrection
men”—and bush-cats are common. The people are fond of porcupines, hares,
and of a large grey and sometimes dark-brown rodent, called by Mr.
Norris “Agouti,” and formerly by the blacks “Cabra do matto.[229]” It is
killed by a trap falling upon it, split, skewered, and carbonadoed with
the skin on. An average specimen brings a head of cowries, and the
flesh, as cooked by the natives, is good; I never saw a live specimen.
Small antelopes are found in the bush surrounding the capital, and it
shelters monkeys, which the people gladly devour. There is a yellow
specimen called kra-ve,[230] which seeing the gun before the latter is
fired, causes the barrel to burst—a reason explaining the frequent
accidents. Hunters speak of the Gha (غا), or Inaki of the Egbas, a huge
anthropoid ape, formerly found about Gbezumen, a village one day’s
journey from Whydah, and they make its cry to resemble that of the
gorilla. There are also fabulous animals. The Aziza, for instance, is a
sylvan beast, erect, manlike, and loud-voiced: it teaches the hunter
fetish, and makes him wondrous brave.[231] Many birds have legends
attached to them. Kites (the _Falco Chilla_ of India) are eaten, and
magic medicines are made from the Afunsoko’u, or white-breasted raven
(_Corvus Senegalensis_), also called Aze-khe, or man-eater. It is here
supposed to be a “devil” (bad ghost), and to talk; as with the Egbas, no
rain falls when it lays its eggs, and its flocking denotes impending
war. The owl, too, is an Aze-khe, or cannibal, a messenger of
anthropophagi, who would kill and devour a foe; men and boys will often
be seen carrying these small grey birds by the legs. The turkey-buzzard
is respected for its utility. No one will kill the “King’s bird,” a
small _motacilla_, termed Awáje’khe, which consequently becomes tame as
a wren; the Nago women are supposed to talk to and to understand it. The
cuculine “Scotchman” is a “devil-bird,” causing the gun to burst. Mr.
Cruikshank shot several specimens, but—_n’importe_; it is called “_Wu-
tu-tu_,” an onomatopoetic word, exactly expressing its note.[232] There
is a _muscicapa_ called Berille, which disregards the burning bush, when
attacking the expelled locusts, therefore the soldier is ordered to be
“brave as the Berille.” Ring-doves, large and small, abound through the
country, and were noticed by Phillips. There is a fine spur-fowl known
as Koklo-asso, or bush poultry, heavier birds and darker than the
English partridge, short winged and good runners. They are best killed
with No. 3 shot. In the first year they are good eating, and they are
found in coveys throughout the _enceinte_, when not built over. A single
quail was seen, and the few herons and water birds were very wild. We
could not collect many specimens, being compelled to confine our rambles
to the vicinity of the town.
The tenure of land throughout the empire is in “fee-simple,” allodium,
as amongst us, being unknown. Agriculture is despised, because slaves
are employed in it. The people, however, are not ignorant of husbandry.
The women ridge the ground neatly with their little hoes, and some, more
industrious, dispose over their crofts the huge heaps of kitchen-midden
that have grown about their houses. Were its cultivation enforced, the
oil-palm as has been said, would be a mine of wealth, and the roads to
the coast, except in a few places, are good enough for wheeled vehicles.
But there is scant inducement to amass riches, of which the owner would
assuredly be “squeezed” as often as he could support the operation.
Dahome, like Yoruba, perhaps I may say like eastern and western
intertropical Africa generally, is a red soil,[233] and prodigiously
fertile. This is “dead dries,” when the algid breath of the desert wind
blows strongly, making all a dust. Yet even the poles planted in our
yard put forth green leaves.
Agbome is higher, drier, and less unhealthy than Whydah. After eight
years’ weathering, the swish walls show little damage here. The
Harmattan[234] season lasts from December to January, and is followed by
the hot months of March and April, when tornadoes usher in tolerably
heavy rains. The wet weather begins in May, or sometimes, as in 1863,
late in June. About September there is a break, called the harvest-time
or the Little Dries. October and November are the later rains, generally
accompanied by severe tornadoes, and by tremendous storms of thunder
and lightning. The climate, in fact, is that of inner Yoruba.[235]
The modern Dahomans, I have said, are a mongrel breed, and a bad. They
are Cretan liars, _cretins_ at learning, cowardly and therefore cruel
and bloodthirsty; gamblers, and consequently cheaters; brutal, noisy,
boisterous, unvenerative, and disobedient, dipsas-bitten things, who
deem it a “duty to the gods to be drunk”; a “flatulent, self-conceited
herd of barbarians,” who endeavour to humiliate all those with whom they
deal; in fact, a slave race—vermin with a soul apiece.
Furca, furax, infamis, iners, furiosa ruina,
describes the race. They pride themselves on not being, like the Popos,
addicted to the “dark and dirty crime of poison;” the fact is, they have
been enabled hitherto to carry everything with a high and violent hand.
They are dark in skin, the browns being of xanthous temperament, middle-
sized, slight, and lightly made—my Krumen looked like Englishmen amongst
them[236]—agile, good walkers, and hard dancers, that carry little
weight. Their dress is a godo, or T-bandage, a nun-pwee (undercloth), or
a Ffon chokoto (pair of short drawers), and an owu-chon, or body-cloth,
twelve feet long by four to six broad, worn like the Roman toga, from
which it may possibly be derived.
The women are of the Hastini or elephant-order, described by the
Reverend Koka Pandit, dark, plain, masculine, and, comparatively
speaking, of large, strong, and square build. They are the reapers as
well as the sowers of the field, and can claim the merits of
laboriousness, if of no other quality. They tattoo their skins,
especially the stomach, with alto-relievo patterns; their dress is a
zone of beads, supporting a bandage beneath the do’vo, or scanty loin-
cloth which suffices for the poor and for young girls; the upper classes
added an aga-vo, or over-cloth, two fathoms long, passed under the arms,
and covering all from the bosom to the ankles. The peculiarities of
their _coiffure_ and ornaments have been explained.
Neither sex ever “wears shirt, shoe, or stocking in their lives.” Yet,
as an old traveller remarks, at least this advantage results from their
simplicity of dress, that “of both sides they may see their tackle
before they go to work, and not, as we are forced to do, take wives at
all adventures, without knowing their bodily defects and deformities,
which are covered and concealed by their clothes.” And even those who
deny that climate makes the man will not refuse its claim to making the
tailor. European attire in Africa is as void of the fitness of things as
an African toilette would be in Europe. Here leather perishes,
broadcloth loses nap and stiffens, linen and cotton mildew or change
colour, gloves feed cockroaches, and flannels shrink to half size.
[Footnote 207: The Aja are known by three short cuts on the cheek; the
Nago, by three long, with various combinations. There are sundry sub-
tribes, as Ajabikome, Ajawachi, and Kpese (the “Peshie” of the History),
whence the trade went to the Popo and Quitta countries. They are
described as worshipping thunder; a point of resemblance with Yoruba.
The French call them Les Barbares.]
[Footnote 208: The Attahpahms of Commander Forbes. They must not be
confounded with the proper Takpas of the powerful Nigerian kingdom Nufe.
In Mr. Norris’ map they are made to extend to the north-west of Agbome.
I have met amongst the slaves and bush women lower lips pierced to admit
a bit of coral, and when asking the tribe, was generally answered
“Takpas.”]
[Footnote 209: This took place before the Komasi Palace, when Commander
Wilmot was at the capital. The head men, with their wives, came up and
made obeisance, after which the whole deputation received presents of
rum, cloth, and cowries. Finally they were dismissed to their homes,
with leave to live in peace and quiet till wanted by the King for war.]
[Footnote 210: I judge this from the numerical force of the armies. The
disproportion of sexes is caused by polygamy, and the greater risk and
exposure of the men.]
[Footnote 211: See “History of Dahomy” (pp. 20, 28). Forbes, “Dahomey
and Dahomans” (vol. i. pp. 4, 5), and preface to those volumes.]
[Footnote 212: Not a “deep ravine,” as Commander Forbes calls it.]
[Footnote 213: Possibly the “Boagry” of the History, which the map
places W.N.W. of Agbome. Mr. Duncan (Vol. i. chap. 1) calls it
“Gboowolley.”]
[Footnote 214: We read in the History that when the Oyos attacked Agaja
the Conqueror at Agbome, and were repulsed by him, they filled the deep
moat in the hurry of their flight, and thus made a bridge for the others
to escape by.]
[Footnote 215: To (stream), and hun (the hole whence it issues).
According to some, “Tohun” is a proper name.]
[Footnote 216: So called from some individual.]
[Footnote 217: Alo (hand), má (don’t), bli (roll), nen (virility)—a
queer name for a gate.]
[Footnote 218: Tavosa, also a proper name.]
[Footnote 219: Agbo (gate), e (he), ja-ga (goes out), _i.e._, the
outward-leading gate.]
[Footnote 220: Said to be a proper name, meaning he will break down
Oyo.]
[Footnote 221: Interpreted Palm roof-tree corner.]
[Footnote 222: Commodore Wilmot says “probably seven miles round,” but
this was not after actual inspection.]
[Footnote 223: Deut. xxiii. 13.]
[Footnote 224: The words mean Han (sing), ho (speak), nukun (eyes), ji
(top, or upon).]
[Footnote 225: Here Krumen are so called from the words signifying “good
morning” in their tongue; we left the hammock-men, whose perpetual fear
of punishment after our departure would have laboured hard to mislead
us.]
[Footnote 226: Danh (snake, or rainbow), to (water, sea, pool, or
stream, opposed to sin, drinking water), and men (in).]
[Footnote 227: Dr. M‘Leod (1803) found “milk used as food, a custom not
generally practised on any other part of the south-west coast of this
continent.” In his day, cattle, sheep, goats, and poultry were
exceptionally plentiful.]
[Footnote 228: The root is ground as potatoes for starch: it is again
sun-dried, and partially ground to the consistence of oatmeal, when it
can be eaten dry or with water.]
[Footnote 229: A name formerly applied by the Portuguese to dog’s flesh,
which is still relished here.]
[Footnote 230: Of this animal wonderful tales are rife throughout
Yoruba.]
[Footnote 231: The Aja of the Egbas is a dwarf, who carries off men to
the bush, and teaches them magic and medicine.]
[Footnote 232: This is much as if we were to call a crow a “caw,” and a
sheep a “baa”—expressive but childish.]
[Footnote 233: Hence, in Senegal, the old French name, “Le terrier
rouge,” anglicized by “Red Borough.”]
[Footnote 234: The Harmattan wind, here called Wuo, is a supernatural
being, not unlike the Giant of Egba. This black Æolus is shut in a cave,
under a guardian called Wuo-hun-to, who, after oiling his own body,
which would otherwise be cut up by the wind, opens the gate and lets his
charge issue to torment the world. It is curious to find a Cave of the
Winds in Yoruba.]
[Footnote 235: Mr. Cooley, the self-styled “Opener of Inner Africa,” has
lately (Athenæum, July 18, 1863) informed the world, that “the rainy
season is also the hot season, near the equator.” Is this dotage? Barbot
(book 3, chap. xii.) informs us that the Guinea year has two seasons,
the summer and winter (of the Portuguese and English), called good and
bad by the Dutch; high and low by the French. “Summer (_i.e._ hot dry
weather) begins in September, and lasts the five following months, and
the winter (_i.e._ cold wet season) holds the other six months of the
year, which are also divided into two rainy, two misty and rainy (or
smoky), and two windy and rainy months (our tornadoes).” So of the Great
Bandy (or Bonny River, with which he was personally acquainted), he says
(book 4, chap. viii.), “We reckon the months of October, November, and
December, the worst season, because of the dry scorching heat of the
sun.”]
[Footnote 236: In all wrestling bouts, my Krumen threw the hammock-
bearers on their heads, and on one occasion, during a kind of party
fight, six of them, with fist and stick, held their own against twenty
Dahomans.]
CHAPTER XXII.
THE FIRING TO WHYDAH, AND CONCLUSION OF THE CUSTOMS.[237]
At nine A.M., of Monday, January 25th, we were suddenly summoned to the
Jegbe, or southernmost palace, lying about twenty minutes of hammock, on
a broad open road, beyond the Komasi House. The first thing we remarked
were little grass huts, built at intervals of 200 to 300 yards, and the
measuring-rope still lay upon the ground; the first was on the right
hand of the Komasi Gate. They had pent roofs, with a terminal tuft at
each gable, small verandahs, supported by light poles, and the side
walls were patterned with lines and lozenges of light-coloured bamboo
and “Soyyan,” the thunder fetish shrub. Those nearest the palace were
the most decorated. Before each hut, for the two soldiers lodged in it,
were planted on four short forked sticks a pair of muskets, lest one
should miss fire. During the present custom no discharge of guns is
allowed in the town. These Gu-ho, or “tabernacles,” are the lodgings of
the Dahoman army when on the line of march; as they extend to Whydah,
they must number some 880, and represent a waste of work that would
repair all the walls of all the palaces. The bright idea of the “firing
play” originated from the Chacha de Souza, who, by stationing men on the
road, sent up in an hour or two a cigar from Whydah to King Gezo at
Agbome[238]—a rude and barbarous telegraph. Gezo worked it out to its
present state; he, however, used to begin his ceremonies at 7 A.M.
Passing Bwe-kon Hwe ’gbo on the right, we debouched upon an open
country, with light green fields, to which grazing horses gave a home
look. The outskirts of the southern suburb are scattered over with
outlying villages of matting, where the principal officers are expected
at times to lodge, and here the oil palm-tree begins to show in force.
The sun was hot, and the Harmattan blurred the blue horizon line, the
floating imperceptible dust doing away with all idea of nearness beyond
a hundred yards. The climate is much that of an Egyptian spring,
remarkable for flies, dust, and khamsin, the desert wind, here
represented by the Harmattan. “Truly rural” was the scene, and the open
and healthy site would be far superior for an “English House” to the
noise, dulness, and prison-sensation of the town; the main disadvantage,
however, is its distance from water. On the left of the road was the
Nesu-hwe, or fetish, in which the King sits when on his way to change
palaces; white flags were planted in a space railed off with the usual
thin bamboo and tie-tie; a heap of speckled pottery lay outside, whilst
inside squatted reverend men and women.
After half-an-hour’s march, our chairs were placed beneath a tree
opposite, and some 100 yards distant from, a long wall of faded matting.
This is Jegbe House, the private abode of the present King when he was
heir-apparent; and here he lived during the last few years of his
father’s life, cultivating the reactionary party. As Gelele has not yet
been confirmed at Allada, the _enceinte_ walls must not be built of mud,
and whilst the King lives under matting, so must his nobles.
At 11.30 A.M. we were summoned into the palace interior. The Agwáji Gate
led into an oblong court of matting, sprinkled with thick-leaved little
fig-trees of vivid green, and divided into two by the usual line of
bamboos. At the bottom of the southern half was the royal pavilion,
somewhat like a Shahmiyana in Bengal, with an open wing on each side.
The sloping roof of the central part, intended for the King, was of gold
and lake damask, under two broad strips of red and green satin; the
wings, all silk and velvet, were horizontally banded with red, white-
edged green, purple and yellow, red and green, in succession, from the
top; and where the tongue-shaped lappets started, with chrome yellow.
The hangings, playing loosely in the wind, were remarkable chiefly for
grotesque figures of men and beasts cut out of coloured cloth and sewn
to the lining. At the main entrances seven umbrellas, three figured and
four plain white, formed a baldachin for the women, and sheltered an
equal number of rude and ricketty little tables. Here also were disposed
many calabashes; eight pairs of muskets, each with its Amazon, stood on
forks; and in the shade lay a few ancient officers, old babery, in
bright silk cloaks and tippets, holding acinaciform bill-hooks. On the
men’s side, fronting the King, were five tattered white umbrellas,
covering eleven poor tables, and behind them a score of ministers and
captains, attired, like the women, in capes and _mantos_ of red, pink,
and flowered silks and satins. Chalk-goggled Kpo-fen-sun, head man and
head fool, and an assistant Wamba, hideous in a red velvet tobe of Hausa
cut, sat on the proper right of the throne, under a bit of matting near
the model of a canoe raised on little poles, with three pennons, red,
white, and blue. Dancing and singing went on in different parts of the
compound, and presently a small party of Ko-si, or _filles de joie_,
“for man side” and “for woman side,” all dark and very plain, sang
before the royal tent, and walked about amongst the males.
Our chairs were placed before a group of miserables, who had been
sitting in the palace since dawn—Mr. Dawson, Pierre, the mulatto
“landlord,” of Frenchtown, Whydah, where he was born, and his attendant,
an old Brazilian,[239] together with a M. Cirqueira, before alluded to.
They were apparently attending upon a pair of half-castes, Antonio de
Souza, brother of the Chacha, and Francisco Zangrony, son of a Spanish
merchant at Whydah.[240] The latter two had arrived last night at 10
P.M., and at six this morning they had been summoned to the palace.
After we had waited about two hours, an increased noise and hubbub, an
uprising of male and female dignities, and a raising of the pavilion
flaps, announced the King. He was dressed in a yellow silk toga, with
small red flowers; a broad belt of probably false pearls and gold hung
from his left shoulder to the right side, and a large crucifix suspended
to his neck, were the principal ornaments: in his left hand he held
a common hour-glass. After he had deposited himself on the couch acting
throne, we saluted him, and he returned the compliment with a large
black felt sombrero plentifully braided with gold. He then drank with us
all, using a silver mug, which, amongst silver armlets, a rosary, and
sundry pieces of plate, stood before him on an old-fashioned table with
four metal legs and a red velvet cover. Whilst drinking, a piece of
white calico was held up before the royal face.
The ceremonies of the day began with the prostrations and the copious
sand-drenchings of three captains, who had quarrelled. They kissed earth
as if they loved it, as the popular exile is supposed to do when
restored to “native shore.” After long compliments to the King, a woman
rose and cried, “A-de-o,[241]” and at 1.40 P.M. the two muskets planted
before the King were discharged. The firing was taken up by the rest; it
ran round Jegbe, went to and returned from Komasi House in three
minutes. Thus Gelele obtained Gezo’s permission to “open the Custom,”
and in honour of the occasion he twice drank our healths.
At 2 P.M. another cry of “A-de-o” started the guns to Whydah, which they
ought to reach in half-an-hour. The Addu-konun and the Sosu-to[242]
walked down a line of cowries placed about six feet outside the dividing
bamboo in distinct pairs, enabling the caboceers to ascertain by
counting when the firing would arrive at its destination. On the women’s
side a weaveress, squatting before the usual artless upright loom of
Dahome, made a cloth, and calculated the number of threads—the rudest
substitute for a time-piece. Meanwhile the soldier chiefs, Adan-men-nun-
kon and Dakua, knelt, looking as usual from the eye-corner to get the
cue for time, made obeisance, and, whilst five heralds proclaimed the
royal titles with normal blateration, and a jester sprang his kra-kra,
or watchman’s rattle, they began a speech, which is bound to last till
the discharge returns from Whydah. For a time the tongues bore up
bravely; presently the dust and the heat of the sun told upon them; and
lastly, the poor devils could hardly from time to time ejaculate a
sentence. The firing was an utter failure; an hour-and-a-half had
elapsed before a blue bag, passed from hand to hand by the women, was
placed, fronting the King, as a trophy from Whydah. There will be stick
for this.
Gelele, having again drunk with us, then summoned by name his Gau—who
responded “W’e!”—and began a stale and dreary allocution touching
Abeokuta and his father’s grave, preparation for war, and his resolve
that the Min-gan should treat as a captive any soldier disgracing
herself by hanging back. Eight old women, the ghosts of the kings,
presently marched up, solemn and slow, paying their respects to live
royalty.
Ensued a terrible hubbub, drumming, talking, and singing, which told my
now practised ears that victual was about to appear. Presently women
moved out the bamboo, and spread mats before the King; whilst long lines
of slave-girls deposited upon them dishes of cates, plates of food,
bottles of liquor, baskets and calabashes marked with the royal brand.
There was a great number of barbecued piglets, which were easily lifted
with the thumb and two fingers. Amidst a prodigious noise, the provision
was parcelled out. We received a share that gladdened the hearts of our
hammock-men; they little recked that the roasted-whole of to-day would
right soon diminish to a porker’s nose for thirty, their number.
This ceremony was initiated by Gezo, although the custom of spreading a
table[243] is common along the West African coast. At the end of the
funeral customs, especially in the Old Calabar River, a small house is
built upon the beach, and in it are placed the valuables possessed by
the departed—some whole, and others broken,—statues, clocks, vases,
porcelains, and so forth, together with a bed, that the ghost may not
sleep upon the floor, and a quantity of food upon the table. Here, on
the fourth day after the burial, come all who have assisted in the
ceremony; they wash their faces, and enjoin the departed ghost, by the
care with which he has been provided with what he loved in life, not to
let or injure them.[244] Similarly in Europe, during the last century,
when princes lay in state, a well-garnished table was provided for the
dead in the chapel.
On Tuesday, January 26th, we were again called to the palace, where we
found little novelty. The King, wishing to “talk Abeokuta,” summoned his
three senior military officers, and finding all absent, sent for them. I
expected a scene; the “Monster of Dahome,” however, contented himself,
after haranguing the defaulters, with ordering the people to greet each
with cries of “Agbwere![245]”
Then took place the ceremony of declaring war. The King sent out a small
knapsack-shaped leather case, containing rum, to the Min-gan, who, after
passing the strap over his head, pirouetted three or four times before
“the presence,” and forwarded the article by a messenger to the Gau.
This dignitary received it with an immense show of enthusiasm; and after
a fighting speech, rushed affectedly to the gate, crying to the
outsiders that war-rum had been given. The King, summoned by his
subjects, came forth in a mauve cloth, and, to their uproarious delight,
addressed them in Fanti, “Egyá Mák-’yo”—Father, good morning!—meaning,
that when such words were spoken, he must attack the Egbas. Then taking
a crooked stick, he performed two decapitation dances and retired, after
handing the weapon to his followers, who fervently imitated him. It was
nearly 9 P.M. before we reached our quarters.
At 8 A.M., Thursday, January 28th, the two wives for the Chacha of
Whydah and José dos Santos were despatched to the coast. This is the
principal ceremony of “Firing from Whydah,” and the women must not quit
their hammocks, which are carried by the live telegraph, till, half dead
with fatigue, they reach Whydah. Nothing was to be seen but two plain-
faced slave girls, in broad-brimmed straws and country cloths, sitting
their hammocks in the old fashioned style of Bowdich and Dupuis,
crossways, and holding to the pole instead of lying at full length.
The ceremonies concluded hastily; the King was hurried by a curious
appearance in the sun, visible only through the opaque Harmattan air
when about 30 deg. above the horizon. At 4 P.M., January 27th—we first
remarked it on that day—a spot, like a black pin’s head upon the yellow
surface, occupied nearly the centre of the globe; it gradually shifted
upwards and to the right in the morning, the reverse, of course,
appearing in the evening. It was not seen after February 3rd, but the
dense morning fogs, and the thick evening mists and smokes, may have hid
it from us. The Kew Observatory noticed it.
On Saturday, January 30th, a report reached Agbome, that a Mr.
Craft,[246] the mulatto agent for the new “Company of African Merchants”
(limited), had arrived at Whydah, and forthwith appeared a batch of
samples and stuffs which the King had ordered. The Buko-no on the same
evening proposed that Mr. Bernasko should at once leave us and
superintend the loading of the valuables, whilst we, being “great
men”—“soft sawder,” as usual, to _dorer la pillule_,—must wait for a
more ceremonious dismissal. These people, who expect much from traders
but little from servants of Government, make no secret of preferring
those who pay to those who do not.[247] My reply was, that Mr.
Bernasko’s departure would be the signal for mine, even if we must walk
to Whydah. Wishing to change the system of dismissal, I had fortunately
reserved for the hour of need all the small presents which had been
brought for the high officials, and which are usually given immediately
after arrival.
Seeing little chance of immediate departure, I redoubled my efforts to
penetrate for a few marches northwards, where the lovely hills of Makhi
were a perpetual eyesore to me. The late King relaxed the usual Dahoman
severity in matters of ingress, giving escorts to Dr. Dickson, the
fellow-traveller of Clapperton, and to Mr. Duncan, afterwards H.B.M.
Vice-Consul. His son, on the contrary, has shut up all the roads, lest
strangers should learn something about the interior, and perhaps assist
his enemies; by thus standing fast and firm against any semblance of
innovation, he hopes, perhaps, to hold his own, even in opposition to
white men, whose superiority he never questions. He promised that, on my
return, I should penetrate into the mountain-land: pleaded want of time
and troops, and consoled me by the suggestion that I was too important a
personage to be risked in the bush. This was not wholly “blarney”; any
accident to the “King’s stranger” would be looked upon as a dire and
portentous occurrence.[248]
We had now spent nearly six weeks in Agbome without being allowed to
deliver the message of Her Majesty’s Government in person to the King.
The latter was therefore informed, that until some respect was paid to
my instructions, I should not again appear at the palace. An opportunity
of proving that my words were spoken in earnest soon presented itself.
When sent for on February 6th, to witness the distribution of cloth
amongst the soldiers who had been firing to Whydah, I objected to leave
the house. Mr. Cruikshank, however, attended, and saw the presentation
of 470 cloths, each fourteen yards long, and here worth about two
dollars each. Thereupon the Buko-no informed the Reverend, that after
five days, which here means the fourth (Saturday the 9th) we should be
summoned to deliver the Message, and be instantly “passed.[249]” We
could not, however, rely upon the truth of a word that fell from the
holy man’s lips.
On February 8th an official letter from Commodore Wilmot informed me
that a cruiser was waiting for my conveyance to the Oil Rivers of the
Bight of Biafra. This rendered strong measures necessary. The thirty
porters for whom I had applied had been forgotten, and further delay
appeared probable. On the morning of February 9th, our boxes and bags
were produced, and were ostentatiously packed in the compound, whilst
Messrs. Bernasko and Dawson repaired to the palace with a message, that
unless faith was kept with me, I must set out on the next day. They
witnessed one of the royal _boutades_. The high ministers, when summoned
by the King, did not appear within a satisfactory time: Gelele
reproached them violently for not living, according to his _arrêt_,
close to the Jegbe, and ordered his Amazons to take up the Bamboos, and
to drive them with blows and curses from his presence. They went out
like beaten hounds, and cowered at the gate, whilst the King sent a
message to me apologizing for not attending to our affairs, as rage
would prevent his sleeping.
On February 11th, Mr. Dawson was “passed.” He swore sacrament that he
would never again show face at Agbome; but being a prudent man, he
contented himself with the Fanti proverb, “Cross the river before you
speak ill of the crocodile.” The ceremony of breaking glasses to
conclude the Customs now took place. I was surprised to hear that it is
considered the real European mode of ending a feast; it must date from
old times, when three-bottle men drank only in the evening, not
throughout the day as do modern sobrieties. The missionaries, when sent
for to the Jegbe Palace, found, in the central space between the men and
the women, a table, with two flasks of rum and liqueur, flanked by
plates and glasses. The King, having drunk with his visitors to the
health of his father’s ghost, directed a Portuguese mulatto, a resident
at Agbome, to pray in Lusitanian tongue for the departed. This done,
Gelele spilt a few drops of rum upon the ground, again imbibed, and
dashed his glass upon the table. It was a signal for all those present
to do the same, and the attendants smashed everything, including the
tables.
This terminated the Khwe-ta-nun, or yearly Customs for 1863-4.
[Footnote 237: This festival in its entirety is known to the natives as
Azan’gbe—birthday to-day. The King keeps his birthday once a year, not
once per week as his brother of Komasi, and the day is mostly a matter
of guess.]
[Footnote 238: The forwarding of presents, however, from town to town is
common in Yoruba, and the Egbas call it Asingba. It is the “Banghey
dawk” of Africa.]
[Footnote 239: Known as To (father, _scil._, his father), do (speaks),
nun (thing), ’gbo (true, opposed to Vú, a lie; _e.g._, Nun boe!—it is
true; Nun vue!—it is false).]
[Footnote 240: Years ago Zangrony _père_ disputed about canoe-men with
the Rev. T. B. Freeman, formerly Wesleyan missionary to these parts, and
died a few days afterwards. Of course his mishap was attributed to the
“god-man’s” wrath.]
[Footnote 241: For Adios, good-bye, a word everywhere used on the Coast
till superseded by English.]
[Footnote 242: Addu (tooth, teeth), and konun (laugh). The other name is
Sosu (proper name), and to (father),—that is to say, Sosu’s father.]
[Footnote 243: That the manes of the dead may eat and be filled. Here it
is called by the natives Agban (profit), du (eating), do men (on the
ground). Agban also signifies luggage, a ship’s cargo, meats of all
kinds, and so forth; whilst Agban-du, or profit-eating, is our spend-
thrifting, meaning that these funeral expenses are ruinous to all but
the King.]
[Footnote 244: See under the word Nqueme, in the valuable dictionary of
the Efik language, published by the Rev. Hugh Goldie. Dunn and Wright,
Glasgow, 1862.]
[Footnote 245: You are a fool! or, You have spoiled it!]
[Footnote 246: The “Iwe Irohin,” or Abeokuta paper of July, 1863,
introduced him as having been “sent to Dahomy with a view to inducing
the King to abandon human sacrifices, and to encourage legitimate
trade.”]
[Footnote 247: So Commander Forbes complained of being kept waiting
outside the palace when the slave-dealers were in consultation with King
Gezo.]
[Footnote 248: See Mr. Duncan, vol. ii. p. 263. The King gave him an
escort of 100 men, and told the Ashanti envoy, who wished to make
mischief, that he might take back the royal present, a gold-hilted
sword, and inform his father that all the gold in the country would not
induce himself to intercept an Englishman.]
[Footnote 249: This is an old custom of the empire; no visitor can leave
the King without his especial permission. In 1772, Mr. Norris was
“passed” with a present consisting of a fat sheep, an anker of brandy,
and five cabess of cowries.]
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE DELIVERY OF THE MESSAGE.
On Friday, February 12th, we received two visits from the fat Adanejan.
He led me with great mystery into an inner room, and, tracing lines upon
the floor, asked many questions about Abeokuta, carefully cross-
examining me, till convinced that he was not deceived. The King’s
personal courtesy to me demanding some return, I drew the outline of the
Egba defences upon a sheet of paper and sent it back, advising him by no
means, till his forces were trebled, and even then not without howitzers
or field pieces, to cross the Ogun, a river so fatal to his father. “Ah!
but,” said the stout man, “the enemy will run when they see us.” I told
him that they would not, at least, as long as they were sheltered by
walls, and suggested fascines, and simple methods of getting at the
enemy, which were received with incredulous smiles, as things worthy of
the crafty white, but incompatible with the dignity of Dahoman
heroism.[250] Presently Adanejan departed, carrying with him, in token
of having seen me, a favourite bowie-knife, which it was impossible to
recover.
At 3 P.M. on the next day, February 13, when, almost in despair, we had
resolved to walk to the coast, using our hammock-men as porters, the
Buko-no’s messenger hurried us in full dress to the palace. The old man
thus deceived me again, and for the last time. He had heard of his
rival’s success in carrying off a favourite weapon, and he was resolved
to “pay me out.” Harpagon lay quietly in the cool verandah, with a stool
supporting his head, whilst we had the pleasure of sitting in a kind of
Samúm, with glare enough to dazzle an eagle, opposite the ragged palm-
leaf fence of the Jegbe House. It was anything but a dignified position,
this four hours’ _séance_ before the barbarous abode of a petty African
chief, whose pride has been swollen by mulatto slave-dealers into a
manner of mania. I resolved to speak plainly to the King upon the
subject of this unworthy treatment.
At 6 P.M., when the few ministers who were to be present at the
conference had entered the palace, we received a summons. Passing
through the two mat-fenced courts, we found the King sitting under an
ordinary shed, verandahed by umbrellas. As usual, there was a ring of
white sand before him; the nearest posts had been covered with calico,
and half-a-dozen “ladies” squatted behind their lord. Besides ourselves,
the only men present were the Adanejan, the Meu, and the Buko-no, who
acted ward. He had ignominiously rated and turned out John Mark, the
“governor,” who attempted to accompany Beecham, the recognized
interpreter. The prostrations before the King were perfunctory, and
there was little of the ceremoniousness displayed at the public levées.
After we had made _congés_, Gelele rose and shook hands with us.
Returning to his seat, a bamboo cot, covered with fine cloths and mats,
he perceived that there was something wrong, and told me that he had
heard of my complaining about him, after we had been the best of
friends, dancing and drinking together. I replied that there was no
grievance against the King, but that it had not been well to retard the
delivery of so important a message for two months. This was met by the
plea of occupation, and by reminding me that the substance of the
despatches had already been communicated. My next objection was, that
his minister had attempted to make us keep the house, like state
prisoners, for two moons: that we had been subject to other petty
annoyances at the hands of the Buko-no; that we had not been permitted
freely to see and to mix with the chiefs; and that we had been prevented
from visiting the Makhi Mountains for sport and recreation, as was
permitted to Messrs. Dickson and Duncan. To this he gave the usual
reply, that they were small men; and as this did not satisfy me, he
asked me point blank, after a whisper from the Meu, if there was
anything upon that subject in my instructions. I replied in the
negative, and was thereupon assured that, had my orders been such, I
should have been allowed to travel northward,—which, to use the mildest
terms, was not the case. I finally asked him if he was aware that we had
that very afternoon been kept for hours in the sun before his gate, a
custom unknown to all civilized peoples. As we expected, he had never
heard of it, and showed a surprise, which appeared natural, at this and
others of our tribulations. To change a disagreeable subject, he
bantered me about keeping the Buko-no’s unruly slaves in order with the
staff, to which I pleaded a _molliter imposuit_. At length, seeing my
brow cleared by the perfect good humour with which he discussed these
personal preliminaries, he directed me to read the “Message.”
I then began, and, after each sentence, the interpreter translated it.
He did so correctly, in fear of conviction. The reasons which prevented
Captain Wilmot’s return to Agbome were first duly stated; then came the
ticklish subjects of slave export and human sacrifice, forbidden themes
at the Court of Dahome. Touching the former, the King was informed that
Her Majesty’s Government is resolved to arrest the traffic, and that the
United States of America would no longer allow their vessels to carry
live cargo. With respect to human sacrifice, that the more its horrors
were mitigated, the better. In enlarging upon these last two paragraphs,
I felt a sense of hopelessness with which the reader of these pages
will, perhaps, sympathize; it was like talking to the winds. As regards
the King’s offer to repair the English Fort, Whydah, and to permit it to
be garrisoned by English troops,[251] I thanked him for such mark of
confidence, assuring him that the royal protection was all-sufficient,
but that before English merchants would settle at Whydah, there must be
the inducement of useful commerce. I assured him that in such case an
agent would be appointed to reside at Whydah, both as an organ of
communication with the King, and as an aid in carrying out all views of
licit trade.[252] The gift of a carriage and horses—here came the
rub—would entirely depend upon future relations between Her Majesty’
Government and the King, who must see the propriety of making some
concessions touching his Customs and slave hunts. Finally, that if any
of the coloured Christian prisoners taken at Ishagga were alive, it
would be considered an earnest of the King’s friendly feeling, and of
his desire to perform his promises, if these people were given up to us.
The message was heard, with few interruptions, from beginning to end.
When the reply was given, I perceived that the King and his visitors
could not, like many Africans, “pick up the words,” that is to say,
answer sentence by sentence. Gelele replied in a rambling style, which
requires ordering: That the slave-trade was an ancestral custom,
established by white men, to whom he would sell all they wanted: to the
English, who, after greatly encouraging the export, had lately turned
against it, palm oil and “tree wool”; to the Portuguese, slaves. That a
single article would not defray such expenses as those which I had
witnessed. Moreover, that the customs of his kingdom compelled him to
make war, and that unless he sold he must slay his captives, which
England, perhaps, would like even less.[253]
The English, he resumed, had ever been the best friends of his family.
One of his ancestors had sent a son amongst them, and thus all had
learned to love them.[254] In the days of Tegbwesun (Bossa Ahadi,
1727-1774), one Aján-gán—Mr. Goodson—had taught Dahome to use field
pieces, and thus they had been able to debel the Makhi country called
“Za.[255]” The road of amity had been closed to Gezo, and re-opened to
himself by his friend the Rev. Mr. Bernasko. The “King of England” and
he were now like one finger. But he directed me to write and declare
that, whereas men-of-war formerly never touched slavers, they now
captured them near his beach, which could not be permitted. Some of
these prizes had or might have on board orders from him, and this
rendered interference with them a personal offence.[256]
Here, again, was the work of the caboceers, and their master had learned
his lesson but too well. A counter-demand is the favourite African form
of refusing a request. I desired the King to hear me before such an
outrageous claim was put on paper, and he consented. He was informed
that Great Britain had paid large sums to many nations for the right of
searching their ships; that if he sent his own vessels to sea, he could
assert the same title to indemnity, but he could not interfere for those
of any European nations; moreover, that, even in war, a three miles’
offing annuls, according to the custom of civilized peoples, the
protection of a neutral shore. No one had prepared a reply to this
explanation; they contented themselves, by way of rejoinder, with
directing me to write down what the King had spoken. I could only
express my regret at being compelled to forward a message so unworthy
and so disappointing to the government and people of England.
Upon the second subject, human sacrifice, Gelele declared that he slew
only malefactors and war-captives, who, if they could, would do the same
to him; that his own subjects were never victims; that in the accounts
reported by “mutual” enemies there had been, as he had told Captain
Wilmot, a gross numerical exaggeration; in fact, he repeated the
statements of a hundred years’ standing, as the History shows, and his
assertions were partially true.
When asked for my reply, I submitted, in Jeremy Bentham’s words, that
the worst use to which he could put a man was to kill him; that Dahome
wanted not deaths but births, and that subjects followed the religion of
their prince. It was, therefore, incumbent upon him to reduce the number
of his sacrifices, and to spare his visitors the disgusting spectacle of
nude and mutilated corpses, hanging for two or three days in the sun;
moreover that, until such barbarity should be changed, I should advise
all Englishmen, who dislike “tickling of the liver,[257]” to avoid his
Court at Customs’ time. The King had never heard so much truth before in
his life: he did not accept my plain speaking without “stirring of the
mind[258];” nor could I expect it. The Rev. Mr. Bernasko thanked me
aloud, and all around understood the expression.
The King passed next to the subject of an English resident at Whydah,
and adroitly shifted the case into granting the permission and
privilege, instead of receiving it as a favour. He also stipulated that
the white must be a good man, who would write profitable things about
the country, cause no palavers, and prevent the captains of cruisers
capturing slaves off his coast. When I asked somewhat ironically, if
such agent would be liable to be summoned at pleasure to attend the
capital, compelled to be present at the Customs, condemned to live in
the Buko-no’s house, and be subject to be seated for hours in the sun,
enjoying the prospect of the palace wall?—he carelessly replied “No,” in
a tone which to me meant emphatically YES.
With respect to the Ishagga captives,[259] the King had, early after my
arrival, sent me word by the Buko-no that he had put all of them to
death, _not knowing them to be Christians_, a marked and emphatic non-
fact, which he had also protested to Captain Wilmot. Moreover, for
certain physiognomical reasons, I am induced to think that several of
the wretches are still alive, and are being reserved for future
sacrifice. There was, however, no proof positive, nor would any one,
especially of the missionary body, aid me in carrying out an
investigation.[260]
Ensued a desultory conversation. The King, apparently forgetting the
carriage and horses, recalled to mind the Tokpon tent, and adhered to
the subject _mordicus_, frequently asking me if Mr. Cruikshank had taken
the measurements, to which an affirmative reply was given. Thinking this
the most proper opportunity, I requested him that the boys of the
English town, Whydah, might attend the Wesleyan Missionary School,
reminding him of a half promise which he had made during the Commodore’s
visit. Now, however, being puffed up, he spoke another language; he
declared that when black men learn to read and write, and to “know
sense,[261]” like Beecham, they could not be taken to war. Upon my
objecting to this view, he directed me to “let it pass”; in other words
to change the subject. I then complained that the people of Godome, who,
last spring, had broken open my boxes, containing presents for the King,
had escaped punishment, whereby, emboldened, Posu-kpa, caboceer of that
time, aided and abetted by sundry of the pestilent De Souzas, had lately
seized, beaten, and imprisoned in a nude state, after robbing his watch
and seventeen dollars, Mr. Henry Bannerman, of Cape Coast Castle, an
unoffending English subject. The King replied, very naïvely, that he had
never heard of the outrage. The reply was, that had we not been present,
he certainly never would have known, but that his officers did
know—which was the case.[262] He added that inquiry should be made,
meaning that nothing would be done. Although no official directions had
reached me, and the coloured man Craft had behaved with notable
indecency by leaving his arrival entirely unannounced, I represented to
the King that this person was a bonâ fide _employé_, of the Company of
African merchants (limited), and that as he was treated so would his
employers withdraw from or enlarge their business in Dahome, Gelele was
profuse in professions, swearing that every one dealing with “Krafu”
(Mr. Craft) should pay beforehand. Nothing could be further from his
intentions.
I was disenchanted by this message scene. The personal courtesies of the
King compared badly with his stubborn resolve to ignore, even in the
smallest matters, the wishes of Her Majesty’s Government. Nothing
appeared uppermost in his mind but an ignoble greed of presents. Of
course, his hands were tied in the case of abolishing slave export and
human sacrifice, but he might have offered his minimum. The unexpected
civilities of the last official visitors to his Court have filled him
with an exaggerated idea of his own importance; whilst the astuteness
and suspiciousness of his caboceers cause them to see, in the short
interval between the two messages, a further aim, and one affecting
their interests. I did not at all join with the Commodore in thinking
Gelele’s observations “thoroughly just and honest[263];” they are mere
parrot-like repetitions of a lesson learned from the pro-slavery party
nearly a century ago. It presently became apparent that, even in the
smallest matters, he had as scant a regard for truth as his subjects
have. After a long and uninteresting dialogue, in which I told him that
my departure ought to take place that night, he swore, on the word of a
King, that I should leave Agbome next morning, and directed me to “drop
that,” when a little doubt was expressed touching the “morning.” I need
hardly say that at the time appointed nothing was ready. My last
question to the King was respecting the name which he wishes to bear in
England. He proposed, through the ministers, who whispered with great
awe, “Kini-kini-kini.” I objected to it, as far too long for the time-
saving Briton, and proposed “Gelele”; which was approved of.[264]
Eight P.M. had already sped, when the King declared the _séance_ over.
He told me, that if my mind was no longer stirred, we might drink
together. I again denied personal bad feeling towards him, regretting
that the same could not be said about certain of his _entourage_,[265]
and that he had not charged me with a more agreeable message for home.
We stood up and drank gin and liqueur. No noise was made on this
occasion, the ministers contenting themselves with kissing the ground.
The King then arose to conduct us outside the palace. The inner doorway
being too narrow for two abreast, I fell back a little, and he asked the
reason, through the interpreter. My answer was, with us crowned heads
always walk first; whereupon he shook hands cordially, told me that I
was “a good man, but,” rolling his head, “too angry.” At the distance of
200 yards, he stood, shook hands, snapped fingers, and bade us adieu,
exhorting a speedy return.
On the morning of the next day—Sunday, February 21st—we arose and looked
for porters, but in vain. The despairing Reverend visited the houses of
the Adanejan, who was bathing, and of the Buko-no, who was breakfasting.
These men have at this moment the game in their hands, and know it; all
we can do is to play at patience.
As sunset approached, the Buko-no and the Adanejan, accompanied by
sundry eunuchs and slaves, entered our compound, manifestly bearing the
wished-for “pass.” They squatted on mats in the open space before our
verandah, spread out the presents, and summoned us, in official tones
and phrases, to receive them. The speech began with the usual
formula,—that the King wished to send us home wealthy, and to supply us
with specimens of his fine umbrellas, sticks, and other valuables (!);
that he had not been made aware of our wish to depart (!!), and had
learned it only last night, when we spoke of it to him (!!!);
consequently, that nothing had been prepared, but that on our return to
Dahome we should find everything awaiting us (oh!).
The gifts were then distributed, a curious contrast with the
magniloquence that introduced them. The first batch, about which I was
ordered to be most careful, were for the Highest Personage in the
kingdom. It consisted of a poor “counterpane,” green and white, woven by
the fat hands of the Adanejan; a huge leathern pouch for the royal
tobacco, and a leathern bag to contain change of loincloth when
travelling. Besides which, two miserable boys, hideous and half-starved,
were sent as table attendants to the palace of St. James.
My fortunate self next received a “counterpane,” a tobacco bag, and a
sharp-looking boy, who, they warned me, and rightly also, would run
away. Mr. Cruikshank was “donated” with a cloth and no boy. To Captain
Wilmot were given a cloth and a boy, who were deposited at the English
Fort, Whydah. Mr. Bernasko and Tom were largessed with very inferior
“counterpanes,” in which they grinned with all the fervour of gratitude.
Finally, cowries for the road, barely enough to make us set out, and a
few bottles of rum, were distributed amongst those heathens of endless
bibacity, our hammals.
When the King’s bounty had run dry, the Buko-no proposed a private
“pass,” that is to say, presents from himself. To this I strongly
objected, but I was silenced by the unanimous assurance that my
predecessors had submitted to it. After giving one “counterpane” to all
the names above-mentioned, the Buko-no and the Adanejan called for a
private confabulation. I repeated, but even in stronger language, all
that had been said before the King, pointed out that not a shade of
concession had been made to the wishes of Her Majesty’s Government,
warned both confidants solemnly that by their fault friendship would not
endure, and particularly commented upon the puerile demand for the
immunity of slaves near the beach of Dahome. A specimen of their
argumentation—their style of “pieceing out the lion’s skin with the
fox’s tail”: “You said yesterday,” quoth the Buko-no, “that the English
will no longer allow the export of slaves, and that the Americans will
send their vessels no more.” I assented. “Then why,” resumed the old
man, “can you not promise that our ships shall not be molested during
the very short time which, according to you, they have still to run?” No
explanation would account for the impossibility of so doing, in face of
the fact that the King had made a great point of this absurd claim. I
fear we parted with this subject under a painful sense of one another’s
stupidity—_de part et d’autre_.
Finally, I was again officially requested to return after about ten
moons, when the Atto-ton-khwe, or Platform Year Sacrifices, will
commence, and, above all things, to bring with me, carriage, horses, and
pavilion. My reply was, that I should advise all Englishmen to absent
themselves from these vile “Customs” until beasts are substituted for
captives; and that as regards my return with or without presents, all
must depend upon orders sent out from home. Wishing to do away with any
little asperity, I took, during the last interview, a friendly leave of
the confidants, and sent them, in the course of the evening, handsome
presents of cloth.
From Commodore Wilmot’s report,[266] as well as from these pages, it
will be evident that the caboceers are perfectly successful in isolating
the King, from the evil influences of foreigners. We were permitted to
see him almost every day, but on no occasion to sit and converse with
him. After nearly two months, a single private interview was granted to
me, and two such visits were the most that could be expected. It is
manifestly useless to send Missions to Dahome whilst this state of
things endures. The only way to force improvement is to exact from the
King a promise of change, which he would readily give; and, upon the
strength of it, to demand hostages, about which he would demur. Finally,
as I have before said, the Customs’ time must be avoided; by far the
best season for visiting him, is when the King returns from war, in
April or in May.
[Footnote 250: The reader will presently see how important was the
advice.]
[Footnote 251: Ashanti has just now shown the unadvisability of
stationing Europeans on the west coast of Africa. Both Gelele and his
father have expressed an earnest desire to give up Whydah to the
English—but neither meant it. The latter is said to have refused the
cession to the Prince de Joinville.]
[Footnote 252: I need hardly add, that the commerce never will become
licit, except by force; and that until that time an agent is simply
impossible.]
[Footnote 253: So the great Central African King, Muata ya Nvo, or
Matiamvo, said, in 1847, to the Portuguese traveller, Graça: “It is
customary for us to sell as slaves those who commit murder or robbery,
and those who are guilty of adultery, insubordination, and sorcery; and
having a great number of slaves, what can I do with them but put them to
death if I cannot find purchasers for them?”]
[Footnote 254: This is explained by Dr. M‘Leod (pp. 102-106). About 1800
one of the kings forwarded two of his brothers for education to England,
on board a ship then trading to Whydah. The captain died, and they were
sold as slaves at Demarara. After sundry difficulties, they were
redeemed by the influence of Mr. Robertson, of Liverpool, and were sent
back under charge of a Captain Davidson. They were dressed like English
boys, and had scarcely touched their natal soil, than they resumed all
their old customs, falling on their knees to the caboceer who received
them, and next day they disrobed themselves of jacket and trowsers, not
having been “whitewashed,” _i.e._ made white men by their royal brother.
Two days afterwards they were conducted to Agbome. They did not complain
of being sold at Demarara, and probably they expected nothing else.]
[Footnote 255: It is now an unimportant place, distant a day’s march
N.E. of Agbome. The ruffian conqueror is said to have cut off the noses
of all his captives.]
[Footnote 256: King Gezo made the same request to Mr. Duncan (vol. ii.
p. 263).]
[Footnote 257: A native phrase, meaning nausea.]
[Footnote 258: A native phrase, meaning anger.]
[Footnote 259: See chapter xiv. Section E.]
[Footnote 260: When at Agbome, a boy put into my hands some strange
papers touching the Ishagga victims: at present it would be indiscreet
to reveal the secret.]
[Footnote 261: An old Anglo-African term for civilization, religion,
wearing small clothes, &c.]
[Footnote 262: We had scarcely retired home before the Buko-no confessed
it.]
[Footnote 263: See Appendix III.]
[Footnote 264: For other names, Tenge, &c., see Appendix IV. How secret
the King’s name is kept may be seen from the “Travels” of Dr. M‘Leod and
Captain Adams, who, though repeating a variety of tales about the
monarch, nowhere reveal his appellation.]
[Footnote 265: This kind of plain speaking is always well received by
African and often by Asiatic princes. They deem it honourable to defend
their ministers before an accuser; but in private, the former will
undergo, as a rule, a searching inquiry.]
[Footnote 266: Appendix III.]
CHAPTER XXIV.
RETURN TO THE SEABOARD.
_Monday, February_ 15, 1864.—We rose at dawn, ready to depart. Our
porters, however, were, as usual, dispersed about the town, or drinking
the King’s rum, or quarrelling over his cowries, whilst the Reverend was
settling the last accounts with Harpagon, our landlord. Vain were
threats, the stick was vainer, as the carriers would only have run away.
At last we collected a party of three hammock-men, and passed rapidly
out of the red mud-walled box, where we had been closeted for fifty-six
days. We felt some natural elation, although setting out upon what was
fated to be the most comfortless march which I had made in Africa. The
old Meu had been commanded by the King to supply us with bearers; but,
not being bribed, he had found it better to forget the order.
Everything, therefore, fell into the wildest confusion.
This time, by way of variety, we chose the Toffo, or western road, which
anastomoses with the straighter main line at Hen-vi, and which, during
the rains, is preferred by travellers.
The path, at first familiar to us, passed through the Uhun-jro market-
place, and by the Komasi Palace, where our patience had been so often
sorely tried; thence it struck into the open country. All was sunburnt,
and, in many places, black with the fires whose smoke and glare, rolling
up from the east and south-east, had not unfrequently, during the last
fortnight, rendered my observations unreliable. At 8 A.M. we left on the
right hand a bush market-place, under a shady tree, near some mat huts,
scattered over the rough palm plantation—hereabouts the normal view. It
rejoiced in the high-sounding name of Adanda-hogi-huto-gon,[267] namely,
the place of the man that slew Adanda-hogi. We had no cowries wherewith
to buy water; but the Sin-no in the fields readily gave us a draught in
exchange for a cigar. Shortly afterwards we crossed a fiumara-bed,
tending northwards: it is called Hun-to-nun, or canoe-water, and there
are traditions that it once floated boats. The bed probably supplies the
element in pot-holes at all seasons, and the ground on both sides is
exceptionally stony. At 10 A.M., after 3h. 40m. (equal to ten miles) of
“walking and tieing” our single hammock, we made Ahwansu-gon, the place
of Ahwansu, a straggling village in the bush, landmarked from afar by
magnificent bombax trees.
The servants had been sent on, after East-Indian fashion, the night
before, to prepare breakfast.[268] Mensa Cook, two hulking school-
pupils, Nahum and “Laja” (Elijah), with four slave boys, dashed by the
King, were under charge of the bibacious Hinton. Uncontrollable as wild
asses, they had walked off with only their own bags and boxes, and,
reaching the first village, they had fallen asleep in some distant hut,
where we found them with great difficulty, and roused them with greater.
When in the anger of hunger we called for food, nothing was forthcoming.
The better to abate that nuisance, the rascal Hinton was ordered to
carry his effects himself—he preferred to remain three days behind until
he could hire a porter.
We had nothing to do but to sit under the fig-trees that formed the
market-place, and to watch the domesticalities of the scene. There was
scant regard for apparently poor travellers. A witty Persian book, the
“Al-Namah,” defines Al-Hich, or “The Nothing,” to be a Mogol walking
(not riding) in India. The word is equally applicable to the “mean
white” in Africa without a hammock, unless he is on fighting errand.
Jenny Johnson, however, a Makhi woman, who had been brought up at S’a
Leone, but who, having married and settled here, had forgotten nearly
all her English, showed us the little civilities of offering maize and
manioc. The supply of comestibles was limited to a goat, a few balls of
Akansan, palm nuts, and water—the latter apparently the article most in
demand. The dogs were almost all neutered, which must be as good a plan
as the vow of perpetual celibacy for inducing a modified monomania.
After 3 P.M. the rest of the party straggled in, many with unshod feet
lamed by the sun. Our score of laggard hammock-men came up sneakingly,
and were threatened with docking of pay in case of their repeating the
trick.[269] We could not help again remarking, with a cynical pleasure,
that every rag, every empty bottle—even the broken drum and the cowrie-
board belonging to the blacks who had been so long eating our salt, and
to their master, had been brought on, whilst our five bags and boxes,
the latter containing all our books and instruments, had been left
behind. “It is all right,” quoth the Reverend, “I have left the things
in charge of Yamojia, the eunuch, who will be here with them soon.” “But
until every single item appears, O Reverend! we leave not this place.”
Of course the eunuch joined us at nightfall without a load, and of
course I also kept my word. Otherwise our properties might have been in
Agbome to this day.
At 4 P.M., when the east wind had sunk the mercury to 85 deg. (F.), the
market began to disperse, and the drums to appear. With the
characteristic negro impudence, which ever pierces through Dahoman
politeness, we were directed to remove from under our favourite tree,
and naturally we did not. Presently a wild-goose line of old and ugly
Nesu women, first three and then nine, defiled into the shady space, and
danced round the fetish hut. The _prima donna_ was a very dark and
ancient sybil, in a white night-cap; the greater number had red, white,
or coloured fillets, and two wore broad brims, with coquettish little
steeple crowns that contrasted oddly with the vast expanse of sooty
cheek and jowl below. Five of the superiors held cow-tails, and their
ornaments were armlets of single cowries, divided by black seeds or red
beans, and long belts of similar material crossing their ample covered
bosoms. Being engaged in a very serious and religious exercise, they
averted their heads and ignored us like the younger and more shame-faced
sort of nun. The vulgar made “Ububu,” knelt before them, and rubbed
their foreheads against the reverend feet, whose owners bending low,
passed the open right hand over the laical occiput, and thus frictioned
a blessing.
We slept soundly through a fine moonlight night in the lukewarm air,
with the satisfactory feelings of men suddenly transported from Newgate
to a yacht in the Mediterranean.[270]
_Tuesday, February_ 16.—Having sent back, before midnight, the eunuch
and my krumen, I was not surprised to see them again at dawn: all were
pining for the coast. At 7 A.M. we set out and crossed the outskirts of
the Agrimé, or Great Swamp, over land here boggy, there cultivated, and
rich in pine apples and wild solaneæ. High grasses then led us to Gome,
the usual bush village scattered on both sides of the path: the next,
lying on our left, and distant but a few yards, was Sémén; whilst a
third, to the right, was named Akiza’-agbamen, the Broom in the Swamp.
We then fell into a depression, where cracked mud-flakes showed that
water had been, and would soon be again there. A few yards of rising
ground then introduced us, after a march of an hour, equal to four
miles, to the De-nun or Frontier Custom-House, whose “captain” lay on
his back in aristocratic repose, his head pressing a soft Palmyra log,
and a child playing between his legs as he watched for want of other
work, the ducks, the fowls, the poor devil-niggers and ourselves.
The Harmattan still swept the air clear of cloud, threatening a torrid
sun, whilst the thermometer stood at 83 deg. (F.), and the aneroid
showed a descent of more than 350 feet. We hurried our breakfast, the
more energetically as no food was to be bought at the De-nun; and at 10
A.M. we addressed ourselves to the Swamp. In some places, the burnt
grass and trees robbed the road of shade, and in others we were canopied
over with verdure. The flooring, everywhere hardened by water, was bad
for the bearers’ feet, but it was a decided improvement upon the Eastern
or Agrime line. After forty minutes (equal to 1·50 mile), we made the
Chito, a deep gully trending from east to west, with a southerly bend.
The black earthy banks of this swamp-drain are steep, and 15 feet high.
Slatey and almost stagnant water stands at the present season in pools
at the bottom, whilst the remnants of a bridge show the current to be
deep and strong during the rains. The Chito, under a dense avenue of
giant trees, was as algid as it was impure, but a dip in Dahome is a
rarity and a luxury.
After the Chito, the path became tortuous, and to the eastward there had
been a huge bush-fire, whose effects, in smoke and radiation of heat,
still lasted. The sun became fiery—so did the ground, undefended by
vegetation, and a gadfly, like the Tsetse, revenged us upon the lazy and
laggard bearers. At noon, after 1h. 40m. (equal to three miles) from the
De-nun, a roar of voices arose from Koje, a well-known market place near
the southern edge of the swamp. It was a round hole cut clear in the
bush, paved with hard mud and dotted with sheds, and logs for sitting.
The aneroid still showed only 350 feet below Agbome, but the
thermometer, though the breeze was fine, had risen to 94 deg. (F.) in
the shade. The business seemed to be brisk, and we bought some tolerable
palm wine.
Leaving Koje at 12.30 P.M., along a similar but a straighter path,
hedged in by the tallest grasses, we soon emerged, as tall single trees
growing upon sandy ground informed us, from the Great Agrime Swamp.
After an hour of gradual up-slope, we saw on our right or westward well
wooded ridges and high broken ground rolling away towards the blue
distance. The nearer surface was greener, and the palms were thicker
than about Agbome. The beauty of the Toffo plateau has not been
exaggerated. It is supposed to contain gold, and it is all gold.
Unfortunately, it is in the vulture claw of Dahome, and the officials of
the capital have mostly houses and grounds where their palm-oil is made.
According to the History, the “Tuffoes,” in the days of Agaja the Great,
attacked, plundered, and murdered a peaceful caravan of Dahomans,
passing through their lands. The merciless king justly attacked them,
captured 1800 prisoners, and sold or sacrificed them all. In a foot-note
we are informed “Tuffoe, Tafoe, or Tafu, is an inland country of the
Gold Coast, nearly south-west of Abomy, ten or twelve leagues to the
northward of Rio Grande, and at about sixty leagues, or six days’
journey, from Ardra.[271]” The tribe that inhabits it is called Aizoh,
and is now blended with the Dahoman; and between them and Agbome I would
place the “Croo-too-hoon-too” people of Mr. Dalzel. The last dissyllable
is evidently a corruption of the “Hun-to” fiumara, which we crossed
yesterday.
After 1h. 40m. (equal to four miles) we halted at the Toffo market-
place, a few tattered sheds to the left of the path. Several of the
morning’s _corvée_ were women, and they had lagged behind, footsore.
Resolving, therefore, to halt, we walked for about half a mile to the
town of Toffo, by a slow incline, on both sides of which rose dark palm
trees, ruffed and sometimes double ruffed, with bright fern-tufts, and
sheltering gay verdure, spangled with lilies. The settlement is the
normal Dahoman, but comparatively clean and well built. The aneroid
proved that we were but a hundred feet below Agbome, and though the
thermometer was 99 deg. (F.), the wind was fresh and the air was
elastic. I was visited by an old Hausa Moslem, whom the king had made
chief of the Tokko village lying to the west. He brought his wife and
his books, but, alas! he turned the latter upside down. The night was
charming, and at 6 A.M. the mercury stood at 73 deg. (F.): it was our
last experience of cool and dry skin. Adieu, “Sanitas!”
_Wednesday, February_ 17.—At 6 A.M. we left the fresh crisp air of
Toffo. The bush path took a generally south-eastern direction, over
ridgy ground, all ascents and descents. After about three miles, a
plantation of palms and bananas led us to the Ajagbwe, a streamlet with
sandy and pebbly bed, flowing westward, and not quite so deep as the
Chito: it was a poor thing, but a pleasure to see. On the rising ground
beyond it lay the settlement of Koli: we observed sundry aged and
doubtless pious matrons on their knees at matins, before the fetish hut:
unfortunately, for sentiment, they were also on their hands.
Beyond Koli, the bush again became dense, except where it had been
cleared away for cultivation, and cardamoms everywhere appeared. The
number of market people had made the path hard and slippery. At last a
long descent led us, after two hours (equal to five miles), to the town
of Hen-vi—Hold the Child—on the main road.
We had now returned to the climate of the plains: the thermometer
showed, in the shade, 75 deg. (F.), and the aneroid 778 feet below
Agbome. At Hen-vi the water was, as usual, vile, and two shillings were
refused for the leanest of chickens. The road was crowded with soldiers
hurrying up to the war, and there were many chain-gangs of unwilling
men. Some of the passing caboceers attempted, but in vain, to seize our
carriers, and even our hammock-bearers. The latter became every day more
troublesome, and whenever they mutinied the Reverend begged a dollar and
some rum to smooth their tempers. The huts, built at every hundred to
two hundred yards for the late firing at Whydah, had almost all been
burned down, and the villages were foul with fetish, dead dogs
sacrificed for good luck, and poultry slain by order of Afa. We halted
for so short a time at Allada, that we passed without knowing the Prince
Chyudaton, who was marching northwards. I regretted thus losing the
opportunity of having with him a few last words. The evening saw us at
Azohwe where not a chicken was to be bought, and where only one old man
was left to guard the women and children. What an opportunity to attack
Whydah, or even Agbome!
_Thursday, February_ 18, 1864.—We slept in the open, through a fine cool
and dewless night. Before dawn, the Reverend, greatly dejected, awoke us
with the tidings that all Whydah had been burned down yesterday.
Naturally believing about a quarter of what was told us, we mounted
hammocks, and in hot haste hurried through Toli and Savi. Arrived at
Sogro’s House, and just catching the morning sparkles of the sea, we saw
at a glance that the damage had been extensive, and that the
conflagration had not ceased. We wound south-westwards through the
streets, where women were weeping, and carrying off their kit: as we
approached the centre of danger we saw, at long intervals, men sitting
upon their roofs with green boughs, to extinguish the sparks. Volumes of
hot heavy smoke barred our road, and a crowd of natives opposed our
passing through the Zobeme market, which was still a fire. We wound
round by the north, avoiding as best could the burning poles lying on
the ground, and the lighted straws that filled the air. All the
circumspection was required: in these places the flames run with a
horse’s speed.
We were happy to find the English Fort still standing, the inmates safe,
and their property carried into the compound. The mulattoes were
patrolling with drawn swords, to prevent plunder, and they had, we were
told, exerted themselves to turn off the fire. But all went “hithering
and thithering”; wherever a servant was ordered to do _this_, he
forthwith did _that_; and my opinion was, that with the least change of
wind the Fort would have inevitably been burned. The Whydahs afterwards
declared that they had no idea why that house should have been the only
building saved in the vicinity, and lest they might attempt to correct
the exceptional nature of the phenomenon, I employed every wakeful hour
at night in looking out with a loaded carbine.
The conflagration began, no one knows how, on February 17th, near the
house of the late M. Josè D. Martinez: it was about noon, and the strong
Harmattan had already lasted two days. The fire swept, in a broad
straight band, from east to west. Sparing the northern quarter, it
gutted the house of the Chacha de Souza, who, when informed of the
calamity, nearly died with rage, like his brother chief. Of the French
Factory, nothing was left but the slated and lime-washed frontage. The
_gérant_ had prudently started all his gunpowder into the well, but the
loss in palm oil and stores must have been heavy—men named 300,000
dollars.
Apparently extinguished before sunset on the 17th, the fire again broke
out at 8 P.M. The worst reports spread through the town, and all looked
for some terrible disaster. Again, at 10 on the next morning, about
three hours before our arrival, it appeared in the very heart of the
settlement, all about the English Fort, sweeping away the Zobeme bazár,
and doing damage to the northwards of the yesterday’s line. Even the
late Mr. Hutton’s quondam house was not spared, and it was “_murus
proximus ardet_” with Mr. Bernasko’s homestead. These fires are common
enough in Yoruba towns—Lagos, for instance, where want of space compels
men to build closely—but three fires in three days wore a suspicious
appearance. Those whose houses were first seen in flames were imprisoned
at the Yevo-gan’s quarters, but they were not proved to be the real
arsonists.[272]
According to the French missionaries, from sixty to eighty people lost
their lives. Negro like, they watched the advancing flames incuriously
till their roofs caught fire, when they would rush inside the house to
carry off a cloth or a pipkin. Some two hundred were wounded, and two-
thirds of the town appeared either burnt down or reduced to scorched
clay-walls. This does not include the casualties amongst the slaves:
many of the wretches were confined in barracoons, and there being no one
to release them, they perished miserably. To make the confusion greater,
the death of the Yevo-gan was rumoured,[273] and his successor the
Prince, was, I have said, absent. Though the roads were at once stopped,
many will fly from this modern Sodom and Gomorrah.
* * * * * *
I passed at Whydah a few quiet days, chiefly in the society of the
French Mission. On February 23, 1864, tidings reached the fort that the
King had set out on his campaign. Three days afterwards I transferred
myself to H.M.S. Jaseur, Commander Grubbe, who had the pleasant prospect
of a tour round the Oil Rivers. Mr. Cruikshank shipped on board his own
vessel, H.M.S. Philomel, Commander Wildman. After the scenes and chances
through which we had passed during the last ten weeks, I parted from him
with regret.
“Enough! now turn from that polluted shore.”
[Footnote 267: Some of these names, ending in -gon, have an East-Indian
twang; but it is an accidental and superficial resemblance between the
Hindustani “gaon” (a village), and the Ffon “gon” (a place).]
[Footnote 268: In a previous page I have said that the negro is the best
of slaves, and the worst of servants: this will illustrate what I mean.]
[Footnote 269: At Whydah I was obliged, in several cases, out of the two
dozen that accompanied us, to carry out the threat. This is an
unpleasant duty, which the traveller owes to those who may come after
him. The African even thinks the last day’s good conduct enough to wipe
away all his previous sins. It is well that he should learn his mistake.
On this occasion the badly behaved were sent off campaigning without a
present, whilst the others were liberally paid. I venture to say that
the next visitor to Agbome will thank me for this severity.]
[Footnote 270: I would willingly have spent another month at Agbome; but
all those around me were wild with impatience to escape, and the emotion
is contagious.]
[Footnote 271: R. 34.]
[Footnote 272: In former days, according to Captain John Adams, the
Dahomans, like the Fantis, always put to death the man in whose house a
destructive fire first broke out.]
[Footnote 273: He soon recovered enough to summon me to his house, on
the pretext that the King had appointed me governor of English Town. The
invitation was declined—_not_ with thanks.]
CONCLUSION.
The reader may not be unwilling to hear something of the catastrophe
which included the negro Epos of the preceding pages. The following
details are, I think, reliable: they are borrowed from the local prints,
whose information has been corrected by subsequent inquiry.
Rumours of the intended Dahoman attack had long been rife at
Abeokuta.[274] This year, the useless ditches were cleaned out, the
wretched walls were raised and repaired, and to avoid the necessity of
guarding a long line on the opposite bank of the Ogun river, a new
parapet was thrown up on the near side. Stores of shot and powder were
plentifully laid in, although for many months Lagos had refused to
supply ammunition; the farmers were ordered to remove all their produce
from the line of Dahoman march, and all the villages between Abeokuta
and “the Lagoon” were deserted. The Ibashorun,[275] or Commander-in-
Chief, took up his residence near the walls; scouts, sent out in all
directions, brought in, on March 13, a Dahoman deserter, and on the 20th
the public crier was sent round to warn all the inhabitants of the
impending danger.
As has been said, on February 22[276] the Dahoman army left Agbome.
Their stations were—1, Chotonun, where they halted four days; 2,
Kurugba; 3, Aisunun; 4, Wonun; 5, Zirigbonun; 6, Aisocho-gon; and 7,
Isume. Between the two latter they crossed the Opara River, the boundary
between Dahome and Abeokuta. Ensued, 8, Refurefu, where they crossed the
Iyewa streamlet, in the land of Okeadon: as it was deep, though narrow,
they either repaired or made a bridge over it. The 9th station was
Besho, the 10th Jiga, a little district belonging to the chief Akodu,
where they stayed four or five days. Thence (11) they encamped near the
Owiwi River, about twelve miles distant from their destination, and
running between Igbara and Ishagga, scenes of their former triumphs.
From the Owiwi River they marched (12) to Aro, by moonlight, intending,
like wild beasts, to spring upon the enemy unawares, but they were seen
by some people bathing in the Ogun river.
Thus the Dahoman army expended twenty-two days—twelve of work, marching
from 6 A.M. to 2 P.M., and ten of rest—upon the hundred and twenty
direct miles between the two capitals. They suffered severely from want
of food, living on hard beans, parched rice, onions, and roasted palm-
nuts. Many of them ate nothing but a little cassava for twenty-four
hours before the attack. They marched in four battalions, under the Min-
gan, the Meu, the new Ajyaho, and the Po-su,[277] and each caboceer had
his umbrella, his flag, and his stool. Their forces were generally
estimated at 10,000 to 12,000, including carriers, and the maximum named
is 16,000, which we may readily reduce to half. They were accompanied by
three brass six-pounders, one of Spanish manufacture, bearing date
“Mexico, 1815.[278]” There are conflicting reports concerning the King:
some declare that he was not with the army, which was led by his
brothers; others say that he did not cross the Ogun River; others that
he approached the city wall, having left a force behind him at Igbara,
lest the Ibashorun should fall upon his rear.
After their twelve miles’ march on the Monday night, the Dahomans
refreshed themselves in the Ogun River. A fighting draught of rum and
gunpowder was then served out to them, and many are said to have
betrayed its effects. The morning of Tuesday, March 15, 1863, was dull
and foggy, and at 6.30 A.M. the attacking party crossed the river, under
cover of the mist. They were presently perceived. The Abeokutan cannon
at the Aro gate fired repeated signals. In a few minutes the Egbas, who
had been all night at the walls, were swarming by thousands at their
defences. Inside the town, men hustled in all directions to the fight:
the missionaries had some trouble in retaining a single servant for the
purpose of serving out ammunition to their friends. The Egbas lined the
wall from Agbameya to Aro, and only four townships—Ijeun, Ikemta, Itoku,
and Oba—numbering one division, prepared to engage, the other two _corps
d’armées_ remaining at their posts, as it was reported that the enemy
would make three independent attacks. The men amused themselves with
throwing up their muskets and catching them, whilst the women sang and
danced. The latter behaved well throughout a trying time, carrying,
spirits, water, and food to the fighters, and some, arming themselves
with swords, kept near the walls in case they were wanted.
Not much encouraged by this reception, the Dahomans still advanced
steadily, and in a dense body, over the hollow and broken ground,
towards the gate where Gezo had met his defeat.[279] The Egbas had
tunnelled their walls in many places, enabling them to sally out and to
retire when convenient. A body of 400 braves leapt forth to engage the
enemy upon the plain, but as they came on without returning their fire,
they withdrew, true to their tactics, through their excavations. At this
moment, an Abeokutan cannon was fired and dismounted from its carriage,
so as to incapacitate it from further use. The effect however, was to
make the attacking party swerve to the right, where the wall was higher,
and which therefore was supposed to have no defenders.
When within two hundred yards of the wall, the Dahomans displayed their
banners,[280] and deployed in three bodies—one opposite the Aro gate,
and the other two to its left: as was proved by the casualties, the
centre was the best led. The line, about 700 yards long, then advanced
within 300 to 400 feet of the defences, and a column, supposed to number
3000, arrived within half that distance. No breach was ever attempted.
Did they expect to see the defences fall like the walls of Jericho?
The battle began at 7 A.M. with such a fusillade as Abeokuta has seldom
heard. A tall stout warrior, dressed in blue, probably the Gau, or
Commander-in-Chief, gave the signal to attack. The Dahomans obeyed by
the usual impetuous rush, but as they approached the wall, their enemy
poured a heavy volley into their serried ranks, and checked the general
progress. For half-an-hour the firing was kept up in such quick
succession, that it was impossible to distinguish the Dahoman from the
Egban musket reports. Under cover of the smoke, many of the attacking
party lodged themselves in the moat, hoping to surprise the wall, whilst
the defenders, principally men of Ijeun, were prevented by the hot fire
outside from taking aim at them. Some of the most desperate, especially
the Amazons, threw large stones at the enemy, and snatched away six
muskets that were pointed at them; others furiously scaled the wall, and
were dragged over and slain by the Egbas. Some crept through the
tunnels, and were instantly decapitated. One woman, who had lost an arm
in the escalade, shot an Egba with the other hand, and fell back sabred
into the trench. Three other Amazons, who had planted their banners on
the defences, were cut down, and their heads and hands were exhibited on
poles, with shouts of victory. This fighting at pistol distance lasted
for an hour, during which seventy to eighty Dahomans fell in the trench;
and of the Egbas ten to fifteen were killed and forty wounded. It ended,
in fact, the attack.
At 8.30 A.M. the Dahomans, whose officers deserved to be hung, retired
about two hundred yards from the walls. Some sat down, and the others
kept up a hopeless fire. The Egbas were ordered to keep their places,
lest the rush and the retreat might be a feint. Many of the young men,
however, could not be restrained from an attack in the open, when the
Dahomans again aroused themselves. The Egbas retired, and only small
parties were sent out. Gradually, the Dahomans fell back upon the valley
of the Ogun. Arrived at Aro, they kept up a sharp fire for some time,
repulsing the assailants, and capturing three Egbas, who were, however,
soon recovered. As no proper arrangements were made for the attack, so
no measures had been taken to secure retreat.
About 10 A.M. a large reinforcement from the Agbameya Gate, after a
circuit of three hours, fell upon the Dahoman rear, when, after two vain
attempts to stand, all “skedaddled” in earnest. Another party from the
Ikija Gate also opened fire upon the enemy, after he had crossed the
river, and the Egba divisions at the Ishagga and Ibaka entrances marched
out to intercept the retreat, which, from the heavy fighting in the Ogun
valley, had now become a flight. Finally, the Egbas rushed _en masse_,
shouting victory, outflanking the foe right and left, and causing a
general “_sauve qui peut_.”
One division, in which it is supposed was the doughty King, went off
unopposed, having the start of the enemy. The other two were mixed, and
in confusion—many flying off the roads into the fields. When too hotly
pressed by the Egbas, they would turn and fire. Some refused to
surrender, and were killed; others dropped on the way, and were
captured; and others, fatigued by the march and the flight, were left
behind in the pursuit, to be recovered on the next day.
The rout was now complete. The want of water-all the streams being dried
up—and the mid-day sun told heavily upon the fugitives, who were faint
with famine, and footsore by running on the path sides. They no longer
kept together in large bodies. At Igbara they were attacked in flank by
another party of Egbas, who had taken a short cut across the river. Here
they lost many of their carriers, several hundreds of muskets—some quite
new—and a brass gun, which had burst at the muzzle. At 3 P.M. the
Ibashorun set out in person, and did not return from the pursuit till
the next day at noon.
The Dahomans made another faint stand at their deserted encampment, but
they were compelled to fly, losing a second brass field-piece, whose
vent wanted bushing, the royal wives, daughters, horse, sandals with
crosses of yellow metal, clothes, loads of coral and velvet, and sundry
carriages: here, too, were picked up decapitating razors, and the stores
of the King’s household and of his guards. Beyond Ishagga, which they
reached at 2 P.M., there was another severe encounter, but the Dahomans
had the worst of it. They made a stand at the Owiwi River, vainly
thinking to find water, and suffered severely. At Jiga they again met
the Egbas before nightfall, and their pursuit continued till the
fugitives, many of whom had marched thirty-five miles that day, reached
the Iyewa River. Here the Okeadon people had broken down the bridge. A
party, led by a son of the late chief, Anaba, killed 400 or 500 of their
survivors, who were so exhausted that they could not be brought back.
The King’s loss has been variously estimated. The Egbas reckoned “two
heads, twenty strings, and twenty cowries,” equal to 6821 men. The “Iwe
Irohin” more moderately declares—“From Abeokuta to Ishagga, a distance
of about fifteen miles, above 1000 were counted, whilst beyond that
place it is said that the number of dead was still greater. The
prisoners cannot be fewer than 1000 or 1200—some say above 2000.” In the
trench where the first attack was made, seventy to eighty bodies were
found in two places, and of those fifty were lost by the central
division. About fifty-five fell on the plain before the walls, and four
women within the defences: some say that the latter were brought in
captive, and killed. The Egbas cut all the bodies nearly to pieces—every
one, even the women, passing a Dahoman corpse, cursed, slashed, or
stoned it. The greatest destruction took place, of course, during the
rout. It was impossible to number the prisoners who were brought in by
various entrances at all times of the day and night, and many conveyed
to distant villages. Up to 2 P.M. of the battle-day, Tuesday, more than
200 were marched through the Aro Gate: after that hour they were brought
in much faster than before, and on the next day at an increased rate.
Many surrendered themselves, begging food; others, picked up in the bush
utterly exhausted, were sent in by the people of Jiga and Iketu, Otta
and Okeadon. Some of the prisoners, especially the captains, were put to
death on account of their violence. It was remarked that the greatest
part of the killed and wounded were men, and that of four captives only
one was born in Dahome. The total loss of the Egbas was about 40 killed
and 100 wounded.
A comparison between Gezo’s and Gelele’s attacks on Abeokuta gives the
measure of Dahoman decadence. In 1851, the King assaulted on both banks
of the Ogun, and the distance between the two points of the attack was
at least a mile. He fought from morning till night, and was driven back
but one mile to Aro, where he put to death fifty Egbas, who had been
picked up whilst farming. He fought again at Ishagga, preventing further
pursuit, and lost a total of 1200 soldiers. In 1864, Gelele attacks only
on one side of the river, which he crossed at Aro: he takes to flight,
in two hours, after losing 150 men. The place of the dead upon the field
of battle can be traversed in two or three minutes; the rout ends in a
“_sauve qui peut_,” to the Iyewa River; and finally he hardly kills any
of the enemy. Not more than one of ten Egbas fired a shot, and all were
surprised to see the Dahoman army so small, and fighting so badly: they
had harder work even at Ijaye.
According to the latest accounts, the incorrigible King at once bought a
number of slaves, and returned to his capital a conqueror. After three
weeks at Agbome, he despatched sundry of his brothers to drive and
kidnap the country north of Porto Novo. About mid-February there was a
report of his death. On May 6, 1864, he was living; but he was so
reduced in strength that he avoided all publicity.
Thus, in utter disgrace, ended the long-expected attack of the “Royal
Savage” upon Abeokuta. Many years must elapse before Dahome can recover
from the blow, and before that time I hope to see her level with the
ground.
[Footnote 274: When I visited Abeokuta in 1861, the chiefs, as well as
the people, showed great fear of Dahome.]
[Footnote 275: Meaning, literally, a king who manages Heaven; not, as a
correspondent of the _Times_ has asserted, “A king in Heaven, opening
out everything.”]
[Footnote 276: The local papers say 24th of February, which is a
mistake.]
[Footnote 277: The papers give the 4th battalion to the “Topo”; but the
Tokpo (chapter xiv.) is a common captain, and not of the blood-royal.]
[Footnote 278: Others say, “Seville, 1805.” They were mounted on Dahoman
carriages, and having been spiked, the touch-holes were greatly
enlarged.]
[Footnote 279: I have described this Negro Marathon in “A Flying Visit
to Abeokuta,” chapter iii.]
[Footnote 280: The “Iwe Irohin,” of Abeokuta (April, 1864), says that
the banners had “various distinguishing marks, as letters of the
alphabet; especially J. O. N. and P. were seen.”]
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX I.
* * * * *
ITINERARY.
FROM WHYDAH TO AGBOME.
CORRECTED BY CAPTAIN GEORGE, R.N., Royal Geographical Society of London,
and EDWIN DUNKIN, ESQ., Greenwich Observatory.
* * * * *
INSTRUMENTS.
1. ANEROID A (Pocket: Spencer, Browning & Co., London).
On first floor of Fort Whydah, 30·60, temp. 80°.
On return, after two months, 30·30, „ 91°.
2. ANEROID B (Full size: Negretti & Zambra, London).
On first floor of Fort Whydah, 30·45, temp. 80°.
On return 30·20, „ 91°.
FIRST DAY—DECEMBER 14, 1863.
From Fort Whydah to Toli, 3h. = 11 miles.
Stage 1.—From Whydah Fort to Savi, 1h. 30m. = 5 miles.
Started 8.20 A.M. In five minutes, out of town. After fifteen minutes
more, to Agbana water. In twenty minutes, to deep copse. At 9.50 A.M.,
Savi (Xavier of Mr. Norris).
Aneroid A, at 10 A.M., 30·50, temp. 85°.
„ B, „ „ 30·50, „ „
Altitude of Savi = 44 feet.
Stage 2.—From Savi to Toli (halfway to Allada), 1h. 30m. = 6 miles.
Started 2.30 P.M. Passed the Custom House, crossed the Savi swamp in
five minutes. Then Toli water. At 4 P.M., Toli (Toree of Mr. Norris).
Aneroid A, at 2.30 P.M., 30·35, temp. 92°.
„ B, „ „ 30·40, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, at 6 A.M., 30·50, temp. 76°.
„ B, „ „ 30·35, „ „
Altitude of Toli = 180 feet.
SECOND DAY—DECEMBER 15, 1863.
From Toli to Allada, 3h. = 11 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 6h. = 22 miles.)
Stage 3.—From Toli to Azohwe, 1h. 45m. = 6 miles.
Started 6.45 A.M. Forest country, few clearings, path narrowed. At 8.25
A.M., Azohwe (Azohwee of Commander Forbes).
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·55, temp. 78°.
„ B, „ „ 30·30, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, 30·00, temp. 950.
„ B, 30·07, „ „
Altitude of Azohwe = 144 feet.
Stage 4.—From Azohwe to Allada, 1h. 15m. = 5 miles.
Started 10.45 A.M. Land flat and wooded. Then large clearing. Denun, or
Custom House. At 12, Allada (Ardra, or Alladah, of old writers).
Aneroid A, at noon, 30·30, temp. 85°.
„ B, „ 30·20, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, at 6 A.M., 30·30, tem. 79°.
„ B, „ „ 30·15, „ „
Altitude of Allada = 284 feet.
THIRD DAY—DECEMBER 16, 1863.
From Allada to Akpwe, 4h. = 13·50 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 10h. = 35·50 miles).
Stage 5.—From Allada to Henvi, 2h. = 6·50 miles.
Started 6.40 A.M. Bush and clearings; hot road. After 1 hour = 3 miles,
Attogon village.
Aneroid A, at 7·40 A.M., 30·30, temp. 80°.
„ B, „ „ 30·10, „ „
Altitude of Attogon = 316 feet.
Reached Henvi Asihwe at 8 A.M., 2·50 miles from Attogon.
Aneroid A, at 8·25 A.M., 30·25, temp. 79°.
„ B, „ „ 30·10, „ „
Altitude of Henvi Asihwe = 322 feet.
Reached Henvi Do-vo (Havee of Mr. Norris) at 8·45 A.M. Total time, 2h. =
6·50 miles.
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·30, temp. 80°.
„ B, „ „ 30·15, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·25, temp. 75°.
„ B, „ „ 30·10, „ „
Altitude of Henvi Do-vo = 287 feet.
Stage 6.—From Henvi to Akpwe, 2h. = 7 miles.
Started 10 A.M. After 50m., Whe-gbo. Forest land to edge of Agrimé
swamp. At 2 P.M., Akpwe (Appoy of Norris, Apoy of History).
Aneroid A, at 2 P.M., 30·05, temp. 94°.
„ B, „ „ 30·00, „ „
Next morning—
Aneroid A, at 5 P.M., 30·25, temp. 71°.
„ B, „ „ 30·02, „ „
Altitude of Akpwe = 417 feet.
FOURTH DAY.—DECEMBER 17, 1863.
From Akpwe to Agrime, 3h. = 11 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 13h. = 46·50 miles.)
Stage 7.—From Akpwe to Wondonun, 1h. 15m. = 5 miles.
Started 5.20 A.M. After 15 minutes = 1 mile, of good path, began the
Agrimé swamp. Two bad places, but no mud, at 6.45 P.M. Wondonun (name
not mentioned in History).
Aneroid A, at 7.15 A.M., 30·50, temp. 83°.
„ B, „ „ 30·30, „ „
Altitude of Wondonun = 134 feet.
Stage 8.—From Wondonun to Agrimé.
Started 7.45 A.M. After nearly 1h. = 2·50 miles, to little village,
Aiveji. Country improves, becomes more open, and rises northwards. At
9.25 A.M., Agrimé.
Time, 1h. 40m. = 6 miles.
Total march, 3h. = 11 miles.
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·50, temp. 83°.
„ B, „ „ 30·30, „ „
On the next day—
Aneroid A, at 4 P.M., 30·25, temp. 84°.
„ B, „ „ 30·15, „ „
Altitude of Agrimé = 232 feet.
FIFTH DAY—DECEMBER 18, 1863.
From Agrimé to Kana = 1h. 30m. = 6 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 14h. 30m. = 52·50 miles)
Stage 9.—Started 5·30 P.M. Road, hitherto north with easting, became
north with westing. After 50 m., at Fetish place, and 10 m. more to
Zogbodomen village. At 7 P.M. entered Kana (Calmina of History).
At Kana, in English House, December 19.
Aneroid A, at 8.30 A.M., 30·30, temp. 81°.
„ B, „ „ 20·20, „ „
Altitude of Kana = 271 feet.
SIXTH DAY—DECEMBER 20, 1863.
From Kana to Agbome = 2h. = 7½ miles.
(Total from Whydah, 16h. 30m. = 60 miles, and from the roads of
Whydah[281] = 62 miles).
Stage 10.—Started 3 P.M. Excellent road. At 3.50 P.M., Adan-we Palace.
At 4.45 P.M. reached the Kana Gate of Agbome (Agbomey of History). At 6
P.M. (slow walking) reached English house.
At Agbome, in English House, room facing eastward, mean of 60
observations—
Aneroid A, 29·65 }
} Average temperature (except when harmattan was
„ B, 29·55 } blowing) 81°.
By B. P. Ther. (good observations), 211° 25′, temp. 92°.
Altitude of Agbome = 1065 feet.
N.B.—The Aneroids seldom varied more than 0·05 above or below 29·65 and
29·55.
The difference between dry and wet bulbs was from 4° to 10°.
The Preface to the History places Agbome in N. lat. 7° 59′.
The History places it in N. lat. 9° 50′.
My observations of Sirius, corrected by Captain George, give a mean of
N. lat. 7°.
My sketch-map places Agbome four miles to the east of Whydah, _i.e._, E.
long. 2° 4′ 0″. Mr. Townsend makes Abeokuta in N. lat. 7° 8′ 0″, and in
E. long. 3° 20′ 0″. This would give an interval of 1° 15′ 0″ = 75
geographical miles, between Agbome and Abeokuta, agreeing with the
reports of the people that the distance can easily be done in a week.
[Footnote 281: According to Norris, N. lat. 6° 19′ 0″.
According to Captain Phillips (1694), N. lat. 6° 10′.
According to Norris, E. long. 2°.]
APPENDIX II.
_Rev. Mr. Bernasko’s Account Current with Captain Burton, H.M.S.
Commissioner, Dahomey._
_(From December 8th, 1863, to February 26th, 1864)._
£ _s._ _d._
Hammocks, from and to beach 1 15 3
Porters 0 9 0
Reception 1 7 0
60 Bags of Cowries, subsistence for hammocks, guide, 54 0 0
porters, and tents
7 Cases of Gin 7 17 0
9 Pieces of Cloth 4 1 0
Presents to the King 2 5 0
Presents to the English Mother 0 9 0
Presents to the Wife of the English Host 2 5 0
Selim’s ten days’ board 1 2 6
John’s seven months’ board and medical attendance 6 15 0
8 Guides’ Presents 2 18 6
John Beecham (pay to interpreter) 2 5 0
John Mark Lemon (pay to interpreter) 2 5 0
Cook 1 7 0
Servants 6 15 0
20 Porters 4 10 0
Paid to the French Factory, Liqueurs for King and 51 19 6
Chiefs
Paid to Mr. James Dawson, minor presents 5 8 0
Presents to the Blue and Fanti Companies 33 15 0
Presents to the Rev. P. W. Bernasko 11 5 0
Paid to 17 Hammock-men 11 9 6
1 Keg of 1-fifth Powder (salute at Whydah) 1 2 6
6 Krumen, with 4 Boys, one week’s subsistence 1 4 6
--------------
£218 10 3
APPENDIX III.
_Extract of a Letter from the Rev. Peter W. Bernasko, Native Assistant
Missionary, dated Whydah, November 29th, 1860._
_(From Wesleyan Missionary Notices, February 25th, 1861)._
I have now returned from Dahomey, and, as you are to receive from me an
account of the Grand Custom, I take up my pen to give you the detailed
particulars, full and true.
Wednesday, the 11th of July, I started from this, for Abomey, the
capital, to see the Custom. I met with a man in the way, two days after
my departure, nicely dressed as a cabboceer, coming down here; he was
riding in a hammock, with a large umbrella and a cabboceer-stool, and a
number of men accompanied him; and when I arrived at Cannah, a town next
to Abomey, about eight miles distant, I learnt that the poor man was
going to be thrown into the sea, to join the two porters of the sea-
gate, to open it for his father to enter in and wash himself. Here was
His Majesty the King, busy preparing to leave for Abomey to-morrow,
because all the visitors had come.
Sunday, the 15th instant, by four o’clock in the afternoon, we all
started, together with the King, for the capital. There were some bamboo
mats and pieces of different kinds of cloth spread in the way up the
town, for him to walk on. When we reached midway, he made a stay for
about an hour, and then ordered us to proceed on to the town to sleep;
but he slept at the place.
Monday, the 16th, we all went out to meet him, to accompany him to the
town; and when we had met him he bade us sit down. We then took seats.
Here a man had his hands tied, and mouth barred, with a fathom of white
bast wove about his loins. He pointed him out to us as a messenger that
was going to carry private information to his father. The poor creature
was taken up to the town, and was sacrificed on the tomb of his father.
Another in the same position sent up to their large market to go and
tell the spirits there what he was going to do for his father. About an
hour afterwards, there were brought forward again four men in the same
position, with one deer, one monkey, and one turkey-buzzard. Here the
poor creatures had their heads cut off, save one. One man was to go to
all the markets and tell all the spirits what he was about to make for
his father; the second man was to go to all the waters, and tell all the
animals there, &c.; the third man was to go to all the roads, and tell
the spirit-travellers, &c.; the fourth and last man was to go up to the
firmament, and tell all the hosts there, &c.; the deer to go to all the
forests, and tell the beasts there, &c.; the monkey to go to all the
swamps, to climb up trees, and tell all the animals there; the turkey-
buzzard, fortunate creature, was let loose to fly up to the sky, and
tell all the birds there. After this, he got up from his throne, which
was carried along with him, and drew up his sword, and said, “As I am
now a King for this kingdom, I will bring down all the enemies of my
father under my footstool. I will also go down to Abbeokuta, and do to
them as they once did to my father. I will sweep them up.” He was
seconded by his two chief Ministers, called Mingah and Mewu, who spoke
to the same effect. After the speeches we accompanied him to the town.
Tuesday, the 17th, he beat the gong, to fix a fortnight for the
commencement of the Custom. The Europeans were quite annoyed at the time
fixed, but tried to bear it with patience.
Sunday, the 29th, the Custom commenced. On the eve of the day the whole
town slept at the King’s gate, and got up at five o’clock in the morning
to weep. And so they hypocritically did. The lamentations did not
continue more than ten minutes; and, before the King came out to fire
guns to give notice to all, one hundred souls had already been
sacrificed, besides the same number of women killed in the inside of the
palace.[282] Ninety chief Captains, one hundred and twenty Princes and
Princesses,—all these carried out separately human beings by four and
two to sacrifice for the late King. About two or three of the civilized
Portuguese did the same. I believe they gave twenty men to be
sacrificed, besides bullocks, sheep, goats, drakes, cocks, guinea-fowls,
pigeons, coral-beads, cowries, silver money, rum, &c. After these three
gentlemen, the King thought all the other proper Europeans should do the
same for him; but none performed such wicked actions.
Wednesday, the 1st of August, the King himself came out to bury his
father, with the following things:—Sixty men, fifty rams, fifty goats,
forty cocks, drakes, cowries, &c. The men and women soldiers, well armed
with muskets and blunderbusses for firing; and when he was gone round
about his palace, he came to the gate and fired plenty; and there he
killed fifty of the poor creatures, and saved ten.
Thursday, the 2nd, he threw out cowries and some pieces of cloth for his
people to struggle for.
The King made himself of two persons, Ahorsu and Athopon.[283] The first
means _King_, and the second means _hearth_—a place on which a fire is
made.[284] The following words are his titles:—_Ahorsu Glere_, which
signifies a heavy thing which cannot be lifted up by any number of men;
so he is called a heavy King, cannot be lifted up by any nation. _Ahorsu
kini-kini-kini_, means a dragon. He is a dragon King, that has strong
claws, to tear to pieces all that will come in his way. _Ahorsu
Taingay_, means a hard stone, cannot be pinched with a nail, hard King,
that cannot be fought with by any small nations. _Ahorsu Yemabu_, means
a shadow; he will never be lost in his kingdom; Shadow King. He said
that his father was a King of blacks, and a friend of whites; but
himself is a King of both.[285]
During the Custom, the visitors and countrymen made enormous and
wonderful presents to the King. The Custom continued for three weeks. We
all stopped there two months before we got a pass out. I returned to
this on the 1st September, and went up again on the 12th of October to
witness the annual Custom. During my travellings up and down, I am glad
to say that the God of Jacob was with me. I conversed with many people
about religious concerns, and they were very glad to hear the word of
salvation; only they fear the King. Almost every soul in this kingdom is
willing to embrace the Gospel of our Lord[286]; but the only hindrance
is the Monarch. Many have a desire to send their children to our school;
but they cannot on account of him.
Monday, the 15th, I arrived at Abomey.
Tuesday, the 16th, we were called to the King’s palace, and at the gate
saw ninety human heads, cut off that morning, and the poor creatures
blood flowed on the ground like a flood. The heads lay up on swish beds
at each side of the gate, for public view. We went in to sit down, and
soon after he sent out the property of his fathers as follows:—two
chariots, one glass wheel, seven plain wheels, three solid silver
dishes, two silver tea-pots, one silver sugar pot, one silver butter-
pot, one large cushion on a wheel bar[287] drawn by six Amazons, three
well-dressed silk hammocks, with silk awnings.
Three days after, we went to see the same things. I saw at the same
gate, sixty heads laid upon the same place; and, on three days again,
thirty-six heads laid up. He made four platforms in their large market-
place, and on which he threw cowries and cloths to his people, and
sacrificed there about sixty souls. I dare say he killed more than two
thousand, because he kills men outside, to be seen by all, and women
inside, privately. O, he destroyed many souls during this wicked Custom.
Sunday, the 4th of November, the whole town, with the King, fired guns
from twelve o’clock till eight in the evening.
Monday, the 5th inst., I was very ill, laid up in bed three days,
without a bit of bread or a drop of drink. I forgot to tell you, that
ere this the King received a letter from Her Britannic Majesty’s
Government, about his frequent expeditions against Abeokuta, just
warning him, that if he make any attempt, all his places on the coast
shall be burnt. He has not yet given an answer to this. I was the reader
of the letter. He seems quite frightened; and I dare say that he cannot
take a step over. He has already sent out troops to war, but nobody
knows where.
The annual Custom still continues, and the visitors have not returned
yet; and had I not been sick, I could have had no chance of coming down.
The pit at Abomey, which was reported to have been dug deep enough to
contain human blood sufficient to float a canoe, was false. There were
two small pits, of two feet deep and four feet in diameter each, to
contain poor human blood, but not to float a canoe.
I am sorry to report to you, that in our out-stations fightings are
still continued. We desire your prayers very much.
* * * * *
RETURN TO AN ADDRESS OF THE HONOURABLE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DATED JUNE
16, 1863; FOR
“A COPY OF COMMODORE WILMOT’S REPORT OF HIS RECENT VISIT TO THE KING OF
DAHOMEY.”
No. 1.
_Commodore Wilmot to Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker._
_(Extract.)_
_“Rattlesnake,” off Lagos, January 29, 1863._
My last communication was dated Lagos, 27th November of last year, and I
informed you that I should return to Sierra Leone from Whydah.
Since that period much has transpired that will naturally cause the
liveliest interest in all quarters.
I visited the Yavogah of Whydah on the 20th November, and having met the
Rev. P. W. Bernasko, Wesleyan missionary in the English fort, he
informed me that the King of Dahomey was most anxious to see somebody of
consideration from England, “a real Englishman,” with whom he might
converse on the affairs of his country.
The Yavogah had said, “If you will come back again in seven days, I will
send to the King, and let you know if he will see you.”
I returned at the appointed time, much to his surprise, as he did not
believe I should come back, and he told me the King was anxious to see
me.
The Yavogah had sent up and said that I was a “good and proper person”
to come out as a messenger from the Queen.
Before making up my mind to accept the King’s invitation to visit him,
there were many points to be considered of the very highest importance.
It had been said, and I believe with some truth, that our late attack on
Porto Novo had enraged the King’s mind to such an extent that he had
expressed a strong desire to lay hands upon an English officer, in order
to avenge the destruction of that place.
Porto Novo belongs to his brother. The European residents at Whydah had
spread the most alarming reports of the disposition of the King towards
Englishmen, and his hatred of them.
It was and is, of course, their interest to do so, and keep us in
ignorance of their evil deeds.
After mature consideration I resolved to go, and place implicit trust in
the King’s good faith.
The position of affairs in this country seemed favourable for making an
impression on the King, and opening the way to the establishment of
friendly relations.
Having made my preparations for an absence of fourteen days, I landed at
10 A.M. of Tuesday the 22nd of December of last year, in company with
Captain Luce and Dr. Haran, of the “Brisk,” who had volunteered to
accompany me.
The “Rattlesnake” and the “Brisk” were sent to cruize, and both vessels
were ordered to return on the 14th of the same month.
We were conveyed in hammocks across the lagoon and through the wet
marshy ground that is almost impassable in the rainy months, to a large
tree at the entrance of Whydah, where certain ceremonies were gone
through to welcome us to the place. We were received most cordially by
the Yavogah and other officials, with drums beating, colours flying,
muskets firing, cabooceers as well as soldiers dancing, the latter
singing warlike songs.
We were also treated to the manœuvres of a slave-hunt.
As I am writing to save the homeward packet, and have much to occupy my
attention, I must ask you to forgive the omission of many interesting
details in my visit to this country, which shall be furnished to you
whenever I can find time to embody them in a letter.
The Yavogah and Chiefs accompanied us to the English fort, where the
King’s stick was presented, and the health of the Queen of England and
King of Dahomey drank.
Having secured our hammock-men, carriers for our luggage, &c., and
guides, and being furnished with a body of soldiers to protect us on the
road, we started the following afternoon, accompanied by the Rev. P. W.
Bernasko, and his servants, for our accommodation during our stay.
It was necessary to provide subsistence for all these people, a very
large body of men, according to the custom of the country.
We arrived at Cannah, eight miles from Abomey, on the evening of Tuesday
the 9th, where the King was holding his Court.
The King was scarcely prepared to receive us, and hence we were detained
on the road longer than otherwise would have been the case.
It is supposed that, on this occasion, he was anxious to display all his
grandeur and all his power, and my landing so quickly at Whydah had
rather disconcerted him.
At all places on the road, the head men turned out with their soldiers,
and received us with firing and dancing; also, the usual presents of
water, fowls, goats, &c.
Speeches were made expressive of their desire to go to war, and cut off
heads for their master. The war-dance was performed by women and
children, and motions made with swords as if in the act of decapitating
their enemies.
Some of their songs were very curious, which shall be described
hereafter.
At all the villages where we slept, comfortable quarters had been
provided, and water furnished.
Nothing could exceed the civility of every one.
The water is very bad, and there is great scarcity of it, particularly
in the dry season. It must be very unwholesome.
The King had sent three of his sticks by special messengers to meet us
on our way, with inquiries about our health, &c.
At 10 A.M. on the morning of the 10th, the King sent to say that he
would receive us.
We accordingly went in full dress, and remained under some large trees,
in an open space of some extent.
After a short time, the Chiefs arrived in succession with their
followers, according to their rank, and were introduced to us, the same
drumming, firing, dancing, and singing, being carried on as at Whydah.
This occupied a considerable time; and when finished we got into our
hammocks, and went to the palace outside of which, in a large square,
were assembled all the Chiefs with their people, as well as large bodies
of the King’s soldiers.
The sight was most interesting: the gaudy colours of the large
umbrellas, the dresses of the headmen, the firing of the muskets, the
songs of the people, the beating of the war-drums, the savage gesture of
the soldiers, and their ferocious appearance, made us feel indeed that
we were amidst an uncivilised nation.
All, however, treated us with marked respect, while, according to
custom, we were carried three times round the square.
After the third time we got down, and entered the palace gates, passing
through a row of Chiefs on each side.
The court-yard of the palace is of great extent, and presented a
spectacle not easily forgotten.
At the further end was a large building, of some pretensions to beauty
in this country, being made of thatch, and supported by columns of wood,
roughly cut.
In front of this, and close to it, leaving an open space for admission
to the King, was placed a large array of variegated umbrellas, admitted
only to be used by himself.
Under these were congregated his principal Chiefs. On either side of
him, under the building, were his wives, to the number of about one
hundred, gaily dressed, most of them young, and exceedingly pretty.
The King was reclining on a raised daïs, about three feet high, covered
with crimson cloth, smoking his pipe. One of his wives held a glass
sugar basin for him to spit in.
He was dressed very plainly, the upper part of his body being bare, with
only a silver chain, holding some fetish charm round his neck, and an
unpretending cloth around his waist.
The left side of the court-yard was filled with Amazons, from the walls
up to the King’s presence, all armed with various weapons, such as
muskets, swords, gigantic razors for cutting off heads, bows and arrows,
blunderbusses, &c.
They were seated when we entered. Their large war-drum was conspicuous,
being surrounded with human skulls.
We advanced to where the King was sitting, with due form and ceremony,
and when close to him all the respect due to a King was paid by bowing,
&c., which he gracefully acknowledged by bowing himself, and waving his
hand.
We then sat down close to him, in chairs that had accompanied us from
Whydah.
The conversation commenced with the usual compliments. He asked about my
health, and how I had got on with my journey.
He then inquired about the Queen and all her family, asking many
questions about the form of government in England.
I said the Queen sent her compliments to him, and hoped he was quite
well, at which he seemed much pleased.
This being only a visit of introduction, not of delivering messages,
therefore nothing political was entered into.
He then gave orders for his Amazons to perform a variety of movements,
and to salute me, which they did most creditably. They loaded and fired
quickly, singing songs all the time.
They are a very fine body of women and are very active in their
movements, being remarkably well-limbed and strong.
No one is allowed to approach them except the King, who lives amongst
them.
They are first in honour and importance. All messages are carried by
them to and from the King and his Chiefs.
Every one kneels down while delivering a message, and the men touch the
ground with their heads and lips before the King. The women do not kiss
the ground, nor sprinkle themselves with dust as the men do.
When a man appears before the King, he is obliged to perform the
ceremony of covering his head and upper part of his body with dust
before he rises, as much as to say, “I am nothing but dirt before thee!”
It is a most degrading spectacle; but, after all, only the custom of the
country.
After the Amazons had finished their manœuvres, they came to us, and
gave us their compliments, singing songs in praise of their master, and
saying they were ready for war, suiting the action to the word by going
through the motions of cutting off heads.
The King then introduced all his Princes, Chiefs and head warriors in
succession, according to rank; then the Chiefs and Captains of the
Amazons: then the Princesses, daughters of the late king: in fact, he
brought before us, and named one by one, everybody of importance in his
kingdom. Some appeared in companies, and others separately. The mother
of the King and the mothers of his principal Chiefs were also named and
presented.
After each company was introduced, and I had bowed to them, a bottle of
rum was given, the usual present after such a ceremony, and a signal
that they had permission to retire.
To the head Chiefs a glass each was presented, which was drunk by
themselves or given to one of their followers.
When once in the King’s presence, or in his capital, no one, European or
native, can leave without this customary present.
We could not go away, on any one occasion that we visited him, without
receiving his permission to do so in the shape of one or two bottles of
rum for our hammock-men.
After all the presentations, the King called the Amazons again to salute
us, and then offered us water and spirits, which he drank with us which
finished the visit.
No one is permitted to see the King drink: all turn their faces away,
and a large cloth is held up by his wives while the royal mouth takes in
the liquid.
The King then got up, it being almost dark, and walked side by side with
me across the court-yard, through the gates, and nearly half-a-mile on
the road towards our house, which was considered a great compliment. The
whole Court followed, with the exception of the Amazons and his wives,
who never join in such processions.
The soldiers shouted, and sang their war songs, while the Chiefs went
before the King to clear the road, and point out any dirt or
inequalities of ground, before the royal feet.
The sight was imposing, and gave us a proper idea of the power of the
King amongst his people. He seemed much feared as well as much beloved.
The King is a very fine-looking man, upwards of six feet high, broad
shouldered, and a pleasant countenance when he likes. His eyes are
bloodshot, which may arise from want of rest or other causes. He is a
great smoker, but does not indulge much in the bottle. His skin is much
lighter than most of his people, resembling the copper colour of the
American Indians.
He is very active, and fond of dancing and singing, which he practises
in public during the customs. He is much addicted to the fair sex, of
whom he possesses as many as he likes. He is about forty-three years
old.
Before leaving the palace the King saluted the Queen with twenty-one
guns, from pieces of all sizes, lying on the ground, and firmly fixed in
the sand. The largest was, perhaps, a 3-pounder: the trunnions supported
them in the ground.
These guns are carried on men’s heads, and occasionally placed on the
ground, and fired off.
This was done as I entered the palace.
He also saluted me with nine guns.
The number of guns fired was shown by a corresponding number of musket-
balls being produced in an iron pot.
We were accompanied from Whydah by the Prince, who was ordered to attend
us on the road, and found him most civil and obliging.
On arriving at our quarters after this day’s ceremony, the Prince asked
me to make a present to the soldiers and Amazons, in consequence of the
manner in which the King had received me. He said he hoped I would not
make him ashamed before his people, as he had brought me up, and was
ordered to attend upon me. I immediately acquiesced, and made a handsome
present, which was thankfully acknowledged. Whenever strangers meet in
this country, they either drink with each other on their first arrival,
or when they are about to depart. We had always to submit to this, which
caused a great drain upon our resources.
The King’s jesters danced before us to-day. One of the Amazons, in
firing, had injured her hand very much by the bursting of the musket,
and a messenger arrived from the King with a request that the doctor
might be allowed to attend her. This was granted, and Dr. Haran saw her
twice a day until the wound was healed, and a perfect cure made.
The wound was a very nasty one, and I think it was fortunate for the
Amazon that the skill of Dr. Haran was called in.
We remained at Cannah until Sunday morning the 14th, when we went to
Abomey, eight miles distant, where the King was to arrive in state and
take up his residence in his own capital.
The custom of this country is delay, delay. No one knows the value of
time, nor do they much care about keeping their word.
I frequently spoke to the Prince about seeing the King, and giving him
the presents I had with me, without which no message can be given, nor
private intercourse allowed.
I was told that the King would receive me in his capital, whither he was
going to hold certain customs in honour of his “Father’s spirit,” that
he wished me to see everything, how he went through the “custom,” and
what he did to his people. The Prince said, also, that he wished to
salute me, and pass his people before me in review.
I found all remonstrances in vain, and that it would be useless to get
up and walk away without seeing everything that was interesting in the
country. My object was to witness the manners and customs of the King
and his people, and as the King appeared so friendly disposed, and had
got up so many things solely for my sake, I was determined to bear with
patience and see what the end would be.
My policy was to be friendly with every one, and endeavour to show the
character and disposition of an Englishman towards the nations of this
country—that we could treat them with forbearance, and have some
sympathy with a black man!
If I had lost my temper, and shown a disposition to be angry at the
King’s delay, I might have been received at once; but I should most
assuredly have been sent back to Whydah without the opportunity of
making a good impression on the King, or of witnessing any of those
scenes which were afterwards displayed before us, and have made such a
deep impression on our minds.
I have reason to believe that my line of conduct was rewarded by the
whole country being laid open before us, and the whole people, King,
chiefs, and all, being our friends. The greater part of what we saw I
firmly believe was entirely got up for my sake, and certainly no white
man ever saw what we did, or was treated with such marked consideration.
Whenever strangers visit the capital, the same delay occurs, which
causes general complaints. The more the King is pleased with his
visitor, the longer the time he wishes to keep him.
While at Cannah the King invited us on the afternoon of two days to
witness the firing of his Amazons and soldiers with ball at a mark.
I had asked him, upon my first interview, whether he ever practised his
people in this way; he said “Yes,” and I heard that he was then at
Cannah for this purpose.
We found him about two miles outside the town in a very large open
space, which had been cleared away, surrounded by his chiefs and people,
to the number of several thousand, preparing to practise at a number of
goats, which were tied to stakes driven in the ground at intervals of
about fifteen yards, under a mud wall of considerable length, and about
ten feet high. They were placed on mats.
The King received us very cordially, and told the Prince to place us
under his own umbrellas in a convenient place for seeing everything.
The firing commenced, and the King’s body-guard of Amazons distinguished
themselves by their good shots. The King fired several times himself.
Every shot would have struck a man.
The soldiers fired also exceedingly well, and taking into consideration
the quality of the flint musket and the iron ball, which is jagged and
fits loosely in the barrel, it is really astonishing at the display they
made.
They would prove formidable enemies with good weapons, and if they
possessed discipline and real courage.
Several goats were killed, and on the second day four of those
despatched were sent to me as a present. These had been selected by the
Amazons as a particular present to me, and until they were killed no
other goat was fired at.
The firing was very rapid, and I certainly was astonished at the manner
in which they handled their weapons.
On Sunday the 14th, in the afternoon, the King made his public entry
into Abomey. First came the soldiers by companies, headed by their
particular Chief under his umbrella, firing, dancing, and singing.
These went three times round the square in which we were, outside the
palace. An excellent fire was kept up. Next came the Amazons in the same
manner, dancing their dances, firing and singing, each company headed by
a Captain of Amazons.
They marched better than the men, and looked far more warlike in every
way: their activity is astonishing. Lastly, came the King in a carriage,
surrounded by his body-guard of women, and drawn by them. He passed
where we were, and we mutually bowed. I said to the Prince it was a pity
he had no horses, which was reported to the King, who afterwards asked
me if I would mention his wish to the Queen for some to be sent him as a
present, which I said I would do.
I laughingly said to the Prince, “He ought to go full gallop round the
square,” which being told the King, he made the Amazons run round two or
three times as fast as they could, much to the delight of his people; he
then got out of his carriage, and was carried round in a very handsome
hammock.
The whole afternoon was occupied in firing, dancing, and singing; when
all was concluded, the King came up and shook hands most cordially. We
then went home.
The red sand here is a great nuisance, and finds its way into every part
of one’s body and clothes. Each day we found ourselves caked over with a
crust, which required a good washing to get off; in five minutes a
pocket handkerchief assumed a yellow colour.
I believe that some heads were cut off, during the night, on this
occasion of the King’s entry, and that it is the custom to do so
whenever he returns. We could not find out how many, but eight heads
were in the doorway when we passed the palace on the following morning,
and it is probable that more of these trophies were inside.
We remained in Abomey five weeks from this time, and daily witnessed
scenes of a very extraordinary character, such as the dancing of the
Amazons, the warlike songs, the dancing and songs of the soldiers, the
distribution of presents to the Princes, Chiefs, Captains, and headmen
of the troops, the “passing” of the King’s drummers, of the captains of
the Amazons, of the King’s jesters, and a variety of other people which
appear before the King during the “customs.”
A number of soldiers from the neighbourhood of Aghwey, hearing that it
was the intention of the King to attack their country, had come up to
Abomey to give themselves up to him, rather than take the chances of
being taken, sold, or beheaded. They swore fealty to him, and it was
curious to observe the ceremony on this occasion; after kissing the dust
and covering themselves with sand, the King made a speech to them, and
then the Prime Minister, in which was pointed out the power of the King
and the greatness of his name; each Chief was called by name and
presented with cowries and cloth, the two principal ones with a wife
each. The whole company were then “passed” to their own country, by
strings of cowries being given to them.
It is certainly very extraordinary to see what influence the King of
Dahomey possesses, not only in his own country but amongst the
neighbouring tribes and nations.
He is feared by all; but still he is a true friend to those who seek his
alliance, and is always ready to assist them.
We had an opportunity of observing this during the last five days of our
stay in his capital.
Upon the last day but one of the “customs,” late in the afternoon, a
large body of soldiers, with their attendants carrying their camp
equipage, made their appearance from a place about three days in the
interior, belonging to the King. These men had been sent to the
assistance of a small town belonging to a Chief on friendly terms with
the King, who had been threatened by the Abbeokutans, and who had
applied to Abomey for assistance.
The King had granted the assistance required, and despatched two of his
head warriors with about 600 men for this purpose.
When these men arrived at the town they found that the Abbeokutans,
hearing of their approach, had run away, and hence their return to
Abomey.
It was a very pretty sight to see these men return and present
themselves before the King, who made them a long speech, and gave them
presents.
On the Saturday, six days after our arrival at Abomey, the King saw us
privately in his own palace, and I made him the presents brought up for
this occasion, and which will be mentioned hereafter.
He was attended by six of his Privy Council, his most trusted friends,
all well known to me; also by five of his principal wives.
He would only receive the presents from my own hands, which is unusual.
I gave him first the picture of the Queen, and said that Her Majesty had
sent this out to him as a mark of her friendship, and her wish to be on
good terms with him. He took it in his hands, and admired it very much.
The Queen is represented in her coronation robes, with crown on her head
and sceptre in her hand. The frame is very handsome, and the picture is
a large one.
After looking at it attentively, he asked many questions concerning the
dress, and then said, “From henceforth the Queen of England and the King
of Dahomey are one. The Queen is the greatest Sovereign in Europe, and I
am King of the Blacks. I will hold the head of the kingdom of Dahomey,
and you shall hold the tail.” I then gave him a few small presents from
myself, with which he was very much delighted and grasped me warmly by
the hand. His council participated in these feelings, and said “At last
good friends have met.”
Now commenced the delivery of the message which I thought it my duty to
lay before the King.
The first subject was the Slave Trade, and I said, “England has, for a
long period of years, been doing her utmost to stop the Slave Trade in
this country. Much money has been spent, and many lives have been
sacrificed to attain this desirable end, but hitherto without success. I
have come to ask you to put a stop to this traffic, and to enter into
some treaty with me to this effect. I am ready to listen to any terms
which you may reasonably propose, and report to my Government what you
have to say on the subject.” I then reasoned with him on the iniquity of
selling his fellow-creatures, and the benefits he would derive, even in
a pecuniary way, by keeping these slaves in his country, and employing
them in cultivating the soil. I tried to prove to him that the value of
a slave thus employed would be far more valuable to him in the long run
than if he sold him at once, and sent him out of the country.
I reasoned on the richness of the soil, and how easy it would be to
introduce the silk-worm, cotton, coffee, and all the productions of a
similar character. I tried to convince him that he was depopulating
Africa, and making its inhabitants low and miserable.
I argued that if the slave trade were suddenly stopped, he would become
a pauper, and that every man’s hand would necessarily be turned against
his neighbour’s for daily subsistence, because all his supplies come
from the “white man” from across the sea, and that these could only be
purchased by the money obtained from selling slaves.
Stop the selling of slaves, and how could he possibly get the means of
living, as the produce of the soil was comparatively nothing?
The people were entirely dependent on him, and his annual customs, for
being fed and clothed; arms, powder, rum, tobacco, cloths and cowries,
were all distributed on these occasions. And how were they produced?
They were bought from the “white man,” and paid for out of the money he
received for selling his slaves.
I implored him to think over these things, and turn his attention to the
cultivation of his soil, and the profits of legitimate trade.
I asked him how many slaves he shipped during the year, and how much he
would take to enter into a treaty with us to stop it.
The next subject was the “human sacrifices.” I said that not only
England, but all Europe, deplored the sad spectacle of human beings, his
own countrymen, being offered up on the occasion of his annual customs,
in company with fowls, bulls and goats. Could he not put a stop to this,
and let it pass away from the customs of the country? I said that I knew
all sudden measures were not only dangerous, but impossible, but that I
hoped he would turn over in his mind the cruelty of these proceedings,
and their utter uselessness to propitiate his gods, and that in time
they would cease altogether.
The third subject was Abbeokuta. I said that the Queen and the English
Government hoped he would not send his army to Abbeokuta; that peace was
better than war, and that his people might be far better employed in
cultivating the soil, than in destroying one another.
If he had made up his mind to go there, I hoped he would be merciful to
his prisoners, and particularly that he would spare all Christians.
I next asked him if he was disposed to send a Chief of rank, and one
that was in his confidence, to England, that he might see with his own
eyes the wonders that civilization wrought in that country.
I said that he would be well received, and that his visit would no doubt
have its influence on the King.
The opening of legitimate trade at Whydah was the next subject of
conversation, and the reception of the English at that place.
Lastly, I spoke about the Missionary schools, and asked him to allow
those who wished to do so, to send their children to be educated.
The King listened attentively to all my questions, and made several
remarks during their delivery.
After they were finished, the usual ceremony of drinking was gone
through, and he accompanied me through the gates of the palace far on
the road to our quarters, amidst the cheers of the soldiers and people.
We remained a month in Abomey after the delivery of this message, in
consequence of the “customs” going on, but nothing could persuade the
King to let us go until this was over, as he was most anxious that we
should see everything and report it.
Daily we witnessed his Amazons and soldiers, dancing and singing.
We saw his treasures pass round in the interior of the palace, preceded
by all the principal Ministers, Princes, and Chiefs, in their Court
costume.
The Captains of the Amazons passed round in the same way, and it was a
very pretty sight.
The costume worn, the different colours displayed according to
etiquette, the ornaments of silver round the necks, with an occasional
skull at the waist belt of the Amazons, and the half savage appearance
of all, notwithstanding their good manners and modest behaviour, was
peculiarly interesting.
It was during the procession of the King’s treasures, which will be more
fully described in another letter, that the “human sacrifices” came
round, after the cowries, cloths, tobacco, rum, &c., had passed, which
were to be thrown to the people. A long string of live fowls on poles
appeared, followed by goats in baskets, then by a bull, and lastly half-
a-dozen men with hands and feet tied, and a cloth fastened in a peculiar
way round the head, and carried in a basket by one man on the top of his
head, furnished this part of the procession.
The men were carried three times round the square, the first time
stopping opposite to where the King was sitting, where the bearers
received a glass of rum each, from an Amazon in attendance. They then
passed through the gates to the platform half a mile off.
The procession lasted two days, and “human sacrifices” passed round both
days; on the first day eight went round, and on the second day six: half
of these were killed, and half spared, so we were told. Probably they
are only spared until the next “customs.” The unfortunate men looked at
us as they passed; but it was not in our power to help them in any way.
The King said they were criminals, who had broken the laws of their
country, such as murderers, thieves, &c.; but I have every reason to
know they were captives mostly taken at Ishagga, from the peculiar marks
on their face.
A day or two after these processions, the King appeared on the first
platform: there were four of these, two large and two small.
His father never had more than two, but he is determined to excel him in
everything, and to do as much again as he did. If his father gave one
sheep as a present, he gives two; which he did when he sent me a present
of cows, sheep, &c., according to custom.
The sides of all these platforms are covered with crimson and other
coloured cloths, with curious devices, such as alligators, elephants,
snakes, &c., from twelve to fifteen feet high; and the large ones are in
the form of a square, with a neat building of considerable size, also
covered over, running along the whole extent of one side.
You ascend by a rough ladder covered over, and enter the platform, which
is neatly floored with dry grass, and perfectly level.
Dispersed all over this were Chiefs under the King’s umbrellas, sitting
down, and at the further end from the entrance the King stands
surrounded by a chosen few of his Amazons.
In the centre of this side of the platform is a round tower, about
thirty feet high, covered with cloths, bearing similar devices as the
other parts. This is a new idea of the King’s, and from the top of this
tower the victims are thrown to the people below.
When the King is ready, he commences by throwing cowries to the people
in bundles, as well as separately. The scramble begins, and the noise
occasioned by the men fighting to catch these is tremendous.
Thousands are assembled with nothing on but a waist clout, and a small
bag for the cowries. Sometimes they fight by companies, one company
against the other, according to the King’s fancy; and the leaders are
mounted on the shoulders of their people. After the cowries, cloths are
thrown, which occasions the greatest excitement.
While this lasts the King gives them to understand that if any man is
killed, nothing will be done to the man who is the cause of it, as all
is supposed to be fair fighting with hands; no arms are allowed.
After this the Chiefs are called, and cowries, cloths, &c., given to
them. The King begins by throwing away everything himself; then his
Amazons take it up for a short time, when the King renews the game, and
finishes the sport. He changes his position from one place to another
along the front part of the platform.
When all that the King intends throwing away for the day is expended, a
short pause ensues, and by-and-by, is seen inside the platform, the
poles mentioned before, with live fowls (all cocks) at the end of them,
in procession towards the round tower.
Three men mount to the top, and receive, one by one, all these poles,
which are precipitated on the people beneath. A large hole has been
prepared, and a rough block of wood ready, upon which the necks of the
victims are laid, and their heads chopped off, the blood from the body
being allowed to fall into the hole.
After the fowls came the goats, then the bull, and lastly the men, who
were tumbled down in the same way.
All the blood is mixed together in the hole, and remains exposed with
the block till night.
The bodies of the men are dragged along by the feet, and maltreated on
the way, by being beaten with sticks, hands in some cases cut off, and
large pieces cut out of their bodies, which are held up. They are then
taken to a deep pit and thrown in. The heads are alone preserved by
being boiled, so that the skull may be seen in a state of great
perfection. The heads of the human victims killed are first placed in
baskets and exposed for a short time.
This was carried on for two days. I would not witness the slaying of
these men on the first day, as we were very close to them, and I did not
think it right to sanction by my presence such inhuman sacrifices. I
therefore got up and went into a tent, and when all was over returned to
my seat.
It was upon this occasion that a circumstance took place which redounds
highly to the credit of the King, and should be made known everywhere.
While sitting in the tent a messenger arrived, saying, “The King calls
you.” I went and stood under the platform where he was. Tens of
thousands of people were assembled; not a word, not a whisper was heard.
I saw one of the victims ready for slaughter on the platform, held by a
narrow strip of white cloth under his arms. His face was expressive of
deepest alarm, and much of its blackness had disappeared; there was a
whiteness about it most extraordinary.
The King said, “You have come here as my friend, have witnessed all my
customs, and shared good-naturedly in the distribution of my cowries and
cloths; I love you as my friend, and you have shown that an Englishman,
like you, can bear patience, and have sympathy with the black man. I now
give you your share of the victims, and present you with this man, who
from henceforth belongs to you, to do as you like with him, to educate
him, take him to England, or anything else you choose.” The poor fellow
was then lowered down, and the white band placed in my hands.
The expression of joy on his countenance cannot be described: it said,
“The bitterness of death, and such a death, is passed, and I cannot
comprehend my position.” Not a sound escaped from his lips, but the eye
told what the heart felt, and even the King himself participated in his
joy. The Chiefs and people cheered me as I passed through them with the
late intended victim behind me.
I will not enter into my own feelings on this occasion; they can be
easily understood: but the saving of even this one man’s life was a
sufficient recompense for all the delays and for all our detention. I
felt that another victim would have been added to the sanguinary list of
Dahomian sacrifices if I had not carried out that line of forbearance
which I had determined to adopt.
The Chiefs all congratulated me, and shook me by the hand. Another
victim was given to a Chief, a particular friend of mine, and he said it
was on my account.
The “customs” were concluded by a day of firing, when all the soldiers,
under their different leaders, marched past the King, and in review
order before us. The King danced with his Amazons, and invited us to
join. The firing was excellent, and did them great credit. The King must
have expended an immense quantity of powder during our visit.
While the “customs” last the King does not transact any public business,
and he told us that he had hurried them over on purpose that we might
get away.
On the afternoon of Friday, the 16th of January, the King asked me to
review his Life Guardsmen and women, which I did, and he then made me
Colonel or King over the whole of them, about 1000 strong each—an honour
for which I had to pay dearly, according to the custom of the country.
Speeches were made by the captains of each, who were introduced
separately, the whole tenour of which was what they would do at
Abbeokuta, and the number of heads that would fall to my share, as I was
now their Chief, and consequently had a right to a part of everything
they took.
The following day, Saturday the 17th, the King saw us in private, as
before, and said he was ready to give me his answer to the message I had
brought.
He commenced by paying me many compliments, and said how glad he was
that such a messenger had been sent, who by his patience and forbearance
had shown himself a friend to the black man.
He then entered into a long history of his country in the time of his
ancestors, and how anxious his father was to be friends with the
English; that for many years past (he did not know the reason why) the
English seemed to be hostile to him, and endeavoured to make all nations
in Africa fight against him.
He said that the Slave Trade had been carried on in his country for
centuries, and that it was his great means of living and paying his
people. He did not send slaves away in his own ships, but “white men”
came to him for them, and was there any harm in his selling? We ought to
prevent the “white men” from coming to him: if they did not come he
would not sell.
We had seen what a great deal he had to give away every year to his
people, who were dependent on him: that this could not be done by
selling palm oil alone. If people came for palm oil he would sell it to
them; he could not carry on his government upon trade alone. If he gave
up the Slave Trade, where was he to get money from? It was not his fault
that he sold slaves, but those who made his fathers do it, and hence it
became an institution of his country.
He said, “I cannot stop it all at once: what will my people do? And
besides this, I should be in danger of losing my life.” I asked him how
much money he would take to give it up. He replied, “No money will
induce me to do so; I am not like the Kings of Lagos, Porto Novo, Benin,
&c. There are only two Kings in Africa, Ashantee and Dahomey: I am the
King of all the blacks. Nothing will recompense me for the Slave Trade.”
I argued that it must be stopped in time; that even now very few ships
came for them: and what would he do when it was all done? I found it
useless to go on any further on this subject. He said there were plenty
of blacks to sell, and plenty to remain; that the price of a slave was
80 dollars, with 4 dollars custom on each. On most occasions he is paid
before the slaves are taken away, but sometimes he risks them on trust,
and then he feels the capture of the slave-ship.
He said, “I must go to Abbeokuta: we are enemies; they insulted my
brother, and I must punish them. Let us alone; why interfere in black
man’s wars? We do not want ‘white men’ to fight against us; let every
one go out of Abbeokuta, and see who will win. Let the ‘white man’ stand
by and see which are the brave men!”
He spoke strongly of Porto Novo, and said, “If my friends the English
had sent to me, I would have broke Porto Novo for them.” He does not
want the “white man” to interfere in any way with the black man’s
quarrels. He promised faithfully, for my sake, to spare all the
Christians, and send them to Whydah, and that his General should have
strict orders to this effect. I asked him about the Christians at
Ishagga. He said, “Who knew they were Christians? The black man says he
is a white man, calls himself a Christian, and dresses himself in
clothes: it is an insult to the white man. I respect the white man, but
these people are impostors, and no better than my own people. Why do
they remain in a place when they know that I am coming? If they do so, I
suppose they are taking up arms against me, and I am bound to treat them
as enemies. If a musket-ball touches the white man at Abbeokuta, am I to
blame, if they will not go away when they know I am coming?” I reasoned
with him no longer on this subject, because I thought his observations
so thoroughly just and honest.
The next subject was the “human sacrifices.” He said, “You have seen
that only a few are sacrificed, and not the thousands that wicked men
have told the world. If I were to give up this custom at once, my head
would be taken off to-morrow. These institutions cannot be stopped in
the way you propose. By-and-by, little by little, much may be
done—softly, softly, not by threats. You see how I am placed, and the
difficulties in the way: by-and-by, by-and-by.”
We then came to a Prince being sent to England, which he said he would
do if I came again to renew the friendship and give him the Queen’s
answer to what he had said.
With regard to the schools at Whydah, the King said, “Any of the
mulattoes may send their children”; and I have no doubt, if he sees we
are in earnest, that in a very short time he will allow his own people
to do the same thing if they choose.
After the interview, which lasted some time, was over, the King made
several presents, namely, for the Queen, a large umbrella made of
different coloured velvets, with the devices emblematic of their
customs; a large carved stool, which no one but Kings are allowed to
possess; a pipe-stick and bag; a bag made from the leather of the
country, with a lion worked upon it; a very handsome country cloth, and
a long stick ornamented with silver, which can only be carried by the
King. Also two girls, one about twelve, the other sixteen, very pretty
and intelligent. I have left these last at Whydah, in charge of the
coloured missionary’s wife there, until I can learn the wishes of Her
Majesty on the subject. The girls were taken at Ishagga, and I should
think would be very interesting to the Queen.
In my next letter I hope to give an account of the resources of Dahomey,
its form of government, the number of soldiers and Amazons, as well as a
description of the country, and everything else that will be both
valuable and interesting to know; also many sayings of the King, which I
have not time to mention now.
We left Abomey the same evening, and were conducted with great honours
to Whydah, where we arrived on Thursday afternoon, the 22nd instant,
after an absence of fifty-one days. I went on board the following
morning.
Such a lengthened stay in the country of the King, and at his capital,
could not have been effected without some expense; many presents of
different kinds had to be given away, as well as money. The reception
given me by the King demanded this, and I hope I maintained with
becoming dignity the honour of the country. Trusting my proceedings will
meet with approval, as I have only acted for the good of the public
service, I have, &c.
* * * * *
No. 2.
_Commodore Wilmot to Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker._
_(Extract.)_
_“Rattlesnake,” at Sea, Lat. 3° 33′ N. Long. 6° 7′ E., February 10,
1863._
In continuation of my former letter of proceedings, dated Lagos, 29th
January, 1863, I have to add the following additional observations on
various subjects connected with my late visit to Abomey.
I have already remarked on the friendly disposition evinced by the King
towards the English, as manifested in his manner to me on all occasions.
“From henceforth,” he said, “the King of Dahomey and the Queen of
England are one; you shall hold the tail of the kingdom, and I will take
the head”: meaning that we should have possession of Whydah for trading
purposes, and supply him with everything.
He is most anxious for trade at Whydah, and if we can only prove to him
that we are really sincere in our wishes to be friendly with him, I am
quite certain that he will think very seriously of our proposals to him
for giving up the Slave Trade, as well as the “human sacrifices.”
Both of these are “institutions” of the country; the first, established
and encouraged by the “white man” himself; the second, handed down from
father to son as a principal part of their religious ceremonies, still
enforced and fostered by the ignorance and superstition of the “fetish”
priests.
Every house has its “fetish” hanging up, and every man has a “fetish”
charm about his person. There is a devil fetish for driving away evil
spirits, and another for bringing good luck. These consist of small
mounds of earth with a calabash on the top, surrounded by cowries, or a
repulsive-looking face carved out of wood. There are all kinds of
images, such as lions, tigers, dogs, and other animals without a name,
cut out in the rudest manner, and carried about in all great
processions.
The roads, villages, and houses, are filled with “fetish” images, and
sacrifices to the “fetish.” The latter consist of goats, fowls, fruits,
&c., being laid under a small mat shed, around the idol whom it is
intended to propitiate,—dead, of course.
Men, women, and children, consult the “fetish” as to the food they ought
to eat. Some are allowed to eat beef, others only mutton; many are
prohibited to touch the flesh of goats. Poultry is permitted to some,
eggs to others. This nonsense is carried on all over the kingdom, and
strictly enforced; but I have never heard any one, man or woman, say
that the “fetish” forbade them to drink wine or spirits.
We lived at Abomey, in the house of the King’s chief diviner, a man of
high rank and consequence, one of the Privy Council, and the King’s
adviser on all great occasions. The King never does anything without the
diviner first consulting the “fetish,” to find out whether it will be
favourable or unfavourable. His house is full of “fetish” of every
description.
I mention these things concerning the religion and superstition of the
country, to show how impossible it will be for the King to give up at
once the “human sacrifices.” He himself says, “Softly, softly; it shall
be done in time, but not yet; my head would be cut off to-morrow if I
stopped it suddenly!”
A few have an idea of a Supreme Being, but still a very imperfect one.
The King knows more of these important truths than any of his subjects,
and we shall see the good effects of this knowledge by-and-by.
I will now enter upon a description of the country and its resources,
its capabilities for legitimate trade, its present means of subsisting
an hostile force, as well as of resisting an attack, the number and
description of its soldiers, the dangers that would attend the landing
of a force for the occupation of Whydah, and the difficulties to be
encountered in retaining it when once in our possession.
_Description of the country and its resources, &c._—The distance from
Whydah to Abomey is sixty-five miles. It is extraordinary what mistakes
former writers have made in giving the distance from Whydah to Abomey.
Mr. Norris, in 1774, states it to be 150 miles; others more or less,
according to exaggerated reports, or their own imagination.
Whydah is three miles from the sea. From the beach to Whydah the country
is flat, and three pieces of water have to be passed over; the first is
a lagoon that extends eastward to Lagos, with the exception of a portion
of the mainland, three miles broad, and westward to Aghwey and Little
Popoe. This lagoon is navigable for canoes all the year round.
The second and third pieces of water are through marshy ground, roads
being cut through them, about ten feet wide, for the purposes of
traffic, &c. These are almost impassable in the rainy season, and in the
dry season contain about two feet of water, black and muddy, with a very
bad smell.
In 1851 I caught the fever badly from passing through this very swamp.
Whydah is a large straggling place, containing some decent houses. There
are three forts or factories, English, French, and Portuguese. The
French is in excellent repair, and does great credit to the French
gentleman who carries on his business there. The Portuguese is at
present inhabited by missionaries of that nation, and the English fort
is the residence of the Wesleyan Missionary, the Rev. P. W. Bernasko, a
native of Cape Coast.
No one has any territorial rights in this place. The King of Dahomey
reigns supreme, and could turn any “white man” away if he pleases.
There are a great number of guns, all spiked, 9-pounders and
12-pounders, in and around the English fort, which have been there for
ages. There is a curious history attached to these guns, which I will
relate, as it shows that the English are actually the hereditary friends
of the Dahomian Kings.
During the long period that England acknowledged the Slave Trade as
legitimate, and the stowage of slave-ships was regulated by Act of
Parliament, the fort of Whydah was in a high state of preservation, and
Englishmen were appointed as Governors under the authority of the Crown.
They were always on good terms with the Kings of Dahomey, and in those
days great presents of carriages and horses, &c., were made; some of the
carriages I saw the other day at Abomey in a very ricketty state. They
are kept as “heir-looms” in the capital, and pass round with the King’s
treasures.
These Governors had great power over every one, and communicated
directly with the King, who obtained his supplies entirely from the
fort. We had soldiers then to protect the place, and guns were mounted
in all commanding positions.
A deep ditch surrounded the fort, which remains to this day. Whydah was
a flourishing kingdom early in the last century, when it was conquered
by Dahomey, who committed the most horrible outrages, and the country
was reduced to desolation.
It must have been about the year 1750 that the people of Whydah, tired
of the Dahomian yoke, rose against the King, and, no doubt, they would
have been successful had not the English Governor shut his gates and
turned the guns of the fort upon the rebels.
The Dahomian army came in from Savi, a considerable town in those days,
four miles from Whydah, and the rebels were completely defeated, thanks
to the English guns.
The King was very grateful to the Governor for his assistance on this
occasion, and enlarged his privileges considerably; but at the same time
he said, “This won’t do; these English with their guns are formidable
enemies, they may turn me out some day”: so he spiked all the guns in
the fort before he went away, in which state they are to be seen to this
day.
From henceforth, until a few years ago, the Kings of Dahomey had a
strong friendship for the English, and the King mentioned one man in
particular in the time of his grandfather, Mr. James, who was Governor
of the fort, and his “best friend.”
The population of Whydah is large in comparison to other towns in the
kingdom, with the exception of Abomey; it contains, probably, about
12,000 inhabitants, including the soldiers belonging to the Yavogah and
Prince Chedathon.
I observed a great falling off in this place; twelve years ago it was in
a flourishing condition, with many capital houses and merchants residing
there; now, most of these houses are in ruins, and the trade is small.
It will be well to consider the cause of this decline hereafter.
The great families of “De Souza” are either dead or dispersed; those
that remain are of small importance to what their fathers were.
Stock used to be plentiful and very good; at present it may be obtained,
but not in such abundance; it is also dear to what it was formerly.
Water is plentiful both from the lagoon and by wells, which are to be
found in all large houses: it is very good. Fruit, such as oranges, pine
apples, and bananas, is cheap and abundant.
From Whydah to Abomey the whole country is a flat level, and there are
regular villages which are considered as established “halting places”
for the traveller.
The want of water begins after you leave Whydah. There is a dark deep
swamp about three miles distant, over which (that is, the road through
it) large pieces of timber have been placed so as to form a bridge, the
crossing of which is a dangerous operation. The water is black and
muddy.
The country through which we passed varied much, from open plain to
thick forest. There is no other road than the one by which we travelled.
A great part of the country is well adapted for cultivation, and would
produce cotton, silk, coffee, indigo, sugar, and everything else that
grows in similar climates.
Around the villages the ground is cultivated, and produces Indian corn,
cassada, beans, &c., just sufficient to maintain life. As we approached
Abomey, more extensive tracts of ground were under the hands of the
farmer, chiefly belonging to the King, who has to distribute largely to
all his people.
People have no time for peaceful pursuits: war, war, war is alone
thought of, and the King gives them no rest. Many of the Chiefs complain
of this, and seem heartily tired of it. I am sure they would gladly turn
to a better state of things if they dared. They have no time to
themselves: there is always some “custom” going on, and hence the
country is in a state of desolation, and the population is gradually
decreasing.
There are some noble trees in the jungle through which we passed. One
measured nearly 100 feet round its base, and the stem went up to 70 or
80 feet, without a knot or branch to rob it of its beauty. This was the
“cotton silk tree,” of no use whatever, either in its fruit or timber.
The branches were magnificent, and I counted thirty some 50 or 60 feet
in length, of enormous size, and covering a great extent of ground. As
far as we could see and learn, the trees of this country produce no
timber fit for any purposes of building.
I never saw such a scarcity of the necessaries of life. Cattle, sheep,
and goats are few in number: these are only kept by the King and Chiefs,
who do not seem to understand that their wealth would be increased by
breeding largely and keeping up a good supply. The use of milk is
unknown. Fowls are not plentiful; we paid 2s. each for them.
The Chiefs rarely eat meat, the people never. They live upon “cankey,”
which is made from Indian corn, and mixed with palm oil.
They are ardently fond of spirits—the common rum that is imported by
nearly all traders: it is very strong, and they prefer it to wine or
good brandy.
I was astonished at the scantiness of the population. As we passed
through the villages, nearly everybody turned out to see us.
After we had left, every soldier in the place went on to Abomey to swell
the numbers there. There was not a man to be seen on our return—none but
women and children. There may be other villages out of the direct route
to Abomey, and no doubt there are many, because the kingdom is a large
one; but still the great question of the population of Dahomey has been
unquestionably decided by my visit.
We everywhere expressed astonishment at meeting so few people, which
accounts for the small portion of land under cultivation. There are far
more women than men—I should say three to one, which may be the reason
why the Kings of Dahomey, who are always at war, are obliged to raise
and keep up the Amazons, or “woman soldiers,” to the extent that they
do.
As war is made one of the necessities of the State, a constant drain
upon the male population is required, and it naturally follows that the
supply is never equal to the demand; hence the remarkable circumstance
of nearly “5000” women being found in the Dahomian army.
There is, probably, another reason for thus brutalising the minds and
feelings of the softer sex in this country, which is, that the King may
think it a good stroke of policy to encourage and patronise these
Amazons to the extent that he does, for the purpose of creating a
rivalry amongst the men, which will incite them to prove their courage
and their strength beyond that displayed by the other sex.
The Amazons are everything in this country. The King lives with them and
amongst them; they are only to be found in the Royal palaces. When they
go out to fetch water, which is every day and nearly all day, the one in
the front (for they all follow in single line) has a bell round her neck
much like a sheep-bell in England, which she strikes herself whenever
any person is seen approaching. Immediately the men run away in all
directions, and clear the road by which the Amazons are coming. They
then wait till all have passed. The reason for this is, that if an
accident were to happen to any one of these women, either by her falling
down and breaking the water-jar on her head, or if the water-jar fell
off her head, the unfortunate man who happened to be near at the time
would be immediately seized, and either imprisoned for life, or have his
head taken off, as it would be supposed that he was the cause of the
accident.
No wonder, then, that they get out of the way as quickly as possible. We
were always obliged to follow this custom; women are not expected to
avoid them in this manner. It is one of the most absurd laws that even a
savage nation can pass, because it stops business, and delays everybody
on the road. All day long the sound of this bell is heard, and people
are seen flying away. The Amazons seem to enjoy it, and laughed heartily
when we stepped aside to avoid them.
Whatever may be the object in thus keeping up such a large body of
“women soldiers,” there is no doubt that they are the mainstay of the
kingdom. I put down the number at 5000; besides these there are numerous
women to attend upon them as servants, cooks, &c. We certainly saw 4000
under arms at Abomey, and there are more in other parts of the kingdom
residing in the Royal palaces.
They are far superior to the men in everything—in appearance, in dress,
in figure, in activity, in their performances as soldiers, and in
bravery. Their numbers are kept up by young girls of 13 or 14 years of
age, being attached to each company, who learn their duties from them;
they dance with them, sing with them, and live with them, but they do
not go to war with them until they have arrived at a certain age, and
can handle a musket.
These women seem to be fully aware of the authority they possess, which
is seen in their bold and free manner, as well as by a certain swagger
in their walk. Most of them are young, well-looking, and have not that
ferocity in their expression of countenance which might be expected from
their peculiar vocation; but many have passed that time of life when all
passions have ceased to animate, and make their mode of life at least
worth retaining.
They are supposed to lead a life of chastity, and there is no doubt that
they do so, because it is impossible for them to do anything wrong
without being discovered, and such discovery would lead to certain
death. The King alone has the privilege of selecting any of these women
for his wives, which is rarely the case.
As soldiers in an African kingdom, and engaged solely in African
warfare, they are very formidable enemies. They fully understand the use
of the musket, and load and fire with remarkable rapidity. Their
activity is surprising; they would run with some of our best performers
in England. The “Captains” carry the skulls of their enemies in their
girdles, and an occasional jaw is also seen.
During the mornings and evenings large parties of these women are sent
to fetch water for the use of the King and his household, a distance of
many miles. It is a very pretty sight to see long strings of women, with
water-jars on their heads, wending their way silently and quietly across
the country to where the wells are; the only sound to be heard is when
the leader rings her bell for the road to be kept clear.
Water at Abomey is the great drawback of the place. There is none in the
town: it all comes from the swamps, three or four miles in the country.
Women are the principal water-carriers, although men are employed also.
At this season of the year it is very scarce and very bad. The process
of getting it is this. An embankment is formed round the large pools,
which are filled from the draining of the marshy ground, very dirty of
course. Around this large holes or wells are cut, into which the water
filtrates from the pool. Smaller holes are again cut next to these, into
which the water percolates, being this time tolerably clear. Into these
small holes the women dip their calabashes, and in process of time the
water-jar is filled: it is a long operation.
This clear water is only, however, for the higher classes, and for those
that can afford to purchase it. The poor people drink from the muddy
pool, and are thankful for what they get.
The ground is not favourable for boring, being a mixture of iron-stone,
granite, and sand. It sounds hollow as you walk over it.
We visited all the wells, and it is certainly surprising how such a
large population can live upon such a limited supply of water.
The “men soldiers” are more numerous than the “Amazons,” and are armed
in the same way. They are also very active and expert with their
weapons. I should say that the King could not bring into the field more
than 6000 fighting men. This number, with the “Amazons,” will amount to
10,000 altogether. I am quite certain that this is the full extent of
his power.
All these are armed with a musket and short sword, and against their own
countrymen would be formidable. Their fighting is not like ours, but a
system of strategy, cunning, and surprise; their object being to arrive
at the intended point without being heard or seen. Should they succeed,
so much the better for themselves; if not, they fight for an hour or two
in a desultory sort of manner, without order and without discipline;
after which, if they cannot carry their point, the whole army runs away,
and makes the best of its way back to the capital.
It is in the pursuit, as well as in the capture of a place, that the
great sacrifice of life is made. Heads are chopped off without mercy,
and brought in to show the prowess of the captors. It was in the pursuit
of the Dahomian army by the Abbeokutans in 1851 that the Amazons were so
dreadfully cut up. We were told at Abomey that they lost thousands. Many
die also from hunger and exposure, and it is in consequence of these
continual wars that the population of Dahomey is decreasing every year.
The population of Abomey varies very much according as the King is
residing there or not. It is a very large and straggling place, nearly
surrounded by a deep ditch, with gates in different parts. This ditch is
now filled up with trees and bushes, and must have cost much time and
labour to make. Abomey is probably seven miles round, but it must not be
inferred from this that the inhabitants are in proportion. I should say
20,000 is the maximum. The want of population is seen everywhere. If a
census were taken of all the Dahomian territory, 180,000 would, I am
confident, take in every man, woman, and child. Even this number seems
to me, on reconsideration, to be too much. Women and children form
three-fourths of the whole.
Large tracts are passed through without a living creature being seen. If
the forests were cleared, the brushwood cut down, and the inhabitants
were allowed to make use of their time in peaceful pursuits, there is no
doubt that the country would produce everything that is valuable. It
would support a population of many millions, providing some means were
found of obtaining water, which might be done by Artesian wells.
There are no regular roads, but merely a footpath all the way, which,
for many miles in some places, passes through a dense forest, while at
others it is across an open plain, with long grass, bushes, and weeds on
either side.
The chiefs and head men ride upon small ponies, which originally came
from Abbeokuta. These perform the journey from Whydah to Abomey, and
there is no reason why larger animals should not do the same, as the
road is good, with the exception of the swamps and water which have to
be crossed. There is a swamp with a very bad road through it, nine miles
long, about eighteen miles from Abomey, which is impassable during the
rainy season. Even the natives have great difficulty in finding their
way. It was dry when we walked across, and therefore in its best
condition, but we were very glad to get to the end of it. It is full of
deep ruts and holes, and very narrow. The bottom is of a dark clayish
character, and very slippery when the least wet.
From Cannah to Abomey, a distance of eight miles, the road is broad
enough for a dozen carriages to drive abreast, and in Abomey, and around
it, horses might be galloped in all directions.
The country at this time of the year, namely, from the middle of
November to the end of April, is remarkably healthy, at least we found
it so; for a period of fifty-one days we never had an hour’s sickness.
It is much cooler on shore at this season than at sea, although the
temperature is high; still the atmosphere is not oppressive, and during
the harmattan winds it is positively cold: we experienced this on two
occasions, the water becoming in one night almost too cold to drink. It
affects the natives very much, drying up their skin and lips, and
preventing them from washing, as they cannot stand the change. We, of
course, enjoyed it.
The natives are lightly clothed, and are very active on their legs. One
of the principal Chiefs at Abomey told me that he suffered very much
from being obliged to find his way through the bush when he last went to
Abbeokuta.
[Footnote 282: Mr. Bernasko has since denied that women are killed in
the palace, or elsewhere.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 283: Query, Has taken a compound name?—EDS. No; the former is
the King, the latter the Bush-king.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 284: By no means.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 285: See Appendix IV.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 286: What an assertion!—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 287: Query, Wheelbarrow?—EDS. Yes.—R. F. B.]
APPENDIX IV.
* * * * *
CATALOGUE OF THE DAHOMAN KINGS,
WITH
THE DATES OF THEIR VARIOUS EXPLOITS, THEIR “STRONG NAMES,”
AND THE EVENTS OF THEIR REIGNS.
+--------+-----------------------+-----------+-----------------------+
|_Order._| _Names._ | _Date of | _Various Exploits, |
| | |Accession._| etc._ |
+--------+-----------------------+-----------+-----------------------+
| 1. |His Nyí, or “natural | 1625. |His princely origin at |
| |name,” known to all the| |Allada, and his |
| |people, is Dako: also | |migration north, are |
| |called Do-nun, “Know- | |told at length in |
| |thing” (which nobody | |Chapter V.; his |
| |else knows). Hence the | |conquest of Adan-we, in|
| |“Tacoodonou” of the | |Chapter X.; his |
| |History. Like the | |building the palaces of|
| |modern kings, he took | |“Adan-we” and “Danh’s |
| |(jije) a Nyí Siyensiyen| |Belly” (whence the |
| |or “strong name,” or | |corrupted name |
| |title, after every new | |“Dahome”), in Chapter |
| |exploit, and for this | |V. |
| |object killed one of | | |
| |his mothers-in-law, | |He also conquered |
| |because she asked for | |Pakhi, a little |
| |some European cloth | |district between Adan- |
| |which had been promised| |we and Kana and Addéin,|
| |to her. His principal | |on the left hand coming|
| |titles, recited to the | |from the latter place |
| |gong-gong, are: 1. As | |to Agbome. He enthroned|
| |he is king, he will lay| |himself at Agbome about|
| |low all who do not bow | |1625, and probably was |
| |to his sceptre. 2. A | |born the beginning of |
| |fetish charm that | |the seventeenth |
| |nothing can harm. 3. | |century. His cousin, |
| |Flint-striker is not | |Sawalu, offended by not|
| |kept in sheath. 4. He | |having an important |
| |kills a person that the| |post, fled to the |
| |dyeing-pots may be | |Makhi, or northern |
| |upset. There are many | |hillmen; but was |
| |others, equally | |defeated by Dako. The |
| |fanciful and | |heralds place the |
| |unintelligible. | |founder of the dynasty |
| | | |second in order on |
| | | |their list, as he was a|
| | | |captain, not a king, |
| | | |and they speak of him |
| | | |as the “Palm-tree |
| | | |planter.” He died, |
| | | |after a reign of 25 |
| | | |years, at the Adan-we |
| | | |Palace; which, |
| | | |according to some, was |
| | | |given to him by its |
| | | |king, Awesu. |
| | | | |
| 2. |His natural name is | 1650. |Aho was son of Dako; |
| |“Aho,” which has no | |but after sinning the |
| |signification. The | |sin of Absalom, he fled|
| |History calls him | |to the bush, and lived |
| |Adahoonzou, which (as | |long with the hunters |
| |Adán-hun-zo) means, | |in the plantation |
| |Brave soldier has fire | |villages. At his |
| |or heat. This is | |father’s death he |
| |probably some princely | |returned to Agbome, |
| |or trivial title, for | |slew the King Agri, and|
| |the gong- gong begins | |built over him the |
| |thus:—“Aho- ho-o-o | |Palace of Agri-go-men |
| |Demanakpo (he must kill| |(Chapter X). He |
| |all nations), | |conquered a number of |
| |Ahwandogozo Matonya | |small places, for which|
| |(ready to meet any | |reason his name is |
| |enemy unawares), Edo | |placed by the heralds |
| |addanun nyanbara ’o” | |at the head of the |
| |(when he swears against| |dynastic list, before |
| |the foe the foe is | |that of his father. |
| |afraid), &c., &c. His | |After reigning 30 |
| |strong names are: 1. He| |years, he died in the |
| |will break the walls of| |Agbome Palace, and his |
| |the surrounding peoples| |spirit is “watered” at |
| |to hold Dahome. 2. If | |“Aho’s Gate,” opposite |
| |the nations have any | |the open space called |
| |tricks, they must not | |Patin-sa. |
| |come near him, nor go | | |
| |to any place; but they | | |
| |must take him out. | | |
| | | | |
| 3. |Natural name Akaba | 1680. |Akaba was the brother |
| |(_i.e._, A ‘Kábá, “Oh, | |of Aho, and wrested the|
| |tall, strong man!”). He| |kingdom from his nephew|
| |is also known as Hwes’ | |Abosasa, who flying to |
| |Akabá whence probably | |the Oyos of the north, |
| |the History’s name, | |stirred up a useless |
| |“Weebai-gah.” His | |war. He was a great |
| |strong names are: 1. He| |conqueror; but the |
| |flung a cutlass, and | |names of few of his |
| |the owner of the | |conquests have come |
| |country resigned to him| |down to us, the |
| |his lands (alluding to | |principal being Jegbe, |
| |his throwing a sword at| |or Jigbe, in “Weme,” |
| |Yag- haze, the | |near the Nohwe Lagoon, |
| |conquered King of | |the “Denham Waters” of |
| |Weme). 2. A big club, | |our charts. |
| |as he is, he will break| | |
| |down all the | |According to others, |
| |surrounding thorns. 3. | |Weme, the Weemy of the |
| |He was not before | |History, is near Grand |
| |death, or he would not | |Popo. Some, again, make|
| |have allowed it. | |it part of “Porto |
| | | |Novo.” It has long ago |
| | | |been “broken”; but a |
| | | |few people, it is said,|
| | | |still linger there. |
| | | | |
| | | |Akaba, the last of the |
| | | |pre-historic kings, |
| | | |reigned about 28 years.|
| | | |After his death “it was|
| | | |that, by the assistance|
| | | |of writing, each |
| | | |transient fact was |
| | | |fixed, and scattered |
| | | |information collected |
| | | |into a body; it was |
| | | |then that tradition |
| | | |gave place to record, |
| | | |and legend to history.”|
| | | | |
| 4. |Natural name Agaja, | 1708. |This warrior and |
| |which is part of a | |conqueror, who may be |
| |sentence, meaning, “A | |called Agaja the Great,|
| |branching tree (_i.e._,| |is said also to have |
| |one that meets you in | |usurped the throne. He |
| |all directions) must be| |began by subduing |
| |lopped before it is | |countries to the north-|
| |thrown into the fire.” | |west of Dahome, |
| |The History calls him | |especially Didouma and |
| |“Guadja Trudo”: the | |Povey, names now |
| |latter word is a | |unknown. Being refused,|
| |“strong name,” | |by Allada and Whydah a |
| |signifying “dashing” | |passage to the coast, |
| |(_i.e._, throwing large| |he captured the former |
| |presents to people). | |and slew the king, in |
| |Mr. Bulfinch Lambe’s | |1724. He carried to |
| |surname, Trudo | |Agbome Mr. Bulfinch |
| |“_Audati_” is quite | |Lambe, whose letter |
| |unknown to the heralds.| |from his palace bears |
| |Commander Forbes | |date November 27 of |
| |writes, with usual | |that year. He then |
| |cacography, Agah-jah- | |received the submission|
| |dooso. The latter word | |and tribute of “Jaquin”|
| |is “Dosu,” a name | |(Jackin, or Jakin,) a |
| |universally given in | |little maritime |
| |Dahome to a boy born | |country, west of |
| |after twins. The fourth| |Whydah. He defeated, by|
| |king’s principal strong| |stratagem, an army of |
| |name is: 1. “Dosu asks | |Oyos, and appeased |
| |to see, and then takes | |their king by many |
| |by force from the | |presents. In February- |
| |owner.” He is the first| |March, 1727, he took |
| |king whose mother’s | |Savi, capital of Whydah|
| |name—Addono—is known, | |(Chapter V.) with |
| |and who claims funereal| |terrible bloodshed, and|
| |rites and sacrifices. | |sacrificed 4000 |
| | | |prisoners. He carried |
| | | |up to Allada forty |
| | | |white men, whom he |
| | | |treated civilly; and in|
| | | |April, 1727, he was |
| | | |visited by Capt. |
| | | |Snelgrave (Catherine |
| | | |galley), who published |
| | | |his observations (“A |
| | | |Full Account of Some |
| | | |Parts of Guinea, and of|
| | | |the Slave Trade,” 8vo),|
| | | |describing the king as |
| | | |“the most extraordinary|
| | | |man of his colour that |
| | | |he had ever conversed |
| | | |with.” |
| | | | |
| | | |After this Agaja turned|
| | | |his attention to the |
| | | |“Tuffoes” (Toffos), who|
| | | |had insulted him, |
| | | |conquered them with |
| | | |3000 regulars, and |
| | | |sacrificed 400 |
| | | |prisoners, much as is |
| | | |done now. In 1728, the |
| | | |Whydahs, under a |
| | | |captain called “Ossue” |
| | | |(Fosu?) attempted a |
| | | |return to their |
| | | |country, and were |
| | | |protected by Governor |
| | | |Wilson, of the English |
| | | |fort. The perfidy of |
| | | |the French Governor |
| | | |caused his fort to be |
| | | |blown up, and |
| | | |subsequently his death.|
| | | |The Whydahs brought |
| | | |down another army of |
| | | |Oyos, which, after |
| | | |doing great damage, |
| | | |departed. About August,|
| | | |1729, the Whydahs, |
| | | |under their king, |
| | | |returned to their old |
| | | |settlement, and were |
| | | |protected by the forts.|
| | | |Agaja, having few men, |
| | | |raised the first |
| | | |Amazons (Chapter XV.), |
| | | |beat Ossue, and drove |
| | | |the king into the |
| | | |English fort. Agaja |
| | | |caused Mr. Testesole, |
| | | |the English Governor, |
| | | |who had grossly |
| | | |insulted him, to be |
| | | |barbarously murdered. |
| | | | |
| | | |Having married one of |
| | | |the daughters of the |
| | | |king of Oyo, Agaja |
| | | |signally defeated the |
| | | |Makhis, who had aided |
| | | |his late enemies. The |
| | | |small coast countries, |
| | | |Weme, Jakin, and Akpa |
| | | |(Appah), were driven by|
| | | |fear to revolt, and |
| | | |were supported by the |
| | | |Dutch Governor, Mynheer|
| | | |Hertog. In March 22, |
| | | |1731-2, an able Dahoman|
| | | |general, with 15,000 |
| | | |men, made the second |
| | | |conquest of Jakin, |
| | | |which he surprised: the|
| | | |king and M. Hertog |
| | | |escaping with |
| | | |difficulty to Akpa. He |
| | | |rifled the European |
| | | |factories, and ordered |
| | | |the offending white men|
| | | |to march on foot to |
| | | |Allada, where, however,|
| | | |he treated them kindly.|
| | | | |
| | | |Agaja the Conqueror was|
| | | |a Scourge of God: the |
| | | |chief object of his |
| | | |wars was conquest, not |
| | | |consolidation; skulls, |
| | | |not men; extermination,|
| | | |not accretion; and this|
| | | |fatal policy he |
| | | |bequeathed to Dahome. |
| | | |After a reign of 19 |
| | | |years, he died in 1727,|
| | | |aged 45. |
| | | | |
| 5. |The natural name of the| 1727. |Tegbwesun succeeded his|
| |second historic king is| |father, to the |
| |Tegbwesun, which | |prejudice of his eldest|
| |belongs to the | |brother, Zingah, whom |
| |mysteries of the Bo- | |he threw into the sea, |
| |Fetish, and, as often | |it not being lawful to |
| |happens, begins a | |shed royal blood. After|
| |phrase: Tegbwesun Au, | |seeing his enormous |
| |or avo, (cloth), agbo | |cruelties, the Meu, or |
| |(the wild bull), ko | |second minister, |
| |(neck), kron- kron-gro | |rebelled in 1735, but |
| |(no one can take it | |was crushed and slain |
| |off). The History, | |by the Gau, or |
| |followed by modern | |Commander-in-chief, and|
| |popular writers, calls | |the rebel’s younger |
| |him “Bossa Ahadi,” an | |brother was appointed |
| |appellation now | |in his stead. The Oyos |
| |completely unknown to | |attacked him in 1738, |
| |the heralds. His strong| |and invested Agbome. |
| |names are: 1. He is | |Tegbwesun fled twenty- |
| |like the hoe handle, he| |five miles to Zaffa (a |
| |will break the legs of | |name now unknown), and |
| |all nations. 2. The | |met Mr. Gregory of the |
| |truth of another man’s | |British fort, Whydah, |
| |wife is not doubted. A | |who accompanied him to |
| |thing in his hand shall| |a hiding-place. The |
| |never be taken by any | |Gau, hearing that his |
| |other person. The | |master was in safety, |
| |mother of this king was| |evacuated Agbome, |
| |named Chai. | |which, as well as Kana,|
| | | |was plundered and |
| | | |burnt. The Oyos |
| | | |returned, and their |
| | | |general was disgraced |
| | | |for not capturing the |
| | | |enemy’s king. They |
| | | |plundered Dahome every |
| | | |year till 1747, when |
| | | |the King agreed to pay |
| | | |them, in November, at |
| | | |Kana, an annual |
| | | |tribute, which lasted |
| | | |till the days of Gezo. |
| | | |In 1750, King Akwasi, |
| | | |of Komasi, crossed the |
| | | |Volta to punish Dahome,|
| | | |and was defeated. |
| | | |Tegbwesun began a war |
| | | |of conquest against the|
| | | |Makhis in 1737: in 1752|
| | | |his general took the |
| | | |stronghold called |
| | | |Boagry (Bowule?), with |
| | | |great bloodshed, but |
| | | |the war continued, the |
| | | |King being also engaged|
| | | |with the old Whydahs |
| | | |and Popos. In 1764 he |
| | | |again attacked the |
| | | |Boagry mountain, and |
| | | |sent the Meu to |
| | | |supersede the Gau, who |
| | | |at once fled to the |
| | | |Makhis. The Meu was |
| | | |defeated; Jupera, the |
| | | |King’s favourite son, |
| | | |died; and Tegbwesun |
| | | |made peace with the |
| | | |enemy in 1772. |
| | | | |
| | | |The Whydahs ever strove|
| | | |to return to their own,|
| | | |and still crowned their|
| | | |kings at the old |
| | | |capital, Savi (Chapter |
| | | |V.) In 1774 Tegbwesun |
| | | |supported a younger |
| | | |brother of the exiled |
| | | |royal family, who |
| | | |murdered the rightful |
| | | |heir, and devoured his |
| | | |heart, afterwards dying|
| | | |miserably of leprosy. |
| | | |Five or six hundred |
| | | |Whydahs had settled |
| | | |under the protection of|
| | | |Sr. João Bassile, of |
| | | |the Portuguese fort. |
| | | |This gentleman was |
| | | |invited to Agbome, and |
| | | |arrested on the road by|
| | | |the Gau, whose army, |
| | | |marching to exterminate|
| | | |the Whydahs, encamped |
| | | |on “Gonnegee” (Agonji, |
| | | |Chapter III.), to cut |
| | | |off their retreat. The |
| | | |Gau extorted money from|
| | | |Sr. Bassile, till a |
| | | |negro servant in charge|
| | | |of the fort told him |
| | | |that he was being |
| | | |deceived, and warned |
| | | |the Whydahs to defend |
| | | |themselves to the last.|
| | | |The Gau attacked the |
| | | |Portuguese fort, |
| | | |November 1, 1741, |
| | | |entered it after great |
| | | |loss, and put all to |
| | | |the sword. The |
| | | |Governor’s servant blew|
| | | |himself up, and his |
| | | |second in command was |
| | | |roasted over a slow |
| | | |fire at Kana. Tegbwesun|
| | | |set Sr. Bassile at |
| | | |liberty, rebuilt the |
| | | |fort, and disavowed the|
| | | |acts of his general. |
| | | | |
| | | |The treachery of a |
| | | |woman led the Dahomans |
| | | |to Jakin, whose people |
| | | |they extirpated. In |
| | | |1777, Sin-men-kpen |
| | | |(Adahoonzou II.) re- |
| | | |established a few |
| | | |families there. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1743, the Whydahs |
| | | |and Popos attacked |
| | | |Whydah with a large |
| | | |host. The Gau was |
| | | |engaged with the Oyos |
| | | |and Makis: the post, |
| | | |however, was valiantly |
| | | |defended by the Kakawo |
| | | |(Caukaow), or local |
| | | |general, by the Yevogan|
| | | |or Viceroy—these two |
| | | |were slain—and by the |
| | | |Savi caboceers. The |
| | | |victorious Whydahs |
| | | |invested and starved |
| | | |the forts, when the |
| | | |King, recalling the |
| | | |Gau, sent him with |
| | | |50,000 men, and easily |
| | | |drove out the enemy. |
| | | | |
| | | |Tegbwesun appointed, as|
| | | |Yevogan of Whydah, a |
| | | |wealthy eunuch named |
| | | |Tanga. This man, |
| | | |resolving to be King, |
| | | |attempted, in August, |
| | | |1745, to seize |
| | | |William’s Fort. Mr. |
| | | |Gregory, however, |
| | | |resisted, and the rebel|
| | | |fortified his own |
| | | |house. Warned by his |
| | | |priests that his safety|
| | | |depended upon reaching |
| | | |the English fort, he |
| | | |collected his men, and |
| | | |all his hundreds of |
| | | |wives, to whom he had |
| | | |been “not the rigid |
| | | |jailor, nor the |
| | | |tyrannic usurper of |
| | | |their affections, but |
| | | |the generous arbiter of|
| | | |their liveliest |
| | | |pleasures,” cut one |
| | | |another’s throats. The |
| | | |house then was set on |
| | | |fire: Tanga sallied |
| | | |out, and was at once |
| | | |shot. |
| | | | |
| | | |Shampo, a brother-in- |
| | | |law of Tegbwesun, |
| | | |became the object of |
| | | |his King’s jealousy, |
| | | |and warned by his |
| | | |sister (who sent a |
| | | |knife and noosed cord |
| | | |concealed in victuals),|
| | | |he fled to Popo, and |
| | | |commanded their army |
| | | |till his death, in |
| | | |1767. The old Gau, who |
| | | |had long and faithfully|
| | | |served the King, was |
| | | |disgraced under the |
| | | |suspicion that he |
| | | |meditated desertion to |
| | | |the Makhis, and was |
| | | |cruelly killed- half |
| | | |beheaded and then |
| | | |strangled. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1753, Tegbwesun sent|
| | | |another army to reduce |
| | | |the Whydahs and Popos. |
| | | |Shampo drew them on, |
| | | |and, entrapping them in|
| | | |the lagoons, slew all, |
| | | |at a place called |
| | | |Griji, but twenty-four,|
| | | |whom he sent as |
| | | |messengers to the King.|
| | | |Tegbwesun put the |
| | | |survivors to death, |
| | | |with a message to their|
| | | |comrades that he much |
| | | |disapproved of their |
| | | |conduct in war. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1762, M. Caillié, |
| | | |the French Governor, |
| | | |Whydah, was charged |
| | | |with selling contraband|
| | | |of war to the enemies |
| | | |of Dahome, and was |
| | | |expelled the kingdom. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1763, the Popos and |
| | | |Whydahs, under Affurey |
| | | |(Fori), son of Shampo, |
| | | |again attacked Whydah |
| | | |(see Chapter IV.) They |
| | | |were defeated by the |
| | | |energy of Mr. Goodson, |
| | | |who, under the name of |
| | | |“Ajangan,” is |
| | | |remembered by the royal|
| | | |family of Dahome to |
| | | |this day. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1772, Mr. Robert |
| | | |Norris, Governor of |
| | | |William’s Fort, Whydah,|
| | | |visited the King at |
| | | |Agbome, and, like Mr. |
| | | |Archibald Dalzel, in |
| | | |1766, he was hospitably|
| | | |received. The published|
| | | |account is very |
| | | |interesting, showing |
| | | |how little changed is |
| | | |the complicated Dahoman|
| | | |ceremony during the |
| | | |last century. |
| | | | |
| | | |Tegbwesun died, 70 |
| | | |years old, on May 17, |
| | | |1774, after a long |
| | | |reign of 47 years. He |
| | | |was the terror of his |
| | | |subjects, but a friend |
| | | |to white men. His |
| | | |palace still exists |
| | | |(Chapter XVIII.) in a |
| | | |place outside Agbome, |
| | | |known as Adan- do-kpo- |
| | | |ji Daho. |
| | | | |
| 6. |The natural names are | 1774. |Sin-men-kpen at once |
| |two: Sinmenkpen, the | |determined to support |
| |rock in the water—Sín | |Eyee, “the monkey,” a |
| |(water), men (in), and | |Whydah chief, who was |
| |kpen (a stone)—and | |contending for the |
| |Kpengăla, from Kpen, a | |government against |
| |rock, and gălá, strong | |Abavou (Agbaba’vun), or|
| |or brave. His strong | |the Swampdog, the son |
| |names are: 1. He is not| |of the prince who ate |
| |to give in to anybody, | |his brother’s heart. |
| |as the sellers do to | |“Abavou,” after a stout|
| |the buyers. 2. The | |defence, delivered |
| |seller of hoes never | |himself to Dahome as a |
| |puts some into the | |peace-offering for his |
| |buyers. | |men, and was duly |
| | | |beheaded, his calvaria |
| |The History calls him | |being mummified and |
| |Adahoonzou II. It is | |preserved with all |
| |clear, however, from p.| |honour. |
| |133, that Adan-hun-zo | | |
| |was the princely, and | |Upon this, the King, at|
| |not the royal name. It | |the instigation of the |
| |mentions two of his | |Meu, the “Cokee” and |
| |“titles”: 1, Ai-yaw- | |the “Tovey” (the latter|
| |soo, or the male | |two names and offices |
| |oyster, probably from | |now unknown), disgraced|
| |being hard to crack | |his Yevogan, slapped |
| |(this is some old | |his face, and sent him |
| |Whydah word, which in | |to a state prison, |
| |modern Ffon would be | |whence he never |
| |Adankpwen ’su); and, 2,| |emerged. Mr. Lionel |
| |Yee ma sa hoo beate | |Abson, the English |
| |cofru gloh, “an | |Governor, tried to save|
| |elephant cannot shelter| |him, but unfortunately |
| |himself under the | |used finesse. The King |
| |swish-baskets” (in a | |heard of it, and told |
| |dialect which I am | |his visitor, “I wish |
| |unable to determine). | |you had not been so |
| | | |much of a Dahoman-man |
| |The name of this King’s| |as to have made use of |
| |mother is Hunájile. | |any artifice.” |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1775, the King |
| | | |attacked the |
| | | |“Sarrachees” (Siráchí, |
| | | |a Nago or Aku tribe, |
| | | |mixed with the Makhi), |
| | | |who seized his So-gan, |
| | | |or Captain of Horse |
| | | |commanding the rear. |
| | | |This brave man, when |
| | | |pressed to return, |
| | | |refused, sent a message|
| | | |to thank the King, and |
| | | |fell upon his sword. |
| | | |The Sarrachees defeated|
| | | |the Gau, when the |
| | | |command was given to |
| | | |the Po-su, or second |
| | | |general, who was beaten|
| | | |and killed. In 1777, |
| | | |the King sent a large |
| | | |army, under the Gau, |
| | | |who conquered the |
| | | |enemy, and barbarously |
| | | |ravaged the country. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1778, the King of |
| | | |Allada agreed to attack|
| | | |Appee (Appi Vista) by |
| | | |water, and Dahome to |
| | | |assault by land. The |
| | | |latter had four |
| | | |divisions, led by the |
| | | |Gau, the Po-su, the |
| | | |“Zoheinoo” (Zokenu, the|
| | | |Amazon deputy Mingan, |
| | | |or grand |
| | | |executioneress) and the|
| | | |“Phussupoh” (Fosupo, |
| | | |now the Amazon deputy |
| | | |Meu, but in the days of|
| | | |the History a man |
| | | |officer). Hooroo, an |
| | | |Apee chief, with 800 |
| | | |men, attacked them in |
| | | |the swamp, killed in |
| | | |single combat a Dahoman|
| | | |Captain, Allopwee, and |
| | | |fought till he and his |
| | | |party fell to a man. |
| | | |The victors took 500 |
| | | |male adults, besides |
| | | |women, children, and |
| | | |much booty. The Apees |
| | | |left their King at |
| | | |“Weme,” which was |
| | | |friendly with Oyo, |
| | | |attacked the Alladas, |
| | | |forcing their way |
| | | |through them, and fell |
| | | |upon the Dahoman rear. |
| | | |All the Apees were |
| | | |slain at the next |
| | | |year’s Customs, and |
| | | |five women were |
| | | |barbarously murdered |
| | | |for endeavouring to |
| | | |escape. The King stood |
| | | |over the executioners, |
| | | |who were the women of |
| | | |his palace, instructing|
| | | |them, “not that |
| | | |way—hold your cutlass |
| | | |thus—give it me—’tis so|
| | | |(moen dé, a favourite |
| | | |phrase)—imagine you are|
| | | |chopping wood!” &c. |
| | | | |
| | | |The King then gave each|
| | | |caboceer a string, |
| | | |measuring ten yards, |
| | | |the intended width of |
| | | |road from his capital |
| | | |to the beach. He cut |
| | | |through the Agrime |
| | | |swamp, filled up |
| | | |gullies, and widened |
| | | |the hurdle bridges. |
| | | |Traces of this |
| | | |enlightened labour |
| | | |remain to the present |
| | | |day; Commander Forbes |
| | | |has called this King |
| | | |the Macadam of Africa. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1781, after the |
| | | |death of the wealthy |
| | | |old Meu, the Oyos |
| | | |demanded, as tribute, |
| | | |100 of his women. Sin- |
| | | |men-kpen sent his |
| | | |Kakawo to collect them |
| | | |in the Agunah country, |
| | | |and this officer being |
| | | |slain, he marched in |
| | | |person at the head of |
| | | |800 women. The people |
| | | |fled to Sirachi, but |
| | | |their caves were smoked|
| | | |by fires strewed with |
| | | |pepper, till the two |
| | | |Kings and 1800 subjects|
| | | |surrendered. He of |
| | | |Agunah died on the |
| | | |march. “Sirachi” was |
| | | |thrown from the |
| | | |platform in the normal |
| | | |basket, “tied like a |
| | | |hog.” The year 1782 |
| | | |concluded with a famine|
| | | |and great mortality. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1783, after a little|
| | | |raid of the Dahomans |
| | | |upon the Badagry beach,|
| | | |Sin-men-kpen sent his |
| | | |Gau, who fell into an |
| | | |ambuscade, and escaped |
| | | |with difficulty, losing|
| | | |the Po-su. The Alladas |
| | | |acted treacherously, |
| | | |and one of the rival |
| | | |chiefs of Badagry, Onum|
| | | |(“son of Prince Davee”)|
| | | |(the other, Ginguem, |
| | | |having been banished by|
| | | |his subjects to Bahia),|
| | | |sent, through the |
| | | |Governor of William’s |
| | | |Fort, Whydah, a long |
| | | |letter to the King, |
| | | |accusing his allies. |
| | | |Sin-men-kpen replied, |
| | | |“My name is Deddi ma |
| | | |tronu” (“Déddé” is |
| | | |slowly; the other words|
| | | |are not intelligible), |
| | | |meaning, “I am easy in |
| | | |my pace, but always in |
| | | |pursuit; let Ardrah |
| | | |take care of his own |
| | | |country.” |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1784, the King, |
| | | |joined by Makhis and |
| | | |Nagos, with guides from|
| | | |Oyo, to which country |
| | | |he promised to send his|
| | | |prisoners, and |
| | | |reinforced by an |
| | | |alliance with the chief|
| | | |of Lagos, attacked |
| | | |Badagry. Prince Davee |
| | | |and his generals, the |
| | | |Oclah and the Po-su, |
| | | |sallied out: the two |
| | | |former were killed, the|
| | | |latter was wounded, and|
| | | |5000 heads were sold by|
| | | |the Dahoman troops to |
| | | |their King. The Fosupo |
| | | |and Po-su of Dahome |
| | | |went in quest of the |
| | | |enemy’s women, who had |
| | | |fled towards Lagos, and|
| | | |the Alladas duped the |
| | | |victors by plundering |
| | | |the place. The Oyos, |
| | | |also, had a plan of |
| | | |carrying off the |
| | | |Dahomans and their |
| | | |spoil, but they were |
| | | |baffled. The Fosupo, |
| | | |having failed to take |
| | | |the Badagrian women, |
| | | |wiped out the disgrace |
| | | |by applying a loaded |
| | | |pistol to his mouth. |
| | | |The Customs of 1785 |
| | | |were very grand, and as|
| | | |127 skulls were wanted |
| | | |to complete the |
| | | |decoration of the |
| | | |palace wall, as many |
| | | |people were killed in |
| | | |cold blood. |
| | | | |
| | | |In May, 1786, Weme, |
| | | |which had offended Oyo,|
| | | |was attacked by Dahome,|
| | | |and by 100 Makhi |
| | | |caboceers, with their |
| | | |trains: it was utterly |
| | | |destroyed. |
| | | | |
| | | |By the King’s order, |
| | | |the “Coki,” or second |
| | | |caboceer of Whydah (a |
| | | |name now unknown), and |
| | | |the Kakawo, with 300 |
| | | |soldiers, kidnapped |
| | | |from the “Porto Novo” |
| | | |beach fourteen |
| | | |Frenchmen, one |
| | | |Portuguese, and eighty |
| | | |Gold Coast canoemen. |
| | | |They were ransomed by |
| | | |M. Gourg, Governor of |
| | | |the French fort, |
| | | |Whydah, for £4,600. The|
| | | |King of Allada |
| | | |complained of this |
| | | |outrage to him of Oyo, |
| | | |and the latter sent to |
| | | |Sin-men-kpen, that |
| | | |“Ardrah was Oyo’s |
| | | |calabash, out of which |
| | | |nobody should be |
| | | |permitted to eat but |
| | | |himself.” The Dahomans |
| | | |were greatly alarmed, |
| | | |but presently they |
| | | |attacked the old |
| | | |Whydahs, and carried |
| | | |off a few baskets of |
| | | |salt. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1788, the King |
| | | |attacked “Croo-too- |
| | | |hoon-too” (supposed to |
| | | |be near Toffo and the |
| | | |Aizoh people, Chapter |
| | | |XXIV.), but the Gau and|
| | | |the Po-su were |
| | | |repulsed. The victors |
| | | |sent five caboceers to |
| | | |beg pardon, and to |
| | | |offer a tribute, which |
| | | |was accepted. The Gau, |
| | | |however, secretly |
| | | |followed them home, and|
| | | |put all the people to |
| | | |the sword. |
| | | | |
| | | |Shortly after this, |
| | | |Agbome and Kana were |
| | | |visited by an |
| | | |earthquake, which shook|
| | | |down part of the palace|
| | | |walls, and extended to |
| | | |Agunah and other |
| | | |places. The King |
| | | |applied for an |
| | | |explanation to the |
| | | |Europeans, who improved|
| | | |to little purpose the |
| | | |occasion, by preaching |
| | | |him. After this we do |
| | | |not hear of an |
| | | |earthquake visiting |
| | | |Agbome till July 10, |
| | | |1862, when the shock, |
| | | |so fatal to the eastern|
| | | |Gold Coast, startled |
| | | |the present King |
| | | |(Chapter XIV.) |
| | | | |
| | | |In the next year, Sin- |
| | | |men-kpen marched out |
| | | |with six divisions, |
| | | |feinting at Popo, and |
| | | |falling upon the large |
| | | |town of Katoo (Iketu), |
| | | |he butchered the |
| | | |inhabitants, and |
| | | |carried off 2000 |
| | | |slaves. |
| | | | |
| | | |The sixth King died of |
| | | |small-pox, April 17, |
| | | |1789, after a warlike |
| | | |reign of 15 years. I |
| | | |have alluded to “Lize- |
| | | |hun-zo House,” his |
| | | |palace, in Chapter |
| | | |XVIII. The History |
| | | |mentions one called |
| | | |Gree ma zon baw (Gree, |
| | | |field; má, not; zon, |
| | | |send; ’gbo, goat)—You |
| | | |do not give a goat a |
| | | |plantation to sow corn |
| | | |in (because he eats it |
| | | |all), or, You do not |
| | | |send a goat to make a |
| | | |plantation. At Sin-men-|
| | | |kpen’s death, 595 women|
| | | |were slaughtered by |
| | | |their companions, |
| | | |according to the common|
| | | |usage of the palace. |
| | | | |
| 7. |The grandfather of the | 1789. |Agongoro, the son of |
| |reigning sovereign | |Sin-men-kpen, had three|
| |bears the “natural | |rivals, two of them his|
| |name” of Agon-goro, | |own uncles, but he soon|
| |pronounced Agongro, or | |won the day. He began |
| |Agonglo: the derivation| |well, reducing the |
| |is Agon, the Palmyra | |intolerable imposts, |
| |tree, which is never | |enlisting his tax |
| |lightning-struck, and | |gatherers, and visiting|
| |whose leaves are | |his Mingan—a mark of |
| |therefore used for | |extreme condescension. |
| |fetish, and Goro, | |Nor was he less pious: |
| |cannot be beaten, | |on his first visit to |
| |_i.e._, by thunder. His| |his sire’s tomb, he was|
| |strong names are: 1. | |accompanied by forty- |
| |Thunder never misses | |eight men, who were |
| |the tree it aims at. 2.| |slain from time to |
| |A hungry man never eats| |time, that he might |
| |earth, but only food; | |“walk in blood all the |
| |so the surrounding | |way from Kana to |
| |people, being his food,| |Agbome, to see his |
| |he will not leave them.| |father.” He determined |
| |3. All nations must sit| |to follow in the path |
| |down, and not attempt | |of Tegbwesun, and to |
| |to attack Dahome. | |repress the seraglio |
| | | |disorders, which had |
| |The History calls him | |disgraced the last |
| |“Wheenoohew” (Weenohoo,| |reign; and finally he |
| |according to Commander | |“cautioned all to avoid|
| |Forbes), a name | |getting into scrapes |
| |completely | |with him, since, if |
| |unintelligible to the | |they did, they would be|
| |people. It also | |sure to repent of it, |
| |mentions a title, Se- | |for he knew nobody, nor|
| |do-zaw, “Wherever I | |was he inclined to make|
| |rub, I leave my scent.”| |any new acquaintances.”|
| | | | |
| |The mother of this king| |In 1790, Agongoro |
| |was called Senume. | |attacked Baigee |
| | | |(Gbweji, a place in |
| | | |Makhi), the result |
| | | |being the death of the |
| | | |Gau, by sickness, and a|
| | | |few victims for the |
| | | |paternal grave. He shed|
| | | |tears when told that |
| | | |the King of Allada had |
| | | |made a feast to |
| | | |celebrate his father’s |
| | | |death, but on account |
| | | |of the Oyos he dared |
| | | |not attack that |
| | | |injurious prince. The |
| | | |army was again sent |
| | | |against the Makhis, |
| | | |under a new Gau, who, |
| | | |failing, was ordered to|
| | | |attack the Whydahs. A |
| | | |third unsuccessful |
| | | |expedition threatened a|
| | | |famine, and Agongoro is|
| | | |known in history as one|
| | | |of the most unfortunate|
| | | |of Dahoman monarchs. |
| | | | |
| | | |Presently, 300 |
| | | |prisoners, and |
| | | |afterwards 170 Makhi |
| | | |captives, were brought |
| | | |in to fill Sin-men- |
| | | |kpen’s grave, and a |
| | | |Makhi country near |
| | | |Iketu supplied 1000 |
| | | |victims for the |
| | | |approaching Grand |
| | | |Customs, which take |
| | | |place only after the |
| | | |death of a King. |
| | | | |
| | | |M. Gourg, the French |
| | | |Governor at Whydah, |
| | | |presently made himself |
| | | |obnoxious. He was |
| | | |seized, bound, and |
| | | |exposed on the beach, |
| | | |till a canoe could be |
| | | |found to carry him |
| | | |through the heavy surf.|
| | | |He died on board the |
| | | |ship Rouen, _en route_ |
| | | |towards Cape François. |
| | | | |
| | | |In January, February, |
| | | |and March, 1791, took |
| | | |place the Grand |
| | | |Customs, at the |
| | | |capital. Captain Fayrer|
| | | |and Mr. Hogg, Governor |
| | | |of Apollonia, were |
| | | |present, and both |
| | | |affirm that not fewer |
| | | |than 500 men, women, |
| | | |and children, were |
| | | |victimized. |
| | | | |
| | | |Dr. M‘Leod’s Voyage to |
| | | |Africa so confuses |
| | | |dates and documents |
| | | |between 1803, the year |
| | | |of his visiting Dahome,|
| | | |and 1820, that it is |
| | | |impossible to make out |
| | | |from his pages the date|
| | | |of Agongoro’s demise. |
| | | |He says, “an instance |
| | | |of this sort (_i.e._, |
| | | |setting aside the |
| | | |eldest son and heir) |
| | | |occurred, however, at |
| | | |the demise of the late |
| | | |King, Wheenoohew |
| | | |(Agongoro), when the |
| | | |eldest son’s right of |
| | | |primogeniture, was |
| | | |disallowed, because one|
| | | |of his toes, from some |
| | | |accident, overlapped |
| | | |the other (Commander |
| | | |Forbes calls it a club-|
| | | |foot); and his next |
| | | |brother, the present |
| | | |King, who, with respect|
| | | |to form, is certainly |
| | | |‘a marvellous proper |
| | | |man,’ was elected in |
| | | |his stead.” |
| | | | |
| | | |This seems to point to |
| | | |King Gezo, but as I |
| | | |have stated, Dr. |
| | | |M‘Leod, though |
| | | |repeatedly alluding to |
| | | |the reigning monarch, |
| | | |never quotes his name. |
| | | |Captain John Adams |
| | | |(Remarks on the Country|
| | | |from Cape Palmas to the|
| | | |River Congo: Whittaker |
| | | |& Co., London, 1823) |
| | | |leaves us in equal |
| | | |ignorance, perhaps for |
| | | |the same reason, viz., |
| | | |that he did not know it|
| | | |himself. |
| | | | |
| 8. |Gezo, the father of the| 1818. |Gaze, being a man with |
| |ruling King, derived | |a peaceful character, |
| |his natural name from | |and afflicted with |
| |the initial word of a | |gibbosity, yielded his |
| |phrase, Gezo emasigbe, | |throne to a younger |
| |meaning Ge (a kind of | |brother, Gezo, who |
| |red bird, whose | |therefore was not, as |
| |feathers fire will not | |Commander Forbes stated|
| |burn), zo (fire, fiery,| |(Chapter I.), a |
| |red), e (he), másí (is | |usurper, and died in |
| |not afraid), gbe (of | |July 24, 1861. Another |
| |bush). His strong names| |brother, Adanzan, |
| |are: 1. A charm that | |raised, as is |
| |nothing in the world | |customary, a mutiny: he|
| |can withstand. 2. | |was put down, and |
| |Having killed the | |still, I believe, |
| |surrounding enemies, | |survives, a state |
| |the rest come to beg. | |prisoner. |
| |3. A leper is not | | |
| |embraced: he is like a | |According to Commander |
| |person with such | |Forbes, Gezo behaved |
| |sickness that no nation| |treacherously to |
| |will touch him. | |Achade, chief of the |
| | | |Republic of Jena (whom |
| |Some resident Europeans| |others call chief of |
| |believe that Atinglí is| |Leflefu). On the death |
| |also a royal name: it | |of Onsi, King of Jena, |
| |belonged to one of his | |the heir-apparent, |
| |headmen, and was also | |Dekon, being turned |
| |the beginning of a | |out, applied for aid to|
| |phrase, _e.g._, Atingli| |Dahome. Gezo, who had |
| |(a sharply cut stump), | |just got rid of his |
| |do (in the ground), | |brother, Adanzan, |
| |kuno (does not), sinden| |marched upon the town, |
| |(fear aught). | |which had become a |
| | | |Republic, with Achade |
| |Agontime was the mother| |as president. The |
| |of Gezo. | |Dahoman army was |
| | | |repulsed during three |
| | | |several years, for |
| | | |Gezo, unlike his son, |
| | | |had only an annual |
| | | |slave hunt. Gezo then |
| | | |made peace, and swore |
| | | |eternal friendship with|
| | | |his gallant foe, who |
| | | |was invited to be |
| | | |present at the Dahoman |
| | | |Customs, hostages being|
| | | |sent to him. After two |
| | | |years, Achade, |
| | | |neglecting all |
| | | |precautions, went to |
| | | |Agbome with nearly 1000|
| | | |traders. During the |
| | | |platform sacrifice, he |
| | | |was suddenly seized, |
| | | |thrown, and beheaded, |
| | | |his cranium being |
| | | |placed in a copper |
| | | |casing. Dekon, invited |
| | | |to Jena, went there, |
| | | |and was beheaded. The |
| | | |town was destroyed by |
| | | |the next annual slave |
| | | |hunt, and the survivors|
| | | |fled to Abeokuta. |
| | | | |
| | | |Finding the enemies of |
| | | |his race, the Oyos, in |
| | | |trouble with the Fulas |
| | | |and Hausas, who, in |
| | | |1825, destroyed |
| | | |Katunga, their capital,|
| | | |Gezo attacked them at |
| | | |Kana, and completely |
| | | |subdued them. The |
| | | |tribute was abolished, |
| | | |and most of the Oyos |
| | | |were enlisted into the |
| | | |King’s service. Gezo |
| | | |then pretended to |
| | | |attack Ashante, and in |
| | | |testimony of his |
| | | |conquest built the |
| | | |Komasi Palace. |
| | | | |
| | | |After many minor |
| | | |successes, the warlike |
| | | |King attacked, in 1840,|
| | | |the Attakpamwe, a |
| | | |people living to the |
| | | |west of Dahome: all |
| | | |except 400 men fled: |
| | | |these defended |
| | | |themselves bravely, but|
| | | |were soon overpowered |
| | | |by the Amazons. The |
| | | |latter was a favourite |
| | | |arm with Gezo, who |
| | | |often boasted that he |
| | | |had first organized it.|
| | | |It raised him high |
| | | |amongst the surrounding|
| | | |kings and chiefs, who |
| | | |declared an alliance |
| | | |with each other, and a |
| | | |determination to make a|
| | | |distaff of Gezo’s |
| | | |head—a declaration |
| | | |equivalent to a _casus |
| | | |belli_. About 1839 he |
| | | |attacked the Makhis, |
| | | |and broke, it is said, |
| | | |126 towns. Next year he|
| | | |fell upon the Nagos, |
| | | |who had ravaged his |
| | | |frontier, and signally |
| | | |punished them. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1842, the King was |
| | | |visited by a coloured |
| | | |Wesleyan missionary, |
| | | |Rev. T. B. Freeman, who|
| | | |reported highly of |
| | | |Agbome and of its |
| | | |contents. |
| | | | |
| | | |During the life of |
| | | |Shodeke, chief of |
| | | |Abeokuta, there was |
| | | |friendship between the |
| | | |Dahoman and the Egba. |
| | | |When Sagbwa succeeded |
| | | |him, quarrels began—an |
| | | |Amazon corps was |
| | | |defeated at Ado, a |
| | | |frontier town, and lost|
| | | |its officers and |
| | | |umbrella. Gezo swore |
| | | |revenge. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1848, a chief named |
| | | |Olikiki induced the |
| | | |King to attack Okeadon,|
| | | |some thirty miles |
| | | |north-west of Badagry. |
| | | |Gezo pretended to march|
| | | |on Abeokuta, fell back |
| | | |in the night, and was |
| | | |introduced by the |
| | | |traitor into the city. |
| | | |It is said that 20,000 |
| | | |Otas were seized and |
| | | |sold: there was no |
| | | |resistance: the sick |
| | | |and aged were slain, |
| | | |and many fugitives were|
| | | |drowned in the rapid |
| | | |river. |
| | | | |
| | | |In October, 1849, Gezo |
| | | |was visited by the late|
| | | |Commander Forbes and |
| | | |Mr. Vice-Consul Duncan,|
| | | |who had travelled |
| | | |through the country in |
| | | |1845-46. They were |
| | | |received at Agbome, |
| | | |with the usual |
| | | |ceremonies, by the |
| | | |King, who showed them |
| | | |the wooden model of a |
| | | |hill in the Makhi |
| | | |country, called Kenglo,|
| | | |which Commander Forbes |
| | | |writes “Kangaroo.” It |
| | | |was a strongly |
| | | |fortified site, and Mr.|
| | | |Duncan had previously |
| | | |complained to the King |
| | | |of having been insulted|
| | | |there. The place had |
| | | |been taken by the |
| | | |Amazons, and its very |
| | | |stones carried to |
| | | |Agbome (Chapter XVIII).|
| | | |On October 29, 1847, |
| | | |Commander Forbes sailed|
| | | |for Sierra Leone, and |
| | | |Mr. Duncan died on |
| | | |board H.M.S. |
| | | |Kingfisher. |
| | | | |
| | | |On May 14, 1851, |
| | | |Commander Forbes, |
| | | |accompanying the late |
| | | |Mr. Beecroft, H.M.’s |
| | | |Consul for the Bights, |
| | | |again landed, and |
| | | |proceeded to witness |
| | | |the Customs of Agbome. |
| | | |Their object was to |
| | | |estimate the King’s |
| | | |expenses, to offer him |
| | | |a compensation for |
| | | |abandoning the slave |
| | | |trade, and to dissuade |
| | | |Gezo from attacking |
| | | |Abeokuta. It is |
| | | |needless to say that |
| | | |they failed, and |
| | | |retired with scanty |
| | | |good will on both |
| | | |sides. |
| | | | |
| | | |On March 3, 1851, Gezo |
| | | |attacked Abeokuta with |
| | | |10,000 to 16,000 |
| | | |troops, men and women, |
| | | |the flower of his army.|
| | | |He was opposed by |
| | | |Ogubonna, the Egba |
| | | |Commander- in-chief, |
| | | |and after a hot |
| | | |contest, was beaten |
| | | |back, losing, chiefly |
| | | |during the flight, by a|
| | | |moderate computation, |
| | | |1,200 of his best |
| | | |fighters. He never |
| | | |recovered from this |
| | | |blow. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1852, Gezo signed a |
| | | |treaty for the |
| | | |suppression of the |
| | | |slave trade, which was |
| | | |so much waste paper. He|
| | | |then turned towards the|
| | | |French interest, and |
| | | |was twice visited by M.|
| | | |Wallon, Lieutenant de |
| | | |Vaisseau, who escorted |
| | | |a present of two |
| | | |howitzers from the |
| | | |French Government, and |
| | | |carried with him two |
| | | |youths from the palace |
| | | |for education in |
| | | |France. |
| | | | |
| | | |In 1858, Gezo died, |
| | | |after a reign of 40 |
| | | |years, from the effects|
| | | |of virulent small-pox, |
| | | |leaving behind him a |
| | | |great name as a warrior|
| | | |and a king. He had |
| | | |greatly reduced human |
| | | |sacrifice, and had made|
| | | |his principal officers |
| | | |take the fetish oath to|
| | | |prevent the general |
| | | |massacre of woman in |
| | | |the palace. |
| | | | |
| 9. |The natural name is | 1858. |Gelele succeeded his |
| |Gelele, which begins a | |father at the age of |
| |sentence: Gelele má | |38, to the exclusion of|
| |nyonzi—“Bigness, with | |his eldest brother, |
| |no way of lifting.” Mr.| |“Godó,” who was, and is|
| |T. B. Freeman | |much addicted to drink.|
| |erroneously states it | |Other brothers gave him|
| |Glere, or Glery, the | |trouble, though he was |
| |jawbone. His strong | |expressly nominated for|
| |names are: 1. Tenge | |succession by Gezo, |
| |makanfenkpon: A rock, | |after the fashion at |
| |the finger-nail cannot | |Abeokuta. |
| |scratch it—behold! 2. | | |
| |Kini kini kini: Lion of| |For the first two years|
| |lions. 3. An animal | |he contented himself |
| |having cut its teeth, | |with warring down small|
| |evil has entered into | |chiefs, who are |
| |the bush (the bush | |mentioned in Chapter |
| |meaning the surrounding| |IX. Of these he has |
| |tribes, who feel the | |killed about forty. |
| |sharpness of Dahome’s | | |
| |tooth). 4. Ye mabu lo | |In July and August, |
| |sin men: Shadow is | |1860, the King |
| |never lost in water. | |performed the Grand |
| | | |Customs for his father,|
| |The King’s mother, who | |slaying, it is |
| |still lives, is called | |supposed, 2000 men, |
| |Zoindi. | |which number may |
| | | |readily be reduced to |
| | | |500. He destroyed |
| | | |Attako (Taccou), and |
| | | |slew Akia’on (Chapter |
| | | |IX.) |
| | | | |
| | | |Early in 1851, Gelele |
| | | |collected a large force|
| | | |to attack Abeokuta: |
| | | |small-pox broke out on |
| | | |the road, and he was |
| | | |compelled to return. |
| | | | |
| | | |On March 15th, 1862, |
| | | |the King fell suddenly,|
| | | |with 6000 men, upon |
| | | |Ishagga, a town |
| | | |containing about 5000 |
| | | |souls. It had behaved |
| | | |with consummate |
| | | |treachery to his |
| | | |father. He slew the |
| | | |chief, and carried off |
| | | |seventeen or eighteen |
| | | |native Christian |
| | | |converts and a |
| | | |Scripture reader—Mr. |
| | | |William Doherty, of |
| | | |Sierra Leone, and Mr. |
| | | |William Jones, with |
| | | |five men and three |
| | | |women, who were paraded|
| | | |to Whydah, and |
| | | |afterwards reported |
| | | |slain. About this |
| | | |point, however, there |
| | | |are many doubts. Mr. |
| | | |Doherty is said to have|
| | | |been crucified, with a |
| | | |nail passed through his|
| | | |head into a tree trunk,|
| | | |and holding an open |
| | | |umbrella _honoris |
| | | |causâ_. It is supposed |
| | | |that their death was |
| | | |hastened by the |
| | | |earthquake of July 10, |
| | | |which the King thought |
| | | |was the voice of his |
| | | |father calling for more|
| | | |victims. |
| | | | |
| | | |On March 15, 1863, |
| | | |Gelele attacked Igbara,|
| | | |a small Egbado town, |
| | | |and completely |
| | | |destroyed it, carrying |
| | | |off many captives. |
| | | | |
| | | |In December and |
| | | |January, 1862-63, the |
| | | |King was visited by |
| | | |Captain Wilmot, R.N., |
| | | |senior officer on the |
| | | |West Coast of Africa, |
| | | |Captain Luce, R.N., and|
| | | |Dr. Haran, H.M.S. |
| | | |Brisk, attended by the |
| | | |Rev. Peter W. Bernasko,|
| | | |native assistant |
| | | |missionary, Whydah. The|
| | | |officers were most |
| | | |courteously received, |
| | | |but effected nothing. |
| | | | |
| | | |On June, 1863, Gelele |
| | | |marched into the Makhi |
| | | |country with all his |
| | | |army, and after a short|
| | | |campaign, returned |
| | | |back, bearing a few |
| | | |captives. |
| | | | |
| | | |On March 15, 1864, the |
| | | |King attacked Abeokuta,|
| | | |and after a very poor |
| | | |affair, received an |
| | | |exemplary defeat |
| | | |(conclusion of my |
| | | |narrative), which will |
| | | |probably lead to the |
| | | |ruin of Dahome. |
+--------+-----------------------+-----------+-----------------------+
APPENDIX V.
DAHOMEY, ITS PEOPLE AND CUSTOMS.
The following letter has been received by the Duke of Wellington from
the celebrated lion-hunter, M. Jules Gerard:—
[_Times_, August 18, 1864.]
“Monsieur le Duc,—Your Grace is well aware that few men gain by being
seen close, unless they are men of intellect and merit. The King of
Dahomey, despite his cognomen, which signifies the ‘Eternal’ or the
‘Infinite,’[288] fully justifies that rule to which he is no exception.
Physically he is similar to the other blacks of his country—tall, well
built, a head like a bull dog. The most usual expression of his
countenance is that of cunning and cruelty.[289] His moral qualities are
in perfect keeping with his physical conformation; he is more gracious
than the Kings who have preceded him, fanatical for old traditions and
customs. The traditions of that microscopic court are to turn the whites
to the best possible account (_exploiter les blancs_), but especially to
induce them to make presents. It is the custom to excite the people with
sanguinary spectacles, so as to be able to carry off the neighbouring
population when a slave-dealer makes an offer to the King and also at
the annual custom of human sacrifices.
“I have just spent twenty days at Kana, where the King was staying for
the celebration of the lesser ceremonies. On the day of my presentation
I was conducted across the Market-place, where twelve corpses were
exposed to view on separate sites. Six were hung up by the feet, the six
others were upright, like men about to walk. Those whom I saw close were
horribly mutilated and not beheaded.[290] An enormous pool of blood
covered the ground beneath the scaffold, giving unmistakeable evidence
of previous sacrifices and of the tortures which accompanied them.[291]
Our reception by the King was brilliant, very cordial for myself as well
as for the French Consul[292]; but we were soon able to convince
ourselves that this was but a comedy always performed by this poor
Paladin to get the presents brought by the whites. Born and brought up
in the midst of these spectacles, which would be ridiculous if they were
not horrible, the present King is actually more fond of them than his
subjects. I saw him on that day admiring with the delight of a child the
grotesque dances and ridiculous pantomime of his ministers, and then of
the princes, and then of all present, for our amusement. A most infernal
music, which nearly deafened us, delighted the King, who seemed to be in
a state of ecstacy; and this, M. le Duc, lasted for six hours. On the
following day his Majesty invited us to witness a procession of the
King’s riches. On reaching the square of the Palace (read huts) an
agreeable surprise had been prepared for us. The entrance gate was
flooded by a pool of blood two yards in width, and on each side a column
of recently decapitated heads formed two immense chaplets. It is true
that on this day the King wore the emblem of Christ on his breast. It
must be presumed that it was the cross of execution that he meant to
imply by this ornament. As regards the procession of his wealth, it
consisted of a few old carriages, bath chairs carried by men with
figures like Polichinello. One thousand women carried each a bottle of
liquor on her head, a brass basin in the shape of a footbath to receive
the blood of the human victims on the day of the King’s banquet; an
image of the Virgin; various baskets-full of human skulls; an image of
St. Lawrence, as large as life, carried by blacks; finally the _drum of
death_.
“At another festival the King commanded on foot his Amazons, who
manœuvred with the precision of a flock of sheep. On the Market-place
already mentioned each step was ornamented by a dead body; and the King
came and went in the midst of pools of blood and fragments of human
flesh in a state of putrefaction. On this occasion he had daubed his
face with coal.[293] The ceremony terminated by a mad dance, in which
the King took part, dancing _vis-a-vis_ to drunken soldiers and
musicians. Such are, M. le Duc, the man, the Government, and the people
whom we have hitherto hoped to turn into a path less contrary to the
laws of humanity. I regret that Captain Burton should have arrived at
Kana just at the moment of the King’s departure, as he might have been
enabled to see and judge of all these things.
“I am, M. le Duc, your most obedient servant,
“JULES GERARD.
“P.S.—On the day of his departure the King invited us to a review of his
army prepared for war. It was from 12,000 to 14,000 strong, comprising
12,000 Amazons, 1000 men of the bodyguard, and 2000 archers.[294]”
N.B.—The letter is interesting, as giving the darkest view of things
Dahoman.—R. F. B.
THE END.
[Footnote 288: This is pure fancy.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 289: I did not remark it.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 290: The mutilation took place after death.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 291: There had been no previous sacrifices, and no
tortures.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 292: Others represented the contrary.—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 293: Read, “with three streaks of gunpowder.”—R. F. B.]
[Footnote 294: These are all numerical errors. M. Gerard probably means
1200 Amazons.—R. F. B.]
Printed for the Publishers at
THE MECCAN PRESS,
3, Soho Square, London, W.
Transcriber's note:
pg 13, footnote 16, Changed: "Joto is the ancester" to: "ancestor"
pg 17, footnote 24, Changed: "as infidels and athiests" to: "atheists"
pg 39, Changed: "snndry black hide shields like" to: "sundry"
pg 68, Changed: "und sundry of the caboceers" to: "and"
pg 82, Changed: "us that the cabocers were on" to: "caboceers"
pg 88, Changed: "even in the Hmite, a rise" to: "Hamite"
pg 90, Changed: "represent the idea of the philospher" to:
"philosopher"
pg 94, footnote 126, Changed: "can be ransomed f ten" to: "for"
pg 109, footnote 149, Changed: "every West Arican tongue testifies"
to: "African"
pg 113, Changed: "from a neigbouring water" to: "neighbouring"
pg 152, Added ” after: "_hommes par semaine_."
pg 162, Changed: "till we reathed a house built" to: "reached"
pg 166, Changed: "in fact, is is that of inner Yoruba" to:
"fact, is that"
pg 172, Changed: "neck, were the the principal ornaments" to:
"were the principal"
pg 172, footnote 240, Changed: "Years age Zangrony" to: "ago"
pg 174, Changed: "and began a a stale and dreary" to: "began a stale"
pg 183, Changed: "and of his deslre to perform" to: "desire"
pg 190, Changed: "sunset approached, the Bukn-no" to: "Buko-no"
pg 242, Changed: "cultivating the soll, than in" to: "soil"
pg 261, Changed: "such a limited suply of water" to: "supply"
pg 265, Changed: "VARIOUS EXPLOITS, THEIR “STRONG REIGNS,”" to:
"STRONG NAMES"
pg 284, Changed: "The Alladas acted treachereusly" to: "treacherously"
pg 296, Changed: "drowned in the rapid rlver" to: "river"
pg 297, Changed: "Gezo was visited hy the late" to: "by"
pg 304, Changed: "poor Paladin te get" to: "to"
Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
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