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Title: Travels in the footsteps of Bruce in Algeria and Tunis
Author: Robert Lambert Playfair
Release date: December 7, 2023 [eBook #72351]
Language: English
Original publication: London: C. Kegan Paul, 1877
Credits: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF BRUCE IN ALGERIA AND TUNIS ***
TRAVELS
IN
THE FOOTSTEPS OF BRUCE
[Illustration: _Plate I._
J. LEITCH & Co. Sc.
TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE, OR TOMB OF JUBA II.
FAC-SIMILE OF A WATER COLOR DRAWING BY BRUCE.]
TRAVELS IN THE FOOTSTEPS
OF BRUCE IN ALGERIA
AND TUNIS
_ILLUSTRATED BY FACSIMILES OF HIS ORIGINAL DRAWINGS_
BY
LIEUT.-COLONEL R. L. PLAYFAIR
H.B.M. CONSUL-GENERAL IN ALGERIA
[Illustration]
LONDON
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1877
(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_)
_DEAR LADY THURLOW_,
_May I dedicate to you the following pages, written to illustrate
the earliest travels of your ancestor, James Bruce; and to make known a
portion of that priceless collection of drawings, too long shut up in
the muniment room of Kinnaird, which you have so kindly and so
unreservedly placed at my disposal?_
_Although you are the sole heiress of the illustrious traveller,
all the world are co-heirs with you in his fame and in the result of
his explorations; and they will tender to you their sincerest thanks
for restoring to them so important a part of their heritage._
_Believe me, dear Lady Thurlow,_
_Yours most gratefully,_
_R. L. PLAYFAIR._
_British Consulate General,_
_Algiers: October_ 1, 1877.
CONTENTS.
* * * * *
PAGE
INTRODUCTORY 1
_PART I._
CHAPTER
I. BRUCE APPOINTED CONSUL-GENERAL AT ALGIERS 15
II. JULIA CÆSAREA 23
III. START FOR BONE — VISIT THE FOREST OF EDOUGH AND
MINES OF AIN BARBAR 31
IV. BONE TO GUELMA — RUINS OF ANNOUNA — HAMMAM MESKOUTIN
— ROKNIA — CAVE OF DJEBEL THAYA — MAHADJIBA — THE
SOUMAH 36
V. CONSTANTINE 47
VI. BRUCE’S ROUTE TO LAMBESSA — ZANA OR DIANA
VETERANORUM — THE MEDRASSEN — BRUCE ARRIVES AT THE
AURES — CURIOUS MEETING WITH A CHIEF OF THOSE
MOUNTAINS 52
VII. OUR ARRIVAL AT BATNA — HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF
THE AURES MOUNTAINS 61
VIII. START FOR THE AURES — LAMBESSA — EL-ARBÄA — MENÄA 70
IX. ASCENT OF THE OUED ABDI — MINES OF TAGHIT — ARRIVAL
AT OUED TAGA 77
X. TIMEGAD 83
XI. LEAVE TIMEGAD — FOUM KOSENTINA — MEGALITHIC REMAINS
— OUM EL-ASHERA — EL-WADHAHA — ASCENT OF CHELLIA —
AIN MEIMOUN — LIONS 91
XII. AIN KHENCHLA — ACROSS THE PLAINS OF THE NEMEMCHA
TO TEBESSA 98
XIII. TEBESSA — RETURN TO CONSTANTINE 103
XIV. CONSTANTINE TO ALGIERS THROUGH KABYLIA 114
_PART II._
XV. START FROM ALGIERS ON SECOND EXPEDITION — EARL OF
KINGSTON UNDERTAKES PHOTOGRAPHIC DEPARTMENT —
ARRIVAL AT TUNIS — SEBKHA ES-SEDJOUNI — MOHAMMEDIA
— AQUEDUCT OF CARTHAGE — OUDENA — ZAGHOUAN 127
XVI. ES-SABALA — THE MEDJERDA — DRAGONS OF THE ATLAS —
BIZERTA — IMMENSE LAND-LOCKED HARBOUR — FISH IN LAKE
— DJEBEL ISHKUL — WILD BUFFALOES 140
XVII. VISIT TO THE BEY AND GENERAL KHEIR-ED-DIN —
DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING TRAVEL IN TUNIS —
IMPROVEMENT IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNTRY —
COMMENCEMENT OF BRUCE’S JOURNEY BY THE MEDJERDA —
OUR START FOR SUSA BY SEA — SUSA 147
XVIII. DEPARTURE FROM SUSA — ES-SAHEL — EFFECTS OF THE
DISFORESTING OF TUNIS — OLIVE-TREES — EL-DJEM 154
XIX. EL-DJEM TO KEROUAN 163
XX. KEROUAN TO DJEBEL TROZZA, DJILMA AND SBEITLA 172
XXI. SBEITLA 177
XXII. BRUCE’S JOURNEY FROM SBEITLA TO HYDRA 188
XXIII. LEAVE SBEITLA — SBIBA — ER-RAHEIA — HAMADA OULAD
AYAR — ARRIVAL AT MUKTHER 191
XXIV. MUKTHER 197
XXV. MUKTHER TO ZANFOUR — BRUCE’S ROUTE FROM KEF
TO ZANFOUR 205
XXVI. ZANFOUR TO AIN EDJAH AND TEBOURSOUK — DOUGGA 213
XXVII. LEAVE TEBOURSOUK — VALLEY OF LIONS — AIN TUNGA
— TESTOUR 226
XXVIII. TESTOUR TO EL-BADJA BY THE MOUNTAINS — EL-BADJA 231
XXIX. ROUTE FROM EL-BADJA TO TABARCA 238
XXX. TABARCA 247
XXXI. FROM TABARCA TO LA CALLE 251
_PART III._
XXXII. BRUCE’S ROUTE FROM TEBESSA TO THE DJERID AND BACK
TO TUNIS 265
XXXIII. BRUCE’S ROUTE TO DJERBA, TRIPOLI, AND BACK TO
TUNIS 275
XXXIV. TRIPOLI 278
XXXV. BRUCE’S ROUTE CONTINUED — LEBIDAH — BENGAZI —
TEUCHIRA — PTOLOMETA — SHIPWRECK AT BENGAZI —
DEPARTURE FOR CANEA 283
INDEX 295
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
* * * * *
PLATE
I. TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE, OR TOMB OF
JUBA II. _Frontispiece_
VASE BROUGHT BY BRUCE FROM NORTH
AFRICA _Title Page_
PAGE
MAP OF PART OF ALGERIA AND TUNIS _to face_ 1
II. TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE, DETAILS OF
COLUMNATION „ 24
FALSE DOOR OF TOMBEAU DE LA CHRéTIENNE 27
III. AQUEDUCT OF JULIA CÆSAREA _to face_ 28
PORTCULLIS AT SENIORE 44
IV. EL-KANTARA OF CONSTANTINE IN 1765 _to face_ 48
V. THE MEDRASSEN, OR TOMB OF THE NUMIDIAN
KINGS „ 56
VI. ARCH OF THE GODS, TIMEGAD „ 88
VII. THE CAPITOL, TIMEGAD „ 90
VIII. TEMPLE OF JUPITER, TEBESSA „ 106
IX. QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH OF CARACALLA AT TEBESSA „ 108
X. AQUEDUCT AT CARTHAGE „ 130
XI. AMPHITHEATRE OF EL-DJEM, PLAN OF LOWER
STOREY „ 158
XII. AMPHITHEATRE OF EL-DJEM, GENERAL VIEW „ 158
XIII. AMPHITHEATRE OF EL-DJEM, INTERIOR OF LOWER
CORRIDOR „ 158
XIV. ENTRANCE TO HIERON OF TEMPLES AT SBEITLA „ 184
XV. BACK VIEW OF TEMPLES AT SBEITLA „ 184
XVI. TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT HYDRA „ 190
TOMBSTONE AT MUKTHER 198
XVII. LOWER TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT MUKTHER, BY BRUCE _to face_ 198
XVIII. LOWER ARCH AT MUKTHER, PRESENT CONDITION „ 198
XIX. LOWER ARCH AT MUKTHER, ARCHITECTURAL
DETAILS „ 198
XX. ARCH OF TRAJAN AT MUKTHER „ 202
XXI. TRIUMPHAL ARCH AND TEMPLE AT ZANFOUR „ 208
XXII. TEMPLE OF JUPITER AND MINERVA AT DOUGGA,
SIDE VIEW „ 216
XXIII. TEMPLE OF JUPITER AND MINERVA AT DOUGGA,
FRONT VIEW „ 216
XXIV. LYBIAN MAUSOLEUM AT DOUGGA, BRUCE’S DRAWING „ 220
LYBIAN MAUSOLEUM AT DOUGGA, CATHERWOOD’S
DRAWING 222
XXV. THEATRE AT DOUGGA _to face_ 224
XXVI. THEATRE AT AIN TUNGA „ 226
XXVII. QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH AT TRIPOLI „ 280
XXVIII. QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH AT TRIPOLI,
ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS „ 282
MAP OF BRUCE’S ROUTE IN TRIPOLI AND THE
CYRENAICA „ 284
XXIX. FAC-SIMILE OF BRUCE’S MS. „ 294
TEMPLE AT PTOLEMETA, OUTER COVERING OF VOLUME.
[Illustration: MAP OF PART OF ALGERIA and the REGENCY OF TUNIS.
Edwd. Weller, _Litho._]
INTRODUCTORY.
I must explain briefly how I came to travel in the footsteps of
Bruce, and to illustrate the first works of this great father of
African travel.
Many years of my life have been passed in and about the countries
which he first opened out to geographical knowledge. When, therefore,
I found myself at Algiers as Bruce’s successor in office, after
the lapse of a century, my interest in him was redoubled. I read the
unsatisfactory account of his Barbary explorations, prefixed to the
first volume of his travels, with the greatest regret that it was
not more detailed, and I resolved to ascertain whether some hitherto
unpublished matter might not exist, tending to throw greater light
on the subject.
I searched the records of the Consulate in vain; not a document
of his time remained; all had been destroyed by fire before the
French conquest. At the Record Office in London a series of his
reports exists, containing many interesting details of the State
of Algiers. They are bound up with Arabic documents relative to
treaties of great historical value; but, naturally enough, there is
not a word regarding his explorations, which only commenced after
he had resigned his public duties in August 1765.
I then bethought me that Lady Thurlow, daughter of the late Lord
Elgin, was great-great-granddaughter of the traveller, and heiress
of Kinnaird. I applied to her, and was overjoyed to find that
she possessed immense stores of his manuscripts, drawings, and
collections. Lord Thurlow selected from amongst these everything
relative to the first journey Bruce made in Africa before proceeding
to Abyssinia, and these he most kindly placed at my disposal for
publication, if I thought the subject sufficiently interesting. I
went to Lord Thurlow’s, fully prepared to find much valuable
matter, but I had no conception that a treasure of such magnitude
and importance awaited me. I do not intend to allude to the great
mass of drawings irrelevant to my present subject; what especially
interested me was a collection of more than a hundred sheets,
some having designs on both sides, completely illustrating all
the principal subjects of archæological interest in North Africa
from Algiers to the Pentapolis, and executed in a style which an
architectural artist of the present day could hardly excel.
Mr. Bruce frequently exhibited these drawings during his lifetime,
and alluded to the desire he entertained of publishing a work on
the antiquities of Africa. Ornamental title-pages for the various
parts of this work actually exist, but he appears never to have
commenced the letterpress necessary to illustrate the drawings. It
is possible that the manner in which his book of travels had been
received induced him to abandon the subject in disgust, but it is
more probable that the enormous expense of engraving the drawings,
estimated at from 3,000_l._ to 5,000_l._, rendered the project too
costly to be realised.
After his death the increasing taste for the arts and the more general
patronage of publications of that nature induced his son to think
of making arrangements regarding such a work, but his designs were
interrupted by his own death in 1810.
Major Cumming Bruce more than once entered into negotiations with
the trustees of the British Museum for the transfer of the whole
collection to the nation, but no arrangement satisfactory to both
parties could be arrived at, and for the past thirty years they have
remained unseen by the present generation, and almost forgotten,
in the possession of the Bruce family.
With some of the monuments I was perfectly familiar, and I could judge
of their extreme fidelity; others I found to be priceless records
of structures which no longer exist; but the remainder, especially
those situated in the Regency of Tunis, I could not identify at
all, and I immediately formed the determination to follow him in
his wanderings as far as it was possible for me to do so, and to
ascertain the actual condition of those remarkable ruins, which the
depredations of time and of barbarians have not been able to destroy.
To have followed in his footsteps exactly in the same order in which
he made the journey would, for many reasons, have been inconvenient;
and to have accompanied him throughout the whole extent of his
explorations in the districts of the Djerid, Tripoli, and the
Cyrenaica was more than I could accomplish. I determined, however, to
visit every ruin in Algeria and Tunis which he had illustrated, and
so to plan my route as to include all that was most picturesque and
instructive in a country hardly at all known to the modern traveller.
No traveller has ever had to contend against a greater amount of
ill-deserved obloquy than Bruce. There is hardly an act of his
life or a statement in his writings that has not been questioned or
received with incredulity; and yet, the more the countries in which
he journeyed have been explored, the more his astonishing accuracy
and truthfulness have been recognised. I well remember, now nearly
thirty years ago, meeting the brothers d’Abbadie at Cairo, on
their return from a residence of many years in Abyssinia. I was on
terms of intimacy with two of them, and our conversation naturally
turned a good deal on Bruce’s travels. They assured me that,
though they had occasion to consult his work as a daily text-book,
they had never discovered a misstatement, and hardly even an error
of any considerable importance in it.
It is not to be supposed that these drawings should have escaped
criticism, and some people have even expressed grave doubts as to
their having been, in any considerable degree, executed by Bruce
himself.
On this point he ought to be allowed to state his own case, and
I subjoin all the passages I have found in his MSS. bearing on
the subject.
I had all my life applied unweariedly, perhaps with more love than
talent, to drawing, the practice of mathematics, and especially that
part necessary to astronomy.
· · · · · · ·
By the experiments I had made at Pæstum, and still later at an
aqueduct about four-score miles from Algiers, where were the ruins
of Jol or Cæsarea, the capital of the younger Juba and Cleopatra,
I had found the immense time it would take a single hand to design
the whole parts of any ancient fabric of ornamental architecture,
so as to do it and the public justice. All the members of the
Tuscan were plain, easily measured, and as easily drawn, but by
the account I had from Shaw, and the inscriptions copied, and one
awkward representation of three temples which he actually gives in
his work, I found all here were ruins of architecture in the best
time of Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines.
The description he gives of Jibbel Aures, Jemme, Hydra, and Spaitla
sufficiently shows this. I found that without a number of assistants
it was impossible even to do tolerable justice to such a multitude
of objects, of greater consideration for taste, materials, and
number than those at Rome, where all the orders of architecture,
Composite, Corinthian, and Ionic, were to be found in their most
perfect state. But where was that assistance to be obtained? and
what encouragement was it in my power to give? that would induce
a number of men of merit to dedicate so much of their time to the
dangers of such an undertaking, unknown ways, sickly climates, and
dangerous journeys. That I might not, however, be wanting to myself,
I applied to Mr. Byres, Mr. Lumsden, and several other intelligent
gentlemen then in Rome; several students were spoken to, but none
would venture. A M. Chalgrin, a Frenchman, engaged himself, was
terrified, and then drew back.
All the assistance I could get was a young man, a Bolognese, called
Luigi, surnamed Balugani, which signifies short-sighted. This was
very feeble help; but being of good disposition, in twenty-two
months which he stayed with me at Algiers, by close application and
direction he had greatly improved himself in what I chiefly wished
him to apply to, foliage and ornaments in sculpture.
Assisted by him alone, the voyage to Africa and Asia was performed. He
contracted an incurable distemper in Palestine, and died after a
long sickness, after I entered Ethiopia, having suffered constant
ill-health from the time he left Sidon. I had drawing instruments
a prodigious quantity of pencils, India ink, and colours. To these
was added an instrument upon constructing whose parts great care was
taken by Messrs. Nairne and Blunt, opposite to the Royal Exchange,
under my constant direction and inspection; this was a large camera
obscura,[1] upon whose specula great attention and pains had been
shown, and many improvements and conveniences were added, which was
all enclosed in a case representing a huge folio book, about four
feet long and ten inches thick.
This, attentively used, and placed with taste and judgment, forwarded
the work of drawing in a manner not easily conceivable; in a moment
it fixed the proportion of every part to what size you pleased; it
gave you in clear weather the sharpest, truest, and most beautiful
projection of shade; every break that was in the building was truly
represented upon the paper, every vignette, that nature had hung
upon the summit or edges of the cornice, gave hints that could not be
mistaken where the artist could place others with equal or superior
advantage. It is true there were inconveniences in those lines at a
distance from the focus, but those errors were mechanical and known,
and easily redressed. A small one of these, an imperfect instrument,
made at Rome, the young man Luigi had brought with him to Algiers,
which afterwards served in good stead in saving my more excellent one.
I shall just name the quantity of work done.
First, thirteen large views of Palmyra, upon the largest imperial
paper, the drawings twenty-two inches high, two of the same of
Baalbec.[2]
On large imperial paper, of a smaller size—
Two views of the ruins of Carthage.
A temple over the fountain of Zowan.[3]
A noble triumphal arch at Tunga.[4]
A magnificent Corinthian arch and temple at Tipasa.[5]
Two views of a fine triumphal arch at Hydra, where are the Welled
Sidi Boogannim, Dr. Shaw’s lion eaters, as bad to him as my raw
beef to me.
Spaitla or Sufetula, _vide_ Dr. Shaw, page 201, two Corinthian
temples, one Composite temple; three views of these and one of a
triumphal arch which serves as an approach to them.
Jibbel Aures, _Aurasius Mons_, a very fine ornamented building,[6]
use unknown.
El Jemme, or _Tisdrus_, view of the amphitheatre there.
Taggou-zaina, the ancient Diana Veteranorum, triumphal arch of the
Corinthian order there.[7]
Timgad _olim Thamugadi_, magnificent temple of white marble of the
Corinthian order, though highly finished, and a triumphal arch with
great particularities in architecture.
Medrashem, tomb of Syphax.
Jol, Cæsarea, magnificent aqueduct of three rows of arches.
Cirta, Syphax’s capital, view of the aqueduct and cascade there.
Muctar, two triumphal arches of the Corinthian order.
Tripoli in Africa, a four-faced triumphal arch of white marble,
the most ornamented of any building in the world; in parts of its
details the most beautiful, never before known.
Assuras, triumphal arch and temple.
Ptolometa, old Ionic temple, the only one I know existing, built by
Ptolemy Philadelphus, where my travels in Africa ended.
In order to conceive the number of pieces that each elevation or
view was accompanied by, you may compute six to each elevation.
All these buildings, besides one or two perspective views, have
geometrical elevations, and sections, with the whole detail of
their ornaments and parts, all measured with the most indefatigable
industry and strictest regard to truth. These sketches are most
of them still by me, and you may still see how far every one was
advanced in the desert.
I have now but one word to say as to what happened upon my coming
home.
· · · · · · ·
When I carried my views of Palmyra to the King, he was exceedingly
struck and pleased with them, and going to the window with the Prince
of Mecklenburgh Strelitz, the Queen remained with me at the drawings,
and I was a good deal surprised at her asking if I had not had help? I
answered, ‘Undoubtedly, every help that I could get to make them
worthy of the King’—yet I had desired Dr. Hunter to describe every
part of my voyage and performance, and he told me he had done so.
· · · · · · ·
I will not be so hard as to expect that any one man shall be an
excellent sky painter, an admirable figurist, a landscape, tree
and water painter, a painter of ruined picturesque architecture,
of ornaments and foliage, and of straight lines. Claude Lorraine
was never capable of this, Clarisso cannot; Bartolozzi is not, and
Cypriani far from being able; Mr. Robert Strange is capable of no part
of it. I will give them leave to take all the help that they can get,
and I will choose three drawings in the King’s collection and two of
my own, and defy them to produce the equal in the term of two years.
Mr. Robert Strange, now Sir Robert Strange, knows well I have been
at least an indifferent draughtsman in ruined architecture near these
forty years, for about that time he himself recommended me my second
drawing master, poor Bonneau, then teaching Lady Louisa Greville,
daughter of my Lord Brock, afterwards Lord Warwick. Till then I had
only been used to drawing military architecture; and with a ruler and
compass I have ever since mostly drawn; I wish to make every part
of my work as perfect as possible. You and Dr. Douglas will both
testify how willingly I seek, and thankfully and openly I embrace
every assistance. This I think doing justice to the public and to
posterity, from whom, after ten days’ abuse from people that I
despise, I shall receive the commendation or blame that appears _ex
facie_ of my work.
The famous Piranese, the best draughtsman of broken architecture
that I know, is of another opinion; that perfection in every part he
disdains; his figures are just untouched and done with little, as he
calls it; he knows he is no figurist, and therefore, in place of that
agreeable ornament to design, he has placed figures in convulsions
upon the points of stones and of rocks, with long legs and arms, and
no bodies, but monstrous heads, and liker demons of another world than
inhabitants of this. This the connoisseurs call freedom in design,
masterly manner, and indeed it is so; it is freedom, just as great an
one taken with the public as it would be for an individual in private
life to walk in company with a long beard, nightgown and slippers.
The two great requisites in travelling are to see well and record
faithfully what we have seen. I hope I may have succeeded in the
first, but I am very certain I have done so in the last.
Thus, then, we see that according to Bruce’s own account the
drawings were made by himself, with the aid of the camera obscura,
and with such assistance as he could obtain from his young artist,
Luigi Balugani. That they were done on the spot admits of no doubt
whatever. During our late expedition my companion, the Earl of
Kingston, took most successful photographs of every building drawn
by Bruce throughout Tunis, with the single exception of Hydra; and
though time, and the more destructive hand of man, have dealt hardly
with some of the ancient monuments, others are almost unchanged,
and a comparison of the original drawing and the photograph must
satisfy the most sceptical on this point.
One of the most striking instances of accuracy of detail is in the
case of the triumphal arch giving access to the Hieron of the three
temples at Spaitla (Plate XIV.). In the attic of this building the
first course of stones is entire; in the second only four stones are
represented as remaining; two of these are in place, and two others
have fallen on their sides, and are projecting beyond the surface of
the façade. In our photograph these four stones now occupy exactly
the same position as in Bruce’s sketch.
The drawings themselves furnish abundant proof, that two people worked
simultaneously at delineating the ruins. Nearly every monument is
drawn in duplicate, but no two sketches are ever from the same point
of view. In some instances the difference of angle is very slight,
as if the two companions had chosen positions sufficiently close to
be able to converse together. A glance at the itinerary (page 21)
will show that they never remained long enough in one place for either
of them to have repeated his view of the object designed. Most of the
measurements are written in Italian, as if Bruce had taken the actual
dimensions and called them out to Balugani, who had recorded them. At
the same time Bruce wrote Italian with as much facility as English,
and many remarks in the former language occur in his own handwriting.
Sometimes, instead of only two copies of the same monument, there
are several; but the same difference is always observable.
One of these sketches, or sets of sketches, is done with the most
perfect accuracy and good taste. Generally there is no attempt at
accessories of any kind, but where such are inevitable they are always
true to nature. The other, as far as its architecture is concerned,
is also accurate, but it is marred by the introduction of grotesque
figures and impossible landscapes, such as it was the custom of
that age to consider, and which Bruce himself has described, as
‘that agreeable ornament to design.’ My impression is that the
former are the production of Bruce himself, the latter perhaps in
part his sketches, but finished up and ‘agreeably ornamented’
by Luigi Balugani.
There is still a third class of illustrations, finished architectural
drawings done to scale; plans, sections, and elevations, with
elaborate details of sculpture, columnation, &c. These could
manifestly have been done better at home than abroad, and they
are executed so beautifully, and with such a profound knowledge
of architectural design that it is difficult to believe that they
are the unaided work of Bruce himself. They were done during the
retirement of the traveller at Kinnaird with a view to his intended
publication, and it is just possible that he may have been aided by
a professional draughtsman. It may be in allusion to this that he
wrote to his friend the Hon. Daines Barrington, ‘You and Dr. Douglas
will both testify how willingly I seek, and thankfully and openly I
embrace, every assistance. This I think doing justice to the public
and to posterity.’
These drawings were exhibited to the Institute of British Architects
by Major Cumming Bruce, M.P., in 1837, and the following letter
was addressed to him by Mr. Donaldson, their honorary secretary,
under date May 17, 1837:—
‘By a special resolution passed at the ordinary meeting,
held on Monday last, I am directed to convey to you the grateful
acknowledgments of the members for the rich treat with which you
favoured them on that occasion, by laying before them the highly
interesting series of drawings prepared by Bruce, the traveller,
in illustration of the antiquities existing in Northern Africa. The
members were struck with that profusion of important edifices
which embellished the provinces of the Romans; and they admired the
perseverance and skill which enabled Bruce to procure such minute
and highly wrought details of these monuments.
‘The members hope that these documents may ere long be published,
and thus add another to the long list of obligations which not only
this country, but all Europe, owes to his spirit of enterprise and
research. These drawings prove that he added the acquirements of
the naturalist, the geographer, and the philosopher, to those of
the antiquarian, the scholar, and the artist.’
They were also shown at the Graphic Society about the same period,
and the following is an extract from their proceedings, dated May 10.
‘Distinguished as Bruce is for his researches in Abyssinia, these
drawings furnish ground for an honourable and lasting reputation from
a very distinct source. It has been said among some to whom their
existence was known that they were not Bruce’s, but the work of a
young Italian artist named Balugani, who was sent to him by Lumsden,
the author of “Roman Antiquities.”
‘But among the drawings shown at the Graphic Society were some
of Pæstum made by Bruce when he was alone, prior to his visit to
Africa, where Balugani first joined him. The execution of these
prove _the same hand as appears in the greater part, and best, of
those of the African cities_,’—that is, according to my theory,
of all those which were not ‘agreeably ornamented’ by Balugani.
They were submitted to several other eminent archæologists and
architects of the day; amongst others to Mr. C. M. Cockerell, who,
writing under date June 9, 1837, thus alludes to them:—
‘In an antiquarian point of view I consider them of the utmost
importance . . . in a practical point of view they offer to the
professor of architecture many motives of composition and ornament
entirely new; and if not equal to the choicest remains of Greece
are, perhaps, of more frequent use, and on both these grounds it
is exceedingly to be regretted that they have been so long withheld
from the public.’
Mr. W. Hamilton, the celebrated archæologist and diplomatist, who
was one of the founders and first presidents of the Royal Geographical
Society, and to whom we are indebted for the discovery of the Rosetta
stone on board a French transport, writing on the same date, thus
expresses himself: ‘They are indeed most interesting documents of
his ability, fidelity, and perseverance. . . . I was particularly
struck by his correct selection, amongst the many monuments he saw,
of those only which were of a good time, and certainly they give a
most favourable notion of the state of the arts under the first two
centuries of the Roman Empire. We must not, of course, look to that
quarter of the world for genuine specimens of Greek art, but these
drawings afford the most convincing proofs that taste and judgment
prevailed in these distant and flourishing colonies to at least as
late a period as they did in Rome itself.’
No man is a better judge of architectural drawings than my esteemed
friend Monsieur César Daly. I submitted two of them only for
his inspection, and these by no means the most remarkable of the
series—the Triumphal Arch and the Capitol of Timegad, which we had
visited together. His opinion is worthy of being recorded:—‘The
architectural conscience of Bruce exceeds that of most of the best
architectural draughtsmen of his time, which nevertheless was rich
in talent of this nature. You may remember with what care I myself
designed the triumphal arch at Timegad. I intended to publish this
drawing of a monument now accessible to everyone, and having, as
director of the _Revue générale de l’Architecture_, a reputation
to keep up, my conscience as an artist was most particularly
stimulated. Well, I have compared Bruce’s design with mine, and
I repeat that I am much struck with his extreme exactness and the
great conscientiousness of the man, so rigorous towards himself,
regarding the design of a monument which in all probability none of
his contemporaries would ever be called upon to verify.
‘During the thirty-five years that I have directed the _Revue
d’Architecture_, that I have visited exhibitions of architecture,
inspected the portfolios of architects, &c., &c., I have seen so much
inexactness, which has inspired me with the most profound disgust,
that I give, or rather I offer with eagerness, the tribute of my
sympathy and respect wherever I find talent joined to honesty. I
admired Bruce as a brave and intelligent traveller; now I love him as
a serious and honest artist. I thank you once more. You will certainly
find a means of publishing these treasures; they belong to science;
they honour England in Bruce, and will serve most happily to teach
us that which existed here and there in our Algeria, and which
unfortunately exists no longer, or only in a state of _débris_.’
Bruce makes frequent allusion to drawings of his being ‘in the
King’s collection,’ and in one place he remarks: ‘They composed
three large volumes folio, two of which I presented to the King;
one, not being then finished, remains in my custody to this day.’
These two volumes of drawings were exhibited by Her Majesty the
Queen, through Mr. Woodward, the late Librarian at Windsor, to the
Society of Antiquaries of London, on March 27, 1862.[8] I have not
had an opportunity of inspecting these, and I am not aware of what
the contents of the volumes in question may be: it is to be hoped
that they contain drawings of the interesting monuments of which
no sketches sufficiently finished to admit of reproduction exist
in the Kinnaird collection, namely, the Amphitheatre of El-Djem and
the Triumphal Arch of Diana Veteranorum.
All the relics and documents of this traveller have been preserved
with scrupulous care; but I cannot resist expressing an opinion that
his drawings, of which the Barbary sketches form only a portion,
should not be allowed to remain in any private hands, but should be
religiously enshrined in our national collection.
To reproduce the entire series would be a work of great magnitude
and expense; nor is it necessary, either from an architectural or an
archæological point of view. In Bruce’s own days they could only
have been published by the costly process of engraving. Photographic
processes have now greatly facilitated the publication of such
drawings, and permit us to lay them before the public as actual
fac-similes.
In making my selection, I have as a rule preferred such drawings
as I believe to have been done by Bruce himself on the spot; but I
have included some of the more finished sketches to show the share
that Balugani had in them, and specimens of those that I believe to
have been subsequently executed in Scotland.
A few words are still necessary as to the manuscripts, which the
traveller has left, and which are of the most fragmentary and
unsatisfactory description.
They consist of the following documents:—
1. A carefully-written autobiography, intended for the Hon. Daines
Barrington, Bruce’s intimate friend, after the publication of his
travels. It is fantastically, perhaps conceitedly, entitled, ‘Memoirs
of One Unknown.’ It alludes with some asperity to the reception his
book met with, and professes great contempt of the doubts thrown on his
veracity. It extends to about 86 pages of long folio, and bears date
April 14, 1788.
2. A rough note-book of Arab manufacture, in which entries were
evidently made from day to day immediately after each halt. On the
first page is this memorandum:—
If I should die in this voyage, these notes are not to be published,
as they are memoranda only for myself, and unintelligible, and
designed to be so, to anybody else.
This contains a record of his journey from November 5, 1765, till
December 30 in the same year. At the end are a few rough details of
architecture, and copies of inscriptions.
3. A few sheets of native paper, as if torn out of a note-book similar
to, but not exactly the same size as the preceding, containing a
note on the Aqueduct at Arriana, and the records of his journey from
December 29, 1765, till his arrival at Gabes about the middle of
the following month. It is marked No. 7, which is erased, and No. 3
substituted. A fac-simile is given of one page of this manuscript
(Plate XXV.).
4. A note-book, 12mo., of Arab paper, marked No. 2, containing notes
on the Pentapolis, and of his subsequent journey in Syria and the
Red Sea.
5. A similar book, marked No. 6, containing notes on the Pentapolis.
6. A volume containing, as its name indicates, ‘Basso-relievos,
Statues, and Inscriptions, 1765.’
7. Draft of original letter, in Bruce’s handwriting, to Mr. Wood,
author of the work on ‘Baalbec and Palmyra,’ dated Tunis, April
2, 1766, published in Vol. I. of ‘Bruce’s Travels,’ Appendix
No. XXIII.
8. A note on ‘Tripoly in Africa,’ certainly not written by Bruce.
9. An autograph memoir on the Island of Tabarca.
10. An autograph memoir on Tunis and Djerba, the island of the
Lotophagi.
11. An original letter, dated London, June 16, 1775, to Mr. Seton
(of Touch?), giving an account of his adventure with the Arab chief
at Lambessa. This has been published in Major Cumming Bruce’s
pamphlet, 1837.
In addition to these manuscripts and drawings, Bruce brought a very
interesting collection of antiquities from North Africa, consisting
of fragments of sculpture and inscriptions, including part of the
frieze of the Temple of Hercules at Kef, a number of medals and
coins, a small bronze statue of Mercury, and an exquisite bronze
vase, which forms the design on the cover of this work. It has four
faces, two of nymphs and two of satyrs, very beautifully executed,
of a date probably not later than the second century. These are all
in the possession of Lord Thurlow.
There is little doubt that Bruce transcribed his rough notes, and
added many particulars, then fresh in his memory, which he did not
think it necessary to record in his daily journal. This occurred
during his residence at the island of Djerba. Probably this manuscript
was not included amongst the books and drawings which he forwarded
from Tripoli in Africa to Smyrna, or those which he despatched at
Bengazi to Tripoli in Syria, in which case they would certainly
have been lost during the shipwreck at Bengazi. His _pocket-book_
was saved there, and may be the manuscript which I have numbered 2,
into which 3 would naturally fit, but almost everything else he
possessed was lost, especially
A book with many drawings, and a copy of M. de la Caille’s
Ephemerides, having a great many manuscript marginal notes.
In addition to illustrating Bruce’s travels, I have had another
object in view—to furnish _an advanced hand-book_ of travel to
those who, like myself, dislike diligence routes and French auberges,
and revel in the delightful liberty of life on horseback and under
canvas. I hope they will find many such suggestions as to routes
here, as I should have been glad of myself, though they must not
expect to be treated with the same amount of hospitality.
And here I think I ought, in justice to myself, to acknowledge
the authorship of ‘Murray’s Handbook to Algeria.’ I have
endeavoured, as far as possible, to avoid any allusion to the
districts therein described; but this was not always possible,
and passages will, no doubt, be found, which, but for this avowal,
might lay me open to the charge of obtaining my information from a
popular work in everybody’s hands.
Every word of these manuscripts relating to his Barbary journey I
have embodied in my text, either in the order in which I visited the
places, or, where I was unable to do so, as a continuous narrative
in his own words.
I have elsewhere acknowledged my deep obligations to Monsieur César
Daly, with whom I had the pleasure of making the first part of my
journey. I would also record how much I am indebted to Professor
Donaldson, the Nestor of British architects, who, ever since he
signed the letter to Major Cumming Bruce, before quoted, in 1837, has
felt the deepest interest in Bruce’s work; he greatly aided me in
making the best possible selection of the drawings for publication,
and in many other respects he has given me the benefit of his great
professional knowledge and experience.
I cannot conclude these introductory remarks without allusion
to a letter which has reached me since the manuscript was in the
publishers’ hands, and which has to me almost the solemnity of a
voice from beyond the tomb. Mrs. Whitely Dundas, of Clifton, after
stating that she had seen in the papers a paragraph to the effect
that I had recently been instrumental in erecting a stained-glass
window and memorial brass in the church at Algiers to Bruce, and that
I was occupied on a work to illustrate his travels in this country,
adds: ‘I can well imagine, even after the lapse of so many years,
how proud and gratified my mother would have been could she have
lived to see this day. She was Bruce’s only daughter, and died
before her father’s fame and veracity were fully established.’
If what has been to me so great a labour of love shall have the
effect of adding one leaf to the well-earned laurel-wreath of my
favourite hero, I shall be amply repaid. My work has had no other
object, although I have thought it advisable to combine the result
of my own journeys with his, and thus to give the subject a wider
interest, and make it useful for travellers in little-known parts
of Algeria and Tunis.
However badly my share of the work may be performed, Bruce’s
merits can hardly fail to ensure its success. Never was a trite
old saying more aptly applied than that adopted by his biographer,
and which I have engraved on his monument at Algiers: ‘Magna est
veritas et prævalebit.’
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: This instrument still exists at Kinnaird.]
[Footnote 2: In searching for Bruce’s Barbary drawings in Her
Majesty’s Library at Windsor Castle, eighteen drawings of Palmyra
and Baalbec were discovered; they bore no names or signature, and
the authorship was unknown to the librarian until I identified them.]
[Footnote 3: Zaghouan.]
[Footnote 4: This is evidently a clerical error; there is no _good_
arch at Ain Tunga. Bruce probably means _Zanfour_.]
[Footnote 5: Tebessa.]
[Footnote 6: The Prætorium of Lambessa.]
[Footnote 7: This does not exist in the Kinnaird collection.]
[Footnote 8: _Proc. Soc. Antiq._, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 96.]
PART I.
CHAPTER I.
BRUCE APPOINTED CONSUL-GENERAL AT ALGIERS.
The circumstances which induced Bruce to accept the post of
Consul-General at Algiers are contained in the following extracts
from his autobiography:—
My Lord Halifax, in many conversations, laughed at me for my intention
of returning to Scotland. He said, the way of rising in this King’s
reign was by enterprise and discovery; that all Africa, though just
at our door, was yet unexplored; that every page of Doctor Shaw,
a writer of undoubted credit, spoke of some magnificent ruins which
he had seen in the kingdoms of Tunis and Algiers; that now was the
age to recover these remains of architecture and add them to the
King’s collection.
Fortune seemed to enter into this scheme. At the very instant,
Mr. Aspinwall, very cruelly and ignominiously treated by the Dey
of Algiers, had resigned his consulship, and Mr. Ford, a merchant,
formerly the Dey’s acquaintance, was named in his place. Mr. Ford
was appointed, and, dying a few days afterwards, the consulship
became vacant. Lord Halifax pressed me to accept this, as containing
all sorts of conveniences for making the proposed expedition. The
appointment was a handsome one, the salary was 900_l._ a year, and a
promise was added that a vice-consul of my own appointment would be
allowed to keep my place while on the discovery, and that, if I made
wide excursions into Africa, and any considerable additions to the
King’s collection, my former conditions of being made a baronet
were to be preserved, and either a pension if I chose to retire,
or my rank and advancement in the diplomatique line, preserved to
me on my return.
Many conversations passed about the then unknown and despaired of
fountains of the Nile; but this was considered as an enterprise
above the power of extraordinary men, presumption to think it was
within the reach of an untried ordinary man like me, but agreed
on all hands that he that should achieve it, if he was a Briton,
should not in this age despair of any reward.
In passing through Holland, I had collected all the printed books
in the Arabic language, and at the time when I was to go to Algiers
I was as good an Arabian as these books and dictionaries and this
manner of study could make me.
Thus prepared, I set out for Italy through France, and though it
was in time of war, and some strong objections had been made to
particular passports solicited by our Government from the French
Secretary of State, Monsieur de Choiseul most obligingly waived all
such exceptions with regard to me, and most politely assured me that
those difficulties did not in any shape regard me, but that I was
at perfect liberty to pass through or remain in France with those
that accompanied me, without limiting their number, as short or as
long a time as should be agreeable to me.
On my arrival at Rome, I received orders to proceed to Naples,
there to await His Majesty’s further commands.
While waiting at Naples for instructions to proceed to his post,
Bruce visited Pæstum, the ruins of which were then but little known,
and at the suggestion of Sir James Gray, the British Ambassador,
made accurate drawings of those ruins, and conceived the idea of
illustrating the history of that city from its various coins of
different periods. This idea, which he was the first to originate,
he executed with great learning and ingenuity. On proceeding to
Africa, he entrusted these drawings to Sir Robert Strange, for the
purpose of having them engraved; but, from circumstances which have
never been explained, copies of them were surreptitiously obtained,
and, on his return from Abyssinia, he found that his work had been
pirated and published under another name. In his autograph memoir he
expresses himself strongly on this subject, but his chief complaint is
That the bunglers did not know how to avail themselves of the
materials for the history of Pæstum which, by whatever means,
had fallen into their hands.
To resume, however, Bruce’s own narrative:—
The Government was so kind as to send the ‘Montreal’ frigate to
carry me to Algiers.
I pursued my plan, studied hard, was become now a good Orientalist
in general. I speedily spoke the Arabic fluently; among the natives
and among the servants I exercised myself every day. I was also an
adept in Geer, or Ethiopic, as far as Ludolph and Memmers and the
few books I had could make me, but these were as yet very few.
It happened at St. Philip’s in Minorca, as it always, I believe,
happens, that when a fortress is surrendered to an enemy, the
papers, plans, and documents found therein are to be delivered up
to the captors. The French, when they took Minorca, had found in
that fortress a multitude of blank Mediterranean passes, a number
of these being always lodged for common demand with the Secretary
of the Governor of Minorca and Gibraltar. The French, upon finding
these, had countersigned them, and sold them to Sardinians, Genoese,
Neapolitans, and Spaniards, who navigated under their authority with
English colours. They had not even taken the precaution of putting
an English supercargo on board, so that English colours were found
everywhere, with not a man on board but the enemies of Algiers.
This Regency soon were informed of this in all its circumstances by
the French and Swedish Consuls residing in Algiers; they could not
read, their only trial of the passport was by a countercheck delivered
them by the Consul. When they applied this to these false passports
they all checked and agreed; when the ships were, notwithstanding,
brought into Algiers, the English Consul detected the fraud, disowned
the signature, and the ship was made a legal prize.
This secret, however obvious to everyone skilled in business of that
kind, was inscrutable to pirates who knew no other rule but the check;
the cruisers were on the point of mutinying; had I not been on good
terms with the whole Regency, as well as with the common soldiers
and merchants, I should have been burned in my house, or condemned
to draw the stone cart in irons, as a short time before I had had
the mortification to see the French Consul and all his nation do.
The event here alluded to is an extraordinary example of the terrorism
which prevailed in Algiers at that epoch, and of the indignities
to which even representatives of the most powerful nations were
subjected, without provoking more than a passing remonstrance. The
story is recorded in the private memorials of the Congrégation de
la Mission, which have been obligingly placed at my disposal by the
Superior-General in Paris. Well may he remark: ‘Nos confrères ont
beaucoup travaillé et beaucoup souffert sur cette terre d’Afrique,
où les Chrétiens avaient été si longtemps persécutés; maintenant
la croix a heureusement triomphé, et puisque vous avez étudié
l’histoire de ce pays, vous pouvez voir combien il a gagné à
être délivré de la domination Mahométane.’
A French vessel had, through some mistake, fired upon an Algerian
galliot, which made a prize of it, and brought it into the harbour of
Algiers. Monsieur Vallière, the French Consul, went on the following
day to request the Dey to restore the boat and its equipage, assuring
his Highness that if the latter had been guilty of any infringement
of the conventions between the two countries they would be severely
punished in France. The Dey answered him that the French were only
good at chicanery; they were liars, the greatest enemies of the
country, and no better than spies of the Spaniards; he knew how
to right himself, and would hear nothing more from the Consul,
who might retire.
The Consul did retire, in company with his chancellor. In less
than an hour he was again called to the palace, and, without further
explanation, he was heavily chained, as were also the Vicar Apostolic,
two other missionaries, the chancellor, the secretary, the Consul’s
servants, and the crews of the four boats then in harbour, in all
fifty-three persons. Every morning they were sent out to the hardest
and most degrading labour, and exposed to the insults and jeers
of the populace; harnessed two and two to stone carts and heavily
ironed, they were compelled to drag their weary burden twice every
day from the quarries at several miles’ distance to where the
masons were at work, after which, though worn out with fatigue,
the good priests’ first care was to console their fellow-captives,
and to conduct public prayer in the Bagnio.
Our treaties, made and renewed by captains of men-of-war, from time
to time, who know no more of the interest of their country in the
Mediterranean than I know of directing a line-of-battle, afforded
no sort of remedy for this grievance, which was new, because Port
Mahon falling into the hands of the enemy was a new event not to
be foreseen.
These treaties were growing worse every day; they were a monstrous
heap of confusion not understood either by the Turkish or the British
Government. I wrote home repeated letters explanatory of the mischief
and the causes of it. I either got no answers at all, or short ones,
that showed me they did not attend to the subject. We were on the very
eve of having all our Mediterranean and Straits trade carried into
the Barbary ports as prizes, when letters were said to be expeded
(_sic_) by the Secretary of State—I think the Duke of Grafton
or Lord Shelburne—desiring the Governor of Mahon and Gibraltar
(for Mahon was now restored to the English) to recall all these old
irregular passports signed by the French, and in their place to issue
what was called _passavants_, under the hand and seal of the Governor
of those fortresses, importing the ship bearer thereof to be British
property, and that this should serve as a passport during a limited
time, after which new checks and new passports were to be issued by
the Admiralty for the ships then in the Mediterranean and the Barbary
cruisers that visited them. But no intimation was sent to the Consuls
of this, nor was such passavant to be found in the treaty, nor did
any new checks or passports come for a long time from the Admiralty.
In the meantime the Algerine cruisers were more exasperated than
before; they had still no way of knowing an enemy from a friend but
by the check the Consul gave them, and that had been declared as no
longer of use, as covering fraud, and was issued no more.
· · · · · · ·
All Algiers was in arms, and to excuse our Government was impossible;
they never did know Barbary politics in my time.
· · · · · · ·
British Consuls in the Straits, or in the Barbary States, are
generally men that have failed in their own mercantile affairs; they
are afraid to write the true situation of things to a Secretary of
State, because they fear hurting their interest at Algiers and losing
their posts at home. Government have for some years been afraid of
Algiers, or so complaisant as to recal the British Consul upon a
complaint they do not like him, and often for having done his duty.
I was no merchant, and afraid of neither; I had stated the thing as
it was constantly, and one day when a few of these pirates had come
home in disappointment at meeting nothing but what was covered by
these passavants, crossing me in the street, one of them, drunk,
I suppose, fired a large horse pistol directly in my face at the
distance of sixteen yards. It was loaded with slugs, one of which
cut the loop where my hat was buttoned, another cut the skin of my
eyelid, and a third wounded me slightly in the left arm. Government
seized the unhappy beast and would have put him to death, had I not
saved him by the trouble of some application and interest, and even
a little expense.
It was no vain boast on the part of Bruce that his intercession had
saved this man’s life. Monsieur Laugier de Tassy, in his ‘Histoire
du Royaume d’Alger,’ published at Amsterdam in 1727, gives the
following account of what happened to another unhappy wretch who had
insulted a British Consul, and there is little doubt that if Barbary
justice had been left to take its course this man would have fared
no better.
‘In 1716 Mr. Thomas Thompson, British Consul, going to the
Assembly Rooms of the ship captains, met on the pier a young Moor,
who, it is generally believed, was drunk. The pier is very narrow,
and much rain having fallen, the passage was by no means easy. The
Moor would not make way for the Consul, but began to quarrel and even
pushed him. The Consul asked him whether he wished to throw him off
the pier, adding that he thought it rather impertinent of him not
to turn aside. The Moor answered that it was well for a Christian
to wish to pass before him, and at the same time seized the Consul,
boxed his ears, tripped him over, threw him on the ground and placed
his knee on his stomach. The Captain of the Port, having witnessed
this scene from a distance, came forward and threatened the Moor, who
thought it better not to wait for him and ran away. The Captain took
the Consul to the house where the captains met, to console him and
to repair the disorder he was in. The Admiral expressed his regret at
what had happened. He told him he would report the matter to the Dey,
and the Moor would soon be punished for his crime. The Admiral had
great regard for the family of this young man, for his father was a
friend of his and an honest merchant. When, therefore, he had laid
the whole affair before the Dey, he begged him not to condemn the man
to death, as he deserved, as he belonged to a respectable family, and
that drink, to which he had been tempted by libertines, had been the
cause of his crime. The Dey answered that he deserved to be hanged,
but that out of regard for him he would be pardoned. As an example,
however, and for the sake of the insulted Consul, it was necessary
to punish the wretch; the Dey therefore asked the Admiral to choose
the kind of punishment he liked. The Admiral chose the bastinado, and
the Dey said to him, “Out of regard for thee I will spare him.”
The Consul soon after arrived. The Dey, seeing him, said, “Consul,
I am doing what you desire. I am sorry for what has happened to you,
but you shall have justice; remain there.” He gave orders at the
same time to the Moorish _Bach-Chaouch_ to bring the accused before
him. As he had not hidden himself, he was soon found and brought
before the Dey, who, in great anger, said to him, “Wretch, what
hast thou done?”—“I have beaten a Christian, a dog who wanted
to be more than myself, and who insulted me.” The Dey, enraged
at his arrogance, said, “Is it true that you have treated the
British Consul in such and such a way?”—“Yes, my Lord,” he
answered. “Is it worth sending for me for such a trifle?” Then
the Dey, furious, cried out, “That is enough,” and pronounced
sentence, which was that he should receive 2,200 stripes. This was
done at once, in the presence of the Consul. He received 100 blows on
the soles of the feet, so that his feet were taken off as far as the
ankles, or held on by so little that Mehemed Effendi Khasnadar drew
his knife and cut the skin by which they hung. As further blows would
have caused death, and as the Dey was anxious that he should suffer
well before such a thing happened, he gave orders to conduct him to
prison, so that he might regain strength. The following day, at nine
in the morning, the Dey sent for the British Consul, and also for the
prisoner, who there and then received the remaining 1,200 blows on his
back, which was so cut up that he lost both speech and breath. But, as
he was not yet dead, the Dey ordered him to be taken back to prison,
and to be shut up there alone, and without help. This was done, and
the poor wretch was suffered to die of pain, hunger, and thirst.’
To resume however Bruce’s narrative:—
This dispassionate behaviour reconciled all the soldiery to me,
already well-inclined to a man as to personal friendship. I gave
Government a long detail of the situation of their affairs, without
fear or disguise; I begged them to send out a man of some knowledge
and dignity in business, who with me might go through the treaties,
renew them, and make them intelligible, who might bring out new
Mediterranean passes, a thing to be done in a very short time, after
which I was satisfied that things would be settled on a peaceable
and permanent footing. I claimed the King’s promise to be allowed
to appoint a man, who had nothing to do but to sign the passports,
while I made the excursions into Africa, which were the object of my
voyage, for which I was fully prepared, and wished to defer no longer.
I received an answer that His Majesty commanded me to stay, till
an Ambassador should be sent, to explain and settle the matter and
the disputes with the Dey of Algiers. At the same time it said,
slightly enough, that it undoubtedly was the King’s wish I might
continue at Algiers; but since I did not choose it, His Majesty was
resolved, that these places should not be sinecures, and therefore
another Consul would be sent over, unless I certified my resolution
to stay in course.
This mandate, which was a direct breach of the faith of Government,
filled me with indignation.
· · · · · · ·
A relative of my own, a Captain C———,[9] son to the Secretary
of the Admiralty, a man that I knew much better than those that sent
him, came as the King’s representative to Algiers, and brought
with him a city attorney,[10] that had somehow or other connected
himself by marriage with the family of Egerton, as Consul.
None of them understood a word of the language, none of them a word
of sense; they quarrelled from the beginning, and the Ambassador
privately engaged the Dey to send the Consul home again by the end
of the year, when he would bring out another and new presents from
the King.
· · · · · · ·
The Dey[11] continued my fast friend; he furnished me with all the
necessary letters to his provinces. I told him I was going for some
necessaries to Mahon. I should then go down the coast by Bona, to
Tunis. I should then come back to Constantine and return again to
Tunis by the foot of Mount Atlas.
He assured me of every mark of friendship and protection, which he
kept through the whole course of the voyage.
The Ambassador, in the _Phœnix_, man-of-war, and I in a small
Mahonese barque, sailed together from Algiers for Mahon.[12]
In the night we were overtaken by a violent storm of wind, which
lasted all the next day, broke our mainsail yard, and did us other
considerable damage. We saw no more of the _Phœnix_; she had held
her wind, which though violent was fair, and arrived at Gibraltar.
I put into Quarantine Island in Mahon, and announced my arrival
there and the reason of it to General Townshend, desiring it might
be entered in some book, where the authentic evidence of day and
date might be referred to. Every sort of politeness was shown me by
that officer, who ordered immediately to give me pratique. Having
nothing to do in Mahon, I refused it, and set sail for Tunis.
As the first portion of Bruce’s journey is not given in the order
in which he made it, I subjoin the dates of the various stages,
as nearly as they can be made out.
1765.
About August 19, left Algiers.
Middle of October, left Tunis for Medjez-el-Bab, Dougga, and Kef.
November 5, left Kef.
„ 6 to 9, Zanfour, Mukther.
„ 10, Oulad Ayar.
„ 11, Sbiba—Oulad Hassan.
„ 12 to 14, Sbaitla.
„ 15, six miles north of Sbaitla.
„ 16, Zeghalma.
„ 17, Djebel Hannech.
„ 18, Mountains of Zeghalma.
„ 19-20, Hydera.
„ 21 to 23, Tebessa.
„ 24, Mountains of Hannencha, fourteen miles from Tebessa.
„ 25, Oulad Aissa at Bucowash.
„ 26, passed Miskiana and ‘entered eastern province of
Algiers.’
„ 27, eight miles E. of Sidi Bou-geise.
„ 28, Sigus.
„ 29, Boo Marzook.
„ 30, Constantine.
December 2, five miles south of Constantine.
„ 3, Ain Fisgeeah.
„ 4, Tattubt.
„ 5, encamped at Smala of the Bey, nine miles from Tattubt.
„ 6, Zana.
„ 7, Djebel Mustowa, seven miles from Zana.
„ 8, The Medrassen.
„ 9, 10, Tezzoute (Lambessa).
„ 11, eight miles S.E. of Lambessa.
„ 12, Timegad.
„ 13, four miles from Baggai.
„ 14, head of the Miskiana.
„ 15, five miles from Ain Shabrou.
„ 16, Tebessa.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 9: Captain Cleveland.]
[Footnote 10: Mr. Robert Kirke.]
[Footnote 11: Baba Ali, 1754-1766.]
[Footnote 12: Bruce’s passport for Tunis, signed by his successor,
Robert Kirke, is dated August 19, 1765.]
CHAPTER II.
JULIA CÆSAREA.
There is no written account remaining of Bruce’s explorations to
the west of Algiers, and the only allusion to them is the fact that
he first used his camera obscura in delineating the _Kubr-er-Rumiah_,
or Tombeau de la Chrétienne, as it is now called.
The illustrations he has left of Julia Cæsarea, which, doubtless,
he visited while still Consul-General at Algiers, are as follows:
1. A perspective view in water-colours and distemper of the
Kubr-er-Rumiah, or Tomb of Juba II. No architectural details are
shown, as the _débris_ around the base had not then been cleared
away.
2. Finished drawing to scale, in Indian ink, of restored plan,
and elevation of Tomb.
3. Perspective view in water-colours of the same building, taken from
the S.E. In the foreground are architectural fragments, including
Ionic capitals, frusta of columns, and portion of entablature. [Plate
I.]
4. Finished drawing to scale, in Indian ink, of front and side
elevation of capitals of Ionic order; plan of columns. Elevation
and section of architrave. [Plate II.]
5. Duplicate of 2; dimensions not figured.
6. Duplicate of 4.
7. Pencil drawings of coins: six coins of Ptolemy, one of Juba II.
8. Pencil drawings of coins: eight coins of Juba, four of Juba and
Cleopatra Selene, one of Cleopatra Selene.
9. Pencil sketch of Tomb, very similar to 3.
10. Perspective view of Aqueduct of Cherchel. [Plate III.]
11. A view of the same, in distemper.
12. Elevation and section of the same to scale.
13 to 15. Three ornamental titles of proposed work.
The site of the ancient city of Jol, subsequently Julia Cæsarea, is
marked by the modern town of Cherchel, about 72 miles west of Algiers.
After the surrender of Jugurtha to Marius by his son-in-law and ally,
Bocchus King of Numidia, the latter reunited to his own kingdom the
provinces, which extended from Saldae, the modern Bougie, to Molocath,
the modern river Molouia, on the confines of Morocco. At his death,
about 91 B.C., he left the western portion of his dominions to Bogud,
and the newly annexed portions to his second son Bocchus.
Fifty years later we find these two divisions of Mauritania still
existing, and governed by kings bearing the same names as before,
but with this difference, that it was Bogud who was King of
Eastern Mauritania, and Bocchus who governed the western portion
or Tingitana.[13]
The former of these took part with Cæsar in the war, which terminated
in the defeat of the Pompeian army at Thapsus, and the suicide of
Juba I. King of Numidia. The infant son of that monarch was taken
to Rome, where he graced the triumph of the great dictator; a part
of the forfeited kingdom was given to Bogud, and subsequently the
western province was added by Augustus, during the reign of his son
Bocchus III. That prince reigned five years over the two Mauritanias,
his capital being Jol, and died B.C. 33.
In the meantime the young Juba had been carefully educated at Rome,
where he attained a high literary reputation, being frequently cited
by Pliny, who describes him as more memorable for his erudition than
for the crown he wore, glorious as it was. Plutarch also calls him
the greatest historian amongst kings.
All his works have disappeared, though a long list of them has
survived; they treated of a great diversity of subjects, including
history, antiquities, arts, science, grammar and geography.
In the year 26 B.C. Augustus, desiring to give to the people of
the late monarch a sovereign of their own race, fixed upon this son
of Juba, and restored to him the western portion of his father’s
dominions, trusting to his thorough Roman education to secure his
submission, and on the prestige of his race and name to win the
affections of the Numidian races, and to hasten their fusion with
the conquering nation.
He removed his capital to the ancient Phœnician city of Jol, to
which he gave the name of Julia Cæsarea.
He died in A.D. 19, leaving a son, Ptolemy, the last independent
prince of Mauritania, who was far from sharing the high qualities
of his father.
[Illustration: _Plate II._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE OR TOMB OF JUBA II.
FAC SIMILE OF PLATE OF ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS
EXECUTED BY BRUCE AFTER HIS RETURN TO SCOTLAND.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
His reign was characterised by debauchery and misgovernment, and the
Mauritanians were not slow to rise in revolt, under the leadership
of Tacfarinas. This war lasted for seven years, shortly after which
Tiberius died, and was succeeded by Caligula, who summoned Ptolemy
to Rome, and, after having received him with great honour, caused
him to be killed, as he thought that the splendour of his attire
excited unduly the attention of the spectators. It is more likely
that he desired to appropriate the wealth that Ptolemy was known to
have accumulated. This murder was followed by a serious revolution
in Mauritania, which lasted several years.
The Tombeau de la Chrétienne figured by Bruce is well known to all
visitors to Algiers. It is one of three somewhat similar edifices,
one of which is found in each province of Algeria, the other two
being the Medrassen, or Tomb of the Numidian Kings in Constantine,
and El-Djedar in Oran.
This, however, is the only one mentioned by any ancient author.
Pomponius Mela, in his work ‘De Situ Orbis,’ written about the middle
of the first century, after the death of Juba II., but before the
murder of his son Ptolemy, mentions both Cæsarea (Cherchel) and Icosium
(Algiers), and states that beyond the former is the _monumentum commune
regiæ gentis_.
This at once decides the nature of the building, which, though
intended to be seen far and near, is yet entirely concealed from view
at Cherchel by the mountain of Chennoua, the presumption being that
the king would not care to have constantly within sight of his royal
residence, the tomb which he had caused to be constructed for himself.
The resemblance to the Medrassen, or Tomb of the Numidian Kings,
from whom Juba was descended, is another presumption that it was
erected by him in imitation of his ancestral mausoleum.
Bruce’s illustration (Plate I.) of this monument is the only
inaccurate one in the whole series. Until long after his time the
podium was so encumbered with _débris_ that it was impossible to
make out the architectural details, and he has represented this
portion of the edifice rather as what he imagined it to be than as
it actually existed.
Juba II. married Cleopatra Selene, daughter of the celebrated
Egyptian queen by Marc Antony, and there is every probability that
this monument served only as his tomb, and that of his wife, who died
before him. It is hardly likely that the remains of his son Ptolemy,
the last of his race, could have been transferred from Rome to Africa.
The tomb must have been violated at a very early period in the search
for hidden treasure. A careful examination of the accumulated earth
and dust within revealed traces of successive races, who had visited
the place, some of whom had even made it a place of residence, but
none whatever of the bodies for whose reception it had been erected.
It is called by the Arabs _Kubr er-Roumiah_, tomb of the Roman,
or rather Christian woman, the word _Roumi_ (fem. _Roumiah_) being
used commonly by Arabs all over the East to designate strangers of
Christian origin.
Various explanations are given of this name. Marmol mentions
a tradition, that under it were interred the mortal remains of
the beautiful daughter of Count Julian, over the story of whose
misfortunes the muse of Southey has shed so strong an interest.
Shaw[14] states that amongst the Turks it was known by the name
Maltapasy, or Treasure of the Sugar Loaf; and the belief, that it
covered some great accumulation of riches, has exposed it to attacks,
by which it has been much ruined, and before which a less solid
structure would have altogether disappeared. Marmol adds:
‘In the year 1555 Solharraes[15] attempted to pull it down,
hoping to find some treasure in it; but when they lifted up the
stones there came a sort of black poisonous wasps from under them,
which caused immediate death wherever they stinged, and upon that
Barbarossa dropped his design.’
Many other legends and traditions are connected with it, which it
would be out of place here to reproduce.
The Tombeau de la Chrétienne is built on a hill forming part of
the Sahel range, 756 feet above the level of the sea, covered with a
brushwood of lentisk and tree heath, situated nearly midway between
Tipasa and Koleah, and to the west of Algiers.
It is a circular, or rather polygonal, building, originally about
131 feet in height; the actual height at present is 100 ft. 8 in.,
of which the cylindrical portion is 36 ft. 6 in., and the pyramid 64
ft. 2 in. The base is 198 feet in diameter, and forms an encircling
podium, or zone, of a decorative character, presenting a vertical
wall, ornamented with sixty engaged Ionic columns, 2 ft. 5 in. in
diameter, surmounted by a frieze or cornice of simple form. The
capitals of the columns have entirely disappeared, but they are
represented in Bruce’s drawings as having very small volutes, most
of the space between which is occupied by a honeysuckle flower. There
are two tendrils, one on each side of the flower, but growing out of
the surface of the capital, and not continuous with the flower. The
necking between the capital and the shaft is composed of a succession
of four small petalled flowers, flatly applied, contained between
an upper and a lower fillet.
The series of the colonnade has at the cardinal points four false
doors, the four panels of which, producing what may have been taken
to represent a cross, probably contributed to fix the appellation
of Christian to it.
Above the cornice rise a series of thirty-three steps, which gradually
decrease in circular area, giving the building the appearance of a
truncated cone.
The whole monument is placed on a low platform 210 feet square,
the sides of which are tangents to the circular base.
During the Emperor Napoleon’s last visit to Africa he charged the
well-known Algerian scholar, M. Berbrugger, and M. MacCarthy, the late
and present directors of the library and museum, to explore this tomb,
which had never been penetrated in modern times, spite of the attempt
of Salah Rais, in 1555, and the efforts of Baba Mohammed in the end
of the eighteenth century, to batter it down by means of artillery.
[Illustration: SKETCH SHOWING THE CROSS ON THE FALSE DOORS.]
In May, 1866, a hole was drilled by an Artesian sound, which gave
indications of an interior cavity, and shortly afterwards an opening
was made from the exterior to the interior passage. Entering by this,
both the central chamber and the regular door were easily found.
Below the false door, to the E., is a smaller one, giving access to a
vaulted chamber, to the right of which was the door of the principal
gallery. Above this are rudely sculptured the figures of a lion and
a lioness.
From this passage a large gallery, about 6 ft. 7 in. in breadth,
by 7 ft. 5 in. in height, is entered by a flight of steps. Along it
are niches in the wall, intended to hold lamps. Its total length
is 483 feet. This winds round in a spiral direction, gradually
approaching the centre, where are two sepulchral vaulted chambers,
one 12 ft. 4 in. by 9 ft. 3 in., and the other 12 ft. 4 in. by 9
ft. 7 in., separated from each other by a short passage, and shut
off from the winding passage by stone doors, consisting of a single
slab capable of being moved up and down by levers like a portcullis.
Julia Cæsarea itself, corresponding to the charming little French
town of Cherchel, is situated further on, at a distance of 71 miles
from Algiers, and twenty from the nearest station, El-Afroun.
Close to the twenty-second kilometric stone, counting from where the
Cherchel road branches off from the main one to Miliana at Bou-Rekika,
and at a distance of between six and seven miles from Cherchel, is
the subject of Bruce’s second illustration (Plate III.), part of the
aqueduct which led the waters of the Oued el-Hachem, and the copious
springs of Djebel Chennoua into Julia Cæsarea. This consisted of
two converging branches, following the contour of the hills as open
channels or traversing projecting spurs by means of galleries. In
only two places was it necessary to carry the water over valleys on
arches; the first was at the place here illustrated, and the second
about three miles further on, at the junction of the two branches,
where the united waters were carried over the valley of the Oued
Billah on a single series of arches, of which five are still entire.
Many piers of the others remain, and the high road now passes between
two of them.
Bruce has, as usual, left no names or indication of locality on his
drawings of this structure, but its condition at the present day is
hardly different from what it was a century ago. And amongst his
MSS. I discovered a small scrap of paper containing a memorandum
in pencil, which would have removed all doubts on the subject,
had any existed.
‘_Shershell arches. View is that of the east side. River
Hashem. Shenoa on the east. The mountain of Beni Habeeb that seen
through the broken arch_.’
At this spot a small stream winds through a deep and narrow
valley. The aqueduct is carried over this on a triple series of
arches, nearly all of which are still entire, with the exception of
the gap exhibited in the illustration.
The lower and middle series consisted each of seven arches, of
which five are complete, and the upper one had sixteen, of which
thirteen remain.
The construction of the building cannot compare with that of the
great aqueduct of Carthage; the arches are irregular in form, where
irregularity does not appear to have been necessary. The masonry is
of cut stone only as far as the spring of the middle arches, above
which it is of rubble; all the superstructure above the bottom of the
specus has disappeared, but at the south end there still remains a
circular basin, intended, no doubt, to break the fall of the water,
which descended at a steep incline, and to collect the stones and
other substances which might be washed down by it, and thus allow
only a stream of clear water to flow over into the duct beyond.
[Illustration: _Plate III._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
AQUEDUCT OF JULIA CAESARIA (CHERCHEL)
FAC-SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The dimensions given by Bruce of this aqueduct are as follows:—
Ft. in. lines.
Height to keystone of lower arch 39 9 0
Thickness of keystone 2 6 0
Height to keystone of middle arch 34 0 0
Thickness of keystone 1 9 0
Thence to keystone of upper arch 38 9 0
Above intrados of upper arch 5 9 0
Total height 116 6 4
Breadth of first pier 11 7 2
Breadth of first arch 11 5 0
Breadth of second and third piers 14 8 0
Interval between them 19 6 4
Thickness of pier of first series 14 7 3
Cherchel is easily reached in one day from Algiers by railway and
omnibus, and is well worthy of a visit. It is pleasantly situated on
the sea coast in a very picturesque plateau west of the Oued Billah,
and between the mountains of the Beni Manasser and the sea. Ruins of
former magnificence exist in every direction, and wherever excavations
are made, columns and fragments of architectural details are found in
abundance; unfortunately, little or no regard has been paid to the
preservation of the numerous remains which existed even as late as
the French conquest. Most of the portable objects of interest have
been removed to museums elsewhere, and nearly all the monuments have
been destroyed for the sake of their stones. The large amphitheatre
outside the gate to the east still retains its outline, but the
bottom is encumbered with twelve or fifteen feet of _débris_, and
is at present a ploughed field; the steps, excepting in one small
corner, have disappeared, and every block of cut stone has been
removed. The theatre or hippodrome near the barracks is now a mere
depression in the ground, though in 1840 it was in a nearly perfect
state of preservation, and was surrounded by a portico supported
by columns of granite and marble, to which access was obtained by
a magnificent flight of steps. Here it is said that St. Arcadius
suffered martyrdom by being cut in pieces. Magnificent baths existed
both in the vicinity of the amphitheatre, where is now the _Champs de
Mars_, and on the opposite side of the town overlooking the port. Even
as late as my first visit to Cherchel a curious old fort existed on
the public place, built, as an inscription in the museum testifies,
by the Caïd Mahmoud bin Fares Ez-zaki, under the government and by
order of _The Emir who executes the orders of God, who fights in the
ways of God, Aroudj, the son of Yakoob, in the year of the Hejira_
924. This was built out of older Roman materials found on the spot by
the celebrated corsair Baba Aroudj, surnamed by Europeans Barbarossa.
Numerous columns of black diorite and the _brèche_ of Djebel Chennoua
lie scattered about the place, as well as magnificent fragments of
what must once have been a white marble temple of singular beauty. In
the museum a great variety of fragments are collected, many of which
probably belonged to the same building, together with broken statues,
tumulary and other inscriptions, capitals and bases of columns,
amphoræ, etc., and in one corner, amongst a heap of rubbish, are
some precious specimens illustrating curious facts connected with the
state of industrial arts during the time of the Romans. For instance,
a small section of a leaden pipe shows us that such implements were
then made by rolling up a sheet of the metal, folding over the edges,
and running molten lead along the joint. An ingot of the same metal
exists, as perfect as when it left the foundry, with the maker’s
name in _basso relievo_. There is a boat’s anchor much corroded,
but still perfect in shape, a sundial of curious design, and, most
interesting of all, the lower half of a seated Egyptian divinity,
in black basalt, with a hieroglyphic inscription. This was found in
the bed of the harbour, and may have been sent as a present to the
fair Cleopatra, from her native land.
One of the most interesting buildings in the town is the Military
Hospital, once a Mohammedan mosque, supported on 89 columns of
diorite, surmounted by capitals brought from other buildings, without
regard to size or style. The bases are embedded in the ground, it
having been found necessary to raise the floor, in order to protect
the building from damp. The mosque, which was of immense size,
has been divided by partition walls to make four separate wards.
From an antiquarian point of view, there is no place in the province
of Algiers so interesting as Cherchel and its neighbourhood,
and however reckless has been the destruction of the precious
architectural treasures which it contained, abundance still remains
to testify to the splendour of the capital of Mauritania Cæsariensis.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 13: De Vermeuil et Bugnot, _Rev. Afr._ xiv. p. 45.]
[Footnote 14: Shaw, p. 45.]
[Footnote 15: Salah Rais.]
CHAPTER III.
START FOR BONE — VISIT THE FOREST OF EDOUGH AND MINES OF AIN BARBAR.
My first expedition in the footsteps of Bruce commenced at Bone early
in April 1875, and was devoted to that part of his route which lay
within the French colony of Algeria. I was accompanied by a few very
valued friends, and I trust that the retrospect of the two months we
spent together may prove as pleasant to them as it does to me. One of
them was Monsieur César Daly, Architect to the French Government,
the learned and accomplished founder of the ‘Revue Générale de
l’Architecture et des Travaux Publiques,’ a distinguished veteran
in his own department of art, whose voluminous works are almost as
highly appreciated in England as they are in France. His thorough
knowledge of the subject enabled us to appreciate the Roman ruins we
visited in a manner that without such a companion would have been
impossible; and I cannot sufficiently thank him for the great aid
and encouragement he has continued to give me in the preparation of
this work.
Bone is too well known to all the tourists who visit Algeria to
require any description; they visit the ruins of Hippo or Hippone,
rendered sacred by memories of St. Augustine, and make various
other pleasant little excursions round about; very few, however,
make the most interesting one of all, the ascent of Djebel Edough,
the Mons Papua, where took place some of the most important events
in the history of North Africa.
When the Vandal King Genseric laid siege to Hippone, during the
year in which St. Augustine died, the inhabitants of this mountain
witnessed from their natural fastnesses the extinction of Roman
power in Africa. A century later Belisarius reconquered the country,
and Gilimer, the last of the Vandal monarchs fleeing before him,
took refuge in these mountains, whence before his surrender he sent
the well-known message to his conqueror, requesting that he might
be supplied with a lyre, a loaf of bread, and a sponge. On being
questioned as to the meaning of this strange request, his messenger
replied that his master wished once more to taste the food of
civilised people, from which he had been so long debarred, to sing
to the accompaniment of the lyre an ode to his great misfortune,
and with the sponge to wipe away his tears.
In the neighbouring port of Hippo was captured the great treasure
of the Vandals: ‘Silver weighing many thousand talents, and a
huge mass of royal furniture (Genserick having sacked the palace
at Rome), amongst which were some monuments of the Jewes brought
to Rome by Titus after the destruction of Jerusalem. Subsequently,
at the triumph of Belisarius in Constantinople, a Jew espying the
same, standing by one of the emperor’s familiar friends—“It is
not good,” quoth he, “to bring these monuments into the palace,
for they cannot continue but where Solomon first put them. Hence
it is that Genserick sacked the palace in Rome, and now Belisarius
that of the Vandals.” The emperor, hearing this, sent them to the
Christian church in Jerusalem.’[16]
For several years after the French occupation of Bone, Edough
maintained a sort of independence; its inhabitants avoided all
intercourse with the conquerors, and abstained from all acts of
aggression.
In 1841, however, a Marabout, who lived near the Cap-de-Fer,
imagined that Providence had called him to become the liberator of
his country, and, as then was always the case, the moment a fanatic
began to preach the _Jehad_ or holy war, he was surrounded by a host
of followers as ignorant and fanatic as himself.
Several acts of hostility and brigandage were perpetrated, which could
no longer be tolerated, and a force was sent to pacify Edough, under
the command of General Baraguay d’Hilliers. Three columns ascended
the mountain simultaneously, from Constantine, Philippeville and Bone,
and compelled the tribes to recognise the authority of the French. For
a time, however, the Marabout Si Zerdoud continued at liberty, and
urged his followers to resistance. The advancing columns drove the
hostile Arabs on to a small promontory occupied by the Koubba of
Sidi Akesh, between Cap-de-Fer and Ras Takoush, when, seeing that
all further resistance was hopeless, they demanded _aman_. This
was at once accorded; but while the negotiations were going on,
a shot from the thicket behind wounded an orderly of the General,
who immediately gave the order for a general massacre. Many of the
Arabs threw themselves into the sea and were drowned, the rest were
slaughtered without pity.
Si Zerdoud escaped at the time, but was captured shortly afterwards,
and was immediately shot.[17]
My principal object in ascending Edough was to visit the copper-mine
of Ain Barbar, which had lately been acquired by an English
company. The road is not absolutely impracticable for carriages,
as carts descend daily with timber and ore and mount with supplies;
but it is exceedingly rough, and after bad weather must be quite
impracticable. By far the best plan is to go on horseback, and we
had no difficulty in hiring excellent little animals at a moderate
rate in Bone. The road ascends the southern side of the mountain,
which is at first rather bare and covered with tufts of _diss_ grass,
but very soon cork oaks begin to appear, and long before reaching
the culminating point the road traverses a thick forest of these
trees and deciduous oak (_Quercus Mirbeckii_).
On the top of the hill, 3,294 feet above the level of the sea,
is the village of Bugeaud, created in 1843 and named after the
well-known Maréchal. It is situated in a clearing, from which there
is a magnificent panoramic view of the sea on one side, and of the
bay and plain of Bone on the other, bounded by the mountains of the
Beni Saleh.
The winter at Bugeaud is severe, but in summer it has quite an
European climate: and it will, no doubt, one day become a favourite
sanitarium for the good people of Bone, who cannot all manage to get
away to France during the hottest months. A few villas have already
been built in the village and in its vicinity. After having traversed
Algeria in every direction, I have seen no place to be compared with
it as a summer residence. The distance is only eight miles from Bone,
and the road, excellent for horse travellers, could be made fit for
carriages at no great expense, especially during the summer months,
when even the mud of winter attains the consistency of stone.
About a mile further on is the village of Edough, composed almost
entirely of buildings connected with the cork establishment of
Messrs. Lecoq and Berthom, who have a concession of 8,000 hectares
of forest land. There is a clean and comfortable _auberge_ here,
where we had an excellent breakfast on our return.
Instead of continuing along the high road we turned off to the
right, and followed a path, which has been made in connection with
the aqueduct, that conveys the waters of the Fontaine des Princes
to Bone. At the head of the valley is a charming retreat, where
breakfast had been prepared for us by our friends at Ain Barbar. In
this elevated spot the leaves had not yet begun to sprout in the
beginning of April, but so many evergreen trees were mixed with the
deciduous oak that we were in the densest shade. The sirocco can
never find its way here; if we disbelieved the people who said so,
we had only to look at the trees themselves, covered with moss and
polypodium, and to the great variety of ferns which lined the roadside
and peeped out of mossy nooks and springs. Truly it is a princely
spring, and deserves such a name on its own merits; but the Orleans
Princes once picnicked here before the days of the Second Empire,
and the fact has been perpetuated in their honour.
An abundant and perennial stream flows down this valley, part of
which has been diverted and carried in iron pipes for the supply of
Bone. The ancient city of Hippo was supplied from the same source,
and the Roman bridge still exists which carried the water across the
ravine. It is close to where we stopped, and is covered with ferns
and wild flowers, and a venerable oak tree grows from the very centre
of it. The under-shrub here consists chiefly of tree-heath, myrtle,
and arbutus; the wild cherries almost attain the size of forest trees,
while the ground is a perfect carpet of flowers and creepers.
At about thirteen miles from Bone, all this beautiful verdure
disappeared and was replaced by blackened stumps, and the
weird-looking skeletons of what had once been trees. This is the
result of the fatal conflagration of 1873, which created such havoc
here, and in almost all the forests of Algeria. The fire commenced
in the month of April after an unusually strong sirocco; and in a
few hours the City of Bone was surrounded by a belt of flame thirty
miles deep, which reached almost to its gates. Many lives were lost,
but happily the village of Bugeaud escaped. The destruction to the
forest has been very great, almost incalculable, when we consider
that the prosperity of Algeria depends entirely on its rain-fall, and
that every acre of clearing exercises some influence on the climate.
I am quite satisfied, that the great difference in point of fertility
between Algeria and Tunis is owing to the almost utter destruction of
forests in the latter country. I shall endeavour to prove this when
the time comes for me to follow Bruce’s footsteps there. Fortunately
many of the trees were only scorched and not entirely destroyed;
they are beginning to sprout again, and the under-shrub will soon
be as thick as ever. After passing this gloomy belt the character
of the scenery changes; Aleppo pines begin to mingle with the oaks,
the road takes a turn to the west, running parallel to the sea,
and soon the burnt portion of the forest is shut out from view.
The first impression that naturally occurs to the traveller here is,
that, though the whole country is an alternation of forest land and
grassy slopes, there is not a sign of habitation; yet it is impossible
to conceive a locality better suited for colonisation, especially
for the growth of vines, which, I believe, are destined, at no very
distant period, to become the staple production of Algeria. Wherever
the experiment has been tried, the result has been remunerative,
and the wine of excellent quality.
The mines of Ain Barbar are situated at about 25 miles from Bone. The
right of working the mineral over an area of 1,300 hectares has been
purchased by the _Anglo-Algerian Mineral Company_ from the original
concessionaires, and, so far as I can learn, the enterprise promises
to be remunerative. The principal mineral is sulphide of copper, or
copper pyrites, containing on an average 12 per cent. of pure metal,
together with sulphide of zinc or blende, containing as much as 40
per cent. Small quantities of argentiferous lead ore have also been
found. A large village is springing up at this spot; it is extremely
healthy and tolerably cool in summer, being situated at an elevation
of 1,460 feet above the sea.
There is a bridle-path by which a traveller can descend to the French
iron mines of Ain Mokra, and so by railway to Bone; but the road
through the forest is so beautiful that he will generally be only
too glad to return by the way he came. A few lions still remain in
the neighbourhood, and have been seen within a mile or two of Bone;
panthers are more common, but the numbers of both are decreasing
very sensibly every year.
We spent two days with our kind hosts at the mines, and it required
no small amount of determination to resist their schemes for our
detention, but we had a long journey before us, which must be done
before the heats of summer set in, and we could not afford to linger
at all the pleasant places on our way.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 16: Procop., _Wars of the Vandals_, trans. Sir Henry
Holcroft, book ii. c. vi.]
[Footnote 17: Carette, _Algérie. L’Univers_, 1856, p. 16.]
CHAPTER IV.
BONE TO GUELMA — RUINS OF ANNOUNA — HAMMAM MESKOUTIN — ROKNIA
— CAVE OF DJEBEL THAYA— MAHADJIBA — THE SOUMAH.
We left Bone on April 13, for Guelma. It is no part of my plan
to take the reader over beaten paths and well-known ground—the
guide-books will tell him all he wants to know regarding these—but
I cannot resist asking him to accompany me in several excursions we
made in parts of the country quite unknown to the English traveller,
and of which he will find no trace in ‘Murray.’
Our first resting-place was Guelma, and here I must acknowledge with
gratitude the extreme kindness I have ever received from General
Chanzy, Governor-General of Algeria, during my numerous wanderings in
the colony. His letters of recommendation to the civil and military
authorities have always ensured me a most distinguished reception,
and have enabled me to visit places, which would have been very
difficult of access to the simple traveller. I have described Guelma
on a former occasion;[18] the only object of interest, which I had
not noticed before and which M. Daly seized upon with delight, was
a Roman tombstone in the square facing the hotel. It was that of a
young man twenty-five years of age, who too confidently hoped that
his wife would have rested beside him. The work is rude in point
of art, but extremely beautiful in conception. It is a monolith
of rose-coloured marble, square in plan, consisting of a pedestal
with cornice, plinth and base, supporting a crowning part rising
on the same plan, terminating in an architectural feature which
has now disappeared. On the principal façade the top piece bears
a circular wreath enclosing two portrait busts, in relief, that of
the man only being completed, the features of the woman are not
chiselled. The plinth has a garland suspended from the cornice,
below which the surface is divided vertically for two inscriptions;
that of the man only is filled up.
D_iis_ M_anibus_ S_acrum_.
Fl. Nævilla V_ixit_ A_nnis_ viginti novem d_iebus_ quindecim.
On the left side of the plinth is a folding door just shutting,
symbolical of the terrestrial home which is being closed for
ever. Above the cornice on the same side is another one opening,
representing the life to come. This is confirmed by the opposite
side, which bears on the plinth the figure of a winged child with
reversed flambeau, while above it is a cock crowing, to represent
the opening day. The cock is standing on a figure resembling a loop;
it may possibly be intended for a serpent, the emblem of immortality.
At Guelma, the commandant-superior kindly provided us with tents and
spahis for our intended explorations; but before commencing these,
we visited the hot springs of Hammam Meskoutin, which none of my
companions had seen. We also paid a visit to the ruins of Tibilis,
which, though easily accessible from Guelma, are rarely visited
by the tourist. They are close to the village of Ain Amara, on the
highway between Guelma and Constantine.
Just after passing the 87th kilometric stone, a narrow path to the
left descends a steep ravine, in which flows the Oued Announa, and
mounts to the plateau on which stood the Roman city of Tibilis. The
distance in a direct line is not more than three quarters of a mile
from Ain Amara—by the road it is about a mile and a half.
The ruins stand on an open platform scarped on all sides except
the S.W., where it joins the lower counterforts of Ras el-Akba. The
view in the opposite direction looking eastward towards Guelma is
extremely fine, and these two considerations, capability of defence,
and a picturesque situation, appear here, as everywhere else in
Algeria, to have determined the selection of the site. The ruins
are worthy of a visit, though by no means in the best style of Roman
art. They consist of a triumphal arch of the Corinthian order, with
a single opening; on each side are two pilasters, the capital of
one only exists; in front of these were disengaged columns, which
have entirely disappeared, as also the whole of the entablature.
There are the remains also of what appears to have been another
triumphal arch or one of the city gates, with two openings of equal
size. The piers, which supported the arches, had a double Corinthian
fluted pilaster embracing each angle, or eight pilasters to each
pier. There is a Christian basilica, probably of the Byzantine
period, and several other buildings of greater or less importance,
fragments of the city walls, and frusta of columns lying about in
every direction.
Announa was first described by Peyssonnel, who says:—
‘The numerous ruins in cut stone still remaining, show that it must
have been a large and beautiful city; four gates similar to those
of Paris, though smaller, still remain. They are detached works with
pilasters of the order Corinthian-Ionic. Two of these are double, like
that of St. Bernard at Paris. Towards the mountain are the ruins of a
church, above the door is a cross _pattée_ with an A and a P under
the limbs of the cross. There are also great fragments of columns,
of which some are four or five feet in diameter, and 30 or 40 feet
long, others smaller.’[19] Shaw also mentions Announa by name,
but there is no reason to believe that he ever actually visited it.
No important inscription has ever, as far as I am aware, been found
here, by which the age of this city may be determined; but, to judge
from those hereafter mentioned as existing in the entrance to the
cave of Djebel Thaya, the third century was probably the culminating
period of its prosperity. Few of the monuments are at all likely to
have been built at a period anterior to this date.
There is a little wayside inn at Ste. Cécile, the junction of
the Oued Bou-Hamdan and Oued Cherf, near which the road to Hammam
Meskoutin branches off. On a previous visit to this place, I witnessed
a rather curious experiment in vivisection. Our party had come
unexpectedly upon the good people, and found that they had absolutely
nothing to give us for supper, not even the usual standing dishes
of omelette and sausages. I asked the hostess if, living so close to
two rivers, she never had fish; her countenance cleared up at once,
and she said that if we cared for the fish of the country, we might
have as many as we pleased in ten minutes. She sent her son, with a
casting-net, to the river, and he soon returned with a magnificent
basketful of barbel, some weighing nearly half a pound. No time was
to be lost—we were starving—so our hostess at once emptied the
fish into a tub, cut them open, cleaned and brushed out their inside
with a little broom made of twigs, and threw them into another tub of
clean water. To our astonishment, the fish swam about as if no such
liberties had been taken with their interiors, and _so continued to
swim about_, until subsequently transferred to the frying-pan! If
my story is discredited, I shall have the satisfaction of knowing
that Shaw shared the same fate when talking of his lion-eaters,
and Bruce’s raw beef was long considered an impudent fiction.
We slept at the hot springs of Hammam Meskoutin on the night of the
14th April, and on the following day made an excursion on horseback
to Roknia, a distance of about six miles.
Here, on the west side of Djebel Debagh, is an immense necropolis of
megalithic tombs, generally of the same type, rough stones placed
in an upright position, enclosing the actual grave, and covered
with a large flat slab. We excavated a number, and found them to
contain human remains and cups of pottery. Not far off are 300 or
400 caves, some quite natural, others excavated by the hand of man,
which have evidently served as residences for the living as well
as tombs for the dead. A few fragments of a bronze bracelet were
found in one and a bronze ring in another. In the present state
of Algerian archæology it is impossible to fix with any precision
the age of these dolmens. Notwithstanding the interesting memoirs
and researches of General Faidherbe, MM. Bourguignat, Berbrugger,
Féraud, Bertherand and Bourjot, we have insufficient data for coming
to any definite conclusion; one thing is certain, that if they were
commenced in prehistoric times they were continued down to a late
period of the Roman occupation. M. Ph. Thomas found in one of the
dolmens of Sigus a vase unmistakably of Roman origin, containing
a quantity of black mould, amongst which was a coin of Domitian;
his bust was crowned and surrounded by a long Latin inscription,
recording his titles of Augustus and Germanicus, and his elevation
for the fourteenth time to the consular dignity. M. Letourneux is also
said to have found in the Aures Mountains megalithic monuments, some
of the stones of which were evidently the remains of Roman edifices.
On the 16th April we started for Djebel Thaya, which is about sixteen
miles distant. Shortly after leaving the baths, the road crosses
the Bou Hamdan, and passes amongst the hills to the left of that
river, following a north-westerly direction. Many beautiful views
are obtained, especially that from the crest of a spur of Thaya;
on the right is a sterile hill called El-Gharar, on the left the
lofty and fertile mountain of the Beni Ibrahim, on the top of
which is a conspicuous conical rock called _Hadjar eth-Theldj_,
or stone of ice. At last, after a short descent, we crossed the
Oued El-Khoorshif, and came in sight of the entrance to the cave,
high up in the face of a mass of rock rising abruptly to our left.
We found that three tents had been pitched for our accommodation, and
that the Sheikh of the district, Tahar ben el-Fitisi, with a number
of Arabs, was waiting to receive us. It was too late to do anything
that night, so we contented ourselves with examining the entrance
and walking about the neighbourhood, which was most picturesque. The
cold was intense, and, though we piled all available garments upon
our beds, we seemed to get no warmer. It did not occur to us till
afterwards that, as we used canteen beds, which consist only of
a single sheet of canvas, stretched on poles, we should have put
some of our wraps below us; one side of our bodies was protected
by a thick layer of covering, the other had no protection whatever,
save the canvas.
Early next morning we commenced our exploration; our party consisted
of three ladies and two gentlemen. I dare not venture to describe the
costume adopted by the former; it was thoroughly well adapted for the
purpose, but, to say the least, it was unusual. M. Daly and I put on
some old rags, which we intended to throw away afterwards. All of us
had Spanish rope _espadrillas_ instead of shoes, and miners’ lamps
in our hands. We had a large number of Arab guides to attend us,
each of whom carried a lighted candle in his hand, and an abundant
reserve in case of need.
The opening of the cave is on the north-west side of the mountain,
which is composed of a compact limestone. The entrance-passage is
spacious, being in no place less than ten feet in height; the exterior
portion opens out like a hall, well lighted, dry, and adorned with
beautiful tufts of ivy-leaved and other ferns. On the sides are carved
numerous Roman inscriptions, so much effaced by time as to be hardly
legible. M. Bourguignat, who was one of the first to explore this
cave, has published an elaborate, but rather fanciful description
of it.[20] He counted fifty-three inscriptions on the left, eight on
the right, and three on the roof. Nearly all begin with the letters
B.A.S.; one, better preserved than the others, has the words BACICI.
AVG. SAC., from which it is inferred that this cavern is dedicated
to the god Bacax; it is further gathered from the inscriptions,
that every year the magistrates of _Tibilis_ (Announa) came, with
much ceremony, on a pilgrimage to Thaya, to offer a sacrifice to the
god of the cavern. The inscriptions contain the names of consuls
who were elected under the Emperors Caracalla and Geta, A.D. 211,
and from this date they are mentioned up to A.D. 268. The following
is one of them:—
BACCACI . AVG. SAC.
GENTIANO . ET . BASS
O. COS. VII. I_d._ MAIA_s_
C. IVLIVS . FRONTO
NIANVS . ET . M_odes_
_tin_VS . PR_vd_ES
MA_gg_. THIB.
which may thus be rendered: ‘In the year of the Consuls Gentianus and
Bassus (A.D. 211), the 7th of the Ides of May, Caius Julius
Frontinianus and Modestinus, Magistrates of Thibilis, offered sacrifice
to the august Bacax.’ One is commemorative of two brothers, who strayed
into the cavern and were lost there, an accident which might very
easily happen at the present day, and which probably would happen to
anyone entering without experienced Arab guides. The god Bacax is
unknown to history; probably he was one of the local deities adopted
by the Romans.
On leaving the passage containing the inscriptions, the cave descends
at an angle of not less than 45 degrees; the ground is covered with a
thick layer of loose stones, which roll down with alarming velocity
at almost every step made in advance. Great care should be taken
to keep well to the right hand, as on the left there is an abyss
which has never been explored, but which must be of great depth,
and nearly vertical. This is the most alarming part of the whole
descent, and one lady of the party found herself unable to face it,
and returned. The two others were made of sterner stuff, and proved
themselves the best acrobats of the party.
From the foot of this ramp the cave extends, with many accidents of
level, to nearly three quarters of a mile in length and a thousand
feet in vertical depth. The descent is difficult, and even dangerous
throughout, as deep holes occur at numerous places, in which an unwary
explorer might easily be engulfed. Sometimes we had to drop down
steep precipices, by the aid of projecting stalagmites, at others
to slide down muddy gradients, now to creep through small holes and
narrow passages, and again to wade through pools of liquid mud. We
traversed vast halls, intricate labyrinths, passages, and chambers
of every size and form. Groves of stalactites and stalagmites adorn
the sides, while the lofty vaults are hung with the most exquisite
fret-work, like the roof of a Gothic cathedral. The finest of all
is the great domed chamber, at the bottom, which gives to the cave
its Arab name, _Ghar el-Djamäa_ (Cave of the Mosque); it is an
immense, nearly circular, cavity, with domed roof; from the ground
rise magnificent stalagmites, like the trunks of palm trees, and in
the centre is a huge block of stone, which M. Bourguignat imagines
to have been an altar to Bacax. It may have been so; we certainly
observed marks of fire and fragments of blackened Roman pottery upon
it, but it must have been a matter of no small difficulty to convey
animals for sacrifice to it.
One of the most exquisite spots in the cave was a long, narrow
passage, which, our guides assured us, they had never observed
before. It was not convenient to enter, as we had to creep on our
hands and knees in water, and could in no place sit upright, but the
effect was very beautiful; the walls were of dazzling whiteness,
and the floor a series of cells, like a honeycomb, filled with
beautifully pure water. We christened this hall ‘Salle Cobden,’
after our companions. I inscribed the name with the smoke of my lamp,
on the roof, and I record the fact in order that future generations
may know the meaning of the inscription, and not puzzle themselves
as much over it as we did over Bacax.
We had an abundant supply of blue lights and red fire, and one of
the grandest effects was produced by sending Arabs with these to
illuminate distant caves and galleries, while we remained in the
darkness of some central hall.
A comparatively small portion of the cave has been explored. The
Arabs say that there is _no end_ to it. We spent more than five hours
there, and I am sure that we did not see half its beauties. When we
did emerge into the light of day, I leave the reader to imagine our
condition; I certainly shall not venture to describe it. Luckily
there was abundance of hot water awaiting us, and gradually we
returned to our normal condition.
In visiting this cave a few precautions are absolutely necessary.
1. The traveller should provide himself with a tent.
2. He should never attempt to penetrate without Arab guides.
3. He should have an abundant supply of candles, matches, and blue
lights, or magnesium wire.
4. He should have canvas shoes with hempen soles to prevent himself
from slipping, and he should only wear such clothes as he is content
to abandon afterwards.
We made up our mind to proceed to Constantine on horseback, by
an unfrequented path; so we sent back our tents from Djebel Thaya,
and determined to content ourselves with such accommodation as we
could find on the way.
We started on the morning of April 18. The road passed through a great
variety of scenery—cork forests, fertile valleys, wide stretches
of pasture land, everywhere well watered. Some of the streams are
as beautiful as if they had been transported from a Highland glen.
At about 10 miles from Thaya, we passed an Arab market, _Souk
el-Arbäa_, where a fair is held every Wednesday. There are a few
buildings, generally unoccupied save on market day.
At Tarafana, some distance further on, is a remarkable isolated
mass of rock, fifty or sixty feet high, on the right of the road;
on the west side of it are the remains of a building of large cut
stones, either of Roman construction or more probably erected by
the Byzantines out of older material. Its position in the centre
of this fertile valley clearly enough indicates that it must have
been a military post. On a rising ground to the left of the road,
opposite to it, are a few large dolmens, which, unfortunately,
our time would not allow us to excavate.
Shortly after this we entered a long plain and saw, far off in
the distance, the village of El-Aria, which we hoped to reach that
night. We felt very tired, not having yet got habituated to marching,
and longed to know exactly how many weary miles we still had to
travel. Two human beings alone appeared in sight, and they were mere
specks in the distance, and might be Arabs, who had no idea whatever
of distance or time; as they approached they assumed the very pleasant
forms of a well-to-do farmer, out for an evening ride accompanied
by his young daughter. He counselled us not to attempt to go any
farther that night, but to accompany him to his farm of El-Khanaba,
which was close at hand. We needed no second invitation, and I am
sure that none of us will ever think of M. and Mme. A——— and
their fair young daughter without the most pleasant reminiscence of
the night we spent under their hospitable roof.
He took us all over his farm and showed us some interesting ruins,
which proved that it must have been an important agricultural
establishment in the time of the Romans. The foundations of a handsome
villa still exist, mill-stones and immense amphoræ have been dug
up, and a perfect mine of cut stones, which have been utilised in
constructing the modern farm buildings.
Next morning, April 19, our host and his daughter insisted on
accompanying us some distance on our way; poor girl, it was such
a boon to her to meet a party of English ladies, that she could
not contemplate bidding them adieu without a little moistening of
the eyes. She had no neighbour within many miles, and, but for the
fact of her being a good horsewoman, must have felt it very lonely,
living so far from other Europeans.
They advised us strongly to visit some interesting Roman remains
at no great distance, which but for them we should have missed,
Mahadjiba, or Kasr-el-Mahdjouba, the _Castle of the Female Recluse_
and the Seniore of the Itinerary of Antoninus.
The position of this city or stronghold was admirably chosen from a
strategic point of view, being built on an isolated hill, the top of
which is a rough triangle rising abruptly from the plain and sloping
backwards towards its base in a series of terraces.
In front of it is an extensive stretch of rich corn and pasture land,
reaching as far as Constantine, while behind it on the South is a
narrow pass in the Fedj-bou-Ghareb, a remarkable scarped hill of
compact limestone, giving access to the plain of the Amer Cheraga
and Oued Zenati, in which are situated 83,000 out of the 100,000
hectares of land so lavishly granted to the Société Generale
Algérienne by the late Emperor.
Thus this position completely commanded the ancient highway between
Cirta and Kalama, as it now commands the Arab road between Constantine
and Guelma.
The whole hill is covered with the remains of buildings constructed
of huge blocks of cut stone; some of the walls are entire to above
the level of the first-floor, the holes for the reception of the
joists being distinctly visible. The principal and best-preserved
edifice is the tower, from which the ruins derive their Arab name,
an elegant and massive building, which perhaps formed the citadel of
the place. It consists of a rectangular inner keep about 30 ft. by 18,
and 40 high, complete as far as the cornice. It was divided in ground
plan into two portions, communicating with a door which was about
half the whole interior width; there were probably also two or more
stories. This was surrounded on three sides by an outer wall four feet
thick, forming a spacious enclosure, the whole being a part of the
general system of defence. The fourth side of the tower, towards the
body of the place, was not thus surrounded; a simple prolongation of
its face completed the enceinte. The walls of the tower are pierced
with narrow apertures, like modern loop-holes for musketry, while
the outer wall has larger ones, resembling embrasures for artillery.
Two different styles of masonry are observable in the outer walls
of this building, the stones in both being identical. The lower
courses are accurately and closely joined, the upper ones much more
loosely put together. This would indicate that, like many other Roman
strongholds, Seniore was more or less destroyed by the Vandals, or
suffered to fall into decay during their occupation, and restored
by Belisarius or his successor Solomon. Every building in the place
seems to have been built with a view to defence. All have the same
loopholes, and many of them have what appears to have been a species
of portcullis.
[Illustration]
This was formed by two immense upright blocks of stone, _a_, _a_,
having an exterior and interior groove. In the former large flat
stones were dovetailed, _c_, and it is probable that some of these
were habitually left out, and only put into position during an actual
siege; the lowest one generally exists at present in its proper
place. In times of peace, bars of wood, _b_, one above the other,
let into the inner grooves, formed a more temporary barrier.
At the base of the hill below the citadel is an arch of cut stone,
giving access to a subterranean passage, whence flowed a stream
of water. This is now choked up, and the water has forced itself a
passage through the _débris_ about a hundred yards further down,
where it has created a little oasis of trees, the only ones as far as
the eye can reach. Here, again, the destruction of forests has been
taking place. Shaw, alluding to it, says, ‘There is a large tower at
this place, besides a fountain of excellent water, and good pasturage,
but the forests all about it are so frequented with wild beasts that
the _Girfah_ will rarely sit down in the neighbourhood of it.’[21]
M. Renier gives ten inscriptions found here, but none of them of any
great importance,[22] and illustrations of the ruins have been made
both by Ravoisier and De la Marre.[23]
On the hill to the left are several dolmens and cromlechs mixed up
with the remains of Roman tombs and modern Arab graves.
On the opposite side of the valley is seen El-Aria, or, more
correctly, El-Haria, the goal of our journey yesterday, twenty-five
miles from the cave, and nineteen from Constantine. A caravanserail
was built there when the road between Guelma and Constantine passed
by it; now the direction is changed, and the building had been
abandoned. At the time of our journey a village was in process of
construction; it is intended to contain sixteen homesteads, to be
occupied by colonists having means sufficient to build their own
houses. Each family has received a gratuitous concession of ninety
acres of land, but they complained loudly that their allotments were
generally in three different positions remote from each other. The
Mairie, schools, and other public offices, were to be in the old
caravanserail.
After leaving Mahadjiba we went in a south-westerly direction towards
El-Khroub, for the purpose of visiting another remarkable ruin, which
is only two miles from it, and nine-and-a-half from Constantine,
but which is hardly ever visited by English travellers. It is called
by the Arabs Es-Soumah, the minaret, a term which they habitually
employ to designate any ancient mausoleum or tower-like monument.
This beautiful edifice, the history of which is quite unknown, is in
the purest Doric style, and probably dates from the first century. It
is built on a mound near the eastern boundary of the territory of
Cirta, as has been proved by the discovery of a stone bearing the
inscription A.P.C. (_ager publicus Cirtensium_),[24] and close to the
high road between that city and Kalama on the one hand, and Lambessa
on the other. Its object was either to serve as the mausoleum of
some distinguished person or to commemorate a great victory.
The building as it now exists is composed of three principal parts,
a square base, of nearly 10 feet high, surmounted by three gradients,
each 20 inches in height. Above these gradients rises a plinth of 3
ft. 7 in., crowned by a splendid cornice, of a bold and firm, yet
refined, character, measuring 26 inches in height. At this level
a course of stones, 20 inches high, retired from the cornice by 12
inches on all sides, extends like a pavement over the upper surface
of the monument, and serves as a footing to four square pillars that
occupy each angle, leaving a distance outside of nearly a yard on
the two exterior faces. The courses of stone in the pillars are 2
ft. high, and 5 ft. 8 in. on each side. Prominent round bucklers
decorate the outward faces of each of these pillars.
Unfortunately, at this point the monument has been thrown to the
ground, and it is amongst the ruins that a search must be made for
the completion and restoration of the buildings. No doubt, earthquakes
contributed greatly to its destruction, but there is abundant evidence
that the hand of man was not foreign to the work. Part of the material
is scattered in every direction, but it is principally on the north
side that it lies heaped up to the level of the floor. We found
beautiful capitals of the Doric order, frusta of columns without
fluting of any description, soffits decorated with geometric forms,
small entablatures, evidently belonging to the interior of the ruined
part of the building, and fragments of the superior cornice. No doubt,
the square pillars supported columns crowned with a pediment of some
sort, and leaving between them an open vista to expose to view and
protect some notable object, such as a statue or a sarcophagus.
The whole building is formed of beautifully cut stone, joined with
great perfection. No trace of mortar can be perceived.
The ground around it has risen in the course of ages nearly to the
level of the base, but in 1861 the south and part of the east side
were cleared of _débris_,[25] and a vain attempt made to penetrate
to the interior. The problem of its origin still remains unsolved;
but a careful search amongst the accumulated ruins on the north side
would, doubtless, be richly rewarded.
No detailed description, so far as I am aware, has been published of
this monument, but excellent illustrations, and a proposed restoration
of it, are given by M. Ravoisier.[26]
From the Soumah we continued our ride to Constantine, where we
arrived just as it was getting dark, and here, for the first time,
we found ourselves on the track of Bruce.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 18: _Murray’s Hand-book_, p. 193.]
[Footnote 19: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 285.]
[Footnote 20: _Histoire du Djebel Thaya_; Paris, 1870.]
[Footnote 21: Shaw, p. 123.]
[Footnote 22: L. Renier, Nos. 2,565 to 2,574.]
[Footnote 23: Ravoisier, _Expl. Sc. de l’Algérie, Beaux Arts_,
i. pl. 65-66, and De la Marre, l.c. _Archéologie_, pl. 161.]
[Footnote 24: _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. v. p. 143.]
[Footnote 25: _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. vi. p. 68.]
[Footnote 26: Ravoisier, _Expl. Scien. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_,
vol. i. p. 75, pl. 61-64.]
CHAPTER V.
CONSTANTINE.
The remarkable situation of the city of Constantine has pointed it
out from the earliest times as an important fortress, and as one
of the natural capitals of a country which has been the scene of
perpetual wars and revolutions.
It formerly bore the name of _Cirta_ or _Kirta_, a word which in
the Numidian dialect signified an isolated rock.
It was the capital of Syphax, who according to Livy possessed a
splendid palace here; of Masinissa and Micipsa, the last of whom,
as stated by Strabo, adorned it with many fine buildings, and it
was the scene of some of the most stirring events of the second and
third Punic wars. Here the fair Sophonisba, wife of Syphax, was taken
by Masinissa, who himself married her, and on her being claimed by
Scipio, as the prisoner of the State, he sent her a cup of poison,
which she instantly drank, merely remarking that she would have died
with more honour had she not wedded at her funeral.
It was erected into a colony by Julius Cæsar, under the government of
Sallust, to recompense the partisans of Publius Sittius Nucerinus,
who had rendered him important services, and was called _Cirta
Sittianorum_ or _Cirta Julia_ till the fourth century, when it
received the name of Constantina, which it ever afterwards retained.
Owing partly to its natural strength, and partly to the fact of its
bishop being a Donatist, it escaped destruction when Genseric and
his Vandals overran the country; and Belisarius, when he drove out
the barbarians, found the Roman buildings still intact.
After the Arab invasion, in the 7th century, it fell into decay,
and during the successive sieges which it had to withstand, and
the centuries of Arab and Turkish misrule which succeeded, its
ancient monuments were destroyed; but it was not till after the
French occupation that these entirely disappeared, to make room for
inevitable ‘municipal improvements.’
Constantine occupies the summit of a plateau of rock, nearly
quadrilateral in shape, the faces corresponding to the cardinal
points, and its surface sloping from north to south. Its sides rise
perpendicularly nearly 1,000 feet from the bed of the river Roumel,
the ancient Ampsaga, which surrounds it on the north and east, and it
is connected on the west side only, by an isthmus, with the mainland.
The deep ravine through which the river flows varies in breadth from
about 200 feet on the south-east side to nearly double that distance
opposite the Kasbah, and it is spanned on the north-east side by
four natural arches of rock, about 200 feet above the stream, one of
which served as the foundation for the bridge of El-Kantara. Four
other bridges spanned it in the time of the Romans, of which the
traces are still visible, but the most important, and the only one
remaining in modern times, was that just mentioned.
An excellent description of this arch has been left by El-Bekri,
the Arab geographer of the eleventh century, who says:—
‘This bridge is of a remarkable structure, its height above
the level of the water being about 100 cubits; it is one of the
remains of Roman architecture; it is composed of five upper and
lower arches, which span the valley. Three of these, namely those
to the west, have two storeys, as we have said; they are intended
for the passage of water, while the upper ones form a communication
between the two sides of the ravine. Regarding the others, they
abut against the mountain. These arches are supported by piers,
which break the violence of the torrent, and are pierced at their
summit by small openings. When there are extraordinary floods,
which sometimes take place, the water which rises above the top of
the piers escapes by means of these orifices. This is, we repeat,
one of the most remarkable buildings ever seen.’[27]
Peyssonnel, who visited it in 1724, describes it as ‘a very fine
structure, with three rows of arcades, and a height of about 250 feet,
but rather narrow, having fallen.’
Shaw thus describes the bridge in 1728:—‘The gate towards
the S.E. is in the same fashion and design, though much smaller,
and lyeth open to the bridge that I have mentioned to have been
built over this part of the valley. The bridge was a masterpiece
of its kind, having had the gallery and the columns of the arches
adorned with cornishes and festoons, axe-heads and garlands; the
key-stones likewise of the arches are charged with _caducei_ and other
figures. Betwixt the two principal arches we see, in strong relief,
well executed, the figure of a lady treading upon two elephants,
with a large escallop shell for her canopy. The elephants, turned
towards each other, twist their trunks together; and the lady, who
appears dressed in her hair, with a close-bodied garment like the
riding-habit of our times, raiseth up her petticoats with her right
hand, and looks scornfully upon the city.’[28]
[Illustration: _Plate IV._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
EL-KANTARA OF CONSTANTINE IN 1765
BEFORE ITS RECONSTRUCTION BY SALAH BEY, IN 1792
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
This curious piece of sculpture is still visible in the foundations
of the old bridge, though time has worn out the look of scorn in
the good lady’s face.
Bruce was the next traveller who describes it, and his is the
most interesting of all, because it is pictorial. He has left
two drawings—one (Pl. IV.), a beautiful and artistic sketch in
Indian ink, which I have chosen for reproduction, and the other,
a highly-finished drawing with figures by Balugani, intended, no
doubt, for presentation to the King. He says:—
The view of it is in the King’s collection; a band of robbers,
the figures which _adorn_ it, is a composition from imagination,
all the rest is perfectly real.
There can be no doubt whatever of the extreme accuracy of Bruce’s
drawings when _unadorned_ by Balugani. This one, therefore, has an
exceptional interest, as it shows the condition of the bridge before
its restoration by Salah Bey; it is the only sketch extant of the
ancient structure.
In 1792, Salah Bey caused it to be restored by Don Bartolomeo, an
architect from Port Mahon, in the Balearic Islands, who rebuilt the
upper part, the two lower arches and the three piers which sustained
them being in a perfectly sound condition.
He commenced to obtain his stone from Mahon, but that proving too
costly, he made use of such as he found on the plateau of Mansourah,
and especially of the triumphal arch, which the Arabs called Kasr
el-Ghoula, _the fortress of the Ogress_, a name familiar to every
reader of ‘The Thousand and One Nights.’
Admirably executed illustrations of the bridge thus restored, as it
existed after the conquest of Constantine, are given by MM. Ravoisier
and De la Marre.[29]
A curious document was found by Monsieur Feraud amongst the papers of
the family of Kadi Si Moustafa ben Djelloul, one of whose ancestors
was secretary to Salah Bey, relative to the restoration of the bridge
by Don Bartolomeo.[30] The translation is as follows:—
‘The Christian who came to Constantine, with workmen of his nation, to
construct the bridge formerly called _El-Mechebka_, and situated at
the gate of _El-Kantara_, told His Highness Salah Bey, who repeated it
to us, that the date of the construction of the ancient bridge, carved
on the stone in ancient characters, was the 335th year of the era of
Our Lord Jesus, on whom be prayer and peace! From the time of Our Lord
Jesus to the present date, the end of Djemad eth-Thani, 1206 (February,
A.D. 1792), 1792 years have passed, according to the calculation which
has been made to us.
‘Written this Friday, the 20th of Djemad eth-Thani, 1206, the very
day on which we have heard this statement.’
If this be correct, it must have been Constantine the Great
who caused this bridge to be built, two years before his death,
and one before his partition of the Empire.
On the 18th of March, 1857, only 65 years after it was rebuilt,
at half-past seven A.M., one of the upper piers of the bridge,
that nearest the town, gave way, carrying with it the two arches
which it supported, also 24 yards of the aqueduct which supplied
the city. After this accident it was found necessary to destroy
the bridge altogether, which was done by means of artillery, on
March 30 following. It was replaced by an iron structure in 1863,
under the direction of the Department of _Ponts et Chaussées_. It
is higher than the old one, and its axis, instead of passing by the
natural vault where the remains of the Roman bridge are still visible,
passes higher up the ravine.[31]
Bruce arrived at Constantine, from Tebessa, on November 30, 1765. The
following is the only record he has left of his visit:—
I arrived just as the Bey went out to the camp. He had left orders
to have everything ready for my reception. We were lodged in his
own palace, and treated with the utmost magnificence, as well as the
greatest attention, and six chosen Moorish horsemen, well acquainted
with the language and the country, for the language is in many places
difficult, appointed to accompany me wherever I intended to go.
It is situated on a rock, everywhere surrounded by a dreadful
precipice, except on the south, where is the principal gate. The
river Rummel runs below, in a very rocky channel, and near the
bridge passes under an arch of natural rock, as it afterwards does
through two others, the highest of which is about 120 feet high. A
little to the westward of this the Rummel falls in a large cascade
of above 100 feet, under the precipice on which stands the citadel,
which is on the north side of the town, from whence they precipitate
criminals, and is in height 434½ feet.
Dr. Shaw is much mistaken in the description of Cirta. The ports of
the town are in a very bad state, so is Cassir Goulah, all of the
time of Constantine. The aqueduct is very inconsiderable, and of
no height, and was never otherwise, the water from Physgeah being
chiefly carried along the mountains.
I made a drawing of the precipice on which the town stands, and
whence a torrent falls.
This, unfortunately, is not extant.
The _Kasr el-Ghoula_ here alluded to was thus described by Shaw:—
‘Among the ruins to the S.W. of the bridge, upon the narrow
strip of land just now described, is the Cassir Goulah, or Castle
(as they interpret it) _of the Giant_, consisting of three arches,
the middlemost whereof is the most spacious. All the mouldings
and friezes are curiously embellished with the figures of flowers,
battle-axes, and other ornaments. The Corinthian pilasters erected
on each side of the grand arch, are pannelled like the side-posts
of the gates of the city, in a _gusto_, as far as I have observed,
peculiar to Cirta; but the pillars of the stone order, which supported
the pediment, are broken down and defaced.’[32]
This was also described by Peyssonnel, who says: ‘On the
other side of the ravine is a small plain on a level with the town,
where is a triumphal arch in a very good state of preservation. It
is formed of three large gates; that in the middle is 25 feet wide;
the others are proportionally smaller. After this arch a great wall
is seen, which sustained some considerable building.’[33]
When Constantine was taken by the French, the remains of this
building were discovered on the plateau of Mansourah, overlooking
the ravine. They consisted of several foundations in cut stone,
and two fragments of cornice of an elegant and severe design,[34]
but these have all disappeared. The French have done great things
for Algeria, and the world owes them a deep debt of gratitude for
having converted a nest of pirates and robbers into one of the
most charming countries in the Mediterranean: but it is devoutly
to be wished that they would do a little more for archæology, or
rather establish a strict conservancy of all their venerable ruins,
which otherwise will soon disappear everywhere as completely and as
unnecessarily as they have done at Cherchel and Constantine.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 27: Ravoisier, _Expl. Sc. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_,
i. p. 10.]
[Footnote 28: Shaw, p. 127.]
[Footnote 29: _Expl. Scien. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_, vol. i. plates
4 and 5; _Archeol._, plates 114-118.]
[Footnote 30: Fer. _Rev. Afr._, vol. xii. p. 131.]
[Footnote 31: Vaysettes, _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. xii. p. 368.]
[Footnote 32: Shaw, p. 128.]
[Footnote 33: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 303.]
[Footnote 34: Ravoisier, _Exp. Sc. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_,
i. p. 10.]
CHAPTER VI.
BRUCE’S ROUTE TO LAMBESSA — ZANA OR DIANA VETERANORUM — THE
MEDRASSEN — BRUCE ARRIVES AT THE AURES — CURIOUS MEETING WITH
A CHIEF OF THOSE MOUNTAINS.
We proceeded towards Batna by the diligence. I will therefore follow
Bruce’s route in preference to my own.
On December 2, 1765, left Constantina late, and travelled only about 5
miles. The 3rd, arrived at Physgeah, a fountain whence issues a large
stream, and where there are still a few slight traces of former works.
The _Ain Fesgiah_ here mentioned is 60 kilometres, or 37½ miles,
on the road to Batna, and its waters have lately been re-conducted
to Constantine for the supply of that city.
All this day passed along the ruins of a Roman causeway, which was
probably the road to Lambessa.
The journey to-day was between hills all cultivated; and, near
Physgeah, passed through the plain, bounded on each side by the high
rocky mountains Niffen Sur and Geryon.
This is the territory of the ancient _Makhzin_ tribe of Zemoul,
situated between Djebel Gerioun on the east and another mountain
to the south-west, the highest point of which is, from its peculiar
shape, called by the natives _Enf-en-neser_, or the Eagle’s Beak.
The 4th, arrived at Tattubt, 5 miles; where there remains nothing
but the ruins of a modern building.
Tattubt is also in the tribe of Zemoul, not far from the lakes. From
the Roman remains here were obtained the columns used to build the
Mosque of Souk el-Ghazel, now the Cathedral of Constantine.[35]
The 5th, encamped at the Smellie (Smala) of the Bey, 9 miles.
The 6th, arrived at Taggou Zainah, 16 miles from Tattubt, due
west. It is situated at the foot of Jebbel Mustowah, whose _Gellah_
or fortress lies immediately south of it. The inhabitants of Taggou
Zainah and the mountain Mustowah are the Haract, a clan that pays
no tribute or obedience to the Bey, and not the Welled Abdenore,
as Dr. Shaw says, these last lying to the westward.
A small river runs immediately below Zainah on the northwards,
over which are the large plains of Tattubt, bounded on the south
by Jebbel Auress, and on the north by the high mountain Niffen Sur
(_Enf-en-neser_), Geryoun, and Ziganeah.
The 7th, designed one triumphal arch and left the other, it being
in a bad state; no other buildings on foot, or any remains of the
amphitheatre mentioned by Shaw. Zainah is the Diana of the Itinerary,
and Taggou is but the continuation of it to the eastward, along the
riverside, which does not divide Taggou from Zainah, as Dr. Shaw says,
but runs parallel to them from east to west.
The mountain Mustowah above mentioned is a very well known hill
near Batna, which has the form of a table or martello tower, whence
its name of _Geläa_, or fortress. It was here that the insurgents,
who attacked Batna in 1871, established their head-quarters.
The _Haract_ or Haracta, is a powerful tribe of Berber origin, still
speaking the Chawi language and inhabiting the great plains around
Ain Beida; they are beginning to abandon nomad life and to settle down
to the cultivation of the soil. Like most of the Chawi branch of the
Berber race, they are lax Mohammedans, but fanatically attached to
their religious confraternities, or _Khouans_, particularly to that
of Sidi Mohammed ben Abd-er-Rahman bou Koberain. The _Abdenore_, as
Bruce calls them, or the Oulad Abd-en-Noor, is one of the largest
tribes in the province of Constantine. They now occupy the high
plateau between Constantine and Setif. Under the Turkish Government
they extended much further south, and at one time actually occupied
the plain of Zana, as mentioned by Shaw.
Taggou-Zainah is, as Bruce shows, only the combination of two
names, Taggou and Zana. The latter is the ordinary modern name of
the district, and is evidently a corruption of the word Diana. The
Itinerary of Antonine simply calls this city Diana. In the tables
of Peutinger it is called Diana Veteranorum, and beside the name is
the figure of a temple dedicated to Diana, the remains of which are
still visible.[36]
The site of this city was found by Peyssonnel, in 1725, who thus
described it:[37]—
‘The 14th, we arrived at the camp of the Bey, situated near to
Izana. Izana is the ancient Diana. It was situated at the foot
of a great mountain, now called Arquet,[38] near a beautiful
spring . . . the situation is fine, and the city must have been
considerable. Two triumphal arches still remain; one faces the east,
and has a single gate with four small Corinthian columns. The other
is at a little distance, and has also a single gate, but grander
and more superb, with two great columns of the Corinthian order. The
gate is about 25 feet wide and 38 high, and with the cornice and a
great inscription above it, about 50 feet, all in good taste.
‘The inscription is:—
IMP. CAES. M. AVRELIO SEVERO . . . FELICI
AVG. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POTEST. COS. DESIGN. . . .
PROVIDENTISSIMO ET SANCTISSIMO PRINCIPI . ET ANTONINO
NOBILISSIMO CAESARI PRINCIPI JVENTVTIS DIANENSIVM
EX DECRETO . D.D. P.P.
‘These gates are detached works, four feet thick, and well
preserved. Beside them is a large building quite destroyed; it was
square, and at the four corners was a pavilion or square bastion. This
must have been a very fine palace.
‘There are other ruins which do not deserve much notice.’
Of this inscription a very small fragment now remains, so that the
above rendering of Peysonnel cannot be verified. M. Léon Renier
states that it is very incorrect, and suggests the following
re-construction, based on his own researches:—
‘_Imperatori Caesari Marco Opellio Severo Macrino Pio Felici
Augusto, pontifici maximo, tribuniciae potestatis, consuli designato,
patri patriae, proconsuli, providentissimo et sanctissimo principi,
et Marco Opellio Antonino Diadumiano, nobilissimo Caesari Principi
Juventutis, Respublica Dianensium ex decreto decurionum_.’[39]
This, if correct, would show that the building was erected in the
reign of Macrinus, A.D. 217-218.
Two other inscriptions were copied by Bruce, but he does not record
the exact spots where he observed them:—
. . . . ES M AVR
. . . . ES L AVR
. ADRIANI . . . .
. ANTE C . . . .
* * * * *
MERCVRIO
AUG. SACRVM
M. AVRE . VS Q FIL . . .
PAP. AEMILIANVS Q . . . .
AEDIL II VIRV. STA . . . VM
QUAM . OB HONOR . M . .
VIRATVS EX V. MIL. N.
. . . . . . EST POSVIT
POL . CITVS . . . . .
INLATIS REIP LEGI . IMIS
HONORVM SVORVM.
Of this last inscription M. Renier supplies two additional lines,
and gives the following rendering. It was found on an altar, the
lower part of which was probably buried when Bruce saw it.
‘_Mercurio Augusto sacrum. Marcus Aurelius, Quinti filius,
Papiria tribu, Aemilianus quaestor, aedilis, duumvirum, statuam,
quam, ob honorem duumviratus, ex sestertium quinque milibus nummum
pollicitus est, posuit, inlatis rei publicae legitimis honorum suorum
summis et at fori straturam cubis decem, idemque dedicavit._’[40]
As appears from its name, Diana was inhabited, and probably
founded, by a colony of veterans of the Third Legion. This remark,
that the town is situated at the foot of Djebel Mestowa, which
has always served as a centre of resistance under the Berbers,
Turks, and French, favours the impression that it was the same
under the Romans. This, no doubt, also induced the Byzantines to
build a fortress there, 230 feet square, the walls of which are
still standing.
Diana existed in A.D. 160, as is proved by a dedication to Antoninus
Pius in the last year of his reign. It had the title of Municipium,
and, according to Morcelli,[41] was several times favoured by the
munificence of the Emperor.
Fidentius, a Donatist bishop of Diana, assisted at the Council of
Carthage in 411.
It appears not to have been destroyed, like Lambessa and Timegad,
for at the period of the Arab conquest it was the capital of the
region. Moula Ahmed[42] thus mentions it:—
‘When Sidi Okba had conquered the people of Lambessa, he asked
which was the strongest city in the country. They replied that it
was Diana, where there was a king, chief of the Christians of Zab,
a country containing 360 _bourgades_, having each an Emir. El-Yakoubi
says that _Adanaa_ was the largest city in the Western Zab. Okba there
encountered the people of the country, and a great battle ensued. The
Mohammedans triumphed over the Christians, of whom the greatest part
were destroyed, and their power ceased in the province.’
Diana disappeared as a city in the tenth century. El-Bekri,[43]
who places it at two days’ journey from Tobna, states that it was
ruined in 935, by Ali ben Hamdoun El-Andalousi, governor of Zab, and
the faithful servant of the Fatemites. The inhabitants had probably
taken part in the great religious and political insurrection which
began in the Aures, and of which Abou-Yezid was the promoter.
El-Bekri also states that the Haoura, who dwelt near Magra, having
carried off the women of Diana, the inhabitants pursued the ravishers
and killed a great number and delivered their women. The battle took
place on the banks of a river, which took the name of _Oued-en-Nissa_
(the river of women).
The principal Roman ruins at Diana are the two triumphal arches—of
which the finer was drawn by Bruce, though unhappily his sketch is no
longer extant in the Kinnaird Collection—the remains of a temple
of Diana and a Christian basilica. The ruins of an aqueduct which
brought the waters of Ain Sultan to the city are still visible for
about nine miles.
From this point Bruce directed his course towards the Medrassen,
spending the night of December 7 only eight miles distant from
Diana. We descended from the diligence at Ain Yakoob at four A.M. on
April 24, and hired mules to convey us thither. There is a road-side
inn at Ain Yakoob, kept by a Maltese, and there is usually very
little difficulty in obtaining beasts, though the Arabs, seeing
travellers entirely at their mercy, without any French authorities
to control them, know how to charge accordingly. The distance is
less than six miles.
Shaw, in describing this building, says: ‘Five leagues to the
east of Tagou-Zainah, upon the northern skirts of Jibbel Auress,
we have a very remarkable sepulchral monument, situated between
two eminences. It goes by the name of _Medrashem_, or _Mail Cashem_
(‘_the treasure of Cashem_’), being nearly of the same fashion
with the Kubber Romeah, but differeth in being larger and in having
the cornish of the base supported with Tuscan-like pilasters. The
Arabs imagine, as they do with regard to other large piles, that an
immense treasure lieth buried beneath it, and have therefore made
the like attempts as at the Kubber Romeah to lay it open.’[44]
Bruce dismisses the subject of the Medrassen with very few remarks,
although he has left a drawing and a plan of it, the former of which
is here given (Plate V.)
The 8th, arrived at _Medaghashem_, or _Mad Cashem_, at two o’clock,
12 miles, and finished the design that night. The entrance is to
the east; it is situated in a plain about two miles square, between
two mountains, Azim and Boaref, and has to the east a view of an
extensive lake, and by the south-east side passes the remains of a
public road, which is probably that from Cirta to Lambese, of which
we found traces between Constantina and Physgeah.
This remarkable monument, very similar to the Tombeau de la
Chrétienne near Algiers, was situated on the high road between
Theveste and Diana Veteranorum. The form is that of a truncated cone,
placed on a cylindrical base 193 feet in diameter; the total height
is 60 feet. The lower portion, which forms a vertical encircling zone
or ring, is ornamented by 60 engaged columns, of which not one half
are now perfect. The upper part, or roof, gradually diminishes, by
a series of steps, each 22 inches in height, and 38 in breadth. The
columns are stunted, much broader at the base than at the top,
the height being about four times the lower diameter. They rest on
three steps, which serve as base both to the monument and to the
columns. The capitals are Doric, and above them is an entablature
with a large, bold cavetto, as if of Egyptian origin. Commandant
Foy,[45] probably following the description of Shaw, calls them
of the Tuscan order; Colonel Brunon,[46] criticising the former,
remarks that the capitals belong rather to the _genre Egyptien_ than
to the Tuscan order, the truth being that they are neither one nor the
other, but purely Greek. Greece and Egypt seem to have inspired the
ornamentation, while the _tumulus_ suggested the monument itself, as
it did the Tombeau de la Chrétienne, Etruscan tombs and the Pyramids
of Egypt. The actual conical part has lost its apex, if it ever had
one. The exterior masonry is remarkably fine, the stones being of
great size, well cut, the joints not more in some places than the
thickness of a knife and each stone joined to its neighbour by a
massive clamp, probably of iron set in lead, the search for which has
greatly contributed to the destruction of the building. Unfortunately
the interior masonry was of a much inferior kind, and an extensive
subsidence of it has caused a dislocation of the outer coating.
[Illustration: _Plate V._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
THE MEDRASSEN OR TOMB OF THE NUMIDIAN KINGS
FAC-SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Various attempts have been made to penetrate it, but till quite
recently without success. Salah Bey endeavoured to force an entrance
by means of artillery. General Carbuccia commenced to explore it in
1849, and discovered the passage leading to the sepulchral chamber;
but, owing to the roof having fallen in, he was unable to penetrate
further. Commandant Foy resumed its exploration with no better
success; Monsieur le Garde du Génie Bauchetet failed likewise
in 1866; but being again sent in 1873, with more ample means, he
succeeded in clearing away the _débris_ and penetrating to the
central chamber, which he ascertained to be 10 feet 3 inches long
by 4 feet 7 inches broad. Nothing of any interest was found inside,
but clear evidence was obtained that it had been opened at some
former period, and that an attempt had been made to destroy the
building by means of fire; great quantities of charcoal and lime
(the latter the calcined stone of which it is built) were discovered,
and the fire having communicated to the woodwork which supported
the roof of the passage, the superincumbent masonry had fallen in
and obstructed the entrance. The masonry in the passage and chamber
is very inferior to that of the Tombeau de la Chrétienne, and it
differs from the latter by the passage going straight to the centre
instead of in a spiral direction.
Numerous tumuli, also of a circular form, were discovered around,
together with the traces of a bastioned enclosure, proving the place
to have been an immense necropolis, subsequently used as a fortress,
of which the Medrassen was simply the principal tomb.
There have been many speculations as to the meaning of the word
and the destination of the building, which is not mentioned by
any classical author. There can, however, be little doubt that the
word _Medrassen_, as it is usually written, or _Madghassen_,[47]
which is the more correct orthography, is the plural of the Berber
word _Madghes_, the patronymic designation of an ancient family
from which Masinissa was descended. Ibn Khaldoun says that Madghes
was the son of Berr Ibn Kais; he bore the name of El-Abter, and was
the father of the Berbers-Botr.[48] The name still exists in that
of the tribe inhabiting the vicinity, the Haracta-_Mader_, and in
that of a stream, the Oued _Mader_.
It is much more probable that this was the tomb of the Numidian
kings—perhaps of Masinissa—than that of Syphax, to whom it has
been referred, whose capital was at Siga, near the Tafna, and who
only occupied Cirta for a short period. This would lead us to assign
the date of B.C. 150 as about that of its construction, a supposition
amply supported by the style of the architecture.
Here it may be well, before proceeding with my own route, to continue
Bruce’s narrative of his.
Alluding to the Aures, he says:—
This mountain is of a very considerable height but inferior to
Atlas, beautifully covered to the top with thick woods of cedar;
on the top are fine plains and plentiful pastures; about 14 miles
from Meda Cashem we encamped at the Shek of Auress’s dowar. His
name is Mahomed, and Beni Momnein[49] are his people on the plain
and Lashash[50]; formerly he commanded all Auress till his father was
slain by Morad Beni Manesseh,[51] who now has taken the greatest part;
Lashash, Welled Abdi, Boozenah and Marfah are dependants of Mahomed,
and were at war with the Amamrah, Haract, Welled Sheela and several
other clans, so that it was with great danger we passed on towards
Tezzoute.
Here I met, to my great astonishment, a tribe, who, if I cannot say
they were fair like English, were of a shade lighter than that of the
inhabitants of any country to the southward of Britain. Their hair
also was red and their eyes blue. They are a strong and independent
people, and it required address to approach them with safety.
Each of the tribe, in the middle between the eyes, has a Greek cross
marked with antimony. They are Kabyles. Though living in tribes,
they have among the mountains huts built with mud and straw, which
they call Dashkras, whereas the Arabs live in tents on the plains.
I imagine these to be a remnant of the Vandals. Procopius mentions a
defeat of an army of this nation here after a desperate resistance,
a remnant of which may be supposed to have maintained themselves
in these mountains. They with great pleasure confessed their
ancestors had been Christians, and seemed to rejoice much more in
that relation than in any connection with the Moors, with whom they
live in perpetual war. They pay no taxes to the Bey, but live in
constant defiance of him.
It happened that one of these tribes had its dwelling upon a
pointed rock (probably the Tamar of Procopius) just over the
ruins of Lambessa. As we approached then these ruins, the nine
soldiers of the Bey began to murmur for fear of the Neardie[52]
(so they call this sturdy tribe, who had often beat the Bey);
and matters had come the length of an absolute refusal to follow,
when we alighted at an encampment of Arabs three hours’ journey
from Lambessa. I was fatigued with hunting and the heat of the day,
and having pitched my tent, lay down to sleep, when I heard a dispute
between my servants and an Arab who was wanting to come into the tent
to speak to me. As everything is of consequence to be attended to
in these countries, I got up and brought the Arab into my tent. He
was an old man of a mean appearance. He asked me what countryman I
was, and if I spoke Italian. I answered that I was an Englishman,
had been all over Italy and spoke Italian perfectly; and I was
very much surprised to hear him ask me in very good Italian if I
had ever been to Nice, or knew General Paterson. Having satisfied
him that I knew the General, and what near neighbours and intimate
friends our families were, he leaped up and embraced me with great
joy and sincerity, calling General Paterson his father. He told me
that he had been taken by the Sardinian galleys and at first ill
used, but that by the interposition of General Paterson he had been
exempted from all hardships and confinement, and treated with great
humanity, tenderness and confidence; that he had also assisted him
in his redemption. There was no end of his thanks and gratitude. He
brought his wives and daughters into my tent, the greatest of all
marks of veneration amongst the Arabs. He feasted us magnificently
and seemed only at a loss he could do no more. The Arabs, who from
the door of the tent had heard their chief speak an unknown language,
and show such marks of respect to a stranger and a Christian, the
object of their aversion, came all into the tent; and after a very
adroit explanation given by the old man, all of them made me the most
fervent offers of service as the friend of the deliverer of their
chief. It was now time to enter into a discourse about the Neardie,
the fears of my companions and my resolution to see Lambessa at all
hazards. They laughed heartily at the fears of the Bey’s horsemen,
which however they confessed to be well founded, and seemed to think
little of the journey itself. ‘You shall do,’ said the old man,
‘in this case, what no wise man will do in general; you shall leave
your old friends for your new; you shall leave the Bey’s soldiers
to eat and drink here, and I will conduct you to Lambessa. If any
harm falls on you in my company, let the soldiers witness against
me to their master.’
I made no scruple to follow his directions, and on the next morning
we entered the dark, rocky, wooded defiles which lead to Lambessa,
full of lions, tigers[53] and men more savage than these animals.
We stayed three days at Lambessa without molestation and returned to
the tents of our Arab conductor. To this accident is owing my having
made one of the most accurate drawings ever seen on paper[54] as
well as the knowledge of many historical circumstances. He attended
us two days’ journey on our return, and embracing me at parting,
said to me in Arabic, ‘God is a free Agent in judgment. He saves
whom He pleases, and condemns whom He pleases; if so we may, though
of different religions, meet in Paradise. To me it seems impossible
that God the Great and Merciful should make men like General Paterson
and you for damnation.’
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 35: Shaw, p. 110.]
[Footnote 36: See Ragot, _Ann. Arch. Const._ xvi. p. 224.]
[Footnote 37: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 334.]
[Footnote 38: This is Djebel Harkat, the root of which word is
identical with that of the _Harackta_ tribe in the neighbourhood.]
[Footnote 39: L. Renier, Inscr. 1,731.]
[Footnote 40: L. Renier, Inscr. 1,744.]
[Footnote 41: Morcelli, _Afr. Chr._ t. i. p. 150.]
[Footnote 42: _Voyage dans le sud de l’Algérie_, trad. Berbrugger,
p. 223.]
[Footnote 43: _Description de l’Afrique Septentrionale_,
pp. 320-321.]
[Footnote 44: Shaw, p. 110.]
[Footnote 45: _Ann. Arch. Const._ iii. p. 58.]
[Footnote 46: Ibid. xvi. p. 303.]
[Footnote 47: The letter غ in Arabic is frequently rendered by _r_
instead of _gh_.]
[Footnote 48: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 181.]
[Footnote 49: The section of Beni _Moumen_ or _Moumeneen_ still
exists in the Aures.]
[Footnote 50: The tribe of _El-Ashash_ still exists, its chief is
the well-known Bou-Dhiaf.]
[Footnote 51: The family of _Beni Merad_ long governed in the Aures;
they were subsequently expelled and now inhabit Guerfa between Ain
Beida and Guelma.]
[Footnote 52: I cannot at all identify this tribe; the name is unknown
in the country at the present day, and I should be inclined to think
that Bruce meant the Oulad _Abdi_, who occupy the principal part of
the Aures, but for the fact that he subsequently mentions them as
the _Welled Abdi_.]
[Footnote 53: Perhaps panthers are here meant, there being no _tigers_
in Africa.]
[Footnote 54: This is not extant in the Kinnaird collection.]
CHAPTER VII.
OUR ARRIVAL AT BATNA — HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE AURES
MOUNTAINS.
After having spent some hours at the Medrassen, we continued our
way to Batna. The first part of the route was across country for
about five miles, after which we rejoined the high road at the
Hôtel du Tournant, about six and a quarter miles from Batna. The
Governor-General had been good enough to send special recommendations
in our favour to the Commandant of that station, General Dastugue,
and as chance would have it, General Chanzy was himself on a tour of
inspection, and expected to arrive at Batna about the same time as
ourselves. We were in a sorry plight, having spent the previous night
in the diligence; we were mounted on Arab mules and pack-saddles,
and altogether presented a miserably travel-stained appearance. Judge
of our horror at having thus to run the gauntlet of all the officials
who had come out to meet the Governor-General: the Commandant himself
with a brilliant staff, all the judicial authorities in their robes,
the Maire and Municipal Council, streets of little boys and girls
bearing flowers and banners, and ready to sing a pæan of praise
to His Excellency. And, worst of all, we were stopped by General
Dastugue in the midst of all this glory; he had recognised us even
in our rags and dirt, and wished us to understand that as soon as his
official duties were over, he would do all in his power to facilitate
our journey, a promise which he far more than fulfilled.
We remained at Batna till the 27th April, and were most hospitably
entertained by the General. He sent letters of recommendation in
advance to all the chiefs of the Aures, caused good mules to be
brought in for ourselves, and supplied us with tents and mules
from the train for our baggage. No one could have taken more pains
to ensure the success of our journey, and it was with the deepest
regret that we heard shortly after our return to Algiers, that his
health had broken down, and that he had returned to France with but
little hope of being able to resume active service in Africa. Before,
however, commencing a narrative of our journey, the reader will be
glad to know something of this country, which, as far as I am aware,
has never been explored by an English traveller, and is comparatively
little known even to the French. Bruce never actually penetrated
into these mountains: he merely skirted their northern slopes.
English tourists, who flock every season to Biskra, cannot fail to see
and to admire their distant outline; everyone goes to Lambessa; a few
may visit Timegad and Tebessa, all on Bruce’s route; but with these
exceptions the country is as little known as it was a century ago.
The geographical term _Aures_ comprises at the present day that mass
of mountains stretching between the route from Batna to Biskra on the
west and the Oued el-Arab on the east. It does not extend further
north than Batna, or so far south as Biskra. The greatest length
from east to west is 75 miles, and from north to south 44; Ptolemy
places here his Audon; Procopius and other geographers speak of it
as Aurasion, or Mons Aurasius, but it does not appear that they
included under these names the entire range, but rather isolated
peaks, like the Djebel Aures, which actually exists as a single peak
near Khenchla. To the south of Audon Ptolemy traces a long chain
of mountains, which he calls Thambes, and which, with Mampsurus
(the modern _Dj. Mahmel_), would about include the district known
as the Aures Mountains at the present day.
Procopius describes it in the following terms: ‘This mountain,
the greatest that we know, is situated at thirteen days’ journey
from Carthage. Its circuit is three long days’ journey. One can
only ascend by steep paths and wild solitudes, but on the summit
is an immense plain, watered by springs, giving rise to rivers,
and covered with a prodigious quantity of orchards; the grain and
fruit are double the size of those in other parts of Africa.’
The general configuration of the Aures is a series of mountain
ranges, running with more or less continuity from N.E. to S.W. They
are roughly parallel to each other, and in the valleys between them
flow considerable rivers.
On the north side, they have only moderate slopes, which convey its
waters into the Chotts of the neighbouring plateau. These streams
are few in number and of no great volume; the great body of the
drainage is from the southern side, where the rivers, after a long
and fertilising course, pour their waters into the great marshy basin
of Melghigh. The most important of these watercourses are the Oued
el-Kantara just outside the range, and the Oueds Abdi and el-Abiad,
which flow through it. To the east of these, the rivers assume a
more directly southern course.
The inhabitants of this country are called _Chawi_ (plural, _Chawia_),
from the Semitic root _cha_, a sheep. They are emphatically shepherds,
as well as agriculturists, having few or no cattle, but immense
flocks of sheep and goats.
They form a branch of the great Berber nation, which has occupied
the north of Africa, from Egypt to the Atlantic, since pre-historic
times. The Kabyles form another branch. Both speak slightly different
dialects of the same language, but the former, shut up in their
mountain fastnesses, hardly yet known to the world beyond and rarely
leaving their native country, have remained less mixed with foreign
elements, at least since the period of the Arab conquest.
These remarks apply particularly to the Chawia of the Aures: the race
itself has a much wider geographical distribution, and in the same
manner that there are tribes of Kabyles out of Kabylia, so there are
tribes of Chawia in the plains and high plateaux all round the Aures,
which, from contact with the nomad Arabs settled in their vicinity,
have lost much of their distinctive character.
Comparatively little is known of the history of the Berbers before
the Roman occupation of North Africa, which followed the long and
bloody wars in the second century before Christ. For some time after
that, the government of the country still remained in the hands of
the native races, and it was not till A.D. 40 that Numidia became
finally reduced to the condition of a Roman province.
The accuracy of the description given of them by Ibn Khaldoun, in
the fourteenth century, may be verified in a thousand particulars
at the present day.
‘From the most ancient times,’ he says, ‘the west country was
peopled by this race. They construct their houses either with stone
and mud, with reeds and brushwood, or with cloths made of horse-hair
or camel’s wool. Those who possess a certain degree of power and
govern the others, adopt a nomad life, and wander about with their
flocks in search of pasturage. But they never quit the Tell to enter
into the vast plains of the desert.
‘They gain their living by rearing sheep and cattle, and reserve
their horses for riding and for the propagation of the species. A part
of the nomad Berbers breed camels also, thus following an occupation
which is ordinarily that of the Arab. The poorer Berbers live off
the produce of their fields and flocks; but the higher classes,
those who live as nomads, wander over the country with their camels,
and lance in hand are as much engaged in robbing strangers as in
tending their flocks.
‘Their raiment and almost all their effects are of wool, and they
clothe themselves in striped garments, one end of which is thrown
over the left shoulder.’[55]
The origin of the Berber name, according to the same author, is
as follows:—
‘When Ifrikos, son of Kais, son of Saifi, one of the Himyarite
kings or Tobbas of Yemen, invaded North Africa, to which country
he gave his name, he was astonished at the strange idioms spoken by
the inhabitants, and exclaimed, “What a _berbera_ yours is!” The
word _berbera_ signifies _a mixture of unintelligible cries_, and the
name of Berber was ever afterwards applied to designate them.’[56]
He further adds that the Berbers of the Aures had previous to this
embraced Judaism;[57] certainly, during the domination of the Romans
they resigned themselves to the profession of the Christian faith,
and submitted to their conquerors, paying without much resistance
the heavy taxes imposed upon them. The enormous amount and the
magnificent character of the Roman ruins still existing in and around
the Aures show how extensive their occupation of the country was. All
the fertile plains and valleys must have been appropriated by them,
and their hands being as prompt to suppress insurrection as to uphold
military discipline, the native races were, no doubt, either entirely
assimilated to their conquerors, or driven to mountains and deserts,
where even the Roman power was unfelt.
The Vandal invasion, which swept all this away, never penetrated
into the Aures, and for a brief period the Berber princes were
again permitted to rule their country in peace and quietness. The
last Vandal king was Gilimer, and it was in his reign (A.D. 533)
that Justinian sent a powerful army under Belisarius to invade
Africa. The secretary of that general was Procopius, who has left
us a most valuable account of the wars of the Byzantines against
the Vandals. In less than six months Belisarius conquered the whole
country from Carthage to the Atlantic, and either drove the Vandals
out, or forced them to retreat to the mountains, especially the Aures,
where their conquerors did not at first dare to follow them.
Belisarius then returned to Constantinople with the captive king in
his train, leaving his wisest and most valiant general, the eunuch
Solomon, to supply his place. The Berbers soon raised the standard
of revolt, and the most formidable chief he had to contend against
was Iabdas,[58] who occupied the Aures Mountains. Thither Solomon
followed and signally defeated him, compelling him to flee into
Mauritania. The conquerors ravaged the country all round the Aures,
but they carefully restored the strong places, such as Thamugas,
Baghaia, and Theveste. Risings amongst the native races however
still continued; and, after a short and brilliant career, Solomon
was utterly defeated, and lost his life under the walls of Theveste
(the modern Tebessa).
From this moment the power of the Latin race began rapidly to
decay. The remnants of the Roman and Byzantine colonies either
concentrated themselves in the neighbourhood of a few strongly
fortified positions, or retreated to the almost inaccessible mountains
now known as Kabylia and the Aures.
At this conjuncture a new conquering power appeared on the
scene. Mohammedanism began to extend its conquests beyond Arabia,
and when those wonderful expeditions under Abdulla ibn Saad, Moawia
ibn el-Hodeidj and Okba ibn Nafa overran the whole of North Africa,
they met with but little resistance from the Berbers, who had
suffered so cruelly from one set of foreign invaders after another;
they regarded the Arabs rather as liberators than conquerors,
and willingly embraced the religion of El-Islam and recognised the
authority of the Khalifa. These new masters, however, proved even
more tyrannical than the old ones, and soon the flames of revolt
spread all over the country.
The government of the Berbers was at this time exercised by Koceila,
son of Lemezm, who had originally been a Christian, but who had become
a Mohammedan during the first Arab invasion, and had returned to his
ancient faith under the government of Abou el-Mohadjer. He rallied
all the disaffected Berbers to his standard, but he was completely
defeated by Abou el-Mohadjer, taken prisoner at Tlemçen and only
escaped death by again making a profession of Islamism.
Okba ibn Nafa, who had returned to Africa to replace Abou el-Mohadjer,
undertook the conquest of the Moghreb. He penetrated as far as the
Atlantic, and received the submission of Count Julian, who governed
Tingitana for the Goths of Spain. He retained Koceila in close
captivity in his camp and treated him with the utmost indignity. He
repossessed himself of the strong places, such as Baghai and Lambessa,
and deposed all the Berber princes from their governments. On one
occasion however, having sent the greater part of his army to Kerouan,
and kept but a small detachment with himself, the tribe of Koceila,
with whom their chief had always been in secret communication,
profiting by his temporary weakness, fell upon him at Tahouda near
Biskra, and killed both him and all his followers.[59]
Koceila fixed his residence at Kerouan, and governed the Berbers and
Arabs with great justice and moderation during five years; but in
the 67th year of the Hejira (A.D. 686-7) he was defeated by Zoheir
ibn Keis el-Belowi, who had been sent by the Khalifa Abd-el-Melek to
avenge the death of Okba, and was slain with a vast number of his
followers. The remainder of the Berbers fled for security to their
strong places and to the mountains.[60]
The Aures was at this time governed by a princess whose name was
Dihya, daughter of Tabita, but who is more generally known by
the appellation of _El-Kahina_, the sorceress; according to Ibn
Khaldoun,[61] she professed the religion of the Jews, and her ordinary
place of residence was at El-Baghai. By this time Zoheir had been
killed and Hassan bin Näaman was sent against her. He was signally
defeated and pursued by the victorious Kahina as far as the borders
of Tripoli. During five years she continued to reign, with as much
justice and clemency as her predecessor; but she was subsequently
overcome, and she together with her principal nobles fell gloriously
in battle, overwhelmed by the superior power of her Arab conquerors.
The very means which she took to arrest the progress of her enemies
predisposed the minds of her people against her, and contributed
to her downfall. She destroyed all the towns and farms in which the
Arabs could obtain shelter, and burnt those magnificent forests, which
made the whole country between Tripoli and Tangier one continuous
garden. This would naturally have been put down as an exaggeration
or mere tradition, but for the chain of Roman ruins still existing
to prove how richly cultivated and how densely peopled the country
once was, much of which is now all but desert.
The story of El-Kahina is just such a one as the Arabs love to build
their romances on. A local tradition is recorded by Commandant de
Bosredon.[62] This part of the country was formerly under the rule of
a great chief called Aures, whose wife’s name was Khenchla. This
powerful family had several castles, the ruins of which are still
existing at _Daharet-Foua_, _Bahiret-Sebkha_ and _Khenchla_, his
usual place of residence. The daughter of Aures, known generally
by her pseudonym of El-Kahina, was a person of great beauty and
high intelligence. She had received a brilliant education under the
direction of her father, and one corresponding to the distinguished
rank she occupied. When of age to be married, her father left her
free to select her own husband. Amongst the numerous aspirants for her
hand, El-Kahina chose Berzegan, whose name is perpetuated in the great
ruins situated to the south of the Ma el-Abiad. The marriage act was
drawn out, but Aures died before the ceremony could be accomplished.
The successor of Aures was one of those whose addresses El-Kahina
had rejected, and who on this account meditated a project of
vengeance. Being a man of an evil nature, he abused his power to
commit the most infamous actions. Amongst other customs, he introduced
one formerly claimed by feudal lords in Europe, and as El-Kahina
refused to submit to this indignity, she delayed for some time her
marriage. At last, heartsore at seeing the whole nation victims of
this unworthy prince, she determined to effect the liberation of her
country. She invited some of the bravest youths of her family and
acquaintance to a banquet, at the termination of which she made known
to them her projects, which met with universal approbation. She then
made the necessary preparations for her marriage, and according to the
recently established custom, she proceeded with her companions to the
residence of the sovereign. She penetrated alone into his apartments,
and having in vain endeavoured to divert him from his evil way,
she plunged a poignard in his heart, and was hailed as his successor.
Thus we have seen one invasion after another sweep over the country,
and always with the same effect—the conquerors, after a short
lapse of time, became in their turn the conquered, and were driven
for safety to the mountains.
Ibn Khaldoun remarked of the Berbers, that they held the first place
amongst nations for bravery and promptness to defend their guests,
for fidelity to their engagements, patience in adversity, hospitality
and many other great qualities.[63]
This reputation, no doubt, induced the persecuted Latins, and even the
Vandals, to seek the shelter of these peaceful retreats, where they
soon became assimilated to the aboriginal Berber race. The result is,
that these northern nations have left on the Chawia the imprint of
their physical and moral character in a way that fourteen centuries
have not been able to obliterate.
The features, language, and customs of these people bear unmistakable
testimony to their classic origin. All the old writers who visited
the outskirts of the country, describe in glowing terms the beauty of
its women. Morgan, in his interesting history of Algeria, dated 1728,
remarks: ‘What numbers have I seen, particularly females, who,
for well-featured countenances, fair curling locks, and wholesome
ruddy looks, might not vie with, or even be envied by, the proudest
European dames.’ Shaw, who wrote a few years later, observes that
they have quite a different mien and aspect from their neighbours,
‘for their complexions are so far from being swarthy that they
are fair and ruddy, and their hair, which amongst other Kabyles is
of a dark colour, is with them of a deep yellow.’
Bruce, as we have seen, bears testimony to the same fact, and it was
unanimously our opinion that in no country within our knowledge is
the average of female beauty so high as in the Aures Mountains. It
is true that, owing to hard labour from earliest childhood, and
constant exposure to the sun, they become old before their time,
and even in infancy their skin becomes of a dark brown colour;
but the classic regularity of features, which nothing can mar,
occasionally combined with light hair and blue eyes, marks in an
unmistakable manner their European origin. Their language is full of
Latin words, and in their daily life they retain customs undoubtedly
derived from their Christian ancestry.
They observe the 25th of December as a feast, under the name of
_Moolid_ (the birth), and keep three days’ festival at spring
time and harvest; a garden they call _orto_ (hortus), an elm _olm_
(ulmus), and the ordinary New Year’s salutation is _Bouiné_
(bonus annus). They use the solar instead of the Mohammedan lunar
year, and the names of their months are the same as our own.
Yenar Maio Istenbar
Fourar Yunia Aktobar
Mars Yuliez Ounbar
Yebrer Ghusht Jenbar
For years after Algeria had become a French colony the tribes of
the Aures refused to enter into any relations with the conquerors;
their country was a safe refuge for all the malcontents of other
districts, and amongst others, the ex-Bey of Constantine and the
Khalifa of the Emir Abd-el-Kader retreated to these fastnesses, and
kept up a constant agitation, which threatened the security of the
great military road between Constantine and the desert. This became
quite insupportable, and as soon as the insurrectionary movements in
Algiers, which terminated in the defeat of Bou Mäaza at Ain Kebira,
had been somewhat appeased, General Bedeau, who had been appointed
Military Commander on the departure of the Duc d’Aumale, resolved
to penetrate these difficult mountains, and force the tribes to
acknowledge French authority.
The expedition left Batna on May 1, 1845, and proceeded eastward. The
Chawia opposed it in great numbers, but they were quite unable to
resist European arms and discipline. In three days the troops had
reached Medina, a central position in the country, where a depôt
of provisions was established. They then penetrated the country
of the Oulad Abdi, defeated them in a smart combat at Aidoussa,
and forced them to come to terms. The other tribes, dismayed at
the rapidity and success of this attack, abandoned all resistance,
agreed to accept chiefs appointed by the French, and consented to pay
the war contribution imposed upon them. The column then traversed
the Aures Mountains in every direction, and expelled the foreign
recalcitrants who had fled there for safety, and since that time
the tranquillity of the country has never been disturbed.
One can hardly ride a mile in the Aures Mountains without meeting
Roman remains of considerable importance, such as the foundations
of forts, agricultural establishments, tombs, &c., built in the most
substantial manner of huge blocks of well-cut stone, all testifying
to the high state of civilisation which existed wherever this great
people founded colonies.
But it is not so much within the _massif_ of the Aures itself as on
its northern slopes, and on the plains at their base, that those
splendid cities existed, the ruins of which now excite the wonder
and admiration of modern travellers.
Commencing from Lambessa, a complete chain of these cities
extended as far as Tebessa, their order from west to east being
as follows: Lambæsis, Verecunda, Thamugas, Mascula, Baghaia, and
Theveste. Thence, turning towards the south, the chain of military
establishments, and towns of a less important character, continue to
encircle the mountains, reaching as far as the desert and remounting
to the original starting point.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 55: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 167.]
[Footnote 56: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 168.]
[Footnote 57: Ibid. p. 208.]
[Footnote 58: The Oulad _Abdi_ are said to be descended from him.]
[Footnote 59: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 211.]
[Footnote 60: Ibid. p. 212.]
[Footnote 61: Ibid. p. 213.]
[Footnote 62: Bosredon, _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. vi. p. 56.]
[Footnote 63: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 200.]
CHAPTER VIII.
START FOR THE AURES — LAMBESSA — EL-ARBÄA — MENÄA.
We started for our excursion in the Aures Mountains on April 27. Our
object was not to go by a direct route from Batna to Tebessa, but to
obtain a general knowledge of the country, and to combine all that
was best worth seeing from an archæological and a scenic point of
view. We were, of course, in perfect ignorance of the country, but
our good friend General Dastugue had so carefully traced our route
in conjunction with some of the principal chiefs that we never had
occasion to deviate from it, and so great was the hospitality we
received, both from French officials and the Kaids of the districts,
that we were never permitted to provide ourselves with a repast during
all the period of our wanderings. Wherever we stopped for breakfast,
and to pass the night, a sumptuous _dhiffa_ awaited us. Not only were
we supplied with every conceivable Arab delicacy, but the neighbouring
station of Batna had been ransacked to supply us with unnecessary
luxuries. Champagne, Bordeaux, _pâtés de foie gras_ and even chairs
and tables, were waiting us at every halting-place; considering
all these things, and that our hosts were as perfect specimens of
Berber nobility as it is possible to imagine, and looked, indeed,
as if they had been thawed out of marble statues of Roman emperors
in the British Museum, it is little wonder that our reminiscences
of that journey are amongst the most pleasant of our lives.
From Batna we followed the high road to Lambessa, the ruins of which
are too well known to require any detailed description. Nevertheless,
as this place is amongst those illustrated by Bruce, I cannot pass
it by without notice. First I quote his remarks on the place:—
As this is the Mons Audus of Ptolemy, here too must be fixed his
Lambesa,[64] or Lambæsitanorum Colonia, which, by a hundred Latin
inscriptions remaining on the spot, it is attested to have been. It is
now called Tezzoute; the ruins of the city are very extensive. There
are seven of the gates still standing, and great pieces of the
walls solidly built with square masonry without lime. The buildings
remaining are of very different ages, from Adrian to Aurelian, nay,
even to Maximin. One building only, supported by columns of the
Corinthian order, was in good taste. What its use was I know not. The
drawing of this is in the King’s collection. It was certainly
designed for some military purpose, by the size of its gates—I
should suspect, a stable for elephants, or a repository for catapulta,
or other large military machines, though there are no traces left upon
the walls indicating either.[65] Upon the keystone of the arch of the
principal gate there is a basso-relievo of the standard of a legion,
and upon it an inscription ‘Legio tertia Augusta,’ which legion
we know from history was quartered here. Dr. Shaw[66] says that there
is here a neat round Corinthian temple called Cubb el Arrousa, the
cupola or dome of the bride, or spouse. Such a building does exist,
but it is by no means of a good taste, nor of the Corinthian order;
but of a long disproportioned Doric of the time of Aurelian, and
does not merit the attention of any architect. Dr. Shaw never was
as far south as Jibbel Aurez, so could only say this from report.
The temple dedicated to Æsculapius turned out a very indifferent
Doric. There was none of the others remaining except what he calls an
oblong chamber, which is in bad taste likewise. The entire Tezzoute
is on all sides surrounded by mountains covered with cedar, unless
on the east, where there is only bare rock; two small but very clear
streams run through it, but as there is a small aqueduct from the
neighbouring mountain to the west, and as there are no traces of
masonry along the banks of the stream . . . .[67] I suspect that
they are part of the stream which formerly ran through the aqueduct,
which now being broken down they have formed these channels.
Lambese, Lambæsis, or Lambæsitanorum Colonia, is mentioned in the
Itinerary of Antonine,[68] in the Tables of Peutinger, by Ptolemy,[69]
St. Augustine[70] and St. Cyprian.[71]
It was one of the most important cities in the interior of Numidia,
belonging to the Massylii, and was in Roman times the head-quarters of
the Third Legion, Augusta, which was stationed here for nearly three
centuries, and was the only one located in Africa. It was the great
military centre from which columns were despatched to maintain order
or to suppress insurrection. It covered, or protected, the whole
of Northern Numidia, and permitted Roman colonisation to attain a
degree of importance unequalled in any other province of North Africa.
At present very few ruins remain to bear witness to its former
magnificence, and these are by no means in the best style of
art. Indeed, it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that, valuable
as the place undoubtedly was as a military position, the importance
of its public buildings has been greatly exaggerated.
The principal ruin here, and the only one figured by Bruce, is
that called the Prætorium. He made a finished drawing, which he
states to be in the collection of the King; the only one in the
Kinnaird collection is a rough pencil outline, with sketches of
architectural details and memoranda of measurements. This is the
less to be regretted, as photographs of it are in the hands of every
traveller who visits Lambessa.
It is a large rectangular edifice, 92 feet long, 66 broad and 49
high. The principal façade to the south had a splendid peristyle,
having massive Ionic columns in front, which corresponded with
Corinthian pilasters engaged in the walls. This extended only to half
the height of the wall, leaving a second storey externally, but there
is no trace of this in the inside, which is undivided in height. The
other sides also are decorated with detached columns, corresponding
to the pilasters of the lower storey, the cornice turning round and
forming the entablature. On the north side there are three detached
columns on each side of the principal entrance, between which and the
smaller doors is a niche to contain statuary. All the keystones are
sculptured, but not very artistically. That over the principal gate
bears a basso-relievo of a standard, with the inscription ‘Legio
tertia Augusta.’ The interior forms a vast hall; on each side there
is one large and two smaller doors, and above the central and larger
ones another arched opening, used probably as a window. The walls
are strengthened interiorly with pilasters, on which are engaged
columns; still it appears doubtful whether the building ever was
covered otherwise than by a velarium.
The interior has now been converted into a museum, wherein are
collected various objects of antiquity which have been discovered
in the vicinity; the best of these, however, have been sent to the
museum of the Louvre at Paris.
Close to the Prætorium is a small triumphal arch tolerably entire,
but of an exceedingly depraved style of art; there are two niches
on each side, but without any archivoltes.
The Temple of Æsculapius, mentioned by Bruce, is at some little
distance west of the Prætorium: only one of its columns now remains
in place. An inscription stated that this temple was constructed
by order of Marcus Aurelius, and was dedicated to Æsculapius and
to Health.
At Lambessa we turned to the right, and entered the mountains south
of the village. After a short ride through a forest of evergreen oak
we reached the plateau on the top of Djebel Asker, nearly 6,000 feet
above the level of the sea; even at this advanced season there were
patches of snow, and during the winter the Pass must frequently be
impracticable. At the further side of this is a remarkable gorge,
like a huge barrier, in which an opening gives access to the richly
wooded valley of Ti-Farasain. At the bottom flows a large stream,
and under the shade of some fine old trees by its banks we halted to
take our midday meal. It was indeed a lovely spot, but we found so
many such that our stock of adjectives soon became exhausted. The
time occupied in riding to this place from Batna was four hours,
exclusive of our delay at Lambessa.
Beyond this the oak forests continue for some distance, with
occasional clearings, in which are seen the foundations of Roman
buildings, with here and there a few tumulary inscriptions. At
Ez-Zikak the cedars commence, at an elevation of 5,300 feet, and
cover an immense tract of mountain. They have remained hitherto
almost untouched, and might supply an unlimited quantity of timber
for use at Batna. The forest greatly requires thinning, the mature
trees being too crowded; but one sees with regret here, as indeed
almost everywhere in Algeria, the total absence of young trees;
they appear now-a-days to be destroyed by the sheep and goats as
soon as the seed germinates. It is a difficult question to decide,
whether to protect the young trees by prohibiting the natives from
introducing sheep and goats into the forests, or to protect the people
who, in a country where there is so little space for agriculture,
can hardly live without their flocks, and who have been a pastoral
race from the earliest ages.
After quitting the region of forests the road passes over a
rather sterile plateau; on the left is a remarkable chain of naked
limestone rocks called Djebel Berd, the Cold Mountain; on the right
the distant hills are thickly wooded, but the intermediate country
is treeless. Pasturage however is good and there are patches of
cultivation; at the end of April the corn was not more than two or
three inches high. After passing this the road descends rapidly,
and, winding amongst small hills and valleys, soon reaches the bed
of the river on which El-Arbäa is situated.
It was almost dark when we arrived, but we had just light enough to
descend the difficult path which gives access to the village. The
military train mules, however, were less accustomed to mountain
travelling than our native beasts, and lingered far behind. We
were welcomed by the notables of the village, and conducted to
a plateau a little above the bank of the stream, large enough to
contain two or three tents. One or two Arab tents had been pitched
for our accommodation, and carpeted in the most tempting manner; but
alas! we soon found out the one great scourge of this lovely country,
though its best protection against the intrusion of inquisitive
tourists—the armies of fleas by which each village is defended. To
sleep there was impossible; it was getting late, and still we saw
nothing of our baggage, and we feared that the unfortunate _tringlots_
who had charge of it would never find their way unaided. The Sheikh
however was equal to the occasion; he despatched forty or fifty of
his people with flambeaux of _diss_ grass to search for the missing
attendants, who but for this assistance, would never have reached
us that night. A light repast was all we cared for, but a more
substantial one, with the usual sheep roasted whole, was provided
for our attendants. I recommend anyone who retains enough of his
pristine innocence still to like sweets to try a dinner of walnuts
dipped in honey and washed down by huge bowls of fresh milk.
It is difficult, without the aid of the pencil, to give any idea
of this extraordinary village, and one hardly knows whether most to
admire its strange and picturesque aspect, or the skill with which
the position has been chosen and improved for purposes of defence.
A deep and narrow ravine runs north-east and south-west, through
which flows a small river. On the right bank the hill rises almost
perpendicularly to a height of about 700 feet. It is principally
blue marl, and as is frequently the case with this formation, the
sky line is deeply cut and serrated in the most fantastic manner,
contrasting strangely with the level crests of the adjacent hills. The
strata have been upheaved into an almost vertical position, so that in
some places the face of the hill resembles parallel lines of walls,
as at the Portes-de-fer; in others it is scored and perforated,
exhibiting the most beautiful effects of light and shadow.
From the terrace on which our tents were pitched a mound rises towards
the middle of the cliff. This has been formed by the detritus of the
rocks above, and on this the village is built. The houses rise one
above another in a series of steps, the roof of one being on a level
with the floor of that above it, and actually forms a terrace to it,
or part of the public road. All the houses in the Aures are built of
small stones and mud, the walls being strengthened by longitudinal
layers of timber inserted in the masonry every few courses. The roofs
are of Thuya wood rafters, supported at intervals by posts and post
plates, and covered with a thick cement of mud and chopped straw,
which becomes nearly as hard as stone.
The flocks live on terms of the greatest harmony with the owners,
and seem to occupy the better portion of their houses. It is very
pleasant to see them returning in the evening from their pasture over
the rustic bridge which crosses the river, and winding up amongst
the steep lanes which separate the houses, led by the young girls
of the family, nearly always of singular beauty and never veiled.
In the morning before starting we went through many of the houses,
where we were objects of far greater curiosity to the villagers than
they were to us. They may have seen officers of the Bureau Arabe
or stray French travellers, but I doubt whether any European ladies
had been there before.
On the 28th we started for Menäa shortly after sunrise. The distance
is about 16 miles and occupied us five hours of actual travel. We
crossed Djebel Tirmis to the south-east, by an elevated pass 5,760
feet above the sea, connecting the valleys of El-Erbäa and Bou
Zeina. On each side are the remains of a Roman tower, built to defend
this important position. The valley of Bou Zeina is richly cultivated
at the bottom wherever the ground is capable of irrigation by the
stream, but the upper parts of the hills are bare and stony. After
passing the village of Murkäa on the left bank the character of the
valley began to change; the limestone strata, which had been running
parallel to our route like paved Roman roads, give place to white
marble of dazzling brightness, cropping up among the red rocks which
lie between; soon the ground becomes almost entirely white, which
gives its name to the next village, El-Beidha, on the left of the
road. A very short distance beyond is Takoost, pronounced _Tagoost_,
a more important village, where we stopped for a short time, and were
entertained to an excellent breakfast by the Khalifa. The ladies of
the household did not appear openly, but they were very glad indeed
to receive us in their private apartments, and had no objection to
allow their comely faces to be seen even by male visitors.
This part of the country is of singular interest from a geological
point of view. The high bare mountains to the north-west are
stratified like the most beautifully striated agate; behind the
village the rock resembles a pavement of huge cubical blocks of stone
laid at an angle of forty-five degrees. Many have been detached from
their setting, and have rolled down to the village. The deception
was so perfect that at first sight we mistook it for Roman masonry
of an unusually massive character.
The cultivation round all these villages is very similar, small square
patches of corn-land forming perfectly level terraces, irrigated
by canals derived from the river which flows along the bottom of
the valley. They rise one above another as high as the water can be
made to reach them, and are dotted over with, or sometimes bordered
by fruit trees, which grow in great abundance and variety. We noticed
apples, pears, peaches, apricots, figs, walnuts, and generally all the
fruits of temperate countries, and such tropical ones as can stand the
cold of winter, like the pomegranate. After passing Tagoost the road
crosses the Bou Zeina, here called the Oued el-Ahmar, or Red River,
from the prevailing colour of the hills on its left bank, and winds
up the chain of mountains separating it from the Oued Abdi. The road
is very wild and picturesque, and is bordered on the right by a steep
precipice, sometimes a thousand feet in vertical descent. The rock
is a conglomerate, or pudding-stone, of large water-worn pebbles,
cemented together by a calcareous paste.
Shortly after crossing the summit of this hill the village of Menäa
appeared in sight, and in a very short time we found ourselves
under the hospitable roof of Si Mohammed bin Abbas, the Kaid of
the Aures. It is by no means as an empty term of compliment that I
style him hospitable; he is a very grand specimen of Arab nobility,
his ancestors being from Morocco, and not of Chawi descent. Every
day he is said to feed 200 people, and he even keeps a French cook,
the better to entertain the few Europeans who pass through his
country. He has many houses in various parts of the Aures. That at
Menäa is his principal one, and is almost a small village, containing
apartments for himself and family, rooms for his dependants, a Zaouia,
within which the family are interred, and spacious and comfortable
rooms for the reception of guests. He had gone to Batna to meet
the Governor-General, but his son, a noble-looking young fellow of
about twenty, did the honours of his house with the most perfect
grace. Our table was luxuriously supplied, even with choice wines,
and in the evening an exhibition of dancing girls was got up for our
entertainment. The Arabs seemed to enjoy it mightily and praised the
principal performer as the most celebrated dancer in the country,
but I don’t think we appreciated it as we ought, and found the
monotony of the cadence, and the constant repetition of the same step,
very wearisome.
Menäa is picturesquely situated on the slope of a low hill at
the confluence of the Bou Zeina and the Oued Abdi. The streets are
extremely filthy, but every year this manure is carefully collected,
and employed in cultivation. There are no Roman remains of any
interest, but fragments of sculpture and tombstones are found in
abundance, generally built into the angles of the houses, while
frusta of columns have been hollowed out into coffee mortars, and
stone coffins utilised as drinking troughs.
The land about Menäa is highly cultivated in small fields, perfectly
level, to admit of irrigation. They are arranged in terraces, which,
according to tradition, have existed since the Roman epoch. Certainly,
if they were constructed then, they have been kept in admirable
repair by this industrious people. Land fetches a high price, and as
much as 15,000 francs per hectare, or 240_l._ an acre, has been paid
for ground capable of easy irrigation. Date trees begin to appear
here and add a very pleasing feature to the landscape; the fruit,
however, rarely ripens, and is never good.
Near this village, and indeed at every other in the Aures, are the
remains of watch-towers used in former times as posts of observation;
now that the French occupation has ensured the tranquillity of the
country these have been allowed to fall into picturesque decay.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 64: Ptol. _Geog._ lib. iv. p. 111.]
[Footnote 65: The building now called the Prætorium.]
[Footnote 66: Shaw, p. 118.]
[Footnote 67: Illegible in MS.]
[Footnote 68: _Itin. Ant._ pp. 32, 33, 34, 40.]
[Footnote 69: Ptol. iv. § 39.]
[Footnote 70: Aug. _Ad Donat._ vi. 13.]
[Footnote 71: Cyp. _Epist._ 55.]
CHAPTER IX.
ASCENT OF THE OUED ABDI — MINES OF TAGHIT — ARRIVAL AT OUED TAGA.
_April_ 29.—To-day we commenced our ascent of the Oued Abdi on the
right bank of the stream.[72] The scenery was very grand; above the
road towered the bleak and arid mountains over which we had passed
the day before; on the left bank, behind the first chain of hills, is
the elevated range of Djebel Lazarak, of which the two most prominent
peaks are named Ti-Keshwain. At about a mile and a quarter from Menäa
are the remains of an old Berber town called Es-Sook, or _the market_,
built after the Roman period, and said at one time to have had great
commercial dealings with Tunis, whence its name. A short distance
beyond, the valley becomes constricted to a very narrow pass, guarded
by an old tower occupying a commanding position, with quite the aspect
of a castle on the Rhine. This is the boundary of the Oulad Abdi in
this direction; immediately beyond it the valley widens out again,
and the ground becomes more fertile and better cultivated. It would
be impossible for the most civilised nation to turn their land to
better account than this rude and secluded people. They rarely leave
their own villages, and hardly ever the district in which they were
born. I met a sheikh at one village who had occupied his present
office for twenty-five years, and in all that time he had only been
five times to Batna and never anywhere else. All along the route and
generally throughout the Aures we observed small piles of stone, often
only two or three in number, placed from distance to distance on the
hill sides or on the level ground; these mark the places which the
owner wishes to reserve as pasturage for his own use, and his rights
so designated are scrupulously respected. The road passes several
villages on either bank of the river, all picturesquely situated high
up on the bank, built of stone like El-Arbäa and generally with a
quaint and very conspicuous minaret. The bed of the river is broad,
although, owing to so much water being consumed in irrigation, it
generally contains but little during the summer season; in winter
it is a wide and impetuous torrent.
We stopped for breakfast at Nowader Ahmama, about 7½ miles from
Menäa. The Kaid’s son had sent on the French cook to make
preparations, and he had himself accompanied us, so we had only to
take the good things provided for us and be thankful.
Instead of continuing to ascend the river we made a détour,
so as to visit the mercury mines of Taghit, for which an English
company was then in treaty. We struck off the course of the river
in a south-easterly direction, through scenery closely resembling
what is seen at the Portes-de-fer, on the route between Algiers and
Constantine. The rocks, through which the Oued Taghit forces its way,
are of sandstone alternating with argillaceous schist; the strata are
contorted in a remarkable manner and sometimes upheaved to a vertical
position. In many places the softer strata have been worn away by
the action of water, leaving the harder rocks standing upright in
the voids thus caused; this gives to the hills a most extraordinary
appearance, which cannot better be described than by comparing them
to the side-scenes of a theatre. After passing through about two
miles of this wild scenery, the valley opens out, cultivation again
commences, and soon the small village of Taghit is reached.
The mines are situated quite close to the village and have long been
known to the natives, who used to work them for the sake of the lead,
throwing the more valuable cinnabar on one side as useless. This ore
is said to be exceedingly rich, more so than that of Mexico or of
El-Maden in Spain. I saw specimens, which contained 30 per cent. of
pure mercury, and the average is said to be 6 per cent., which would
make the value of the ore about 50_l._ a ton. The galena also is rich,
but whether it could be worked to advantage in such a remote district
is doubtful, at least until the means of communication are improved.
At Taghit is the tomb of Sidi bel-Khair, the great Saint of the Oulad
Abdi; the height of the village is 4,350 feet above the sea. Here,
again, we got an excellent repast, prepared by our friend’s cook,
with abundance of Bordeaux and Champagne, and we were joined by
the superintendent of the mine, an engineer from the school of
St. Etienne, who most obligingly showed us all over his works.
_April_ 30.—From the mines the Oued Abdi had to be regained,
and the shortest though not the easiest way was over a pass in a
steep mountain called Tizi-Zijan, about 5,780 feet above the sea,
from which an admirable idea is obtained of the successive chains of
mountains forming the Aures range. The descent to Theniet el-Abid on
the left bank of the river was so steep, that we could hardly keep
our saddles on the mules’ backs; they were perpetually slipping
over their heads, and we found that the simplest and most expeditious
plan was to walk.
Here we rested during the mid-day heat, and as usual found that our
friend the cook had started some hours before us, and had prepared one
of those marvellous breakfasts for which he had become so celebrated;
he was most solicitous for our comfort, and never served a meal
without begging us to ask for anything more that we might require,
as his master never would pardon him if we had any want ungratified
in his territory.
We passed several other villages after leaving this place, one
of which was Bou Gharara, which had lately been destroyed by an
inundation, but which was then being rebuilt in a very superior style
a little further from the river, and passing this came to El-Bali,
where we encamped for the night. Our day’s journey was only 12½
miles, and occupied four hours.
El-Bali is on the left bank of the river, directly opposite to
Djebel Mahmel, the ancient Mampsurus, the second highest peak in
Algeria, only 23 feet lower than Djebel Chellia. The village itself
is nearly 5,000 feet above the sea. We strolled about before dinner,
purchasing native ornaments and admiring the beauty of the women
and children. One dear little child, daughter of the Sheikh, quite
attached herself to our party, and accompanied us to the tents; she
took with the utmost solemnity, and in the most dignified manner,
all the sweets and little presents we gave her; but nothing would
induce her to taste anything; she would hardly even speak to us,
but she devoured us with her eyes, and cried when she had to go away.
The women of the Aures, as I have said, never veil or conceal their
faces; their dress is very similar to that of the Arab of the south;
the colours chosen generally two shades of blue or other subdued
tints. They disfigure themselves very much by wearing enormous
circular rings on the upper edge of their ears, which seem as if they
would tear that organ off the head; indeed, some such effect is not
unfrequently produced, and to guard against it they support their
ears by strings tied to the upper part of the head-dress. They also
wear numerous and massive bracelets and anklets of elegant design,
similar to those used by the Kabyles, and their garments seem to be
held together by large brooches, or pins with immense heads, of the
pattern which we style ‘the Maid of Norway’ pin. I am sorry to
say that these unsophisticated mountain maidens knew perfectly well
how to sell us, as massive silver, ornaments which we subsequently
discovered to be made of lead, with a very thin coating of the more
precious metal.
The young lads of the village are as sturdy little fellows as one
could meet anywhere, with clean and muscular limbs, of bold and
independent carriage, and with none of that shrinking timidity,
which makes the children of an Arab village retreat behind the
shelter of their dogs at the approach of a _Roumi_.
The inevitable _dhiffa_ was, of course, awaiting us here; we had
always to get through two daily; there was a strong family resemblance
between them all, the staple dishes being the same, a sheep roasted
whole, and piles of _couscousou_, washed down by beakers of milk;
but the little additions, _petits plats_, and European delicacies such
as wine, &c., depended on the amount of civilisation of our host for
the time being. The roasted sheep is a dish worthy of introduction
into the most civilised society; the animal is skinned and cleaned
within a few moments of his death; a stake six feet long is passed
through his body, entering at the mouth, and a large fire having been
prepared beforehand and allowed to subside into a state of hot embers
without flame, the animal is laid across it, supported on two posts,
constantly turned round, and basted with butter till sufficiently
cooked; it is then served up by the stake being stuck upright in
the earth, or supported transversely on big stones; and then it
is consumed with the aid only of Nature’s knives and forks. It
requires some little education to know exactly where to search for
the best morsels, but our hosts were always courteous enough to tear
these off and present them to us.
_Couscousou_ well prepared is by no means a dish to be despised;
the raw material is simply the semolina of hard wheat, the grains
of which are large, carefully sifted from the flour, and prepared in
a peculiar manner by the ladies of the household, who roll it about
and turn it over with their hands in large wooden dishes. When this
has to be cooked it is placed in a small earthen dish pierced with
holes, on the top of another in which a soup of meat and vegetables
is prepared. The steam causes the grain to swell and soften, without
rendering it sodden. When the _couscousou_ is sufficiently cooked
it is placed in a large flat dish, the soup highly seasoned with
red pepper, and thus called _mergäa_, is poured over it, the meat
or fowls and vegetables, if any are procurable, are placed on the
top, perhaps with a morsel of butter; and thus prepared, in the
tent of an Arab of rank and means, it is as palatable a dish as a
hungry traveller need ever desire to have set before him. Sometimes,
instead of the meat and soup, sugar or honey, raisins and milk are
substituted. The only thing I can suggest as better than either of
them is both in succession.
When the guests have finished their repast, the dishes are passed on
to the higher retainers, and so on to the various ranks and classes
till nothing remains.
On the morning of May 1, we left El-Bali for the Oued Taga; we had
to cross the river at the village, above which the valley opens out
to a wide stretch of corn-land. The difference between the state
of the crops in different parts of the Aures is very remarkable;
it is no unusual thing to see the harvest taking place at the
lowest part of the Oued Abdi, the corn green at Menäa, less and
less advanced as one ascends, and ploughing going on at some of
the highest places. When we were at Menäa the corn was in the ear,
and here it had barely germinated.
Gigantic thuyas (_Callitris quadrivalvis_) and junipers (_Juniperus
macrocarpa_) are met with here. We saw some whose trunks were more
than 3 feet in diameter.
The last village we met with was Oulad Azooz, on the right bank,
near some rather extensive foundations of Roman buildings.
All along our course we had frequently passed through some villages
and in front of others; and although we could not remain long enough
to alight from our mules, the Sheikhs never failed to come out
arrayed in their official scarlet bernouses to welcome us, and bid
us God-speed. I cannot call to mind a sulky look, or an unamiable
action during all the time we travelled in these mountains.
Shortly after passing the last village, we saw the principal source
of the Oued Abdi in a defile which turns the east flank of Djebel
Mahmel. The bottom of the pass has an altitude of 5,837 feet above
the sea. Its name is Theniet er-Ressas, or _pass of lead_, from
its extreme cold in winter, which is supposed to kill as surely as
lead. It is quite impassable during several months in the year, but
when we visited it there were only a few patches of snow visible on
Mahmel, which rises above it.
After crossing this and several other valleys, which radiate from the
extremity of Mahmel, we came to the luxuriant and well-watered plain
of Laradam, 5,188 feet above the sea. It contains about 3,500 acres of
land capable of irrigation, and is surrounded on all sides by sterile
hills covered with huge blocks of stone. The road winds up one of
these, and from a pass at its summit, called Theniet Ain-esh-Shair
(_pass of the spring of barley_), we had our first view of Djebel
Chellia, now as bare of snow as Mahmel. The valley of Taga is seen
on the left stretching far away towards Timegad. On the top of the
mountain we noticed two gigantic frusta of Roman columns, 4½ feet
in diameter and nearly as much in height. They were probably cut on
the spot and intended to be transported elsewhere.
In the valley below is a handsome stone house belonging to the Kaid
of the Aures, who had been vicariously our host since we arrived at
Menäa. It is fitted up with every comfort—much more, I believe,
out of consideration for his friends than for his own use. We not
only found him at Taga, but General Dastugue and his staff also,
and Si Bou-Dhiaf, the Kaid of Timegad, into whose territories we
were about to enter. We spent a delightful day here in company
with those good friends, narrating our experiences in the Aures,
and planning excursions to the desert with the General next autumn,
which alas! could never be realised.
Taga is 3,800 feet above the sea, and has always a pleasant climate,
even in summer; it is only an easy morning’s ride from Batna,
and it is quite practicable in fine weather to do the journey
by carriage in four hours. We observed here a fine stone coffin,
used as a drinking trough, and numerous foundations attesting the
extent of Roman occupation in this direction. At Chouchat er-Ramel,
to the south-west and close to the Bordj, are a considerable number
of megalithic tombs similar to those of Foum Kosentina, which will
presently be described.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 72: It is supposed that the Oulad Abdi are descendants of
Iabdas, the opponent of Solomon, and that on this account they were
originally named _Children of Iabdas_.]
CHAPTER X.
TIMEGAD.
On the morning of May 2 there was a general break-up. General Dastugue
and Si Mohammed bin Abbas started on a tour of inspection in one
direction and we, under the guidance of Si Bou-Dhiaf, proceeded
towards Timegad.
Our new host is, perhaps, the best known of all the chiefs of
the Aures, owing to the proximity of his principal residence to
Batna. He worthily bears his ancestral name of Bou-Dhiaf, _father
of guests_. His hospitality is unbounded, and he has a very cunning
taste in Bordeaux—a little Mohammedan peccadillo, which we certainly
were not called on to condemn. He is of a very ancient family, and,
probably not without reason, boasts of his Roman descent. It is one
of his ancestors to whom Peyssonnel[73] alludes under the name of
Sistera (Si-Sedira).
His official title is Kaid of the Oulad Daood, or of Touaba. The ride
from Oued Taga to Timegad is quite a short one of about three hours,
through a fertile country covered with Roman remains; the direct
distance from Batna is not more than thirteen miles. We found our
camp pitched in the very centre of the ruined city, which enabled us
to devote every hour of our stay there to its examination. Our host
remained continually with us, and we found him a most intelligent
and genial companion.
Before proceeding with my own observations respecting this most
interesting place, I will quote what Bruce says on the subject:—
Left Tezzoute December 11, and encamped at a Dowar about eight miles
S.E. of it.
The 12th, in the morning, arrived at Timegad, about seven miles from
the Dowar and fifteen from Tezzoute, situated on the south end of
the valley, which is a little further bounded by Jebbel Magjibah, the
mountain of the Weled Abdi, who have here alone twenty-three villages.
It has been a small town, but full of elegant buildings.
Designed the triumphal arch, and lay that night near the town in a
Dowar of Lushash.
The 13th, designed the large Corinthian temple. The arch lies
N.E. from it. The ruins of the amphitheatre N.W. Between the arch
and amphitheatre are the remains of a temple, only a piece of side
wall standing. Copied two inscriptions here.
A short time since two statues of finest Parian marble were found
here, just under the pedestal on which the last inscription was. They
appeared to have been Antoninus Pius and Faustina, the first in a
habit of peace, but entirely mutilated. The bust of the Empress was
entire, and of an exquisite beauty, which I did therefore design,
and after interred in the hole which I had made to discover the long
inscription of Martialanus.[74] Eight more pedestals were standing in
their places, and probably the statues buried near them. By digging
out one of these I found the pavement of the temple twenty-eight
inches under the surface. It consisted of pavement of white and blue
marble, cut in square tiles (slabs) of about ten inches every way,
and half (an inch) thick. By several large pieces of calcined marble
found here buried, I suppose one of the instruments employed in this
temple’s destruction was fire. The heads, arms, and legs of these
statues were broken off and burnt for lime. They were quite entire
when first found.
The ancient city of Thamugas was situated at the intersection of six
Roman roads. Two went through Lambæsis in the direction of Sitifis,
a third to Diana Veteranorum (the modern Zana), two more to Theveste
(Tebessa) by Mascula (Ain Khenchla), and a sixth northwards to Cirta
(Constantine).
It appears to have been of greater importance than Lambæsis; its
population was as great, if not greater, to judge by the size of
its public buildings, especially the theatre and the area covered
by its remains, while its architecture is undoubtedly older and
purer. There is nothing at Lambessa to equal the triumphal arch here.
The explanation of this probably is that Lambæsis was the great
military station of the country, and that Thamugas was rather the
centre of commercial and agricultural activity.
It is mentioned by Ptolemy under the name of Thanutada; in the
Itinerary of Antoninus as Tamugadi, and it occurs in various
inscriptions as Thamugas. It is elsewhere described as Colonia
Marciana Trajana Thamugas, and Colonia Ulpia Thamugas, and on an
inscription still in perfect preservation near the forum there is
an allusion to the thirtieth legion, Ulpia, and a celebration of
the victories of Trajan over the Parthians.
From this M. Léon Renier concludes, that the Emperor wishing to
recompense the veterans of the thirtieth legion, Ulpia Victrix, for
their participation in the war against the Parthians, established
them at Timegad, not only as being a vast and fertile country, but
a position of great military importance, from which they might be
able to suppress the turbulence of the neighbouring mountaineers.
It is mentioned in the Acts of Saint Mammarius,[75] and in the
Theodosian Code.[76] It subsequently became the great focus of
religious agitation during the fourth century. Its bishop, Optatus,
was considered as the head of the Donatists; he attached himself
to the fortunes of Count Gildon in his revolt against the Emperor
Honorius. By means of his soldiery, the Bishop was enabled to
exercise great cruelty against the Catholics of his neighbourhood,
until in 398 he was involved in his patron’s ruin, and died in
prison. St. Augustine, who often alludes to Gildon, says that during
ten years Africa trembled under his yoke. Amongst its bishops were
Novatus, who assisted at the Council of Carthage in 255; Sextus,
who lived in 320; Faustinianus, who was present at the Conference of
Carthage in 411, and Secundus, who was exiled by Huneric in 484.[77]
When Solomon arrived for the first time in the Aures in 535 he
found the city ruined, so that we may assume its destruction to have
taken place between these dates. He restored the citadel at least,
in the same style as the other fortresses throughout the country;
the proof of this is evident, but the other public buildings bear no
trace of a restoration posterior to their original construction. At
the time of the Arab invasion it was a Christian city, as in 646,
under the government of Gregory, a Christian church was built,
the ruins of which still exist.
The ruins occupy a large and undulating plain cut into two portions
by a watercourse, which has evidently been considerably deepened
by winter torrents since the destruction of the city. Some of its
course has been embanked, and perhaps covered over to admit of
easy communication between the two portions of the city; perhaps
also irrigational works existed to divert its waters to the gardens
round about.
This stream runs nearly north and south, eventually turning towards
the east. On the west side are numerous ruins of buildings, but the
only one of importance is the Basilica above mentioned. It is a square
building with a circular apse at the east end. It is divided into
a nave and two aisles by columns of rose-coloured marble, three on
each side, the centre of which only is free; the others are engaged
in the walls right and left of the apse and entrance. Over the lintel
of the door was inscribed in white marble
IN TEMPORIBUS CONSTANTINI IMPERATORIS FL. GREGORIO PATRICIO IOANNES DUX
DE TIGISI OFFERET[78] DOMUM DEI ✠ ARMENUS.[79]
The principal buildings are situated on the right or east bank of
the ravine. They consist of a Byzantine fortress, theatre, forum,
triumphal arch, a large temple, and innumerable other buildings too
much ruined to admit of absolute identification.
The first of these was originally of Roman construction. The regular
and careful masonry of that people can be recognised in some few
places. A posterior restoration by the Byzantines can also be easily
identified, as they invariably employed the cut stones of the former
buildings, without much regard to perfect adaptation, using also
tombstones, and any other material that came most easily to hand. The
third restoration is of a very inferior character, the stones being
small, irregular, and very loosely put together. The general plan of
the enclosure and a great part of the walls are still entire. It is
a large quadrangle, about 120 yards by 98, flanked on each side by
salient towers three in number. That on the eastern side is not in
the middle, and is much more salient than those at the angles. In
the part of this tower facing the interior may be seen the remains
of a circular brick dome, the crown of which has disappeared, and in
its place there is a rude attempt to complete it by means of loosely
piled stones. Some remnants of columns are seen in the interior court
belonging to a small building, perhaps a church. With the exception
of this fortress the city does not appear to have been fortified;
no traces of circumvallation can be observed.
The theatre was cut in the abrupt northern flank of a hill, the
opposite side of which gradually slopes towards the south. This
monument was of considerable dimensions, and as the materials employed
were not of a costly nature, we are led to suppose that it was
intended for the accommodation of a large population. Nevertheless
the building was executed in a substantial manner, the walls
being generally of solid rubble masonry faced with cut stones of
considerable dimensions. In the interior, where the masonry may
have been covered with cement or other material, the angles were
made sharp by brickwork. Although the columns found on the spot are
all in stone of an inferior description, they are numerous; on the
stage may be counted the remains of fourteen.
The building which, with great probability, has been styled the forum,
consists of a long colonnade running parallel to an extensive and
beautiful valley, bounded by picturesque hills, the general direction
of which is from E. to W. Walking under the shade of this colonnade,
the inhabitants must have enjoyed one of the most charming views which
it is possible to imagine. The back part was formed of a continuous
wall, against which were constructed ranges of small buildings,
which were probably shops, separated here and there by openings
giving access to the body of the forum. Towards the S. extremity of
the colonnade, which was of great length, another range of columns
runs at right angles to it, and probably formed a second side to the
forum; further south are to be seen, still erect, several columns
belonging to a building advancing into the valley. Other buildings,
particularly on the northern side and touching the colonnade, are
highly interesting.
Great numbers of inscriptions lie scattered about in this
neighbourhood, commemorative of historical events: such as the
Parthian War; of Roman Emperors and of distinguished soldiers and
citizens, with which the forum seems to have been filled; many of
these are broken and mutilated, but some are in a perfect state
of preservation.
Amongst others there are two fine pedestals of white marble of
octagonal shape, bearing identical inscriptions; one is broken,
but the other is quite entire and measures five feet in height, each
face being from twelve to twenty inches wide. This inscription is the
one mentioned by Bruce as that of Marcellianus; it runs as follows:—
VICTORIAE
PARTHICAE
AVG. SACR.
EX . TESTAMENTO
M. ANNI . M. F. QVR.
MARTIALIS . MIL.
+-------+
|LEG III| AVG. DVPLC
+-------+
ALAE. PANN. DEC. AL
+-------+
EIVSDEM. [Symbol] |LEG III|. AVG
+-------+
ET. XXX. VLPIAE VIC{TR}IC
MISSI . HONESTA
MISSIONE . AB . IMP .
TRAIANO . OPTIMO
AVG. GER. DAC. PAR{TH}
SING. H̶S̶. V̅I̅I̅I̅. XX. PR. {MIN}
ANNII . M. LIB. PROTVS
HILARVS . EROS
ADIECTIS . A. SE. H̶S̶. I̅I̅I̅.
PONEND. CVRꜸER
IDEM Q. DEDICꜸER
D. D.[80]
The words LEG III have been chiselled out and again engraved on a
lower level than the rest of the inscription.
This forum is the building described by Bruce as ‘the remains of a
temple, only a piece of side wall now standing.’ The passage in his
diary regarding the interment of the statue deserves the attention
of future explorers. I only regret that his manuscripts were not
in my possession prior to our visit. I have a distinct recollection
of seeing the mutilated remains of a statue on the spot, which may
have been that of Antoninus, and it is very probable that the bust
of Faustina may still be where Bruce buried it.
While this work was going through the press, I have had the pleasure
to receive part of the report of Professor Masqueray on his recent
explorations at Timegad.[81] He has had the good fortune to discover
in an Arab house at Enchir Terfas, on the left bank of the Oued Soutz,
about 1,500 metres distant from this part of the ruins, several
interesting fragments of inscriptions, which throw great light upon
several already published by M. Renier, and one in a single block,
which though incomplete, is highly valuable.
ANTONINI SARMATI
ODI FRATRIS DIVI ANTONINI NEPOTIS DIVI HADRIANI PRONEPOTIS DIVI TRAIAN
L SEPTIMI SEVERI PII PERTINACIS AVG ARABICI ADIABENICI PARTHICI MAXIM
ET IMP CAES IMP CAES SEPTIMI SEVERI PII PERTINACIS AVG ARABICI ADI
F I L DIVI M ANTONINI PII GERMANICI SARMATICI NEPOT DIVI ANTONINI PRO
EDI N RVAE ADNEPOT TRIBVNIC POTEST BIS PROCONS A
IMP CAES L SEPTIMI SEVERI PII PERTINACIS ARABICI ADIABENICI PAR
IMP CAES M AVRELI ANTONINI AVG
PATRCOL ET SÆVINIO PROCVLO TRIBLATI CLAVIO CVRATOR RPDDPP
This is a dedication to Septimius Severus, Caracalla, and Geta,
of A.D. 199, the date of the second nomination of Caracalla to the
Tribunal power. When the memory of Geta was abolished, his name was
erased and other titles of Caracalla inserted. There is no doubt
that these stones were taken to their present position from the forum.
M. Masqueray has also disinterred two very remarkable inscriptions,
containing lists of the magistrates of Thamugas, placed according
to their ranks, and amongst others the names of the curator and the
three perpetual flamens who presided over the restoration of the
Capitol, which took place in the reign of Valentinianus and Valens,
between 364 and 367.
Towards the north-west of the town, nearly in the axis of the
colonnade of the forum from which at all events it formed a striking
view, exists the triumphal arch forming the subject of one of
Bruce’s illustrations (Plate VI.), and which is one of the most
important monuments of the kind in Algeria. It consists of three
openings, the central one thirteen feet eight inches wide and the
side ones seven feet two inches; above the latter are square niches
for statues. The monument is of the Corinthian order; each front
is decorated by four fluted columns nineteen feet six inches high,
occupying the angles and the spaces between the arches. To each
column corresponds a pilaster, both raised on a common pedestal.
[Illustration: _Plate VI._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
ARCH OF THE GODS AT THAMUGAS (TIMEGAD)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The entablature connects all the columns and pilasters together, and
was itself surmounted by an attic, with an entablature, a portion
of the architrave of which now alone remains. Over the two lateral
arches and the square niches and supported by the two columns are two
curved pediments, the cornices of which, as also the main cornice
profile round, are set back over the columns, an arrangement not
unfrequent in the colonies of the Empire. The attic, intended no
doubt to receive the dedicatory inscription and perhaps also to
support sculpture, appears to have extended over the whole top of
the building. None of the original inscription remains in place,
but fragments have been found below and near the forum, on which
the following words have been read:—
IMP. CAESAR
NERVAE ᵥ F ᵥ NERVA ᵥ TRAIA~N~ . . . .
. . . . GERMANI . . . VS ᵥ PO~N~ . . . . .
. . . . TRIB ᵥ PO . . . . . . S ᵥ III ᵥ P . . . . CO
. . . . C . . . ANAM ᵥ TR . . . . ANAM ᵥ TI . . .
+-------+
. . . . DI PER |LEG III| AV . . .
+-------+
. . . . . . . ~V~NATIM . . . . GALLVS ᵥ LEG
AVG. PRO . . . . . . .
D.
M. Léon Renier restores this as follows:—
Imp_erator_ Caesar _divi_
Nervae f_ilius_ Nerva Trajan_us_
_Augustus_ Germani_c_us Pon_tifex maximus_
_Imperator III._ tr_i_b_unicia_ Po_testate IIII. consul_ III.
P_ater patriae_ co_loniam_
_Marci_anam Tr_aj_anam T_ha_-
_muga_di per leg_ionem_ tertiam Au_gustam_
_fecit_ . . . unatim . . . Gallus leg_atus_
Aug_usti_ pro _praetore_
D_edicavit_.[82]
The two façades are identical in feature and each is in itself
perfectly symmetrical, except that the capitals of the two middle
columns on the southern façade, instead of having the angle of
the abacus supported by volutes, have eagles in their place. The
square niches have had each their separate entablature, and columns
supported by sculptured brackets; all the arches have archivoltes.
The mass of the monument is of sandstone, but the columns, capitals
and bases of the pilasters, brackets and entablature are entirely
of white marble, as was also the crowning of the attic; the sides
of the attics were certainly covered by slabs, most probably of the
same material. The _débris_ from the entablature and the upper
part of the building has fallen round the base of the monument,
burying it as far as the imposts of the lower arches.
M. Masqueray has found amongst the ruins of the Byzantine Citadel
an inscription which proves that this building was called the arch
of the Gods, ARCVM PANTHEVM, and that it was customary to ornament
it with statues, some of which may probably still exist amongst the
stones and soil with which the base is encumbered.
IMP. CAES. M. AVRELIO. AN
TONINO PIO FELICE. AVG
M. POMPEVIS. PVNTINVS. SVE
PL. PP. OB. HONOREM. FLAMONI
SVPER. LEGITIMA. ET. STA
TVAM. MARTIS. AD. AR
CVM. PANTHEVM. SVM.
The next important building is the Capitol or Temple of Jupiter, of
which very little now remains, but that little coupled with Bruce’s
beautiful sketch of it shows that it must have been a very splendid
edifice (Plate VII.)
A large peristyle existed before it, to which access was gained by
a flight of six or eight steps. None of the columns are now erect;
but splendid fragments, nearly six feet in diameter, lie scattered
about. Five are represented as still standing in Bruce’s time,
supporting a small portion of the entablature; they were of the
Corinthian order, and fluted.
The foundations and part of the superstructure of the principal
façade or entrance to the cella are still in place; this was most
powerfully constructed and measures nearly six feet in thickness,
the stones varying from three to five feet in length from two to
three feet in breadth and twenty inches in height. An attic base,
in blue limestone, lying on the spot measures six feet in breadth
at its plinth. The most massive parts were built of rubble, encased
in cut stone masonry composed of blocks of great size.
An inscription was here found on four stones, surrounded by a
moulding, of which the following is a copy, completed by M. Léon
Renier.
Pro magnificentia saeculi d_ominorum_ n_ostrorum_ Valentiniani et
Valentis, semper Augustorum _et perpe_tuor_um_, porticus capitolii,
seriae vetustatis absumptus et usque ad ima fundamenta _conlapsus_,
novo opere perfectus, exornatusque dedicavit Publilius Caeionius
Caecin_a Albi_nus, vir clarissimus, consularis, curantibus Aelio
Juliano iterum rei publicae _curatore_, Fl_avio_ Aquilino _flamine
perpetuo_, Antonio Petroniano f_lamine_ p_er_p_etuo_ Antonio
Januiariano f_lamine perpetuo_.[83]
The palm-trees to the right of the picture have beyond all doubt
been added by Balugani, to increase the effect of the pictures. No
palm-trees exist within many miles of this place, and it is impossible
to believe that the simple beauty of the architecture here depicted,
and these distorted and misplaced trees could have been executed by
the same hand.
[Illustration: _Plate VII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
CAPITOL, THAMUGAS (TIMEGAD)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 73: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 347.]
[Footnote 74: See Léon Renier, Inscr. No. 1505.]
[Footnote 75: _Ap. Mabillonium Analect._ t. iv.]
[Footnote 76: Lib. vi. tit. 22, l. 2.]
[Footnote 77: Morcelli, _Af. Chr._ i. p. 305.]
[Footnote 78: _Sic_ in original.]
[Footnote 79: L. Renier, Inscr. 1518.]
[Footnote 80: L. Renier, Insc. No. 1480.]
[Footnote 81: _Rev. Afr._, vol. xx. p. 164.]
[Footnote 82: L. Renier, Insc. No. 1479.]
[Footnote 83: Léon Renier, Insc. No. 1520.]
CHAPTER XI.
LEAVE TIMEGAD — FOUM KOSENTINA — MEGALITHIC REMAINS — OUM
EL-ASHERA — EL-WADHAHA — ASCENT OF CHELLIA — AIN MEIMOUN
— LIONS.
On May 3 we left Timegad, not without considerable regret that
we could not afford to spend a longer time there. We would fain
have made some excavations, as there is no more promising field
for antiquarian research in Algeria, but the season was advancing,
and we were compelled to move onwards. We crossed the Oued Taga and
the unusually rich and well-watered plain of Firis, the west side
of which is bounded by the Oued Foum Kosentina, _River of the Gorge
of Constantine_. This is formed by two streams, the Seba Rekoud and
the Oued el-Ahmer, which have worn for themselves deep channels, the
precipitous banks of which are in some places five or six hundred
feet high. A remarkable tongue of land is enclosed between them,
which, probably on account of a certain general resemblance to the
plateau on which the city of Constantine is situated, has been named
_Ktäa Kosentina_, and the river _Oued Foum Kosentina_.
The numerous Roman remains all over the plain of Firis prove that
no part of the Aures was more thoroughly colonised by this great
people. Lower down the plain, the river formed by the junction
of the Oued Taga and the Foum Kosentina, takes the name of Oued
Rabooäa, on which are the Bordj and flour-mill of our friend Si
Bou Dhiaf. The latter is of French construction, and brings him
in a very considerable revenue. The native mills are of the rudest
construction, and are rapidly falling into disuse wherever a European
one has been erected.
The whole of this district is of the deepest interest to the
student of pre-historic archæology. The hills on the west and
south of Firis, Djebel Kharouba and Djebel Bou Dreicen are high,
barren of undergrowth but well covered with small trees, especially
the _Betoum_, or _Pistachia Atlantica_. The rock crops out in every
direction, and is a sandstone with a very laminated stratification,
capable of being easily detached in large slabs of no great thickness.
These hills are covered with countless numbers of the most interesting
megalithic remains. Their variety is considerable, but the most
ordinary type is that of a low circular structure, nearly level
with the earth at the upper part of its base, and varying in height
according to the slope of the hill on the opposite side, from three
to eight feet, and containing from four to eight courses of rough
dry masonry.
The walls are generally about six feet in thickness, the tombs from
sixteen to thirty-three feet in diameter, containing a central chamber
of irregular form covered by a large slab of stone. A very small
number of these have been opened, but such as have been examined
were found to contain human bones, and the body appears to have
been doubled up by the disarticulation of the femur, so that the
feet touched the skull. A few vessels of rude pottery have been found.
In some places the monuments are close together, in others they
are separated by a number of tombs of the ordinary dolmenic type,
as if the latter were intended for people of less consideration than
those for whom the circular ones were constructed.
Below the south slope of Djebel Kharouba on the Oued el-Ahmer, or _Red
River_, so called from the peculiar tint of the earth on its banks,
is the village of Oum el-Ashera, or _Mother of Ten_, where we passed
the night. The distance from Timegad is only nine-and-a-half miles,
and occupied three hours.
It is a small and unimportant place, of the usual construction,
situated at the mouth of a narrow gorge through which the stream
breaks into the plain, but to the east of it is a pleasant turfy
plateau, which seems as if it had been made by nature expressly as
a camping-ground for those who may come to explore the neighbourhood.
On May 4 our journey also was a short but rather adventurous
one. We purposed proceeding only as far as El-Wadhaha, a distance of
seven-and-a-half miles, the most convenient place whence to ascend
Djebel Chellia. The route was unusually mountainous, a constant
succession of thickly wooded hills and valleys. When we left the
weather was fine though somewhat showery, but we had not been many
minutes on the road before the rain began to descend in torrents. The
streams increased so rapidly that retreat was hopeless, and we were
never sure that we should be able to continue our road. Si Bou Dhiaf
who still accompanied us urged us onwards, but our beasts could not
increase their pace. We floundered bravely through mud and water
till we reached our halting-place, where fortunately the tents had
been sent in advance, and pitched before the storm began. A fire was
immediately lighted, not of little pieces of wood but with whole
trees, so fierce and blazing, that it dried us even as we stood
around it in the rain. All the evening it continued to pour and it
was nightfall before our baggage arrived, and we could obtain a change
of clothing. The Government mules are not well adapted for difficult
mountain travelling. Being shod they are much more inclined to slip
on bad stony roads than the native animals, and they have not the
same marvellous instinct for picking their steps. There never was an
animal so unjustly calumniated as a mule. I know none more sagacious,
except perhaps the donkey. A horse may be forced to face anything, he
has no self-reliance and trusts entirely to the superior intelligence
of his rider; but no power on earth will force an Arab donkey or
mule to take a single step in advance against its own conviction,
and his instincts as to the safety of a road are always superior
to his rider’s opinions. We went over some very difficult roads,
but none of our animals left to his own sagacity ever came to grief.
El-Wadhaha is merely a place where the Chawia are in the habit of
encamping. There is no village near and the only reason for selecting
it is, that there is abundance of wood and water procurable, and it
is a convenient place for commencing the ascent of Chellia, which
we did early on the following morning. Fortunately the storm of the
previous day had passed by, and the day was bright and cool.
Djebel Chellia is the highest peak in Algeria, but, rising as
it does from very high ground, it is not nearly so imposing as
Djurdjura. There was not a trace of pathway visible, but it was
very easy and pleasant riding over its grassy slopes, bare of trees
but carpeted with the most exquisite wild flowers, amongst which
were yellow tulips, blue pansies, and forget-me-nots, and a lovely
little white flower resembling a daisy. We saw many which we had
never observed elsewhere, and we deeply regretted every hour of the
journey that Dr. Hooker, who had originally intended to join the
party, had been prevented from accompanying us.
Nearer the summit we passed through woods and clumps of cedars, in
which there were more dead than living trees, some still erect, others
torn up by their roots, bearing testimony to the violence of the
storms which prevail here in winter. There was no great quantity of
snow remaining; in sheltered places we saw banks four feet in depth,
and the highest point was covered with it. This is accounted for by
the previous rainy season having commenced late: very little snow
fell before February, and it is only that of November and December
which gets sufficiently frozen to last well into summer. We found
the ascent by no means difficult, and hardly ever dismounted from
our mules till within a few hundred yards of the top; but, had it
been hedged about by all manner of dangers and difficulties, the
beauty of the ride up and the glorious panorama from the top would
have repaid us for them all.
It might almost be thought that Virgil, if he ever visited Africa
at all, had this particular peak in view, when alluding to—
Atlas, whose head with piny forests crowned,
Is beaten by the wind, with foggy vapours bound,
Snows hide his shoulders; from beneath his chin
The founts of rolling streams their run begin![84]
The highest point of the small range, which goes by the name of
Djebel Chellia, is 7,611 feet above the sea—only twenty-three
feet higher than Djebel Mahmel, and sixty-nine more than the highest
peak of Djurdjura. On the summit is a rude hut and stone enclosure,
the marabout of Sidi Mohammed Kultoom, who used to make this his
residence whenever it was possible to remain there; the Chawia still
make pilgrimages to it and offer sacrifices of sheep at the shrine of
the holy man. We left a record of our visit in a bottle on the summit,
carefully secured to a stone; but I fear it stands a great risk of
being removed, not for the value of the autograph, but rather for
that of the precious vessel in which it was enclosed. Empty bottles
are not so common in the Aures as they are elsewhere. An addition to
our party was waiting for us at the top; this was the limit of Bou
Dhiaf’s command, and he had here to hand us over to Si Mustafa,
the Kaid of Bou Hammama, who with his Khalifa both in their official
scarlet bernouses, had come to welcome us and conduct us to where
we were to spend the night.
The view from the summit is most extensive. In the foreground is the
_massif_ of the Aures itself, containing numerous ranges, generally
richly wooded, some scarped and precipitous, others striated like
agate by the upheaval of the oolitic strata of which they are
composed, while on one or two the tops have been worn away between
the strata, leaving the latter like huge lines of defence guarding the
summits. Beyond this from north to east the hills between Constantine
and Ain Beida bound the horizon, and the Sebkhas or salt lakes are
distinctly seen in the middle distance. Behind the hills to the south,
glimpses are obtained of the Sahara, while the north-west is bounded
by the mountains behind Batna.
The slopes of the mountain exposed to the north and west, the
prevailing direction whence come the wind, rain and snow of winter,
are richly clothed with forest almost to their base. The southern
slopes, exposed to the hot wind of the desert, are much more arid.
We descended the opposite side of the mountain through the valley of
Tizou-ghaghin, in which a stream rises near the top and encircles the
western slope, till it is met by the Oued el-Khezoum, descending from
another portion of the summit. It would be difficult to find a more
charming ride, at first through a forest of cedar with here and there
an old gnarled yew, but both these trees are slowly disappearing. The
highest parts of the range are perfectly bare, though an occasional
whitened stump shows that even they were once wooded; lower down
dead trees are still erect, and the ground is covered with others
that have fallen, or have been torn up by the roots. These become
more and more mixed with living trees as the traveller descends,
till the dense forests on the lower slope are reached.
But even here destruction is doing its work, principally owing to
numerous communities of hairy processional caterpillars, which spin
a web-like nest on the higher branches destroying all vegetable life
as their ravages descend.
After leaving the region of cedars the lower parts of the mountain
present new features of grandeur and interest. Ilex, pistachia and
juniper begin to appear, and soon the road passes through a dense
forest of Aleppo pines, which for picturesque beauty can hardly
be surpassed in any part of the country. Eventually we entered the
well-watered plain of Melagou, and turning eastward found ourselves
at the small village of Bou Hammama.
We had sent our camp on by an easier route, so everything was ready
for our reception, the usual _dhifa_ was cooked and only waiting
to be eaten. Si Mustafa is quite a different type from Bou Dhiaf,
and we remarked that the meeting between them on the top of Chellia
was not very cordial. He is not a man of ancient family, nor in
fact is he in any way connected with the Aures. His ancestors were
Turks and he has risen through military service elsewhere to a high
position, which ended in his being appointed by the French, Kaid of
Bou Hammama. The district appears a fine one, but the village itself
is the poorest we have yet seen, and is only occupied during a certain
portion of the year. At other times the inhabitants live in tents,
following their flocks wherever pasture is most abundant. To-day we
rode about twenty-two miles, which occupied us six hours and a half.
On May 6 we started for Ain Meimoun, a distance of nineteen
miles. After crossing the plain of Melagou the road enters
an undulating plain, and for some distance is comparatively
uninteresting. At last it passes into the long and fertile valley of
Noughis, one continuous stretch of corn and meadow land. Its general
direction is from west to east. It is bounded on the north by low
hills and on the south by a lofty range, clothed to its summit with
forests of oak below and cedars above. These mountains, facing as they
do the north, from which point all the rain of winter comes, retain
their mantle of snow till late in spring. Thus the numerous springs
and streams are well supplied, and continue to flow even in summer.
There is no doubt that during the Roman occupation this valley
was as carefully terraced and watered as the Oued Abdi is now;
traces of retaining walls are still visible, though none of the
massive foundations so common elsewhere are to be seen. After a
long ride through a country which seems to weary the traveller by
its monotonous richness, the culminating point is reached and the
streams, which have hitherto flowed towards the west, now run in
a contrary direction. In the middle of the narrow pass forming the
watershed, called Cherf-Noughis, is a mound on which are the remains
of what was no doubt a military post, intended to command it. The
view from this spot is very beautiful. To the west is the long plain
from which we had just passed, bounded by the ever-narrowing hills
on either side, till the vista is shut in by the distant peak of
Chellia. To the east in the valley of Tasgeen is a total change of
scenery. Every trace of monotony has disappeared; the green pasture
land mixing with the darker tints of the forest give both softness
and grandeur to the landscape, while in the distance, instead of the
mountain scenery of the Aures, the view is bounded by the _Sebkhas_,
or salt lakes of the Nememcha and the plain beyond. The road still
continues along the north side of the plain, winding amongst the
most exquisite forest scenery till it reaches Ain Meimoun.
Here we were met by Si Ismael, the Kaid of Khenchla, quite
a different type from any we had seen before. He is a young and
handsome Lieutenant of Spahis, belonging to one of the best families
in the province of Oran. He speaks French with perfect fluency,
and both frequents and seems to enjoy European society.
This place takes its name from a beautiful and copious spring situated
just on the edge of the forest, and at the top of a rich clearing,
which it serves to irrigate. There is no village here, but both a
civil and a military establishment for preparing cedar timber. The
former sends the wood for sale to Batna, Constantine and elsewhere;
the latter supplies the public works in process of construction at Ain
Khenchla, to which place there is a road practicable for carts. No
more pleasant spot could be found for a halt. The traveller might
fancy himself in one of the finest parts of Switzerland, but with a
new and delightful sensation added, the scent of the freshly sawn
cedar with which the air is embalmed. If he is a sportsman he may
chance to get a shot at a lion. This is perhaps the only part of
the Aures where they still exist. We met a brother of the far-famed
Chassaing working at the timber-yard. He told us that he had himself
killed seven, and that his brother had bagged between fifty and sixty
before his death, and that, though they are exceedingly rare now,
two had been heard during the previous night.
These grand old cedar forests are the glory of Algeria. Influences
which it is difficult to control are causing their gradual
disappearance, and there was a time when the reckless extravagance
with which the timber was consumed threatened to consummate the
evil even in our own time. But greater order has now been introduced
into the administration. Wise laws have been framed to prevent the
destruction of forests, and we hope that we may never have to lament
the disappearance of this noble tree in the words of Shakespeare
when he describes the fall of Warwick—
Thus yields the cedar to the axe’s edge,
Whose arm gave shelter to the princely eagle,
Under whose shade the ramping lion slept,
Whose top-branch overpeered Jove’s spreading tree
And kept low shrubs from winter’s powerful wind.
‘Henry VI.’ Part III. act v. scene 2.
This was the last night we spent actually in the Aures Mountains. We
now entered the plains which skirt their northern base.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 84: _Æn._ Lib. iv. 246-251 (Dryden).]
CHAPTER XII.
AIN KHENCHLA — ACROSS THE PLAINS OF THE NEMEMCHA TO TEBESSA.
From Ain Meimoun to Ain Khenchla is 17½ miles, which occupied us
five hours. We carefully avoided the carriage road, and took the
more enjoyable one through the forests with which the hills are
covered. Here and there we came to an open space generally full of
Roman remains, but we saw none of especial interest.
About half way is an elevated plateau, called El-Kaläa, or
_El-Geläa_ as it is more frequently pronounced, _the fortress_, from
which there is a most commanding view of the extensive plain below,
and the distant hills, as far as Constantine. In the foreground is
one of the Sebkhas, bordered by a crystalline belt of salt and sand,
contrasting strongly with the brilliant vegetation around.
Between four and five miles from Khenchla is the Oued el-Hamma, a
beautiful stream, passing at the foot of Djebel Serdsum. A spring of
almost boiling water issues from a mass of Roman masonry and flows
into the main stream, producing at the junction a most agreeable
temperature for hot baths: lower down are the ruins of piscinæ,
and a few yards off traces of many Roman buildings of the usual
solid construction, showing that this was a favourite watering-place
of the inhabitants of Mascula. On nearing the modern village, the
spring from which it derives its name is passed in a garden of fine
old fig-trees. Near it an ancient reservoir was discovered, 82 feet
long by 33 broad and 6 deep, which has been restored by the Engineer
Department and now forms a handsome public fountain.
The identity of Ain Khenchla with the ancient Mascula admits of no
doubt, its distance from known points would prove the fact, even had
not an inscription been found recording that, about A.D. 370, Publius
Cæcina Albinus rebuilt the town which before had been destroyed.
This interesting inscription has thus been restored:
Pro splendore felicium sæculorum dominorum nostrorum Valentiniani et
Valentis semper Augustorum . . . atæ . . . ve . . . . omni Masculæ
. . . . a fundamentis construxit (atque dedicavit) Publilius Caeionius
Caecina Albinus vir clarissimus consularis sexfasculis provinciæ
Numidiæ Constantinæ.[85]
Mascula is more famous in ecclesiastical than in profane
history. Several of its inhabitants are celebrated in Roman
Martyrology, especially Archinimus who was condemned to death by
Genseric. Its Bishop Clarus attended the Council of Carthage in
A.D. 255. Another, Donatus, yielded to the persecutions of Florus
pro-consul of the district, and revealed the place where the holy
books had been concealed. He was the first of the recreant bishops
who was interrogated by Secundus Tigisitanus on the subject, before
the Council of Cirta in 305. Another bishop, Januarius, was exiled
by Huneric in 494, and a second of the same name assisted at the
Council of Carthage in 525.
The value of Mascula as a strategic position, situated as it is in a
wide and fertile plain just beyond the northern slopes of the Aures
Mountains, has always been recognised. It is probably here that
Solomon placed his camp during his second expedition, and there is
reason to believe that it is the _Malich_, the scene of one of the
battles of Sidi Okba.
After the first Arab invasion it was still inhabited. El-Adouani thus
alludes to it: ‘At the foot of the Mountains of Amamra there are
three cities, Baghai, Khenchla, and Guessas, inhabited by Christians,
each one surrounded by vast gardens irrigated by the waters descending
from Djebel Mahmel.’[86]
Khenchla has now been created a European centre of colonisation, chief
place of a circle, with a Commandant Supérieur, Bureau Arabe and a
small garrison. Colonists have been attracted to the spot not only
by its fine climate, resembling very much that of Provence, but by
concessions of from 60 to 100 acres of land given by the State. The
great fertility of the soil, its proximity to vast forests and the
mineral riches of its mountains, ought to secure the prosperity of
this fine though distant settlement. To these advantages may be added
its position midway between Batna and Tebessa, and in close proximity
to the openings of the various valleys traversing the Aures. It was
made the centre for supplying the armies of General Herbillon in
1847, and of General St. Arnaud in 1850, in their expedition against
the Nememchas.
We had been overtaken by heavy rain soon after passing Oued el-Hamma,
and on our arrival at Khenchla, whither our baggage had preceded
us, we were dismayed to see the tents standing in a lake of mud
and water. To sleep there was impossible. Fortunately we were once
more in civilisation, and found an excellent auberge, in which we
passed the night most comfortably. The station was in a great state of
excitement, owing to a visit which was hourly expected from the Bishop
of Constantine. The bad state of the roads had evidently detained
him, and I believe it was dark before His Grandeur arrived. On the
following morning the Commandant showed us all over the station and
the various public buildings which he has constructed by means of
the troops under his command.
He has had the good sense to build all the inscriptions and fragments
of sculpture, which he has found, into the walls of the military
_cercle_; the only way of preserving them on the spot, and preventing
their being carried off by sacrilegious relic-hunters. He assisted
us to procure fresh mules for our baggage and horses for our own
use, and generally to arrange for our journey to Tebessa. Here we
dismissed the Government mules we had brought from Batna and their
attendant _tringlots_. We were quite sorry to part from the latter;
they were the best natured and most helpful fellows possible, always
ready to serve us in a thousand ways; never grumbling at any hardships
or difficulties that they had to encounter.
Bruce’s route must have passed very close to this place; the only
record, however, for our guidance is a memorandum:—
The 13th [December, 1765], encamped at four miles from Baggai,
continued our course towards the S.E. of Aures.
The present road from Ain Khenchla to Ain Beida, on which there
is a regular line of omnibuses, passes close to the ruins of Kasr
Baghai, the ancient Bagaia; a city which had already attained
considerable importance during the Imperial era, as is proved by
numerous inscriptions. During the time of St. Augustine it was one
of the African cities in which Christianity had attained the most
progress. Several councils were held here; but religious dissensions
soon began to produce their destructive effect; the Donatists burnt
the Basilica and committed the sacred books to the flames.[87] Solomon
was charged by Justinian to re-establish order in Africa. One of his
captains, Gantharis, sent to operate in Mount Aures, established
his camp at Bagaia; Procopius says that it was then in ruins. It
is probable that the Byzantines then built or restored the immense
fortification, the trace of which is still entire. It consists
of an irregular quadrilateral figure, the sides varying in length
from 770 to 1,227 feet, with round towers at three of the angles,
and a square one at the fourth. The wall is further strengthened at
irregular distances by square salient towers. On the N.W. side is
a second enclosure or citadel; near the W. angle are the remains of
a Mohammedan mosque, decorated with ancient columns still standing.
Instead of following the diligence route, we determined to continue
our course straight to Tebessa, over the immense plains forming the
summer pasture grounds of the great Berber tribe of Nememcha. The
whole country is covered with Roman remains, showing that in former
times the land was much more susceptible of cultivation than it
is at present. This is attributable in a great measure to the
total disappearance of the forests which once covered it. We were
especially struck at the frequent occurrence of buildings used for the
manufacture of olive oil, in districts where not a tree is to be seen
for miles around. Vines were no doubt extensively cultivated, but we
only saw one in all our journey, and that was an extremely old plant,
which according to Arab tradition has existed since the Roman era.
At about seven miles from Khenchla is a beautiful clear spring,
issuing from a Roman wall, and surrounded by ruins of important
buildings; it is called Tazou-garet. At Ain Bedjen, fourteen miles
further on, is another spring, and here we halted for the night
(May 8). We congratulated ourselves on having exchanged our mules
for horses; the former are invaluable in the mountains, but their
pace is extremely fatiguing over a long plain, the tedium of which
can only be alleviated by an occasional gallop.
On the 9th we breakfasted at Ain Kemellel, seven miles from our last
halting-place; this is another clear stream flowing amongst Roman
ruins; it is absolutely devoid of shade, but an Arab tent had been
pitched for our accommodation, in which we rested an hour or two
during the hottest part of the day.
It was late in the evening before we reached Oglet-ed-dib, about
twenty miles from Ain Bedjen and ten west of Djebel Tasbent. The
Smala of the Kaid of the district happened to be here; he himself
was absent, but he was represented by his brother. This was the
only occasion during our journey on which we met with an ungracious
reception, but that even was only for a moment; the Kaid’s brother
subsequently gave us the usual _dhiffa_, and himself accompanied us
to Tebessa. Tasbent is a bold, flat-topped mountain, an excellent
point to steer by in these interminable plains. Near its northern
slope is a Roman mausoleum in a good state of preservation. It
consists of two stories; the upper one was shut in by a wall in the
direction of the north-west, from which bad weather usually comes,
and open towards the east, with two free columns forming a niche for
the reception of a statue. It was probably the tomb of a Romanised
Numidian; it bears the following inscription:—
DIS
MANIBVS
AVMASGARIS . MAGARSAE FILIO
TASCVRI FLAVI FAVSII FILIA
CONI . . . . ET III COCCLIVS SIVIRVS
PIISSIMO PATRI VIX. ANNIS LXXX
H.S.E.
As usual with such tombs, it goes by the name of _Es-Souma_, the
minaret. About a mile further on are the remains of a Roman post,
supposed to be the ancient Tymphes. It is called by the Arabs Kasr
el-Kasir, and a fragment of an inscription was found here bearing
the legend
RESPVBL . T . . . .
Shortly after passing this the road enters very beautiful mountain
scenery; the hills are clothed with oak and Aleppo pine, with here
and there a wild almond tree. At the foot of the eastern slope is a
spring, Ain el-Amba, which has been led into a drinking-fountain,
and from this place, indeed from the crest of the hill above it,
there is a good trace of a road commenced by the French but not
finished, as far as Tebessa.
The distance from Ain Khenchla to Tebessa is 57 miles, which we
did in three days. It is a most unsatisfactory journey to make,
and I should recommend anyone following in our footsteps to go by
diligence _viâ_ Ain Beida in preference.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 85: Marchand, _Ann. Soc. Arch. Const._ vol. x. p. 167;
Ragot, _l.c._ vol. xvi. p. 207.]
[Footnote 86: See a translation of Kitab el-Adouani, by M. Ch. Feraud,
in _Ann. Soc. Arch. Const._ vol. xii. p. 1.]
[Footnote 87: Morcelli, _Afr. Chris._ i. p. 91.]
CHAPTER XIII.
TEBESSA — RETURN TO CONSTANTINE.
The last of the Roman cities on the northern slopes of the Aures was
Theveste, the modern Tebessa. Bruce has erroneously identified it as
_Tipasa_, which is certainly the modern _Tifesh_, much further to the
north. He visited it on two occasions, in going to and returning from
Constantine. His remarks are very concise; they are as follows:—
November 21, 1765. Arrived at Tipasa, which is situated in a plain
about eight miles broad from E. to W., surrounded on every side
by bare mountains, except on the N., by which lies the road to
Constantina. The plain is cultivated, and is the property of the
Hanneisha.
Here is a most extensive scene of ruins. There is a large temple and
a four-faced triumphal arch of the Corinthian order in the very best
taste, the drawings of which are now in the collection of the King.
The Hanencha is a once powerful confederation, which governed an
immense extent of country along the frontier of Tunis from La Calle
to the desert. The name is derived from that of the first Arab
chief Hanach ben Abdulla es-Sanani, a native of Sanäa in Arabia
Felix. Their principal stronghold, Geläat-es-Senan, also bears the
name of his birthplace. Since the French conquest this tribe has
lost its former greatness, but a Kaid of the Hanencha still exists
at Souk Ahras, and governs a fraction of the old tribal territory.
The subsequent entry is—
December 16, at Tebessa, the ruins extend about five miles east of
the town; nothing now existing but a castle of modern date, built of
old materials, and the remains of an area of a temple near the river.
This is evidently intended to be supplementary to his former note;
he means that nothing remained _to the east of the town_, save the
ruins of a Byzantine fortress, and what he believed to have been the
area of a temple, but which has since been excavated, and proves to
be a great basilica.
His illustrations consist of three sheets—
1. An Indian-ink perspective view of the Temple of Jupiter, roughly
but boldly executed (Plate VIII.)
2. One double sheet containing a pencil sketch of the triumphal arch
of Caracalla, with details and measurements (Plate IX.)
3. An Indian-ink perspective view of one face only of the same
building.
Theveste must have been a very important town of Numidia, but it
is only mentioned by later writers, and not alluded to by Strabo,
Pliny or Sallust. It was probably founded immediately after the
Jewish War, A.D. 71. And M. Léon Renier thinks that an inscription
found in the forum, and containing the letters[88]
. . . . NO AVG
. . . . P.P COS. V
AVG . . . . . .
must have been in honour of Vespasian, and his son Titus. If it did
exist at this period, it was probably a purely military post.
It very speedily rose into importance on account of its situation at
the junction of the roads to Carthage, Cirta, Hippone, Lambessa and
Tacape (mod. _Gabes_). It was probably also an _entrepôt_ for the
commerce of Central Africa, as well as for the produce of the country.
Christianity was introduced into Carthage about A.D. 150, and Theveste
was probably one of the first places to follow the example of the
African metropolis. Four bishops are recorded as having ruled over the
church here, of whom the first assisted at the Council of Carthage,
presided over by St. Cyprian. Their names are-
A.D.
Lucius 255
Romulus 349
Urbicus 411
Felix 484
St. Maximilian and St. Crispin suffered martyrdom at Theveste,
the former under the pro-consulate of Dion, the latter under
Diocletian. St. Optatus records that a Donatist council assembled
here in A.D. 350.[89]
The commencement of the second century was its period of greatest
splendour, and it is from this time that we must date the construction
of its finest monuments. It must have fallen into ruin during the
Vandal occupation, and disappeared from history until restored by
the Byzantine armies. Solomon was the second founder of Theveste,
which he fortified, as he did many other cities in various parts of
Africa. He enclosed it within ramparts and towers, the trace of which
exists to the present day, while the citadel is as imposing as when
built thirteen centuries ago. Here it was that Solomon himself was
slain, after having for four years bravely withstood the constant
insurrections which followed the departure of Belisarius from Africa.
A Byzantine inscription, built into one of the openings of the
triumphal arch, has thus been completed by M. Renier:—
✠Nuto divino feliciss_imis_ temporib_us_
piissimor_um_ dominor_um_
nostror_um_ Justiniani et Theodorae
Aug_ustorum_ post abscisos ex Africa
Vandalos extinctamque par Solomonem
gloriosiss_imo_ magistro militum ex
consult_e_ Praefect_o_ Libyae ac patricio
universam Maurusiam gentem
provi_dentia_ ej_us_dem aeminentissimi
viri Theveste _civitas_ a _f_undamen_tis_
aedificata est.[90]
This is the only inscription found in Africa making any direct
allusion to the expulsion of the Vandals. Then came the Arab invasion,
which destroyed the last trace of Greek supremacy, and converted
Mauritania and Numidia to the religion of El-Islam. During the
Mohammedan domination Tebessa partook of the vicissitudes of the
dynasties, which at various times held the district, and finally
submitted to a French column under General Randon in 1842, although
it was not until 1851 that it was permanently occupied.
Tebessa is built in one of the most advantageous positions which
it is possible to conceive, about eleven miles from the Tunisian
frontier. It is situated to the north of the mountains of Bou Rouman,
which enclose the basin of the Oued Chabrou, an affluent of the Oued
Meskiana. It has an abundant water supply and is surrounded by most
beautiful gardens. In front is an immense plain watered by numerous
streams flowing into the Oued Chabrou, which winds along the bottom
of the valley.
The modern town is contained within the walls of the Byzantine
citadel, which however occupies but a small portion of the ancient
city. Its high walls flanked with towers are still in a tolerably
good state of preservation, and are evidently built of still older
materials.[91]
The French have repaired the walls of Solomon’s citadel, now the
outer line of fortification, and have added a modern Kasba containing
barracks and other subsidiary military buildings, which latter serves
as the present citadel.
It is almost square in form, the perimeter being about 1,170
yards in extent; the walls are built of large cut stones, and it
is strengthened by fourteen square towers, four of which are at
the angles, and the rest irregularly distributed between them. The
height of the walls varies from sixteen to thirty-three feet, that
of the towers from thirty to forty, and the thickness of the masonry
from six to eight feet. It has three gates, the _Bab el-Kedim_, or
old gate, formed by the arch of Caracalla; the _Bab el-Djedid_, or
new gate, sometimes called that of Solomon; and the _Bab el-Kasba_,
or gate of the citadel, which forms the entrance to the new quarter
occupied by the troops.
The Temple of Jupiter (Plate VIII.), situated within the present
_enceinte_, is of the Corinthian order, forty-five feet nine
inches long, including the pronaos, by twenty-six feet three inches
broad. The material of the main building is compact limestone. Each
side is strengthened by four pilasters, and in front is the portico
supported by six monolithic columns of marble, four of which are
in front. It is raised on a basement or podium twelve feet high,
in which are three vaults now filled up, and access to the temple
is attained by a handsome flight of cut stone steps.
The entablature is not of a regular form, the architrave and frieze
forming one height; over the columns and pilasters are panels
ornamented by _bucranes_ or ox skulls. The intermediate spaces are
occupied by panels highly sculptured. This is immediately crowned
by the cornice, above which is a highly ornamented attic, now about
equal in height to the entablature. No doubt, it had a cornice,
which has disappeared. In the panels between the _bucranes_ are
eagles holding thunderbolts, on either side of which are serpents
and branches with trilobate leaves. On the attic, the vertical
panels over the columns and pilasters have trophies of armour,
and the oblong ones alternately garlands and double horns of plenty.
The attic on the front has no sculpture, and this was doubtless
intended to receive marble slabs with a dedicatory inscription. The
soffits between the columns are everywhere richly decorated, and
between the two central columns is the head of Jupiter Tonans. It
was originally surrounded by an enclosure wall, the gate of which
now actually serves as the front door of the mosque opposite.
This building has been put to many uses since the French occupation;
at first it was a soap manufactory; then the _Bureau du Génie_;
subsequently a prison, and a canteen: and finally it was converted
into the parish church, a dome being added, a bell perched on the
top, and the interior supplied with ecclesiastical fittings in the
worst style of the _génie militaire_. Happily the dome fell in,
and the building is now unused for any purpose; it is greatly to be
desired that the hideous modern additions may be removed, and the
temple restored to its original beauty.
[Illustration: _Plate VIII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TEMPLE OF JUPITER AT THEBESTE (TEBESSA)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The triumphal arch of Caracalla is a really magnificent monument
of the description called _quadrifrons_, each face representing an
ordinary single arch of triumph. The only other known specimens of
the kind are the arch of Janus Quadrifrons, at Rome, much inferior to
this both in size and beauty, and the great arch at Tripoli, which
forms the subject of the finest of Bruce’s illustrations. There
is also an Imperial medal in existence containing a similar arch,
dedicated to Domitian. This monument is built of large blocks of
cut stone. A pair of Corinthian monolithic disengaged columns flank
each arch, behind which are pilasters. Each column stands upon its
own pedestal, and not, as is usually the case in African monuments,
upon one common to each pair of columns.
The soffits supported by these, and also the central ceiling, were
richly decorated. The entablature is composed of a highly ornate
architrave, with rounded leaves at the angles, above which is a
cornice. There is also a lofty frieze, as though for the reception
of an inscription, and this also is surmounted by a cornice.
Above the north façade is a small building, intended as a niche to
contain a bust or statue; the semicircular base is still in place. It
is fronted by two isolated columns, with corresponding pilasters on
the right and left of the niche. The whole is covered with a flat
roof, with a plain architrave and cornice on the outside. Another was
probably built on the south side; indeed, but for the inscription on
the inside, one would be tempted to believe that there must have been
one above each façade. The head of a bust, evidently belonging to
this niche, and supposed to be that of Septimius Severus, was found
in the neighbourhood, and is now preserved in the Engineers’ office
at Constantine.
From the inscriptions on the interior we learn the history of the
building. There was a rich family of Tebessa represented by three
brothers, Cornelius Fortunatus, Cornelius Quintus, and Cornelius
Egrilianus. The last of these commanded the 14th legion, Gemina,
and died leaving all his property to his two brothers on certain
conditions.
The first was that they should erect a triumphal arch surmounted
by two tetrastyles, enclosing statues of the two Augusti. In the
forum also were to be placed statues of the divine Severus and
of the goddess Minerva. 250,000 sesterces were to be expended on
these works. A further sum of 250,000 sesterces was to be devoted
to affording gratuitous baths to the inhabitants in the public
_thermæ_; and lastly 170 lbs. of silver and 14 lbs. of gold were
to be deposited in the Capitol for a purpose which is not clear from
the inscription. The following is a restoration of this interesting
record proposed by M. Léon Renier:—
_Ex test_amento C_aii_ Cornelii
Egriliani praef_ecti_ leg_ionis_ XIIII
Geminae quo testament_o_ ex sestertium
ducentis et quinquaginta mil_libus_
n_ummum_, arcum cum statuis
_augustorum i_n tetrastylis duobus
cum statuis _divi Severi e_t
Minervae, quae in foro fieri
prae_cepit pra_eter alia sestertium
ducenta et quinquaginta mil_lia_
n_ummum_, quae rei p_ublicae_
ita ut . . . _gy_mnasia populo
publice in thermis prae_herentur_
. . . _a_d Kapitol_ium_ arg_enti_
lib_ras_ centum et septuaginta,
id est lances quatuor . . .
_et au_ri lib_ras_ quatuordecim
id est pihal_as_ (_sic_) tres, scyphos
duo . . . secundum voluntatem
ejus in con . . . Cornelii
Fortunatus et Quint fratres et
_heredes ejus_ . . . dignaverunt
et opus perfecerunt.[92]
On the opposite side, namely the right hand on leaving the town,
is a tabular statement, very much defaced, but of which the heading
is quite distinct:
Dies Gymnas_iorum_ ex
test_amento_ Cornelii Egriliani.
On each façade, above the arch, was a tablet containing a dedicatory
inscription. The western one was in honour of Julia Domna, wife
of the Emperor Septimius Severus, and mother of the two Emperors
Caracalla and Geta.
This inscription is as follows:—
IVLIAE . DOMNAE . AVG. MATRI
CASTRORVM . ET . AVG. ET . SEN
ET . PATRIAE.[93]
The key of the arch below is decorated with an eagle holding
thunderbolts, supporting a medallion out of which rises a female
bust, wearing a high mural crown, typical, perhaps, of Julia Domna
herself or of Rome.
[Illustration: _Plate IX._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH OF CARACALLA AT THEVESTE (TEBESSA)
FAC SIMILE OF INDIAN INK SKETCH BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Septimius Severus died in A.D. 211, and the two Augusti mentioned
in the testament were evidently Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla
murdered his brother in 212, consequently the date of the testament
is fixed between those two years, though the execution of the work
may have been a little later. The east façade bears a dedication
to Septimius Severus himself. It has a medallion similar to the
W. front, of a warrior in armour, resting on a head of the Medusa,
representing probably Septimius Severus himself, and the terror
which his countenance was supposed to inspire. It runs as follows:—
DIVO . PIO . SEVERO . PATRI
IMP. CAES. M. AVRELI . SEVERI . ANTONINI .
PII. FELICIS . AVG. ARAB. ADIAB. PARTH. MAX. BRIT.
MAX. GERM. MAX. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POT. XVII. IMP. II.
COS. IIII. PROCOS. P.P.[94]
The southern inscription is illegible; it is believed to have been
in honour of Caracalla; and the northern one is wanting and, if
ever executed at all, was probably in honour of Geta to complete
the series. The two other medallions are obliterated.
The partial destruction of this arch may date from the fifth
century, when the city was deserted by its inhabitants and sacked
by the Numidians; but its preservation at all was undoubtedly due
to Solomon having so traced the walls of the citadel as to adopt it
as the principal entrance gate.
One of the most interesting ruins in Algeria is that of the great
basilica of Theveste; this was so much buried in its own _débris_
during Bruce’s visit, that he was unaware of its existence, and
alludes to it as the area of a temple. It is situated about 600 yards
N.E. of the modern town, and consists of a vast edifice, 213 feet
long by 72 broad, enclosed within a wall 588 feet long by 127 broad,
strengthened at intervals by square towers, only two of which remain.
The principal entrance to the enclosure is to the S.W. The arch is
quite entire, but the numerous subsidiary buildings in the court
are razed to the ground, except where they seem to form actually
part of the main structure.
The masonry throughout is of immense blocks of stone, carefully
cut and adjusted almost without the use of mortar; nevertheless it
bears unmistakable evidence of having been constructed at various
epochs. The original building, however, was evidently the Roman
basilica, pretty exactly as Vitruvius describes it with a nave and
two aisles, the further end being furnished with a semicircular apse.
The reader need hardly be reminded that the ancient Basilica was
a court of justice; the prætor or principal judge was seated
in the apse, with assessors on either side. A railing separated
this from the nave, and according to Vitruvius, the lateral aisles
were surmounted by galleries looking into the nave. This peculiar
form was so perfectly adapted for Christian worship that it was at
once adopted by the Western Church. The bishop took the place of
the præetor _in cathedrâ_, and his subordinates in the hierarchy
those of the assessors. The altar, like the pedestal and statue of
the god among the ancients, was situated before him, separating him
from the congregation collected in the nave and aisles; the gallery
above the latter became the clerestory, and the open court in front
the narthex, in which the unbaptised remained during the performance
of religious ceremonies.
The access to this building is by a flight of thirteen steps of
unequal width, the greater number of which are destroyed, leading
into the peristyle by three doors, a large one in the middle and a
smaller one on each side. This court must have been most imposing. It
was surrounded by an arcade, each side supported by four columns,
between which were pedestals, probably destined for statues; the
central portion was open to the sky, and in it was an elevated basin
or fountain, the whole resembling very much in design the court of
a Moorish house of the present day.
From the right or east wall of this were doors leading into two
small chambers, one of which was the baptistery, the font being still
tolerably perfect in the centre of the floor. The other chamber is
of irregular shape, having been added to at a subsequent period.
Beyond this comes the main body of the building, entered by three
doors. It is separated by ranges of double columns into nave and two
aisles. These columns are of grey granite, white marble, and blue
limestone; they are broken for the most part into numerous fragments;
the shafts of some are entire, as are most of the capitals, and the
bases of all remain in their original position. These show that there
was a double range; a large shaft with a square base, and a smaller
one with a round base touching it, towards the aisles; the one no
doubt supported the roof of the nave, the other that over the aisles.
It is easy to recognise the period of the Pagan Emperors; a later
epoch, with a certain amount of Christian art, and ultimately a
period of absolute decadence, probably the last time that Christians
worked in this country. The first is marked by Corinthian columns,
the capitals of which are in the most correct form, and the shafts
of polished marble and granite, and of a beauty which would only
have been marred by fluting. The second is represented by fragments
of fluted and spiral columns, the capitals of which were richly
decorated with foliage; and lastly, there are rough productions in
stone, out of all keeping with the rest of the building, the capitals
of which bear grotesque representations of fishes, perhaps used as
the symbol of Christ.
At the extreme north end is an apse, raised above the level of the
nave, with three steps on which to mount to it. On either side is a
square chamber, corresponding to the termination of the aisles. From
the first to the fourth pillars on each side, and again across from
the fourth on one side to the fourth on the other, are grooves to
receive a railing, showing that this part was divided off with
the apse to form, perhaps, at first the prætor’s court, and
subsequently the sacrarium; in the centre of this space is an oblong
vault, or cavity. The whole of the floor is covered with tesselated
pavements of very elegant designs and admirable execution. These are
almost perfect in condition, and have been judiciously covered over
with a layer of earth to protect them from injury.
Descending from the east side aisle by a flight of about thirteen
steps is a chapel of the form of a trefoil inscribed within a square.
From the north and south apses are communications with small lateral
chambers right and left, and from the south one there is access
through a small ante-room to a sepulchral chamber beyond; the front
of each apse was arched, the arches supported on each side by columns
of green marble.
In the centre of the square contained between them was what appears
to be the foundation of an altar; the walls were covered, for a part
at least of their height, with a mosaic of the richest marbles,
porphyry, and serpentine, so disposed as to form either pictorial
designs or geometric patterns, while the ceiling was a mosaic of
glass, quantities of tesseræ, both coloured and gilt, having been
found amongst the _débris_.
This building was probably an addition, subsequent to the erection of
the main body of the basilica. It is also certain that it must have
replaced a still older structure, as traces of tesselated pavement
were found four feet below the actual floor.
A large sarcophagus of marble, with Christian figures rudely
sculptured, was found at the bottom of the stairs.
In the sepulchral chamber above mentioned was found a tesselated
pavement, containing four inscriptions recording the interment
of individuals beneath them. One is that of Palladius, Bishop of
Idicra, near Cirta (Constantine), who died here on his return from the
Council of Carthage, under Huneric, in A.D. 484. This inscription was
headed by a cross, having in the lower right hand angle the letter
_Omega_. It is curious to observe that the corresponding one on the
left hand does not contain the _Alpha_, as is usually the case. It
has been said that this was owing to the fact of the bishop having
died out of his own diocese. The tomb was opened, thus destroying
the inscription, but the bishop’s skeleton was found perfectly
preserved after fourteen centuries. It rested on a bed of laurel
leaves, and its brown hair was undecayed. These venerable remains
are preserved in the church of Tebessa, or rather in the curé’s
house, which serves as such.
Another tomb was opened, that of Marcella, and in it were found
perfectly preserved bones, and light hair. The inscription was also
necessarily destroyed, but the others (three in number) were allowed
to remain intact.
There were various buildings, probably cells or shops, outside
and against the main structure, and the whole was surrounded
by a strong wall, flanked at intervals with towers, like a vast
fortified convent. This it doubtless was during the later years of
its existence, but unfortunately its history is entirely unknown,
and its original destination, or at least the destination of the
older portion of it, must remain a matter of conjecture.
From a careful study of the architecture of this building however,
the grand simplicity of its design and the richness of its materials,
it is difficult to believe that the earlier portions of it could have
been built after the introduction of Christianity into Theveste,
when art was already in its decadence. The presumption is strong,
that it could not have been commenced later than the end of the first,
or beginning of the second century; this would make it older than
almost any of the Roman monuments of Algeria, as it certainly was
superior to most of them in elegance and simplicity, though less
florid in decoration.
There are many other Roman ruins of interest in the circle of Tebessa,
and on Djebel Mestiri, west of the town, and extending as far as
Djebel Youkous, are a number of megalithic tombs of a circular
form. They are about 100 in number, situated in a single line, the
right of which rests on the ruins of a Byzantine tower. The largest
is about eleven feet three inches high, and from twelve to thirty
feet in diameter. They differ from those of Foum Kosentina by being
built in successive and gradually decreasing courses, without any
single covering stone; they rather resemble the Medrassen and the
tombs in its vicinity.
We left Tebessa for Constantine on May 12, by diligence, following
pretty much the same route as that taken by Bruce—whose notes are
as follows:—
_November_ 24, 1765.—Passed Ain Shabrou this day. Lay the night of
the 24th (fourteen miles) in the mountains without inhabitants, the
Hanneisha having fled the country as being in rebellion, and afraid
of the Bey of Constantine. They were then in the Sahara, south of
Gaffsa. Killed a wild boar of extraordinary size at Ain Shabrou,
which served us for meat.
The 25th, arrived at the encampment of the Welled Esa, at Bucowash,
where we met the Kaid of Tibberq (?), about twenty-four miles.
There crossed the river Miskiana, on the 26th, and continuing through
one of the most beautiful and best cultivated countries in the world,
I entered the Eastern province of Algiers now called Constantina,
anciently the Mauritania Cæsariensis, whose capital Constantina
was the ancient capital of Syphax.
The 27th and 28th, to the east of Sidi Bougeise, a high mountain about
twenty miles. The 28th, at Ziganiah, about eighteen miles. The 29th,
at Boomarzook, about ten miles from Constantina, where we arrived
November 30 (see _ante_, p. 50).
The _Ain Shabrou_ or _Chabrou_ mentioned here is a large spring on the
left of the present road, about six and a quarter miles from Tebessa,
near which are the ruins of the Roman city Ad Mercuriam. A little to
the west of it is Ain Youkous, more correctly _Okes_, وكيس or _Bou
Okes_, from the Latin word _Aquæ_. This stream rises in a beautiful
cave in the mountains; it is of great depth, and has often served as
an impregnable retreat to the Arabs in time of war. The Welled Esa,
or _Oulad Aissa_, is a collective name given to the tribes in the
circle of Ain Beida, including the Haracta. In the time of the Turks
these formed a great command called the Kaidat of the Aouassi, or
descendants of Aissa. Ain Beida did not of course exist in Bruce’s
time; it is entirely a French town, the chief place of the Haractas.
This route is especially interesting, as showing that the frontiers
of Algeria in Bruce’s time were actually west of Tebessa and of
the Miskiana, both of which belonged to Tunis.
_Ziganiah_ is the Roman Sigus, twenty-four miles from Constantine.
This was an ancient and celebrated city, memorable as the residence
during various epochs of several Numidian kings. The destruction of
this place appears to have been very violent, and little remains save
the foundations of a few buildings and a considerable necropolis, not
only of Roman, but of the so-called pre-historic tombs, dolmens,
cromlechs, and menhirs. At Bou-Merzoug also there is an immense number
of these megalithic remains, which were first explored by Mr. Christy
and M. Féraud in 1863.[95]
We returned to Constantine on May 13, and here my explorations in
the footsteps of Bruce may be said to have ended for the season. All
that remained to be done was to return to Algiers; but, instead of
doing so by railway and steamer, or by diligence, I determined to
adopt a more interesting and less known route, on which I will ask
the reader to accompany me.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 88: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,078.]
[Footnote 89: Morcelli, _Afr. Chris._ i. 308.]
[Footnote 90: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,089.]
[Footnote 91: Consult the interesting papers on the exploration
of Tebessa, by MM. Moll and Girol in _Ann. Arch. Constantine_,
1862-1870.]
[Footnote 92: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,085.]
[Footnote 93: Ibid. No. 3,088.]
[Footnote 94: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,087.]
[Footnote 95: Féraud, _Ann. Arch. Const._ viii. p. 108.]
CHAPTER XIV.
CONSTANTINE TO ALGIERS THROUGH KABYLIA.
We left Constantine on May 15, and as the route between that place
and Bordj bou Areredj is totally uninteresting, and is described in
all the guide books, we took our places in the diligence, spent the
16th at Setif, and arrived at Bordj bou Areredj on May 17.
From this place two routes are practicable to Fort National. The
easiest and most direct is by Beni Mansour and the Col de Tirourda;
but by far the most picturesque is that by Geläa, Akbou and the
Col de Chellata.
Through the courtesy of the Commandant Supérieur we were enabled to
hire mules at the very moderate rate of five francs a day; he also
supplied us with two tents, furnished us with spahis, and announced
our intended arrival all along the road. Tents are quite indispensable
if the traveller cares for his own comfort in the slightest degree,
as although the Kabyle houses in the territory of the Beni Abbas
are clean and well built, those in the circle of Fort National are
beyond description filthy and full of vermin.
From Bordj bou Areredj we proceeded to Bordj Medjana, a ride of about
two hours through a rich and highly cultivated country. This was
the Castellum Medianum of the Romans, and the hereditary residence
of the Bach-Agha el-Mokrani, whose family played an important part
during three centuries in the affairs of Algeria. Their history
is full of great deeds, and their name stands first in the list of
feudal chiefs, who ruled the country before the French conquest.
After the disastrous insurrection of 1871,[96] of which El-Mokrani
was the principal leader, the Bordj was destroyed, and the whole of
his vast property confiscated to the State.
A village, to contain seventy homesteads, is in process of
construction. Each concession contains 100 acres of excellent land,
in addition to a village and garden lot.
The Bordj, built by the Bach-Agha, under the direction of French
engineers, consisted of a bastioned enclosure within which was his
residence. This will be repaired, and will constitute a place of
refuge for the colonists in case of necessity, and will contain the
church, school, and other communal buildings. A beautiful spring
issues from some Roman remains below the fort, and forms almost the
only water supply of the village.
We pitched our tents close to this spring, and early on May 19
resumed our journey. The road still continued in a north-westerly
direction, over rich plains, and eventually amongst picturesque
mountain scenery; the valleys are everywhere highly cultivated,
and the hills furnish excellent pasturage for sheep. After a ride
of two hours and three-quarters we reached Theniet el-Khamis,
a small village of stone huts, formerly the property of Mokrani,
situated in a pass forming the limit between the Medjana and
Kabylia. Immediately afterwards the scenery becomes more wild;
Kabyle villages are seen crowning the crests of the hills; the land
is more carefully cultivated, and every thread of water carefully
employed for irrigational purposes. After a ride of four hours and
a half we reached the fort or blockhouse of Boni.
Here we found M. Marchal, the interpreter of Akbou, awaiting us. He
had been sent on by M. de Beaumont, the Commandant Supérieur, to
arrange for our journey through his command, and we had every reason
to congratulate ourselves on the good fortune which procured for us
so pleasant and intelligent a companion.
The Bordj of Boni contains a suite of rooms and stabling, for the
accommodation of such public functionaries as may have occasion to
visit the district. It was built after the last insurrection, and
forms a most convenient halting-place for the traveller, who, though
he cannot claim admittance, is sure to be hospitably received. There
is an excellent spring below the mound, and the views of the Djurdjura
range from the summit are very grand.
The Sheikh of Boni had also come to conduct us to Geläa, where he
resides. He is quite of the Bou-Dhiaf type—a genial and pleasant
host, who feasted us royally.
From this to Geläa is a ride of not more than an hour and a half,
through what is, perhaps, the most magnificent mountain scenery in
Algeria. The road winds up and down steep hills in a most tortuous
manner, sometimes passing over the intervening ridges, and at others
encircling their sides. On the right hand is a deep abyss, beyond
which is a mass of hills and valleys, clothed to their summits with
verdure, resembling a tempestuous sea suddenly arrested and turned
into rock. On the left the view is more extensive; the foreground is
as wild, while range after range of mountains succeed each other in
ever-changing variety of form and colour, till the extreme distance
is shut in by the majestic snow-capped ridge of Djurdjura. No other
peak can ever depose this from its place as the monarch of Algerian
mountains. Chellia and Mahmel, in the Aurès, may be higher, but they
rise from more elevated ground, and thus lose much of their grandeur,
while for beauty of outline and richness of tints the Djurdjura
range, seen from the south, with the Oued es-Sahel at its foot,
is superior to them both.
Kaläa—or Geläa, as it is here pronounced, meaning a fortress
in Arabic—is one of the most picturesquely situated villages in
Kabylia. It is built on the extreme end of a mountain, more than 3,000
feet above the sea, surrounded on three sides by precipitous ravines,
through one of which flows a tributary of the Oued Sellam. The cliffs
descend in a succession of perpendicular scarps, separated from
each other by narrow terraces, so as to be quite inaccessible. The
fourth side, where the hill rises behind the village, can only be
reached by a narrow winding path, which a few resolute men might
defend against an army.
In former times this was a city of refuge for such as wished to
escape the justice or vengeance of the Turks, who never succeeded
in reducing its inhabitants to their sway.
Its proximity to the _Biban_, or Portes de Fer, itself a strong
position, enabled the Beni Abbas to command that pass, and
consequently the route between Algiers and Constantine, and they
were in a position to exact a tribute from the Turks as the price
of keeping open this communication.
The village of Geläa is divided into two portions, each ruled over
by a Sheikh independent of the other. The lower portion belongs to
the Oulad Aissa, and the upper to the Oulad Hamadoosh. It is the
principal place of the Beni Abbas, a once powerful confederation,
extending north and south from beyond the Oued es-Sahel to Boni,
and east and west from the river of Geläa to the Oued Maghir. The
villages in this district are well built, of stone, roofed with tiles,
and very often they have small enclosures, or gardens, attached,
while the interiors are finished off with great neatness, and even
some rude idea of decorative art.
The inhabitants of Geläa have little or no arable land, but they are
famous for the manufacture of bernouses. They make a considerable
quantity of olive oil, and are renowned merchants, purchasing the
carpets and haiks of the south, and selling them at the markets of
Constantine and other great towns. Between the two villages are a
number of small springs, quite dry in summer, so that for several
months in the year the water supply of each village has to be brought
from the valley below.
In the upper village is an ancient mosque, with some good wood-carving
over the door; in the cemetery attached is buried the celebrated
Bach-Agha el-Mokrani. His body was brought here after the battle
of Oued Souflat, where he was killed. It is much to be regretted
that his tomb should be quite unmarked. The Commandant Supérieur of
Aumale, Colonel Trumelet, has had the happy idea of marking the spot
where he fell by a stone bearing this inscription:—‘Ici tomba,
mortellement frappé par les balles du 4ème de Zouaves, le 5 Mai
1871, le Bach-Agha de la Medjana, El-Hadj Mohammed ben el-Hadj Ahmed
el-Mokrani, chef de l’insurrection.’
The connection of the Mokrani family with Geläa dates from the
sixteenth century, when one of their ancestors, Ben Abd-er-Rahman,
established a little principality here after the expulsion of the
Spaniards from Bougie. The last of these princes was murdered by
his subjects in A.D. 1600.
Mokrani owned several houses in Geläa, and his brother was at one
time Kaid of the Beni Abbas.
There is a large guest-chamber in the upper village belonging to our
friend who had entertained us at Boni, but we were only permitted
to see it. We were conducted to the house of the other Sheikh—of
the Oulad Aissa—and installed there as honoured guests. If the
first Sheikh resembled our jovial host at Timegad, this one might
be compared to the more refined and imperial-looking Kaid of the
Oulad Abdi. He received us with the most perfect grace, and with a
cordiality which made us instantly feel at home. The Kabyles are
renowned for hospitality, but very few are celebrated for their
cuisine. A traveller must have been difficult indeed to please had he
not been satisfied with the excellent fare provided by our host. It
is not the custom here for the women to appear before strangers, but
the ladies of our party visited them in their apartments, and were
surprised to find a little girl who had been taught by the Sisters at
Bone, and who spoke French with perfect facility. The delight of the
poor child at finding ladies to whom she could speak in French would
have been ludicrous had it not been so touching. She would hardly
allow them out of her sight; she insisted on sharing their bed-room,
and kept them awake all night with her chattering, and, to crown all,
she stained their hands and nails with henna—an operation which in
their ignorance they permitted, and which had the startling effect
of producing an indelible stain of a bright orange colour, which
adorned them for several months after their return to civilised life.
M. Daly became quite enthusiastic about the decoration of the doors
in our host’s house, which he copied with most minute accuracy. The
designs were quaint but not inelegant, and the colours harmonious,
being only red and black.
One of the most interesting sights of Geläa is the extraordinary
method employed for storing grain—in enormous baskets of alpha
grass, fourteen or fifteen feet high, and ten feet in diameter at the
thickest parts, resembling gigantic bottles with the necks knocked
off. These are raised about a foot off the ground, and four or five
of them are placed side by side in a room. In these vessels, called
_Zaräa_, a reserve supply of corn has been known to keep perfectly
good for fifty years. The family of Mokrani were in the habit of
keeping their corn in this way on account of the exceptionally
good climate of the village, but the stories which have obtained
currency of the immense treasures concealed by them here are pure
inventions. In troublous times, before the French conquest, such
may have been the case, but for many years before the insurrection
the treasures of Mokrani had vanished into debts. Somewhat similar
grain-baskets, but of a much smaller size, were observed by M. Pricot
de Ste. Marie in the island of Djerba; and amongst the Ouerghemma, in
the Regency of Tunis, they were in the form of pears, four-and-a-half
feet high, and they preserved the grain perfectly, though exposed
to the full inclemency of the weather.[97]
There is a direct route from this village to Akbou, but we preferred
to make a _détour_ in order to see Ighil Ali, the most considerable
village in the Beni Abbas.
We started on the morning of May 21, and after passing through the
village we descended a path so steep and difficult as hardly to be
practicable for mules. On reaching the bottom of the hill, however,
it improves, and soon the high road between Bordj bou Areredj and
the Oued es-Sahel is reached. The scenery is still remarkably grand,
but less green than before reaching Geläa. The ground is poor,
schistose, and only adapted for the cultivation of fig and olive
trees, which constitute the principal riches of the country. About
halfway is the village of Zeina, the only one we actually passed,
though we saw many crowning the heights around.
After about four hours’ riding we reached Ighil Ali; in fact,
there are three villages placed so close together as to form but
one—Ighil Ali, Tizairt, and Azrou.
The last crowns the hill to the west, while the two others at its
foot are separated by an inclined plane, in which is situated the
Medressa. It was one of the favourite ideas of Napoleon III. to
educate the Arab and Kabyle races in the French language and
ideas. Numerous educational establishments were organised with this
view, at Algiers, Constantine, Fort National and elsewhere, nearly
all of which collapsed with the Empire. Amongst others, a college
was established here at which Kabyle youths were taught both Arabic
and French. The buildings are still kept in repair, but unused; we
occupied them during the day. We remained here instead of putting up
at the less comfortable house of the Sheikh; _dhifas_ however were
sent in great profusion, and a very cordial reception given to us.
These villages are much better built and more picturesque than most
others in Kabylia; many of them have two stories, some even three. The
walls are decorated with arches and quaint holes for ventilation, and
not a few have arched colonnades. The general appearance of the whole,
sloping upwards in a pyramidal form, is not at all unlike many Italian
villages. They used to be celebrated for the manufacture of arms,
but as that is now a forbidden industry, they have extended their
manufacture of bernouses, silver ornaments, etc.; and one of them,
Tizairt, is celebrated for its wood-carving. The objects most usually
manufactured are maces, not unlike those of Gog and Magog, spoons
and trinkets connected by chains cut out of a single piece of wood.
We visited our host, the Sheikh of Tizairt, who has a large and
commodious pile of buildings; also the ex-Sheikh, who has built
himself a very large house in the French style, and furnished it with
chairs and tables, and as many bottles of good things to drink as a
_buvette_ at a railway station. He was very anxious that we should
recommend him to the authorities, in order that he might be reinstated
in his position; but we stopped him at once with the observation that
we were guests of Government, as it were, and it would ill become us
to interfere with matters which did not concern us. Similar requests
were frequently made, but always answered in the same sense.
On the 22nd we set out for Akbou. After leaving Tizairt the road
descends rapidly, passing numerous picturesquely-situated Kabyle
villages, and enters the Oued es-Sahel, a little below the ruins of
Bordj Tazmalt, a fort destroyed during the last insurrection. Here
it is proposed to build a village, to which will be attached 6,700
acres of land; each _concessionaire_ will have a village lot, a
garden and a patch of olive trees, and two lots of cultivable land,
aggregating 80 acres; 1,247 acres are divided into seven farms,
and 1,030 are reserved as communal land.
We here entered the great valley called Oued es-Sahel, or _river
of the coast_—known to the ancients by the name of Nasava, or
Nasabath—which commences near Aumale, and terminates in the Gulf
of Bougie. Like most of the rivers of Algeria, it changes its name
according to the territory it traverses; thus it is successively
called Oued Akbou, Oued Soumam, Oued Beni Mesaoud, Oued el-Kebir,
and Oued es-Sahel. Its average width is about forty yards, but in
some places it is as much as two hundred.
After traversing the rich plain of the Beni Melekeuch, covered with
corn and olive trees, we pass on our right hand the celebrated Mound
of Akbou, and soon reach the village itself.
Akbou is the ancient Ausum, and is the country of the well-known
Si Mohammed bin Ali Cherif, who rendered great service to France,
and was decorated with the Legion of Honour and created Bach-Agha
of Chellata. Having unfortunately allowed himself to be drawn into
the insurrection of 1871, he was tried and convicted at Constantine,
but subsequently received a free pardon from Marshal de MacMahon,
President of the Republic, who better than any man living knew the
value of his former services.
A new village has been founded here, to which a vain attempt has
been made to attach the name of Metz; it is admirably situated on
an elevated mound to the north of the high road, with a charming
view looking both up and down the valley. About thirty houses of a
superior description were finished at the time of our visit, and
the land allotted to the colonists appears to be of an unusually
good quality. The great drawback is the want of water, which has to
be brought in an open channel a distance of seven or eight miles;
this is liable to be deranged by storms, and could easily be cut
off by an enemy.
Close to it is the old Bordj of Ben Ali Cherif, purchased by the
State before the insurrection, and now used as a residence for the
officers of the Bureau Arabe. There are two _auberges_ here, one in
the village and the other on the high road below it.
On the opposite side of the river is a ridge of steep hills close
to its right bank, called Geldaman, the western point of which has
been separated from the rest by the river, and now forms an isolated
_mamelon_ in the middle of the plain called the _Piton d’Akbou_,
which is seen from a great distance on both sides. On a small platform
at the west side of this hill, and about 100 feet above its base,
is a remarkable Roman mausoleum, still in an excellent state of
preservation. It consists of a pyramid surmounting a cubical base,
three sides of which are decorated with false windows, whilst the
fourth had a door, no longer in its place, but also probably of
stone. The pivot was of immense size, the hole to receive it being
nearly six inches in diameter. The whole structure is raised on
four steps, reduced to three on the east side by the slope of the
hill. The interior, which is thirteen feet square, has a wagon vault
roof, constructed, like all the rest of the building, of finely-cut
stone. Three of the sides interiorly are decorated by double arches,
once no doubt supported on columns. On the fourth side, the door
being a little larger than the false windows, there is one larger
arch, and a smaller one on each side. The windows outwardly occupy
the position of the interior columns. Of the superior pyramid five
courses still remain in place. Above the door was an inscription in
white marble, fragments of which still exist in the corners of the
panel made to receive it. The execution of the monument is admirable,
but the style is debased.
We did not remain at the village of Akbou, but pushed on a few miles
further to Azib esh-Sheikh, the charming residence of my friend
and near neighbour at Algiers, Ben Ali Cherif. The house is large
and comfortable; of the interior, of course, I can say nothing,
but outside there is a row of guest-chambers, clean and spacious;
and in the ravine below, on the banks of a considerable stream, is a
beautiful garden of flowers and fruit trees, in which is a pavilion
shaded from every ray of sun, and furnished in the most luxurious
manner. He is the only Arab I ever met in the interior of the colony
who took any interest in horticulture, or seemed to care for the
cultivation of fruit. He has a European gardener in his service,
and there are few gardens, even at Algiers, so beautifully kept,
and none so plentifully irrigated. In addition to this, he has been
most successful in introducing a better system of cultivation on
his estate, and has constructed a European olive oil mill, which is
most remunerative.
We spent part of May 22 and 23 at this delightful retreat, and having
engaged fresh mules, and obtained spahis acquainted with the country
from the Commandant de Beaumont, and recommendations to the Kabyle
chiefs on the road, we commenced the ascent of the Djurdjura range,
through a rich and highly cultivated country, abounding in fig,
olive and ash trees. The two first are the riches of the country,
the last (_Fraxinus Australis_) is also of great utility, as its
leaves afford excellent food for sheep and goats in summer and autumn
when the grass fails.
At two hours’ distance is the village of Chellata, the chief
place in the country of Illoula, and the ancestral home of Ben Ali
Cherif. There is a large Zaouia here for the education of Kabyle
youth—one of the most renowned in North Africa—kept up at
his expense; and in the inclosure in front of it are interred the
members of his family. To visit such a holy place as this in Tunis
or Morocco would be impossible; in Algeria the Mohammedans no longer
dare to exclude Christians from their mosques, but it requires very
little penetration to see that their presence is most distasteful to
them. This we particularly observed at Chellata. Beyond this the place
is of no interest, and, like all other villages in the Kabylia of
Djurdjura, it is extremely filthy, a marked contrast to the scrupulous
cleanliness of those on the other side of the Oued es-Sahel.
We pitched our tents on a grassy slope, well clear of the village
and its evil odours, and were on our mules before daybreak on the
following morning, hoping to see the sunrise from the summit. It
took us an hour to reach the _Col de Chellata_, one of the passes
leading from the Oued es-Sahel, across the Djurdjura range, between
the peaks of Tili-jouen on the left, and Tizi-bart (5,670 feet) on
the right. From the top of the former, which we ascended, there is
an unequalled view, in some respects finer than that from Chellia,
inasmuch as the foreground possesses greater boldness and variety
of outline.
Commencing from the west, there is a splendid view of the whole
crest of the Djurdjura range, with its two most conspicuous peaks,
Azrou-n-Tehour (5,980 feet) and Tamgout Lalla Khadidja (7,542). These
are crowned by _Welis_ or Saints’ tombs, favourite places
of pilgrimage with the Kabyles; indeed, the latter is esteemed
hardly less venerable than the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina,
and a pilgrimage to it certainly more meritorious than one to
Kerouan. Beyond these, to the north, are the country of the Beni
Illilten, Fort National, and the sea in the extreme distance. More
than fifty villages can be counted in this direction. On the opposite
side of the pass are Babor, Ta-Babor, crowned with their forests of
cedar and pinsapo, and the mountains of the Beni Abbas complete the
panorama, while the ever-present mamelon of Akbou, surrounded by a
great stretch of level ground, thickly covered with olive groves,
occupies the foreground to the south. The effects of light and shade
at sunrise can never be forgotten. I have travelled through Algeria
in every direction, and in most of the Regency of Tunis as well,
but I know of nothing so grand as the view from the Col de Chellata
and the short ride between Boni and Geläa.
After passing through this defile the road descends rapidly towards
the Tifilkouth or river of the Beni Illilten by a steep and difficult
road, but one of exquisite beauty. The whole country is cultivated
with as much care as a garden. The road is completely overshadowed
by magnificent ash trees, while the banks on either hand are covered
with ferns, broom, wild roses, and flowers of every colour. A clear
cool stream flows at the bottom, overshadowed with magnificent
wild cherry trees. We stopped here for breakfast, and it required
all my authority as leader of the expedition to force my followers
to mount their mules and leave this fairy dell. The road ascends
the opposite bank, passes the village of Tifilkouth, and winds
through the most delightfully shady lanes and orchards, mounting and
descending almost perpendicular precipices, crossing rapid streams,
but always passing from one scene of loveliness to another, till
after a ride of two hours from the stream where we breakfasted,
or five hours from Chellata, we reached the village of Soumar. The
only spot sufficiently level to accommodate our tents was the village
cemetery, and here we pitched them, and passed a very pleasant night,
undisturbed by the shades of those who rested beneath us.
The head man, or _Amin el Oumina_, as usual, entertained us with
true Berber hospitality, and would fain have had us to lodge in his
own house; but, much as we liked our Kabyle friends, and ready as
we always were to see their inner life and manners, we could not
brave the hosts of fleas with which they are surrounded.
Soumar is situated in the country of the Beni Teourigh, close under
Tirourda, at the head of the long stretch of valleys abutting on
that mountain. Leaving this, a ride of fifteen minutes brought us
to the high road which is being constructed from Fort National to
the Oued es-Sahel by the Col de Tirourda, and close to a house which
has been erected by the Engineer Department for its employés. The
distance hence to the fort is nineteen miles.
The scenery now changed somewhat—it never ceases to be exceedingly
grand—and the view of the Djurdjura range improves as it is seen
in full front, instead of foreshortened from one end.
But alas! we are once more within the influence of what we have so
successfully avoided during the last two months—high roads and
guide-books. The admirably engineered, but bare and shadeless road,
with its regular curves and gentle gradients, becomes intolerable
after the wild and shady lanes and natural scenery in which we have
travelled so long; and it is not without a feeling of relief that we
reach Fort National, thence to proceed by the prosaic but convenient
diligence to Algiers. We made one last protest against civilisation;
instead of passing the night in the _auberge_ at the fort, we pitched
our tents on the historic battle-field of Icherridhen, and only
arrived at the village next morning in time to catch the diligence.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 96: See Murray’s _Handbook to Algeria_, p. 28.]
[Footnote 97: _Bull. Soc. Géog._ (Paris), viii. 117.]
PART II.
CHAPTER XV.
START FROM ALGIERS ON SECOND EXPEDITION — EARL OF KINGSTON
UNDERTAKES PHOTOGRAPHIC DEPARTMENT — ARRIVAL AT TUNIS — SEBKHA
ES-SEDJOUNI — MOHAMMEDIA — AQUEDUCT OF CARTHAGE — OUDENA
— ZAGHOUAN.
My second expedition in the footsteps of Bruce was made in the spring
of 1876, and on this occasion I confined my explorations to the
Regency of Tunis. I was accompanied by only one companion, the Earl
of Kingston, who undertook to make photographs of all the buildings
which Bruce had figured, so as to enable a careful comparison of each
to be made at leisure, for the drawings themselves were too precious
to be trusted on so hazardous a journey. He succeeded beyond our most
sanguine expectation—there are naturally degrees of excellence
amongst them, but we had not to deplore a single failure. It was
a very anxious subject during the whole course of our journey;
the plates were all dry, so the result could not be known till our
return to Algiers. There were a thousand dangers and difficulties
to be overcome—dangers from clouds of fine penetrating dust,
dangers from the tendency that our baggage always had to slip
off in the middle of a river, too much light on one occasion, not
enough on another. My companion devoted himself to his plates like
a mother to her firstborn child, and the result was, that after
six weeks’ continuous travelling over a country containing almost
every possible element of difficulty and danger (from a photographic
point of view), not a plate was broken, and not a picture appeared
too much or insufficiently exposed. I regret that I cannot publish
as many of them as I could desire, but the aim of my journey was
to illustrate Bruce, and even his drawings are far too numerous
for reproduction. I must gladly acknowledge that Lord Kingston’s
camera ensured the success of the expedition, and certainly his
companionship contributed greatly to the pleasure of it.
We debated anxiously whether we should commence our journey from
the Algerian side of the frontier line or proceed direct to Tunis;
but the difficulty of obtaining horses, mules, and escort, at places
remote from the capital, decided us on adopting the latter course. We
proceeded to Tunis by the _Valery_ steamer, and arrived there on
March 26. Personal allusions in works of travel are generally better
omitted, but I hope my esteemed colleague, Mr. Wood, will pardon me
if I take this opportunity of acknowledging with gratitude the more
than friendly reception we met with from himself and his family, the
readiness and solicitude with which he forwarded our views and helped
us in our preparations, and the warm hearts, as open as their house,
which make the Consulate at Tunis not only the centre of social life,
but a haven of rest to all who are in difficulty or trouble.
To describe Carthage or Tunis would be to tell a thrice-told tale. My
hero passed over both with commendable brevity, and I will do no
more than quote his words regarding them:—
We passed ancient Carthage, of which little remains but the cisterns,
the aqueduct and a magnificent flight of steps up to the Temple of
Æsculapius, and arrived at Tunis. In rowing over the Bay you see a
great number of pillars and buildings yet on foot, so that the sea has
been concerned in the destruction of Carthage. Tunis is twelve miles
distant from this; it is a large and flourishing city. The people
are more civilised than in Algiers,[98] and the government milder,
but the climate is very far from being so good; Tunis is low, hot,
damp and destitute of good water, with which Algiers is supplied
from a thousand springs.
The only drawing which he has left of Carthage is a rough pen-and-ink
sketch of the interior of the great reservoirs.
We determined to make two excursions from Tunis before setting out on
our journey into the remote interior—the first to Zaghouan, where
is one of the springs which supplied ancient Carthage, and the other
to Bizerta; both these can be done in carriages, and this enabled me
for a little while to enjoy the society of a brother, whose health
would not enable him to make a long journey on horseback. It also
happened that His Highness the Bey was absent for a time from his
usual place of residence, and we could not possibly set out on our
journey without presenting our respects to him, and obtaining the
necessary letters of recommendation.
We left Tunis early on the morning of March 29, by the Bab el-Djizira,
or gate of the island, by a road which has been cut through an Arab
cemetery, surrounding the shrine of Sidi Ali ben Ahsan. The heights
above are crowned by two very picturesque forts, which are prominent
objects in the landscape from every point of view round Tunis. The
ground being somewhat undulating, the great salt marsh or lake, called
Sebkha es-Sedjoumi, which extends to five miles to the south-west
of the town, is concealed from sight till we approach its southern
extremity. During the winter months this contains a considerable body
of water, but in summer it becomes little more than a fetid marsh,
with a broad efflorescence of salt around its margin.
Kingston spent several hours yesterday in shooting around this
lake, and reports that snipe, plover, and other wading birds are
most abundant.
As we approached the Mohammedia we observed, lying in the middle
of the road, a very fine cippus of white marble, which had recently
been found at Ain Segal, and was being conveyed to Tunis by order of
General Kheir-ed-din. It was so heavy that the _caratoni_ on which it
was placed broke down. On our return it had disappeared, and as the
inscription is probably unpublished I was glad to have copied it,
though very hurriedly, on the outward journey. Its dimensions were
4 ft. 7 in. long, 23 inches broad, and 25 deep.
. VIIIAI HORTENSIA . . .
. VRDINIAE . ANTONIAE
. . YMAE . FLAM. PERP . .
. . . E VNIVERSAE . EI . .
. OMARI. HSVBAEDIAN .
I SIDVAMEI FREQVEN .
VNIVERSOS CIVES SVO
. IBERALITATEM
I. D. D. D.
At eleven miles from Tunis is the Mohammedia, an immense ruined
palace, or rather a mass of palaces, built by Ahmed Bey, who died
in 1855, at an expense of many millions of piastres, and decorated
with great magnificence, but which since his death has been allowed
to go to ruin. It has served as an inexhaustible mine for materials
with which to build and adorn other palaces; its marble columns have
disappeared, its walls have been stripped of their covering of tiles,
the roofs have nearly all fallen in, and it is impossible to imagine
a more perfect picture of desolation than is presented by this modern
ruin. Probably, when the present Bey dies, his successor will choose
a new residence, and the Kasr Saeed will fall into decay as this
palace has done. The aqueduct from Zaghouan passes through one of the
courts of the palace, but it is here low, and by no means a striking
object. We observed in one of the dependencies a cippus similar to the
one before described, but without any trace of inscription. It was
while excavating the foundations of one of the buildings here that
the two inscriptions now preserved in the Church of the Capuchins
at Tunis were found. These have been frequently reproduced; one
contains the names of three bishops, but without designating their
sees, the other that of a sub-deacon of the African Church.[99]
Shortly after leaving the Mohammedia the ruins of the ancient aqueduct
come in sight, and at a distance of about fourteen miles from Tunis
the road crosses the Oued Melian, the Catada of Ptolemy. Here is seen,
in all its surpassing beauty, one of the greatest works the Romans
ever executed in North Africa, the aqueduct conveying the waters of
Zaghouan and Djougar to Carthage.[100]
During all the time that Carthage remained an independent State the
inhabitants seem to have contented themselves with rain-water caught,
and stored in reservoirs, both from the roofs of houses and from paved
squares and streets. Thirty years after the destruction of this city
by Scipio it was rebuilt by a colony under Caius Gracchus, but it
was not till the reign of the Emperor Hadrian (A.D. 117 to 138) that
the inhabitants, having recovered their ancient wealth, and having
suffered from several consecutive years of drought, represented their
miserable condition to the Emperor, who himself visited the city and
resolved to convey to it the magnificent springs of Zeugitanus Mons,
the modern Zaghouan. This, however, was not sufficient for the supply
of the city, and after the death of Hadrian another fine spring at
Mons Zuccharus, the present Djebel Djougar, was led into the original
aqueduct—probably in the reign of Septimius Severus, as a medal was
found at Carthage with his figure on the reverse, and on the obverse,
Astarte seated on a lion beside a spring issuing from a rock.
It was certainly destroyed by Gilimer, the last of the Vandal kings,
when endeavouring to reconquer Carthage, and again restored by
Belisarius, the lieutenant of Justinian. On the expulsion of the
Byzantines it was once more cut off, and restored by their Arab
conquerors, and finally destroyed by the Spaniards during their
siege of Tunis. It was reserved for the present Bey, Sidi Saduk,
once more to restore this ancient work, and to bring the pure and
abundant springs which formerly supplied Carthage into the modern
city of Tunis.
M. Collin, a French engineer, planned and executed this work. Of
course, the advanced state of hydraulic science at the present day
rendered it unnecessary to make use of the ancient arches. The
aqueduct originally consisted, for a great part of its course,
of a covered masonry channel, running sometimes quite underground,
sometimes on the surface. This was comparatively uninjured by time,
and served, with little repair, for the modern work. Where the old
aqueduct passed high over the surface of the country, iron pipes
and syphons have been substituted.
The contract price was 7,800,000fr., but the work certainly cost the
Bey nearly 13,000,000fr.; and, useful as it certainly is, there is
no doubt that it was the commencement of his financial difficulties.
[Illustration: _Plate X._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
AQUEDUCT OF CARTHAGE
FAC SIMILE OF FINISHED DRAWING IN INDIAN INK BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The original aqueduct started from two springs, those of Zaghouan
and Djougar; and to within sixteen miles of the present city of
Tunis—namely, to the south side of the plain of the Catada—it
simply followed the general slope of the ground without being raised
on arches. From this point, right across that plain—a distance
of three Roman, or two-and-a-half English miles—with slight
intermissions, owing to the rise in the ground, and so on to the
terminal reservoir at the modern village of Mäalika, it was carried
over a superb series of arches—sometimes, indeed, over a double
tier. The total length of the aqueduct was sixty-one Roman miles,
or 98,897 yards, including the branch from Mons Zuccharus, which
measured twenty-two miles, or 36,803 yards; and it was estimated
to have conveyed 32,000,000 litres (upwards of 7,000,000 gallons)
of water a day, or eighty-one gallons per second, for the supply of
Carthage and the intermediate country.
The greatest difference is perceptible in the style of construction,
owing to the frequent restorations which have taken place. The oldest
and most beautiful portions are of finely-cut stone, each course
having a height of twenty inches; the stones are bossed, with a
squared channel worked at the joints, and the voussoirs are single
stones reaching quite to the bottom of the specus, in which there
exist, at intervals all along its course, circular manholes, both
to admit air and to permit the repair and cleansing of the channel.
Here and there on the faces of the piers may be seen stones projecting
from the surface, which it was the custom of the Romans to leave,
in order to support the scaffolding used in reparation. The impost
of each arch is a course of masonry of the same height as the other
courses, but rounded to a semicircular profile, and projecting half
its diameter from the face of the pier; it is, in other words, a
bead roll. The voussoirs are stepped on the extrados. The cut-stone
masonry never extends higher than two courses above the voussoirs,
the remaining height being of rubble masonry or concrete.
A great part of the aqueduct, however, is built in a far less solid
manner—of concrete blocks or of small irregular stones. The arches
were still of cut masonry, but much inferior in execution, and there
was a considerable space between the top of the extrados and the
bottom of the specus. The mere fact of masonry of this character
being used, _pisé_ in fact, by no means proves it to be of modern
origin, as Pliny informs us that this description of masonry was
much in use amongst the ancient Carthaginians.[101] In some places a
threatened danger had been guarded against by the erection of rough
and massive counterforts. Along the plain of the Oued Melian, in a
length of nearly two miles, we counted 344 arches still entire.
The aqueduct passed the river on a double series of arches. These were
all destroyed in order to make use of their foundations for the modern
bridge which now carries the water across, and serves at the same time
as a viaduct. One cannot but deplore that such a miserable economy
was effected at so great a price. We dare hardly vent our feelings
of indignation at the wholesale destruction of antiquities daily
carried on by the Arabs, after such an act of needless Vandalism.
From this point to Carthage, along the plains of the Mohammedia,
the Manouba and Ariana,[102] the ancient aqueduct is completely
ruined. It is not clear when Bruce visited this locality, probably
during the ‘some weeks excursion of no moment’ which followed
his first return from the south. He thus describes the aqueduct:—
There is a magnificent aqueduct, still in a great many places
entire. The beginning of this ruin is at Arriana, a village about
six miles from Tunis. It is built of a particular species of stone,
nearly of the colour of chalk, but of an exceeding hard quality,
which seems to have been brought from the neighbourhood of that city,
where there are whole mountains of it, probably the cause why it was
called _Λευκὸν Τύνετα_. Fifteen of its arches only are standing; the
rest are entirely ruined, and scarcely a vestige of them to be seen
as you approach nearer Carthage.
Dr. Shaw states that this is the most entire part, as well as the
most magnificent, which is not true, for in the plains under Uthina
there is a continuation of the aqueduct over a very large valley
. . . .[103] of whose arches are still standing, superior in height,
solidity, and ornament to those at Arriana, of a brownish stone,
brought from the neighbouring quarries at Uthina. The river Miliana
runs below it, and notwithstanding the great pains taken to secure
it [the river] has at length undermined the foundation, and brought
down two of the largest and most beautiful rows of arches, which
were built across it.
Bruce’s illustrations of this work are:
1. A perspective view of five bays of the aqueduct, probably from
the plain of Ariana, where it has been entirely destroyed to supply
building material for the modern city of Tunis (Pl. X.)
2. A drawing in Indian ink to scale, of elevation of an arch and a
half of the above. Also a section and an enlarged drawing of four
of the stones.
The dimensions marked on this are:
Ft. in. lines.
Total height 69 11 2
Height to top of impost 45 11 6
Height of arch 7 8 5½
Height above arch 16 2 6½
Breadth of pier 11 8 5
Thickness of pier at base 16 4 1
Space between piers 15 5 3
Leaving the Oued Melian the road follows the line of aqueduct, but
our object being to visit the ruins of Oudena before proceeding to
Zaghouan, we kept rather to the east of the usual track and arrived
there after a drive which occupied us about three hours and a half.
The ancient city of Uthina is mentioned by Ptolemy[104] and
Pliny;[105] and in the tables of Peutinger it is indicated, evidently
by a typographical error, as Uthica. In Morcelli’s ‘Africa
Christiana,’[106] a city of Utina, or Uthina, is mentioned as
situated on the Bagradas, which in spite of this error is no doubt
the same, celebrated, he says, not only in the records of the
Church, but in the works of profane writers. Its bishop, Felix,
attended the Council of Carthage in A.D. 258; another, Lampadius,
went to the Council of Arles in A.D. 314; Isaac assisted at Carthage
in 411; and Felicissimus was its bishop during the Vandal invasion,
when the place was probably destroyed by Genseric.
The present condition of the ruins proves it to have been a place of
very considerable importance; they cover an area of several miles,
and it must certainly have contained a very large population.
Pelissier[107] imagines this to have been the Tricamaron where
Belisarius overcame Gilimer, and where all the hoarded treasure
of the Vandals and the piratical spoil of Genseric fell into the
hands of the Byzantines. The position of that city has never been
satisfactorily determined; all that we know of it is, that it was 140
stadia from Carthage, and on the banks of a river which never dried,
but so small that the natives attached no name to it. They must have
had very different customs then to what prevail at the present day,
as there is hardly a stream in the country that does not bear at least
three names, in different parts of its course. In fact, in a country
like this, where most of the rivers are dry during a portion of the
year, it is not so much the water itself as its bed to which a name
is attached, and that varies with the locality in which it occurs;
thus a stream passing Sbeitla and Sbiba is called in part of its
course the _River of Sbeitla_, and further down the _River of Sbiba_.
The central and highest point in the city was crowned by a citadel
covering an area of about sixty-six yards long and thirty-three
wide. The entrance-gate was on the north-west front, facing the
amphitheatre. The walls were of great thickness and constructed of
large blocks of cut stone.
The upper terrace was surrounded by a parapet; below were several
chambers with strong vaulted roofs, still nearly entire. The largest
of these measures sixty-six feet long by thirty-three wide. The
vaults are supported on square piers, with a very bold and massive
cornice, each stone being twenty-four inches in breadth, thirty in
height, and three feet in depth. On the northern side is a large
arch twenty-three feet in diameter, loosely filled up with squared
stones. From the centre of this a passage about three feet in width
runs perpendicular to it, and after a distance of about sixteen feet
the passage bifurcates to the right and left, and descends at an
angle of 45° till it reaches a vast subterranean apartment, which
encircles the whole building, and was no doubt intended to serve as a
reservoir. The descent is very difficult, owing to the accumulation
of _débris_; but the chamber appears to have been about fifteen
or twenty feet high, and nearly the same width, occupying three
sides of a square, of which the passages before-mentioned formed the
fourth side. We found some human bones and fragments of old pottery,
but time did not permit of our making a thorough exploration of it.
To the north-west of this building is a very perfect amphitheatre,
with an elliptical arena; the major axis is about seventy-seven yards
in length, and the minor one fifty-five. Four principal entrances led
into it, and these, together with many of the upper arches, are still
in a very perfect condition. No doubt, in the construction of this,
advantage was taken of a natural depression on the top of a mamelon
in which it is sunk.
Behind this monument, towards the north, may be seen a small bridge
of three arches, spanning the bed of a watercourse.
To the south-west of the citadel are the remains of a theatre,
and to the south-east of it two very magnificent reservoirs, the
northern one intended to contain rain-water, but that to the south
was supplied from a well at some little distance, between which and
the reservoir are the remains of a solidly constructed aqueduct.
Perhaps the most remarkable of the ruins is one due east of the
citadel; it must have been a building of immense size, but it is
impossible from its present appearance to form any conjecture as
to its original destination. The walls, which were built of rubble
masonry, of great thickness, have been rent asunder into huge masses,
too large to have been moved by any mere mechanical power likely
to have been employed, and yet they lie scattered about, without
any apparent order, in every direction. In the midst of these huge
masses, confusedly hurled together, we observed a small opening,
through which it was just possible to crawl, giving entrance to
a series of reservoirs of immense height and size, separated by
partitions, yet connected together by arched passages. The cistern
by which we entered was about thirteen feet square, beyond it were
two larger ones, 79 feet long by 13 broad. There were at least six
others, deserving of a much closer examination than we had time to
give to them. Semicircular recesses were made in the walls here
and there to enable the water to be drawn easily from above. The
masonry throughout was quite perfect, not a trace visible of any
great convulsion of nature, which alone, one would think, could have
effected the ruin of the superincumbent building.
Twenty minutes more brought us from Oudena to the southern end of
the plain spanned by the aqueduct, where is a domed building, from
which the syphon of the modern aqueduct starts; this is sixteen
miles from Tunis, and twenty-and-a-half from Zaghouan.
From this spot we continued our journey through an undulating country
overgrown with brushwood, and after a few miles arrived at the ruins
of a Roman post, called by the Arabs Bab Khalid, the ancient name
of which is unknown.[108] The gate, or small triumphal arch, which
gives its name to the place, and which was entire when Guérin visited
it in 1860, has now fallen; one half however remains upright. There
are numerous cisterns and foundations of buildings scattered about,
but nothing of much interest. At thirty-three miles from Tunis
is the spot called Magaran, where the two sources from Zaghouan
and Djougar unite, and are conveyed in a single stream to Tunis,
as they formerly were to Carthage.
The former source will be described hereafter; the latter,
Ain Djougar, is situated twenty-three miles further to the west,
close to the village of Bent Saida, which occupies the site of the
ancient Zucchara Civitas. Like the other, this one also issued from
a monumental fountain, now in a very bad state of preservation,
but when visited by Shaw the frieze of the building still existed,
and bore the following inscription—[109]
. . . . . RORISII TOTIVSQVE DIVINAE DOMVS
EIVS CIVITAS ZVCCHARA FECIT ET DEDICAVIT.
At Magaran there is a very neat house, surrounded by a garden,
occupied by the French employé in charge of the waterworks, and
close to it an establishment, also belonging to a Frenchman, for the
collection of alpha grass, which grows abundantly on Djebel Zaghouan.
Continuing our route from this spot, which is thirty-three miles
from Tunis, and four from the village of Zaghouan, we reached the
latter place in about an hour, having travelled thirty-seven miles
in eight hours, or at the rate of 4⅝ miles per hour.
Here we were hospitably received by the Khalifa, Si Hamoud Wuled
Fadhel, who lodged us in the Dar el-Bey, and very kindly attended
to all our wants. We had taken the precaution to obtain an _amra_,
or recommendation, from the Bey of Tunis, without which it is quite
impossible to travel in this country.
The Dar el-Bey is a large and by no means handsome building, used
for the reception of guests, but it affords what alone travellers
require—a complete shelter, and a few rude beds on which they can
pass the night. We found it perfectly free from vermin of all sorts.
After the first destruction of Zaghouan it was rebuilt by a colony of
Andalusian Moors from Spain; but, notwithstanding its exceptionally
favourable position and the abundance of its water supply, it appears
to be falling into decay, half the houses are ruined, and there is no
appearance of any modern construction going on. Yet the land in the
wide plain below it appears everywhere capable of being cultivated;
when cleared it seems to yield satisfactory results, but a large
proportion is still covered with lentisk scrub. The olive woods
around are very extensive, and ought to be a source of great riches;
but the trees are all old, and there is no evidence of the formation
of new plantations.
The principal industry of Zaghouan for many generations has been the
dyeing of the red caps worn in all Mohammedan countries throughout
the basin of the Mediterranean, and here called _chachias_. In Turkey
such a cap is called _fez_, and in Egypt _tarboosh_. This is the only
place in the Regency where the operation has ever been performed, and
the secret is carefully preserved, and descends from father to son.
Many fragments of Roman masonry still remain about the town, and
frusta of columns are built into the angles of houses, but its
vicinity to Tunis has made it a sort of happy hunting-ground for
antiquaries and tourists, and most of the inscriptions have been
carried away as soon as they have been published by a traveller.
The _Zeugitana regio_ gave its name to the province of Africa proper,
or Zeugitana, and formed the boundary between it and the more southern
one of Byzacium. A town of Zeugis is mentioned by Aethicus,[110]
and Mons Zeugitanus by Solinus. The modern town of Zaghouan, no
doubt, occupies the same site as the ancient one, the crest of a
spur proceeding from the north-east side of the mountain bearing
the same name.
The only ruin of any importance is the entrance-gate, called Bab
el-Goos,[111] which, no doubt, served the same purpose to the
ancient city.
Bruce has made two illustrations of this.
1. A rough pencil perspective sketch, on which the measurements
are marked.
2. A finished Indian-ink drawing to scale, with ground plan,
details of mouldings of impost and base, and of the keystone. The
dimensions on this drawing are—
Ft. in. lines.
Height of moulding on base of pier 0 11 0
From top of moulding to bottom of impost 13 3 0
Thickness of impost 0 11 6
Thickness of stones—from 19 to 20 inches.
Width of gate 13 8 0
Thickness of pier 6 9 0
This monument is in a very ruined condition; the attic, if it
ever existed, and the entablature had disappeared before Bruce’s
visit. The arch is simple, without archivolt; the impost, which was
bold and salient, probably encircled the building. Round-headed
niches were sunk in the piers below the impost; only that on the
left hand on entering now remains. No order decorated its façade.
On the keystone of the arch is the sculptured representation of a
ram’s head, with an immense pair of horns, above which is a wreath
inclosing the word
AVXI
LIO
surmounted by a figure resembling a mason’s level, the angle being
a right one.
Shaw is of opinion that the ram’s head indicates that the city was
under the immediate protection and influence of Jupiter Ammon.[112]
Tortis cornibus Ammon.
_Lucan_, l. ix. p. 519.
At some period after Bruce’s visit, as he does not indicate it,
the Arabs have filled up the doorway with a smaller ogival arch,
which has contributed to strengthen the ancient one and ensure its
preservation. Perhaps it was intended for this purpose; if so,
they were more careful in those days than they are now, as not
the slightest care is taken to preserve any of the Roman remains
throughout the Regency.
The great interest of the place to the traveller is its vicinity to
the springs from which the aqueduct is supplied; the distance is about
a mile and a half, and there are two paths, one of which the traveller
would do well to take in going and the other in returning. The first
passes to the south of the delicious valley which runs east and west
behind the town, and close to the spring _Ain Ayat_, which is the
cause of its fertility; the other follows its northern border between
it and the hill on which the shrine of Sidi Hashlaf is built. This
valley is richly cultivated, and produces great quantities of fruit
trees; the waters of Ain Ayat are also used to turn a few flour-mills.
The great source however, which flows into the aqueduct, issues
from a spot a little further on, where are situated the remains of a
charming Roman temple, known to the natives by the name of El-Kasbah,
or the fortress.
Bruce, in his notes, dismisses this very unjustly with the following
remark:—
We found a temple immediately over the fountain, which carried the
water in the aqueduct to Carthage; it was very simple, and conveyed
little pleasure or instruction.
He did not even make a finished sketch of it; there is a rough
pencil outline on one sheet, and on another an equally rough plan
with measurements, and a number of architectural details, but neither
are capable of reproduction as illustrations.
The building is, in fact, extremely elegant, and in its original
condition must have been one of the most charming retreats which it
is possible to imagine. It is situated at the gorge of a narrow and
precipitous ravine descending from Djebel Zaghouan, but at a very
considerable elevation above the plain at its foot.
It consists of a paved area of a semicircular form, but with the
two exterior limbs produced in straight lines as tangents. Round the
perimeter was a raised colonnade, and at the end, in the middle of the
circular portion, was a rectangular cella, which is still tolerably
entire. The walls of this latter building are of rubble masonry, but
at the extremity there is a niche lined with cut stone, surmounting
what may either have been the base of a statue of an emperor or an
altar to a divinity. I am inclined to the former hypothesis, as the
mutilated trunk of such a statue, in white marble and of colossal
size, is actually lying on the ground outside. Above the door are the
remains of a beautiful architrave, which doubtless was surmounted by a
pediment. To the right and left of this proceeded a lateral gallery,
13 ft. 9 in. broad. The posterior wall was of finely-cut stone, with
thirteen square pilasters on each side, between every alternate pair
of which a round-headed niche for statuary was sunk in the thickness
of the wall. Towards the interior, a Corinthian column corresponded
to each of the pilasters, but these have long since been removed,
and now decorate the Djamäa el-Kebir, or principal mosque of
Zaghouan. Fragments of richly sculptured entablature lie scattered
around, and attest the original magnificence of the structure.
Each end of this colonnade was terminated by a handsome monumental
gateway, crowned by an entablature, one side of which is still in
very perfect condition; both appear to have been so at the time of
Bruce’s visit. These gateways were intended for architectural effect
and not as exits, as they abutted on the perpendicular face of the
wall below them. From the lower surface of the area on either side,
a flight of fifteen steps conducted to a basin or nymphæum, shaped
like a heart in cards, but with a rounded instead of a pointed apex;
in this the spring rose, and was conducted into the aqueduct. The
spring is no longer visible, being led into the modern aqueduct
before it emerges from the ground.
The colonnade was roofed by one general half-cylindrical vault
in the direction of the length of the building, intersected by
twelve other transversely directed cylindrical vaults rising from
the pilasters in the walls, and the columns in front. A cornice
of a bold outline ran all round, serving as impost to the vaults
and ornamental doorways, and as capitals to the pilasters. A great
portion of the vaults supported by the walls still remain, to show
the nature of the construction.
The rear of the wall was strengthened exteriorly by a coating of
immense blocks of cut stone to protect it from any rush of water
which might flow from the ravine above after heavy rain. There is
also a communication from the colonnade to the exterior by means of
a small square-headed door in the posterior wall.
A magnificent view is obtained by mounting the hill immediately
south of the town, crossing the valley watered by the Ain Ayat. The
contrast between the past and present, even of the most modern times,
is very striking. Almost every alternate house is in ruins, and the
population, which M. Guérin states to have been 2,900 in 1860, has
now diminished to little more than 700. We particularly noticed the
urbanity and good humour of the people of Zaghouan. Wherever we went,
alone or in company with Arabs, everyone we met had a pleasant word
and smile for us, and even the little urchins seemed pleased to leave
their favourite game of _okkaf_, the same as our English hockey,
and accompany us in our strolls, without being in the slightest
degree obtrusive, or seeming to expect a donation of _kharoubs_.
We returned to Tunis on March 31, the drive occupying seven hours
and a quarter, including an hour for breakfast at the Mohammedia.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 98: This was written in 1765!]
[Footnote 99: Guérin, ii. p. 277.]
[Footnote 100: See _Notice sur l’ancien Aqueduc de Carthage_,
par Ph. Caillat.]
[Footnote 101: Pliny, lib. xxxv. c. xlviii.]
[Footnote 102: Marmol derives the word _Ariana_ from Abd-er-Rana.]
[Footnote 103: Blank in original MS.]
[Footnote 104: Ptol. iv. 3, s. 4.]
[Footnote 105: Plin. v. 4, s. 4.]
[Footnote 106: Morc. vol. i. p. 364.]
[Footnote 107: Pel. p. 238.]
[Footnote 108: Perhaps ‘Oppidum Abutucense’ of Pliny, and the
‘Aptucensis’ of Morcelli, _Afr. Christ._ i. p. 77.]
[Footnote 109: Shaw, p. 153.]
[Footnote 110: _Cosmogr._ p. 63.]
[Footnote 111: باب القوس]
[Footnote 112: Shaw, p. 185.]
CHAPTER XVI.
ES-SABALA — THE MEDJERDA — DRAGONS OF THE ATLAS — BIZERTA —
IMMENSE LAND-LOCKED HARBOUR — FISH IN LAKE — DJEBEL ISHKUL —
WILD BUFFALOES.
As we had still two days to spare after our return from Zaghouan
before we could have an audience with the Bey, we determined to
utilise them by a visit to Bizerta. The distance is about the same
as our last excursion, and though this journey also can be made in
carriages, the road is extremely bad, and after much rain must be
quite impracticable.
We left Tunis by the Bab el-Khadhera, passed under the Spanish
aqueduct behind the Bardo, the ancient palace of the Beys, and the
Kasr Saeed, the present sovereign’s favourite residence, and soon
entered a vast olive wood. The trees are extremely ancient, contorted
in every possible manner, and seemed actually to have been turned
inside out, and cut up into fantastic fretwork. At eight miles from
Tunis is a wayside fountain and Arab coffee-shop, called Es-Sabala,
near a palace built by the celebrated Saheb et-Tabäa, under Hamouda
Pacha, now the property of General Kheir-ed-din. This is the only
place in all the Regency of Tunis where we ever saw a plantation of
young olive or any other trees, and I examined them with peculiar
interest, as I felt sure beforehand that in this country, as in
Algeria, the principal cause of its decadence was the destruction
of its ancient forests.
Beyond this commences a long alluvial plain, which, broken up by
several low ranges of hills, extends to the very gates of Bizerta;
it is of great fertility, and tolerably well cultivated.
About six miles and a half beyond Es-Sabala, the Medjerda is crossed
by a bridge which was built about twenty-five years ago, on the
site of an old Roman one. It is a solid structure of seven arches,
with a niche between each pair, pierced so as to admit the passage
of water when the floods are high. The original structure was entire
when Peyssonnel visited it in 1724; it was a tolerably good one, he
says, but the arches were badly constructed.[113] This river rises
in the beautiful valley of Khamisa, in Algeria, amongst the ruins
of Thubursicum Numidarum,[114] and traverses some of the richest
parts of Tunis, districts rendered celebrated by many of the most
stirring events in Roman history. It is none other than the far-famed
Bagradas, on the banks of which took place the combat between the
army of Attilius Regulus and the monstrous serpent, 225 years before
Christ. Pliny repeats the fable as one well known in his day. They
besieged it, says he, with ballista and implements of war, as one
would have done to a city. It was 120 feet long, and its skin and
jaws were preserved in a temple at Rome until the Numantine war.[115]
The tradition of such animals appears to have lingered long in the
country. Leo Africanus says that ‘the Caves of the Atlas contain
many huge and monstrous dragons, which are heavy and of a slow
motion, because the midst of their body is grosse, but their necks
and tails are slender. They are most venemous creatures, insomuch
that whosoever is bitten or touched by them, his flesh presently
waxeth soft, neither can he by any means escape death.’ Marmol’s
account of these marvellous animals is even more amusing. He also
says that they are very numerous in the caverns of the great Atlas;
their bite and touch are mortal, but they are so heavy and so badly
made that they can hardly move, for their body is very thick about
the stomach, and the rest slender. They have the head and wings of
a bird, the tail and skin of a serpent, the feet of a wolf; they
are spotted with divers colours, and they have not strength to lift
their eyelids. This pleasant animal is called by the Arabs Taybin,
and is supposed to result from the amours of a female wolf and a
male eagle.[116] The word _Taybin_ is evidently _Thäaban_, the
ordinary Arabic word for a serpent; and it is quite possible that,
as wolves and bears have become extinct in the country, so there may
have been larger species of serpents, like the python or the boa,
which no longer exist.
The Medjerda has greatly changed its course within the limits
of history; indeed, it is constantly cutting through the banks
of alluvion, and depositing the _débris_ elsewhere. Even at this
season a considerable body of water enters the sea, but it is a mere
thread in comparison to the width of its bed after continued rain. A
passing shower will sometimes suffice to produce a torrent capable
of washing away sheep and cattle, and even travellers.
The plain on the right bank of the river at this place goes by the
name of Outa el-Kebir, or the large plain; that on the left is Outa
es-Segheir, or the smaller one, while the crossing itself is called
El-Fonduk, from an inn on its bank, more dirty and repulsive than
such places generally are.
At seventeen miles from Tunis a second and smaller bridge is passed,
spanning a watercourse running along the southern base of Djebel
Zana. From this point the road to Bou-Shater, the ancient Utica,
branches off. We saw it in the distance, and thought of the
unnecessary self-sacrifice of Cato, but had not time to visit
it. Bruce, however, did so. He says—
I went to visit Utica, out of respect to the memory of Cato, without
having sanguine expectations of meeting anything remarkable there;
and accordingly I found nothing memorable but its name. It may be
said that nothing remains of Utica but a heap of rubbish and small
stones; without the city, the trenches and approaches of the ancient
besiegers are still very perfect.
Beyond Djebel Zana is another wide plain, called Bahirah Gournata,
in the middle of which is a well. To the right is seen Ghar el-Melah,
or Porto Farino, formerly an important naval station and arsenal,
now neglected and almost in ruins. While we stopped to prepare our
breakfast here, Lord Kingston strolled into a neighbouring swamp,
and soon returned with several brace of snipe. We did not require
them on this occasion, but many a good dinner did his gun find us
afterwards, when we would otherwise have been reduced to hard-boiled
eggs, or the remarkably tough and stringy animals which are in the
habit of producing them.
The hill which bounds the north side of this plain is Djebel Tella;
at its foot is a small stream; and from its summit the first view is
obtained of the sea and the Lake of Bizerta, along the eastern bank
of which the road now runs. At thirty-two and a half miles from Tunis
is Menzel-Djemil, well named the _beautiful resting-place_, despite
of the filth with which it is surrounded. The narrow neck of land,
which here separates the lake from the sea, is a perfect garden
covered with plantations of fruit and olive trees and fields of corn.
Bizerta itself is thirty-six miles from Tunis. Its name is a
corruption of the Arab one, Benzerte, which is as evidently derived
from its ancient one, Hippo Zarytus, or Hippo Diarrhytus, the adjunct
being necessary to distinguish this city from its neighbour Hippo
Regius, the modern Bone.
It was an ancient Tyrian colony, and was fortified and provided
with a new harbour by Agathocles in the fourth century before
Christ. It was subsequently raised to the rank of a Roman colony,
as is testified by an inscription built into the wall of Bordj Sidi
Bou Hadid, containing the ancient name of the place.
COL. IVLIAE . HIPP. DIARR.
El-Bekri mentions that this place was conquered in A.H. 41
(A.D. 661-2) by Moaouia ibn el-Hodaidj. Abd el-Melek ibn Merouan,
who accompanied him in this expedition, having been separated from
the main body of the army, obtained shelter in the house of a native
woman. When he became Khalifa, he wrote to his lieutenant in Ifrikia
to take care of this woman and all her family—an order which was
of course carried out.[117]
Marmol says that, although the city contained only 4,000 inhabitants,
they frequently revolted against the Kings of Tunis and the Lords
of Constantine, which was often the cause of their ruin. When
Kheir-ed-din took possession of Tunis, they were the first to
recognise him, and when he was expelled they killed the governor
whom Mulai Hassan had sent with a garrison, and received a Turkish
garrison into their fort. Mulai Hassan attacked the place by land,
while Andrea Doria co-operated with him by sea, and so the place was
taken by assault—‘et le Roy chastia rigoureusement les habitans
qui s’estoient revoltez trois fois et qui n’avoient jamais gardé
la foy ni par amour ni par crainte.’[118]
It can hardly be said that Bizerta is in a very flourishing condition;
still, the presence of a hundred and fifty Europeans amongst its
population of five or six thousand souls gives a certain amount of
life and commercial activity to it, which no purely Mohammedan city
appears to possess. There is no hotel of any kind in the place, and
the few Europeans who visit it are dependent on the hospitality of
their consuls. We were most cordially received by Signor Spizzichino,
who is, as was his father before him, Vice-Consul of the United
States. He also acts as Consular Agent of Great Britain, though he
does not actually hold a commission as such.
The situation of the town is extremely picturesque, being built on
each side of the canal which connects the lake with the sea, and on
an island in the middle of it, principally occupied by Europeans and
joined to the mainland on either side by substantial bridges. The
town is entirely surrounded by walls, the entrance to the canal
being protected by what in former times would have been considered
formidable defences. That on the west is the Kasbah or citadel,
and contains a number of residences both of private individuals and
of public functionaries; on the opposite side is the fort of Sidi
el-Houni, containing the shrine of that holy man. Between these the
canal is embanked. The foundations are, no doubt, ancient, though the
superstructure is modern. The west wall is produced as a breakwater,
but it is very ruinous, and has evidently projected much further into
the sea than it does at present. Its length is not sufficient to
prevent the sand being drifted in by the north-west winds, whereby
the canal has been so much filled up as to render it practicable
only for light fishing-boats. Near the gate of the Kasbah may be
seen the chain formerly used to protect the entrance. To the west
of the town is an isolated fort, called Bordj Sidi Salim, built on
a rocky promontory jutting out into the sea.
The only antiquities now remaining, besides the usual frusta of
columns lying about and built into the corners of the street, are the
two inscriptions recorded by M. Guerin,[119] one a remarkably fine
milliary column in the warehouse of Hadj Mohammed Sfaxi, Janissary
of the American Consulate, bearing the name of M. Aurelius Antoninus
Pius (A.D. 161-180), and the other, which has already been mentioned,
built high up in the wall of the Bordj Sidi Bou Hadid, and turned
upside down, recording the ancient name of the place.
The important feature of Bizerta, however, is its lake, now called
Tinja, formerly Hipponitis Pallus, which in the hands of a European
Power might become one of the finest harbours and one of the most
important strategical positions in the Mediterranean.[120] Its length
from east to west is about eight geographical miles, and its width
five and a half; the channel, which connects it with the sea, is at
its N.E. angle and is about four miles long and half a mile broad;
but the shallow portion which passes through the town is less than
a mile in length, with a depth of from two to ten feet. Beyond,
it widens out, and has a depth equal to that of the lake, from
five to seven fathoms. A comparatively slight expenditure would be
required to convert this lake into a perfectly landlocked harbour,
containing fifty square miles of anchorage for the largest vessels
afloat. At present the anchorage off the entrance is very insecure;
vessels are compelled to remain in the open roadstead, and at a
considerable distance from the town; there is no shelter from the
prevailing bad weather, and if shipwrecks are rare, it is simply
because the place is avoided by large vessels.
The lake teems with fish, which produce a yearly revenue of 180,000
piastres, or 4,500_l._, to the State. They are caught both by nets and
in weirs of reeds erected at the narrowest portion of the straits,
and are then carried on donkeys to Tunis for sale. They are not
only most abundant, of excellent quality, very different from the
mud-tainted produce of the Tunis lake, but of great variety. The
inhabitants of Bizerta say that there are twelve principal kinds,
one of which comes into season each month. This is by no means a
modern idea; it is mentioned by El-Edrisi, who says: ‘When the
month has expired, the species which corresponds to it disappears,
and is replaced by a new one, and so on till the end of the year and
every year.’[121] El-Bekri also mentions this succession of fishes,
and adds a curious account of the manner in which any particular
species is caught: ‘When the merchants come to buy fish, they
indicate the kind and the exact number they require. The fisherman
then takes a living female of the desired species, lets it loose in
the lake, and follows it with his net; he is thus able to take almost
the exact number he requires, and hardly ever makes a mistake.’[122]
A favourite means of catching the larger kind is for a man to station
himself at the prow of a boat under one of the arches of the bridge,
with a ten-pronged grane in his hand and a vessel of oil beside
him. From time to time he sprinkles a few drops of oil on the surface
to calm its ripples and enable him to see the larger fish passing,
and these he spears with great dexterity. Wild fowl of all kinds
are numerous on the lake, and for quail and snipe its banks are a
sportsman’s paradise.
To the S.W. of this lake is another nearly as large, but with a depth
of from two to eight feet only. It is the ancient Sisara, now called
the Gharat Djebel Ishkul, or lake of Mount Ishkul, a remarkable
hill of 1,740 feet high, situated at its southern extremity, the
Kirna Mons of Ptolemy. This, no doubt, was originally an island, as
it is now only separated from the mainland by a stretch of marshy
ground. The water is almost sweet in winter, when a considerable
body is poured into it by the Oued Djoumin or river of Mater, but in
summer, when the level sinks, the overflow from the salt lake pours
into it by the Oued Tinga, a tortuous canal which connects the two,
and then its waters are not potable. The water is generally very
turbid, owing to the washing of the clay banks on its margin, and
the muddy streams flowing in from the plains of Mater. This lake
also abounds in fish, principally barbel and alose (_clupea finta_),
which are held in no esteem by the natives.
Lieut. Spratt observes: ‘Fresh-water shell-fish are rare in this
lake, but I procured a species of _unio_ from one of the streams
flowing into it. In some of the clay banks along the north and east
shores are abundance of marine fossils, principally a _carduum_,
which, by the wasting of the cliffs, are washed along the shore, the
sands of which in consequence present the singular appearance of a
sea beach encircling a freshwater lake; and, until I discovered the
localities whence they were derived, I was led to suppose that they
had been living inhabitants of this lake at no very distant period
of time, when, of course, the waters were salt, and the scarcity
of fresh-water shells leant to the idea of its recent conversion
from a salt to a fresh lake. The Oued Tinga is navigable for boats
of not more than two feet draught. Its general depth is six feet,
and its breadth 25 yards, but at the entrance to the lake of Djebel
Ishkul there are shallows with a very rapid current, against which
our boat had great difficulty in contending. Above the shallows
there is a ferry, opposite the marabout of Sidi Ali Hassan, which is
completely enveloped by a small grove of trees. This spot appears
also to have been the site of an ancient town of some importance,
as there are considerable remains on both sides of the ferry.’[123]
The vicinity abounds in game, and on Djebel Ishkul itself there are
a number of wild buffaloes, introduced by a former Bey, which are
very strictly preserved.
At the eastern base of Djebel Ishkul there are several mineral
springs, which are held in great repute amongst the natives, who
bathe in small pools, made by hollowing out the sand, and in these the
water bubbles up from the ground. The temperature is about 110° Fahr.
The people about Bizerta seem to affect an exaggeration of the tight
and ungraceful costumes with which the Tunisians disfigure themselves;
and in addition they have adopted a peculiarly fashioned jacket
of white wool with a hood, which they usually wear over the head,
leaving the sleeves to dangle unused at the sides.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 113: Peyssonnel, ap. Dureau de la Malle, i. p. 232.]
[Footnote 114: See Murray’s _Handbook to Alg._ p. 185.]
[Footnote 115: Pliny, viii. c. 14. Gellius, vi. 3.]
[Footnote 116: Marmol, trad. d’Ablancourt, i. p. 62.]
[Footnote 117: El-Bekri, trad. de Slane, p. 140.]
[Footnote 118: Marmol, trad. d’Ablancourt, ii. p. 437.]
[Footnote 119: Guérin, vol. ii. p. 22.]
[Footnote 120: This lake was surveyed by H.M.S. _Beacon_ in 1845,
and an excellent memoir on it published by Lieutenant (now Admiral)
Spratt in the _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xvi. 1846,
p. 251.]
[Footnote 121: El-Edrisi, _Geog._ trad. Jaubert, i. p. 265.]
[Footnote 122: El-Bekri, trad. de Slane, p. 140.]
[Footnote 123: Spratt, _l.c._]
CHAPTER XVII.
VISIT TO THE BEY AND GENERAL KHEIR-ED-DIN — DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING
TRAVEL IN TUNIS — IMPROVEMENT IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNTRY —
COMMENCEMENT OF BRUCE’S JOURNEY BY THE MEDJERDA — OUR START FOR
SUSA BY SEA — SUSA.
Early on the forenoon of April 4 we went to present our respects to
the Bey, who received us at the Kasr Säid, or happy palace. This
is just beyond the Bardo, and is his favourite place of residence
during the winter months. It belonged originally to one of his
brothers-in-law, who, having got mixed up with the insurrection of
1867, disappeared and had his property confiscated. Now Es-Saduk Bey
has considerably added to and adorned it; but though a comfortable and
spacious residence, it has no architectural pretensions as a Moorish
palace. Our interview was a most pleasant one. His Highness was very
gracious, and seemed pleased to be able to converse with me without
the intervention of an interpreter. A little later I paid a visit to
the Wuzir, or chief minister, General Kheir-ed-din, at his palace at
Manouba, a short distance beyond the Bardo. His Excellency gave us
letters of introduction from the Bey, and special recommendations
from himself, addressed to all the Government officials throughout
the districts in which we were likely to travel, and placed four
mounted men at our disposal, two Hanbas and two Spahis, to accompany
us wherever we might feel disposed to go.
The great difficulty and unpleasantness of travelling in Tunis is,
that without such orders it is impossible to get on at all; no one
will exercise any hospitality to a traveller, or will even aid him to
purchase such provisions for himself and forage for his horses as may
be absolutely necessary. With an order from the Bey, the officials
feel bound to supply his wants and those of his attendants, but
it is often done with ill-concealed reluctance, most unpleasant to
witness. If the traveller, like myself, occupies a public position,
all offers of payment are rejected, and if, to satisfy his own
scruples, he makes a liberal present on his departure, he is almost
sure to do so to the wrong person, who has had no share in furnishing
the supplies. Thus the passage of a party like ours is a serious
tax on some one, wherever they pass the night. In most cases this
falls on the Government of the Bey, as the officials who exercise
hospitality in his name obtain a corresponding remission of taxation;
but it is extremely unpleasant to feel that a journey, made at great
expense to the traveller, is also a heavy burthen to others—a double
charge which he is quite powerless to prevent. Should the traveller
have no such official character, he will be fleeced unmercifully in
every direction, and even at an extortionate price he will often be
unable to obtain what he requires. No very great evils result from
this, simply because the amount is mitigated by the extreme rarity
of travellers in these regions; but in time, as the interesting
Roman remains scattered broadcast over the land become better known,
they cannot fail to attract tourists, who have tried Switzerland and
the Carpathians, and are satiated with the beaten paths of travel
in Europe and the East.
I cannot refrain from expressing the great obligation under which I
feel myself to his Highness the Bey, and to his minister, General
Kheir-ed-din, for the great attention and hospitality we received
throughout the Tunisian dominions, and I bear willing evidence to
the extraordinary change, which has come over the country since the
accession of the latter to power. Before that event the testimony of
the few Europeans who have travelled in the country is unanimous,
the roads were infested with robbers, tribes were at variance with
each other, the husbandman sowed without any certitude that he would
reap the fruit of his labour, and the exactions of the governing
classes were the most insupportable of all. Wherever we went we
heard the Wuzir’s name mentioned with affection and esteem by all
good men, and as the terror of evil-doers. We can certainly testify
that throughout all our wanderings we found the roads as safe as
the streets of Tunis; we were shown places where a very few years
ago the traveller could only pass with a strong escort and at the
peril of his life, but nowhere were we molested; on the contrary,
the hospitality shown to us was even burthensome, not from any love
of us, but because the mighty Wuzir would be offended if a British
official were not entertained with becoming distinction.
General Kheir-ed-din informed me that he contemplated the creation
of a museum of antiquities and Tunisian industrial products, and
he begged me to examine some of the former which he had in his own
garden, and others which were stowed away in lumber rooms at the
Dar el-Bey, or Palace of Tunis, and at the Souk el-Djidid opposite
to it. I found many fragments of interest, both of sculpture and
of Punic and Latin inscriptions, but no attempt at classification,
and unfortunately very few of them marked with the name of the
localities where they were found. Amongst others is the white marble
sarcophagus which M. Guérin[124] describes as having been found at
the Mohammedia, and of which he gives the inscription.
There are also four large blocks of stone, with deep bold characters,
the first three of which have evidently formed part of the same
inscription. They were brought from Bou Radeh, the ancient Oppidum
Araditanum:—
1
. . . I.MAXIM . . .
M.COLVMNI . . . .
. . . . E MAVREL . . .
2
. . . . AIAN
ONES FEC
3
TRAIANI PARTH
VICTORIS VNAC. . . .
T. OB DEDICATIONI
4
~D~RIANI . NEP. DIV
S. EIVSDEM. F.VRI
~O~ . IN.FORO. POSVIT
There is also a tombstone, very rudely carved, and only interesting
as being one of the very few inscriptions found at Oudena:—
MARCVS
AVRELIVS
FELIX PIVS
VIXIT ANOS
XXII.
There are several more, but they have no particular interest, the
locality where they were found not being recorded.
I found it impossible, for various reasons, to follow the line of
march adopted by Bruce, who went direct from Tunis to the Medjerda. He
thus describes the commencement of his journey:
I delivered my letters from the Bey [of Algiers] and obtained
permission to visit the country in whatever direction I should
please. I took with me a French renegade of the name of Osman,
recommended by Monsieur Barthélemy de Saizieu, Consul of France
to that State. With Osman I took ten spahis or horse-soldiers,
well armed with firelocks and pistols; excellent horsemen, and, as
far as I could ever discern upon the few occasions that presented,
as eminent for cowardice at least as they were for horsemanship.
This was not the case with Osman, who was brave, but he needed a
sharp look-out that he did not often embroil us where there was
access to women or wine. Besides these I had ten servants, two of
whom were Irish, who having deserted from the Spanish regiments in
Oran and being British-born, though slaves as being Spanish soldiers,
were given to me at parting by the Dey of Algiers. The coast along
which I had sailed was part of Numidia and Africa proper, and there
I met with no ruins. I resolved now to distribute my inland journey
through the kingdoms of Algiers and Tunis. I began my journey by land,
the middle of September 1765, by Keff to Constantina.
As we had made up our minds to proceed to Susa by sea, and commence
our journey thence, we sent our escort on in advance, and took our
passage in one of the coasting steamers of the Rubatino Company. We
arrived at Susa on April 6, and were most cordially received by
our vice-consul there, Mr. Dupuis, with whose family we spent a
most agreeable day, and from whom we received much assistance in
our arrangements for hiring horses and mules. It may assist future
travellers to know what arrangements we made in this respect. A
Maltese furnished all our animals, two horses and five mules; for
these three men were supplied, and we agreed to pay ten piastres,
or five shillings per diem, for each animal, and to furnish their
food, though we were not to be considered responsible for that of
the drivers.
Susa is the ancient Hadrumetum, capital of the province of Byzacium
mentioned by Sallust[125] as having been a Phœnician colony more
ancient than Carthage. Trajan made it a Roman colony. It is often
mentioned in the Punic and civil wars, and, like many other cities,
it was destroyed by the Vandals and restored by Justinian.
After Okba had built the city of Kerouan, he remained at Susa
during a considerable period. Subsequently, when the Turks took up
the profitable trade of piracy, this became one of their favourite
haunts, whence they made predatory excursions to the coasts of Italy.
In 1537, Charles V. sent a naval expedition from Sicily against the
place, which refused to submit to his _protégé_ Mulai Hassan. The
command was given to the Marquis of Terra Nova, but after a vigorous
assault he was obliged to retire and leave victory in the hands
of his enemies. In 1539 another expedition was sent, commanded by
Andrea Doria, with better success, but no sooner had he left than
it revolted again, and welcomed the celebrated pirate Dragut within
its walls.[126]
In all the frequent dissensions between the Arabs and Turks the
importance of Susa as a strategic post was so great that its
possession was generally the key to supreme power. The town is
situated on a gentle slope rising from the sea, and presents a most
picturesque appearance from a vessel in the harbour. It is surrounded
by a crenelated wall, strengthened at intervals by square towers and
bastions. In the interior these walls have arched recesses, which
serve as shops and storehouses. At the summit is the kasbah, which
it requires a special order from the Kaimakam to visit. The view from
the terrace is very fine, but the building itself is entirely devoid
of interest. It contains apartments, used by the military governor
of the district, or Muchir, whose usual residence is Monastir, and
the whole is well kept, the doors quaintly decorated in distemper,
and the usual signs of dilapidation rather less prominent than in
similar buildings elsewhere. Three gates give entrance to the town,
the Bab el-Bahr, or Sea Gate, Bab el-Gharbi, or Western Gate, and
Bab el-Djidid, or New Gate, the last of which was constructed only
a few years ago. These are all rigorously shut soon after sunset.
The modern port is simply an open roadstead, very slightly protected
by a curve in the coast towards the north, where was the ancient
harbour, between the Quarantine Fort and Ras el-Bordj. It is said
that the remains of masonry breakwaters can still be seen when the
water is clear. But the accumulation of sand has rendered the water
too shallow to permit vessels to make use of it. A great part of
the ancient harbour is, in fact, now dry land.
The principal objects of interest in the town are:—
The _Kasr er-Ribat_, a square building flanked by seven round
bastions, with a high tower built on a square base. It is constructed
of large cut stones, and there is every reason to suppose that it was
once either a Roman or Byzantine fortress. It subsequently became a
sort of monastery, occupied by devotees, and perhaps also a barrack
for soldiers. The name is evidently derived from the root _rabata_,
to bind, either to religion or to military service. El-Bekri mentions
it under the name of Mahres er-Ribat.
There is also an extremely curious Byzantine basilica, now turned
into a coffee-shop, and called by the Arabs _Kahwat el-Koubba_, or
Café of the Dome. It is a small building, square in plan up to about
eight feet from the ground, thence rising cylindrically for about the
same distance, the whole surmounted by a curious fluted dome. The
cylindrical portion has four large and four smaller arched niches,
with very bold cornices, springing from semicircular pilasters between
them. The walls are, however, so thickly encrusted with whitewash that
the architectural details are considerably obscured. A good view of
the exterior of the building is obtained by mounting to the top of the
_Morestan_, or public hospital, just opposite; the dome is decorated
exteriorly by a ridge and furrow fluting, converging at the apex.
There is also a curious old building, either of Roman or Byzantine
construction, now used as an oil mill. It consists of a central
dome, supported on four arches, three of which give access to
narrow chambers, the entrance being in the fourth; beyond the
left-hand chamber, on entering, are two parallel vaulted apartments,
extending the whole length of the building. The piers of the arches
have originally been ornamented with columns, and the ceiling appears
to have been decorated with tiles or mosaics.
In the _Bab el-Gharbi_, or Western Gate, a marble sarcophagus has
been built into the wall, and now serves as a drinking fountain. The
inscription is given by Guérin,[127] but at the present day it is
quite illegible.
There is also a large reservoir, about sixty feet broad and a hundred
long, with a vaulted roof supported on twelve square pillars. The
Arabs declare that the arches were originally supported on marble
columns, but that doubts were entertained of their solidity,
and that they were consequently encased in masonry. If this is
true, it proves that the vaulting is of modern construction, as
there is no instance in Africa of a Roman vault or arch supported
on columns. The reservoir is certainly ancient, but the pillars
have a most un-Roman appearance. The only other antiquity of much
interest that we observed was a handsome fragment of sculpture in
_alto relievo_, lately found on the site of a house belonging to
M. Yoones, a Jewish merchant. It is of life size, and represents
a chariot being drawn probably by two horses; on the side of the
chariot is a triton blowing a horn. In it is standing a man entirely
clad in a toga, and holding in his left hand what appears, by the
knob at the end, to be a sceptre. Unfortunately, all in front of the
horses’ haunches and above the man’s neck is broken off, but the
chariot is entire. To the right is seated on a bank another person
whose head also is destroyed, but who, from the trace of long hair
and beard remaining, and from the fact of his hands being tied behind
his back, is probably a captive. He has a waist-cloth, and a mantle
over his shoulders fastened in front by a brooch; the breast and
arms are naked and exquisitely sculptured, every muscle in the arms
and chest being anatomically accurate. Another fragment of a horse,
and several pieces of cornice and architrave, were found on the same
spot, which was evidently the site of some important building.
The schools, like the mosques, are considered sacred from the
intrusion of Christians, but we were able to see the interior of
several from the road. The walls were covered with very beautiful
hangings of _appliqué_ work on coloured cloth and velvet, similar
to what are frequently seen on saints’ tombs in Algeria. The
women have a costume different to what I have observed elsewhere;
they are entirely muffled up in black, like sisters of charity.
The town has a prosperous appearance, the houses being well built, and
as a rule less dilapidated than usual. The population is about 8,000,
of whom 1,000 are Europeans and 2,000 Jews. A very considerable part
of the trade is in the hands of Maltese, who are here, as everywhere
else in North Africa, the most industrious and frugal, and about
the best-behaved class of the population. They almost monopolise the
carrying trade, with their _karatonis_, or light carts on two wheels,
to which one good serviceable horse or mule is usually harnessed. They
also keep horses and carriages for hire at all the principal towns,
which are unusually well supplied in this respect. The march of events
has forced the Tunisians to abate a good deal of their intolerance,
but people are still alive who remember the time when driving in a
carriage with four wheels was the exclusive privilege of the Bey,
all others, consuls included, being forced to content themselves
with two-wheeled vehicles.
It has long been the custom to employ carts as a means of transport
in Tunis. Bruce received a present of one from the wife of the Bey,
‘exactly like those of the bakers in England;’ this he found
exceedingly useful for the transport of his instruments, and at times,
for the feeblest of his attendants. Our Maltese friend was anxious
that we should take _karatonis_ for our baggage instead of mules,
but I was too old a traveller to listen to his suggestions; they do
well enough on the plains, but amongst the mountains they could not
advance a mile.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 124: Guérin, ii. p. 276.]
[Footnote 125: Sall. _Bell. Jug._ cxix.]
[Footnote 126: Marmol, ii. p. 497.]
[Footnote 127: Guérin, i. p. 114.]
CHAPTER XVIII.
DEPARTURE FROM SUSA — ES-SAHEL — EFFECTS OF THE DISFORESTING OF
TUNIS — OLIVE-TREES — EL-DJEM.
On the 7th of April we left Susa in a carriage, having sent our horses
and mules on in advance the night before. The journey occupied us
ten hours, but the roads were very heavy, owing to a smart shower
of rain which had just fallen; under favourable circumstances,
the journey ought to have been done in eight hours.
We left by the Bab el-Bahr, and, crossing the Mohammedan cemetery,
passed the Bab el-Djidid and the Bab el-Gharbi, and thence took a
southern direction. At a distance of three miles is Zaouiat Susa,
a poor little village, situated in the midst of a rich plain covered
with olive-trees; beyond, on both sides of the road, are Roman ruins,
but of no interest. At fifteen miles is Menzel, the only convenient
resting-place between Susa and El-Djem. The wayside fountain here
is the only water on the road. Beyond this the olive-trees cease,
and the traveller enters a wide and treeless plain, part of the
district called Es-Sahel, or coast region, extremely fertile when
an unusual quantity of rain has fallen, but at other times almost
uncultivated, and apparently hardly susceptible of cultivation.
We subsequently journeyed for many days in this region; everywhere
we found extensive traces of Roman occupation—vast Roman cities
as well as isolated posts, proving beyond doubt that it was at one
time capable of supporting a dense population. The entire Regency
of Tunis must, during the Roman occupation, have contained little
short of twenty million inhabitants, while now, the most favourable
estimate places the population at not more than a million and a
half. Day after day, in traversing these arid and treeless plains,
intersected by watercourses in which no water flows, the soil covered
with sand and stones incapable of supporting vegetable life, we
pondered over the causes which had turned a region once so fertile
almost into a desert. The causes, indeed, are not difficult to find:
they are written by the hand of nature on every hill we traversed,
and confirmed by the daily actions of the inhabitants themselves. We
know that at one time the country was covered with forests. I myself
have travelled for days over plains where not a tree exists, and
yet where ruins of Roman oil mills were frequently met with. Ibn
Khaldoun, in his history of the Berbers, says: ‘El-Kahina caused
all the villages and farms throughout the country to be destroyed,
so that the vast region between Tripoli and Tangiers, which had the
appearance of an immense thicket, under the shade of which rose a
multitude of villages touching each other, now offered no other
aspect than that of ruins.’[128] Even in modern days the same
destruction of forests has been continued, if not wantonly or for
purposes of defence, as in the time of the early Arab conquerors,
still as surely, by the carelessness of their descendants, who never
hesitate to set fire to a wood to improve the pasturage, or to cut
down a tree when timber is required, but who never dream of planting
another, or even of protecting those which spring up spontaneously,
from being destroyed by their flocks and herds.
In Bruce’s notes, written 110 years ago, frequent allusion is made
to forests through which he passed, where not a tree is now to be
seen, and this is a work of destruction which must go on with ever
accelerating rapidity year after year.
Nothing is more certain than that forests and tracts of brushwood not
only prevent the evaporation of moisture by protecting the surface
of the earth from the sun’s rays, but they serve to retain the
light clouds which otherwise would be dissipated, until they attain
sufficient consistence to descend in rain or refreshing mists. A
hillside deprived of the forest whose foliage acted as a huge parasol
to the ground, and whose roots served to retain the vegetable soil
which was formed by its decay, very soon loses the power of generating
vegetable life at all. The rich mould gets washed by winter rains
into the valleys; in the summer months the sand is blown down on
the top of this; succeeding rains carry down stones and gravel,
till very soon all the most fertile portions of the soil disappear,
leaving a residuum which is only capable of supporting vegetation
when it becomes fertilised by an exceptional amount of moisture,
which as time progresses must become rarer and rarer, like the
efforts of the spendthrift to live off income, and spending every
year a portion of his capital.
In several places, where deep cuttings had been made by winter
torrents, I distinctly observed layers of alluvion several feet below
the surface, underlying strata of water-worn stones and barren sand.
Still, in years when rain is very abundant, heavy crops are produced
in some places. Mr. Wood, in a late commercial report, mentions
single stalks of barley producing 80 and 120 ears, or 2,000 and
3,000 separate grains.
What the date is to the Sahara, the olive is to the Sahel; it thrives
almost everywhere, and seems to content itself with the most brackish
water, or even without any except that which falls from heaven during
the winter months. All along the coast there are fine plantations,
containing glorious old trees, but there is not the least sign of
a young one being planted, or of anyone attempting to increase the
size of the grove bequeathed to him by his ancestors. During all my
travels in Tunis I only saw one solitary exception to this, in the
plantation of General Kheir-ed-din before alluded to.
There need practically be no limit to the cultivation of the
olive-tree in Tunis; the Sahel is its favourite region, but the
mountains of the Tell are covered with wild trees of great size and
beauty, and there is reason to believe that they would, if grafted,
yield more abundantly than in the Sahel, in the same manner that the
olive-trees of Kabylia in Algeria are more productive than those of
the districts lower down.
The oil made in Tunis is inferior to that of Italy, and even to that
now made in Algeria, but this is owing, not to any want of excellence
in the fruit, but to the primitive manner in which it is manufactured,
and to the want of cleanliness in subsequently storing it, in which
no progress has been made during many centuries.
On our arrival at El-Djem we pitched our new tent, one of
Edgington’s, for the first time, and were delighted with the ease
with which it was put up, and with the great amount of accommodation
it contained. I thought often of the dear friends at home who had
sent it out to me; it proved an inestimable comfort during all our
wanderings; but were I to make the journey again, I should be disposed
to go without any tent at all, and with a much smaller amount of
luggage than we took with us. It is rare that the traveller cannot
find an Arab tent, an old ruin, or shelter of some kind at night,
and the convenience of travelling lightly is so great as to outweigh
all considerations of comfort.
At El-Djem, for instance, there was a _fonduk_, or caravanserail,
in which a large party could find shelter; the accommodation is, of
course, very simple, and the fleas abundant, but these are details
which should not affect the traveller’s equanimity. The one great
desideratum should be to reduce the number of baggage animals to the
smallest possible number. We had sometimes to modify our journey,
and to avoid places where there were interesting ruins, owing to
the impossibility of obtaining sufficient barley for our horses.
There is nothing of interest at El-Djem, save its amphitheatre,
which may be said to be all that remains to mark the site of the
ancient city of Thysdrus, or Thysdritana Colonia. The modern village
is built entirely from its ruins, and all that is visible of the
city itself are a few foundations and tombs, towards the north-west.
This city is first mentioned in history by Hirtius.[129] After the
defeat of Scipio at Thapsus it submitted to Cæsar, who condemned it
to a fine of corn, proportionate to its small importance.[130] It is
also mentioned by Pliny, by Ptolemy and in the tables of Peutinger. It
was here that the pro-consul Gordian first set up the standard of
rebellion against Maximin, and was proclaimed Emperor in A.D. 238,
in his 80th year. He did not long live to enjoy his exalted dignity;
he was defeated in battle by Capellianus, procurator of Numidia; his
son was slain, and he perished by his own hands after having worn the
purple for less than two months. Shaw thinks that the amphitheatre
may have been founded by him in gratitude, and states that in one
of the medals of the younger Gordian there is the representation of
an amphitheatre, not hitherto accounted for by the medalists;[131]
but the medal here alluded to is most probably one of Gordian III.,
bearing on one side the Coliseum at Rome, which was restored in his
reign, with the inscription _Munificentia Gordiani Aug_.
The solidity of the masonry and the vast size of this building have
induced the Arabs at various periods of their history to convert
it into a fortress; it has frequently been besieged, and on each
occasion, no doubt, to the great destruction of the fabric. The
first instance on record is during the wars of the early Arab
conquerors. After El-Kahina had defeated Hassan ibn Näaman, and
driven him as far as Tripoli, the latter received considerable
reinforcements from Egypt, and again set out for the conquest of
Ifrikia, about 693. El-Kahina intrenched herself in the amphitheatre,
where she sustained a long siege before being compelled to evacuate
it. The name of _Kasr el-Kahina_—the palace, or fortress, of the
sorceress—attached itself to the building for many ages after
this event.
Bruce made careful preparations to illustrate this monument at his
leisure, but none of the drawings in Lady Thurlow’s possession
are completed—they are, in fact, mere rough working sketches. He
says:—
The sections, elevations, and plans, with the whole detail of its
parts, are in the King’s Collection.
The Kinnaird collection, however, contains only:—
1. A very faint drawing in pencil of exterior of amphitheatre
on its major axis: the details of the lower storey have not been
filled in.
2. Pencil sketch of interior on major axis.
3. Pencil sketch of interior on minor axis, showing the extent of
the breach which then existed.
4. Pencil sketch, tinted in Indian ink, of general plan, covered
with notes and dimensions.
5. Drawing in pencil and Indian ink of one quarter of plan of the
lowest stages of amphitheatre, showing podium of arena and staircases
[Pl. XI.]
6. Drawing in pencil and Indian ink of one quarter of plan of one
of the upper stages of the amphitheatre.
7. Careful drawing to scale in pencil of general section, numerous
notes, and dimensions on the face, and sketches of parts of the plan
on the back.
8. Another rougher sketch in pencil.
9. Rough sketch in ink of section with elevation.
10. Drawing in pencil of section of external wall, with dimensions
figured thereon.
The only one of these drawings sufficiently completed to admit of
reproduction is the general ground plan, which is of great interest
[Pl. XI.] Many sketches of the building itself have been published,
generally very inaccurate; but no subsequent traveller ever took
sufficiently precise measurements to permit the construction of
a ground plan. I have added, by permission of an esteemed friend
(Dr. Ritchie, of Belfast), two autotypes [Pl. XII. and XIII.] of
photographs taken by his son, the late Mr. Frank Ritchie. One
represents a general view of the exterior of the edifice, and the
other the interior of the lower corridor. It was almost the last
act of his life to take these photographs. ‘Sit tibi terra levis!’
This edifice offers the same exterior divisions as the principal
monuments of a similar kind built elsewhere by the Romans, three
outside open galleries, or arcades, rising one above another, crowned
by a fourth storey with windows. But at El-Djem the architect seems to
have tried to surpass, in some respects, the magnificence of existing
structures. In the Coliseum at Rome the lower storey is decorated with
a Doric half-engaged order, the second with an Ionic, and the third
with a Corinthian. The fourth storey was pierced by windows like this
one, but pilasters alone are employed, so that the general aspect is
that of three storeys, gradually increasing in magnificence as they
rise, crowned by a high attic, which supported the masts destined
to receive the ropes of the velum. In many other amphitheatres the
Doric order is alone employed. But here, at El-Djem, the orders of the
first and third galleries are Corinthian; the middle one is composite;
the fourth was probably Corinthian also, if it ever was completed.
[Illustration: _Plate XI._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
AMPHITHEATRE OF THYSDRUS (EL DJEM)
PLAN OF LOWER STOREY
FAC-SIMILE OF ORIGINAL DRAWING BY BRUCE IN PENCIL AND INDIAN INK.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
[Illustration: _Plate XII._
AMPHITHEATRE OF TYSDRUS (EL-DJEM.)
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY F. RITCHIE ESQUIRE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
[Illustration: _Plate XIII._
AMPHITHEATRE OF TYSDRUS (EL DJEM.)
CORRIDOR OF FIRST STOREY.
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY F. RITCHIE ESQUIRE.]
The windows of the fourth storey of the Coliseum are square-headed,
as was generally the case in monuments of this kind; but at El-Djem
the heads of the windows are neither straight nor semicircular, but
segmental, and they are built as true arches, with voussoirs. They
are placed at every third interpilaster.
The study of these African monuments would be very interesting
to one who would undertake to write the history of arch and vault
building. Specimens are frequently met with amongst these ruins,
showing that problems had been solved at a very early date in
Africa, which many stereotomists suppose to have been known only
for a few centuries.
Each of the three lower storeys possessed sixty-four columns and
arches, and at each extremity was a grand entrance, but the west one
is included in the breach made by Mohammed Bey in 1697, to prevent
the building being again used as a fortress. Since then the work
of destruction has gone on rapidly, and now fully one-third of the
whole of the perimeter is destroyed.
The interior of the amphitheatre has suffered much more than the
exterior, doubtless from the fact that it has so often served as a
fortress, and partly from the material having been taken to block up
the lower galleries, and to build the modern village. Almost all the
steps have disappeared, although these are shown in Bruce’s sections
as rising in a great bank or incline, and with but one slight break,
from the arena to the third storey, and again between the top of
this third storey and the face of the attic. El-Bekri mentions this
disposition of seats; he says, ‘The height is 24 toises; all the
interior is disposed in steps from bottom to top.’[132]
Bruce’s remarks regarding El-Djem are very brief, but they cause
the utmost regret that his finished drawings, and especially the
subterranean plan of the building, should not be forthcoming.
I turned again to the north-west, and came to Tisdrus, as it was
anciently called—now El-Gemme—where there is a large and spacious
amphitheatre, perfect, as to the desolation of time, had not Mahomet
Bey blown up four arches of it from the foundation, that it might not
serve as a fortress to the rebel Arabs. The sections, elevations,
and plans, with the whole detail of its parts, are in the King’s
Collection. I have still a subterraneous horizontal section to add
to it, an entrance to which I forced open in my journey along the
coast to Tripoli, and an explanation[133] of all its parts, when I
shall have time and a little assistance, but its sketch is perfectly
completed already. This was made so as to be filled up with water by
means of a sluice and aqueduct, which are still entire. The water rose
up in the arena through a large square hole, faced with hewn stone
in the middle, when there was occasion for water games or naumachiæ.
Dr. Shaw imagines that this was intended to contain the pillars
that supported the velum, which protected the spectators from the
influence of the sun. It might have served for both purposes, but
it seems to be too large for the latter; though I confess, the more
I have considered the size and construction of these amphitheatres,
the less I have been able to form an idea concerning this velum, or
the manner in which it served the people, how it was secured, and how
it was removed.[134] This was the last ancient building I visited in
the kingdom of Tunis, and I believe I may confidently say that there
is not, either in the territory of Algiers or Tunis, a fragment of
good taste of which I have not brought a drawing to Britain.
There is an interesting tradition regarding the subterraneous gallery
recorded by El-Bekri,[135] who says that El-Kahina, the celebrated
chieftainess of the Aures, having been besieged in this amphitheatre,
which she had converted into a fortress, caused a passage to be
excavated in the rock as far as Sallecta, large enough to permit
several horsemen in line to pass along. By this means she obtained
supplies of provisions, and everything she required.
The Sheikh et-Tidjani also says that when El-Djem was subsequently
attacked by Yehia ibn Ishak el-Mayorki, Prince of the Balearic
Islands, about the six hundredth year of the Hedjira, he was soon
compelled to raise the siege after a most ignominious manner. The
defenders, to show how well they were supplied with provisions,
threw down fresh fish at their besiegers, which they had obtained by
means of the subterranean passage to Sallecta.[136] These traditions
linger amongst the people of El-Djem to the present day. Careful
excavations in the basement of this structure could hardly fail to
be richly rewarded.
It is by no means certain that this amphitheatre ever was
completed. If we may judge from Bruce’s sketches, as well as
the actual condition of the monument, it is doubtful whether the
attic ever was decorated with pillars, though undoubtedly some of
the pedestals of this order were placed in position. Some of the
ornamental details also are in an unfinished condition. The keystones
of the arches of the lowest order were probably all intended to be
sculptured, as in the amphitheatre of Capua; but they are still
in their original rough condition, with the exception of two,
one of which bears the head of a human being, and the other that
of a lion. Still, neither of these facts actually proves that the
amphitheatre remained uncompleted; in many similar buildings it was
never intended to finish all the details with minute care, and even
in the Coliseum some of the capitals are but roughly sketched out.
The outside gallery on the ground floor, where most perfect, has been
utilised by the Arabs as store-rooms for their corn and forage; some
of the arches are converted into shops, and there is evidence that
the upper galleries also have at some time or other been converted
into dwellings, holes in the masonry for the reception of joists
being visible in every direction.
Several inscriptions have been found here; the most important has been
preserved in the enclosure of the Chapel of St. Louis at Carthage,
and has been often quoted: the name of the town is twice mentioned
in it, once as Thysdrus, and again as Thysdritana Colonia.[137]
A number of rude Arabic or Cufic inscriptions, accompanied by
representations of swords and daggers, have been scratched on
the exterior wall above the principal entrance, and one, which is
certainly of Berber origin, may date from the era of El-Kahina.
I am not aware of any sculpture now existing which has been found at
this place. Desfontaines purchased a small head of Diana in white
marble during his visit in 1784, and he mentions a report current
that several fine statues had formerly been carried off by English
travellers.[138]
The stone of which the amphitheatre is built was obtained
from Sallecta on the sea-coast: the Sallecti of the tables of
Peutinger and the Syllectum of Procopius, the first resting-place
of Belisarius in his march from Caput Vada to Carthage. The natives
assured me that between this place and El-Djem the remains of the
ancient paved road can easily be traced. The stone itself is of
the youngest geological formation (Pliocene age), belonging to the
raised coast-beaches found at from 200 to 600 feet above the present
level of the Mediterranean. It is a somewhat fine-grained marine
shell-limestone, with an admixture of siliceous sand full of fossil
shells of considerable size, such as _Pectunculus_ and _Carduum_,
but no microscopic forms of shells are visible amongst the fine
grains of shell-sand which make up the rock. Such a material is
worked with the utmost facility; indeed, it may be cut with an axe,
but it is not susceptible of being dressed with the same precision
as more compact stone. The consequence is that the masonry is far
inferior to the finest specimens of Roman work in Africa. Mortar has
been plentifully used between the joints, and the stones are neither
as large nor as closely fitted as usual; the average dimensions
are—length, 37⅜ inches, and height of courses, 19⅝ inches.
Another feature of the construction of this building, never seen in
others of the best period of Roman art, is the manner in which the
appearance of nearly all the stones has been spoilt by triangular
_lewis holes_ being cut in their _exterior_ faces, for the purpose
of raising them into position. This gives the masonry a very slovenly
appearance. The dimensions given by Bruce are:
Ft. In.
Length of entire structure on major axis 488 0
„ „ minor axis 400 0
Length of arena, major axis 213 0
„ „ minor axis 172 0
Depth of foundations 32 11
Height of first stage to impost of arch 21 11
„ „ above impost 15 2
Height of second stage to impost 21 11
„ „ above impost 16 4
Approximate total height of building, including
foundation 183 7
It is interesting to compare this amphitheatre with some of the best
known existing ones in Europe. The table here quoted is given by
M. Pelet in his description of the amphitheatre of Nîmes. I assume
the accuracy of his dimensions regarding other buildings—those
of El-Djem are by no means correct, but that is not wonderful,
as accurate information on the subject was not easily obtainable.
+-------------+---------+---------+---------------+---------+-------+
| | Major | Minor | Arena. |Thickness| Area |
|Amphitheatres| axis. | axis. +---------------+ of | of |
| of |Exterior.|Exterior.|Major. Minor. |building.|arena. |
| +---------------------------------------------+-------+
| | Mètres. | Sq. m.|
+-------------+---------+---------+-------+-------+---------+-------+
|El-Djem | 148·50 | 122· | 64·92 | 52·22 | 41·79 | |
| | | | | | | |
|Pozzuoli | 190·95 | 144·89 |111·93 | 65·85 | 51·01 | 5,788 |
| | | | | | | |
|Rome | 187·77 | 155·76 | 85·75 | 53·62 | 51·01 | 3,611 |
| | | | | | | |
|Capua | 169·89 | 139·60 | 76·12 | 45·85 | 46·88 | 2,74 |
| | | | | | | |
|Verona | 154·18 | 122·89 | 75·68 | 44·39 | 39·25 | 2,638 |
| | | | | | | |
|Pola | 137·80 | 112·60 | 70·00 | 44·80 | 33·90 | 2,463 |
| | | | | | | |
|Arles | 137·47 | 107·29 | 69·50 | 39·35 | 33·97 | 2,147 |
| | | | | | | |
|Pompeii | 135·65 | 104·05 | 66·65 | 35·05 | 34·50 | 1,834 |
| | | | | | | |
|Nîmes | 132·18 | 110·38 | 69·14 | 38·34 | 31·52 | 2,092 |
| | | | | | | |
|Taragon | 148·13 | 118·89 |84·459 |55·223 | 31·85 | 3,664 |
+-------------+---------+---------+-------+-------+---------+-------+
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 128: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 215.]
[Footnote 129: _De Bello Afr._ c. xxxvi.]
[Footnote 130: Guérin, i. p. 99.]
[Footnote 131: Shaw, p. 206.]
[Footnote 132: El-Bekri, trad. de Slane, p. 77.]
[Footnote 133: This still exists, written in Italian, by Balugani. It
is useless, however, without the lettered drawings to which it
refers.]
[Footnote 134: This problem has been thoroughly solved since Bruce’s
time. In the amphitheatre of Nîmes the method of supporting the
masts is perfectly apparent.]
[Footnote 135: El-Bekri, trad. de Slane, p. 76.]
[Footnote 136: ‘Voyage du Sheikh et-Tidjani,’ trad. Rousseau.
_Jour. Asiatique, Paris_, 4me série, vol. xx.]
[Footnote 137: Guérin, i. p. 98.]
[Footnote 138: Desfontaines, ap. Dur. de la Malle, ii. p. 119.]
CHAPTER XIX.
EL-DJEM TO KEROUAN.
The serious part of our journey may be said to have commenced at
El-Djem. So far we had been on highways, accessible to tourists
without any special permission, and practicable for carriages. My
brother returned to Susa in the calèche, and we mounted our horses
and, till our entry into French territory, never again saw a Christian
face, with the exception of a telegraphic clerk at El-Baja.
Our party consisted of Lord Kingston and myself, an escort of
four mounted soldiers, two of whom were Hanbas and two Spahis; a
useless old Maltese servant, horses for ourselves, five mules for
our baggage, and three attendants. One of these last, who had been
a great traveller, and had visited Mecca and Medina, usually went by
the honorific title he had thus obtained—El-Hadj. He was the life
and soul of the party, and in all our troubles and difficulties cries
of _Ya Hadj!_ resounded from every direction. I never met a better
servant, and I tried hard to induce him to accompany me to Algiers;
but he said, ‘Susa is my native place; I have neither father,
mother, nor wife, but four little brothers and sisters, who have
only me to support them, so I must stay and take care of them.’
May they be a comfort to your old age, Ya Hadj!
The Hanbas look upon themselves as more nearly approaching regular
cavalry than the Spahis; exteriorly they are distinguished by
a prevalence of blue instead of red in their uniform, but both
are equally badly mounted, and armed with old and obsolete flint
firelocks, or any other weapons they may choose to provide. Neither
get any regular pay, but are remunerated by whatever they can
squeeze out of the people amongst whom their duty takes them for the
moment. The regular rate of pay they expect from travellers is five
piastres, or 2_s._ 6_d._ a day, and as much more as they can get,
by way of _Ahsan_ or present at the end of the journey.
_April_ 9.—We started about seven o’clock. Our people were
not well up to striking and packing the tent, and distributing the
various loads; and there was a good deal of preliminary discussion,
and much subsequent readjustment, to be gone through; but in the end
it was tolerably well done. We worked as hard as the muleteers but
our escort were far too superior beings to pull a strap, or tie a
rope, or degrade themselves with any menial occupation. Our original
intention had been to proceed due west from El-Djem, but we were
assured on all hands that it was impossible. The country was without
resources of any kind, and the only practicable route was by Kerouan.
We had not intended to visit the holy city—it was out of the track
of Bruce, and had little connection with Roman archæology; but it
is undoubtedly a most interesting place, and we were well pleased
to have an opportunity of seeing it.
At about 7½ miles from El-Djem we passed the three Koubbas of Sidi
Naser and his two sons, situated in a fertile and somewhat wooded
depression. Except the gardens of this oasis, surrounded by cactus,
and containing a few olive-trees, there was absolutely nothing to
break the monotony of the day’s march. Four miles further on,
and about eleven from El-Djem, is Akalat Heneshia, a small douar
located near two wells of very brackish water. At 14½ miles is
Henchir Merabba, a douar of the Souessi, where we found it necessary
to pass the night. We could not reach Kerouan that day, and there is
no intermediate place where we could hope to find provisions. But
were any to be found here? Apparently not, for no sooner was our
intention announced to the Arabs of the douar than yells and shrieks
of remonstrance resounded from every direction. They swore by the life
of the Prophet, and by our own heads, that there was not a grain of
barley remaining in the country; they had still a few grains of wheat
left, but if we took that for our animals their wives and children
would die of starvation. Fowls and eggs had become quite a tradition
in the country, and they were not really sure whether they could
offer us a handful of dry couscoussou. Our escort were quite equal
to the emergency. We were about to protest that nothing was further
from our intentions than to inconvenience them in any way, and that
we were quite ready to pay for anything they might supply to us;
but they calmly told us to stand aside, and not to interfere. The
Bey’s letter was produced, a good many expletives were exchanged,
and our unalterable determination was announced to spend the night
there, and to spend it comfortably. When our hosts saw us dismount
and commence to unload our animals, they became assured that further
remonstrance was useless, and very soon two black tents were pitched
for our accommodation, barley and grass were brought for the horses,
and an abundant dinner provided for the men. We very soon got on
excellent terms, by the never-failing expedient of showing them our
arms, compasses, &c., and when I subsequently asked them why they had
created such a disturbance, they replied that such was the way of the
Arabs—they would rather have our room than our company, but as we
were here, we were very welcome. They have some show of reason for
their objection to entertain travellers, as the Government Hanbas and
Spahis pillage the people unmercifully, and I fear that our efforts
to prevent them were not always successful. We determined however to
provide our own dinner. A judicious combination of preserved meats
and vegetables, to make a sort of solid soup, was put on the fire
to cook. We were so hungry that we could hardly refrain ourselves
till it was ready, but at last the supreme moment arrived, when,
to our horror, we discovered that it had apparently been cooked in
a strong solution of Epsom salts. In fact, the water of this place
is so bitter as to be unpotable for a stranger; this is owing to the
vicinity of the salt lake, or _Gharra_, of Sidi El-Henni, a few miles
to the east—the water of which percolates into the wells—and
to the large amount of nitre contained in the soil. So we had to
do without our dinner, and even the traveller’s greatest solace,
a cup of tea, and I am afraid that we were by no means in an amiable
frame of mind when we went to bed.
_April_ 10.—We started this morning at five o’clock, the
features of the country being the same as since our departure from
Susa—an interminable plain, in which here and there small patches
of cultivation, and a few rare olive-trees, seemed to indicate the
vicinity of inhabitants, but few or none were to be seen; they had
probably migrated elsewhere for the cool season, and would return in
summer to their now abandoned encampments, marked out with hedges of
prickly pears. The cactus is a blessed plant for the Arabs; it not
only affords an impenetrable barrier for the protection of the douar,
but an abundant supply of delicious fruit without the disagreeable
necessity of having to cultivate it.
Everywhere off the high road—if so the beaten track between Kerouan
and Sfax may be called—the ground is perforated with rat and
jerboa holes, which make riding sometimes rather dangerous. Swarms
of beetles cover the ground, and seem to constitute the principal
food of these rodents. It is the most amusing thing in the world to
see these scarabæi rolling along, with their hind legs, a huge ball
ten times as big as their bodies, in the centre of which their eggs
have been deposited.
At 17½ miles from El-Djem we crossed the Oued Sherita, a salt
stream which flows into the Sebkha from the south-west. At Bir Sedof
(twenty-seven miles) are one or two wells of fairly good water,
where we stopped to rest a few moments, and to water our beasts. Up
to this point the road had been skirting the south-west shore of
the Sebkha Sidi El-Henni, or lake of Kerouan, whence all the salt in
the country is obtained. Soon after passing these wells it crosses a
dried-up bay of the lake, on the opposite shore of which is another
spring, called Aioun el-Hedjeb. The water here would be better than
any other on the road, were care taken to preserve its purity, but
it is permitted to flow unrestrained over a bog of black fœtid
mud, caused by the passage of flocks and herds, and the decay of
vegetable as well as animal matter. Even thus it is much prized by
the few people in the neighbourhood, who have no other supply within
a considerable distance.
A short distance to the south-west are the ruins called Kasr
el-Aioun, _Castle of the Springs_, supposed by Davis to be the
ancient Terentum.[139] It is evidently a Roman or Byzantine post,
built on the edge of the Sebkha, in order to command the path across
it. The foundations of a few buildings, and the ruins of a two-storied
mausoleum, are all that remain, and these are of the most ordinary
description of rubble masonry.
At forty miles the road crosses the sandy bed of the Oued Dellai,
the lower course of the Oued Merg-el-leil, now like a piece of the
Sahara transported here. It drains the country for many miles around,
and its wide and deep sandy bed absorbs, and therefore stores up,
a great part of the rainfall which would run to waste over harder
and less permeable ground.
Long before reaching this the domes and minarets of Kerouan had
come in sight, but mile after mile of hot dusty ground was traversed
without the city becoming apparently any nearer. Here and there flocks
of camels, either trying to pick up a scanty repast on this barren
plain, or toiling dreamily and patiently along, served somewhat to
break the monotony of the journey; but it was not for two hours,
which seemed to us and to our jaded beasts like six, after first
sighting the town, that we entered the gates of the Holy City. The
whole distance of the route from El-Djem is about forty-one or
forty-two miles.
Next to Mecca and Medina no city is so sacred in the eyes of Western
Mohammedans as Kerouan. The history of its foundation is given by
Ibn-Khaldoun.[140] In the fiftieth year of the Hedjira (A.D. 670)
Moaouia ibn-Abi-Sofian sent Okba ibn-Nafa to conquer Africa. The
latter proposed to his troops to found a city which might serve
him as a camp, and be a rallying point for Islamism till the end
of time. He conducted them to where Kerouan now is, and which was
then covered with thick and impenetrable forest, the habitation
of wild beasts and noxious reptiles. Having collected round him
the eighteen companions of the prophet who were in his army, he
called out in a loud voice, ‘Serpents and savage beasts, we are
the companions of the blessed prophet, retire! for we intend to
establish ourselves here.’ Whereupon they all retired peaceably,
and at the sight of this miracle many of the Berbers were converted
to Islamism; during forty years from that date not a serpent was
seen in Ifrikia. No wonder that Okba is as much venerated here as
St. Patrick is in Ireland.
Okba then planted his lance in the ground, and called out ‘Here
is your _Kerouan_’ (caravan, or resting-place), thus giving the
name to the new city. He himself traced out the foundation of the
governor’s palace, and of the great mosque, the true position of the
_Kibla_, or direction of Mecca, which was miraculously communicated
to him by God. In most mosques the Imam, when leading the public
prayers, turns ostentatiously a little on one side or the other,
as if facing Mecca with even greater exactitude than the building
itself; but here he invariably stands exactly in front of the people,
thus recognising the miraculous correctness of the sacred niche or
apse which indicates the direction of the great sanctuary.
The sacred character of this city has not exempted it from its full
share of war and violence. Even the great mosque has more than once
been almost totally destroyed by the Mohammedans themselves, but it
has never actually been polluted by a Christian invader. According to
Marmol, when Charles V. expelled Kheir-ed-din from Tunis the people
of Kerouan elected the principal _Fakih_, or doctor of the mosque,
to be their king, and he was reigning, and helped the Christians
with provisions, when the Emperor was besieging Mehedia. He was
actually recognised by the ruler of Tunis, and a matrimonial alliance
was concluded between their children. In revenge for the aid thus
rendered to his enemies, the Corsair Draguth conspired against him,
and, having won over some of the other Ulemas of the mosque and
the people of the town, to his side, he entered the place at night,
made himself master of it, and slew the king.[141]
Until quite lately, the city was entirely sealed against all who
did not profess the faith of El-Islam, and even now it is only by
a special order of the Bey that a Christian is admitted within its
walls. A Jew dare not even approach it, and it is said, that when on
one occasion the heir presumptive paid a visit to it with a Jewish
retainer in his suite, he was compelled to leave the latter at a
day’s journey outside.
We were most kindly received in the house of the Ferik, Si
M’hamed Merabet, Governor-General of Kerouan and the Djerid, who is
universally admitted to be one of the most upright and distinguished
officers in the service of the Bey, and has been entrusted with
important political missions to France, both under the governments
of Louis Philippe and Napoleon III. He was himself absent in the
south collecting revenue; his next brother, Si Mohammed, had left
the day before our arrival for Tunis; but his two younger brothers,
Si Mahmoud and Si Hamouda, did the honours of his house with the
utmost courtesy and hospitality. As the family to which these brothers
belong is one of hereditary marabouts (_Merabets_, or men devoted
to religion) each member of it bears a name derived from the same
Arabic radical as that of the Prophet, _hamada_, to praise (God).
Here we made the acquaintance of a Frenchman of high education,
who had lately embraced the Mohammedan religion, and who has been
received by the Governor-General quite as one of his family, and has
received a name similar to those of himself and of his brothers, Si
Ahmed. We found him a most intelligent and instructive companion, and
he gave us much information regarding the mosques that no Christian
could obtain by his own means, and which the Mohammedans are usually
too ignorant, or too unobservant, to be able to supply.
Si Mahmoud sent his principal chaouch and an escort to accompany us
through the town; without this precaution it would be impossible for
a Christian to stir abroad, and even their presence did not protect
us from scowls, and averted looks, and abuse from children, wherever
we passed. This rather spoilt the pleasure of our promenades, as it
impressed us with the idea that our mere presence was an outrage to
the religious feelings even of our hosts, though courtesy prevented
them from showing it. We did not attempt to make any photographs of
the city—we might not have been actually forbidden to do so, but
we felt sure that so unusual a proceeding would have been displeasing
to the people, and might have given rise to an outburst of fanaticism.
The great mosque was founded by Sidi Okba, but El-Bekri states that
a century later Yezid ibn-Hatem, Governor of Africa, demolished it
all, with the exception of the Mihrab, and rebuilt it. Ziadat-Ullah,
the first emir of the Aghlabite dynasty bearing that name, demolished
it a second time, and once more reconstructed it.[142]
Exteriorly it has no architectural pretensions, but in the interior
there are nearly 500 marble columns, all derived from Roman buildings
in various parts of the country; of these 256 are in the internal
sanctuary itself, the remainder are in the courts of the building
disposed in fifteen naves. On each side of the Mihrab are two
columns of greater beauty than the rest, and in the central aisle in
front of it are three more on each side, with smaller ones between,
regarding which the Arabs have a superstition that only those whose
salvation is assured are able to pass between them. Any person in
mortal sin, whatever be his stature, however stout or however thin,
would certainly find himself unable to squeeze through.
The beauty of the inside is much disfigured by the paint and whitewash
which have been used to adorn it.
There is a curious collection of ancient armour lying uncleaned
and uncared for, but still jealously preserved, in one of its
chambers. Some of the pieces are said to be Roman or Byzantine;
others belonged to the early Mohammedan invaders. If in course of
time Mohammedan fanaticism should ever become sufficiently relaxed
to permit the entrance of Christians to this sanctuary, this armour
will form a most interesting study.
Marmol states that, on account of the peculiar sanctity of this
mosque, it was selected as the burial-place of the kings of
Tunis.[143]
The most exquisite, and indeed almost the only attempt at exterior
ornamentation, amongst the religious edifices of Kerouan, is the gate
of a small mosque next to that of Seyed Hoosain el-Alani, called the
Mosque of the Three Gates, _Abou Thelatha Biban_. It must be six
or seven hundred years old, and is decorated with beautiful Cufic
inscriptions all along the façade, which, as its name implies,
contains three gateways.
In the Zaouiah of Sidi ben Aissa, that of the well-known Aissaoui
sect, there are public readings every night, and the usual
performances of the votaries, such as glass, cactus and scorpion
eating, every Friday. This mosque contains two magnificent brass
candlesticks, evidently brought by the Moors from Spain, and which
no doubt at one time decorated some Christian cathedral.
Next in sanctity to the great mosque is one outside the city,
within which is interred one of the companions of the Prophet, Aba
Zamata el-Beloui, whence its familiar name, _Jamäat es-Sahebi_,
Mosque of the Companion. With him are buried three hairs of the
Prophet’s beard, one under the tongue, one on his right arm,
and the third next his heart. This has given rise to the ridiculous
fallacy amongst Europeans that he was one of the Prophet’s barbers!
The mosques are generally kept in a tolerably good state of repair,
especially the domes and minarets, which present a most picturesque
appearance from a little distance; this illusion is to a great
extent dispelled on closer inspection, as the architecture, though
good in its general effect, is entirely wanting in beauty of detail,
and even the ancient marble columns, with richly carved capitals,
which support nearly every entrance gate, are marred by thick
coats of whitewash. A common ornamentation is a roughly executed
inscription in projecting bricks going round the four sides of a
minaret, generally the ordinary protestation of faith, _La illah
ila Ullah, Mohammed er-rasool Ullah_—There is no deity but God;
Mohammed is the Messenger of God. The only really good specimens
of Cufic inscriptions, that I saw, were on the Mosque of the Three
Doors before mentioned, and on each side of the entrance gate called
_Bab et-Tunis_.
The town is by no means dirty for a purely native one, and the filth
appears to be carried away pretty regularly by camels and deposited
outside the walls.
The inhabitants are entirely dependent on the cisterns under their
houses for a supply of water, and in years of drought their sufferings
have been very great. To remedy this three large reservoirs were built
outside the walls, the first, called _Feskia m’ta el-Yeghlib_,
or reservoir of the Aghlabites, is circular in shape and 480 paces
in circumference. It is in bad condition, and full of impurities,
but it still retains water. The two others are the _Feskia Saeed
es-Sahib_, and _Feskia Bir el-Bey_, both rectangular in form, but
utterly ruined and unserviceable.
The only well in the city is one of very brackish water, called
El-Barota. Tradition says that on the foundation of the city it
was discovered by a _sloughi_, or Arab greyhound, scratching up
the ground. The pious believe that there is a communication between
this and the holy well of Zemzem at Mecca. A pilgrim once let his
drinking vessel fall into the latter, and on his return to Kerouan
he found it in El-Barota! With the exception of Jamäat el-Bey,
which is of the Hanafi sect, all the other religious establishments
belong to the Maleki or orthodox sect.
The city is full of dervishes, not only the half-witted creatures
of both sexes, whose infirmity is supposed to be a sign of divine
favour, but men of intelligence, who really are animated by a strong
sentiment of religion, and of pure and humble life, who reckon every
day lost till their entrance into the joys of paradise.
It is extremely difficult to form anything like an accurate estimate
of the population of such a city as this. Mr. Wood, in a recent
commercial report, estimates it at 15,000.[144] M. Pellissier stated
it at about 12,000. Comparing it with Mohammedan cities in Algeria,
the population of which is known, I should be inclined to put it
down at considerably less than 10,000.
It formerly possessed a very considerable trade, and was famous for
the manufacture of carpets and woollen fabrics; now its industry
is almost entirely confined to the manufacture of copper vessels,
saddlery and Arab boots and shoes.
As a rule, the _physique_ of the people is poor, and the children are
unusually rude and ill-bred towards strangers. There is very little
intermarriage between the inhabitants of Kerouan and the people of
other towns; the result in so small a community is an inevitable
tendency to degenerate. Cancer, sore eyes, and maladies depending
on dirt and poverty of blood are very common.
A short distance south of the city is Sabra, the site of Vicus
Augusti, mentioned in the Itinerary of Antonine, from which has
been derived a great part of the ancient materials employed in
the construction of Kerouan, and of the royal residences in the
neighbourhood, which in their turn have disappeared.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 139: Davis, _Ruined Cities_, p. 284.]
[Footnote 140: Ibn-Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. 327.]
[Footnote 141: Marmol, ii. p. 532.]
[Footnote 142: El-Bekri, _Afr. Sep._, trad. de Slane, p. 57. Peliss.,
_Exp. Sc._ p. 314.]
[Footnote 143: Marmol, ii. p. 532.]
[Footnote 144: _Reports of H.M.’s Consuls_, 1876, p. 147.]
CHAPTER XX.
KEROUAN TO DJEBEL TROZZA, DJILMA AND SBEITLA.
On the afternoon of April 11 we left Kerouan, by no means sorry to
regain our liberty; for although we had greatly enjoyed the society
of our hosts, it was impossible not to feel ill at ease in so sacred
an atmosphere. I must add, however, that this was the only place
in the Bey’s dominions where we saw anything like intolerance of
Christianity, and here, considering the venerable traditions attached
to the place, its existence was almost excusable. The heat was most
intense, but one of our hanbas, out of consideration for my comfort,
had provided for my use one of the immense straw hats used by the
Arabs of the South, very similar in form to what we are accustomed
to associate with the rites of a witch’s Sabbath. Its crown was
a truncated cone as big as a sugar-loaf, and the diameter across
the brim was little short of a yard. This is worn over the turban
or head-dress, whatever it may be, and fastened under the chin with
leather straps, when it is desirable to protect the head from the
sun’s rays; at other times it hangs down the back by those straps
which then pass over the neck. In perfectly still weather it is a
great luxury, but when there is the slightest breeze it is extremely
difficult to manage. Our route to-day was in a south-westerly
direction, and after a short ride of 13 miles we encamped at a douar
a little to the north-east of the Koubba of Sidi Ali bin Salem.
Our hosts at Kerouan had sent a spahi in advance to prepare everything
for our reception, so we found grain for the horses, and, what we
always prized more than anything that could be offered, abundance
of fresh milk for our own use.
At half-past five on the morning of April 12 we continued our route
westwards. At seventeen miles from Kerouan we crossed the Oued
Shershera, an affluent of the Merg-el-leil, both of which are dry
at this place; here we passed to the right bank of the latter river,
and at about twenty-two miles from Kerouan we came to an end of the
weary plain in which we had been travelling ever since leaving Susa,
and entered slightly undulating ground surrounded by low hills. To
us they appeared magnificent mountains, so ready were we to hail
anything with delight, that should break the painful monotony of the
landscape. About a mile beyond is Ain Ghorab, the fountain of the crow
(Aquæ Regiæ?), near which are the ruins of a Roman position. It is
a copious spring near the left bank of the Merg-el-leil, which has
here a considerable body of water; the Arabs say that it is never
dry at this point, though its waters are absorbed by the thirsty
ground a very short distance lower down.
Two and a half miles further on we passed the remains of another Roman
town; its site is called Dhahar el-Baidha. We noticed no appearance
of inscriptions or ruins of any particular interest.
Near this spot we were met by the brother of the Sheikh Salah,
Khalifa of the Oulad Sendasini, a branch of the _Jelas_ tribe,
pronounced _Selas_; his own name is Ali Harioush ben Saidan, and
as the great people themselves appear to be always away somewhere,
he had come out to meet us in the name of his brother, and escort
us to our camping-ground at the north end of Djebel Trozza. Here
he had collected a number of the tents of his people for our
especial advantage, and he supplied all our wants with the most
lavish liberality. What words shall I use to express the delight
of those huge bowls of warm milk, awaiting us the moment we had got
out of our saddles? The heat had been overpowering for some hours,
and no fluid in nature could have been so grateful to us. Our good
host was delighted at our enjoyment of it, and repeated over and over
again that, if there was anything else we could suggest as likely to
minister to our comfort, he would have the country scoured in every
direction to procure it. We must indeed have been hard to please if we
had not been satisfied with his arrangements for our reception. Barley
and grass for the horses were already provided for them, and even a
further supply in bags for the next day’s march. A sheep roasted
whole, couscoussou, butter, eggs and honey, an abundance of dates and
excellent fresh bread, above all a continuous and boundless supply
of milk, formed a feast that even Hatim Tai might have set before
his guests. Our good host was very curious to see all we possessed,
and to know what I was writing in my note-book. I pleased him greatly
by telling him, that I was recording his name and the excellence of
his hospitality for the information of all future generations.
On the north end of Djebel Trozza, about 380 feet above the level of
the plain below, is a remarkable fissure in the limestone mountain
called by the natives _El-Hammam_, or the bath. It descends vertically
from a spacious recess or cave, to a depth of about twenty feet,
when it widens out into a chamber filled with hot vapour. We had
no means of testing its temperature, and indeed did not venture
to the bottom, but it cannot be much under the boiling point of
water. No water, steam, or fire ever issues from it, but the vapour
rises perpetually and appears to be merely heated air, without the
addition of any sulphureous gases. The natives have implicit faith
in its remedial effects, and come to it from great distances for the
cure of rheumatism, and other similar affections. The mountain is
comparatively dry and sterile, but it is not without a considerable
number of trees, the principal of which are wild olive, tamarisk,
kharoub and juniper. There appears to be no water near save what is
obtained from the Merg-el-leil, which flows near it. We saw great
numbers of red-legged partridges, and my companion delighted the Arabs
vastly by the facility with which he shot them on the wing. Our host
was a great sportsman himself, but I fancy he was more accustomed
to shoot his prey sitting than flying.
Alpha grass grows abundantly here, and indeed in many parts of
the country: but this was the only place where we actually saw it
being collected. This valuable plant, the _stipa_, or _Macrochloa
tenacissima_, appears destined to be the great civilising influence
in North Africa. Two railways are now being constructed in Algeria,
one by an English capitalist,[145] and several others are projected,
with the sole object of bringing down this precious fibre to the
coast. Tunis cannot compete with Algeria in this respect; still,
considerable quantities are annually exported from Susa, Sfax,
and other ports on the east coast of the Regency.
The plant grows spontaneously in isolated tufts on the most dry
and barren soil; it extends itself in concentric layers, so that the
youngest and best leaves are always outside, and therefore most easily
plucked. At present it is principally employed for the manufacture
of paper, and nearly all our British mills are being adapted to
make use of it; but there appears no limit to the number and variety
of manufactures in which it can be employed, either in its natural
state or in the form of _papier mâché_. Hats, mats, brooms, baskets,
&c., are made of the dried fibre, while a paste made from it has been
employed by opticians (for telescopes), manufacturers of artificial
limbs, shoemakers, tailors, house decorators, coopers (for making
casks), and it has even been suggested to employ it in shipbuilding.
With the alpha generally occurs the diss grass (_Empelodesmos tenax_),
which it greatly resembles, and which is the staple building material
of the country. It makes an excellent and impermeable thatch, but
the fibre appears not to be suited for papermaking.
Early on the morning of April 13, we started from our camping-ground.
Our host, and the two extra spahis who had been sent from Kerouan to
accompany us, rode with us part of the way, and after a hard day’s
ride of twelve hours, upwards of thirty miles, we arrived at a douar
of the Frashish tribe, some miles west of Djilma. The route lay along
a wide plain, more undulating and _accidenté_ than that from Kerouan,
but almost totally uncultivated. Many parts of it were covered with
brushwood, there were even groves of olive-trees in some places, and
all along the route at short intervals we observed ruins of Roman
stations, showing how extensive the occupation of the country had once
been. This is the great highway, if such a name may be applied to a
mere track, from Kerouan to the Djerid; and it is quite practicable for
wheeled conveyances, although there are one or two rather difficult
watercourses to be crossed.
We could not remain any time at Djilma; neither provisions for
ourselves nor forage for our animals were to be obtained; so after
a very cursory examination of the ruins we continued our route. The
modern Djilma is the ancient Chilma or Oppidum Chilmanense, which does
not appear to have played an important part in history; if it did, the
record is lost. The ruins are not very interesting, though they cover
a considerable extent of ground. The most important is a Byzantine
fortress, which, as usual, is built of older materials. There can be
no doubt that the modern name is merely a corruption of the ancient
one; nevertheless, the Arabs have a way of their own of accounting
for it. The water of the Oued Sbeitla, as we shall see further on,
disappear in the sand a little south of the ancient city. A holy
man undertook to make them reappear near Djilma, and on his miracle
proving successful all the people flocked to see it, exclaiming
in astonishment, ‘_Dja el-ma!_’ (the water has arrived!) There
can be no doubt as to the authenticity of this miracle, as the Oued
Djilma has contained an abundant supply of water ever since!
Our reception by the Frashish was by no means very cordial, but
after the usual amount of wrangling and threatening we got what
we absolutely required, food for our people and horses; our own
provisions we always carried with us. They also gave us some goats’
milk, very highly flavoured by the wormwood and other aromatic herbs,
which constituted their principal food, but by no means disagreeable
in taste.
Early on the morning of the 14th we started for Sbeitla, where we
arrived shortly after noon. The road passed along the crest of a low
range of hills, following the left bank of the watercourse running
between Sbeitla and Djilma, which is here quite dry. The country
is as barren as any we had passed through, but it is covered with
the remains of Roman posts and towns. One of the latter, now called
Meksour Mediouna, about a mile from our camping-ground, occupies a
very large area, and appears to have been a place of importance. Near
it, on the left bank of a tributary of the river, are the remains of
a wayside fountain, attached to which was another building, intended,
no doubt, to enshrine a statue, fragments of which, in blue stone,
are lying near it. This district, now so utterly barren and deserted,
must have contained a large and prosperous population. We did not
meet a single individual during our ride of twelve miles. Game is
very abundant here, and my companion shot a fair supply of partridges
and a lesser bustard or _poule de Carthage_.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 145: This railway, which leaves the main line at St. Barbe
de Tlelat, twenty-six kilometres from Oran, proceeds thence to
Sidi Bel Abbes. It was opened for traffic on June 10, 1877. It was
constructed entirely by Mr. Harding, of Paris, and was transferred
by him to a company only on the completion of the work.]
CHAPTER XXI.
SBEITLA.
The modern name of Sbeitla, like so many others in Tunis, is simply an
Arab corruption of the ancient one, Sufetula. That, again, is probably
a diminutive of Sufes, the modern Sbiba. Though originally smaller
than Sufes, it soon became a place of very much greater importance. No
city in Africa possessed finer specimens of architecture, and even
as late as the Arab invasion it continued to be one of the most
considerable cities in Byzacene, and the centre whence all the roads
leading through the country radiated. Bruce is of opinion that the
name is derived from the Suffetes, a magistrature in all countries
dependent on Carthage. Sbeitla is the scene of the romantic account
given by several Arab writers, amongst others En-Nowairi, of the first
great and disastrous encounter between Christianity and Mohammedanism
in North Africa. The story is certainly apocryphal in some of its
details, though the main facts are probably accurate.[146]
In the twenty-seventh year of the Hedgira (A.D. 647) the Khalifa
Othman determined to effect the conquest of Africa, and on the
arrival of the Arab army in Egypt a detachment was sent on to Tripoli.
The Patrician Gregorius, as Theophanes calls him, was at this time
Exarch or governor of Africa. He had been originally appointed
by Heraclius, Emperor of the East, whose father had held the same
office, and who himself had started from Africa on the expedition
which resulted in the overthrow of the Emperor Phocas and his own
elevation to the purple. Gregorius subsequently revolted from the
Byzantine empire, and by the aid of the native Africans made himself
Tyrannus, or independent sovereign of the province. Ibn Khaldoun
says that his authority extended from Tripoli to Tangiers, and that
he made Sbeitla his capital.[147]
The command of the expedition was given to the brother of the Khalifa,
Abdulla ibn Saad, under whose orders were placed the _élite_ of
the Arab troops, to whom were added 20,000 Egyptians. The number of
the whole force did not certainly exceed 40,000 men. On entering the
country occupied by the Romans the Arab general sent on a detachment
to Tripoli commanded by Ez-Zohri. On their arrival before the city
they found it too strong to be carried by assault, and they continued
their march to Gabes.
A message was sent to Gregorius offering him the usual conditions—to
embrace Islamism or to accept the payment of tribute, both of which
he indignantly refused. The invaders continued their march till they
met the Byzantine army on the plain of _Acouba_, situated about a
day and a night’s march from Sbeitla.
The army of Gregorius is said to have numbered 120,000 men, but this
immense multitude was probably composed of naked and disorderly Moors
or Africans, amongst whom the regular bands of the Empire must have
been nearly lost.
For several days the two armies were engaged from dawn of day till
the hour of noon, when fatigue and the excessive heat obliged them
to seek shelter in their respective camps.
The daughter of Gregorius, a maiden of incomparable beauty, fought by
her father’s side; and her hand, with 100,000 dinars, was offered
to whomsoever should slay Abdulla ibn Saad. The latter retaliated by
offering the daughter of Gregorius and 100,000 dinars to anyone who
would slay the Christian prince, her father. The combatants had been
in the habit of discontinuing the battle every day at noon, but on one
occasion, the Mohammedan leader, having kept a considerable portion
of his troops concealed and in reserve, recommenced the action with
these at midday, and utterly defeated the Christian force. Gregorius
and a vast number of his followers were killed, the camp was pillaged,
and the beautiful daughter of the prince was captured and allotted
to Ibn ez-Zobeir, who had slain her father. Ibn Saad next lay siege
to Sbeitla, which was speedily taken and destroyed. The booty found
here was so great that every horseman got 3,000 dinars and every
foot-soldier 1,000!
Even before this time Christianity had begun to decline; henceforth
it almost immediately ceased to exist. Gibbon remarks, ‘The
northern coast of Africa is the only land, in which the light of
the Gospel after a long and perfect establishment has been totally
extinguished. The arts, which had been taught by Carthage and Rome,
were involved in the cloud of ignorance, and the doctrines of Cyprian
and Augustine ceased to be studied. Five hundred episcopal churches
were overturned by the hostile fury of the Donatists, the Vandals
and the Moors. The zeal and number of the clergy declined, and the
people, without discipline or knowledge or hope, submissively sank
under the yoke of the Arabian prophet. Within fifty years from the
expulsion of the Greeks, Abdoul Rahman, Governor of Africa, wrote
to the Caliph Abdoul Abbas, the first of the Abbassides, that the
tribute of the infidels was abolished by their conversion. In the
next age, A.D. 837, an extraordinary mission of five bishops was sent
from Alexandria to Cairoan by the Jacobite patriarch to revive the
dying embers of Christianity; but the interposition of a foreign
prelate, an enemy to the Catholics and a stranger to the Latins,
supposes the decay and dissolution of the African hierarchy. In
the eleventh century, A.D. 1053-1076, the unfortunate priest, who
was seated on the ruins of Carthage, implored the protection of
the Vatican; and he bitterly complains that his naked body had been
scourged by the Saracens. Two epistles of Gregory VII. are destined
to soothe the distress of the Catholics and the pride of a Moorish
prince; but the complaint, that three bishops could not be found
to consecrate a brother, announces the speedy and inevitable ruin
of the episcopal order. About the middle of the twelfth century,
the worship of Christ and the succession of pastors was abolished
along the whole coast of Barbary.’[148]
Shaw observes that Sbeitla is situated on a rising ground, shaded all
over with juniper-trees.[149] Bruce says that it is surrounded above
by a wood of _white firs_, by which he means the _Pinus haleppensis_,
from which the inhabitants made pitch; and he remarks that Dr. Shaw
has called them juniper-trees by mistake. Desfontaines, the well-known
botanist, visited the place in 1783 and noticed both the Aleppo
pine and the _Juniperus macrocarpa_.[150] At present not a tree or
a bush is to be seen on the wide plain as far as the eye can range;
the inhabitants have disappeared almost as completely as the pitch
they once made; and the traveller may sleep in peace amongst the
ruins, without any dread of the Oulad Amran—who twice attempted to
surprise Bruce’s camp at night, and whom he described as ‘the
greatest robbers and assassins in the kingdom of Tunis’—or of
the lions, who ‘greatly incommoded’ him, and ‘who came to the
door of the tent, and afterwards fell upon the neighbouring dowar.’
One of the most remarkable features of this part of the country,
and which evidently led to its selection as the site of the ancient
city, is its excellent water-supply. To the north of Sbeitla two
ranges of hills diverge to the north-east and the north-west. Several
streams flowing in a south-easterly direction drain this district
and eventually become the Oued Djilma. One of these is the Oued
Sbeitla, which in the first part of its course flows through a deep
and narrow ravine, but as it emerges into the plain, the soil of
which is extremely absorbent, the water becomes lost in the sand.
In the neighbourhood of Sbeitla the bed of the river is of compact
limestone; on either side of it numerous tepid springs are seen
bubbling up from the earth, accompanied by free carbonic acid
gas. These unite into one stream of volume sufficient to supply an
immense city, quite as large as the famous fountain of Zaghouan, and
for more than a mile it thus flows in a clear and beautiful stream,
never dry even in the hottest part of summer.
We observed numbers of small fish, probably barbel, and a large
water-snake of a pale brown colour spotted with yellow; it was
probably not venomous, but, even if it had been, its presence would
not have deterred us from revelling in the delicious coolness of the
stream after our long and arduous journey from Djebel Trozza. The
temperature of this stream is just high enough to make it slightly
warm in winter, but quite sufficiently cool in summer.
Roughly-built aqueducts brought the upper waters of this river along
either bank into the city; that on the left bank crossed by a bridge
of three arches, evidently of comparatively modern construction. It
is of rubble masonry with conical buttresses to the right and left
of the central arch, through which alone the stream flows, and on
both façades of it. The piers of the arch are strengthened with
three upright courses or bonds of cut stone on each side, evidently
from older buildings; in one is a cippus of white marble containing
the following inscription:—
M . AELIO AV
RELLIO[151] VERO
CAES. COS. II
IMP. CAES. T. AE
L. HADRIANI
ANTONINI AVG
PII. PP. T. DD. PP.
The bridge apparently served both as an aqueduct and a viaduct.
The existence of this river induced the late Sidi Mustafa ben Azooz,
of Nefta, to endeavour to found a city here about ten years ago. He
sent his son-in-law, Sidi Ahmed bin Abd-el-Melek of Siliana, to
commence the necessary buildings. One very large house was commenced
and even part of it roofed in, but the experiment proved a failure,
no one could be induced to live here; so the building and the
restoration of the aqueduct was abandoned, and now, save by a few
wandering Arabs who come to pasture their flocks amongst the ruins,
and wash their wool at the stream, the country is uninhabited.
Since the last Algerian insurrection a douar of Nememchas, who were
then compromised and fear to return to their homes, have fixed their
abode in the vicinity.
Had nothing but failure resulted from the experiment of Sidi Ahmed,
it would have been a matter of small regret, but he drew his building
materials, stone, and lime, in the most wanton manner, from amongst
the ruins.
Squared stones all ready to his hand, and smaller ones to burn into
lime, exist in abundance in every direction, but he seems to have had
a decided preference for all the most exquisite morsels of sculpture
that he could find. The court of the temples is full of fragments
of capitals, cornices, and architraves, every one a gem, which he
has thus ruthlessly broken up, and some of those yet unbroken have
mineholes drilled in them ready for explosion. The fine paved road
leading from the upper triumphal arch, which was tolerably complete
when Guérin visited Sbeitla, is now almost annihilated; enough only
remains to show its original size and direction. The fragments of
slabs, broken up and ready to be calcined, still remain in heaps on
the spot. In one of the walls of his house is an inscription placed
upside-down, in the peculiar character which marks the Byzantine
period. It has been chiselled over again, so that the first line
is hardly legible, and it is almost impossible, in some cases,
to distinguish between the L, I, and T. It is as follows:—
CRVITOMMVN. . . A . EPC . T
ALFEQVE POMPEIAEIOCAT
LF . AMEN HOC DOLORIBVS
LACRIMIS QIAVEAMCRID{HD}H
ATNVNCVIDENDOIVCITER .
EIFLEIVMEIGEMIIVS INTECRAI
Bruce has illustrated the three temples, with the monumental entrance
to the inclosure, in ten sheets.
1. An admirable Indian-ink perspective drawing of the triumphal arch
forming the entrance to the inclosure, exhibiting part of the façades
of the composite and left-hand Corinthian temples (Plate XIV.)
2. A similar view of the back of the three temples (Plate XV.)
3. An enlarged finished Indian-ink drawing of back of composite
temple.
4. A similar view of back of left Corinthian temple (_i.e._ that on
the left hand of spectator, looking through the arch).
5. A front view of right Corinthian temple, in the same style. All
these are happily without accessories of any kind.
6. A very slight pencil sketch, showing plan and a few dimensions
of the temple area.
7. Drawing in pencil of plan, and details of entrance gateway.
8, 9, 10. Pencil details of the composite order. Bruce, in allusion
to these, says:—
[There is] a beautiful and perfect capital of the composite order,
the only entire one which now exists. It is designed in all its parts,
and, with the detail of the rest of the ruin, is a precious monument
of what that order was, now in the collection of the King. . . . I
recommend the study of the composite capital, as of the Corinthian
capital at Dougga, to those who really wish to know the taste,
with which these orders were executed in the time of the Antonines.
The form and disposition of the ancient city are still perfectly
apparent, and many of the streets can be traced from one side to the
other. There do not appear to have been any defensive works, properly
so-called, although the temple area has been used as a fortress at a
late period of its history, probably at the time of the Arab conquest.
To the south of the town is a triumphal arch, which Shaw and several
succeeding writers have confounded with that of the temple area. It
appears to have been erected during the reign, or in memory, of
Constantine, A.D. 305-306, as it bears not only his name but that
of Maximian, by whom he was adopted.
Although it has but one opening, and is of smaller dimensions than
that of the hieron of the three temples, it is in some respects of
a richer composition.
The four columns of the Corinthian order, that decorate its principal
façade, are not fluted, and instead of being half-engaged were
entirely isolated from the walls. All these columns have now fallen
down, and lie in fragments at the base of the monument. There is
a square niche on either side of the gateway between the pairs of
columns. The entablature was surmounted by an attic, the cornice
and base of which are still perfectly recognisable. As is generally
the case in African monuments of a late date, the arch is without
archivolt. The impost turns all round the building and under the
arch, except on the faces of the jambs occupied by the square niches,
which are situated equally above and below the level of the impost.
On the frieze of that side of the gate which looks towards the
country is the following inscription copied by Bruce:—
DDD . . . N . ER . . VIS . IMP . PE . . . . . . . . . . . . .
INVICTIS . AVG . ITEMQVE . CONSTANTIO . MAXIMIANO . . .
LISSIMIS . CAESARIBVS . DN . . . AVGVSTO . . . . . . . . .
ISTIC . IN . PROVINCIA . SVA . M . TVTOS . . . . . . . . .
The total length of the monument, according to M. Guérin, is 10·35
mètres, the opening of the arch 5·70 mètres, and the height to
the keystone about 7 mètres.[152] We did not ourselves verify these
measurements. Bruce has made no drawing of this building.
The most important of the ruins of Sbeitla is the hieron enclosing
three semi-attached temples, the central one being of the composite
order, and that on either side Corinthian; the whole, however, forms
one composition or design. Shaw has given figures of these temples,
which are described by Bruce as ‘in a style much like what one
would expect from an ordinary carpenter or mason,’ and adds the
remark that he hopes he has done them more justice.
This no one will dispute. The two illustrations selected are done
with a conscientiousness and ability, which could not be surpassed,
and they are accompanied by none of the accessories which disfigure
some of his highly finished drawings. It is to be regretted, however,
that he has shown the three temples as an isolated block of buildings,
instead of indicating the manner in which they were joined to the
general enclosure of the sacred ground. The back wall of the hieron
was formed by the rear of the temples themselves, and a prolongation
on each side of the line thus formed; on this the two side walls abut,
while the front side is opened by a splendid triumphal arch dedicated
to Antoninus Pius, and bearing, as is usual in similar inscriptions,
the name of his adoptive father Hadrian, as well as that of Nerva.
This monument has not in the slightest degree deteriorated since it
was drawn by Bruce. A careful examination of it with the photograph
taken by my companion does not enable me to detect the slightest
difference, except that the broken column to the right of the arch
has now disappeared; even the four stones which remain in the second
course of the attic are now exactly as they were.
It is composed of a large central arch and a small one on either
side. Four unfluted Corinthian columns, with a complete entablature,
envelop these three arches. The impost of the principal arch goes
round the building, but stops short of the columns, which project
beyond it. The heads of the lateral arches are below this line, and
between it and the entablature are square-headed niches, slightly
recessed. The entablature is complete in three parts, architrave,
frieze, and cornice, and was surmounted by an attic, two courses of
which remain, but the crowning moulding has disappeared.
On the frieze above the principal gate is the following inscription:—
. . . . IVI . HADRIANI ANTONINI
. . . DIVI . NERVAE . PRONEP . . . . R
. . . INO . . . . PONT.MAX.T . . . . II.P.P.[152]
Above one of the lateral arches is the following:—
IMP . . . . .
. . . . . . .
NI . ANTONI
NI . AVG. PII
P.P. F.D.D. P.P.[153]
Above the corresponding arch on the other side was a third
inscription, now quite illegible. This is probably the one recorded
by Shaw,[154] bearing the ancient name of the city, and which,
he says, existed on the architrave of the building. There is every
reason, however, to believe that Shaw never visited Sbeitla at all,
but appropriated the information he received from Peyssonnel, who
gives the same inscription, which he found ‘à côté _d’une
des portes_ de la ville.’
It ran thus:—
IMP. CAESAR AVG
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
SVFFETVLENTIVM
HANC EDIFICAVERVNT
ET DD. PP.[155]
In Shaw’s copy the letters ONIN occur in the second line, which
do not exist in Peyssonnel’s, owing no doubt to a typographical
error on the part of his editor.
Dr. Louis Frank, who copied the same inscription, gives the word
ANTONIN at greater length.[156]
In addition to the principal gate there were large arched openings on
the west and east sides, not placed symmetrically; the west one being
further from the temples themselves than that on the east. Within
the inclosure, and exactly opposite the gate, are the three temples,
which have been very accurately described by Sir Grenville Temple, and
as he was the first to publish anything like a detailed description
of them, I feel that I ought to quote his own words:—
‘The three temples occupy, or rather form, the north-western façade
(or side) of an enclosed square, or court, measuring two hundred
and forty feet, by two hundred and twenty-nine. The centre one of
these temples is of the composite order, and in length, including the
portico, sixty-one feet nine inches; that of the _cella_ itself is
forty-four feet, leaving seventeen feet nine inches for the pronaos,
which, like those of the others, has been destroyed; the breadth of
this temple is thirty-three feet nine inches. The _cellæ_ of the two
flank temples measure forty feet eight inches by thirty; but as the
sites of the porticos are much encumbered with their ruins, I could
not well ascertain to what extent they projected. These outward or
flanking temples are both of the Corinthian order. The roofs have all
fallen in, as have also the porticos and façades. The lateral temples
had four columns in front, and six pilasters along the sides; those of
the centre one being round attached columns, and of the others square;
the shafts of the columns of the centre temple are twenty-three
feet three inches long, by nine feet six inches in circumference,
and the height of the capital is three feet three inches.
‘One of these temples, judging from its ornaments, seems to have
been dedicated to Bacchus. The ornaments of all of them are very rich
and of excellent execution. Whatever inscriptions these temples may
have borne are now buried under the ruins of the porticos, and the
columns and stones were much too large to be removed, at least with
the means at my disposal.’[157]
[Illustration: _Plate XIV._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
ENTRANCE TO HIERON OF TEMPLES AT SUFFETULA (SBEITLA)
FAC SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
[Illustration: _Plate XV._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
BACK OF TEMPLES AT SUFFETULA (SBEITLA)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
It may be added that the porticos are raised upon a lofty stylobate,
which runs all round the three temples. The front walls that connect
the central temple to those on either side, and which rise no higher
than the base of the columns, are arched, the voussoirs being flat
at the top; this may possibly indicate the existence of vaults,
which are hid in the débris lying around.
A peculiarity of the central temple is worthy of notice, as showing
the Roman origin of a very common feature in sacred mediæval
architecture. A stone lintel traverses the opening of the arch,
the ends of it forming the first voussoir on either side.
The hieron was paved with magnificent blocks of stone, some of which
are seven feet six inches long by thirty-one-and-a-half inches broad;
below was a foundation, six feet deep, of concrete, formed of lime,
stones and broken pottery.
In its original condition it appears to have had a colonnade or
small apartments round the inside, as is attested not only by the
projecting stones in the masonry, but by the foundations of the rooms
themselves. These had windows or doors leading to the exterior as
well as the interior, square apertures with _flat arches_, of which
seven can still be traced on the west side, filled up with masonry.
The dimensions given by Bruce are as follows:—
Ft. in. lines.
Length of hieron 238 0 0
Breadth of ditto 195 1 6
Total breadth of entrance gateway 33 0 0
Width of central arch 10 3 6
„ lateral arches 5 0 0
Diameter of columns 1 8 0
Depth of gateway 3 3 0
Total height of columns 16 9 0
Within the inclosure, and to the left of the temples, looking
towards them, were two buildings evidently of a later period. One
has a round-headed window opening towards the north, and the other a
semicircular apse; this was probably a Christian basilica. A number
of columns are still standing upright within the inclosure; these
probably belonged to the original structure, but were put in their
present position at some subsequent period. There are two other
buildings outside the enclosure, one on either hand, which appear
also to have been Christian churches. That to the south is in a very
ruinous condition; near it are several fragments of entablature
and inscription of rather a rude character. I could only make out
the words CIVIBVS and . . . LESIVS, and again . . . . . ENDORS and
IVAEIVALIM . . . . IVM. The building to the east of the inclosure is
perfect in ground plan; it consists of a nave twenty-seven paces long
by eleven broad, and a semi-circular apse, the diameter of which is
sixteen feet.
The amphitheatre is at the north of the city, bearing nearly due
north from the triumphal arch; it is almost circular in form, but
it is entirely destroyed, and only a depression exists to mark its
site. It probably never was a building of any architectural merit.
Other important ruins exist, but they sink into insignificance when
compared to those which I have attempted to describe. One is the cella
of a temple of admirable construction, against which has been built
a vaulted apartment, probably the residence of the Marabout Sidi
Ibrahim mentioned by Guérin. We pitched our tent close to these,
which afforded an excellent shelter for our attendants. Suddenly,
about two o’clock P.M., a very violent storm came on, the sky
got completely darkened, as though a total eclipse of the sun were
taking place; beautiful dark violet-coloured clouds came up from the
west, which seemed to be struggling for the mastery with clouds of
fine sand from the east. We saw that heavy rain would soon follow,
so we made haste to strike our tent and remove all our property to
the Marabout’s house. We had no sooner done this than the rain
began to fall in torrents, and continued without intermission till
an early hour next morning. Fortunately, it cooled the air, which
had been oppressively hot for some days past, and for a short time
at least it hardened the soil and made it more pleasant for riding.
This was the only place in Tunis where we received no hospitality or
even assistance from the people of the country. One of our spahis had
gone on before us to request the Kaid of the district to arrange for
the usual supply of forage and food. But he absolutely refused to do
so, and but for our good fortune in finding some Algerian refugees
near the spot—who sold us a few chickens and a little barley,
taking good care to be paid in advance—we should have fared badly;
as it was, we were obliged to hasten our departure. Under other
circumstances we would gladly have lingered a little longer amongst
these remarkable ruins. I feel convinced that excavations judiciously
carried out, especially in the hieron of the temples, would bring to
light many objects of archæological interest; but the stones, which
encumber it, are of immense size, and could hardly be moved without
mechanical appliances, and labour would be difficult to obtain.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 146: Ibn Khaldoun, _Hist. des Berbers_, trad. de Slane,
vol. i. p. 316. Cordonne, _Hist. d’Afrique sous la domination des
Arabes_, vol. i.]
[Footnote 147: Ibn Khaldoun, i. p. 209.]
[Footnote 148: Gibbon, _Decline and Fall of Roman Empire_,
vol. ix. p. 495.]
[Footnote 149: Shaw, p. 202.]
[Footnote 150: Desfontaines, ap. Dureau de la Malle, ii. p. 76.]
[Footnote 151: _Sic._]
[Footnote 152: Guérin, i. p. 380.]
[Footnote 153: Guérin, i. p. 380.]
[Footnote 154: Shaw, p. 201.]
[Footnote 155: Peyssonnel, ap. Dureau de la Malle, i. p. 119.]
[Footnote 156: Frank, _L’Univers_, ‘Tunis,’ p. 41.]
[Footnote 157: Sir Gren. Temple, _Excurs. in Med._ ii. p. 235.]
CHAPTER XXII.
BRUCE’S JOURNEY FROM SBEITLA TO HYDRA.
Here I must make a digression to follow Bruce on his route to Hydra,
which time did not permit us actually to visit. The following account
is taken partly from his rough notebook, and partly from the narrative
written on his return from Abyssinia:—
_November_ 16, 1765.—Continued our course near northwards; decamped
at half-past eight. At two o’clock passed the Wed Hataab as before,
near the tents of the Welled Hassan. At night encamped on the west
side of the plain among the Welled Hassan, called Ghazelma,[158]
part of Majerg.[159] This was about three miles south-west of a steep
precipice of reddish stone, called Keff, away about twenty-two miles
from our last lodging.
_November_ 17.—At the ordinary time, between eight and nine,
decamped and continued our course till ten. Passed Keff, away along
the plains filled with tents of the Dreedy and their camels, after
which turned due west, continued our course along a plain, in the
middle of which was a rivulet, so had this day good water. At night
came to an encampment of Welled Seel, under the mountain Jibbel
Henneish, west of the Marabout Sidi Abdel Azeez twenty-six miles,
and due south of Gella Adjmaar.[160]
This was November 18. The mountains were covered with cedars[161]
and fir[162] very thick, the resort of lions. The plains below partly
waste, partly cultivated by the Ghazelma.
The 19th, arrived at Hydera. Began immediately designing the triumphal
arch, which was finished the day after—the 20th.
Hydera belongs to the Algerines,[163] though it is inhabited by the
Welled Boogannim, Moors of Tunis, whose saint is here buried. By the
instructions of their founder they are obliged to live off lions’
flesh, as far as they can procure it, and in consideration of the
utility of their vow they are not taxed, like the other Arabs, with
payments to the State. The consequence of this life is that they are
excellent and well-armed horsemen, exceedingly bold and undaunted
hunters. It is generally imagined that these considerations, and
that of their situation on the frontier, have as much influence in
procuring them exemption from taxes as the utility of their vow.
Before Dr. Shaw’s travels first acquired the celebrity that they
have maintained ever since, there was a circumstance that very
near ruined their credit. He had ventured to say, in conversation,
that these Welled Sidi Boogannim were eaters of lions, and this
was considered at Oxford, the university where he had studied, as
a traveller’s licence on the part of the doctor. They thought it
a subversion of the natural order of things that a man should eat
a lion, when it had long passed as almost the peculiar province of
the lion to eat the man. The doctor flinched under the sagacity and
severity of this criticism. He could not deny that the Welled Sidi
Boogannim did eat lions, as he had repeatedly said; but he had not
yet published his travels, and therefore left it out of his narrative,
and only hinted at it in his appendix.
With all submission to that learned university, I will not dispute
the lion’s title to eating men, but since it is not founded
upon patent, no consideration will make me stifle the merits of
the Welled Sidi Boogannim, who have turned the chase upon the
enemy. It is an historical fact, and I will not suffer the public
to be misled by a misrepresentation of it. On the contrary, I do
aver, in the face of these fantastic prejudices, that I have eaten
the flesh of lions—that is, part of three lions—in the tents
of the Welled Sidi Boogannim. The first was a he-lion, tough, and
smelling violently of musk, and had the taste which I imagine old
horseflesh would have. The second was a lioness, which they said had
been barren that year; she had a considerable quantity of fat within
her, and had it not been for the musky smell which the flesh had,
though in a lesser degree than in the former, and for our foolish
prejudices against it, the meat, when broiled, would not have been
very bad. The third was a lion whelp, six or seven months old;
it tasted, on the whole, the worst of the three.
I confess I have no desire of being again served with such a
morsel, but the Arabs, a brutish and ignorant folk, will, I fear,
notwithstanding the disbelief of the University of Oxford continue
to eat lions as long as they exist.
Hydera is about two miles in length, and a quarter in breadth, along a
riverside well watered with springs, likewise a fine natural cascade,
below the castle, which is a modern building.
There is at Thunodronum[164] a triumphal arch, which Dr. Shaw thinks
is more remarkable for its size than for its taste or execution;
but the size is not extraordinary. On the other hand, both taste and
execution are admirable. _It is, with all its parts, in the King’s
Collection_, and, taking the whole together, is one of the most
beautiful landscapes in black and white now existing. The distance,
as well as the foreground, are both from nature, and exceedingly
well calculated for such representation.
There are no other antiquities, except four sepulchres, one of
which is in front sustained by four Corinthian pillars, but is in
very bad taste and form. The other is a simple pentagon without
ornament. They are both small, and of no consequence. The mountains
to the south of Hydera are all covered with wood, chiefly pines and
cedars, stored with game. It is about twenty-four miles from the
encampment of Bel Hanneish, and three miles from this last place
are the remains of an ancient city called Sicca, which retains its
name to the present time. From Hydera we continued our route to
Tebessa. The 21st November, arrived there at four. Twenty-two miles,
through deep valleys, between high mountains covered with firs, which
now grow first to the height of timber trees. Saw ostriches this day
for the first time,[165] and a species of red deer,[166] called Edmee.
There are two sheets of drawings of Hydra in the Kinnaird Collection;
the first, a single one, containing a beautifully executed perspective
view in Indian ink (Plate XVI.), and the second, a double sheet,
containing a rough plan of the same building, and exquisite pencil
drawings of details of architrave of order, enrichments of soffits,
capitals, &c.
On the latter sheet is given the inscription:—
IMP. CAES. L. SEPTIMIO . SEVERO . PERTINACI . AVG. P.M.
TRIB. POT. III. IMP. V. COS. II. PP. PARTHICO . ARA
BICO . ET . PARTHICO . AZIABENICO . DD. PP.
This fixes the date of the building, A.D. 195.
This monument is ornamented with two monolithic, disengaged
Corinthian columns on each side of the arch, behind which are square
pilasters. They stand on a common pedestal, one-third the height of
the columns, and are surmounted by a very high entablature, the frieze
of which carries the inscription. It is of unusual height, being three
times that of the architrave, and making the entablature half the
height of the columns. There is a blocking course above the cornice,
but no attic proper. The arch is without archivolt. The impost
encircles the building, except that it stops short at the pilasters.
The following are the dimensions given in the plan:—
Ft. in. lines.
Width of opening of arch 8 10 6
Angle of jamb to pilaster 1 10 0
Width of pilaster 2 3 0
Between pilasters 6 1 1
Depth of arch 9 11 1
[Illustration: _Plate XVI._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT AMMAEDARA (HYDRA)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 158: Zeghalma.]
[Footnote 159: Medjers.]
[Footnote 160: Doubtless Geläat es-Senan is here meant, the ancient
citadel of the Harrars.]
[Footnote 161: If cedars ever existed in the Regency of Tunis,
they certainly do not at the present day.]
[Footnote 162: Aleppo pine.]
[Footnote 163: It now belongs to Tunis.]
[Footnote 164: Both Shaw and Bruce identified Hydra with the ancient
_Thunodronum_; but Sir Grenville Temple is certainly correct. He
recognised it as the _Ammædara_ of Ptolemy, the _Admedera_ of the
Itinerary, and the Ad Medera of the Tables of Peutinger, twenty-five
miles north-east of Tebessa. The word _Ammædara_ has since been
found in inscriptions on the spot.]
[Footnote 165: Ostriches are now no longer found, save in the Sahara.]
[Footnote 166: _Cervus Barbarus_, still existing in the mountains of
the Beni Salah in Algeria, where they are called _Bukr el-Wahash_,
wild cows.]
CHAPTER XXIII.
LEAVE SBEITLA — SBIBA — ER-RAHEIA — HAMADA OULAD AYAR —
ARRIVAL AT MUKTHER.
We left Sbeitla early on April 16; the morning was fresh and
delightful, and notwithstanding the rain of the previous night,
there was nothing like mud on the road, even the watercourses were
not running. About half a mile north of the town is a group of ruins,
which Guérin imagines to have been a temple,[167] from the number
of columns of red marble still standing and lying about. To me it
has more the appearance of a Byzantine fortress; it is built on an
eminence commanding the plain to the north, which Sbeitla itself,
situated in a depression, could not do, and it is evident that older
materials have been used in its construction. A little further off,
and on the opposite or left bank of the river, are the ruins of a
temple. Thence to Sbiba is a distance of nineteen miles; the road
lies over a plain bounded by mountains, similar to what we had
traversed since leaving Trozza, but quite destitute of trees. It is
exactly the same route as was taken by Desfontaines in 1784,[168]
who states that for several hours he marched through a forest of
pines and the Phœnician juniper before descending into the verdant
plain in which Sbiba is situated. There he observed the Turks burning
a superb olive-tree of great age close to the ruins, and the process
has, no doubt, been carried on vigorously ever since, as the forests
which he alludes to have quite disappeared.
Sbiba has been identified with the ancient Sufes, Sufibus, or Colonia
Sufetanæ, mentioned in the Itinerary of Antoninus as xxv miles north
of Sufetula, and the same distance south of Tucca Terebinthina, the
modern Dougga. M. Guérin discovered an inscription here, placing
this beyond all doubt. It commenced with the words SPLENDIDISSIMVS
. ET . FELICISSIMVS . ORDO . COL. SVFETANAE . and showed further on
that Hercules was the tutelar deity of the city.[169]
St. Augustine, in his Epistle 50, addressed to the elders and chiefs
of this place, makes allusion to the martyrdom of sixty of its
inhabitants for having destroyed the statue or symbol of this god,
‘quod Christiani signum Herculis confregissent.’
A council was held here in A.D. 524, when the Bishop Quodvultdeus
was displaced in favour of Fulgentius. Other Bishops are mentioned
as having taken part in the councils of Carthage and in the religious
dissensions of the time.[170]
It was probably a lingering memory of this martyrdom which gave rise
to the tradition mentioned by El-Bekri (A.D. 1068): ‘The body of a
man is to be seen in a fissure of a rock. It is known to have been
there since before the conquest of Ifrikia. All the parts of the
body, great and small, have resisted the effects of decomposition
and the attacks of wild animals. It is said that this is the body
of one of the disciples of Jesus. God knows what there is of truth
in all this.’[171]
Although it appears to have been a city of some importance, it was
far from attaining the magnificence of its ‘little’ neighbour
Suffetula. The existing ruins are in a state of great dilapidation,
but one can still trace a handsome monumental fountain, baths,
Christian churches, and several buildings constructed with older
Roman materials.
After passing Sbiba, a bright and limpid stream, the Oued el-Hatab,
or river of wood, is crossed. This is mentioned by Bruce, as is also
an affluent of it, ‘the small river Gouseba.’ The country was
then occupied by the Oulad Hassan and by wandering parties of the
great tribe of Drid. We encamped for the night at Er-Raheia, a douar
of the Oulad Mehenna, near the marabout of Sidi Ali el-Maregheni, a
neat-looking koubba, situated in a pleasant little garden, evidently
tended with the greatest care. All along our route to-day we noticed
Roman remains more or less important at almost every mile.
As usual, the Kaid of the Oulad Mehenna was from home, but his
brother acted for him in his absence; he it was who had refused to
send us any supplies to Sbeitla. As our caravan appeared in sight he
and his secretary came out on horseback to reconnoitre us. Instead
of approaching, he kept at a considerable distance, and allowed us
to pass without any sign of recognition or welcome. Our spahis were
furiously indignant, and asked each other whose dog he was to offer
such an indignity to guests and soldiers of our Lord the Bey; was
he going to treat us at his own douar as he had done at Sbeitla? At
last he approached us, looking exceedingly sulky, and still without
making any salutation. One of the spahis, usually a very quiet and
civil fellow, could stand it no longer; he jumped off his horse,
ran to the Kaid’s brother, and, after some violent altercation,
the two came to blows, and blood would certainly have flowed had
I not rushed between the disputants and separated them. The chief
was livid with passion at the indignity which had been put upon him
before all his people, and I had much difficulty in smoothing matters
over by severely censuring the spahi for having dared to strike a
person of such importance, and by observing to the aggrieved party,
that this certainly would not have happened, if he had shown us
the commonest civility, due to any stranger whether travelling with
the Bey’s _amra_ or not. He subsequently became more than civil
to us, and wished to give us a _dhiffa_, but I steadfastly refused
to receive anything at his hands, save barley for the horses and
food for the escort, without which we could not have continued our
journey. We prepared our own dinner somewhat ostentatiously, which
served as a lesson to him, and was certainly more agreeable to us
than any food we should have received from his tents. I tried all
I could to induce him to accept payment for the grain which he had
supplied to us, but he was deaf to our requests, and even prevented
us from giving a present to his retainers.
We started from our camping-ground, at Er-Raheia, about seven
A.M. on April 17. Our friend was ready to bid us God-speed, and he
over and over again begged us to dismiss anything like ill-feeling
from our minds on account of what had taken place last night; he
even implored me to overlook the behaviour of the spahi, whom I had
contemplated sending back to Tunis, with a letter to the English
Consul-General explaining my reason for dismissing him. I saw what
an effort this cost him, so I could not but meet his advances more
than half-way, and he accompanied us a short distance on our road
and left us with renewed expressions of regret at what had taken
place. For the first few miles our way led through irrigated fields,
and meadow-land traversed by numerous streams of water; our baggage
mules had the greatest difficulty in struggling through, and more
than once their loads slipped. It was a long time before we got
clear of these difficulties, but they were as nothing in comparison
to the delight of abandoning for ever the interminable and scorching
plains in which we had been travelling so long, and entering fairly
into the fertile, well-watered region of the Tell.
The road ascended the north-west end of Djebel Skarna, at a place
called Kef er-Rai, _the shepherd’s rock_, and passed between the
_Zaouiahs_ of Sidi Moëlla on the left, and that of Sidi Abou Dabous
on the right, while some distance off to the west, on the opposite
side of the plain, was a third, that of Sidi Ahmed ez-Zair. These
koubbas or marabouts are not only picturesque objects in the
landscape, but very useful to the traveller. They mark localities in
a convenient manner, in a country where the inhabitants are never
long stationary in one place, and to Mohammedans, at least, they
afford a grateful shelter when overtaken by night or by bad weather.
At first the hill-sides were bare and arid, soon little patches of
cornland began to appear, and when at length we found ourselves on
the top and well into the Hamada of the Oulad Ayar, we were delighted
to see an amount of cultivation and a richness of soil which we had
not met with since our arrival in the country.
When Sir Grenville Temple passed through this district in 1832[172]
the people had just killed three lions, whose skins they were sending
to Tunis. These animals have now almost entirely disappeared from the
Regency. It is said that one is occasionally to be heard of in the
neighbourhood of Kef, but even that is doubtful; they are certainly
extinct everywhere else.
He also met two Mamelukes who had been sent to collect the duties
on tar and pitch, which were made in great quantities in the
neighbourhood. The Aleppo pine has not disappeared as completely
as the lions; and we did see some branches of it at the Kaid’s
encampment, but we never met a tree growing in this part of the
country, and it is probable that in a very short time this also
will disappear.
On the top of this range is a large fertile plateau, about a thousand
feet above the level of the plain below, where we found the tents of
the brother of the Kaid of Oulad Ayar. He insisted on our resting in
his camp, and gave us a delicious repast of excellent bread, dates
and fresh milk. From this place to Mukther, wherever the soil was not
tilled, it was covered with a carpet of grass, clover and trefoil,
as rich as an English meadow, well watered by streams and springs,
a perfect paradise after the dreary region of the Sahel from which we
had just emerged. The climate too had changed entirely, partly owing
to a general change of weather and partly to the height at which we
were. The sky became slightly overcast, a fresh, cool breeze succeeded
to the sirocco which dries up every mucous membrane in the body and
makes life almost a burden; and our tempers improved and our spirits
rose as the glass fell. This is the highest point in the country
round about. The streams from its north-west slopes flow towards
the Medjerda, while those on the south-east find their way in the
direction of the Chotts, or are lost in the great plain of the Sahel.
About 2½ miles from Mukther we passed a mausoleum which the natives
call Beit el-Hadjar, _the stone house_. This was also observed by
Bruce, who says:
The 10th November, passed a sepulchral monument about three miles from
Mucter, square, oblong, with pilasters in front and in the angles,
with rude ill-executed Corinthian ornaments. Did not design it. That
night lay in the mountains in the districts of the Welled Ayar,
above which place is their _gellah_ or fortress.
This fortress is a mountain peak somewhat resembling a castle, and
to which they are in the habit of driving their flocks for safety in
times of danger. The monument has certainly no architectural merits,
but it is constructed in a solid and careful manner of finely-cut
stone.
It is rectangular in plan; on each side are six Corinthian
pilasters, and four on each end, surmounted by a bold and massive
entablature. Within, it is divided into two chambers, each 9 ft. 9
in. broad. The inner or mortuary one is 6 ft. 9 in. long. Several
columbaria exist in the walls. It had two doors; the outer one
has disappeared, but it must have been of a single slab of stone
turning on pivots, the holes for which still exist. Another door in
the partition wall led into an outer chamber 10 ft. long, with seats
in the wall, and lighted by a window. This door is still lying on the
floor; it was decorated with a bas-relief representing a winged figure
holding some large object in his right hand. Above the aperture of
the door half of a wreath of laurel is sculptured on the wall. The
roof was of immense blocks of stone laid across, one of which still
exists in each chamber. This is evidently the building erroneously
laid down in Ste. Marie’s map as ‘Mausolée de Verrius,’ but the
tomb of C. Verrius Rogatus, described by Sir Grenville Temple,[173]
is situated on the opposite side of the city, near the aqueduct.
The ruins of Roman constructions which we had observed all
along to-day’s route became more frequent as we approached
Mukther. Instead of encamping within the circle of the ruins there,
we proceeded a little further on, and pitched our tent in a charming
dell, full of clear springs and rich grass, and shaded by a grove
of fig-trees, nearly south-west of the koubba of Sidi Ali ben Omar.
Here, again, the old scene of wrangling took place before we could
get any supplies. The Khalifa of the district told us that the people
were completely poverty-stricken, they had not wherewithal to nourish
a single horse or mule. Sheep were as much a matter of ancient history
as the Roman cities (the hills were covered with both!), and that if
we insisted on camping there, we must supply our own provisions, and
our animals must be satisfied with the grass which grew on the ground.
I took the head man apart and putting a sum of money in his hand,
told him that we had no desire to be a charge on any one; all we
asked was permission to pay a fair price for what provisions we
might require, and that I would give him whatever more might be due
before leaving. His objections vanished in a moment, and we were in
hopes that at last we had found a means of purchasing honestly what
we required. In an hour, however, he returned with the money in his
hand, saying that it would be a disgrace to our Lord the Bey, if a
Consul were permitted to travel through his country save as a guest,
that everything we required should be supplied, but that payment was
out of the question. Our spahis had got hold of him in the interim,
and, as usual, they managed to have their own way, which was that
we should rather expend our money in presents than in payments,
and for very obvious reasons.
The grove where we were encamped was full of pigeons and other
birds. My companion, who could never see a pigeon or game-bird without
an irresistible longing to bag it, was on the point of loading his
gun, when the Arab implored us not to shoot them, as they were in
the habit of frequenting the Saint’s tomb, and were considered as
partaking of his sanctity. I need hardly add that we were delighted
to respect this pleasant superstition.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 167: Guérin, i. p. 376.]
[Footnote 168: Desfontaines, ap. Dureau de la Malle, ii. p. 76.]
[Footnote 169: Guérin, i. p. 371.]
[Footnote 170: Morcelli, i. p. 287.]
[Footnote 171: El Bekri, trad. de Slane, p. 324.]
[Footnote 172: Temple, _Excurs. in Medit._ ii. p. 252.]
[Footnote 173: Temple, ii. p. 259.]
CHAPTER XXIV.
MUKTHER.
We devoted Tuesday, April 18, to an examination of the ruins of
Mukther.
This city has been identified by nearly all the older travellers
as Tucca Terebinthina. Bruce, amongst the number, appears to
have entertained no doubt on the subject. It was M. Guérin[174]
who first pointed out that the similarity of the modern and ancient
names, coupled with their recorded distances from known places, left
no doubt that Mukther was the Mactar or Oppidum Mactaritanus in the
list of African bishoprics,[175] and that Tucca Terebinthina was to be
sought for at the modern Dougga, about eleven miles to the south-west,
where considerable ruins exist, but which must not be confounded
with the more important city of the same name, near Teboursouk.
The position of Mukther is admirably chosen; it is built on a wide
and elevated plateau between two water-courses, the Oued Sabon, or
_river of soap_, on the north, and the Oued Mihran on the south. The
banks of the former are high and precipitous, and serve as a natural
defence on the north-west side of the town. This has been further
fortified by a wall constructed of immense blocks of stone, placed
loosely and irregularly together, resembling more the retaining wall
of a terrace than a regular line of defence.
We commenced our explorations from this side of the ravine,
opposite to the lower triumphal arch. On the north-west face of it
was evidently the necropolis of the city. The hill-side is covered
with tombs. Many contain simply records of the names and ages of
the deceased, others have rudely sculptured figures. One tomb was a
carefully constructed vault of cut stone, near to which was a handsome
cippus, which probably was erected over it before its violation. One
only struck me as sufficiently curious to deserve copying. It was
evidently a family tomb, containing four inscriptions, the first of
which was the rudest and the most injured by time; but what rendered
it curious was the existence of two hieroglyphical figures sculptured
on the stone in relief before the inscription was engraved.
[Illustration]
On the opposite side of the ravine, and rising directly from its
right bank, is a large triumphal arch, which forms the first of
Bruce’s illustrations. Of this he has left us eight sheets.
1. A rough pencil outline, which has not pleased him, and which
he has subsequently cancelled by a waved pencil line of obliteration;
on the back are numerous architectural details and memoranda of
measurement.
2. Another sheet of similar details and measurements.
3. A beautifully executed perspective view, done on the spot, showing
the actual condition of the monument, without any foreground or
other accessories. (Plate XVII.)
4. A highly finished Indian-ink drawing, from the same point of view,
decorated (!) with an impossible landscape, probably by Balugani;
instead of the gentle slope of the hill on the other side of the
ravine, bare of trees and destitute of water, there is a foaming
cataract on one side, and an extensive vista of river, wood, plain
and mountain on the other.
5. A highly finished plan and elevation.
6. A highly finished drawing in Indian ink of the Corinthian order
of arch.
[Illustration: _Plate XVII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
LOWER ARCH AT MACTAR (MUKTHER)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
[Illustration: _Plate XVIII._
TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT MACTAR (MUKTHER.)
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY THE EARL OF KINGSTON]
[Illustration: _Plate XIX._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
LOWER ARCH AT MACTAR (MUKTHER)
FAC SIMILE OF PLATE OF ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS
EXECUTED BY BRUCE AFTER HIS RETURN TO SCOTLAND.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
7. A highly finished drawing, representing architectural details of
soffits, cornice, and architrave. (Plate XIX.)
8. A highly finished drawing of soffits of architrave of order.
This arch is of a richer architectural composition than that of
Trajan, which will presently be described. It has but a single
opening, without archivolt, flanked by two square niches, with rounded
heads, underneath the level of the impost. Four Corinthian columns
corresponding to pilasters enrich both façades. These existed nearly
entire in Bruce’s time, and even M. Guérin mentions ‘un petit
vestibule soutenu sur deux colonnes corinthiennes,’[176] but these
have now entirely disappeared, although the stylobates are still
in place. The whole entablature seems as though it had been thrown
down since Bruce’s drawing was made, and the stones all piled
up again without much regard to order. It is more likely, however,
that this may be only a general dislocation of the building, caused
by an earthquake. Fragments of cornice highly decorated may be seen
here and there in the crumbling mass, and the very rich treatment
of the impost, which is in a tolerably good state of preservation,
would attest the magnificence of the building, even if Bruce’s
exhaustive designs did not exist. To show the present condition
of this monument, a photograph taken by my companion, the Earl of
Kingston, is also given (Plate XVIII.)
The two façades are identical; on the ravine side the foundations are
entirely exposed to view, and consist of a mass of rubble masonry,
twelve or thirteen feet in height, between which and the floor of
the arch are three courses of substantial cut stones, but there is
no appearance of this having been connected with any other structure.
It is difficult to understand that a building of this nature could
have been constructed at the edge of a ravine without there being an
arch of some kind to span the latter. Mr. Davis says that he observed
part of a paved road on the opposite side of the ravine, from which
he infers that a bridge must have existed;[177] but after the most
careful search, with his work in my hands, I was unable to trace
any vestige of this. Probably therefore the ravine, if it existed
at all in ancient times, has been much deepened by the action of
water during the last sixteen hundred winters.
M. Guérin mentions that he discovered amongst the débris, at the
base of the monument, ‘a sculptured Greek cross, which would assign
to this monument a date posterior to the Christian era.’[178]
I recognised this stone without difficulty, and though it is much
obliterated by time, I feel confident that it is actually the detail
of soffit, figured by Bruce in Sheet 7, above mentioned. This is shown
on Plate XIX.; the lowest figure, with all the details of the acanthus
leaves worn off, might easily be taken to represent a Greek cross.
Unfortunately, no trace of inscription remains, although a search
amongst the débris, which encumbers the base of the inner façade,
might be rewarded by success.
The dimensions of this arch given on the plan and elevation are
as follows:—
Ft. in. lines.
Opening of arch 16 11 4
Breadth of pier 13 6 0
Depth of pier 12 6 3
Distance between columns 5 8 4
Diameter of column 2 4 4
Distance between column and pilaster 3 9 0
Height of stylobate 6 5 2
„ base of column 1 2 4
„ shaft of column 17 8 6
„ capital 2 3 6
„ entablature 5 3 0
„ attic 11 6 4
„ arch to keystone 26 0 0
Total height of building 44 9 4
Close to the arch is a group of olive-trees, and a delicious spring
rises from the ground a few yards further off. During the whole of
our ride yesterday we noticed at intervals rocks consisting of a mass
of petrified oyster-shells; here also they recur, and in the spring I
have just mentioned are two frusta of columns made of this material,
which has an excellent effect.
In the ravine below the arch we observed a Lybian tombstone,
containing the representation of a figure with the face mutilated,
holding objects like ears of corn in his hand, and three lines of
inscription below.
From this arch a paved road led towards the south-west, where
it conducted to a large building, on the site of which the tomb
of one of the members of the family of Sidi Ali bin Amer has been
built. Numbers of monolithic columns of limestone lie scattered about,
and one still remains in position. Bruce, in his notes, thus alludes
to this building:—
There were the ruins of a Corinthian temple, surrounded by a portico,
at the south-west end of the town, but it was thus thrown down lately,
as was another smaller one built over a fountain, for the sake of
the lead which joined the stones together.
Here I identified a small fragment of the inscription recorded by
Sir Grenville Temple,[179] from which he concludes that either this
temple or the neighbouring amphitheatre was built in the reign of
Trajan. The inscription as it now exists is . . . AIANI PAR . . . Sir
Grenville supplies two other letters, TH. As the name of Trajan here
appears in the genitive case, it is more probable that it was built
in the time of Hadrian, and that the inscription would have been,
TRAIANI PARTHICI FILIVS.
Continuing along this road, on the left hand, is a small amphitheatre
constructed of rubble masonry, faced, no doubt, at one time with cut
stones, to judge from the number lying about. It is of elliptical
form, the major axis being about 160 feet, and the minor one
about 114.
A little further off, and to the right, are the remains of a building
which M. Guérin believes to have been a temple of Diana,[180]
he having found the name of that goddess on a fragment of marble,
which had probably formed the base of a statue. The building is too
much ruined to permit any conjecture as to its destination, and though
I searched diligently, I failed to find the inscription in question.
The road now leads to the triumphal arch of Trajan, which appears
to have stood in the centre of the town facing the south, and which
forms the second of Bruce’s illustrations. There are six sheets
of designs of this monument.
1. A sketch taken upon the ground apparently, in Indian ink
without any landscape. (Plate XX.)
2. A highly finished Indian-ink perspective view with back and
foreground of the usual character, a camp of soldiers, sheep, cattle,
Arabs, &c.
3. A finished Indian-ink plan and elevation to scale.
4. Finished drawing in Indian-ink, to scale, of details of minor
order and its pediment.
5. Finished Indian ink drawing, to scale, of details of major order.
6. Pencil memoranda of details and measurements.
This building in its proportions and treatment is very grand
and simple. The solid mass of the front is much higher than it is
wide. The principal order is Corinthian, with a single three-quarters
attached column near the angle, supported on a lofty pedestal or
stylobate; it has the usual base and capital, and the shaft is seven
frusta high. The architrave and frieze over the columns consist of
one plain block without any mouldings, which is not carried along the
face. The cornice is the usual one, handsomely but not elaborately
enriched. Three courses of the attic remained in the time of Bruce;
portions of two courses only are now in place. In the centre of this
block is an archway, having its own peculiar treatment. On each
side of the opening is a smaller semi-engaged Corinthian column,
raised on a stylobate equal in height to that of the major order;
the impost of the arch runs all round the monument, intercepted only
by the columns. There is no impost to the arch-head, which consists
only of the radiating cunei; and the soffit is quite plain. The
capitals of the columns flanking the archway rise somewhat higher
than the archway itself, and are surmounted by an architrave, a lofty
plain frieze, on which is the inscription, and a simple cornice with
a pediment above. In the middle of this there is a square opening,
giving access probably to a chamber over the arch. The whole treatment
is dignified and reserved.
The inscription on the frieze of the minor order has been given more
fully by Bruce than by succeeding travellers, and much more so than
can be deciphered at the present day. It runs thus:—
IMP. CAESAR. DIVI. NERVAE . F.
TRAIANO . OPTIMO . AVG. GER.
DACIO . PARTHICO . P.M. TRIB
POTEST. XX. IMP. XII. COS. VI
. . . . FAVSTIN . OS. DEDI. D.D. P.P.
The mention of the twentieth year of the tribunate of Hadrian fixes
the date as the last year of his reign, A.D. 117.
The arch has been built up with loose stones, and has evidently been
surrounded by a wall, to convert it into a fortified position.
The building has not suffered greatly since Bruce’s time, but it
is buried almost to the level of the impost in débris. As Bruce’s
sketch shows no sign of the loose masonry wall, it is possible that
this may have been constructed by the Arabs; at the same time it is
not improbable that he might purposely have omitted it, as having
no connection with the history of the building.
The dimensions given on the plan and elevation are:—
Ft. in. lines.
Width of arch 12 8 6
From side to column of minor order 1 11 0
Diameter of column of minor order 1 7 3
Intercolumnar space 3 3 6
Diameter of column of major order 2 7 0
Thence to end of building 1 5 0
Total depth of building 11 8 0
Height of stylobate 5 3 0
„ base of column of minor order 0 11 4
„ shaft „ „ 13 5 6
„ capital „ „ 1 10 6
„ entablature of column of minor
order 3 10 10
„ cornice „ „ 1 7 1
„ pediment „ „ 4 6 5
„ base of column of major order 1 5 2
„ shaft „ „ 22 0 0
„ capital „ „ 2 11 2
„ thence to cornice „ 2 9 6
„ cornice „ „ 2 5 3
„ thence to summit „ 3 1 4
Total height of edifice 40 1 0
[Illustration: _Plate XX._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
ARCH OF TRAJAN AT MACTAR (MUKTHER)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
To the south-south-west of this is a very large building, which Sir
Grenville Temple and M. Guérin believe to have been a palace or a
church, but which I am inclined to consider public thermæ. There is
a large central hall, twenty paces long by twelve broad, the north
and south ends of which were almost entirely occupied by immense
arches. On each of the other sides were three arched openings,
the central one of which was the largest, giving access to lateral
chambers, now entirely destroyed. Near the north-west angle is a
large well, more than twelve feet in diameter, whence probably the
water supply of the establishment was derived. The construction was
very massive, partly of rubble and partly of cut-stone masonry. This
building, like Trajan’s arch, had been converted into a fortress
by a bastioned wall constructed of old materials, amongst which I
observed two Christian tombstones; one had a cross inscribed within
a circle, the other the monogram of Christ, with the Alpha and Omega.
About midway between Trajan’s arch and the double-storied mausoleum
was a large and important pile of buildings, which might well have
been a governor’s palace. The construction is of rubble masonry,
but the voussoirs of the arches and some of the facings are of huge
blocks of cut stone. It is much encumbered with débris, in which
it is buried up to the imposts of the arches.
Beyond this is the mausoleum just alluded to; it consists
of a sepulchral chamber containing seventeen carefully cut
columbaria. Above this was an open chamber with a portico in
front for statuary, the whole being surmounted by an elevated
pyramid. Exteriorly the sides are ornamented by Corinthian
pilasters. Above the door was an inscription; this has quite
disappeared with the exception of the dedicatory letters D.M.S., which
are of unusual size. Below this was a sculptured representation,
now almost effaced, but from what remains there can be no doubt
that the subject was exactly the same as that on the mausoleum of
Julius Proculus, the procession of a bull to the sacrificial altar,
one probably in common use like the cross on Christian tombs.
The second mausoleum, to which I have just alluded, is on the
right bank of the Oued Sabon, near the lower triumphal arch; it
was of similar construction to the other, but has only the lower
storey remaining. Above the door the sculpture is in a very perfect
condition, except that the faces of the persons assisting at the
procession have been obliterated by chisels. Above this, occupying
the whole length of the front side is a long inscription, part of
which has been thrown down and is lying amongst the débris. Both
Sir Grenville Temple[181] and M. Pelissier[182] have given portions
of this inscription. M. Guérin,[183] however, has given as much of
it as it is possible to decipher. It shows that the tomb was erected
to commemorate Julius Proculus, who, ever since his assumption of
the _toga virilis_, had devoted himself to the study of elocution,
and was much admired by his fellow-citizens.
To the west of Trajan’s arch is an aqueduct of large cut stones. The
piers of the arches are five feet six inches in thickness, and the
intervals between them eleven feet eight inches.
Although the ground between the ruins is so thickly strewn with
loose stones as to render walking a difficult and painful operation,
it was during our visit covered with crops of wheat and barley. It
is difficult to understand how any plough could be got to work under
such circumstances. There was, of course, no attempt to clear away
any of the stones; that would be too much to expect from an Arab
husbandman. Perhaps from their point of view they are right; land
is so abundant and population so scanty, that it pays them better
to sow two acres in a superficial manner than to cultivate one with
greater care and thus produce heavier crops.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 174: Guérin, i. pp. 396, 418.]
[Footnote 175: Morcelli, i. p. 209.]
[Footnote 176: Guérin, i. p. 409.]
[Footnote 177: Davis, _Ruined Cities_, i. p. 79.]
[Footnote 178: Guérin, i. p. 409.]
[Footnote 179: Temple, App. No. 137.]
[Footnote 180: Guérin, i. p. 409.]
[Footnote 181: Temple, ii. p. 341.]
[Footnote 182: Pelissier, p. 286.]
[Footnote 183: Guérin, i. p. 413.]
CHAPTER XXV.
MUKTHER TO ZANFOUR — BRUCE’S ROUTE FROM KEF TO ZANFOUR.
We left Mukther on the morning of the 19th, not without regret; we
would gladly have devoted a little longer time to these interesting
ruins, and we would fain have attempted to excavate near some of
the principal monuments, but my time was very limited, and we had a
certain amount of reluctance to remain more than one day in any place,
as we could not but feel that our presence was a tax upon the people.
The first part of the road was very difficult for the mules, but
exceedingly picturesque; the country was fertile and well watered,
and olive plantations numerous.
About six and a half miles from Mukther we reached an elevated rocky
pass, under a peak called Djebel Deir Subah. All along our route we
had observed, as usual, the remains of Roman buildings even in places
where nothing but _diss_ grass now grows. From this point there was a
most extensive view. To the south Djebel Trozza bounds the horizon,
and the ruins of Mukther are seen in the middle distance; to the
north we could plainly see both the city of Kef and the ruins of
Zanfour. Descending from this we passed Magherawa, the first stone
village we had met since leaving Susa: it is composed of very poor
hovels, built on the site of an ancient town, but its position is
delightful. Above it is a fine spring, which soon widens out into
a little stream; the ground is richly cultivated, and there are
numerous fine groves of olive trees. Here it was that Sir Grenville
Temple[184] found the Punic inscription, No. 142, which he has given
in his work, and fragments of rudely-sculptured _bas reliefs_ of
men and animals, but no Roman inscriptions. The mere fact of these
people living in permanent stone villages is sufficient to prove
them descendants rather of the original Berber races than of their
Arab conquerors. Soon the valley widens out into the plain of Sers,
by far the richest and most highly cultivated that we have hitherto
seen; olive groves are numerous, and stone villages commence to
replace the woollen tents of the nomad Arab.
We stopped to rest for a short time at El-Lahs, a small village near
a magnificent wood of olive trees. A little before entering it we
passed a fine spring of water, which issues from a cavity of the
rock; a number of Arab girls were washing their clothes in it, and
did not appear particularly averse from seeing or being seen by us;
but as soon as our escort came in sight, veils were brought into use,
and the youngest of them scampered away and hid their faces till we
had gone out of sight. The appearance of Europeans must be rather a
startling event, to be talked of for years afterwards, and to serve,
no doubt, as an epoch in their simple chronology. I only trust that
they did not jump at the conclusion that all Europeans resembled us;
they might well style us, as the Chinese did, ‘red devils.’ Our
faces and hands were scorched and excoriated by constant exposure
to the sun; and our costume, though very convenient for travelling
in Tunis, was rather travel-stained and would have been thought
peculiar in more civilised lands. Modesty prevents me from making
any allusion to my own personal appearance, but I am bound to admit,
that my companion looked about as disreputable a character as it
would be possible to meet even in the wilds of his native Ireland.
We did not enter the village, but sat down under the shade of the
olive trees on a grassy mound outside, and regaled ourselves with a
bowl of fresh warm milk. Generally it is difficult to obtain this,
save early in the morning, or late in the evening; the milk is kept
in vessels, which are never thoroughly cleansed and which turn it
almost immediately; but the Arabs like it so, and even prefer it
the second day when it has quite curdled.
In the vicinity are some curious ruins, not at all Roman in
appearance, but we could not decide whether they were anterior or
posterior to the Latin epoch. Sir Grenville Temple also noticed them
in these terms: ‘The most remarkable curiosities, however, are
several very ancient constructions scattered about in the fields
round the villages, formed of large unwrought stones or slabs,
some measuring 17 ft. 10 in. in length by 6 ft. 2 in. in breadth,
and 1 ft. 8 in. in thickness. With these a number of little chambers
are formed, generally in two rows, divided by a passage resembling
in their plan some of the tombs of the Pharaohs at Biban el-Melook,
near Thebes; that is to say, those which have little chambers on
each side of the entrance gallery. The whole edifice is also roofed
with similar slabs laid flat. I should feel inclined to attribute
their construction to the aboriginal inhabitants before the arrival
of the Phœnicians; probably, they are not tombs but _magalia_ or
houses. Many of them are in such good preservation as still to be
inhabited and used as stables.’[185]
After passing this place, and crossing the Oued Ez-Zerga, and the
Oued Zanfour, we came to the Henchir, which now bears the latter name.
Bruce was the first of modern travellers to recognise that Zanfour,
and not Kisser, as Shaw supposed, was the ancient Assuras; he read
the name on the triumphal arch, the inscription of which he has
recorded. Pliny mentions the Oppidum Azuritanum as inhabited by Roman
citizens;[186] it is also cited by Ptolemy,[187] in the Itinerary of
Antoninus,[188] and in the tables of Peutinger as Assuræ. Several
bishops of this place are recorded, and one of the epistles of
St. Cyprian was addressed _ad episcopum et plebem Assuritanorum_.[189]
The most important of the ruins is the triumphal arch above
mentioned. Bruce has left two drawings of this monument, one a very
elegant sketch in Indian ink, evidently his own work, showing its
actual condition, and exhibiting in the background the accurate
position of the temple on the left, and of the theatre on the
right. The other is a highly-finished Indian-ink drawing of the same
subject, in which the hand of Luigi Balugani is very apparent. The
entablature and one of the columns have been restored, and a camp of
Arab soldiers has been pitched among trees behind it; numerous figures
in fanciful attitudes are scattered about, and a cart, which must
have had some difficulty in crossing the stream, contains a family
party in the foreground. This I have chosen for reproduction, as, in
spite of these embellishments, the drawing is more accurate, and the
Corinthian temple to the left is given in greater detail. (Plate XXI.)
There are also five other sheets to illustrate this monument. One
contains a slight pencil sketch, on which the dimensions are given;
another is a finished Indian-ink drawing to scale of the plan
and elevation: the other three are beautifully executed plates of
architectural details of various parts of the monument.
This arch has but one opening, decorated with a Corinthian order,
composed of single isolated fluted columns near each angle of the
mass, with unfluted pilasters behind, corresponding to them. It
is in a very ruinous condition, but enough remains to show, even
had these drawings not existed, that the entablature was rich and
complete, and crowned by an attic with cornice and basis. As is
usual in such buildings, the impost turns all round the monument,
without however interfering with the pilasters and columns, and,
which is less common, the arch is decorated with an archivolt.
The dimensions given in the plan and elevation are as follows:—
Ft. in. lines.
Opening of arch 17 5 6
Width of piers (square) 9 2 0
Diameter of columns 2 1 5
Base of stylobates 2 2 5
Space between column and pilaster 2 6 6
Height of stylobate 6 7 6
„ base of column 1 1 2
„ shaft 17 11 3
„ capital 2 4 5
„ entablature 5 8 3
„ attic 7 1 6
Total height of ruin 40 11 2
The columns have all fallen down, and lie in fragments around. Bruce’s
sketches show that during his visit the right one on the north-east
side was complete, as was half of the corresponding one on the opposite
side of the opening, but the condition of the south-west side of the
arch is not indicated.
On that portion of the attic above the north-east face was a long
inscription, part of which still remains _in situ_. Some of the
stones, however, on which it was engraved have been thrown down
and broken; fragments of these still exist amongst the débris,
but the most part have disappeared.
The following is the inscription, as recorded by Bruce:—
DIVO . L . . . . TIMIO . SEVERO . PIO . AVG. ARAB. ADIAB. PARTH.
MAXI . . . . IMPAR
ET . IMP. CAES. M. AVRELIO . ANTONINO . PIO . AVG. FELICI. PARTH. MAX.
BRIT. MAX. GERM. MAX. PONT. MAX. FIL. TRIB. POT. XVIII. IMP. III.
COS. I̅I̅I̅I̅ P.P. PROCOS . OPTIMO . MAXIMOQUE . PRINCIPI . ET
IVLIAE . DOMNAE . PIAE . FELICI . AVG. MATRI . AVG. ET . CASTRORVM .
ET . SENATVS.
ET . PATRIAE . VXORI . DIVI . SEVERI . AVG. PII. COL. IVL. ASSVRAS .
DEVOTA . NVMINI .
EORVM. D. D. P. P.
It was also copied by Sir Grenville Temple,[190] on whose authority,
supplemented by his own observation, it has been produced by
Guérin.[191]
The most important words of this inscription, COL. IVL. ASSVRAS,
were rendered by Sir Grenville Temple as OLIVI . AVSVRA.[192] And
Pelissier, accepting this rendering as accurate, imagined the letters
OLIVI to be an abbreviation of _olivifera_.[193] M. Guérin has
settled, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the words really are
COLONIA . JULIA . ASSURAS.[194]
The beginning, as given by Temple and Guérin, is DIVO OPTIMO
. . . . . SEVERO. Bruce’s rendering, besides having been made at
a much earlier date than the others, is also more probably correct,
DIVO . L . . . . TIMIO SEVERO.
Near this arch is another, but possessing no particular interest. The
arch itself is entire, but no portion of the entablature remains in
place. Its length, according to Guérin, is 10·90 mètres, breadth
2·75 mètres, opening of arch 5·45 mètres, and height about 10
mètres.[195] We were too busy with other important matters to have
time to verify these measurements.
[Illustration: _Plate XXI._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TRIUMPHAL ARCH AND TEMPLE, ASSURAS (ZANFOUR)
FAC-SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
A third arch existed at the other side of the town facing the
W.S.W. This is now almost entirely destroyed, but the dimensions
are recorded by Sir Grenville Temple[196]—
Ft. in.
Length (of front ?) 36 4
Breadth (of depth?) 9 5
Width (of central archway?) 17 8
From this there may still be observed a paved street running through
the town.
The theatre has been a very remarkable building, constructed of
immense and beautifully cut stones. Its form is indicated by the
arches round the circumference which still exist; two parallel
galleries surrounded the orchestra, and a considerable concentric
portion of the proscenium and postscenium is still entire. We picked
up a small fragment of sculpture amongst the ruins, representing
a serpent coiled up in an attitude of repose, rudely but boldly
executed.
Next in importance to the larger triumphal arch, is the Corinthian
temple shown in both of Bruce’s drawings of the former building. He
has left an excellent sketch of this, and two plates giving finished
Indian-ink drawings of the decorative bands.
On the sketch itself he has added—somewhat unjustly, as it seems
to me—a pencil remark, _‘Bad taste: it will do for a distance
to arch; ornaments bad.’_
The monument was more complete in his time than it is now; his
drawing exhibits two entire sides of the cella, as far as the top of
the pilasters, but no fragment either of the entablature or of the
portico. At present the rear wall of the cella remains very much as
it then was, but there is very little indeed existing of the other
sides. On each side were four pilasters, the angular ones joining on
each side; they were crowned with Corinthian capitals, very richly
detailed, and having equally rich mouldings at their base; but the
peculiar features of the building, which exist in no other one, as
far as I am aware, in Africa, are the bands of sculpture occurring
between the pilasters at about two-thirds of their height above the
plinth. Bruce gives beautifully executed and highly finished drawings
of the six which existed. They are all similar in composition, but
differing in detail; they are bordered by a very elegant moulding,
and contain the usual emblems of the sacerdotal office, such as the
bucrane, or victim’s skull, from which garlands depend, supported
in the centre by candelabra or vases; there are also introduced
the knife, poleaxe, flagon for libations, the lituus, or augur’s
wand, the flamen’s cap of office, the aspergillium for sprinkling
lustral water, and several other emblems. Similar decoration is very
frequent in the friezes of temples, but such sculptured bands on the
walls are by no means common; the nearest approach to this feature,
of which I am aware, is on the outside wall of the Pantheon at Rome,
on each side of the principal entrance.
The other remains of Assuras are of less importance; they consist
of several tombs and cisterns, private edifices and defensive
works. Two bridges crossed the river, of which the upper was built
of cut stone, that lower down the stream being of rubble masonry
and brick, probably of a much later date.
The situation of this ancient city has been admirably chosen;
it is built on a peninsula of land, surrounded on every side but
the south by two water-courses, with deep and precipitous banks,
which not only constitute a strong natural defence, but supply an
abundance of fresh water.
In front of it stretches the plain of Es-Sers—no doubt, as Bruce
remarks, a corruption of the ancient name Assuras. This basin,
enclosed by hills on every side, contains about 50 square miles
of rich, highly cultivated and irrigable land; but the plateau on
which the city stood was cut off from the plain by the river, and
was itself, or rather is now, perfectly barren.
The Khalifa of the district had sent his brother, Omar bin Amer
el-Ayari, from a great distance to receive and entertain us. Without
such hospitality it is extremely difficult for a traveller to encamp
amongst ancient ruins in this country; they are usually shunned
by the people, and no supplies are procurable within a radius of
several miles. We also received a visit from Si Mohammed Esh-Shabi,
Kaid of a fraction of the Drid tribe, who was encamped not far off;
he was a really grand specimen of the Arab patriarch. He took quite an
intelligent interest in the object of my journey, and was delighted
with the extracts I translated to him from Bruce’s Diary. There
is a considerable divergence between Bruce’s route and mine at
this point; he came from Kef by Zouarin. I extract all that he says
regarding his journey:—
From Dougga I continued the upper road to Keff, formerly called
Sicca Venerea, or Venerea ad Siccam, through the pleasant plains
inhabited by the Welled Yagoube. At Keff there were no antiquities but
the inscriptions, and part of the frieze of the temple of Hercules
carved upon white marble; it probably was situated on the very spot
where we found this, as the columns standing were perpendicular and
equidistant, and in just proportion from the gate.
A portion of this frieze is in the Kinnaird collection; the following
is the inscription, as recorded by Bruce:—
HERCVLI . SACRVM
M . TVTICIVS . PROCVLVS . PROCVRATOR . AVGVSTI
SVA . PECVNIA . FECIT.
Several other inscriptions were copied by Bruce. Some have since
been published by Guérin and others. The following appears to have
escaped the observation of subsequent travellers:—
. . . . . . . . . . .
POT . . . . . . . . .
FILIO . DOMINI . NOSTRI
IMP . CAES . P . LICINI . VALE
RIANI . PII . FELICIS . AVG
COLONI . COL . IVL . VENE
RIAE . CIRTAE . NOVAE . SIC
CAE . DD. PP.
The frieze of the temple of Venus was found and broken to pieces a
very short time before my arrival. It was apparently the history
of her amour with Adonis, and was upon white marble, worked with
the utmost elegance, but the fragments were too inconsiderable to
be able to venture upon a design from them. The Moors between Keff
and Constantina being in rebellion, I turned eastward on November 5.
I passed Lorbus,[197] where are no antiquities; the walls seem to be
modern, built badly out of the ancient materials. Arrived at Zowarin,
about twelve miles, a very large extensive plain, the seat of the
Welled Yagoube, who pay no tribute, but receive payment from the
Bey. At the head of this plain is Welled Toauoun,[198] descendants
of Welled Yacoube, but these are tributary and few in number. Five
miles from Zowarin, passing a mountain through a wood of firs, we
came to Zamfoure on the 6th November; a city in ruins that seems
to be about three miles in circumference. Here we made drawings
of a Corinthian temple, and a triumphal arch, the inscription on
which shows it to be the Assuras and not Kiser,[199] as Dr. Shaw
imagines. It is surrounded on every side but the south by a small
river, which has the marks of having been a very large stream,
its banks very high and perpendicular, and below it is the plain of
Surse, as it is still called, a corruption probably of the ancient
Assuras. This plain is the abode of the Welled Ali. Passing the plain,
twelve miles to the north-east, we come to Jebbel Messouche,[200]
on the other side of which, upon an eminence, is a small mean town,
built from the fragments of a larger and ancient one, whose name is
still called Zama,[201] and is probably the ancient capital of Juba;
the small river Siliana runs below it, and empties itself in the
Bagradas. Below are the wide plains of the Welled Own, where probably
was gained the victory, which decided the fate of the capital.
Our friend Si Mohammed esh-Shabi confirmed in many curious respects
the narrative of Bruce; he was particularly struck with the mention
of the fact that this district was occupied by the Oulad Ali. His
own tribe, that of the Drid, is one of _makhsin_, or hereditary
soldiery. They wander all over the country with their flocks and
camels, and as a rule possess no fixed residence and own no land in
fee simple; his section of it however, that of Esh-Sabiah, purchased
the territory which they now inhabit in the plain of Es-Sers,
from the Oulad Ali, not very many years after Bruce’s visit, and
the latter tribe has totally disappeared, at least from this part
of the country. Then the ‘wood of firs,’ through which Bruce
passed, was in the mountain of Bou Seliah; he was well aware that
it had been covered at one time with Aleppo pines; but he assured
me that not a single tree now remained. The Oulad Aoun still remain
in their own frontiers, and as formerly, are exempt from taxation,
like the Sidi Bou Ghanim, the Khomair, and several others, who are
not required to pay taxes, simply because there is every reason to
believe, that they would not consent to do so, and Government is
not strong enough to enforce obedience.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 184: Temple, ii. p. 262.]
[Footnote 185: _Ib._ p. 263.]
[Footnote 186: Pliny, v. 4, § 4.]
[Footnote 187: Ptol. iv. 3, § 30.]
[Footnote 188: _Itin. Ant._ pp. 49, 51.]
[Footnote 189: Morcelli, _Afr. Chris._ i. p. 85.]
[Footnote 190: Temple, ii. p. 266.]
[Footnote 191: Guérin, ii. p. 90.]
[Footnote 192: Temple, ii. p. 266.]
[Footnote 193: Pelissier, p. 283.]
[Footnote 194: Guérin, ii. p. 89.]
[Footnote 195: Guérin, ii. p. 94.]
[Footnote 196: Temple, ii. p. 267.]
[Footnote 197: Olim _Lares_, abl. _Laribus_, whence _Lorbus_.]
[Footnote 198: Probably the Oulad Aoun, but their descent from the
Oulad Yakoob is apocryphal.]
[Footnote 199: The modern _Kiser_ is the ancient Civitas Chusira.]
[Footnote 200: Djebel Mesaood.]
[Footnote 201: The modern name is Djama.]
CHAPTER XXVI.
ZANFOUR TO AIN EDJAH AND TEBOURSOUK — DOUGGA.
We started from Zanfour at a quarter to five A.M., and reached
Teboursouk at four P.M., a ride of thirty-eight miles, too far for
one day, especially during such intense heat as we encountered.
After quitting the plateau of Zanfour we paid a visit to the tents
of our friend Si Mohammed esh-Shabi. The good Sheikh was quite
distressed that we would not spend a day at his encampment, or
even alight to partake of his hospitality; but time was precious,
so we contented ourselves with quaffing a lordly bowl of milk to
his health, and he filled the haversacks of our escort with dates,
bread and fresh cheese, the only luxuries of a portable nature that
he possessed. He accompanied us several miles on our way, and we
parted with, I hope, mutual feelings of goodwill and regret that our
visit had been so short. His encampment did not materially differ
from all other Arab villages, if so they may be called. It consisted
of a circle of black tents, in the centre of which were the cattle,
horses and mules of the family. The intervals between the tents were
filled up with prickly brushwood; but the great protection of an Arab
camp, which makes approach to it extremely dangerous to a stranger,
is the cloud of yelping dogs which rush out from every direction,
and can hardly be pacified by the utmost efforts of the owner. The
tents are made of strips, sewn together, of black and brown woollen
material like sacking, very open in texture, but perfectly impervious
to the rain. The Arab knows nothing of the exigencies of fashion;
he dresses as his forefathers have done for countless generations,
and his tents are exactly the same as when they were described by
Sallust as ‘_oblonga, incurvis lateribus tectâ, quasi navium
carinæ sunt_.’[202]
We traversed the plain of Es-Sers from north-west to south-east, over
soft springy meadow land, or amongst fields of corn, and crossing a
low range of hills which bounds it, entered a valley scored in every
direction with deep ravines, only just practicable for laden mules,
and so descended into the plain of El-Gharfa. This is drained by a
considerable river, the Oued Tessäa, which lower down becomes the
Oued Khalad. It contains a small quantity of cultivated land, but much
excellent pasturage. A considerable part of it is overgrown with a
thick scrub of lentisk, once a favourite resort of brigands, but since
the accession to power of the present Wuzir, General Kheir-ed-din,
the roads in Tunis have become nearly as secure as those in Algeria.
The heat all day was insupportable; a strong sirocco, I will not
say _blew_, but _existed_, for the worst siroccos are characterised
by an utter absence of air in motion; the atmosphere is deprived of
every particle of moisture, the sky is leaden, the mucous membranes
of the body get parched, dry and incapable of relief by perspiration;
everything one touches is hot and brittle, and the leaves of a book
curl up and expand like those of a fan. It is no use to rest under
the shade of a tree; the heat is not only in the direct rays of the
sun, but everywhere; escape is hopeless and life is a burden.
About four miles before reaching Teboursouk we passed Ain Edjah,
where is an interesting ruin, sometimes called Bordj Ibrahim,
after a late Kaid of the Drid tribe, who built a stone house here,
and surrounded it with a beautiful orchard of fruit trees.
The ruin was evidently a Roman fort, restored by the Byzantines,
and converted into a fonduk, or wayside inn, by the Arabs. In some
few places the original Roman foundations are still visible. Of the
Byzantine restoration a great part of the wall of circumvallation
remains; it was of a rectangular form, with square towers at the
angles. In one of these the vaults which covered in the rooms on the
ground floor and first storey still exist, as well as the stairs
which conducted to the upper terrace. From the foundation of the
eastern tower issues a beautiful spring, which waters the orchard
below. This is the source of Edjah, which gives its name to the
district. There is no doubt that this name is simply a corruption
of the ancient one, Municipium Agbiensium, or Agbia, mentioned in
the Tables of Peutinger. A short distance beyond, on the road to
Teboursouk, we observed two milliary columns lying half buried in
the earth, with their bases still in place close beside them. One
was too deeply covered to permit us to see the inscription, and
we had no instruments with which to dig it up. The other was only
partly legible, the upper part of the inscription being much defaced
by the action of weather. It has been recorded, both by Pelissier
and Guerin.[203]
After a very fatiguing journey we reached Teboursouk, and were at
once conducted to the house of the Khalifa. Our host was extremely
courteous, but at first cool and reserved. He gave up one of the
rooms in the ground-floor of his own house for our accommodation,
and appropriated an empty building close by for the use of our
attendants. He sent us our meals from his own kitchen, where
certainly the art of cookery is thoroughly understood, and very
soon, through the instrumentality of his son, a dear little fellow
about four years old, to whom we presented a few trifles, and whose
curiosity was insatiable, the good gentleman thawed considerably
and our intercourse became more friendly and unrestrained.
The modern town is no exception to the general law, which seems to
have doomed all Mohammedan cities to decay. Its situation is naturally
most beautiful, being built on the slope of a hill which commands
a valley of singular fertility, covered with groves of olives, and
orchards of fruit trees; but the houses are half-ruinous, and the
streets in a filthy and neglected condition.
Teboursouk, the ancient Thibursicum Bure, was so-called to distinguish
the city of the pro-consular province from another of the same name
in Numidia, Thibursicum Numidarum, the modern _Khamisa_.
Several bishops of this place are recorded, and one of them is
mentioned by St. Augustine in his book _Contra Cresconium_.[204]
It can hardly be said to be now surrounded by a wall, though in
some places the wall built on Roman or Byzantine foundations still
exists. The most interesting part is towards the north, where one
of the ancient city gates still remains entire, though built up and
buried to a great part of its height in _débris_.
This is curious, as it differs from all the triumphal arches I have
yet seen in North Africa. The piers on each side consist of two
fluted Corinthian pilasters, supporting a complete entablature, from
which the central arch rises. As nothing except the arch itself now
remains, it is impossible to say how this was crowned. Amongst the
stones used in the re-construction of this part of the walls are many
fragments of sculpture and inscriptions. The latter have frequently
been published. One of them contains the ancient name of the city,
THIB. BVRE, another a record of the reconstruction of its walls by
Thomas, prefect of Africa during the reign of Justinus II. and the
Empress Sophia, A.D. 565 to 578.[205] This Thomas is honourably
mentioned by Carippus Africanus in the first book of his poem,
_De laudibus Justini minoris_:—
Et Thomas Libyæ nutantis dextera terræ.
Three others have been recorded by Bruce, but the precise locality
where they were found is not given.
AEDEM . NOVAM . L. PALATIVS . HONORATV . . . .
BONIFATIAE VXORIS SVAE XX MIL. N. EX. T.
MVLTIPLICATA . PECVNIA . EXCOLVIT . ET . OMNI . REPER.
VRBI ROMAE AETERNAE AVG
RESP. MVNICIPI . SEVERIANI ANTO
NINIANI LIBERI THIBVRSICENSIVM
BVRE
S PRO COS PP
VM PVBLICARVM
The principal water-supply of Teboursouk is derived from a very fine
spring, which issues from a small chamber and flows into a large
square reservoir, both of Roman work. The overflow runs through
a subterranean passage, and waters the gardens to the north of
the town. On the lintel of the door of the chamber from which the
water flows may be traced a few letters, which Guérin gives as
VG. ARA. They are hardly legible now, but the entire inscription is
recorded by Peyssonnel:—
NEPTVNO . AVG. SACR. PRO . SALVTE . IMP. CAESARVM.
L. S. H. TIMIS.[206]
On the summit of the hill above the town is a koubba, from which a
very fine view is obtained.
From Teboursouk we made an excursion to Dougga, دُقّة, the ancient
Thugga, Cives Thuggenses, or, as it is given in one inscription in the
wall of a house near the temple, Respublica Coloniae Liciniae Septimiae
Aureliae Alexandrinae Thuggensium.
This city must have been of very considerable consequence, to judge
by the extent and magnificence of its remains, which cover an area
of about three square miles; and when its temples and palaces were
standing, and clear of the cactus and brambles that now invade
their remains, it must have been a most striking object in the
landscape. The city was built high up on the hill, which bounds
on the west the extensive valley watered by the Oued Khallad, a
tributary of the Medjerda. A wretched modern hamlet is built amongst
its ruins, and the traveller has to wade through the accumulated
filth of years to visit the various objects of interest which the
village contains. This, however, occupies but a small extent of the
ancient city; the remainder is overgrown with cactus and briars,
or laid out in delightful groves of olive-trees.
[Illustration: _Plate XXII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TEMPLE OF JUPITER AND MINERVA AT THUGGA (DOUGGA) SIDE VIEW.
FAC SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
[Illustration: _Plate XXIII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TEMPLE OF JUPITER AND MINERVA AT THUGGA (DOUGGA)
FAC SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The ancient name probably had the same signification as the modern
word _Dougga_ still bears in the Berber language, _green grass_;
and, indeed, it would be difficult to find a more charming position,
or one which, from its abundant water-supply, was more likely to be
always verdant, than the hillside on which the city was built.
The most beautiful of all the ruins here—and, I am tempted to
add, the most exquisite gem of art I have seen in North Africa—is
the temple built from the private resources of two brothers, and
dedicated, as will be seen, to Jupiter and Minerva. Bruce calls this
One of the most beautiful ruins of a temple in white marble in
the world.
And again he says—
It is, I think, one of the most beautiful pieces of architecture
I ever saw, the richest in ornament, and the most elegant in
execution. I spent fifteen days upon the architecture of that temple
without feeling the smallest disgust, or forming a wish to finish it.
It is, with all its parts, still unfinished, in my collection. These
beautiful and magnificent remains of ancient taste and greatness,
so easily reached in perfect safety by a ride along the Bagrada,
were at Tunis perfectly unknown. Dr. Shaw has given the situation of
the place without saying one word about anything curious it contains.
Bruce’s illustrations of this temple consist of nine sheets:—
1. A perspective view in pencil of the front of the portico,
showing the door of the cella and the apse beyond.
2. Details and measurements in pencil of capital and base of column,
and of entablature.
3. Rough pencil sketch of plan, with details in ink of various parts.
4. Perspective view in Indian ink of front; podium in pencil only. The
triumphal arch of Septimius Severus is seen to the left.
5. Perspective view in Indian ink of the side of portico, showing
the construction of the cella, or the building which has replaced it
(Pl. XXII.)
6. Highly finished drawing in Indian ink, taken from an opposite point
of view to the last, with landscape and figures of the Balugani type
(Pl. XXIII.)
7. Finished Indian-ink plan and elevation, with dimensions.
8. Finished Indian-ink drawing of a capital, details of abacus
and base.
9. Finished drawing in Indian ink of soffit of cornice, six of the
fifteen flowers for centre of abacus, details of head of doorway of
cella, and the same given _in petto_.
10. Finished drawing in Indian ink of details of pediment and podium
of temple.
This temple seems to have suffered very little if any injury during
the last century; but it is in a very incomplete condition, and the
portico, the noble entrance-door of the cella, and a small portion of
the wall, are probably all that remain of the original structure. I
am inclined to attribute to a later period, probably that of the
Byzantines, the masonry now existing on the site of the cella. It
is in a style very commonly met with in Africa.
A course of cut stone was laid horizontally, a long cut stone was
erected at intervals of four or five feet on this, and the interstices
filled in with rubble masonry, exactly like the _long and short
bond_ found in Roman and early Saxon work in Britain. Some excellent
specimens of this still exist at Teboursouk, twenty or thirty feet
in height. This explains the occurrence of so many upright stones in
all ruined cities throughout Africa; the masonry of inferior quality
has fallen away, bringing down the whole of the superstructure,
and leaving only the uprights resting on the foundations. As this
part of the building has a semi-circular apse at its extremity,
it is probable that it was intended for a Byzantine basilica.
To return, however, to the temple. It is a tetrastyle, with a noble
portico, of the Corinthian order. The columns are fluted, and with
one exception, monoliths. The dimensions of the buildings, as given
in Bruce’s plan and elevation, are as follows:—
Ft. in. lines.
Width of portico 44 0 0
Depth of portico 24 6 0
Distance between bases of central columns 9 9 0
Distance between bases of first and second
columns on each side of front 9 4 0
From first to second column on each side 8 4 3
From second column to wall of cella 8 9 4
Width of base of staircase 12 5 0
Height of base of column 2 9 6
„ shaft 26 6 0
„ capital 3 9 0
„ architrave 2 7 6
„ frieze 3 3 2
„ cornice 3 0 0
Height of pediment 6 1 0
Apex of pediment to apex of cornice 3 9 0
Height of stairs 5 6 0
Height of door of cella to bottom of
lintel 27 0 0
Height of lintel 2 3 2
Height of cornice 1 5 6
Width of door of cella, clear opening 13 7 0
Diameter of base of column 5 0 0
Diameter of shaft at base 3 5 9
In saying that the ornamentation of this temple was the richest he
ever saw, Bruce was no doubt right, especially if he alluded to the
monuments still retaining a certain purity of style, which he had met
with in Africa; but in Italy the temples of the latter half of the
second century were generally most highly decorated. In the case of
this temple the frieze has an inscription, but otherwise it is without
ornaments of any kind. The architrave is divided, as usual, into
three bands, but the mouldings are simple, without oves, pearls, or
other ornaments. On the other hand, the cornice is highly decorated,
and the pediment is enriched with a grand piece of sculpture.
Bruce, evidently misled by the occurrence of the letters NERVAE
in the inscription on the frieze, imagined that these alluded to
the Emperor Nerva, and inferred that the temple had been built by
Hadrian, and that the sculpture, which represented a male figure on
the back of an eagle, was
The apotheosis of his benefactor Trajan, by an angel flying with
him to heaven.
Sir Grenville Temple’s supposition, that it was intended to
represent the rape of Ganymede by the eagle of Jupiter, is much more
likely to be correct.[207]
On the frieze of the order is an inscription, now almost effaced,
but which has been recorded by Bruce more fully than by subsequent
travellers. It is as follows:—
IOVI . OPTIMO . M[AXIMO . ET . MI]NERVAE[208]
AVG. SACRVM . PRO[SALVTE] . . . M . . . .
ANTONINI . . . . . [V]ERI . AVG. ARMENICO . R
MED. PARTH. . . . . . . . MARCVS . SIMPLEX .
REGILLIANVS . SVA . P.F.
The door of the cella is nearly all that remains of that part of the
temple. It consists of three huge stones, a lintel and two door-posts,
the former of which projects a considerable distance beyond the
latter. These are enriched with a moulding on the exterior edge of the
stones, which, instead of mounting in a straight line from the ground
to the top of the lintel, as would probably have been the case in an
earlier period of Roman art, follows at right angles the course of
the projecting portions of the lintel. A similar style is often met
with in Etruscan architecture, but in such cases the line of moulding
under the projections hardly ever formed horizontal straight lines
and right angles, unless painted or cut in the _inside_ of tombs.
On this lintel is a second inscription:—
L. MARCVS . SIMPLEX . ET . L. MAR
CIVS . SIMPLEX . REGILLIANVS . S.P.F.
From these inscriptions it is evident that the temple was built by
two brothers, L. M. Simplex and L. M. Simplex Regillianus, at their
own expense, _sua pecunia fecerunt_, in honour of Jupiter and Minerva,
during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and his colleague in the Empire,
L. Aurelius Verus, between the years A.D. 161 and 169.
No strong marks of decadence strike the eye at first sight, but the
antæ at the end of the cella walls are wanting, and perhaps other
signs of decadence would have been apparent in the cella itself,
had it been preserved.
Bruce states that the material of which the temple is built is
white marble. If this is not actually the case, it is a very compact
and crystalline limestone, full of fossil shells, and susceptible
of receiving a high polish; when new it must have been even more
effective than the finest description of marble. I am inclined to
believe that it is none other than the _Lumacchella antica_, one of
the lost Numidian marbles, of which only two or three specimens are
known to exist, and which at the present moment is worth something
like its weight in gold. A bold and conspicuous hill was pointed out
to us as the spot whence the stone of the temple was obtained, but
it was too remote to be included in our visit. I leave the solution
of this question to some future traveller.[209]
Altogether this grand monumental fragment is a most interesting
historical specimen of the workmanship and architectural genius
displayed by the Romans in their African possessions.
The inhabitants of Dougga were not ungrateful to these good citizens
for their unusual liberality; they appear to have voted a statue
to one of them at least, the pedestal of which was discovered by
M. Guérin.[210]
The precincts of this temple are in a state of great filth and
neglect. It is surrounded on every side by rude Arab huts, and is
used as a yard for sheep and oxen, the handsome flight of steps
leading to it are partly buried in a thick layer of manure, and
we found it impossible from any point to obtain a view showing the
whole columns from base to capital. Nevertheless my companion made
some excellent photographs of it, which testify in a remarkable
manner to the conscientious accuracy of Bruce’s drawings, when
not marred by the unfortunate accessories of Balugani.
[Illustration: _Plate XXIV._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
LYBIAN MAUSOLEUM AT THUGGA (DOUGGA)
FAC SIMILE OF ROUGH PENCIL SKETCH BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
One day at Dougga is quite insufficient. I would recommend anyone
having abundant time at his disposal to encamp for a week amongst
its delightful shady groves.
Unrivalled as this temple is as a work of art there is another
monument of even greater interest, the celebrated mausoleum from
which the Dougga bi-lingual stone was obtained.
Bruce has left a pencil sketch of this in outline merely (Plate
XXIV.); but it is exceptionally interesting, as the monument itself
was almost entirely destroyed by Sir Thomas Reade, the British
Consul-General at Tunis, in extracting the stone on which the
inscription was carved. We met people on the spot who were present at
this sacrilege, and who described to us the manner in which stone
after stone of this, beyond all question the most interesting,
because the only pre-Roman, monument in the Regency of Tunis, was
hurled by levers and crowbars into the valley below.
Such a proceeding would have been indefensible had the object been to
enrich some great public museum, but destruction so wanton to secure
an object of interest for a private collection cannot be too strongly
reprobated. Half the sum expended in destroying the mausoleum devoted
to making a plaster cast of the inscription would have sufficed for
every purpose, and even if some future traveller had carried away the
precious relic, at least the guilt would not have been chargeable to
the British nation. The deed being done, it is fortunate that the
two slabs containing the inscription were purchased by the British
Museum at the sale of Sir Thomas Reade’s collection in 1852.
The monument was square in plan, two storeys in height, forming
what might almost be regarded as two distinct tombs superposed one
on the other, the whole surmounted by a graduated pyramidal roof
of receding steps. It is supported on five steps, averaging 16·2
inches in height, with treads 10 inches wide. The lower storey 21
or 22 feet square, and 10 ft. 8½ in. high, with semi-plain and
slightly projecting pilasters or antæ at the angles, surmounted by
Ionic capitals, one volute being on each face, from which spring two
lotus-like flowers, one from above and the other from below. A plain
fascia, surmounted by a few bold simple mouldings, forms a cornice
to the lower order, 1 ft. 9 in. high, or one-fifth the height of
the pilaster; it runs in an unbroken line along the four faces of
the tomb. A false window appears on three of the sides.
[Illustration]
The arrangement of the courses of stone is peculiar. A narrow square
plinth or base, rather less than eleven inches high, from which the
pilasters appear to spring, is carried all round. Above this is a
course four times as high, then a narrow band half as high again
as the base, followed by another high course slightly lower than
that beneath it. Above is a fifth course, half the height of that
immediately beneath it, which contains the capitals of the pilasters,
and formerly bore the inscription. The upper storey, of which very
little now remains, resembled the lower one in its general divisions
and style of construction. It was supported by three steps, 16½
inches high, with treads 10 inches wide, and appears to have been a
sort of tetrastyle of the Ionic order, probably with pilasters at the
angles, certainly with two intermediate, attached, fluted columns,
15 inches in diameter on each front, separated by an interval of 3
ft. 5 in. On the north and east faces, between these columns, were
small doors, closed by portcullises of stone, giving access to the
interior. They had dressings all round, and the architrave above
them was very high. The construction of this storey is similar
to that of the lower one, consisting of four unequal courses,
dividing the height of the columns into six parts. The entablature
in Bruce’s drawing (Pl. XXIV.) equals one third of the height of
the columns. It is divided into architrave and cornice, the former
consisting of a plain fascia, with narrow but bold mouldings. The
latter has a distinctly Egyptian character, with a high and boldly
projecting cavetto, surmounted by a fillet.
In a more recent view of this tomb, taken by Mr. F. Catherwood in
1832 with the aid of the camera lucida, for which I am indebted to
Professor Donaldson, there appears an intermediate frieze between
these two features, which would give the very unusual height of half
the column to the entablature.[211]
Above this rose the pyramid, with a large upright block of stone at
each angle as high as three or four of the steps, crowning classically
the tomb underneath. Probably this never rose to an apex, but was
truncated to receive a group of statuary, like the mausoleum of
Halicarnassus. Sir Grenville Temple[212] mentions having dug up at
the base, a portion of a draped figure, and at no great distance
a small mutilated equestrian statue. He also says that on the base
of the monument was a coarsely executed alto-relievo representing
a quadriga with a warrior and the charioteer.
The monument contained two tiers of sepulchral chambers, one in each
storey, divided into cells by vertical walls.
This mausoleum and the Medrassen in Algeria are the only monuments in
North Africa of a pre-Roman origin, and the only examples remaining
of the style employed by the earlier aboriginal races. The height
of the courses, and the capitals of the antæ in the lower storey,
would indicate a Greek origin, as does also the upper storey, which
recalls the Tomb of Theron at Agrigentum, but the large cavetto of
the cornice, and the lotus flowers with which the volutes of the
capitals are ornamented, are identical with the Egyptian type. The
whole is of a purer style than Roman tombs generally, and excels in
this respect every other similar edifice in North Africa.
The inscription has frequently been published. The first copy of
which we have any record was one made by a Frenchman of the name of
Thomas d’Arcos in 1631, which he delivered to the learned scholar
Isaac Peirese; afterwards it was entirely forgotten until Camillo
Borgia copied it again in the year 1815. This copy became known to
the world through Münter, Humbert and Hamaker. Two other copies
were made by Sir Grenville Temple[213] and Honegger, and published
by Gesenius.[214] The last facsimile was taken by order of the Duc
Albert de Luynes, from an impression of the stone then in the British
Museum, and published in M. Guérin’s work.[215]
The mausoleum appears to have been erected in honour of a Numidian,
and not of a Carthaginian, which is supposed to be the reason why the
Lybian version of the inscription is more carefully executed than
the Punic one, and the place of honour, the right side, assigned
to it. The Punic text appears to be the translation of the Lybian
one.[216]
The following translation of it is given by Gesenius:—[217]
Cippus Ma-olami, filii Jophi-sch’at
filii regis
Harb-Schema, filii Schoter-Aram,
filii Abd-Mokarthi
principis, filii Aam, filii Jophi-
sch’at filii regis
Schalgi, filii Carsachal
quum intro abiisset in domum plenam,
et esset luctus ob memoriam sapientis,
viri instar adamantis, qui tulit
omnis generis calamitates, quum esset
viduus matris meæ
[qui erat] fons pellucidus, nomen
purum a facinore. Exstruxit in
pietate filius patri.
There was a second Corinthian temple situated on a plateau overlooking
the valley beneath, from which it must have been a very imposing
object. It is now almost entirely destroyed, but the plan of the
cella is still visible, and many columns are lying scattered about,
as also fragments of the inscription which decorated the frieze. It
seems to have been much more entire when Peyssonnel visited it in
1724. He says: ‘There are the remains of a temple, which was an
arc open in the middle. It had a great façade of about 100 paces in
breadth. The temple was of a semi-circular shape. The façade was
supported by columns, and the columns again supported a corridor
all round the temple. On these columns there had been large stones
inscribed with Roman characters, but we could not collect enough
pieces to make out the sense, as everything was destroyed and
overthrown. In the middle of the temple there had been an altar
raised about six feet and four feet broad. All this _débris_
indicated a great magnificence and a good taste in architecture,
and a style more beautiful than that of Zawan (_Zaghouan_), although
of a form very closely resembling it.’[218]
[Illustration: _Plate XXV._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
THEATRE AT THUGGA (DOUGGA)
FAC SIMILE OF ROUGH INDIAN INK SKETCH BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Bruce has left no sketch of this, but there is an unfinished drawing
of the theatre (Plate XXV.), which has suffered great dilapidation
since his day, and is so thickly overgrown with briars and high rank
weeds that it is difficult to see more than the outer walls. These
are of solid rubble masonry. The sketch of Bruce is taken looking
towards the auditorium, which contains twelve or thirteen rows of
seats, occupying about two-thirds of the semi-circular area. Numerous
columns are seen in the foreground forming part of the scena.
The other monuments are a triumphal arch of the time of Septimius
Severus, represented in the background of one of Bruce’s sketches
of the great temple, all the upper part of which has since been
destroyed; several large reservoirs, fountains, public buildings of
various kinds, in a greater or less state of ruin; besides numerous
inscriptions which have already been published by Guérin.
In one of the houses near the temple I discovered a fragment of
the inscription first given by Peyssonnel, and copied, without
acknowledgment, from his manuscript, by Shaw—interesting, as it
records the name of the city in the nominative case. The first two
lines do not now exist.
[IMP. CAES. DIVI. ANTONINI
MARC. AVRELIO . SEVERO . ALEXANDRO]
PONTIFICI . MAXIMO . TRIBVNICI
ET . CASTRORVM . ET . SENATVS . ET . PA
LIVM LIBERVM . THVGGA.
Bruce has given the following inscriptions:—
. . . NE DIE DEDICATION . . . BL . . PRAESENTIBVS . . . MILIB . . .
VIGENTI . . . . ANCTISSIMI . . . SPORTVLAE NOMINE THUGGAM.
* * * * *
PIETATI . . . . . . AVG
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . E DEDICAVI CVRATORIBVS MM
* * * * *
IMP. CAES. DIVI
NERVAE NEPOTI
TRAIANO DACICI
PARTHICI FIL
TRAIANO HADRIANO AVG
PONT. MAX. TRIBVN
POTEST. COS. II. P.P.
CIVITAS THVGGA . D.D. P.P.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 202: Sall. _Bell. Jugurth._]
[Footnote 203: Pelissier, p. 251. Guérin, ii. p. 149.]
[Footnote 204: Morcelli, i. p. 318.]
[Footnote 205: Shaw, p. 173.]
[Footnote 206: Peyss. ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 134.]
[Footnote 207: Temple, ii. p. 71.]
[Footnote 208: The letters within brackets are not given in Bruce’s
copy.]
[Footnote 209: Since the above was written I have had the pleasure
of meeting Signor Del Monti of Oran, who has recently discovered,
near Kleber, in that province, the quarries whence some of the most
precious marbles, so prized by the Romans, were obtained. He has been
good enough to forward specimens to me, and a complete collection
will be sent to the Paris Exhibition of 1878.]
[Footnote 210: Guérin, ii, p. 124.]
[Footnote 211: A better reproduction of Catherwood’s drawing,
together with a restoration of the Hieron of Suffetula (_ante_,
p. 181), has been given by Professor Donaldson, in a paper read by
him on my recent explorations, before the Royal Institute of British
Architects on the 4th December, 1876.]
[Footnote 212: Sir Grenville Temple, ii. p. 73.]
[Footnote 213: Temple, ii. p. 352.]
[Footnote 214: Plates 20 and 48.]
[Footnote 215: Guérin, vol. ii. p. 122.]
[Footnote 216: Dr. Paul Schröder, _Die Phönizische Sprache_,
p. 257.]
[Footnote 217: Gesenius, _Monumenta Phœniciæ_, p. 187.]
[Footnote 218: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 128.]
CHAPTER XXVII.
LEAVE TEBOURSOUK — VALLEY OF LIONS — AIN TUNGA — TESTOUR.
We left Teboursouk at 6.30 A.M. on April 22. The road led at first
through a magnificent grove of olive-trees, which evidently constitute
the principal wealth of the country. Still, we saw but few young
ones, and I am tempted to believe that the system of taxing these
precious trees conduces to their destruction.
Each one, after the age of ten years, pays an annual tax of half
a piastre, or threepence, without reference to the amount of fruit
it bears, and as trees are rarely productive before fifteen years,
the owner of a new olive grove would have little or no return
for his money during this period, and a certainty of taxation
during the last five years of it. Under these circumstances it is
hardly surprising, that he does not feel called upon to make an
unremunerative investment of his money for the ultimate benefit
of his posterity; he cuts down unproductive trees for the sake of
their timber, but takes no steps to replace them. If some system
could be devised for taxing the produce instead of the tree itself,
the _déboisement_ of the country, which is going on at an alarming
rate, might to a certain extent be arrested.
About a mile beyond the town the road emerges into open ground, and
for a short distance follows the course of the Oued Khalad, which
is crossed and recrossed many times. The alternation of hill and
dale is most picturesque, and the great want in Tunisian landscape,
the absence of wood, is to some extent supplied by the unusually fine
tamarisks which fringe the river’s banks. The water was low during
our visit, but evidently the stream never becomes actually dry, as
it was full of little fish. Quantities of blue jays and blackbirds
added their share of attractions to the scene.
This is the _Oued el-Asood_, or valley of lions, of which Sir
Grenville Temple remarks: ‘As the surrounding country abounds
in lions it is not prudent to remain here after sunset. Sixteen of
these animals had been seen together here four evenings before.’
At seven and a half miles from Teboursouk is Ain Tunga, a delightful
roadside fountain, near which is a venerable old olive-tree affording
an impenetrable shade. We met here a party of the Oulad Ayar, who had
been to Tunis to sell their produce and were returning to their homes
in the neighbourhood of Mukther; they travelled like the patriarchs
of old with all their belongings about them, houses, wives, children,
cattle and sheep. They were busy washing their clothes at the spring,
an operation which did not tend to increase its purity. But questions
of cleanliness are the last that ever enter into the consideration of
modern Arabs; they think nothing of drinking the water of a source,
which they are in the very act of polluting, and it is no uncommon
thing to see what appears to be a clean bed of sand covered with
water, but if a little of the gravel is turned over, a layer of
black putrescent mud is seen to exist below it.
[Illustration: _Plate XXVI._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
THEATRE OF THIGNICA (AIN TUNGA)
FAC-SIMILE OF ROUGH INDIAN INK SKETCH BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Here are the extensive ruins of the ancient Thignica. Bruce is
absolutely silent regarding his visit to this place; nevertheless
he has left five sheets of drawings illustrative of it:—
1. Perspective pencil sketch of temple; too faint for reproduction.
2. Very rough pencil sketch, with dimensions, of plan of temple,
details of base of order, echinus and fillet, and of a remarkably
fine soffit. On the back are careful sketches, in Indian ink and
pencil, of other details of the same building.
3. Careful sketches in Indian ink of details of cornice and soffit. On
the back is a drawing in pencil of capital of order.
4. Careful sketches in Indian ink of details of architecture.
5. Slight perspective sketch in Indian ink of other ruins at
Ain Tunga, including the theatre and arch, but not the Byzantine
fortress. (Plate XXVI.)
The last-mentioned is now the most conspicuous ruin in the
place. Bruce has left no sketch of it; indeed, throughout all his
wanderings he paid no attention whatever to buildings of this period,
which, though by no means uninteresting from an historical point of
view, are absolutely devoid of any architectural merit.
The exterior walls are in a very perfect condition, as are also
the towers at each angle, but the interior is so choked up with a
rank growth of weeds and scrub, that to examine it is almost an
impossibility. Numerous inscriptions are still to be seen here,
which have been given by Guérin; the most important one, in six
fragments, records the full name of the place, ‘Municipium Septimium
Aurelium Antoninianum . . . . Herculeum Frugiferum Thignica,’ and
commemorates the reconstruction of its market-place in the time of
Alexander Severus and of his mother Julia Mamæa, A.D. 222-235.[219]
The Corinthian temple must have been almost as fine as that of Dougga;
the portico is now entirely destroyed, and all that remains are the
angles of the cella. The masonry was of an unusually fine quality,
and the columns were magnificent monoliths. In Bruce’s time the
portico was still entire, with the exception of one angle of the
pediment. It was a tetrastyle closely resembling the Temple of
Jupiter and Minerva at Dougga, but even richer and more ornate in
some of its details; it has not the defect observable in the latter,
the want of antæ; pilasters being distinctly marked in the plan at
the end of the cella walls.
Bruce records on one of the sheets a fragment of inscription which has
been mentioned by subsequent travellers, and which still exists:—
. . . . MAXIM . . . . . . .
. . . . BLICA MVNIC. . . .
The dimensions marked on the plan are as follows:—
Feet. Inches.
Width of building 38 0
Depth of portico 25 0
„ „ cella 42 10
Diameter of column 3 1
Three other inscriptions were copied by Bruce; the first has
the remark attached to it, ‘This is now in the Bey’s garden,
Tuburbo.’
ALLIUI UL
QVE MVNICIPIVM AELIVM AVR
ET QVE EGRILLIO PLARIANO LEG . PR
* * * * *
CAERERI AVG SACR
FABIVS CAECILIVS
PRAETEXTATVS F . I . P
CVR . REIP . POSVIT
* * * * *
VALENTI[220]
There exist also several other remains of less interest: a small and
plainly constructed arch and theatre of rubble masonry, a Christian
basilica, besides traces of various other buildings scattered about,
which are figured in Plate XXVI.
About four miles further on we came to Testour. Shortly before
reaching the town we crossed the Oued Siliana, close to its junction
with the Medjerda, at a spot which had once been spanned by a
Roman bridge. The ruins of this were perceptible on either side;
it was entire during the visit of Sir Grenville Temple in 1832,
and he mentions having crossed over it.[221] Beyond we enter the
valley of the Medjerda, whose course, as far as we could see it,
was marked by orchards and fields of corn, more like a bit of English
scenery than is usually met with in Africa.
The modern city is built on the site of the ancient Bisica Lucana,
a city unknown to history, but which may probably be the Visica
mentioned in Morcelli’s ‘Africa Christiana.’[222]
Shaw records an inscription found here, bearing the ancient name of
the place, COL. BISICA LVCANA,[223] which he probably copied from
Peyssonnel, who says that it existed in the market-place.[224]
There are still many inscriptions scattered about; the most
interesting are two milliary columns, erected during the reign of
Aurelius; one is in the house of a ropemaker, and the other in the
vestibule of the Djamäa el-Kebir. The former indicates a distance
of LXIX and the latter LXXI miles from Carthage. They have been
given by various travellers.[225]
I am not aware whether anything of unusual importance was going
on at the capital during the time that we were travelling in the
interior, but we found, almost invariably, that the head man was
absent at Tunis, and it was his Khalifa, or representative, who
received us. Here the Khalifa also was away, and there was no one in
his place to offer us hospitality; we were not at all sorry to be
thrown on our own resources, as supplies were readily obtainable,
and we were permitted to purchase them in the open market and to
lodge our animals in the public fonduk. The notables of the village
received us on our entry, and informed us that the shop of the barber
had been cleared out for our reception. They made many excuses for
the poorness of the accommodation; every other place, they assured
us, was swarming with fleas, and this was the only comparatively
clean place in Testour. It might have been so we did not try any
other; but we would gladly have compounded for any number of fleas,
if thereby we could have secured exemption from the attacks of
more voracious insects. To add to our other miseries, it commenced
to rain hard almost immediately after our arrival, and continued
without intermission all night; so there we lay in a miserable cell,
10 feet square, without even attempting to sleep, making periodical
attacks upon the enemy, and oppressed with a horrid dread that after
so much rain we should find the Medjerda too full to be fordable in
the morning.
Testour is a squalid village, whose sole merit is to have wide
and airy streets. The houses are built of a poor sort of rubble,
consisting of half-burnt bricks and small stones, and roofed with
tiles, only too ready to lend themselves to the prevailing inclination
of the place to fall into ruin. Still it is not quite without remains
of former grandeur; the minaret of the great mosque, though in a very
dilapidated condition, is a good specimen of Moorish architecture,
and has been tastefully decorated with coloured tiles. This was
probably the work of the Andalusian Moors, by whom the village was
peopled, on their expulsion from Spain.
Pelissier describes it as badly built, with a population of two
or three thousand inhabitants.[226] Guérin says that it was in
decadence during his visit, and contained two thousand souls,
including a few hundred Jews.[227] Things have gone badly with it
since then, as the population cannot now be more than one thousand,
and the Jews are to be counted by the score instead of the hundred.
It is situated in an exceptionally favourable position, on the right
bank of the Medjerda, almost dipping into the stream, and on the
great highway between Tunis and Keff, and so on into Algeria. Its
soil is extremely fertile, and its orchards, which fringe both banks
of the river, supply all Tunis with fruit.
If, therefore, we have a right to expect anything like a prosperous
village in the whole country, Testour is the place where it ought to
exist. Long years of misgovernment, of rapacity in high quarters, of
brigandage encouraged for private ends, and of Mohammedan intolerance
for everything like progress and civilisation, have produced their
natural results. No nation can remain stationary; if it does not
progress, it must rapidly retrograde; and nowhere is the contrast
between ancient magnificence and present decadence more plainly
visible than in the Regency of Tunis.
It was very pleasant here to witness the treatment of a poor
half-witted fellow, evidently the village imbecile. Instead of being
pursued with hoots and jeers, or at best regarded with indifference or
contempt, as might possibly happen in a Christian country, everyone
had a kind word to say to him, most of the elderly men stopped
and kissed him tenderly on the cheek, and all seemed thoroughly to
understand, that exceptional kindness was due to one, whom God had
seen fit to deprive of His most precious gift.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 219: Guérin, ii. p. 151.]
[Footnote 220: There are several other inscriptions given, but as
they are copied in Guérin and other authors, I omit them.]
[Footnote 221: Temple, _Excurs. in Med._ ii. p. 63.]
[Footnote 222: Morcelli, i. p. 357.]
[Footnote 223: Shaw, i. p. 169.]
[Footnote 224: Peyss., ap. Dureau de la Malle, i. p 139.]
[Footnote 225: Guérin, ii. p. 160.]
[Footnote 226: Peliss., p. 25.]
[Footnote 227: Guérin, ii. p. 159.]
CHAPTER XXVIII.
TESTOUR TO EL-BADJA BY THE MOUNTAINS — EL-BADJA.
_April_ 23.—The rain ceased with the appearance of daylight, and
though tired and unrefreshed from want of sleep, all our miseries
were forgotten at the thought of leaving this unenjoyable place. We
sent to have the state of the river examined by experts, and to our
great contentment it was pronounced fordable, though not without
difficulty, and at a point a little further up the stream; our horses
and mules were ordered round, and to our amazement they came covered
with clotted blood; every animal, including even the horses of our
escort, had been bled in both shoulders to relieve their fatigue and
to fit them for the heavy work still before them. They presented
a most ghastly appearance; no attempt had been made to remove the
blood from their legs, and each limb was decorated with a tuft of
hair, which, with a common pin, had been used to close the vein
after the operation.
I am not veterinarian enough to pronounce an opinion as to the
necessity of this operation, but the Arabs have universal faith in
its efficacy, and I am bound to state that the animals went none
the worse for it, and bore their fatiguing journey in a manner that
daily excited our admiration. The mules seemed absolutely incapable
of fatigue, and our plucky little horses were as fresh after a march
of twenty-five or thirty miles as they were at starting.
The ordinary high road between Testour and El-Badja is along the
right bank of the Medjerda, to Medjez el-Bab, whence it proceeds in
a north-westerly direction. This was the route followed by Bruce,
who thus narrates the commencement of his journey:—
From Tunis we ascended the Bagrada, now called the Medjerda;
we went to Bas el-Bab; found there ruins of indifferent taste;
designed nothing; came to Dougga.
The _Bas el-Bab_ here mentioned is evidently Medjez el-Bab, which was
called by several of the old writers _Basil-Bab_, and by Peyssonnel
_Bebo_. Bruce made, as he says, no finished drawings here, but
amongst his sketches is a rough outline, with details, of the gate,
described by Peyssonnel.
‘One sees still an ancient gate, made like a triumphal arch,
where there remain two mutilated figures, one of which holds a
head in his hands, the other has them joined together. It has the
following inscription:—
SALVIS . ET . PROPITIIS . DDD . NNN. GRATIANO
VALENTINIANO . THEODOSIO . INVICTISSIMIS PRIN
CIPIBVS . DD . PACIS . EX . MORE . CONDITO . DECRETO.’[228]
We preferred a less easy but a shorter and far more picturesque route
over the mountains, nearly due north in its general direction, and
joining the main road at a point where a bridge has been commenced
over the Oued Zergäa, fifteen miles from El-Badja.
I am not aware that this route is ever dangerous, but just before
leaving Testour an old Jewess came and with tears in her eyes implored
us to allow her son to make the journey to Badja in our company;
he was taking some donkey saddles, which he had made, to the market
there for sale. Perhaps they might have been tried on the backs of
the wrong animals had he crossed the mountains all alone.
At first our road lay up the stream, to avoid the ordinary ferry,
which was then impracticable. A Roman bridge had once spanned the
river at this point; its remains may still be seen, and a new one
is imperatively required, as for a great part of the year the river
cannot be crossed in safety.
It was most pleasant to ride amongst the well-kept and highly
cultivated gardens which fringe the river-side; everything
testified to the richness of the soil and the effect of abundant
irrigation. Even the lentisk, which in the shape of tufts of scrub,
covers the whole country, seemed to have changed its nature, and
grew here to the size of forest trees, shading the road with its
dense evergreen foliage.
After crossing the river, which was not done without some risk to
our baggage, we skirted the base of a very picturesque mountain,
Djebel es-Sakhera, whose red scarped sides and serrated peaks make
it a conspicuous landmark for many miles around. On the south flank
of it some Roman ruins were pointed out to us, but the spot was
far out of our road, and time would not permit us to make a closer
inspection of them.
At the foot of the mountain runs a stream, the Oued el-Malah,
or Salt River, frequently dry, but during the winter months full
of water, rendered brackish by the salts with which the soil is
impregnated. To the right of our road are the remains of a stone
building, once the Bordj of the Oulad Ayar before their migration
further south. We also noticed several miniature zaouias; evidently
funds were not forthcoming for the erection of a regular koubba,
so a model of one had been constructed about three feet high, of
mud and stone, surrounded by a low wall, and here let us hope that
the holy man may sleep as soundly in the bosom of the fertile earth,
as under a more pretentious edifice.
The road, which had been rising rapidly, now culminated in a wild
and picturesque pass over the top of Djebel Kulb-raha (_Heart’s
Content_). There is an utter absence of trees all over these hills,
but they are covered with a thick growth of under-shrub, principally
of lentisk, jujube, wild olive, cistus, rosemary and diss grass. From
this we descended rapidly to the Oued Zergäa, and soon found
ourselves in the nearest approach to civilisation we had witnessed
since leaving Susa. A calèche and pair was resting by the side of
the high road, the course of which was marked by telegraph posts!
The road itself would not be considered very good elsewhere, but
it is perfectly practicable for wheeled conveyances, and in fine
weather it is no doubt a fairly good one. The lentisk bushes were
being cut down in great quantities, to be burnt for the sake of
the alkali which their ashes contain, and which, with olive oil,
is used to make the soft black soap of the country.
When we had crossed a rather barren ridge we suddenly found ourselves
in the plain of El-Badja, a continuous stretch of as fine corn-land as
it is possible to see in any country. Not only is the soil naturally
fertile, but the crops seem to be cultivated and kept clean with the
greatest care. Altogether we pronounced it the best specimen of Arab
agriculture we had seen in Tunis.
This town of El-Badja is the chief place of a district, which,
together with the territory of the Bou-Salem and that of Tabarca, is
governed by a Kaid, a fine old Miralai, named Si Ounas el-Adjaimi. He
had taken part in the Crimean War and had evidently formed many
friendships amongst the European officers there. He was liberal
in his ideas, of great intelligence, and a most kind and courteous
host. He lodged us in an excellent suite of apartments on the ground
floor of his house, and sent us our meals from his own kitchen.
Native cookery throughout Tunis, at least in the houses of the upper
classes, is far superior to anything I have seen in Algeria, probably
because the old and faithful family slaves, who are usually charged
with it, have become extinct in Algeria. Slavery is abolished in
Tunis also, but the institution dies hard, and little boys and girls
of tender age are still to be found in many families, but whether
they have been born there or imported, was a question which we did
not think ourselves called on to resolve.
This city is mentioned by Sallust under the name of Vacca or Vaga;
the latter was probably the authentic one, as it is found in more
than one inscription still existing. During ancient and mediæval
times, it was renowned for its richness and commerce. Sallust says
that it was a regular resort of Italian merchants, _ubi et incolere
et mercari consueverunt Italici generis multi mortales_.
It has ever been one of the most important corn markets in _Ifrikia_,
by which name the northern part of the Regency has always been called
since it was the Provincia Africa of the Romans.
El-Edrisi (A.D. 1154) says: ‘It is a beautiful city, built in a
plain extremely fertile in corn and barley, so that there is not in
all the _Moghreb_ a city so important or more rich in cereals.’
El-Bekri calls it the granary of Ifrikia, and says that its soil
is so fertile, its cereals so fine, and its harvests so abundant,
that everything is exceedingly cheap, and that when there is famine
elsewhere, here there is abundance. Every day, he says, 1,000 camels
and other beasts of burden carry away corn, but that has no influence
on the price of food, so abundant is it.[229]
El-Badja is situated on the slope of a hill, with a commanding
view of the plain beyond. The selection of the site was, no doubt,
influenced by the existence of a copious spring of fresh water,
which the Romans carefully led to a central position and enclosed
within a vaulted chamber of their usual solid construction; this
exists uninjured to the present day, but the drainage of the town
has been allowed to flow into it and utterly pollute its waters.
It is impossible to imagine a city more filthy; the fable of King
Augeas, with his stable of 3,000 oxen uncleaned during thirty years,
is actually realised. The inhabitants have large flocks and herds,
which they drive into the town every evening, and from its streets and
houses nothing is ever removed. The old Roman drains are choked up,
so that the rain, instead of washing down the streets, only dissolves
the black abominations with which they are filled, and makes walking
about an impossibility to one who is not hardened to it. Putrid
animal and vegetable matter festering in the sun poisoned the air,
and we did not require to be told that fever and other preventible
diseases were common, especially in the summer months, and that the
mortality is sometimes very great. The wonder to our mind was that
anyone escaped, and that such a state of things did not bring back
the plague, which used to commit such ravages on the Barbary coast.
The ancient city was surrounded by a wall, flanked by square towers,
and on the culminating point of the enclosure was situated the
citadel. No doubt, this was originally constructed by the Byzantines;
the trace was adopted by the Arabs; but as the walls were not
continued as the town extended, they soon ceased to surround it,
and were allowed to fall into decay. The only part in a relative
state of preservation is the Kasba, a great part of which seems
to me the original construction of Belisarius or Solomon. Many
tombstones and fragments of sculpture are built into the walls, and
several interesting inscriptions recording the name of the place,
which have already been given by M. Guérin.[230]
The Kasba is a half-ruinous building, on the terrace of which are
mounted a few old pieces of ordnance; the view from it is splendid,
but what most interested us was the prison in the interior, which,
as an exceptional favour, we were permitted to visit. We entered by
a small door, three feet and a half high and thirteen inches broad,
leading into a passage of the same width in the thickness of the wall.
The door is fastened by a curious and complicated system of chains
and padlocks; it has a grating, at which there is just room enough
for one man at a time to stand and communicate with his friends
outside, but anything like a general rush to get out is quite
impossible. Beyond this passage is a large and lofty hall, about
fifteen paces long and ten wide, with a vaulted roof supported on
two square pillars. It was lighted only by two grated openings in
the roof, which secure, happily, a certain amount of ventilation, but
are in no way protected from the rain. In this place, on an average,
fifty prisoners are always confined, and when I say that none of
these are ever permitted to leave the room for a moment, and that no
attempt is ever made to clean it out, it may well be imagined that
the atmosphere is foul and pestilential beyond the power of words
to describe; the unhappy wretches are supplied neither with food
nor bedding, but are entirely dependent on their friends outside
for subsistence. Woe to the unfortunate, who has been brought from
a great distance, perhaps from failure to pay his contributions,
and whose family are too poor to supply him with food so far from
home. The Arab can subsist and keep in good condition on a very small
modicum of food; he is very willing to aid others more unfortunate
than himself; he cares little for comfort or personal luxuries,
and is always ready to submit with patience to what he believes to
be the will of Providence, so he probably gets through his period
of imprisonment without any very acute suffering; but twenty-four
hours here would turn most Europeans into raging lunatics.
We observed two interesting and hitherto unpublished inscriptions
high up in one of the pillars. The first was turned upside down,
and the light was very bad, so that it took us a considerable time
to decipher them. The operation was a most sickening one.
They originally formed part of the same inscription, but an
intermediate portion is wanting. The characters in the last line of
each are very much more elongated than the others, closer together,
and exceedingly difficult to read:—
IMP. CAES. . . SEPTIMIS . .
. . VTIS. IMP. DESIGNAT.
M. SACERDOTALE . ET. C{HR}EA
SS. INTEROGATASVMAMAXARCA
S. II. PP. ET. M. AVRELI. ANTONIN. I.C.
MVSCEILAM CVM . PRON. AVG . . EI
RERVM . CVM . PROSP. . . ENDO . RE. COLONIÆ
TAPEMSVMMDESVOINTVNT
Another fragment of inscription at the entrance of the prison I
believe to be unpublished:—
SVRDIN
NEPTVNO
LISRVFIN
CFOBIN
REMAV
TIFORMF .
TEMINVA
OICVR
In the outer wall of the Djamäa-el-Kebir, or principal mosque,
dedicated to Sidna Aissa (our Lord Jesus), is a remarkably interesting
inscription, which was first noticed by M. Guérin, proving that
this had originally been a Christian basilica, and that it had
been restored and embellished during the reign of the Emperors
Valentinianus and Valens, A.D. 364 to 368. M. Guérin makes a slight
mistake in the first line, which obscures the meaning. Instead of
. . . . . NN VALENT. ET. GA . . . . .
the penultimate letter should be V; the line would thus read
[Dominorum] Nostrorum Valent[iniani] et Va[lentis].
Dyeing is carried on to some extent at El-Badja, but the only
distinctive manufactures of the place are wooden sandals used by the
women, very tastefully carved out of light wood, generally with an
old razor.
In the vicinity of the town is a ruined palace and neglected garden
belonging to the Bey, which, like that at Tunis, is called the
Bardo. This existed as far back as 1724, when Peyssonnel visited
the place.
El-Badja can boast of an excellent bath, which we found most
refreshing after our long journey. It has also a telegraphic
station. The gentleman in charge of it, M. Ferdinand Gandolphe,
is Vice-Consul of France, and the only European resident in the
place. He has been stationed here for a year, and he assured us that
sometimes he almost forgot how to speak his own language.
The telegraphs throughout Tunis belong to the French Government, which
defrays the entire cost, except that the Bey provides station-houses,
and what transport may be necessary for the carriage of telegraphic
materials. For this he and his superior officers have the privilege
of sending telegrams free throughout the Regency and to La Calle,
but nowhere else.
The Arabic language does not lend itself very easily to telegraphy;
every message must therefore be transmitted in French or some other
European tongue. It may easily be imagined what an engine of political
power this might become in case of need.
We had occasion to send a few telegrams to our friends at Algiers and
Tunis. This is generally a very commonplace operation; we were hardly
prepared to see the official rush out of his den, shake us warmly
by the hand, as if we had been life-long friends, and volunteer
to conduct us all over the place. His existence is a dreary one,
and the presence of European travellers an opportunity for a little
conversation in his own language too precious to be lost. He was
exceedingly civil and attentive to us, and we enjoyed his society
quite as much as he did ours.
The Bey has just granted a concession to the French Company
of Batignolles for the construction of a railway from Tunis to
El-Badja, and so on to the Algerian frontier, following the course
of the Medjerda. This will be joined to the existing line between
Bone and Guelma by a branch passing through Souk Ahras, and it will
probably entail the extension of that line as far as Ain Beida and
Tebessa. This concession was offered in the first instance to an
English company, and, wisely I think, declined by them. No guarantee
of interest has been given, but instead, the Government of the Bey has
conceded the lead mines of Djebba to the company, together with the
buildings and plant which had formerly been erected for working them.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 228: Peyss., ap. Dureau de la Malle, i. p. 214.]
[Footnote 229: El-Bekri, trad. de Slane, p. 137.]
[Footnote 230: Guérin, ii. p. 38.]
CHAPTER XXIX.
ROUTE FROM EL-BADJA TO TABARCA.
My original plan had been to cross the Algerian frontier at El-Kef,
and so proceed northwards to La Calle. But a paragraph in the
last commercial report of my colleague, Mr. Wood, H.M. Agent and
Consul-General at Tunis, induced me to modify my plans.
He says:—‘The Kabyles inhabit the mountains between the Pashalik of
Tripoli and the Regency of Tunis to the south, as well as the ranges
forming the western boundary which divides Tunis from Algiers. The
former are docile and submissive when compared with the Kabyles of
the west, who barely recognise the authority of Government. These
latter are jealous, suspicious, and inhospitable. They allow no
foreigner (not even an Arab) to visit their mountain fastnesses,
which are protected by rugged ascents, and surrounded by the densest
of forests. No approximate estimate can be possibly arrived at as to
their numbers; but we know that they are able to bring 18,000 fighting
men to the battle field.’
This tallied exactly with the information I had received from all
other sources, and in Algeria to cross the frontier near La Calle
was believed to be impossible.
But I had travelled a good deal amongst the Kabyles of Algeria, both
in the Djurdjura range and in the Aures Mountains, and I was rather
incredulous as to their extreme ferocity. At all events, I determined
to make the experiment, and my companion was quite as eager as I was.
On our arrival at El-Badja we communicated our plans to the Kaid,
who strongly dissuaded us from attempting even to reach Tabarca
by land, but on our declaring that we would only abandon the idea
on his formally assuring us that it was impossible and refusing us
permission to make the attempt, he so far gave in as to admit that
the route from El-Badja to Tabarca might be practicable, but any
idea of penetrating the country of the Khomair must be dismissed from
our minds as an impossibility. We discussed the question fully over
our coffee, M. Gandolphe and the Miralai entertained us with a duet
recounting the terrible atrocities of which this ferocious tribe had
been guilty; their ignorant and savage nature was such that the moment
they saw a European they fired upon him without further question,
under the impression that he was a wild beast. Jews had been allowed
to pass, but their squalid and filthy dress so nearly approached
that of the Khomair themselves as to excite no suspicion; in fact, we
were rushing upon our doom, and they washed their hands of the whole
transaction. We compromised matters by accepting the Kaid’s offer of
two extra spahis to escort us, and we telegraphed to beg the French
Commandant at La Calle to send us a boat to Tabarca, in the event
of our having to abandon the idea of reaching his station by land.
We left El-Badja at six o’clock on April 25; the weather had been
unsettled for several days, but the rain had generally fallen at night
only, and as it had poured continuously for the past twelve hours,
we entertained strong hopes that it would clear up on this occasion
also. We packed our luggage with extra care, covered the mule bearing
Kingston’s precious photographic apparatus with a waterproof sheet,
and bade an affectionate farewell to our amiable host.
The country through which we passed was extremely rich and well
cultivated, and the scenery grander than anything we had yet seen,
but the weather was so bad that it quite spoiled the enjoyment of
our journey; the rain fell in torrents, and the wind was so high
that we could with difficulty keep our seats in passing over some
of the most exposed hill-sides. This was no great hardship for us,
our excellent waterproofs kept out every drop of moisture; but the
poor spahis, with their woollen bernouses were in a far less happy
frame of mind. It is true that these are nearly as impervious to
rain as indiarubber cloaks, but they become very heavy when wet,
and as they have also to serve as bedclothes during the night,
it is a serious matter to have them thoroughly saturated during
the day. They would fain have turned back before we had been out
half an hour; but, as we were determined to advance at all hazards,
they could not but accompany us.
At about 13 miles from El-Badja the mountains approach in front, and
a stream forces its way through a narrow and well-wooded pass called
Khanga Kef et-Toot, or _pass of the mulberry tree hill_. The river was
very much swollen when we crossed it. I feel sure that an hour later
it must have been unfordable. In the pass is a hot spring, but it was
absorbed into the general torrent, and we could not distinguish it.
This is the entrance to the district of Nefsa, a region even more
fertile, better cultivated and more thickly peopled than that we
had just passed through; in addition it has the charm of being well
wooded, principally with wild olive trees.
During the whole of this day’s ride we observed no traces of Roman
occupation nor did the enquiries we made of the Arabs we met elicit
any satisfactory evidence that such exist off the line of our route,
except near the sea coast; they assured us, however, that there
were some remarkable caves in the mountains, most probably those
described by Peyssonnel, who, when visiting the French factory at
Cape Negro, says:—
‘I accompanied the assistants who went hunting in the territories
occupied by an Arab nation called Nevesins (_Nefsaouin_, or people
of Nefsa), five leagues from Cape Negro, on the way to Bega. On the
road we went to see the holes in the mountains cut with chisels in the
living rock. They have an entrance of three feet square, and inside
the height is five feet, and about the same length and breadth. It
is believed that these are hermitages of the primitive Christians,
but this is not my opinion, for how could the hermits have been at
the expense of cutting the rocks of this size and regularity?
‘Moreover, these holes are all near towns; close to those of which
I am speaking, we saw the remains of a village; and I observed other
similar ones in the neighbourhood of the ancient Tabarca. Neither
cross nor other emblem of Christianity is found there. I saw some
on the scarped face of the rock at an elevation of fifteen or
twenty feet, one above the other, and it was impossible to enter
the higher ones without a ladder. Some are very small, others are
double, so that at the end of one there is a second smaller one. In
the inside are small niches, similar to those which I have observed
in the mausoleums which I have had the honour of alluding to,[231]
and this makes me suppose that these holes were meant to receive dead
bodies, and that they were shut up with large square stones.’[232]
There is strong reason for supposing that these are sepulchral
chambers similar to the caves at Roknia, and the subject is one
deserving the attention of a future traveller. There can be little
doubt that the opening of the railway to El-Badja will render this
country more easy of access, and less hazardous than it is at present.
We had intended spending the night with the Sheikh Abdulla bin Nasr,
chief of the Oulad Nasr, whose douar is on the left or western bank
of the Oued Malah (_salt river_), but when we reached the right bank
we found it so swollen that we were reluctantly compelled to abandon
the attempt to cross it that night. Fortunately there was a douar
belonging to Sheikh bou Real (_the father of a piastre_) at no great
distance, and, seeing our trouble, he offered us the most ungrudging
hospitality. The Arabs of this country do not as a rule inhabit tents;
their abodes are houses with a permanent wooden framework, roofed
with reeds, rushes and straw, with walls of hurdle work, so tightly
plaited as to be tolerably impervious to the wind, and quite so to
the rain—two or three such houses, according to the wealth of the
owner, are surrounded by a low fence of dry thorns, and an aggregation
of several such within one common enclosure constitutes the douar.
Our host was evidently a person of some importance; his house
was forty feet long by twenty broad, divided longitudinally into
two portions. That to the right was raised about eighteen inches
above the other, and constituted the family residence and general
storeroom. Near one end sacks of wheat were piled up to the roof,
forming a partition, behind which the ladies of the family retreated
at night. Outside of this were two or three platforms of loose planks
on wooden trestles, intended as places of refuge from the main body
of the fleas, who usually take possession of the place; on these
we slept in tolerable comfort, thanks to the priceless discovery
we made, that by tucking the trousers inside the stockings, those
disagreeable neighbours are to a great extent circumvented.
We were rather a numerous company, and the space on which it was
possible to lie was limited, but we were thankful for any shelter,
and when we could not sleep, it was a comforting thing to hear the
wind howling around us, and the rain pattering on the roof, and to
think what our condition would have been, had we been obliged to
pitch our tent on the sodden ground outside. The lower division of
the house served as the stable; generally it was filled with our
host’s own animals, but he hospitably turned these into the yard
in order to accommodate our horses and mules. This arrangement is
not without its advantages and disadvantages; it was not pleasant
to wade through the liquid manure with which it was carpeted; but,
on the other hand, this ‘matter misplaced’ remained there,
and could not flow uphill to our beds.
The ladies of the house were not very well pleased at being turned
out of their ordinary sleeping-place, and were at first inclined
to be sulky; but a little delicate attention to the baby, who was
suffering from whooping cough, and a few presents of money, sugar
and biscuits to themselves, produced the never-failing result, and
they soon became quite devoted to us, and showed their affection by
gifts of eggs, milk and dry brushwood to keep up the fire.
The Khalifa or substitute of the Kaid of El-Badja happened to be in
the vicinity collecting arrears of revenue. As soon as he heard of our
arrival, he came to pay us a visit, pressed us to return with him to
his tents, which were a mile or two off, and offered to make us far
more comfortable than we could be here; but we had already unpacked,
and the weather was not such as to tempt us abroad again. So he
accepted our excuses, and having caused abundant supplies of straw
and barley to be brought, he remained with us till our departure.
Next morning we rejoiced to hear that the river had sunk sufficiently
during the night to be now fordable, but the weather was still bad,
and there was every prospect that, should it commence to rain again,
the torrent would become as bad as ever.
We therefore started very early, taking especial care to see to the
security of our loads, and accompanied by all the men of the village,
by whose aid we were soon landed on the further bank of the river.
Here we were met by the Sheikh Abdulla, who pressed us most warmly to
spend a day at his douar, but we were obliged to decline, as our time
was limited, and we knew not what difficulties might still lie before
us. He excused himself from accompanying us in person to Tabarca,
as there was a mortal feud between his people and those of Mekna,
further west, and though both professed to be the dutiful subjects of
the Bey, there had been war between themselves for generations. It
was only about a fortnight before, that a party of each tribe had
met on the neutral ground between them, and one man of Mekna had
been killed. He, however, found us a man belonging to another tribe,
who undertook to guide us to the douar of the Sheikh of Mekna.
At the douar of Sheikh Abdulla commences a tract of country, in some
places 12 miles broad and tapering to a point westward at Tabarca,
called by the natives _Belad er-Ramel_, country of sand, or _Ramel
es-Safra_, yellow sand. This has been engulfed by the sea-sand,
which is advancing imperceptibly but irresistibly in a south-easterly
direction, blown by the prevailing north-west winds from the beach.
There is no uncertain line of demarcation between it and the rich
forest-land beyond; it ends abruptly in a high bank, sometimes
rising like a cliff 30 feet high, sometimes sloping gradually down
a valley, like a glacier, but always advancing and swallowing up the
vegetation in its course. In some places it is absolutely destitute
of any plants; in others broom and tufts of diss grass occur, while
a few peaks higher than the general level, or some valleys sheltered
from the north-west, appear like islands of verdure in this sea,
or oases in this desert, of sand.
It is very interesting to watch the process by which it advances;
this was quite visible even after the heavy rains which preceded our
visit, and which had rendered the surface comparatively hard. It must
be much more marked when the surface is dry. On placing the eye so
that the edge of the sand-hill stands out in relief against the sky,
a distinct haze, caused by minute particles of sand in motion, is
observable, and sand and sky appear to be shaded off into each other.
The contrast between this scene of desolation and the glorious
forest-land beyond, lightened up with patches of cultivation and broad
grassy slopes, is most striking. After passing the sandy district,
which is neutral ground between the two hostile tribes, the road
passes through the forest, at a place called Sook et-Toork. The trees
are of considerable size, consisting of wild olive, evergreen and
deciduous oak, aspen and juniper, while the under shrub is of broom,
heath and bracken.
A short ride brought us to the head-quarters of Sheikh Murad, head
of the Mekna tribe (pl. _Amakin_). This good man was by no means glad
to see us, and did not even offer us a drink of milk, but after some
persuasion he sent his Khalifa to conduct us to Tabarca, and show us
the best means of crossing the river there, if indeed the operation
were possible, which he doubted.
His fears were too well founded: when we reached the right bank
of the Oued el-Kebir, which enters the sea close to the island of
Tabarca, we found it a deep and rapid river, over which no animal,
far less a laden mule, could pass. And although we saw the island
and the Bey’s fort not a mile beyond us, we had no alternative but
to turn round and seek the hospitality of some douar of the dreaded
tribe of _Khomair_. Our escort looked grave: but as long experience
had taught us that they were extremely brave where there was no
danger, insolent and exacting when they were sure of meeting with
no resistance, but meek as lambs amongst such as set their master
the Bey’s authority at defiance, and were little likely to brook
interference from them, we paid little heed to their forebodings,
and under the guidance of the Khalifa of Mekna, we went up to one
of the largest douars in sight, and claimed hospitality for the night.
We appeared to be regarded with some distrust, nothing like a cordial
welcome was accorded to us, but the owner of the hut placed it at
our service. It was not more than fifteen feet square, reeking with
foul odours, the ground splashing with liquid manure, and our party
consisted of ten persons besides ourselves. The family of the host
added four or five women and children to the number, so we felt
that it would be quite impossible for all to spend the night within
the building. In spite, therefore, of the glances of alarm which
the proposition elicited from our escort, we insisted on pitching
our own tent in the vicinity. No sooner was this done, and we had
commenced to prepare our dinner of preserved meat with the aid of a
spirit lamp, than a great circle of wild-looking fellows gathered
around us and watched our movements with wondering gravity. They
allowed us to eat our meal without interruption, which done, we
commenced to amuse them by the exhibition of compasses, barometers,
tricks with pocket-handkerchiefs and string, and my companion, who
is an unerring shot, astonished them by the accuracy of his aim. I
do not think, however, that it was until we produced a pot of jam,
and distributed it to the assembly, that we entirely succeeded in
gaining their affections. Suddenly they all thawed in a most amusing
manner, and we became the best possible friends. They declared that
we must never leave them; they would give us land and sheep—and as
for wives! the full number of four each was at our disposal on the
most reasonable terms. They at once offered to escort us by land to
La Calle, or to take us to any part of their country we pleased to
visit, and we felt that the pacific conquest of the dreaded Khomair
had been accomplished.
The _Oued el-Kebir_, which in part of its course is known as
the _Oued ez-Zan_, or river of oak-trees, is the ancient Tusca,
which formed the boundary between the Roman province of Africa and
Numidia. It continued to be the boundary of the native states which
succeeded the Roman occupation, and eventually between the pachaliks
of Algiers and Tunis. After the French occupation of Algeria the
limit was fixed in its present position, considerably further west.
In some maps it is also called the Oued Barbar; such a name is
quite unknown at the present day, but it is given, no doubt, on the
authority of Marmol, who accompanied the expedition of Charles V. to
Africa, and having for twenty years followed the standard of that
Emperor, was subsequently taken prisoner, and remained seven years
and eight months in captivity in North Africa. He says:—
‘The Hued-yl-Barbar is another great river, which has its source in
the great Atlas, near the town of Lorbus, in the kingdom of Tunis,
and makes so many turnings and windings in these mountains that
travellers who go from Bone to Tunis pass it twenty-five times,
and during all this course it has neither a bridge nor a boat. At
the end of its course it enters the sea, near the port of Taburc,
at six leagues from the town of Begge’ (El-Badja).[233]
The valley in which it flows is unsurpassed for fertility and beauty;
it is hardly possible to conceive one better suited for colonisation,
or a locality which could more easily be made a centre of agricultural
and industrial prosperity. It is about two miles wide at Tabarca,
and stretches far away among the mountains to an unknown distance. It
is flat, covered with rich crops and pasture, and dotted throughout
its whole extent with fine trees. It is traversed by three streams;
the main one is the Oued el-Kebir, the ancient Tusca, the eastern
one the Oued es-Sahila, and the western one the Oued el-Ahmer. At
present it is perfectly pestiferous, and the mortality amongst the
troops stationed at Tabarca is alarming, although the men are relieved
every two or three months. Ever since we crossed the Oued Zergäa,
on our way to El-Badja, we had met small groups of fever-stricken
wretches who had formed part of the garrison here, and who were
going back to Tunis to recruit their health. We never failed to
get an affirmative answer when we put the question on passing them,
‘Are you from Tabarca?’
The reason, however, is so obvious, and the remedy so simple, that
one cannot help wondering why the natives have never attempted it
in their own interests. The district which I have already described
as the ‘Country of Sand’ commences at Tabarca, and forms a
range of sandhills right across the mouth of the valley, except at
the one point where the rivers converge and fall into the sea. The
valley is so flat that there is no natural drainage into the rivers
which traverse it; the consequence is that rain water has no means of
escaping to the sea, the land becomes a swamp, and remains so during a
great portion of the year, till dried up by solar evaporation. While
this operation is being carried on by nature, the inevitable result,
malarious fever, is felt in an unusual degree.
When any great and sudden epidemic visits the country, it finds
this district thoroughly prepared for its reception. The Abbé
Poiret, who visited Tabarca just after Desfontaines in 1785, gives
a harrowing account of the ravages committed by the plague during
the previous year. Whole tribes were swept away, and the Turkish
garrison perished, with the exception of five or six soldiers; the
island was twice entirely depeopled, and the harvests were lost for
want of labour to gather them in, while flocks of sheep and goats
strayed all over the country without any owners to claim them.[234]
A few ditches, so cut as to direct the surface waters into the
streams which traverse the plain, would soon remedy this evil,
and convert the valley into what it ought to be, one of the finest
and most salubrious districts in the Regency. It possesses every
condition necessary to ensure prosperity, extensive corn and meadow
land, capable of irrigation in summer; numerous flocks and herds; an
unusually fine race of horses; an inexhaustible supply of the finest
timber, especially oak; cork forests, and, above all, proximity to
the sea, and an easy and secure anchorage, at least for small vessels.
There can be no doubt that the country is rich in minerals. A specimen
of lead ore was picked up near Tabarca and brought to me. I submitted
it for analysis to the English mining company at Ain Barbar, from
which I have received a report that it contains 72·70 per cent. of
lead, and that each ton of mineral contains 150 grammes, or 5 ounces
of silver.
M. Peyssonnel (1724) mentions having visited a lead mine in this
neighbourhood on his way from Cape Negro to Badja. He states: ‘We
saw on our road, at about five leagues from Cape Negro, a mine of
lead very abundant. The Moors, who worked it, stated that it had been
opened by the ancient Christians. At the entrance to the quarry was a
piece of marble, with a horse in _bas-relief_. We stopped at the place
where they melted the lead. They mix the ore with wood in bad furnaces
made with clay, and thus separate the metal very imperfectly.’[235]
The plain is covered with remains of Roman occupation. We observed
no inscriptions, but Peyssonnel records four epitaphs[236] which
existed in his time, and which are probably there still, so little
has this district been visited by Europeans during the past century.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 231: Allusion is here made to a mausoleum at Suffetula
and to one at Toelsen.]
[Footnote 232: Peyssonnel, ap. Dur. de la Malle, i. p. 258.]
[Footnote 233: Marmol, trad. d’Ablancourt, vol. i. p. 23.]
[Footnote 234: Abbé Poiret, vol. i. p. 182, 191.]
[Footnote 235: Peyssonnel, ap. Dur. de la Malle, vol. i. p. 247.]
[Footnote 236: Ibid. p. 261.]
CHAPTER XXX.
TABARCA.
Early in the morning of April 27 we started for Tabarca. The Oued
el-Kebir had fallen several feet during the night, and, though the
operation was not an easy one, we managed to get across in safety,
by the aid of a number of Khomair on foot and on horseback, who
went over several times before us so as to tread down the soft mud
in the bed of the river into something like consistency.
After passing this, a short gallop over soft elastic turf brought
us to the sea-shore facing the island of Tabarca. We found that the
boat we expected had not arrived; the bad weather of the last few
days had not only prevented its reaching, but had compelled a number
of coral boats to take refuge in the anchorage, so that there was
an unusual amount of life and stir about the little place.
We were informed that on the previous evening an Arab had come with a
letter for me from the Commandant Supérieur of La Calle, but finding
that nothing was known of our intended arrival he had returned
with it, and we were of course quite ignorant of its contents. We
ascertained afterwards that it was to beg us to proceed by the
sea-coast overland so as to avoid as far as possible the interior
of the Khomair country, and saying that he would meet us and offer
us the hospitality of his camp at the frontier. Had we received
this letter, we should doubtless have accepted his invitation, but
we should have lost the most pleasant and instructive ride in the
whole of our wanderings.
I think I have frequently recorded my impression, that some feature
of the landscape was more attractive than any we had seen before,
and in fact this was literally the case. Our route was so well
planned, commencing in the hot and uninteresting plains of the Sahel,
passing through the smiling hills of the Tell, and culminating in
the magnificent mountains of Nefsa and the Khomair, that each day’s
ride was more picturesque than the one before it.
The island of Tabarca lies close to the shore, the strait by which
it is separated is about a quarter of a mile broad at the west end,
widening to nearly a mile at the eastern extremity. It has a small
harbour, much frequented by coral boats when the weather is too
rough to permit them to pursue their avocations at sea, and vessels
of a larger size sometimes come under the shelter of the island to
the east.
It is about 400 feet high, rising to a peak in the middle, on
which are the picturesque ruins of a mediæval castle. There are
no permanent residents save the Miralai commanding the troops, who
occupies the only habitable room in the castle, and an Italian,
Signor Lancella, who acts as agent of the Bey and supplies the
fishing boats with such provisions as they require.
In ancient times Thabraca was a Roman colony; and after the defeat
of Gildon, under whose yoke Africa had groaned for twelve years, by
his brother Mascezel, the former endeavoured to effect his escape by
sea, but being driven by contrary winds into the harbour of Tabarca,
he was taken prisoner and put an end to his life by hanging himself,
in A.D. 398.
El-Edrisi (1154) speaks of it as a strong maritime place moderately
peopled, and the environs of which are infested by miserable Arabs,
who have no friends, and who protect none. It was even then a port
of refuge much frequented by Spanish vessels engaged in the coral
fishery.
The manner of fishing was exactly the same as at the present day. He
says: ‘They fish by means of implements, to which are attached
numerous bags, made of hemp. These are put in motion, the threads
become entangled in the coral, upon which the fishermen pull up the
instruments and extract the coral in great abundance.’[237]
In 1535 took place the celebrated expedition of Charles V. against
Tunis. On the conclusion of peace the perpetual right of fishing
for coral was conceded to the Spaniards.
About the same period Jean Dorea, nephew of the celebrated Andrea
Dorea, captured on the coast of Corsica the no less celebrated
Algerian corsair Draguth. On the partition of the spoil he fell to
the share of one of the Lomellini family of Genoa, which exacted as
the price of his ransom the cession of Tabarca. This was granted by
Kheir-ed-din, and confirmed by the Porte.
The Lomellini came to an agreement with Charles V., who undertook
the fortification and defence of the island, and built the citadel
still existing, principally with the stones of the ancient city on
the mainland. The Genoese agreed to pay five per cent. on all the
commerce, which they made. Soon, however, the Spaniards neglected
to keep up the works or pay the garrison, and the flag of Genoa was
substituted for that of Spain, and though the governor was still
named by the latter power, he was obliged to render his accounts to
the Lomellini.
The inhabitants of the mainland owned allegiance neither to the Bey
of Tunis nor to the Dey of Algiers.
Peyssonnel visited it in 1724, when it was occupied by the Genoese. He
describes in detail the fortifications armed with bronze cannon,
bearing the arms of Lomellini, which he says ‘make the island strong
and sure, and in a condition neither to fear the Turks nor the Arabs
of Barbary.’ It was inhabited by Genoese, and had a garrison of
100 soldiers, 350 coral fishers, 50 porters with their families,
making a total population of 1,500 men.[238]
Near it was the trading station of Cape Negro, which was first
founded by private French merchants. It was subsequently taken by
the Spaniards, was for a short time occupied by the English, but
from 1686 till its destruction it belonged to the French. At first
there was a separate company charged with its concerns, called _La
Compagnie du Cap Nègre_, but it eventually merged into the _Compagnie
d’Afrique_, which established its head-quarters originally at the
_Bastion de France_, in 1609, and moved to La Calle in 1681. The
establishment at Cape Negro consisted of a director or governor,
four or five assistants, a chaplain, doctor and about eighty
subordinate employés. The principal trade consisted of cereals,
wax, oil and hides.
Large quantities of wheat were exported to France, especially when
there was a failure of crops in that country, and in consequence
this establishment was regarded as of the greatest national
importance.[239]
In 1728 the Lomellini family ceded the full sovereignty of the island
to one of its members, Jacques de Lomellini, for 200,000 livres,
and a branch of coral every year, valued at 50 piastres.
In 1741, during the war which M. Gautier, the Consul of France,
brought about between his country and Tunis, the latter took
possession of the island.
The Consul had incurred the displeasure of the Bey on account of
a scandalous affair in which the former was mixed up, and on the
occasion of a public audience he was openly insulted by the Bey,
who said: ‘I am the friend of your master, but not of bullies like
you—leave my presence!’[240]
While war was impending between France and Tunis, on account of this
outrage, a rumour reached the Bey that the Genoese were in treaty to
cede Tabarca to the French Company, which very naturally viewed with
jealous feelings the possession by any other nation of so important
a trading post between its two factories. He therefore determined to
take it himself, before it should pass into the hands of his enemy,
and for that purpose despatched a force of eight vessels to attack
it by sea, while his brother Yoonus co-operated by land.
The Governor of the island was induced to venture on board the ship
of the Tunisian commander, when he was at once arrested, and this
spread such a panic amongst the garrison that they did not even
attempt any serious resistance.
A part of the inhabitants, about 500 in number, effected their escape
to La Calle, and thence proceeded to the island of San Pietro to the
south-west of Sardinia, then uninhabited, where their descendants
exist to the present day under the name of Tabarcini, and still
pursue the coral fishery, as well as aid in loading vessels arriving
at their port of Carloforte for minerals.
The Tunisian historian, Hadj Hamouda ben Abd el-Aziz, says that
900 men, women and children were taken as slaves to Tunis,[241]
and their descendants still form an intermediate population between
the Christians from Europe and the native Mohammedans.
After the capture of the island, Sidi Yoonus caused the defensive
works to be destroyed, with the exception only of the castle built
by Charles V. He also connected the island to the mainland by means
of a causeway,[242] but this has long since disappeared, though some
of the masonry can still be seen under water when the sea is clear.
After Bruce had left Algiers in 1765, he visited the island and
proposed to the Ministry of the day to obtain possession of it as
a station for the British trade in the Mediterranean. He remarked:—
As a fortress, Tabarca has these advantages, it is situated nearly
south from the mainland of Italy, the north end of Corsica, the Bocca
de Bonifacio, and the south end of Sardinia, forming three channels;
the two first are the constant stations of cruisers, to which if
the third be joined, a chain is formed across the Mediterranean,
through which the whole Levant trade must pass. The mountains opposite
Tabarca are covered with oak-trees of immense size, where, I think,
the Mediterranean ports might be easily supplied with timber for
construction.
M. Desfontaines, who travelled in Tunis from 1783 to 1786, was
equally desirous, that this island should be taken possession of by
the Government of France, and expressed his conviction that it would
be more useful for his country than Port Mahon was for the English,
and that, were it occupied, France would be able to lay down the
law throughout the Mediterranean, and that England would be excluded
and lose the Levant trade.
On the mainland opposite to the island are several ruins of European
construction, and on the hill above, a modern fort, occupied by a
detachment of troops from Tunis. Traces of Roman occupation exist
in the plain, but no remains of any importance, and we could hear
of no inscriptions.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 237: El-Edrisi, trad. Jaubert, i. p. 266.]
[Footnote 238: Peyss., ap. Dureau de la Malle, i. p. 263.]
[Footnote 239: Ibid. p. 257.]
[Footnote 240: Desfontaines, ap. Dureau de la Malle, ii. p. 243.]
[Footnote 241: Rousseau, _Annales Tunisiennes_, p. 127.]
[Footnote 242: Desfontaines, ap. Dureau de la Malle, ii. p. 233.]
CHAPTER XXXI.
FROM TABARCA TO LA CALLE.
We made a very short stay at Tabarca, only just long enough to obtain
the assistance of the Miralai in command to find some trustworthy
member of the Khomair tribe to guide us to La Calle, and by his
influence to protect us on our way. He induced a highly respected
sheikh, Si el-Hadj Hassan, to accompany us, and three of his followers
joined us as an escort. We absolutely declined to allow any of the
Government hanbas or the Kaid of Badja’s spahis to be of the party,
as we were well aware that they were held in small favour, and could
render no assistance in these mountains. Throughout our journey they
had proved a perfect incubus to us, and though it is impossible to
travel in the Bey’s dominion without them, they greatly interfere
with the traveller’s enjoyment, and make him painfully conscious
that, do what he will, unnecessary exactions are being levied on
poor people on his account. In my case this evil was very much
lessened by my being able to communicate directly with the natives,
but a traveller ignorant of Arabic is entirely in their hands and
at their mercy.
There are two roads between Tabarca and La Calle, one by the sea
coast, which the Commandant was anxious for us to follow. It has the
advantage of being short, though difficult for laden mules, and as
it passes through a country almost uninhabited the traveller is less
likely to be interfered with by the Khomair. The other is through
the very heart of their country, much longer, and in every way more
interesting, but it would be quite impossible for a Christian to
traverse it without being assured of protection beforehand. This was
the unknown region we were anxious to explore, and through which,
as far as I am aware, no European has ever passed.
The tribe of Khomair, as the name is usually pronounced—more
correctly _Akhmair_ in the plural, and _Khomairi_ in the singular—is
one of the largest and most important in the Bey’s dominions. We
could not form any accurate estimate of its number, but by all
accounts it must have at least 20,000 fighting men, if not more. They
are ready enough to admit the suzerainty of the Bey, and to style him
_Saidna_, our Lord, so long as their allegiance is confined to this
act, but they steadily refuse to permit any interference on his part
with their internal government, and pay no taxes or contributions
of any kind. On the contrary, their Sheikhs expect to be subsidised
by him, and do actually receive presents of _Kisowa_, or raiment,
from time to time.
Our guide assured us that the country was overrun at one time by lions
and leopards, and that red deer were very common. Persons still living
have seen all three, but now they are entirely extinct. This is the
more extraordinary, as in the comparatively civilised districts of
Algeria, bordering on the Tunisian frontier, lions are still found,
panthers are common, and the red deer exists in considerable numbers
amongst the forests and mountains of the Beni Salah.
Peyssonnel, in speaking of the country between La Calle and Bone,
says: ‘As this country is full of lions, _tigers_, _bears_, and
other wild animals, the flocks of the Arabs are often disturbed,
and even the Arabs themselves are not safe in their tents, so that
they are obliged to place sentinels, who cry out during all the night,
and cause the dogs to bark, in order to frighten away these savage and
ferocious animals. The lion, the king of beasts, is not so cruel or so
much to be feared as is supposed. He rarely attacks men, still Arabs
are found here who have fought and killed lions with their knives,
after having received numerous wounds, which these terrible animals
have inflicted with their claws and teeth. On the sea coast, where
there are woods and quantities of wild boars _and deer_ on which the
lions feed, these are less dangerous than in the mountains.’[243]
The tigers here mentioned are probably panthers, or some other of
the felines found in Algeria. Bears have long been extinct, although
the bones of several species have been found in the cave of Djebel
Thaya, and the Abbé Poiret, a zealous and accurate naturalist, saw
the skin of one brought in during a visit he paid to Bordj Ali Bey,
near La Calle, in 1785.[244] The red deer have quite disappeared from
the coasts, indeed from every part of Algeria and Tunis, except in
the territory of the Beni Salah.
The following interesting remarks on this subject are taken from
the Mémoires of the Archæological Society of Constantine for the
past year:—
‘While Captain Sergent occupied the position of chief of the Bureau
Arabe at Jemmapes, he collected information of the greatest possible
interest on the subject of the recent disappearance of the bear.
‘At the commencement of this century the bear was found all over the
mountains situated north of Azeba, between the two rivers of Saf-Saf
and Oued el-Kebir. It has gradually disappeared from that country,
until then inhabited, consequent on the migration of the tribes,
who occupied it, elsewhere. The Beni Mahenna have retained the
remembrance of a great number of hunters, who passed their lives in
pursuing the deer and the bear, on the crests, covered with arbutus,
between Djebel ben-Alia and Bou-Kseïba. The most celebrated of
these was Ali En-Nahel, belonging to the tribe of Oulad Ataï;
several others are also cited by name.
‘There are numerous sayings which perpetuate the remembrance of
the bear. Such an one is said to be as rude as a bear, he grumbles
like a bear. Rivers, rocks, springs, and even trees have retained the
name of this animal, such as Oued Deb, Geläat ed-Deb, Ain ed-Debba,
&c. The bear, moreover, is said still to be found in the mountains
of Morocco. From an archæological point of view the bear also
deserves our attention; like all the great animals of Africa known
to the ancients, it figures in the mosaics and on the earthen lamps
preserved in our museums.’
The remarks of Bruce before quoted[245] with reference to the Oulad
Sidi Bou Ghanim, were equally applicable to the Khomair; one of the
reasons of their exemption from taxation was their utility in killing
lions. At the present day they are no longer required to destroy wild
animals, but they readily admit the obligation under which they lie
to guard the frontier in their lord’s interests against all comers,
and so well do they perform this duty, that I am not aware of any
Europeans having been permitted to pass through it but ourselves.
There is a general opinion that this tribe is of Berber origin. I
am not aware of any direct authority for this hypothesis. There is,
of course, a strong presumption that the original Berber stock would
have lingered in a purer condition in these inhospitable mountains,
than in other parts of the country more liable to be overrun by the
Arab conquerors. The Khomair are tall and stalwart fellows, with a
bold and fearless demeanour, very different to that of the Arab of
the present day; but these are characters which their wild and active
life could hardly fail to engraft on any stock; they do not claim any
affinity with the Kabyles or Chawia, they speak no other language than
Arabic, and we saw no traces amongst them of light hair, blue eyes,
or a fair European complexion, such as are so frequently met with
both in the Aures Mountains and in the Kabylia of Djurdjura. When
pressed to give an account of their origin, they universally declared
themselves to be of Arab descent, but that their forefathers came
from the _Gharab_, or West, somewhere in the kingdom of Morocco.
Ibn Khaldoun, in his history of the Berbers,[246] makes no
allusion to this tribe, though he mentions an Arab one, the name
of which is somewhat similar in its European guise, though totally
different in Arabic, the _Ghomara_ inhabiting the mountains of
the Riff country. He derives their name from the root غَمَرَ
to overflow, on account of the manner in which they, being Arabs,
overran the Berber country. He says that they are broken up into an
innumerable number of branches and families all over the country,
and are found even as far as Tripoli. It is hardly possible that
these races can be identical, for although there are certain letters
in the Arabic language susceptible of transposition, it is unlikely
that the خ _kh_ should ever take the place of غ _gh_.
Berbers do exist in this valley; we met numbers of the Kabyle race of
Zoaoua (whence the modern word _Zouave_) whose ancestors came from the
Kabylia of Djurdjura to take military service under the Government
of the Bey; these men were the Swiss of Africa, and went all over
the country, as far even as the Pentapolis, as mercenary soldiers.
We had spent the previous evening in a most pleasant and instructive
manner amongst our new friends, and were delighted at the idea
of passing through their country to La Calle, and perhaps of
returning on some future occasion to explore it more thoroughly. As
we suspected, the tales of their barbarity and ferocity were very
greatly exaggerated; at the same time, I confess I should not like to
go far into their country without being accompanied by an influential
member of the tribe, who would be responsible for my safety.
We started from Tabarca at 9·15 a.m., and followed the left bank
of the Oued el-Ahmer (_Red River_), the most westerly of the three
which drain the valley of the Oued el-Kebir. We proceeded in a
south-westerly direction along a tolerably well-cleared path, made
by the Tunisian Government for the purpose of bringing timber down to
the coast. Even in the driest weather there is always a considerable
body of water in the river, and now it was swollen by several days’
hard rain. Beautiful rills and mountain streams descended at every
few hundred yards to add their tribute to the torrent; the banks were
in some places clothed with ivy and ferns, and everywhere densely
shaded by handsome trees, ilex, chêne zan (_Quercus Mirbeckii_),
aspens, and hawthorns of such gigantic stature as fully to merit the
appellation of forest trees; while the ground was carpeted with a
profusion of wild flowers of every hue—blue pimpernel, centaury,
valerian, pink and white cistus, myrtles, wild roses and yellow broom.
Instead of the koubbas so common in other parts of the country,
the tombs of holy men are here marked by a few stones, broken pots,
and one or two white flags stuck amongst them. The first that we met
was that of Sidi Bou Firnan (_My Lord, the father of cork oaks_), who
had possessed a number of these useful trees before his beatitude. As
our guide passed his rustic shrine, he stopped a moment, held his
hands open as if they were a book, and muttered a short prayer. The
good Hadj is a holy man himself; he has made the pilgrimage to Mecca,
and is delighted to find that I have been to Arabia, and have visited
Jerusalem and especially Kerouan, next to Mecca and Medina, the most
holy city in the eyes of Western Mohammedans. He is never tired of
telling everyone he meets the marvellous tale, and of communicating
the fact that the English are the most faithful friends the Sultan
has, and are almost Mohammedans themselves. It is not in the heart
of the Khomair country, that one would try to controvert this theory
of his.
After having ridden for about five miles, we crossed the Oued
el-Ahmer, and entered a country called El-Baiadha, now a moor of tree
heath, but once a great forest, as the blackened stumps of trees,
destroyed by fire, attest. Here and there a few Aleppo pines and
junipers are still found, and on the summit of the hill, about 1,100
feet above the sea, and under a gigantic oak, we observed the first
appearance of Roman colonisation in this district. Only a few cut
stones remain, but there could be no doubt regarding their origin.
We now descended into the valley of the Oulad Sidera, which runs
in a north-easterly direction for a distance of fifteen or twenty
miles. We entered it at about the broadest part, where it had a
width of rather more than a mile. A short distance lower down the
hills converge, forming a narrow gorge called Khangat el-Hadeed,
or _the iron pass_; but as our route lay in an opposite direction,
we were unable to examine it. Beyond it again appeared the high peak
of Djebel Atatfa, but the hills which bound the valley itself appear
to have no other name than that of the tribe which inhabits them.
If a poet or a painter wished to depict a valley ‘sacred to
sweet peace,’ he could do no better than take for his model that
of the Oulad Sidera. It is admirably cultivated throughout, and
from every direction beautiful sparkling streams join the river,
which flows along the bottom. The pasturage is rich and succulent,
and the brilliant carmine of some of the clovers contrasted with
the bright yellow of other species, nestling in a carpet of green,
still fresh and wet with the late rains, added a richness to the
landscape, which can nowhere be seen in a more northern country.
Not only by the river banks, but along the bottom of the hills,
and indeed here and there throughout the whole course of the valley,
are trees of very unusual size. As a rule, the cork oaks in Africa
do not attain the dimensions they do in Spain; yet here we saw some
not less than fifty or sixty feet high, and with trunks four feet in
diameter. I also observed, what I had seen nowhere but at the Fontaine
des Princes in the Forest of Edough, ancient trees of various kinds,
the upper surface of whose branches was covered with a thick layer of
moss, out of which grew masses of polypodium and other ferns. This is
the best possible certificate of climate, for in a locality subject
to great heat or drought, especially in one exposed to the sirocco
wind, such vegetation could not exist during a single summer.
The villages throughout the district we traversed were carefully
concealed from observation, and sites have been chosen high up
on the crests of the hills, with the double object, no doubt,
of defence and economy of space. The huts are rude and squalid,
built generally of branches of trees and diss grass, sometimes with
a little plastering of mud. Near the upper end of the valley of
the Oulad Sidera, under the shade of some grand old olive-trees,
whose age it is impossible to conjecture, stand the remains of a
Roman farm. The walls are still in some places fifteen feet high,
built of small hammer-dressed stones, with finely-cut masonry at
the angles, and here and there an upright course of similar stones
in the walls. The building was rectangular, twenty-two paces long
by twenty wide, regular in shape except at one corner, where was
probably the entrance gate. The interior was so thickly overgrown
with briars and weeds that we could detect no remains of partitions.
We saw other ruins further up, and heard of the existence of many
more, so that there can be no doubt that even these inaccessible
mountains must have been occupied in a serious manner by the Romans.
Peaceful and smiling as this valley seems, it is occupied by a
sturdy and truculent race, whom one would rather meet as friends
than as foes, and it is the refuge of all the unquiet spirits
who have made the plains of Tunis or the frontiers of Algeria too
hot to hold them. While we were examining the ruins I have just
described, a party of ill-looking fellows kept creeping up to
us, dodging from tree to tree, to escape as much as possible our
observation. No sooner, however, did they see our friend the Hadj,
than they seemed to conclude that all was right; they came forward
at once and saluted him with great respect, kissing the palms of
each others’ hands. Then I overheard a whispered conversation—
‘Who are they?’
‘English travellers going to La Calle.’
‘By the life of the Prophet, are they English?’
‘Certainly, or you would not have seen them with me. This one has
been to Arabia, Jerusalem and Kerouan!’
‘Wallah! has he really?’
‘By the life of your head he has!’
This seemed to satisfy them entirely: we became excellent friends,
and they allowed us to examine their arms and curious leathern pouches
in the most affable manner. Each had a short straight sword, not
much longer than an English drummer-boy’s, with an old-fashioned
flint pistol; and two or three leathern bags curiously worked,
one containing flint and steel, another powder and ball, a third
a small knife, and some had a larger one to contain miscellaneous
articles. They laughed at our temerity in coming into their country,
through which they assured us that no European had ever before passed;
but as the English were such faithful friends of the Sultan, and in
the habit of visiting holy places like Kerouan and Jerusalem—in
fact, so nearly Mohammedans, we were welcome, and might go where we
pleased. I laughingly asked them what they would have done had we been
French. My friend gave a broad grin, and passed his forefinger across
his throat in reply. Perhaps they might not have adopted such extreme
measures; but it is quite certain, that there is not a man along the
frontier line, who would permit a Frenchman to advance a step after
he was observed; and even an Englishman would find it impossible to
penetrate from Algeria. The Khomair are very like Arabs everywhere
else when removed from civilisation, wild and fanatical while their
suspicions are aroused, but as tractable as children when these are
allayed. When a traveller can make them laugh, the victory is gained;
hence our success with the pot of jam.
The disturbances in European Turkey had broken out not very long
before our visit, and we were much interested to observe the eagerness
with which they demanded news of ‘the Black Mountain,’ for under
that designation they seemed to include all the disturbed districts;
but though they were in a state of great excitement, and would no
doubt have marched without the least hesitation to attack a body
of Christians anywhere near, if thereby they could have aided in
the Holy War, I doubt whether their love of the Sultan, or their
attachment to El-Islam would have carried them the length of forming
a contingent to go to the scene of war in his defence.
We had not a chance of forming an opinion of the fair sex in this
happy valley; every woman, who observed us in the distance, fled
into the woods affrighted at the unwonted spectacle.
About half-past two we arrived at the Oued Froor, a picturesque
mountain stream, which marks the French frontier; we had some
difficulty in getting our baggage animals across—several times
their loads slipped off—and we had to enlist the assistance
of some of the Khomair, whom we saw there, to enable us to cut a
way through the thick brushwood on the Tunisian side. They were
most obliging and willing to help us in our difficulties without
the least expectation of reward. One of them asked our aid in his
trouble—his brother had a wife and baby, the former of whom, on
account of some matrimonial difference, had fled over the frontier,
and would not listen to any proposition of reconciliation. We could
only advise him to apply to the French authorities, who are ever
ready to lend their willing assistance in such matters.
Their rule on the frontier is extremely just and paternal. The hatred,
with which they are regarded by such tribes as the Oulad Sidera,
is the inevitable result of a well-organised system of government,
coming into such close contact with savages unrestrained by any
power save their own will.
Shortly after crossing the frontier we saw on our left, on the
further side of a steep ravine, an important Roman ruin. Time would
not permit us to inspect it closely, but it appeared to be either
a fortress or a large agricultural establishment. The natives could
not tell me whether it contained any inscribed stones, but they said
that there were representations of rams and other animals sculptured
on the walls. This is called by them El-Kasr, _the palace_, and the
valley Oued el-Kasr. It is the spot marked on M. de St. Marie’s map
as _Ouksir R. R._, but the configuration of the ground, and especially
the course of the river, on this map are altogether incorrect.
The Oued Froor, where we passed it, flows in a south-easterly
direction, but I had no means of ascertaining its ultimate course. It
appeared to be an affluent of some other stream, which probably
joins the Oued Oulad Sidera, and not to flow directly towards the
Mediterranean.
The river of the Oulad Sidera flows in a similar direction, and
is probably an affluent of the Oued el-Kebir in the upper part of
its course.
The French have not shown their usual sagacity in fixing the
boundaries of their colony, or rather I should say a desire to
avoid even the appearance of encroaching on their neighbours, and
perhaps some pressure from other European Powers, has induced them
to abandon much valuable territory, which, if the prescription of
eighteen centuries deserves to be taken into account, undoubtedly
belonged to Algeria.
After the fall of Jugurtha, 106 B.C., the country between the east
coast of Tunis and the Atlantic was divided into three provinces,
Africa proper, Numidia and Mauritania. At subsequent periods
these were further subdivided, but two great landmarks remained
constant during all the political and geographical changes of North
Africa—the river _Tusca_, or Oued el-Kebir, formed the eastern
boundary of Numidia, and the _Malua_ or _Molochath_, the modern
Molouia, the western one of Mauritania Cæsariensis, dividing it
from Tingitana, the present Empire of Morocco.
These boundaries continued, almost to the period of the French
conquest, to limit the territory owning allegiance to the Dey
of Algiers and the Bey of Constantine. When the present boundary
question had to be settled, the French naturally claimed the line
of the Tusca on the east; the Tunisians as stoutly contended that
La Calle belonged to them; so a compromise was effected fixing Cape
Roux as the limit; about as unsatisfactory and undefined a frontier
line as it is possible to conceive.
The same thing happened to the west. The French claimed the ancient
line; the Moroccans demanded the Tafna, and, as a compromise, the
Kiss was accepted—a small river which does not run more than twelve
miles along the boundary line. This latter compromise was the less
necessary as the country in dispute was actually in the military
occupation of the French. The consequence is, that Algeria has no
natural frontiers at all, and it has on either side of it one of the
strongest, most warlike and most turbulent tribes in North Africa,
the Khomair to the east and the Beni Snassen to the west.
Some little distance from where we crossed the frontier, not perhaps
more than two miles in a direct line, though we traversed very much
more ground to reach it, is a douar of Arabs; and a ruined stone
building, called Bordj el-Aïoun, _Castle of the Wells_, from which
a high road, very rough at first, but gradually improving, leads
through a magnificent forest of cork oak to the copper mines of Kef
Omm-et-Taboul, a large and prosperous establishment exporting 600,000
francs’ worth of mineral per annum, situated on the last slope of
the mountain, and so past the fine fresh-water lake of Guerah el-Hout
(_lake of fish_), along the plain to La Calle, where we arrived,
men and beasts both thoroughly exhausted, at half-past eight at
night. Our day’s march, measured on the map, was not perhaps more
than from 28 to 30 miles, but we must have actually gone over at
least 44 miles of ground. Our horses, which had borne us so bravely
all the way from Susa, here gave in entirely; on the following day
they were unable to move, but the baggage mules were as fresh as ever,
and seemed absolutely incapable of fatigue.
La Calle is the nearest French town to the Tunisian frontier,
and though it has a very small and inconvenient harbour, it is
the headquarters of the coral-fishery, and a place daily rising
in importance. The old town was contained within the present
fortifications, built on a ridge of rocks about 400 yards long,
surrounded by the sea, except on the east side, where a bank of sand
150 yards in length connects it with the land. A new town has been
built on the mainland, and there is a project for creating a military
port and harbour of refuge at a short distance to the west. A new
and highly profitable branch of trade has sprung up within the last
few years, the salting and preparation of sardines, which bids fair
to become one of the staple industries of Algeria. But its former
history interested us more than its actual condition. The traveller
going from Bone to Tunis usually touches here for a short time,
and it is right that he should know what an important part it once
played in the relations between France and the Barbary States.
The French Compagnie d’Afrique was established under Louis XIV. Its
principal factory was at first established at the Bastion de France,
and its object was to fish for coral and to purchase grain; in the
latter pursuit it had as a rival an English company established at
La Calle, but on its failure, the entire trade fell into the hands
of the French, for which privilege, however, they were obliged
to pay very heavy taxes to the Government of Algiers and the Bey
of Constantine. Gradually, as the coral fisheries began to fail,
the Company devoted itself more to commerce, and purchased large
quantities of cereals, wool, leather and wax.
An interesting picture of life at La Calle is given by the Abbé
Poiret, who travelled in Barbary from 1785 to 1786.
When he landed, the country round was being devastated by the plague,
and the _comptoir_ of the French jealously barricaded its gates to
prevent all communication with the interior. The Arabs, irritated
and jealous at seeing the Christians exempt from a disease which was
committing such cruel ravages amongst themselves, tried by every means
in their power to introduce the contagion. They buried plague-stricken
corpses at the gates of La Calle, and they threw rags saturated with
virus over the walls, and, independently of these secret attacks,
a continued and open state of hostility seemed to prevail. La Calle
was governed by an agent, having the title of governor, with about
fifteen other officers under his direction. The Arabs were excluded
from the place, with the exception of a few who were retained as
hostages, or who were employed in manual labour. The inhabitants
were from three to four hundred, mostly Corsicans and natives of
Provence. Some were employed in the coral fishery; others, with the
name of soldiers, were occupied in guarding the cattle when taken
outside for pasture. Sometimes these same soldiers, in the guise of
carters, were sent to the neighbouring forests to cut wood. Others,
called _frégataires_, were occupied in loading vessels, transporting
corn, cleaning the port, and similar works, and there was in addition
a staff of bakers, blacksmiths, masons and other artificers. All
these employés were paid, fed and lodged by the Company, but the
fair sex was rigorously excluded. If sometimes the Governor was
permitted to bring his wife, serious troubles were sure to result,
and he was rarely able to keep her there for any length of time.
The climate was then exceedingly unhealthy. Violent fevers were of
constant occurrence, which carried off their victims in four days,
and the mortality amongst the employés was immense.
These were people of the worst character, as the Company received
indiscriminately all applicants, without asking any questions. Most
of them were convicts who had escaped from justice in France, men
lost through libertinage and debauch, without principles of religion,
or the least sentiment of probity.
At La Calle it was only the worst crimes of which any cognisance
was taken, all others were allowed to go without punishment, as the
Governor had only the shadow of authority, and it was necessary to
humour this nest of ruffians always ripe for revolt. In addition to
the heavy taxes paid directly to the State, the Company was subjected
to indirect taxation to an enormous extent, and was also subjected
to the most humiliating restrictions. It was compelled to feed all
the Arabs, who chose to present themselves. If an Arab killed a
Christian he was liable to a fine of 300 piastres as blood money,
which was never paid, but in the event of a Christian killing an
Arab, he was forced to pay 500 piastres, which sum was exacted to
the last farthing. The Company was not permitted to appoint its own
interpreters; these were always named by the State, and the only
qualification, that appeared to be required, was sufficient sagacity
to enable him to betray the Christian.
In 1806 Mr. Blanckley, the British Consul-General at Algiers,
contracted with the Dey for the possession of Bone and La Calle,
which latter had been a century and a half in the hands of the French,
whose contract had expired. 50,000 dollars, or 11,000_l._, was the sum
agreed on as an annual rent. This was actually paid for some years,
without any result following, save that of keeping out the French
for a time.[247] La Calle was re-occupied by the French on July 15,
1836, shortly after the capture of Bone.
Here our journey may be said to have terminated; we dismissed our
horses and attendants, bade adieu to our Khomair friends, who had
accompanied us so far, and proceeded in an open boat to Bone, where
we took the steamer to Algiers.
In these two journeys, though I have not actually followed the route
of Bruce, I have visited every place of importance which he described,
and, with the single exception of Hydra, I have examined and described
every ruin which he drew, in Algeria and Tunis.
I could not spare time to follow him in the Belad el-Djerid and
eastward to the Pentapolis. There I must leave him to tell his own
tale, illustrating this as far as I can by the descriptions of more
recent travellers. The temptation to follow him to Tripoli was very
great, but I was reconciled to the impossibility of doing this by the
knowledge that Mr. Edward Rae, who has already earned the reputation
of being an intelligent traveller and an accurate observer, had
just returned from a journey through that country and the southern
parts of Tunis, including Kerouan. I had the pleasure of making his
acquaintance at Tunis, and I have little doubt that his ‘Country
of the Moors,’ which is being published simultaneously with the
present work, will give much valuable information regarding these
little-known regions. It will materially contribute to elucidate
the diary of Bruce, which unfortunately is out of all proportion,
as regards interest, to his admirable architectural drawings. How
different the case would have been, but for that disastrous shipwreck
at Bengazi!
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 243: Peyssonnel, ap. Dureau de la Malle, i. p. 272.]
[Footnote 244: Poiret, i. p. 238.]
[Footnote 245: _Ante_, p. 188.]
[Footnote 246: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, ii. p. 134.]
[Footnote 247: Mrs. Broughton, _Six Years in Algiers, from 1806 to
1812_, p. 429.]
PART III.
CHAPTER XXXII.
BRUCE’S ROUTE FROM TEBESSA TO THE DJERID AND BACK TO TUNIS.
In the third part of Bruce’s wanderings, from Tebessa southward
through the Belad el-Djerid, and thence to Tripoli and the Pentapolis,
I have been unable to follow personally in his footsteps. I must
content myself with giving the journey in his own words, and trust to
the observations of others to illustrate his rough and fragmentary
notes. It is almost an injury to his reputation to reproduce what
was never intended for publication, notes which, in the event of
his death during the journey, he had particularly requested should
not be published. The reader is requested never to lose sight of the
probability that all his fairly copied manuscripts were lost during
his shipwreck, and that the present narrative is compiled from the
roughest memoranda, letters to his friends, and the autobiographical
sketch which he has left, written years afterwards in the retirement
of Kinnaird, when the particulars of this journey had been to some
extent effaced from his recollection by many years of more stirring
events in Abyssinia.
In the first part of this work, page 103, his arrival for the second
time at Tebessa was recorded on December 16, 1765; he continues:—
The 17th continued our course towards Ferreanah over the mountains
Tenoucla, on the skirts of which, in the neighbourhood of Jebbel
Usmir, found large strata of petrified oyster-shells. Passed
Tenoucla and lay (18th) on a plain without inhabitants or water,
called Lerneb.[248] From Lerneb arrived the 19th, in the evening, at
Melew, where the Bey of Constantine was encamped with about 3,000 men.
The 20th, in the morning, set out for Ferreanah, from whence we were
distant about 10 miles. Ferreanah is the ancient Thala[249] taken and
destroyed by Metellus in his pursuit of Jugurtha. I had formed, I know
not from what reason, sanguine expectations of elegant remains here,
but in this I was disappointed. I found nothing but baths of very
warm water, without the town; in these there was a number of fish,
above four inches in length, not unlike gudgeons. Upon trying the heat
by the thermometer I remember to have been much surprised that they
could have existed, or even not been boiled by continuing long in
the heat of this medium. As I marked the degree with a pencil while
I was myself naked in the water, the leaf was wetted accidentally,
so I missed the precise degree I meant to have recorded, and I do
not pretend to supply it from memory. The bath is at the head of the
fountain and the stream runs off to a considerable distance. I think
there were five or six dozen of these fish in the pool. I was told
likewise that they went down into the stream to a certain distance
in the day and returned to the pool, as warmest and deepest water,
at night.
The ruins of the ancient town begin at the mouth of a valley, or
opening of the mountains to the south of that valley, on the west
side of the bed of what appears to have been a river, but which is
now only sand. This part is called Gobul. On the river side is a
well or reservoir paved with cut stone, on which are the marks of the
cord of the bucket, which are so strong as to seem to indicate that
the water was brought from a great depth. The mouth is on a level
with the bed of the river. There are here the traces of a very large
fabric, which by the remaining ornaments, now much consumed, appears
to have been a very elegant Corinthian. There was no possibility
of making out the place, though there seemed to have been three
temples, situated nearly like those of Spaitla. These ruins extend,
with considerable interruption, south-east, till within a mile of
the sanctuary of Sidi Mohamed Teleely, the building of whose Cubba
has probably taken up many of the most elegant materials.
About two miles south-east of this marabout, there are four columns
on foot which seem to be in their places, about two feet buried in
the earth, forming the four angles of a square, 17 feet distant,
in very bad taste. These are all the remains at this time, no traces
remaining of Dr. Shaw’s.
The situation, in a plain everyway surrounded with mountains, agrees
with the ancient Thala; so does its extent; but Metellus might have
met with water nearer than 50 miles, as there were two large lakes
at Malen, in a very convenient situation, where the Bey encamped
. . .[250] from the history other objections in Jugurtha’s flight
to the desert before he came to Thala.
The 21st, left Ferreanah, continued along the river to the mountain
Sidi Eisa[251] within sight of his sanctuary, no water or inhabitants.
Next morning descended into a plain, passed Sidi Ali Ben Oune
and still further the Maretba (?), the route of the Tunis camp,
about seven miles east; continued along the plain, where copied the
following inscription on a monument of bad taste.[252]
VRBANILLA MIHI CONIVNX VERECVNDIA PLENA HIC SITA EST
ROMAE COMES NEGOTIORVM SOCIA PARS PARSIMONIO FVLTA
BENE GESTIS OMNIBUS CVM IN PATRIAM MECVM REDIRET
AV MISERAM CARTHAGO MIHI ERIPVIT SOCIAM
NVLLA SPES VIVENDI MIHI SINE CONIVGE TALI
ILLA DOMVM SERVARE MEAM ILLA ET CONSILIO IVVARE
LVCE PRIVATA MISERA QVESCIT IN MARMORE CLVSA
LVCIVS EGO CONIVNX HIC TE MARMORE TEXI
ANC NOBIS SORTE DEDIT FATVM CVM LUCIDAREMVR
The 23rd, came to Gaffsa, the Capsa of Jugurtha, situated immediately
in the narrow plain between the point of two mountains, a valley
to the south . . . . . the mountains east and west, advantageous
positions for a prince whose strength is horse.[253] The key of the
Jereed, the hilly place where Marius halted, to the south the Jugis
Aqua, a plentiful spring in two basins from one to four feet deep
and thirty feet square, in the middle of the town,[254] another
in the citadel,[255] the water, which is more than lukewarm, runs
in a pretty considerable stream, and is drunk up in watering the
plantations of date trees and gardens among them, on the west side
of which Gaffsa is situated.
Gaffsa is built of clay, but is considerable and much better than
Ferreanah. No antiquities.
The 24th to the 28th, stayed here correcting and perfecting my
designs; the 29th, set out for Tozer.
On the left, or east, Jibbel Orbatt;[256] on the right Jibbel ben
Younus to the Dowary, another mountain, and so on to the frontier
of Algiers. Passed Garbata[257] about four miles; lay that night at
a Dowar of Zowawas, Welled Seedy Abid.
The place where Marius encamped before the taking of Capsa was to
the east, at the foot of the mountain, and answers the description
_locum tumulosum_, as it agrees in distance. These hillocks are
continued to the brink of the river, after passing the dry bed of
which there is a plain of about 500 yards broad, and over this,
on a small eminence to the west, is situated Gaffsa.
On the night of the 29th, and all the next day, we were followed
by five of the Nememchah, who had not the courage to attack us,
but on our arrival at El-Hamma, about 22 miles, they fell suddenly
upon some people herding sheep and drove them off in triumph.
We lay here on the 30th; it is a small, mud-walled date village;
five miles further is Tozer. It is the largest of the date towns,
the residence of a Cayd, the chief of all the Jereed. It is the
ancient _Tisurus_, but nothing now remains of the old town but three
broken columns of cippolino, whose capitals were Corinthian, but
are now consumed entirely. It is the greatest mart in Barbary for
woollen goods, such as haicks, burnooses, baracanes, &c. Its next
commodity is dates, with which it furnishes the Bedouins throughout
the kingdom. 20,000 camels are annually loaded here with this
fruit. Here the caravan arrives from Timbuctoo in . . .[258] days
bringing gold of Tibar and negroes. Here also did formerly arrive
the caravans of the Gaddemsees, but being plundered and waylaid by
the Nememchah, they now direct their course to Nefzowah.
From Tozer to Wurglah is about ten days with camels; thence to
Tripoli ten days.
The second of January (1766), arrived at El-Hamma or Tegeuse,[259]
another set of villages about six miles east of Tozer.
Tozer is better situated than any of the date towns, by a number
of springs which break out above a mile west of the town, and
immediately form several considerable streams, which are divided by
the hour amongst the inhabitants as of old; between the palm trees
are gardens of figs, vines, and herbs. In some places, and chiefly
at Tigeuse, the ground between the trees is laid out in small beds,
about five feet long and two broad, sown with wheat, which is here
very scarce and only brought when the camp comes in November, when
the Dreedy and other clans attend, and bring this in exchange for
dates and manufactures.
The third of January passed the Lowdeah or Palus Tritonides, about
three miles below Tegeuse, the large lake of water called the Lake of
Marks, because in the passage of it there is now a row of large trunks
of palm trees set up to guide travellers in the road which crosses it.
Dr. Shaw has settled very distinctly the geography of this place
and those about it. It is the Palus Tritonidis,[260] as he justly
observes.
This was the most barren and unpleasant of my journeys in Africa,
barren not only from the nature of the soil, but from its having no
remains of antiquity in the whole course of it.
From entering the water to the small island half-way to Fatnassa,
the route is entirely through water, equal in saltness to the sea,
the depth is never above seven inches after passing this. It is
chiefly dry for the other ten miles of the distance to Fatnassa,
but never more than one inch where the water is deepest; it has a
fine gravelly bottom. I measured four hundred feet on each side of
the signals; the breadth nowhere seven miles.
It is nearly east and west; in the west end inclining more
southerly. The mountains of Lowdeah form the north boundary, but it
is plain on all sides on the south and south-west, and extends with
some very considerable interruptions far into the Sahara. Anciently
it was of consequence, much larger, and gave just reason for the
account of a number or succession of lakes, which Dr. Shaw thinks
impossible, from intervention of mountains, erroneously (_sic_).
M. Charles Tissot, in a notice about to be published in the
‘Bulletin de la Société de Géographie,’ and quoted by M. Roudaire in
his report,[261] thus describes the Chott el-Djerid: ‘The vast and
profound depression of the Chott el-Djerid is now to a great extent
filled up with recent deposits of sand. The central portion of the
basin appears, however, to contain a considerable mass of water
covered with a saline crust, which has caused the Arab geographers to
compare it, now to a carpet of camphor or crystal, and again to a
sheet of silver, or a mass of metal in fusion. The thickness of this
crust is very variable, and it is only at certain places that it is
sufficiently solid to admit of travellers trusting themselves to it.
The moment that they quit those passages the crust gives way, and the
abyss swallows up its prey. Even these passages are very dangerous in
the rainy season, when the water covers the saline crust and decreases
its thickness.’
M. Tissot did not observe the trunks of palm trees set up to mark the
path, so often alluded to by Bruce and other old writers; his guide
informed him that they had been carried away by the heavy rains,
and had never been replaced. A few stones had, however, been placed
on the surface at intervals of five or six hundred yards, which,
though actually small, were magnified by the mirage, and could be
seen at a considerable distance.
About the middle is a circular platform, two or three feet above the
level of the Sebkha, to which the names El-Mensof (_the Middle_),
Bir en-Noosf (_Well of the Middle_), or Hadjarat en-Noosf (_the
Middle Stone_), are given; it is also called Djebel el-Melah (_the
Mountain of Salt_). Here the caravans usually pass the night, if
they are not sure of reaching the opposite shore before dark.
There are 102 villages of dates here in Nefzowa,[262] but much
inferior to those of Tozer. The fruit is chiefly sent to Europe. The
eastern of these are called the Ghaara, inhabited by the Noile and
many others. The panther, or faadh, and the fennick are natives of
this district.
To the southward, Fatnassa is a small, mud-walled town. Telemeen
is the largest of this district; it has a small fort with a cayd,
and the town a sheikh. The fort is in a wood of date trees; it is
of stone, very small, with fifty Moorish foot, or Zowawa, for a
garrison. Few medals.
Arrived here the 4th; staid the 5th; the 6th, set out for Ebilla,[263]
arrived there at noon, being but 6 miles.
The 7th, went hunting to Ghaara, five miles southwards; killed three
wild boars with the lance.
The 8th, hunted likewise; killed one. At night, the house attacked
by banditti, and we were near assassinated; my horse wounded.
The 10th, we passed the camp of the Henneishah at the foot of the
mountains, to the north near the Thibkah,[264] and about 7 miles to
the eastward that of the Welled Yagoube, who that day were in motion,
and encamped at Nisse y-deep.[265] The next morning they fell upon
and robbed the caravan going from Biscara to Mecca.
The night of the 10th arrived at El Hamma of Gabbs, the Aquæ
Tacapitanæ of antiquity, consisting of three small mud-walled
villages, Sambat, Menzil, and . . .[266] The first we stopped at,
and were miserably lodged. It belongs to the Beni Zeed, a set of
banditti of the neighbouring mountains, whose douars we passed at
the foot of a mountain called Sidi Ben Owne, to the southwards.
There are about fifty hot springs at El-Hamma, all sufficient to form
a considerable rivulet, were they not drunk up. They are of different
degrees of heat, from bloodwarm to boiling hot, as intense as those at
the baths near Baiæ. There are, in many of the miserable hovels built
over the bagnios, remains of their ancient magnificence, such as bases
of columns and pilasters, and large blocks of white Grecian marble.
One of these springs arises in the castle, a weak ruinous building,
with a garrison of 50 Zowawa or Moorish foot. The Palus Tritonidis
arrives at El-Hamma, the brook of which falls into it to the
north-east [at a distance of] two miles.
The moisture which it furnishes most agreeably and suddenly changes
the desert scene, and covers the adjacent fields with all kinds of
flowers and verdure.
The 11th, changed to the neighbouring town, Menzil, where we were
better lodged.
The 12th, set out from El-Hamma, arrived in three hours and three
quarters at Gabbs; it is about 12 miles, though Dr. Shaw and the
Itinerary made it XVII, through a large plain full of the seedra or
lotus, a shrub not unlike blackthorn.[267]
Gabbs consists of three villages, as is the custom of the Jereed,
in groves of palms, Menzil, Jaara, and Shineny,[268] the two former
constantly at war with each other.
The river of Gabbs, which runs along the north side of the south
division of Jaara, separates it from a grove of palm trees where
is a house of the Bey, and behind it the town. Menzil is a short
mile to the south-west; in the same direction is the old Gabbs,
the Tacape of the ancients, formerly a very considerable place on
the Lesser Syrtis. Its ruins at present consist of three broken
frusts of granite columns of an oval form, and one square one,
which last is still standing, and seems to have had a statue upon
it. The buildings here seem to be so small in circumference that
I rather imagine this was some considerable temple than the city
itself, which I imagine did extend a mile further to the east,
to that chain of eminences which run north and south, upon which,
and between which, there are traces of ancient buildings. Between
these and the river was probably the port, now choked up by the east
and north-east winds, the violent ones on these coasts.
Digging for building materials four years ago, the inhabitants of
Menzil found a statue as big as life, which, contrary to their usual
practice, they did not break immediately to pieces; but after it
had been an object of contention between them and Jaara, the latter
obtained it and buried it under ground.
Here it continued till some months before I came to Tunis, when,
hearing of it, I did ask it of the Bey, who readily granted it,
and by a special order desired it might be delivered into my hands;
but upon my arrival I found it had been broken to pieces, to repair
a miserable bridge, and only some of the pieces could be gathered,
which were brought on producing the king’s order.
It was of white Greek marble, in a very elegant taste, the hair
before, gathered under a round crown-like ornament, which we see
on the medals of Faustina, from which a veil fell down behind. The
hair on the sides fell down in small curls on the shoulders. It was
in a sitting posture, the two feet appearing from under the robe,
one upon the other, in the attitude like the Agrippina the elder in
the Farnese Gallery; but the pleats in the clothing were larger than
those of the Agrippina.
The whole was in excellent taste. There was also brought me a piece
of a basso relievo, probably belonging to the temple, likewise a
half figure, that of a Neptune or Triton stretching his hand over
a stormy sea, with a dolphin before him; all diligence was used,
but it was impossible to find the other part.
The river is undoubtedly the Triton; it has no connection with the
Palus Tritonidis; it rises in a plain called Chausæ, directly west,
and near the palms it is divided; part continues its course by Jaara
to the sea, part is conducted through the palms, after which it is
again united, and continues its course to the sea, a small distance
from the palms.
The 13th being calm, I observed the flux and reflux of the tide;
the wind was from the S.W.; the tide rose on the bar at the mouth
of the river 37½ inches perpendicular height. 14th, stormy, wind
N.E. 15th, wind continued till 8 o’clock more easterly; fell calm
at midday. The evening we could not measure, having a swell.
The full sea the next evening rose 41 inches perpendicular height
upon the bar; no sea; the wind changed to N.W.; no swell.
Unfortunately, Captain Mouchez was unable to make any observations
regarding the tide here during his recent survey, but he remarks
that it rises as high as on any place on the Atlantic coast.
The plantations of Gabbs are laid out in the most advantageous as
well as the most pleasant manner; between the palms the grape is
made to run along cords of hair in festoons. Below, the plats are
laid out in squares, in which is planted the Al-Henna,[269] the chief
commodity of this place, a shrub like the myrtle, which the women use
when dried to paint themselves with. It is packed in large oblong
baskets of a caphise weight, and sells, according to its goodness,
from seven to eight and a half piastres of Tunis (four and a half
piastres being seven shillings English)[270] per hundredweight. This
is cut every year and kept low; the ground around is bordered with
roses. Between Menzil and Jaara is a castle, and under it encamps the
Cayd of Amadis.(?) He has with him 100 spahis of Tunis and Zowawa; he
collects the tribute from all the tribes of the south-east district
of this kingdom, resembles a Bey, and has the greatest command in
Tunis given to a subject. It extends to the frontiers of Tripoli.
Ottoman ben Mengsah was Cayd at this time; he was one of
the descendants of a Portuguese renegade, now called Welled
Hassan. Although considered as Turks, they were always abroad among
the Moors. In the time of Ali Bashaw, whose relations they were,
although in the wars of Younus he strangled eleven of their number
in one night, as well as in the present reign, they were always
employed in great commands among the Moors.
It is in this region, just below the thirty-fourth parallel of
latitude, that M. Roudaire proposes to pierce the Isthmus of Gabes,
which now separates the sea from the region of the Chotts, the ancient
Bay of Triton. Thus he hopes to create an inland sea, and introduce
fertility, commerce and life into the very heart of the Sahara.
The Governor-General of Algeria sent a mission in 1874 to examine
the region south of Biskra; it was commanded by Captain Roudaire, and
consisted of several eminent African geographers, amongst whom were
Captain Parisot, and M. Henri Duveyrier. M. Roudaire announces that
the basin capable of submersion in Algeria occupies an area of 150
kilometres long by 40 broad, or upwards of 6,000 square kilometres,
comprised between latitude 34° 36′ and 33° 51′ N., and longitude
(of Paris) 3° 40′ and 4° 51′ E. In the middle, the depression
below the level of the sea is from 21 to 31 metres. On the north
the slope is very gentle, so that there would only be two metres
of water at six kilometres from the shore. None of the great oases,
but at least three of the smaller ones, would be submerged.
Captain Roudaire was sent in the following year to continue his
investigations in the Regency of Tunis, and he reports that two
other basins there are capable of submersion; namely, that of the
Chott el-Gharsa, the superficies of which is 1,350 square kilometres,
and that of the Chott el-Djerid, which has a surface of 5,000 square
kilometres.
Whether the scheme prove practicable or not, Captain Roudaire has
certainly collected a considerable body of evidence[271] to prove that
the basin of the Chotts was in communication with the Mediterranean
as late as the beginning of the Christian era, and then formed the
great bay of Triton; and he believes that the result of his surveys
and levels entirely confirm this hypothesis. He quotes all the ancient
authors who have alluded to the locality; amongst others, Herodotus,
who mentions ‘the river Triton, which flows into the great lake
or gulf of Triton, in which is the island of Phla.’ Scylax, who
wrote his Periplus of the Mediterranean in the second century before
Christ, also alludes to both river and lake. ‘The entrance to the
latter,’ he says, ‘is narrow, and an islet is visible therein at
low tide, and vessels are often unable to enter.’ Pomponius Mela,
two centuries after Scylax, and Ptolemy, in the second century of
the Christian era, also mention the same natural features.
The Arabs have a tradition that Nefta was at one time a seaport,
and it is said that no later than the end of last century a vessel
of unknown form, probably an ancient galley, was dug up in the
sand there.
Unfortunately, the most eminent authorities do not agree as to the
possibility of the project. Captain Mouchez, of the French Navy,
a very distinguished hydrographer, and a Member of the Institute,
surveyed the coast from Algeria to Tripoli in 1876. He states that
the coast of the Gulf of Gabes is formed by a natural bulwark 85
mètres high at the sea, and rising to a height of 700 or 800 mètres
further inland. If these measurements are correct, and no breach of
continuity exists in this chain of hills, it is difficult to see how
there could ever have been a communication between the sea and Lake
Tritonis, or how a canal can now be cut so as to unite them.
Three miles S.E. of Gabbs is a small village called Tobulbu, with
a plantation of dates; four miles further in the same direction
another called Zereega. About . . .[272] miles hence, still eastward,
inclining to the south, is Cattan,[273] another; and further is the
river el-Fert,[274] which comes from below the river Matamata. At
the head it is fresh, but receiving some salt springs in its course,
it turns brackish where it falls into the sea.
Zaratt is 18 miles from Gabbs; and from Gerba, which lies S.E.,
as Matamata does . . .[275] and Dimmer . . .[275] S.W. by S., and
El-Faggera, behind which is Jibbel Abeide, due south; over this lies
the way to Gaddems, according to some, eight days’ journey for
a camel lightly laden; that is, from Gabbs to Matamata, 22 miles,
or one day; thence to Jibbel Abeide, two days, or 40 miles; from
thence five days, but it is said by others to be much longer.
The inhabitants of Matamata live underground in the earth; their
houses go down with a stair about . . .[276] feet; from thence there
is a passage, on each side of which are the chambers. The inhabitants
of Jibbel Abeide are the Dowarets, a clan of about 1,000 fighting
men. Their houses are not sunk in the earth, as the Matamata, but
perforated in the rock itself, like the Trogloditæ of old.
Mela says that they lived in caves, and fed upon serpents; if
he had said fed together with serpents, his observation had been
just. They have such an esteem for snakes as to suffer them to feed
promiscuously with them, and to live continually in their houses,
where they perform the office of cats. These animals are perfectly
inoffensive to their protectors, and suffer themselves to be lifted up
and carried in their hands from place to place. Some are six or seven
feet long; they suffer no one to hurt them or transport them to any
other place. No persuasion or reward could induce them to let me carry
away one of them, it being universally believed that they are a kind
of good angels, whom it would be the highest impropriety, and of the
worst consequence to the community, to remove from their dwellings.
· · · · · · ·
The Jibbeleah runs in a direction parallel to the coast, which it
approaches as we advance eastward to Zarratt. Matamata is S.E. of
Gabbs. South of that is Toujan; S.E. is a sharp-pointed mountain
called Dimmer; again, continuing the line of Matamata eastwards,
is Feggera, due south from Gerba.
I was now arrived upon the Lesser Syrtis, and continued along the
sea-coast northward to Inshilla without having made any additions
to my observations.
I turned again to the north-west, and came to Tisdrus, as it was
anciently called, now El-Gemme.[277]
This was the last ancient building I visited in the Kingdom of Tunis,
and I believe I may confidently say there is not, either in the
territories of Algiers or Tunis, a fragment of good taste of which
I have not brought a drawing to Britain.
I continued along the coast to Susa, through a fine country planted
with olive trees, and came again to Tunis, not only without any
disagreeable accident, but without any interruption from sickness
or other cause.
During my journey through Tunis, I made frequent inquiries regarding
the custom of keeping tame serpents, and the reply was invariably
the same: ‘No one here keeps them, but the tribes further south are
said to do so.’ I mentioned the subject to M. Vignard, of Algiers,
who has travelled extensively in Africa, and he assured me that on
one occasion when he entered a native hut in the island of Goree,
near Cape Verd, he saw the mistress of the house sitting on a mat
with a tame snake coiled beside her, and he was informed that it was
a very common custom to keep such animals, in order to kill rats and
mice. They even asserted that the young shepherds took them to the
fields with them, and that the tame serpents watched over them while
they slept under the shade of a tree, lest their masters should be
bitten by poisonous snakes.
M. Repin[278] gives a curious account of the manner in which large
quantities of these reptiles are kept in houses built expressly for
the purpose, in the kingdom of Dahomey, and guarded with the utmost
care and veneration, exactly as Bruce describes them to be by the
inhabitants of Djebel Abeide; enough, however, has been stated to
prove that this story is not one of the traveller’s tales which
Bruce was for so long a time accused of fabricating.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 248: Bahiret el-Arneb, or plain of the hare.]
[Footnote 249: Bruce is at fault here. Feriana is probably the ancient
Thelepte of the Itinerary of Antoninus; Thala has been identified
with a village of the same name ten miles north-east of Haidra.]
[Footnote 250: Two words illegible in MS.]
[Footnote 251: Sidi Aïch.]
[Footnote 252: This monument is known by the name of _Soumat
el-Hamra_, the red minaret. The inscription as here given is corrected
by the subsequent rendering of Guérin. See his work, i. p. 288.]
[Footnote 253: Obscure in original.]
[Footnote 254: Known as _Thermyle el-Bey_, two large open basins
communicating by a vault, used as bathing-places, one by men and
the other by women.]
[Footnote 255: Used as a bathing-place by the Jews. Both contain
numerous snakes of the genus _Tropidonotus_, and fish, probably
_Chromidæ_.]
[Footnote 256: Djebel Arbet. 3,612 feet high.]
[Footnote 257: Oued Gourbaia.]
[Footnote 258: Left blank in MS.]
[Footnote 259: More correctly _Degeuche_, the ancient Thiges.]
[Footnote 260: Shaw’s Travels, p. 212.]
[Footnote 261: See note, p. 272.]
[Footnote 262: The Sheikh Et-Tidjani gives the following as the
etymology of the word Nefzaoua: ‘It derives its name from that of a
tribe established here since the earliest times, Nefzaoua ben Akhbar,
ben Berber, ben Keis, ben Elias, ben Modhar, ben Nezar.
‘Goliath, whom David slew, was of the tribe of Nefzaoua. It
is from the Nefzaoua that all the Zenata derive their origin;
they were originally Arabs, but subsequently became Berberised
by their proximity to the Berbers and by intermixture with
them.’—_Ann. Arch. Const._ xii. p. 150.]
[Footnote 263: Guebilli, or Kebilli.]
[Footnote 264: _Djebel Tebaga_ of the French maps.]
[Footnote 265: Perhaps the Bahiret Cedret ed-dib of the same.]
[Footnote 266: Left blank in MS., perhaps _Dabdaba_.]
[Footnote 267: _Zizyphus lotus_; the jujube tree.]
[Footnote 268: Perhaps _Bou Shemma_ is here meant.]
[Footnote 269: _Lawsonia inermis_.]
[Footnote 270: The present value of the Tunis piastre is sixpence.]
[Footnote 271: ‘Rapport à M. le Ministre de l’Instruction
Publique sur la Mission des Chotts, étude relative au projet de
mer intérieure, par le Capitaine Roudaire.’ Paris, 1877.]
[Footnote 272: Blank in MS.]
[Footnote 273: Ketena.]
[Footnote 274: Oued el-Ferd.]
[Footnote 275: These spaces are blank in the original. There is a
confusion here. Djerba lies N.E. of Zarat; Matamata S.W. of the same;
Djebel Zemerten S.S.W.]
[Footnote 276: Blank in MS.]
[Footnote 277: See _ante_, p. 159.]
[Footnote 278: ‘Voyage au Dahomey,’ par le Dr. Repin, _Tour du
Monde_, 1863; 1ère Semestre, p. 71.]
CHAPTER XXXIII.
BRUCE’S ROUTE TO DJERBA, TRIPOLI, AND BACK TO TUNIS.
After some weeks’ excursion of no moment about Tunis, I again
set out the eastern circuit by Gemme, or Tisdrus, towards Gabbs or
Tacapæ, and continued along that coast till opposite the island
of Gerba.
It is situated about half a mile from the land; it is the Meninx
Insula, or island of the Lotophagi, and is a sandy island with
several small villages, producing a few dates which are not good;
labouring under a great scarcity of water; even that which it has is
but indifferent. It has a small castle, not capable of any defence,
subject to the Bey of Tunis.
Dr. Shaw says the fruit he calls the lotus is very common all along
that coast. I wish he had said what was this lotus; to say it is the
fruit most common along that coast is no description, for there is
no sort of fruit whatever, no bush, no tree, nor verdure of any kind
excepting the short grass that borders these countries before you
enter the moving sands of the desert. Dr. Shaw never was at Gerba,
and had taken this particular from some unfaithful storyteller.[279]
In this island there is a very considerable manufacture of woollen
shawls; the generality of these are coarse and cheap, for common use,
but there are others where the best wool is employed, and these are
of great price and fineness.
They are all sent to Alexandria to be dyed, then returned, and are
the head-dress of the soldiery of the State of Tunis, and indeed
of most other people, unless those who profess law or religion,
who wear them white, and not dyed.
This wool, though employed here in Gerba exclusively, is not the
produce of the island itself. In the mainland, immediately south of
the island, the very numerous clans of noble Arabs, the Wargummah and
Noile inhabit, and pay only a nominal obedience to the Bey, passing
the frontiers as their occasions require. They have factors in the
island entirely at their devotion, and to them they send the wool,
which is dressed, woven, dyed and accounted for to the proprietors
through the hands of these factors.
Here we found that the Bey of Tunis had prepared a house for us,
and sent from his own palace every sort of refreshment that he
could devise, with orders to receive us with every possible honour,
and furnish us with what we required at his expense. Here I stayed
a month with an intention to proceed to Tripoli through the desert,
_making fair copies of my minutes_[280] and designs, and having sent
back to Tunis two of my spahis who had been wounded, and one that
was afraid to go further.
I sent a letter to Mr. Fraser, the consul at Tripoli, desiring an
escort, as I was now reduced to nine men in all, seven of whom,
though indeed resolute people and well armed, were encumbered with
the mules and camels which carried our tents and provisions; the
other two were an English servant, and a renegado, my dragoman, who,
with myself, were the only three mounted on horses and at liberty.
No return came from Tripoli, for the Bey being on ill terms with the
Consul, though he promised, he would not send any escort. I and my
servants did indeed most rashly attempt to pass the desert inhabited
only by ruffians and assassins, the Noile, the Wargummah and many
other tribes, at continual war, who pay no sort of acknowledgment
to any sovereign, and where the caravan from Morocco to Mecca, which
we found near Tripoli, had been defeated and plundered, though they
amounted to about 3,000 men.
This enterprise is one of so great a danger that when Younus Bey,
prince of Tunis, fled for his life, when the Algerines had murdered
his grandfather Ali Bey, and taken his father prisoner, he declared
that that passage was the greatest enterprise of his life; yet he
was a prince allowed among the first for bravery even to rashness,
nor did we escape, for the night of the third day we were attacked
by a number of horsemen, and four of our men were killed on the
spot. Providence, the prodigious resolution of our little company,
and the night, saved the remainder, and we arrived at Tripoli when
given over by everybody for lost.
About four days from Tripoli I met the Emir Hadjee, conducting the
caravan of pilgrims from Fez and Sus in Morocco, all across Africa
to Mecca. He is a middle-aged man, uncle to the present Emperor, of
a very uncomely, stupid kind of countenance. His caravan consisted
of about 3,000 men, and, as his people said, from 12,000 to 14,000
camels, part loaded with merchandise, part with skins of water,
flour and other kinds of food for the maintenance of the Hadjees.
They were a scurvy, disorderly, unarmed pack, and when my horsemen,
though but fifteen in number, came up with them in the grey of the
morning, they showed great signs of trepidation and were already
flying in confusion. When informed who we were, their fears ceased,
and after the usual manner of cowards they became extremely insolent.
The inhabitants of that district have in no wise improved during the
past century, the very latest account of them we have is given by
Captain Mouchez. In a paper which he read before the _Académie des
Sciences_, at Paris, on January 8, 1877, he says that the littoral
is extremely dangerous, shelter and ports of refuge do not exist,
and when he landed, even for a few hours, to take observations, he
found himself surrounded by natives, who exercise the profession of
robbery and brigandage on a large scale.
The coast is composed of sandy downs, which stretch inland as far
as the eye can range, an absolute desert, without trees or traces of
habitation. The beach is strewn with vestiges of wrecks, which have,
no doubt, been pillaged and the crews murdered by the nomades who
frequent the country, and who recognise neither the Government of
Tunis nor the Bey of Tripoli.
‘One day,’ says M. Mouchez, ‘I landed unarmed, with a secretary
and an assistant, and had already fixed my instrument, when a large
number of Bedouins, on horseback and on foot, appearing from behind
the downs, literally fell upon and surrounded us.
‘They first pointed their guns at us to prevent our flight,
then approaching, lay hold of me, searched me, and tried to drag me
away. This I strongly resisted, and at last made them understand that
this violation of the law of nations would be instantly punished,
and that my steamer would carry a complaint to the Governor of
Tripoli. This had its effect, and they allowed us to go. In the
evening we proceeded to Tripoli to claim satisfaction. This was
readily granted by the Governor, who was lately a professor at
the School of Constantinople; he placed at our disposal a guard of
Turkish soldiers, who protected us during our survey of the coast.
‘I never saw anything so extraordinary as the arms of the natives
who surrounded us,’ continues M. Mouchez. ‘Some of them had
swords apparently of the sixteenth century, beautiful Damascene
blades; one took aim at me with a flint gun of great antiquity. I
was desirous of purchasing one of these arms, but they did not
understand me, and there was no time to be lost in useless talk,
for their attitude was by no means reassuring. The Mussulmans of the
coast bear no goodwill to the French nation, and do not forgive us
the conquest of Algeria.’
At Tripoli we found the Hon. Mr. Frazer, of Lovat, the King’s
Consul; he complained heavily to the Bashaw, who excused himself
poorly.
I am persuaded he would have laid the blame upon Mr. Frazer, if any
accident had befallen us.
I cannot allude to this gentleman without mentioning that he is,
as I hear, recalled upon a complaint of the Bashaw of Tripoli,
who, after many other irregularities, at last confined him to his
house. This grand complaisancy to these Barbary gentlemen, who answer
the complaints for national grievances by personal exceptions against
the Consul, will soon have the effect of making neutral freighters
believe that our flag is insecure and without protection, and will
certainly in the end throw all this caravan into the hands of the
French, who support their Consuls and colours with the utmost spirit
both at Tunis and Tripoli.
His Royal Highness the Duke of York having given orders to Commodore
Harrison to desire, in his name, that all encouragement and assistance
might be given to me in my journeys from each of these regencies,
and that gentleman being soon expected at Tripoli, I left a letter for
him, begging him to obtain of the Bashaw of Tripoli the same liberty
I had in Algiers and Tunis, to visit the antiquities of the kingdom,
after which I returned along the coast of the Lesser Syrtis down to
Cape Bon, the Promontorium Mercurii, from thence again arrived at
Tunis, after an absence of more than six months constantly encamped.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 279: Bruce mentions in the previous chapter, p. 270, that
he passed through a plain covered with _seedra_ or _lotus_. No doubt,
the _zizyphus lotus_ is here alluded to, a shrub common in South
Africa, the fruit of which, in a wild state, is just edible. When
cultivated it is somewhat better, and is sold in Arab markets. This
was probably the _lotus_ of the Lotophagi.]
[Footnote 280: These were probably lost in the shipwreck hereafter
narrated.]
CHAPTER XXXIV.
TRIPOLI.
There appears to exist no detailed record of Bruce’s second journey
to Tripoli. He resided at Tunis till August, 1766, and again set
out for Tripoli by Sfax and Djerba.
There is nothing worth seeing without the walls of Tripoli. In the
town itself immediately above the port, stands a four-faced triumphal
arch of white marble, covered with a profusion of ornaments, both
within and without, even to a fault, if there could be fault in so
much excellence.
Yet notwithstanding its convenient situation and the commodiousness
it presents for measuring and delineations, and that there are seven
consuls of different nations residing at Tripoli, and a number of
private merchants, no information, much less any drawing of these
beautiful remains has been ever given, till that which I then made.
Tripoli from its ditch and rampart has the appearance of a place of
strength, but it is not so. The entrance of the port is naturally so
bad, and the sands from the desert falling into it have made it so
shallow, as to disqualify it from being a place either of trade or of
war. The country about it is very barren, and necessaries consequently
very dear. Bad government has checked population or caused emigration
elsewhere. The sands of the desert, no longer imprisoned by the grass
or roots that necessarily attend frequented places, are now become
loose and cover most of the ground fit for cultivation, to the very
walls of the town, upon which they are heaped up, except as I have
said, upon the side of the harbour, where upon any blast of wind,
shower after shower sinks to the bottom and remains never to return.
Here I insert an extract from a paper found amongst Bruce’s
manuscripts, but certainly not in his handwriting, headed, ‘Memo. on
Tripoli in Africa.’
The three cities of Leptis, Sabrata and Oea constituted anciently a
federal union, and the district governed by their Concilium Annum
was styled Lybia Tripolitana.[281] This council was composed of
the representatives of all orders of the people, and through its
president received the commands of the Emperor, and transmitted
to him the representations or complaints of the province. Under
the reign of Valentinian,[282] we read of the oppression under
which they groaned from the tyranny of the Count Romanus, military
governor of Africa, whose protection they had sought against the
attacks of the Austuriani, barbarians of Getulia, who had laid
waste their territory, and killed or carried into captivity many
of their principal citizens. The impunity of his misgovernment, the
venality of the Imperial notary sent to inquire into the complaints
of the Tripolitains, and the public execution of their president,
Ruricius,[283] at Sititi, because he had presumed to pity the distress
of the province, presents a frightful picture of the evils to which
the distant and tributary possessions of the Romans were exposed under
the emperors. As the overgrown rule of these princes obliged them
to depute the investigation of the wrongs complained of by their
subjects to officers exposed to every influence of corruption,
we can scarcely wonder that those wrongs, often unredressed,
occasioned frequent revolts, which were one great source of the
ruin of Africa. The crimes of Romanus drove the Africans under
Firmus the Moor into rebellion, and for a time the whole province
was lost to the empire. It was restored by the restorer of Britain,
Theodosius. The impunity of the first, and the ignominious death of
the second of these generals, who was publicly beheaded at Carthage,
on a vague suspicion that his name and services were superior to
the rank of a subject, show how dangerous to its possessor was,
under those princes, the union of ability and virtue.
Leptis and Sabrata were ruined by the frequent recurrence of such
commotions, and by the policy of Genseric, King of the Vandals,
which led him to destroy the fortifications of almost all the African
cities, thus leaving them a prey to the Moors. Procopius[284] tells
us that Justinian repeopled the first by inducing the inhabitants
of the neighbouring country to renounce their idolatry, become
Christians and settle in it, and that he rebuilt the walls, both of
it and of Sabrata.
Before the reign of Constans the Second,[285] they had again yielded
to the joint attacks of the barbarians and the moving sands of the
deserts, for we find that the wealth, the inhabitants, and the
name of the province had then gradually centred in the maritime
City of Tripolis, built on the site of Oea, the native country of
Apuleius.[286]
The Prefect Gregory, who had perhaps assumed the purple, since
Theophanes brands him with the appellation of tyrant, at this time
ruled the provinces. He was called on to check the progress of
the victorious Saracens, who under Abdallah, the most renowned and
dextrous horseman of Arabia, had crossed the desert from Egypt and
pitched their tents before the walls of Tripoli. The army of the
Caliph Othman did not exceed 40,000 men, and the fortifications
of Tripoli were strong enough to resist its first assaults. That
of Gregory amounted to 120,000 men and compelled the Saracens to
relinquish, for a time, the labours of the siege.
The utter defeat of the Christian army and the triumph of the
Mohammedan invaders has been already narrated.
Marmol, on the authority of Ibn al Ragny, an African historian, tells
us that Tripoli was completely ruined shortly after this time, and
its inhabitants either killed or carried into slavery. Long after,
he adds, the town was rebuilt by the Africans in a sandy plain,
producing palm trees but no corn, as the ever-encroaching sands of
the desert have covered plains of considerable extent to the north
of the town, which were anciently cultivated.
The ancient Tripoli, he says, stood to the north of the present,
in this cultivated tract; but the situation of the triumphal arch,
which still attests its former magnificence, would seem to disprove
this assertion. The neighbourhood of Numidia and Tunis, and its
being the last place on the coast of consequence between Barbary
and Egypt, have given it a great share of commerce, and the riches
of its merchants have adorned it with splendid mosques, colleges,
and hospitals, with squares and streets better ordered than those of
Tunis. Provisions are, nevertheless, scarce and dear, and the want of
wells obliges it to depend on large cisterns for its supply of water.
Tripoli was taken by assault in 1510 by the Count Pedro of Navarre,
who ruined it, but it was re-peopled some time after in the name
of the Emperor, who in 1528 gave it, with Malta, to the Knights of
St. John, who had just lost the Island of Rhodes.
In 1551 Canan Basha, General of Soliman, retook it, since which
time the Turks have held a garrison in it, and the town is peopled
with Moors.
Mr. Drummond Hay, Her Majesty’s Consul-General at Tripoli,
has been good enough to forward me the following note on the great
triumphal arch there, thus redeeming the slur which Bruce casts upon
his predecessors:—
‘In the north-east quarter of the town, about a hundred yards from
the Marina Gate, in the street which leads directly from it, may
be seen this ancient and remarkably fine monument. It was erected
by the Consul Scipio Œfritus in the reign of Antoninus Pius, and
afterwards dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and L. Aurelius Verus, his
successors. The form of the monument is that of a rectangle nearly
approaching a square. It is made up of four circular arches surmounted
by a dome, and is quadrifrontal, with its largest façades to the
east and west. The length of these is 41 feet, while the other two,
looking north and south, measure little less than 33 feet. Its height
from the ground to the highest corner-stone is at present 23 feet;
but to this must be added over five feet of mud and stone, which
reach to the dome. At the time of its construction, however, its
height was much greater, as the level of the ground was then lower
by many feet. Large quantities of sand, carried towards it at some
subsequent period by the winds, accumulated round it, burying it to
near the middle, in which state it has since remained. Even the half,
or little more, above the surface, is now not all visible, because
house and shop walls, and rubbish and mortar, conceal much of what
remained of the north and east sides. The whole of this structure is
composed of fine marble, closely put together in beautiful order,
but no cement has been used to fasten the stones together; yet so
solid are they that, so far as the ravages of time are concerned,
the pile may be pronounced quite uninjured. It is a matter of wonder
to the beholder how such enormous stones came to be conveyed from the
quarry, and raised to their proper places, in an age when means of
conveyance were but limited. Travellers have esteemed this building
above any of the most celebrated in Italy, preferring it to the
Temple of Janus, which though of marble, has only a plain roof.
‘The upper part is unfortunately mutilated, having received
considerable damage from the ignorant curiosity of the Moors. On the
outside are enormous groups of whole-length figures of men and women,
forming allegorical scenes or representing facts in history, and over
each of the four niches on the east and west sides is seen the large
prominent bust of a man. Smaller figures and other bas-reliefs are
dispersed over the rest of the building. The natives, on account
of their religious aversion to images, have knocked off the heads
of the four busts, and otherwise damaged them, as well as the other
figures which have now become indistinct. Those on the north side are
the only ones which have escaped with but little injury, probably
because they were concealed by house walls. The ceiling, however,
is the part which has suffered least; it is ornamented with beautiful
sculpture. Some also of the ornamentation yet visible on the outside
is of the finest description, especially about one of the corners
where vine branches, with bunches of grapes, are seen woven together.
‘Of several inscriptions only one, partly hidden by a house,
is legible, and, unlike the rest, remains in a perfect state of
preservation; it runs thus—
IMP. CAES. AVRELIO. ANTONIN. AVG. P. P. ET. IMP. CAES. L. AVRELIO.
VERO. ARMENICO. AVG. SER. S. OEFRITVS. PROCOS. CVM. VTTEDIO. MARCELLO.
LEG. SVO. DEDICAVIT. C. CALPVRNIVS. CELSIVS. CVRATOR. MVNERIS. PVB.
MVNERARIVS. IIVIR. Q.Q. FLAMEN. PERPETVVS. ARCVM. MARMORE. SOLIDO.
FECIT.
‘For a long succession of years the arch, having had its
openings built up, has served the purpose of a warehouse. Many years
ago it fell into the hands of its present owner, an old Maltese wine
merchant, of the name of Giovanni Cassar, who, after converting
it into the principal wine-shop in the town, again made use of it
as a warehouse, and it is now, at the present day, filled with his
casks and boxes. Part of the above description is taken from “The
History of the Barbary States” by the Rev. Michel Russell, in which
book, as well as in Tully’s “Court of Tripoli,” Blacquiere’s
“Letters from the Mediterranean,” and Captain Lyon’s “Travels
in Africa,” will be found references to the triumphal arch. In
both Tully and Lyon are illustrations of the building.’
[Illustration: _Plate XXVII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH AT OEA (TRIPOLI)
FAC-SIMILE OF UNFINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Bruce has left us a most exquisite and elaborate series of drawings
of the arch with all its details, of which I have selected two for
illustration (Plates XXVII. and XXVIII.) From these it will be seen
that it is an _arcus quadrifrons_, of which style of monument the
only two other specimens existing are that of Janus Quadrifrons
at Rome and the arch of Caracalla at Tebessa (Plate IX.) It has a
carriage-way in both directions, one crossing the other; and when
in its original condition, clear of all obstructions, it must have
had a most imposing appearance.
Each archway has subordinate Corinthian pilasters at the angles
surmounted by a regular entablature; the face of the pilaster is
sunk in a panel and enriched with a running ornament. The arch has
a regular archivolt, without keystone, and the spandrils are filled
with winged figures of Victory. The general order of the front is
Corinthian, and the entablature runs unbroken all around. There
are two slightly projecting pilasters on each side of the central
opening, raised on pedestals, which have enriched panels, with a vase,
tripod, or other emblematic object. The outer pilaster has a panel
from base to capital, enriched with running foliage. The pilaster
next the arch is fluted.
The entablature consists of the usual features and divisions, and
is unbroken round the monument. The frieze is carved in its whole
length from the outer to the inner pilasters, but the long interval
between and over the arch itself is left plain for the inscription.
Between each pair of pilasters is a fine square-headed niche,
two-thirds of the height of the pilaster, surmounted on the east and
west sides by a circular panel containing, in alto-relievo, busts,
probably, of the Emperors to whom the arch is dedicated. Above these
is the frieze as far as the capitals, with two winged boys carrying
a garland (Plate XXVIII.)
The soffit of the archivolt has a panel filled in with carving,
and there are richly sculptured _caissons_ in the general depth of
the arch.
The return faces or sides differ from the principal fronts in having
only pilasters close to the angles, without square niches. The face
of the work between the angle pilaster and the small pilaster of the
archway is filled in with sculptures of figures, trophies, victors in
quadrigæ, and other appropriate ornaments. The rough structure only
of the attic remains, no regular coursed masonry being perceptible.
[Illustration: _Plate XXVIII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH AT OEA (TRIPOLI)
FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE OF ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS
EXECUTED BY BRUCE AFTER HIS RETURN TO SCOTLAND.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 281: Valesius in Ammian.: adnot. i., xxviii.]
[Footnote 282: A.D. 366.]
[Footnote 283: Ammian. Marcell., xxviii.]
[Footnote 284: L. vi., C. iv., _De Edific._]
[Footnote 285: A.D. 647-8.]
[Footnote 286: Apuleius, probably the most celebrated original thinker
which Africa had ever produced up to his time, fixed his residence
here after quitting his native place, Medaura, which has also the
honour of having given birth to St. Augustine. His most celebrated
work is _The Golden Ass_, an allegory in eleven books, one of which
contains the beautiful story of Cupid and Psyche.—R. L. P.]
CHAPTER XXXV.
BRUCE’S ROUTE CONTINUED — LEBIDAH — BENGAZI — TEUCHIRA —
PTOLOMETA — SHIPWRECK AT BENGAZI — DEPARTURE FOR CANEA.
After some stay at Tripoli, I visited Lebidah, the ancient town of
Leptis Magna, three days’ journey from Tripoli, where there are
a great extent of ruins, but all in bad taste; chiefly done in the
time of Aurelian—indeed, very bad.
It is said that in the time of Louis XIV. seven monstrous columns
of granite or marble were carried from this place into France;
the eighth was broken on the way, and lies still on the shore.
There were then many statues of good taste dug out of the sands,
which were intended to be carried off likewise, but the Government
of Tripoli, following their usual ignorant beastly prejudices, would
not suffer them to be transported, pretending they were bodies of
unfortunate Mussulmans petrified or confined there by magic; so that
the Consul could do no better than bargain privately for the heads of
those statues, which were struck off and shipped with the columns. All
I can say is, that we saw several of very good taste in this mutilated
state, one very beautiful colossal statue of black marble, with a
quiver hung by a belt over his shoulder, two others something above
the ordinary size of a man; these three of Greek workmanship.
From Tripoli I sent an English servant to Smyrna with my books,
drawings, and supernumerary instruments, retaining only extracts
from such authors as might be necessary for me in the Pentapolis,
or other parts of the Cyrenaicum.
I then crossed the Syrtis Major to Bengazi,[287] the ancient Berenice,
built by Ptolemy Philadelphus, and arrived there in the time of a
most dreadful famine. The inhabitants of the town were dying with
hunger for want of grain; two tribes of Arabs, whose territories
surround the town, and who, when at peace, by their crops, their
milk, butter and flocks, were the sources of its wealth and plenty,
were then accidentally at war through the bad and weak government
of the brother of the Bey of Tripoli, who then commanded at Bengazi.
The two tribes had fought; those farthest from the town and fewest in
number had beaten the most numerous and nearest to Bengazi, called
Welled Abeed, and stripped them of everything, and they had forced
them to fly into the town.
[Illustration: _Sketch Map of_ BRUCE’S ROUTE IN TRIPOLI AND THE
CYRENAICA.]
A number of men, women and children, equal to double of those in
the town, unprovided with every necessary of life, were forced in
among those that were already dying with famine. The streets were
every night strewed with people dead or dying with hunger.
Bengazi was situated upon a promontory, which, having lost
considerably to the sea, is now, where broadest, less than
half-a-mile. Nothing now remains but its port, which, though dangerous
in its entry, is certainly the best anywhere on the coast of the
kingdom of Tripoli. On the north there are still to be seen, beyond
sea-mark, the foundations of several large buildings, of stones
eight or ten feet long and three broad, which by their own weight,
and being bound with strong cement, have preserved their places
notwithstanding the violence of the waves.
Above the port, and below the town to the south-west, are large
lakes of salt water, which formerly probably joined to the water of
the harbour, and enclosed the south side of the town, forming the
peninsula called by the ancients Pseudopenias.
About ten miles to the eastward is the lake Tritonis, with a small
island, where was the Temple of Venus, now Monastier, and to the
northward of this, the lake Zeian or the Beautiful, formerly called
that of the Hesperides, into which a stream rising in a small hill
above it runs into the sea, which has a communication likewise with
the lake, and is the Leithon of Strabo.
About seven miles from Bengazi, to the south-west, is a small low
cape called Teyonis, which, running out considerably to the north,
is that which Strabo says makes the mouth of the Syrtis, with Cephala
or Cape Mesrata.
The country about Bengazi, for several miles, is chiefly sand and
gravel, brought thither from the coast by the violent winds, but
beyond the influence of these, towards the mountains, to the east
and south-east, it is a reddish clay of the same soapy quality as
fuller’s earth; and provided plentiful and frequent rains fall
about November, December and January, their seed-time, nothing can
be more fertile; but these rains have failed for several years, and
now the famine is so great, that people hourly die in the streets,
and many people have been detected, chiefly women, with the heads
and remains of children, murdered and eaten, all but the parts which
were saved for another meal.
There was no staying at Bengazi, the Bey recommended me to a Sheikh
of distant Arabs, where the calamity of famine had only reached
in a smaller degree. We went to Arsinoe and several cities in the
Pentapolis, the works of Ptolemy Philadelphus, which are now totally
obliterated.
We went to Ras Sem, the supposed petrified city,[288] concerning
which so many lies have been told. It is about nine miles south
from El-Wadi, between that and El-Murag, and four days’ smart
travelling south, a very little west of Bengazi; it is not so named
either from the supposed fable of the Gorgon’s head, or from the
petrifactions of men, horses, &c., which have been idly invented and
believed, but from a fountain of mineral water of a greenish colour,
so strongly impregnated with metal that it instantly, upon drinking,
discharges itself by purging and vomiting. The head of a fountain
or spring is called in Arabic _Ras el-Ain_, so that _Ras Sem, the
fountain of poison_, is all that is implied in this name.
The only antiquities here consist of a ruined castle, not of earlier
date probably than the wars of the Vandals, perhaps much later,
and there are no petrifactions but what are common in many other
parts of Africa.
This is all of that immense city which the Tripoli ambassador made
Sir Hans Sloane believe was of considerable extent, with petrified men
and horses, women at the mill and churn, and cats and mice petrified
also. This severe accident has, I suppose, destroyed the breed,
as neither of these animals are to be seen in the country now.
Only the jerboa, or rat of the Cyrenaicum, is very plentiful here;
our Arabs killed many of them, and eat the hinder part. I engaged
one of them on the journey to kill me several hundreds, which was
very easily done, in time enough to carry them to Bengazi to deliver
them in charge there to my Greek servant, going to Tripoli, who was
to dry and take care of them. I brought these home for the lining
of a cloak, flaying the tails in the manner they do ermine, happy
if we had taken charge of them, and gone home with them ourselves!
The _leffah_, or cerastes of the ancients, is also very common
here. It is a horned viper, generally about 16 inches in length,
though often considerably longer. That of which I made a design
in the desert of Barca was 22 inches long. The colour varies in
darkness according to the colour of the earth in which he lives. It is
remarkably supple in the spine, according to the observation of Lucan,
Spinaque vagæ torquente cerastæ.
Luc. _Bell. Civ._, l. ix.
Its bite is accounted mortal by the Moors, especially in summer, and
they immediately fly for remedy either to amputation of the part,
deep incisions or actual cautery; however, application of oil of
olives, rubbed over the fire upon the wound, after an opening was
made by a lancet, never failed to obviate any fatal consequence, even
when the poison had occasioned convulsive vomitings and sickness,
by having had time to circulate.
Almost as bad as the cerastes is the _Istell_,[289] a very venomous
Phalangium of the Cyrenaicum; it dwells chiefly upon shrubs,
and builds a nest of moss like a bird; it is larger than a spider
of the largest size in England, and is of a dark black colour, or
rather inclining to blue. The male is covered with fine down or hair;
the female is smooth. When young they are painted with yellow along
the back, with a figure much resembling the representation of the
Silphum upon the medals of this country. The bite of this animal is
in hot weather said to be attended with death; those who sleep on
the ground among the bushes are generally those that suffer. One bit
by this animal had his tongue in about half-an-hour so swollen as to
be incapable of speech, but had no other mortal symptom. The glands
of his throat were much swelled, and down his shoulder and arm. The
bite was in the neck, which was but little discoloured; he recovered
by rubbing oil upon the wound and places affected, and by repeatedly
swallowing, as much as the swelling of his tongue would permit. He
complained of pain in his veins, and shivered often suddenly, as
before the attack of a fever: he had no remarkable thirst. Many who
recover from the bite of this animal and the _leffah_ continue lame
in the hand or foot, the parts generally affected. This seemed to me
extraordinary, and not easily accounted for, till, upon examining one
who was in these circumstances, I found that he had, in his incision
into the upper part of the foot, cut the tendons of two of his toes,
which, after long torment and suppuration, remained useless. This
is the case, I suppose, with the others, for they make no use of
outward remedies, and could scarcely believe in or be brought to
use so simple a remedy as oil, though they had seen its effects, and
admired them, not knowing what it was. Those who have not courage to
lay open or cauterise the part, apply to marabouts for charms, and
swallow certain characters, or hang them on their persons as amulets;
such people, if the bite is given in hot weather, usually die.
At Ras Sem begin the sands, which continue to Ougela, and from thence,
as far as is known, to the banks of the Niger. The sands are charged
or impregnated to a very great degree with salt, the prevailing
mineral in Africa, and from Bengazi to Ougela, and much beyond,
the country is as perfectly level as the ocean.
Ougela is the seat of a Bey dependent upon, and named by Tripoli. It
is in his district, and not, as has been advanced, in that of Derna,
that Ras Sem is situated. Ougela consists of three villages; the
largest, or capital, is Zibeel, the next Zaila, about 16 miles
south-west, governed by a Caid; the other is Marad, still further
south-west, but scarcely inhabited, save by those who come hither
to hunt wild cows or beeves, for it is very unwholesome, by reason
of stagnant water and marshes full of canes. These habitations are
surrounded by large plantations of excellent dates, which are ripe
in September, and hither the Arabs of the province of Bengazi come
annually to load their camels with dates, for the rest of the year.
Ougela is in the way of the caravan from Fezzan to Mecca, with which
come the merchants of Borno and Tombucto, as well as many other
black nations to the south and south-east. Those from Tombucto are
nearly two months upon their journey to Fezzan, chiefly along the
Niger. Ougela is in the direct road from Fezzan to Cairo. From this
to Cairo they are twenty-three days. Each camel pays one sequin, 8_s._
6_d._ to the Bey of Ougela. They bring with them manna and gold-dust,
some ostrich feathers, &c., but the trade of Tombucto is of late much
decreased or turned some other way, by reason of war among the Arabs,
through which the merchants have to pass. From Fezzan to Ougela,
twenty-eight days. Seven days east and by north of Ougela is Siwah,
which pays no acknowledgment to Tripoli, but is governed by four
sheikhs of its own; it is situated on a very steep rock, and the
way to the town is by a narrow winding passage, only wide enough
for one person, till you arrive at the top. The water here is very
bad though in great abundance, and this makes the air so bad that
it has always proved fatal to those who attempted to conquer it. It
is eight long days’ journey due south of Derna, and is the place,
which, like Ougela, supplies the Moors of its district, the most
considerable of whom are the Welled Aly, with dates.
All the interior of this vast country is very badly laid down,
both as to latitude and longitude, in the French maps of Rollin,
Delisle and Sanson.
The small islands, or rather rocks, before Derna, are called Kerse
at this present by the Moors, and the desert to the southward of
Bengazi is still called Barca or Barga.
The most distant community known to the southward of Ougela is
Cuffra, that is to say, in the language of the country, _the City
of Infidels_, so the Arabs call a nation or people of blacks, which
inhabit the desert, seven days’ journey, or about 130 miles due
south of Ougela.
These blacks live within a town enclosed with high mud walls; they
are very numerous, but so afraid of fire-arms and horsemen that any
surprised without the city are easily taken. There is here a large
plantation of dates, and the Arabs of Bengazi, the Jowassi, and Aid
Jelleed, who go to buy dates at Ougela, often undertake this journey,
which they perform in seven days, carrying water on camels, and make
slaves of all the blacks they can surprise without the walls, whom
they sell to the Turks to carry to the Levant. After this they encamp
near the water among the palm trees, and there wait the ripening of
the dates, which they likewise gather without payment, and so return
with their booty. These blacks are dressed in sheep or goat skins,
and have for arms, bows and arrows—the bow made of wild fennel,
the arrows made of the branch of the date tree, about five feet in
length, including the head, which is nine inches.
I found at Bengazi a ship bound to Tripoli in Syria. It was out of my
way, but it was absolutely necessary to send a part of my baggage,
for which I had not occasion, to some place of future rendezvous,
safe from such accidents as were to be expected every day in Bengazi.
I had formerly sent my books and most of my arms, and many other
articles to Smyrna, and wrote to Mr. Murray, then our Ambassador at
Constantinople, to send my firman of the Porte thither; from thence my
correspondent was to forward it by another opportunity to Alexandria.
We are obliged in these countries to make use of the first ways
that present, however round-about they are, or we might linger
long for direct opportunities. I sent a reflector, with some other
instruments, and proposed to go myself from Ptolometa to Grenneh,
thence to Derna, through the desert of Libya to Alexandria, and the
caravan of pilgrims from Morocco would probably have joined me at
the latter part of the road.
Ptolometa is placed by the Itinerary forty-six miles from Bengazi,
but is in fact Tochara. It is at the point of the mountains which,
having run nearly north-west and south-east, now run north-east and
south-west. They are of a moderate height, covered to the top with
shrubs, chiefly of a plant called _jiddāry_, a species of thorn.
Tochara is entirely ruined, and is close upon the shore, partly
destroyed by the sea, and appears to have had no port; not a piece of
marble nor ornament of sculpture or architecture to be found.[290]
The earth is reddish clay and very fertile. From hence we continued
our way chiefly by the seaside to Ptolometa.[291]
The plain is about two miles broad, the soil the same, covered with
a species of whitethorn, but nearer Ptolometa it is gravel. Ptolometa
occupies the whole valley, which there is not more than a mile broad,
the breadth of the town from south-east to north-west not so much. It
seems to have been an oblong square; on the north-east angle is
the port, which must have been small, defended by a small island,
and much encroached upon by the sea.
The city, though small, seems to have contained a quantity of
magnificent public buildings, but the whole is thrown down, and the
ornamental parts, except many Corinthian capitals, which lie dispersed
about, carried away and applied to the building of two modern castles,
one a fort, probably for the defence of the port, the other larger,
a little above it. There remain, besides the building here described,
only three columns on foot, all of the Doric order, one in front a
[true] column, the rest square in the flanks, probably intended as
an angular one to a wall which surrounded the portico of the court
of the Temple. The other two are about 200 yards higher up, nearer
the foot of the mountain.
Near the centre of the city is the fabric delineated[292]; it seems to
have been the portico of a temple, but the rest of it is so entirely
ruined that no positive account or plan can be given of it. The front
is to the mountains; before it was a large court with a colonnade,
paved with stones as in causeways, and afterwards covered with rude
mosaics. Under these are large cisterns for the reception of rain
water. There are likewise wells by the seaside, but a little brackish.
These columns will probably not stand long, two being already
undermined by the Arabs in search for lead, which they imagine to bind
the joints of the columns. The same search made them, while we were
yet there, throw down the small fragments of architrave and cornice
yet remaining, and ruin one of the capitals, so that we left the three
naked columns standing without any part of the entablature upon them.
A copy of Bruce’s sketch is selected for the vignette on the cover
of this work. The building has been so frequently delineated that
it was hardly worth while giving a facsimile of the drawing.
There is a very large building of the Corinthian order to the east
of this; part of the wall is still remaining.
The columns were of different . . . . . .[293] as in the above Ionic,
which seems to have been a part of it, for the north, which seems
to be the vestige of the temple, behind and immediately connected
with it, does not seem of itself to have merited a portico so large
and magnificent as this; but all is so destroyed that nothing but
conjecture can be alleged either in support or the contrary. What
remains could be recovered are in the King’s Collection, with all
the parts that could be found.[294]
Bruce’s account of Ptolometa is very obscure, and in some places
hardly legible. Pacho, in describing the same ruins, says:—‘The
only ones that have resisted the ravages of time are at some distance
from the sea, and on the last slopes of the mountain. One of the
most important is a Roman barrack, surrounded by a wide ditch,
and having a double _enceinte_. In the interior exist, still in
perfect preservation, the fireplaces which served for the domestic
use of the soldiers. On the façade of this edifice are three immense
blocks of freestone, on which is a very long Greek inscription,[295]
but so dilapidated, that one of our most celebrated philologists,
M. Letronne, affirms that a complete rendering of it is, if not
impossible, at least very difficult. The little that it tells us
increases our regrets, as it contains a rescript of Anastasius I.,
relative to divers subjects of public administration, and notably to
military service. Not far from this barrack, and almost in the centre
of the town, are the remains of a pronaos, with three columns erect,
the sole remains of a Roman temple, below which is a great vault,
divided into nine corridors, coated with cement, and certainly
intended to serve as a reservoir. Lastly, at the extreme west of the
ruins are two great massive constructions, a sort of Pylon, sloped
in the Egyptian style, which appears to have formed the entrance to
the town.’[296]
Beechey thus alludes to these ruins in his description of the
Cyrenaica and Pentapolis, published in 1828:—
‘The remains marked (_a_) are the same as those which Bruce
describes as those of an Ionic temple; there is nothing however,
(that we can perceive), in the disposition of what still exists of
their plan to authorise such a conclusion; and we have considered
them the remains of a palace or other residence of more than
ordinary importance. The three remaining columns appear to have
formed part of a colonnade extending itself round the courtyard,
which has already been described as situated above an extensive range
of cisterns; remains of tesselated pavement are still observable
in the court-yard, and the walls which inclose it are very decided;
the columns have been raised on a basement of several feet in height,
as will be seen in the vignette in which they are represented.
‘Without these, to the northward, are ranges of fallen columns of
much larger dimensions than those we have just mentioned.’
Hamilton also has figured the Ionic columns, which he considers
as dating from a late epoch when not a tradition of true beauty
remained. He stigmatises them as clumsy and badly chiselled, and
he did not see in the whole place any fragments of sculpture or
architecture in a good style of art.[297]
Bruce’s drawing contains only the three columns, without accessories
of any kind. To return to his narrative:—
The Welled Urfa, a clan of no great consequence in force, but rich
in cattle, who occasionally pitch their tents there for the sake of
the grass, if it can be so called, are masters of Ptolometa. From
this neighbourhood, west to Bengazi, by Tochara, Byrsus, &c., are
the Ouagheer, of no great force either. On the other side of the
mountains to the east are Dursha, a thievish tribe, consisting of
about 800 foot and 200 horse. Thieves from these Moors kept us in
alarm all night, but, not having time to increase their numbers,
they proceeded only so far as to attempt to rob our horses. In the
forenoon we decamped about eleven, having taken our measurements
and designs, and took refuge with the Ouagheer. Great rains having
fallen for nine days, the grass in and about Ptolometa was nearly
a foot high, but the corn had not yet appeared.
In calm weather vessels, chiefly French, have loaded at Ptolometa
both wheat and oats, but this year famine was everywhere.
This is the only city of the Cyrenaicum that has any considerable
remains of architecture standing. We finished our drawings on December
30. On the north-west side of the city are the very large quarries
from which the stone for building the city was taken. We see with
surprise the large blocks which were raised for the architraves and
other principal parts of the building. Large grottos in the form of
houses are cut into these rocks, and on the side of one of them,
among other designs, the amusement of the quarriers, is hewn a
frontispiece of an Ionic temple, touched with considerable spirit
and intelligence, about four feet high.
Here we met a small Greek vessel unloading corn, belonging to an
island not far from Crete; and here we received bad news, that the
Welled Ali, the Arabs that mostly occupy the whole country between
this and Alexandria, were at war amongst themselves, and had plundered
the caravan of Morocco going to Mecca, that great dearth or famine
had been at Derna, and the plague had followed it, that that town,
divided into upper and lower, were at war among themselves, and
that the Welled Habeeb were at war with the Arabs of Ptolometa,
where we now were, and that we could pass no further.
This torrent of many woes was irresistible; we determined to stay
no longer, but to fly from this inhospitable coast, and thus save
to the public at least the knowledge we had already acquired for them.
We embarked on board the Greek caique very ill-armed and accoutred. We
sailed by the dawn of day from Ptolometa in as favourable and pleasant
weather as I ever saw at sea. A light and steady breeze, though not
perfectly fair, promised a short and agreeable voyage, but the wind
soon turned so fresh that our vessel with her large latine sails
and without ballast, fell vastly to leeward; we turned prow upon
Bengazi, and not far from shore we struck upon a rock, which went
fairly through the vessel, and she, as it were, sat down upon it. The
wind providentially calmed, but there was still a great swell at sea.
Two boats were still astern and had not been hoisted in. M‘Cormack,
my Irish servant, had been a sailor on board the ‘Monarch’
before he deserted to the Spanish service; he and the other, who
had likewise been a sailor, presently unlashed the largest boat and
we all three got down into her, followed by a multitude of people
whom we could not hinder, and there was indeed something bordering
on cruelty in preventing poor people from using the same means that
we had done for preserving their lives.
The most that could be done was to get loose from the ship as soon
as possible, and two oars were prepared to row the boat ashore.
I had stripped myself to an under-waistcoat and linen drawers, a silk
sash or girdle was wrapt round me; a pencil, small pocket-book and
watch were in my breast pocket; two Moorish and two English servants
followed me, the rest wisely abode by the wreck.
The vessel had in it a number of poor people, men, women and children,
flying from famine, who all got over the ship’s side into the boat
likewise—they were too many, it is true, but who was to hinder
them? We were not twice the length of the boat from the vessel before
a wave nearly filled her. I saw our fate was to be decided by the
next wave that was rolling in upon us, and satisfied that some woman,
child, or helpless man would lay hold upon me, entangle my arms, and
weigh me down, I cried to my servants, ‘We are all lost, follow
me if you can swim,’ and I let myself down in the face of the
wave. Whether that or the next swell filled the boat I know not. I
was a good, strong and practised swimmer, in the flower of life,
full of health and exercise, and I suppose at the time one of the
strongest men in the world.
All this, however, which might have availed me much in deep water,
was not sufficient when I came into the surf. I received a violent
blow on my breast with the eddy wave and reflux; it seemed to be
with a billet of wood, and threw me upon my back and made me swallow
a considerable quantity of water, which almost suffocated me.
I avoided the next by dipping my head and letting the wave go over. I
found myself exceedingly weary and exhausted, but the land was close
at hand.
A large wave floated me up, and I endeavoured, but in vain, to
prevent myself from going back again into the surf. My heart was
strong but my strength was failing, by being involuntarily twisted
about and struck on the face and breast by the surf. After some
further struggle before I gave myself up, I sank in the reflux of the
tide, to see if I found ground, and I touched the sand with my feet,
though the water was still deeper than my head. The strength of ten
men was infused into me by this discovery; I fought manfully, taking
advantage of floating only upon the influx of the wave, and preserving
my struggle to hinder me from coming back. I was almost insensible,
for I had drunk a great deal of water fetching breath. When I found
my hands and knees upon the sand, I fixed my nails and knees fast,
and was no longer carried back by the reflux. I had perfectly lost
my recollection and understanding, and having crawled so far as to
be out of the reach of the tide on the dry sand, I suppose, fainted,
for I was totally insensible.
In this critical situation the Arabs, who live two short miles from
the shore, came down in crowds to plunder the vessel.
One of the boats was thrown ashore, and they had belonging to them
some others. There was yet one with the wreck, which scarcely appeared
with its gunwale above water.
The first thing that wakened me from the semblance of death was a
blow with the butt-end of a lance, shod with iron, on the juncture
of my neck with the back-bone, which gave me violent pain. It was
very providential it was not with the point, for the small, short
waistcoat I had upon me, all in Turkish fashion, made the Arabs
believe I was a Turk. After many kicks, blows and curses they stript
me of the little clothing I had, and left me naked.
The boat had come ashore, another boat had been there, and a number
of these savages had gone aboard to rifle the vessel, which was full
of water, and fast going to pieces; everybody was brought ashore
and all were stript naked as I had been.
After the discipline I had undergone, I had walked or crawled up
among some white sandy hillocks, where I sat down; luckily the weather
was warm, though it promised to be colder as the evening drew on.
There was great danger to be apprehended if I approached the tents
where the women were, while I was naked, for in this case it was
very probable I would receive another bastinado something worse than
the first.
I was so confused that I could not recollect I could speak to them
in their own language, and now only it came into my mind that by
the gibberish, in imitation of Turkish, the Arab had uttered to me
in mockery, while he was beating and stripping me, he took me for
a Turk, to which, in all probability, my ill usage was owing.
An old man and a number of young ones came up to me where I
was sitting. I gave them the salute _Salam Alicum_, to which none
answered but one, a young man, who only repeated ‘Salam Alicum’
in a tone as if wondering at my impudence. The old man asked me
whether I was a Turk, and what I had to do there? I said I was no
Turk, but a poor Christian physician, a Derwich, that went about the
world seeking to do good for the love of God, and was flying from
famine, which I had found in that country, and was going to Greece,
where I might get bread. He asked me whether I was not a Candiot
or Cretan? I said I had never been in Crete, but came from Tunis,
and was going there to seek bread, having lost everything in the
shipwreck of that vessel. I said this in so despairing a tone of
voice that there was no doubting left with the Arab that it was true.
A ragged, dirty barrican was immediately thrown over me, and I
was ordered up to the tent, where there was a great spear thrust
through at one end of it, a mark of sovereignty. There I saw the
Sheikh of the clan, who, being in peace with the Bey, after many such
questions as those I have mentioned, offered me a plentiful supper,
of which all my servants partook, none having perished. A multitude
of consultations ensued, of which I freed myself in the best way
I could by alleging all my medicines were lost, in hopes to engage
some of them to seek for my sextant at least, but all to no purpose;
so that after staying two days amongst them, the Sheikh clothed me
anew, gave us all the clothes we had been stripped of, and camels
and a conductor to Bengazi, where we arrived on the evening of the
second day.
Thence I sent a compliment to the Sheikh, and with it a man from
the Bey, entreating that he would use all possible means to fish up
some of my cases, and send me word, assuring him that he would not
miss a handsome reward.
Promises and thanks were returned, but I never heard further of my
instruments. All we recovered from the Arabs was a silver watch of
Ellicot’s, its works taken out and broken to pieces, some pencils,
and a Turkish leather small portfolio, in which was the sketch of the
measure of Ptolometa; my pocket-book too was found, but my pencils
were lost, being in a silver case, and so were all my astronomical
observations since I came from Tunis.
There was lost my sextant and parallactic instrument, one timepiece,
one reflecting telescope, and an acromatic one, a book with many
drawings, a copy of M. de la Caille’s ‘Ephemerides,’ which I
very much regretted, having a great many manuscript marginal notes,
the small camera obscura, some guns and pistols, a blunderbuss and
several other articles.
We found at Bengazi a small French sloop, the master of which had
often been at Algiers when I was consul there. I had even, as he
remembered, done him some little service, for which, contrary to the
usage of that sort of folk, he was still very grateful. He had come
there loaded with corn, and was going somewhere up the Archipelago or
towards the Morea; the cargo he had brought was but a mite compared
to the necessities of the place; it only relieved the soldiers for
a time, and many people of all ages and sexes were still dying daily.
The harbour of Bengazi was full of fish, and we caught a great
quantity of many excellent kinds every day with a small net. We
fished, too, a multitude with the line, enough to have maintained a
larger number of people than our family; we had vinegar and pepper,
and some stores of onions. We had little bread, it is true; but
still our industry kept us very far from starving. I endeavoured to
instruct these wretches; gave them packthread and some coarse hooks,
with which they could have subsisted easily with attention, and the
smallest pains; but they would rather starve in multitudes, striving
to pick up single grains of corn spilt upon the sand from the bursting
of the sacks, or the inattention of the bearers unloading the vessels,
than take pains to watch one hour with the floating tide for fish,
where, after taking one, they were sure to be masters of multitudes
till high water.
The captain of this small vessel lost no time; he had done his
business well, and he was returning for another cargo, yet he offered
me what part of his funds I needed with great frankness.
We sailed with a fair wind and in four or five days’ easy weather
we landed at Canea, a small port on the western end of the island
of Crete, where the French carry on a considerable trade in oil for
their soap manufactories. I found myself ill there after the bathing
I had got at Ptolometa, and not a bit better of the beating, signs
of which I bore long afterwards.
It was one way of curing the whiteness of the skin, at which they
were very much surprised, and though it did not confine me to the
house, or hinder me from visiting that famous island, a violent
pain in my side and down my back had taken away a great deal of my
strength and activity. Sometimes I thought it was a muscular pain
from cold or over-exertion; sometimes I thought it arose from a
violent blow received from a stick while they were stripping me,
as upon a change of weather I have felt it at times to this day.
Here ends Bruce’s narrative of his travels in the Barbary States;
the remainder of his notes have reference to his excursions in Syria,
especially to his visits to Baalbec and Palmyra. The drawings of
Roman remains there are in no way inferior to those I have attempted
to illustrate, but they do not come within the scope of the present
work. These ruins have, moreover, been so fully described by other
writers, and so frequently visited by the modern traveller, that they
do not possess the freshness or interest attaching to the others,
many of which are almost as little known at the present day as they
were before Bruce’s visit a century ago.
[Decoration]
[Illustration: _Plate XXIX._
FAC-SIMILE OF BRUCE’S M. S. (_See page 10_.)]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 287: The Cyrenaica comprised the Greek cities of Barca,
Teuchira, Hesperis and Apollonia, the port of Cyrene. Under the
Ptolemies, Hesperis became Berenice, Teuchira was called Arsinoe,
and Barca was entirely eclipsed by its port, which was raised into
a city by the name of Ptolemais. The country was at that time called
the Pentapolis, from its five cities above mentioned.]
[Footnote 288: See the rumour regarding this petrified city, reported
by Peyssonnel. Peyss., ap. Dur. de la Malle, i. p. 52.]
[Footnote 289: A species of Tarantula.]
[Footnote 290: Anciently Teuchira, subsequently Arsinoe, one of the
five cities which composed the Pentapolis. Pacho (1827) states that
the town was surrounded by a wall, forming an irregular enclosure of
about two miles in circumference, flanked with towers at its angles,
probably the fortifications built by Justinian. M. della Cella, in
1817, described two ruins, one with an inscription encircled by a
garland of laurels, and the other evidently a temple to Bacchus. See
also Beechey, p. 354, _et seq._, where is a chart of Teuchira.]
[Footnote 291: Consult Beechey, chap. xii.]
[Footnote 292: See Beechey, p. 257, who has also given an illustration
of it.]
[Footnote 293: Illegible in original.]
[Footnote 294: No other sketch but that before mentioned exists in
the Kinnaird collection.]
[Footnote 295: This inscription has since been removed in a very
mutilated condition to Paris.]
[Footnote 296: Pacho, _Relation d’un Voyage dans la Marmarique, la
Cyrénaique, &c., pendant 1824-25_. Paris, 1857; p. 178, Pl. lxviii.;
lix., fig. 1; lxxii.]
[Footnote 297: Hamilton’s _Wanderings in North Africa_, p. 144.]
INDEX.
* * * * *
ABDULLA ibn Säad, 65
Abou el-Mohadjera, 65
Acouba, 178
Adanäa, 55
Ad Mercuriam, 113
Agbia, 214
Ain Amara, 37
— el-Amba, 102
— Ayat, 137, 139
— Barbar, 32, 34
— Bedjen, 101
— Beida, 100, 113
— Djougar, 135
— Edjah, 214
— Ghorab, 173
— Jeleed, 287
— Kemellel, 101
— Khenchla, 98
— Meimoun, 95
— Shabrou, 113
— Tunga, 227
— Yakoot, 56
— Youkous, 113
Aioun el-Hedjeb, 165
Akalat Heneshia, 164
Akbou, 119, 120
Aleppo pines, 194, 212
Ali Cherif, 119, 120
Alpha grass, 174
Amadis, 271
Amakin, 243
Amamra, 58
Amer Cheraga, 43
Ammædara, 189
Amphitheatre of El-Djem, 156
Ampsaga, 48
Andalusian Moors, 136, 230
Apollonia, 283
el-Arbäa, 73
Arches, 159
el-Aria, 42-44
Ariana, 132
Aquæ Regiæ, 178
Aquæ Tacapitanæ, 269
Aqueduct of Carthage, 129, 130
— of Cherchel, 23, 28
— of Tunis (Spanish), 140
Arab invasion of Africa, 178, 279
Arab tents, 213
Araditanum, 149
Arsinoe, 283, 285
Ash, of the Atlas, 121
Aspinwall, Mr., 15
Assuras, 207
Aures, Kaid of, 76
Aures Mountains, 58, 62, 66, 68, 70
Augustine, St., 31
Ausum, 119
Azib-esh-Sheikh, 120
Azrou, 118
Azrou-n-Tehour, 121
BAALBEC, Bruce’s drawings of, 294
Bab el-Goos, 136
— Khalid, 135
Babor, Mount, 122
Bacax, 40
el-Badja, 233
el-Baghäi, 100
Bagradas, 141
Bahira Gournata, 122
Bahiret el-Arneb, 265
— Cedret ed-dib, 269
— Sebkha, 66
— es-Sers. See _Sers_
el-Baiadha, 255
el-Bali, 79
Balugani, Luigi, 3, 6, 8, 49, 207
Barca, 283, 287
Barota, 170
Barrington, Hon. Daines, 7, 10
Bartolomeo, Don, 49
Bas el-Bab, 231
Bastion de France, 249, 260
Batna, 61
Bears, 252
Beetles, 165
el-Beidha, 75
Beit el-Hadjar, 194
Belad er-Ramel, 242
Bel Hanneish, 189
Belisarius, 47, 64, 130
Bengazi, 283, 285, 287, 291, 293
Beni Abbas, 114, 116
— Illilten, 122
— Mahenna, 253
— Melekeuch, 119
— Moumenein, 58
— Saleh, 253
— Teourigh, 122
— Zeed, 269
Bent Saida, 135
Berbers, 63, 64, 253
Bedeau, General, 68
Berbrugger, M., 27
Berenice, 283
Betoum, 91
Bey of Tunis, 128, 129, 140, 147, 148
Biban, 116
Bilingual Stone of Dougga, 221, 224
Bir en-Noosf, 268
Bisica Lucana, 229
Bizerta, 128, 142, 144, 146
Boisredon, Comdt., 66
Bone, 31
Boni, 115
Bordj el-Aioun, 259
— Bou Arreredj, 114
— Ibrahim, 214
— Medjana, 114, 115
Bou Dhiaf, 58, 81, 83, 92
— Hammama, 95
— Koberain, 53
— Merzoug, 113
— Radeh, 149
— Rouman, 105
— Salem, 233
— Seliah, 212
— Shater, 142
— Shemma, 270
— Zeina, 58, 75
Bruce appointed Consul-General at Algiers, 15
— visits Pæstum, 16
— leaves Algiers, 21
— arrives at Constantine, 50, 112
— — — Physgeah, 58
— — — Tattubt, 52
— — — Taggou Zeina, 52
— visits the Medrassen, 56
— — the Aurès Mountains, 58
— — Lambessa, 58, 71
— — Timegad, 83
— — Baghai, 100
— — Tebessa, 103
— — Carthage, 128
— — Aqueduct of Carthage, 132
— — Zaghouan, 136, 138
— — Tunis, 149, 153, 273, 277
— — El-Djem, 157, 159, 273, 275
— — Sbeitla, 181
— — Hydra, 188
— — Sbiba, 192
— — Mukther, 194, 198
— — Zanfour, 207, 211
— — Kef, 210
— — Lorbus, 211
— — Zowarin, 211
— — Dougga, 217
— — Ain Tunga, 227
— — Medjez el-Bab, 231
— — Tabarca, 250
— — Feriana, 265
— — Gaffsa, 267
— — Tozer, 267
— — Chott el-Djerid, 268
— — Nefzowa, 269
— — Gabes, 269, 275
— — Matamata, 272
— — Djebel Abeide, 273
— — Djerba, 275
— — Tripoli, 276, 278
— — Lebidah, 283
— — Bengazi, 283, 293
— — Ras Sem, 285
— — Ptolometa, 288
— shipwrecked near Bengazi, 291
— sails for Crete, 294
— antiquities collected by, 11
— Itinerary of, 21
— manuscripts of, 2, 9, 10, 11
— drawings of, presented to King, 5, 9
— drawings of, exhibited at Institute of British Architects, 7
— at Graphic Society, 7
— by the Queen at Society of Antiquaries, 9
Bruce, number of drawings made by, 4
Bucawash, 112
Buffaloes, wild, 146
Bugeaud, village of, 33
CACTUS, 165
Callitris quadrivalvis, 81
Canal of Gabes, proposed, 271
Cape Negro, 240, 245, 249
Capsa, 267
Carthage, 128
— aqueduct of, 129, 130
Castellum Medianum, 114
Catada, 131
Caterpillars, 98
Catherwood, Mr., 223
Cattan, 272
Caves of Djebel Thaya, 39
— of Nefsa, 240
Cedars, 95, 96, 188
Cephala, 285
Cerastes, 286
Chachias, 136
Chanzy, General, 61
Charles V., 150, 167, 248
Chausæ, 270
Chawia, 62, 67
Chellata, 119, 121
Chelma, 175
Cherchel, 24, 29
— aqueduct of, 23, 28
Chott el-Djerid, 268, 271
— el-Gharsa, 271
Christianity, extinction of, 178
Chouchat er-Ramel, 82
Cirta, 47
Cleveland, Captain, 20
Cockerell, Mr. C. M., 8
Col de Chellata, 121
Collins, M., 130
Constantine, 47
Cookery of Kabyles, 117
— in Tunis, 215, 233
Copper mines of Ain Barbar, 38
— of Teboul, 259
Coral fishery, 248
Cork trees, 255
Couscousou, 80
Cows, wild, 287
Crete, 294
Cumming Bruce, Major, 2, 7, 11
Cuffra, 287
Cyrenaica, 283
Cyrene, 283
DABDABA, 269
Daharet-Foua, 66
Daly, Mons. César, 8, 31, 36, 39, 117
Dar el-Bey, Tunis, 148
Dastugue, General, 61, 70, 81
Date trees, 76
Degeuche, 267
Derna, 287, 291
Dhahar el-Baidha, 173
Dhiffa, 80
Diana Veteranorum, 9, 53
Dihya bent-Tabita, 66
Disforesting, effects of, 34, 154, 179, 191, 226
Diss Grass, 174
Djama, 212
Djebel Abeide, 272, 273
— Arbet, 267
— Asker, 272
— Atatfa, 255
— Azim, 56
— Berd, 73
— Bou Arif, 56
— Bou Dreicen, 91
— Chellia, 93
— Debagh, 38
— Deir Sabah, 205
— Demmer, 273
— Djougar, 130
— Edough, 31, 32, 255
— Gerioun, 52
— Hanneish, 188
— Ishkul, 145
— Kharouba, 91
— Kulb-Raha, 235
— Lazarak, 77
— Mahmel, 62, 79, 81
— el Melah, 269
— Mesaood, 211
— Mestiri, 112
— es-Sakhera, 232
— Serdsum, 98
— Skarna, 193
— Tebaga, 269
— Tella, 142
— Tesbent, 101
— Thaya, 39, 252
— Tirmis, 75
— Trozza, 173, 205
— Usmir, 265
— Zaghouan, 130, 135
— Zana, 142
el-Djem, 9, 156, 273, 275
Djerba, 118, 272, 275
Djilma, 175
Djougar, 135
Djurdjura, 115, 121
Dogs, Arab, 213
Dolmens. _See_ Megalithic remains
Donaldson, Professor, 7, 12, 223
Dougga, 216
Douglas, Dr., 5, 7
Dowarets, 273
Dowary, 267
Dragons of the Atlas, 141
Drid tribe, 188, 210, 212
Dundas, Mrs. Whitely, 12
Dupuis, Mr., 150
Dursha, 290
Duveyrier, 271
Dyeing red caps, 137
EASTERN question, 257
Ebilla, 265
Edough, 31, 32, 255
Enf en-Neser, 52
Escort, exactions of, 165
— required in Tunis, 163
FATNASSA, 268, 269
Fedj bou-Ghareb, 43
Feggara, 275
Fennick, 269
Feriana, 265, 266
Fezzan, 287
Fig-tree, 121
Firis, 91
Fisgiah, 52
Fish, at Bengazi, 293
— in Lake of Bizerta, 144
— in Lake of Ishkul, 145
— in rivers, 180
el-Fonduk, 141
Fontaine des Princes, 33
Forests, destruction of, 34, 154, 179, 191, 212, 226
Fort National, 122, 123
Foum Kosentina, 91
Frashish tribe, 175
Frontiers of Algeria, 257, 258
GABES, 270, 271, 275
Gaddems, 272
Gaffsa, 267
el Geläa in Aures, 98
el-Geläa of the Beni Abbas, 115, 116
Geläa Adjmar, 188
Geläat es-Senan, 188
Geldaman, 120
Genseric, 31, 279
Geryoun, 53
Ghaara, 269
Ghar el-Djamäa, 41
el-Gharfa, 214
Ghomara, 253
Gilimer, 31, 64, 130
Gildon, Count, 85
Girfah, 44
Gobal, 266
Gouseba, 192
Gray, Sir James, 16
Grain baskets, 117
Gregorius, 177, 279
Grenneh, 288
Guebilli, 269
Guelma, 36
Guerah el-Hout, 259
HADJAR eth-Theldj, 39
Hadjarat en-Noosf, 269
Hadrumetum, 150
Halifax, Lord, 15
Hamada Oulad Ayar, 194
el-Hamma, 267, 269
Hammam Meskoutin, 32
Hamilton, Mr. W., 8
Hanach ben Abdulla es-Sanani, 103
Hanencha, 103
Haracta, 53-113
Hassan bin Naäman, 66
Henchir Merabba, 164
Henna, 271
Henneisha, 269
Hesperides, 285
Hesperis, 283
Himyarite kings of Yemen, 63
Hippo Regia, 31
— Diarrhytus, 142
Hockey, game of, 139
Hot springs, 266
Hydra, 188
Hunter, Dr., 5
ICHERRIDHEN, 123
Ifrikos, 63
Ighil Ali, 118
Inland Sea, 271
Iron mines, 34
JÄARA, 270
Jerboas, 165-286
Jibbeleah, 273
Jol, 24
Jowassi, 287
Juba I., 24
Juba II., 24, 25
Jugis Aqua, 267
Julia Cæsarea, 23
Julian, Count, 65
Juniperus macrocarpa, 80, 179
KABYLE hospitality, 122
— industries, 119
— schools, 118, 121
Kabyles of Tunis, 238
el-Kahina, 65, 66, 157
el-Kaläa, 98
el-Kantara of Constantine, 48
Karatonis, 152
el Kasr, 257
Kasr el-Aioun, 166
Kasr el-Ghoula, 49, 50
Kasr el-Mahdjouba, 43
Kasr Saeed, 147
el-Kef, 188, 205, 210
Kef er-Rai, 193
Kef Omm et-Taboul, 259
Kerouan, 65, 166
Ketena, 272
Khamisa, 215
el-Khanaba, 42
Khanga Kef et-Toot, 239
Khangat el-Hadeed, 255
Kheir-ed-deen, General, 129, 140, 147, 214
Khenchla, 66
Khomair, 238, 243, 251, 253
Khouans, 53
Kingston, Earl of, 6, 127, 129, 142, 163, 196, 199, 206, 221, 239
Kirke, Mr. R., 20
Kirna Mons, 145
Kiss, 259
Kisser, 207, 211
Koceila, 65
LA CALLE, 249, 259
el-Lahs, 205
Lake of Bizerta, 144
— of Ishkul, 145
— of Marks, 268
Lalla Khadidja, 122
Lambessa, 60, 70
Laradam, 81
Lashash, 58
Latin words in Chawia language, 68
Lebidah, 283
Lead mines, 32, 34, 245, 259
Leithon, 285
Leptis, 278
— Magna, 283
Lerneb, 265
Lions, 96, 179, 188, 194, 226, 252
Lomellini, 248
Long and short bond, 218
Lorbus, 211
Lotophagi, 275
Lotus, 270, 275
Lowdeah, 268
Lybian inscriptions, 200, 205
Lybia Tripolitana, 278
MACARTHY, Monsieur, 27
Mactar, 197
Madghes, 58
Magaran, 135
Magherawa, 205
Mahadjiba, 43
Makhsin, 212
Malich, 99
Mampsuras, 79
Manouba, 132
Marad, 287
Marbles, Numidian, 111, 220
Maretba, 266
Marfa, 58
Mascula, 98
Massinissa, 58
Matamata, 272, 273
Mater, 145
Mauritania, divisions of, 24
el-Mechebka, 49
Medjerda, 140, 141, 229
Medjez-el-Bab, 231
Medrassen, 56
Megalithic remains in Aures, 82, 92
— at Mahadjiba, 44
— — Roknia, 39
— — Sigus, 112
— — Tarafana, 42
Mekna, 242, 243
Meksour Mediouna, 175
Melagou, 95
Melew, 265
Melghigh, 62
Menäa, 75
Meninx Insula, 275
el-Mensof, 268
Menzel, 154, 269, 270
Menzel Djemil, 142
Merabba, 164
Mercury mines, 78
Mesrata, Cape, 285
Metz, 120
Milliary columns, 214, 229
Mineral springs, 146
Minorca, 16
Miskiana, 113
Moawia ibn el-Hodeidj, 65, 142
Mohammed bin Abbas, 76
Mohammedan conquest, 65
Mohammedia, 149
el-Mokrani, 114, 115, 116, 118
Monastir (in Tunis), 150
— (at Bengazi), 285
Morocco, pilgrims from, 276, 288, 291
Mouchez, Capitaine, 271, 272, 276
el-Murag, 285
Murkäa, 75
Mukther, 195, 197
Mustowah, 53
NASABATH, 119
Neardie, 59
Nefsa, 239
Nefta, 272
Nefzowa, 269
Negro, Cape, 240, 245, 249
Nememchas, 101, 181, 267
Nesse-e-deep, 269
Norte, 275, 276
Noughir, 95
Nowader Ahmama, 78
OEA, 278
Okba ibn-Nafa, 55, 65, 150, 166
Okkaf, game of, 139
Olive-trees, 121, 140, 156, 226
Omm el-Ashera, 92
Omm et-Taboul, 259
Ostriches, 190
Oudena, 133, 149
Ouagheer, 290
Oued Abdi, 62, 75, 77
— el-Abiad, 62
— el-Ahmer, 75, 92, 244, 254
— Announa, 37
— el-Asood, 226
— Barbar, 244
— Bou Hamdan, 39
— Cherf, 39
— Dellai, 166
— Djilma, 175, 179
— Djoumin, 145
— el-Ferd, 272
— Froor, 257
— el-Hatab, 188, 192
— el-Hamma, 98
— Khallad, 214, 216, 226
— el-Kebir (Algiers), 119
— — (Tunis), 243, 244, 247
— el-Khezoun, 94
— Madhir, 58
— Maghir, 116
— Malah (Nefsa), 240
— — (Testour), 232
— Merg-el-leil, 173
— Beni Mesaoud, 119
— Meskiana, 105
— Mihran, 197
— Milian, 132
— en-Nissa, 56
— Rubooäa, 91
— er-Roumel, 48
— Sabon, 197
— es-Sahel, 116, 119
— es-Sahila, 244
— Sbeitla, 175, 179
— Shabrou, 105, 112
— Sherita, 165
— Shershera, 172
— Siliana, 212, 229
— Soumam, 119
— Taga, 81, 82, 91
— Tessäa, 214
— Tinga, 145
— ez-Zan, 244
— Zanfour, 206
— Zenati, 43
— ez-Zergäa, 206, 232, 233, 244
Ougela, 287, 288
Oulad Abd en-Noor, 53
— Abdi, 58
— Ali, 211, 212, 287, 291
— Amran, 179
— Aoun, 212
— Ayar, 194, 227, 232
— Azooz, 81
— Aissa, 113, 116, 117
— Daood, 83
— Habeeb, 291
— Hamadoosh, 116
— Hassan, 188, 192
— Mehenna, 192
— Seel, 188
— Sendasini, 173
— Sidera, 255
— Sidi Abid, 267
— Sidi bou Ghanim, 188, 253
— Touaoun, 211
— Urfa, 290
— Yagoube, 210, 211, 269
Outa el-Kebir, 141
— es-Seghir, 141
PALMYRA, 294
Palus Tritonidis, 268, 269
Panthers, 252, 269
Papua Mons, 31
Parisot, Capitaine, 271
Paterson, General, 59
Pentapolis, 283
Petrified city, 285
Pigeons, sacred, 196
Pinus haleppensis, 179, 188
Piranese, 5
Pistachia Atlantica, 91
Plague, 245, 260, 285
Portes de Fer, 116
Prisons, 235
Pseudopenias, 285
Ptolemy, of Mauritania, 24
Ptolemais, 283
Ptolometa, 288, 289
RAE, Mr. Edward, 261
er-Raheia, 192
Railways in Tunis, 237
Ramel es-Safra, 242
Randon, General, 105
Ras Sem, 285
Ras Takoush, 32
Reade, Sir Thomas, 221
Red-deer, 190, 252
Roknia, 39
Roudaire, Capitaine, 271
ES-SABALA, 140
Sabra, 171
Sabrata, 278
Sand, country of, 242, 245
San Pietro, 250
Ste. Cecile, 38
Saheb et Tabäa, 140
es-Sahel, 154
Salah Bey, 49
Sallecta, 161
Salt lakes, 165
Sanäa, 103
Sambat, 269
Sbeitla, 6, 177, 191
Sbiba, 177, 191
Sebkha es-Sedjoumi, 128
Selas tribe, 173
Sem, Ras, 285
Seniore, 43
Serpents, monstrous, 141
— tame, 273
Sers, plain of, 205, 210, 211, 212, 213
Setif, 114
esh-Shabiah, 212
Shaw, Dr., 15
Shells, fossil, 145
Shineny, 270
Shipwreck at Bengazi, 261, 265, 291
Sicca Venerea, 189, 210
Sidi Abd el-Azeez, 188
— Abou Dabous, 193
— Ahmed ez-Zair, 193
— Aich, 266
— Akesh, 32
— Ali ben Ahsan, 128
— Ali ben Oune, 266
— Ali ben Salem, 172
— Ali el-Mareghani, 122
— Ali Hassan, 146
— Bel-Khair, 78
— ben Aissa, 169
— ben Oune, 269
— bou Firnan, 254
— Bougeise, 112
— bou Hadid, 142, 144
— el-Henni, 165
— el-Houni, 143
— Mohammed Khultoom, 94
— Moëlla, 193
— Mohammed esh-Shabi, 213
— Naser, 164
— Teleely, 266
Si Ismaïl, 96
— Mustafa, 94
— Zerdoud, 32
Siga, 58
Signs, 39, 113
Sirocco, 194, 214
Sisara, 145
Siwah, 287
Snakes, water (_see_ Serpents), 180
Société Générale Algérienne, 113
Solomon Strategos, 64, 85, 99, 100, 105
es-Sook, 77
Sook el-Arbäa, 42
Sook et-Toork, 243
Sournah (Tebessa), 102
— (Constantine), 45
Soumar, 122
Soumat el-Hamara, 266
Spizzichino, Signor, 143
Strange, Sir Robert, 5-16
Sufes, 177, 191
Sufetula, 177, 192
Susa, 150
Syphax, 58
Syrtis Major, 283
— Minor, 273
TABARCA, 242, 243, 245, 247
Tabarcini, 250
Ta-Babor, 122
Tafna, 259
Taghit, mines of, 78
Tagoost, 75
Taggou-Zeinah, 53
Tamgout Lalla Khadidja, 122
Thamugas, 84
Tarafana, 42
Tarantula, 286
Tattubt, 52
Tazmalt, 119
Tazou-garet, 101
Tebessa, 64, 103, 189, 265
Teboursouk, 213, 215
Tegeuse, 267
Telegraphs in Tunis, 267
Telemeen, 269
Tenoucla, 265
Tents, Arab, 213
Testour, 229
Teuchira, 283, 288
Teyonis, Cape, 285
Tezzoute, 58
Thala, 265, 266
Thelepte, 265
Theniet Ain esh-Shair, 81
— el-Abid, 78
— er-Ressas, 81
Thibkah, 269
Thignica, 227
Thompson, Consul, 19
Thubursicum Bure, 215
— Numidarum, 141
Thugga, 216
Thunodronum, 139
Thurlow, Lady, 1
Thuyas, 80
Thysdrus, 156
Tibilis, 37, 40
Tide in Gulf of Gabes, 270, 271
Ti-farasain, 72
Ti-filkouth, 122
Tiges, 267
Ti-keshwain, 77
Tili-jouen, 121
Timegad, 8, 83
Timbuctoo, 267, 287
Tingitana, 24
Tirourda, 122
Tisurus, 267
Tizairt, 118
Tizi-Bart, 121
Tizi-Zijan, 78
Tobulbu, 272
Tochara, 288
Tombeau de la Chrétienne, 23, 25
Toujan, 273
Tozer, 267
Travel in Tunis, difficulty of, 147, 198, 210
Tricameron, 133
Tripoli (Africa), 177, 276, 278, 283
Tripoli (Syria), 288
Tritonis, Lake (Gabes), 269
— — (Bengazi), 285
Tuburbo, 228
Tucca Terebinthina, 197
Tunis, 128, 275
Tusca, 244, 258
Tymphes, 102
UTHINA, 132, 133
Utica, 142
VACCA, 234
Valière, M., 17
Vandals, 32, 47, 59, 64, 105, 133
Vapour baths of Djebel Trozza, 173
Vicus Augusti, 171
WADHAHA, 92
el-Wadi, 285
Wargummah, 275, 276
Warwick, Lord, 5
Wild boars, 269
Wood, Mr., 128, 155, 170, 238
Wurglah, 267
YEMEN, invasion of Africa by the Tobbas of, 63
Youkous, 112
ZAGHOUAN, 128, 129, 135, 138
Zaila, 287
Zainah, 53
Zama, 218
Zana, 53
Zanfour, 211
Zaratt, 272
Zaouiat Susa, 154
Zebeel, 287
Zeian, Lake of, 285
Zeina, 118
Zeghalma, 188
Zemoul, 52
Zereega, 272
Zeugitana regio, 136
Ziganiah, 113
Zikak, 73
Zoheir ibn Keis el-Belowi, 65
Zouarin, 210
Zucchara, 135
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Transcriber's note:
pg viii Changed: ZAGOHUAN to: ZAGHOUAN
caption in Plate II. Changed: FAC SIMILIE to: FAC SIMILE
pg 299 Changed: — Bel-Khair to: — Bel-Khair, 78
Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.
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transcribed as their component letters enclosed in curly braces.
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are indicated with '~'.
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