The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Correspondence of Sir Isaac
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Title: The Life and Correspondence of Sir Isaac Brock
Author: Ferdinand Brock Tupper
Release Date: December 23, 2004 [EBook #14428]
Language: English
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THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK, K.B.
INTERSPERSED WITH NOTICES OF THE CELEBRATED INDIAN CHIEF, TECUMSEH;
AND COMPRISING
BRIEF MEMOIRS OF DANIEL DE LISLE BROCK, ESQ.; LIEUTENANT E.W. TUPPER,
R.N., AND COLONEL W. DE VIC TUPPER,
"What booteth it to have been rich alive?
What to be great? What to be glorious?
If after death no token doth survive
Of former being in this mortal house,
But sleeps in dust, dead and inglorious!"
SPENCER'S "Ruins of Time."
EDITED BY HIS NEPHEW,
FERDINAND BROCK TUPPER, ESQ.
_LONDON_: SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & Co.
_GUERNSEY_: H. REDSTONE.
1845.
PREFACE.
In the early part of last year, a box of manuscripts and the trunks
belonging to Sir Isaac Brock, which had remained locked and unexamined
for nearly thirty years, were at length opened, as the general's last
surviving brother, Savery, in whose possession they had remained during
that period, was then, from disease of the brain, unconscious of passing
events. With that sensibility which shrinks from the sight of objects
that remind us of a much-loved departed relative or friend, he had
allowed the contents to remain untouched; and when they saw the light,
the general's uniforms, including the one in which he fell, were much
moth-eaten, but the manuscripts were happily uninjured. On the return of
the Editor from South America in May last, he for the first time learnt
the existence of these effects; and a few weeks after, having hastily
perused and assorted the letters and other papers, he decided on their
publication. Whether this decision was wise, the reader must determine.
If, on the one hand, part of their interest be lost in the lapse of
years; on the other, they, and the comments they have elicited, can now
be published with less risk of wounding private feelings.
It has been the Editor's study to avoid all unnecessary remarks on the
letters in this volume, so as to allow the writers to speak for
themselves. But he has deemed it a sacred obligation due to the memory
of Sir Isaac Brock, to withhold nothing descriptive of his energetic
views and intentions, and of the obstacles he experienced in the
vigorous prosecution of the contest--obstacles which his gallant spirit
could not brook, and which necessarily exposed "his valuable life" much
more than it would have been in offensive operations.[1] He regrets,
however, that in the performance of this duty, he must necessarily give
pain to the relatives of the late Sir George Prevost, of whose military
government in Canada he would much rather have written in praise than in
censure.
Brief memoirs are inserted, at the conclusion of the Appendix, of one of
Sir Isaac Brock's brothers, the bailiff or chief magistrate of Guernsey,
and of two of their nephews, Lieutenant E.W. Tupper, R.N., and Colonel
W. De Vic Tupper, of the Chilian service. The premature fate of these
two promising young officers is, to those who knew them best, still a
source of unceasing regret and of embittering remembrance.
The notices of the celebrated Tecumseh interspersed throughout the
volume, and the connected sketch of him near its close, can scarcely
fail to interest the reader; that sketch is drawn from various and
apparently authentic sources, and the Editor believes that it is more
copious than any which has yet appeared of this distinguished Indian
chief. A perusal will perhaps awaken sympathy in behalf of a
much-injured people; it may also tend to remove the films of national
prejudice, and prove that virtue and courage are not confined to any
particular station or country, but that they may exist as well in the
wilds of the forest, as in the cultivated regions of civilization.
GUERNSEY, January 15, 1845.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: See pages 275-280, 298, 304, 305, 315-317.]
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Parentage and birth--Boyhood--Enters the King's
Regiment--Trait of determination of character--Becomes
Lieutenant-Colonel of the 49th--Campaign in Holland, in
1799--Russian troops in Guernsey--Battle of Copenhagen, in
1801--Notice of John Savery Brock, Esq.
CHAPTER II.
Proceeds to Canada with the 49th--Suppresses a mutiny at Fort
George--Returns to Europe, and recommends the formation of a
Veteran Battalion for Upper Canada--Re-embarks for Canada, and
succeeds Colonel Bowes in command of the troops there--Letters
to Lieut.-Colonel Gordon, Right Hon. W. Windham, the
Adjutant-General, Mr. President Dunn, and to Lord
Castlereagh--Arrival of Sir James Craig
CHAPTER III.
Is made a Brigadier--Letters to his family--Proceeds to Upper
Canada--Letters from Colonels Baynes and
Thornton--Lieut.-Colonel Murray--Baroness de Rottenburg
CHAPTER IV.
Letters to and from Lieut.-Governor Gore--from Colonels Kempt
and Baynes--to Sir James Craig and Major Taylor--from Colonel
Vesey--P. Carey Tupper, Esq.
CHAPTER V.
Is made a Major-General--Sir James Craig returns to England;
his character and administration--Letters from Major-General
Vesey and Colonel Baynes--Duke of Manchester--Arrival of Sir
George Prevost--Letters from Lieut.-General Drummond and
Lieut.-Colonel Torrens--to and from Sir George Prevost
CHAPTER VI.
Origin of the American war--Letters to and from Sir G. Prevost
and Colonel Baynes--Meeting of the Legislature--Letter to
Colonel Baynes relative to Detroit and Michilimakinack,
&c.--Letters to Lieut.-Colonel Nichol--from Sir James
Saumarez, Major-General Le Couteur, and Sir John Dumaresq
CHAPTER VII.
Description of the boundaries, military posts, and lakes of
Upper Canada--of the Michigan territory, Detroit, and
Michilimakinack
CHAPTER VIII.
War declared--Major-General Brock's proceedings--Force under
his command--Letters from Colonel Baynes, and to and from Sir
George Prevost--American newspaper.
CHAPTER IX.
General Hull invades Upper Canada--His proclamation, and that
of Major-General Brock in reply--Letters to Sir G. Prevost and
from Sir T. Saumarez--Meeting of the Legislature--Critical
state of the Province
CHAPTER X.
Capture of Michilimakinack--Letters to and from Sir G.
Prevost, from Colonels Baynes and Bruyeres
CHAPTER XI.
Occurrences in the Western District--Tecumseh--Major-General
Brock proceeds to Amherstburg--Voyage described--General
Order--Indians, and notice of Tecumseh--Summons to General
Hull, and his answer--Surrender of Detroit, and its
consequences--Anecdotes of Tecumseh--Country about
Detroit--Indian war in 1763.
CHAPTER XII.
Letters relative to Detroit, to and from Sir G. Prevost, to
Earl Bathurst, from W.D. Powell, Esq., Chief Justice Sewell,
General Maitland, Major-General Burnet, from Major-General
Brock to his brothers, and from Lieut.-Colonel Nichol--General
Hull's reception at Montreal
CHAPTER XIII.
Major-General Brock returus to the Niagara
frontier--Armistice--Proposed attack on Sackett's Harbour
prevented--Letters to and from Sir G. Prevost and
Major-General Van Rensselaer--from Colonel Baynes--to Colonel
Proctor and to J.S. Brock--Wrongs of the Indians, and speech
of Tecumseh
CHAPTER XIV.
Rival forces on the Niagara frontier--Capture of brigs Detroit
and Caledonia--Letters to Sir G. Prevost and Colonel
Proctor--Battle of Queenstown, and death of Sir Isaac Brock,
with remarks on his funeral and character--Description of
Queenstown Heights, &c
CHAPTER XV.
Sir R. Sheaffe and armistice--Further remarks on Sir Isaac
Brock--Americans obtain the command of Lake Ontario--Capture
of York--Attack on Sackett's Harbour--Colonel Proctor's
proceedings near Detroit--Defeat of British squadron on Lake
Erie--Retreat and surrender of Major-General Proctor's
army--Capture of Fort George, and surprise of the American
troops at Stoney Creek--Attack on Michilimakinack--23 British
deserters--Peace--Sir G. Prevost's death and
character--Inscription on monument to--Colonel
Tupper--Connected notice of Tecumseh
CHAPTER XVI.
Servant--Letters from the Duke of York--J. Savery and Irving
Brock, Esqrs. and Mrs. Eliot--Introduction of four Indian
chiefs to George the Fourth, at Windsor--Destruction of
Monument, and "gathering" on Queenstown Heights--Intended
obelisk--Notice of Sir Isaac Brock's brothers, sisters, and
nephews
APPENDIX A.
SECTION I.--BRITISH AUTHORS.
1. Letter from Lord Aylmer--2. Dispatch from Captain
Roberts--3. Extracts from Letters of Veritas--4. Sir G.
Prevost's general order--5. Brief extracts from various
authors--6. Council of condolence--7. Monument in St. Paul's
cathedral--8. A Huron chief's surprise on seeing this
monument--9. Address of the Commons of Upper Canada to the
Prince Regent--10. Re-interment described--11. Dickens'
American notes
SECTION II.--AMERICAN AUTHORS.
1. Jefferson's correspondence--General Hull's revolutionary
services--Letter from Captain Wool--Battle of
Queenstown--Hull's army at Detroit
APPENDIX B.
Daniel De lisle Brock, Esq
APPENDIX C.
Lieutenant E. William Tupper, R.N.
APPENDIX D.
Colonel W. De Vic Tupper, Chilian service
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
The Guernsey family of BROCK is probably of English origin, but we have
been unable to ascertain the period of its first establishment in the
island. The parochial register of St. Peter-Port extends only to the
year 1563, soon after which time it contains the name of Philip Brock.
By "Robson's Armorial Bearings of the Nobility and Gentry of Great
Britain and Ireland," eight families of the name of Brock appear to bear
different arms, one of which was borne by all the Brocks of
Guernsey--viz. azure, a fleur de lis or, on a chief argent a lion pass.
guard. gu.--crest, an escallop or[2]--until the death of Sir Isaac
Brock, when new and honorary armorial bearings were granted by the
sovereign to his family. Brock is the ancient Saxon name for badger,
and as such is still retained in English dictionaries. Froissart,[3] in
his Chronicles, makes mention of Sir Hugh Brock, an English knight,
keeper of the castle of Derval, in Brittany, for his cousin Sir Robert
Knolles, who was governor of all the duchy, and resided in Brest, during
the absence of the duke in England. The French overran Brittany at this
period, and leaving 2,000 men near Brest, so as to prevent its receiving
succours, sat down with "great engines" before the castle of Derval, to
the siege of which came the constable of France, the Duke of Bourbon,
the Earls of Alençon and of Perche, and a great number of the barony and
chivalry of France. The castle being sore oppressed, Sir Hugh Brock was
at length constrained to agree to surrender it at the end of two months,
if not relieved by that time. Sir Robert Knolles, hearing this, also
began to treat with the French; and while at the head of 30,000 men, he
was afterwards defeated by Bertrand du Guesclin. These events occurred
in the reign of Edward the Third, about the middle of the fourteenth
century, when the English were driven out of France; and as Guernsey is
in the direct course between Brittany and England, may not one of Sir
Hugh Brock's family, on his passage across the Channel, have visited the
island and settled there?
The common ancestor of the present Guernsey family of the name of Brock
was William Brock, Esq., a native of the island, who died in the year
1776, and was the grandfather of the subject of this volume. He had
three sons and one daughter, who became connected by marriage with some
of the principal and most ancient families of Guernsey; namely, William,
married to Judith, daughter of James De Beauvoir, Esq.;[4] John, married
to Elizabeth De Lisle, daughter of the then lieutenant-bailiff of the
island; Henry, married to Susan Saumarez, sister of the late Admiral
Lord de Saumarez; and Mary, wife of John Le Marchant, Esq[5]
John Brock, Esq., born January 24, 1729, second son of the above-named
William, had by his wife, Elizabeth De Lisle, a very numerous family of
ten sons and four daughters, of whom eight sons and two daughters
reached maturity. He died in June, 1777, at Dinan, in Brittany, whither
he had gone for the benefit of the waters, at the early age of
forty-eight years.[6] In his youth he was a midshipman in the navy, and
in that capacity had made a voyage to India, which was then considered a
great undertaking. As he was possessed of much activity of mind and
considerable talent, his death was an irreparable loss to his children,
who were of an age to require all the care and counsels of a father; the
eldest, John, having only completed his seventeenth year. They were left
in independent, if not in affluent, circumstances; but the fond
indulgence of a widowed mother, who could deny them no enjoyment,
tended, notwithstanding their long minority, to diminish their
patrimony.
Isaac Brock, the eighth son, was born in the parish of St. Peter-Port,
Guernsey, on the 6th of October, 1769, the year which gave birth to
Napoleon and Wellington. In his boyhood he was, like his brothers,
unusually tall, robust, and precocious, and, with an appearance much
beyond his age, remarkable chiefly for extreme gentleness. In his
eleventh year he was sent to school at Southampton, and his education
was concluded by his being placed for a twelvemonth under a French
Protestant clergyman at Rotterdam, for the purpose of learning the
French language. His eldest brother, John, a lieutenant in the 8th, the
King's, regiment, being promoted to a company by purchase, Isaac
succeeded, also by purchase, to the ensigncy which consequently became
vacant in that regiment, and to which he was appointed on the 2d of
March, 1785, soon after he had completed his fifteenth year. He joined
in England, and was quartered there in different places for a few years.
Having entered the army at so early an age, he happily felt sensible of
his deficiencies of education, and for a long period he devoted his
leisure mornings to study, locking the door of his room until one
o'clock, to prevent intrusion. In 1790 he was promoted to a
lieutenantcy, and was quartered in Guernsey and Jersey. At the close of
that year he obtained an independent company, by raising the requisite
number of men to complete it, and was put on half pay. He exchanged soon
after, by giving the difference, into the 49th, which regiment he joined
at Barbadoes, in 1791, and he remained doing duty there, and afterwards
at Jamaica, until 1793, when he was compelled to return very suddenly to
England on sick leave, having nearly fallen a victim to the pestilential
effects of the climate, and an immediate embarkation being pronounced
his only chance of recovery. His first cousin, Lieutenant Henry Brock,
of the 13th foot, who was ill at the same time at Jamaica, died of the
fever; and the survivor always thought that he was indebted for his life
to the affectionate attentions of his servant, Dobson, whom he
subsequently ever treated with the kindness of a brother, until he died
in his service shortly before himself, in Canada. The mention of the
following trait of great determination of character may serve as a guide
to other young officers, similarly circumstanced. When Captain Brock
joined the 49th, the peace of the regiment was disturbed by one of those
vile pests of society--a confirmed duellist. Captain Brock soon proved
to his brother captain, who took advantage of being a dead shot, that he
was neither to be bullied nor intimidated, and the consequence was a
challenge from the latter, which was promptly accepted. On the ground,
Captain Brock, who was very tall and athletic, observed that to stand at
twelve paces was not to meet his antagonist on any thing like equal
terms, and, producing a handkerchief, insisted on firing across it. This
the duellist positively declined, and being in consequence soon after
compelled to leave the regiment, the officers were thus relieved, by the
firm and resolute conduct of a very young man, of the presence of one
with whom all social intercourse had previously been difficult and
dangerous. On his return from Jamaica, Captain Brock was employed on the
recruiting service in England, and afterwards in charge of a number of
recruits at Jersey. On the 24th June, 1795, he purchased his majority,
and remained in command of the recruits until the return of the regiment
to England the following year. On the 25th of October, 1797, just after
he had completed his twenty-eighth year, Major Brock purchased his
lieutenant-colonelcy, and soon after became senior lieut.-colonel of the
49th. This was very rapid promotion for one who had not only entered the
army during a period of profound peace, but had been five years an
ensign, and, having no interest excepting that which his own merit might
have procured him, he was generally considered at that time as one of
the most fortunate officers in the service. In a little more than seven
years, he had risen from an ensign to be a lieut.-colonel. Owing to
gross mismanagement and peculation on the part of his predecessor, who
was in consequence recommended privately to sell out, if he did not wish
to stand the ordeal of a court martial, the regiment was sadly
disorganized; but the commander in chief, the late Duke of York, was
heard to declare that Lieut.-Colonel Brock, from one of the worst, had
made the 49th one of the best regiments in the service.
In 1798, the 49th was quartered in Jersey, whence it proceeded, to
England early the following year, to take part in the projected
expedition to Holland, as in 1799 the British Government determined on
sending a strong military force to that country, then in alliance with
the French republic, which force was to be joined by a Russian army. The
first English division, consisting of twelve battalions of infantry,
among which was the 49th, and a small body of cavalry, assembled at
Southampton under Sir Ralph Abercromby, and, having embarked, finally
sailed from the Downs early in August. On the 26th of that month, the
fleet, consisting of fifteen ships of the line, from forty-five to fifty
frigates, sloops, and smaller vessels of war, and about one hundred and
thirty sail of transports, anchored along the coast of North Holland,
from the mouth of the Texel as far as Calants-Oge. Early the next
morning, the flank companies were landed, under the protection of the
guns of the fleet. An engagement commenced as the British were about to
march forward; but being continually reinforced by the arrival of fresh
troops, they compelled the enemy to retreat. This warm engagement lasted
till four o'clock in the afternoon, and cost the British about 1,000
men. Sir Ralph Abercromby, having become master of the point, or
peninsula, of the Helder, completed his landing, entrenched his advanced
posts toward the right, and occupied with his left the point of the
Helder, and the batteries there which had been evacuated. In these
positions he awaited the arrival of the second division, under the Duke
of York, the commander-in-chief, which remained in England until news
were received of the landing of the first on the coast of Holland. These
two divisions were composed of thirty battalions of infantry, of 600 men
each, 500 cavalry, and a fine train of artillery.[7] During this
campaign, Lieut.-Colonel Brock distinguished himself in command of his
regiment, which, on the 2d of October, in the battle of Egmont-op-Zee,
or Bergen, had Captain Archer and Ensign Ginn killed; and Major
Hutchinson, Captains Sharp and Robins, Lieutenant Urquhart and Ensign
Hill, wounded; Lieutenant Johnston missing, and supposed to be killed,
exclusive of nearly one hundred non-commissioned officers and privates
killed and wounded.[8] In this action, Lieut.-Colonel Brock was slightly
wounded, although his name does not appear in the returns; and his life
was in all probability preserved by his wearing, as the weather was very
cold, a stout cotton handkerchief over a thick black silk cravat, both
of which were perforated by a bullet, and which prevented its entering
his neck: the violence of the blow was, however, so great, as to stun
and dismount him. The following letter contains some interesting
particulars relative to this campaign, and the part taken in it by the
49th.
_Lieutenant-Colonel Brock, 49th regiment, to his brother, brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel John Brock, 81st regiment, at the Cape of Good Hope_.
"LONDON, November 26, 1799.
"I was pretty constant in my correspondence with you whilst the
regiment was quartered at Portsmouth, and no opportunity
offered from thence direct to the Cape without taking letters
and newspapers from either Savery or myself, and often from
both; but the very active and busy life I have passed since put
an end to all such communications. Knowing, however, that you
will be gratified in hearing from my own pen the various
incidents which have occurred since that time, I proceed to
give you the substance of them. You will have seen in the
public prints that the 49th embarked among the first regiments
under Sir Ralph Abercromby, and that the army, amounting to
about 10,000 men, after beating the seas from the 8th to the
27th of August, effected a landing near the Helder; that the
enemy most unaccountably offered no opposition to our landing;
and that, after a well-contested fight of ten hours, he
retreated, and left us in quiet possession of the Heights,
extending the whole length of the Peninsula. The 4th Brigade,
under General Moore,[9] consisting of the Royals, 25th, 49th,
79th, and 92d, landed to the left, where the greatest
opposition was expected, as it was natural to suppose that so
essential an object as the Helder would be defended to the
last, but, to our utter astonishment, the enemy gave us no
annoyance; on the contrary, soon after the affair on the right
had terminated, he evacuated the town, which we took quiet
possession of the following morning, and with it the whole of
the fleet. The garrison, consisting of 1,600 men, could easily
have been intercepted had it not been for a large body of
cavalry and a number of cannon, which completely commanded a
plain of a mile and a half in breadth, necessary to be crossed
to get to them: as we had neither the one nor the other, it
would have been the height of folly to attempt it. The
regiments which distinguished themselves most on this occasion
were the 23d, 27th, and 55th. The evening of our landing, a
reinforcement of 5,000 men arrived, but could not disembark
until two days after, owing to the badness of the weather.
During all this time the troops lay exposed on the sand hills,
without the least shelter to cover them against the wind and
rain. At length the army moved forward eleven miles, and got
into cantonments along a canal extending the whole breadth of
the country, from the Zuyder sea on the one side to the main
ocean on the other, protected by an amazingly strong dyke,
running half a mile in front of the line. In this position we
remained unmolested until the 10th of September, on which day
the enemy made a most desperate attack in three columns, two on
the right and one on the centre of the line: he could not avoid
being beaten, as it was the most injudicious step imaginable,
and his loss was in proportion very great. The Guards, 20th,
and 40th, acted conspicuous parts in this affair. The 49th was
here again out of the way, with the exception indeed of Savery,
whom nothing could keep from going to see what was doing on the
right, and as it happened he proved of great use to Colonel
Smith,[10] whom he assisted from the field after being wounded.
The French soldier was taught to consider the British troops as
the most undisciplined rabble in the world, and he advanced
confident of conquest; but this affair, and others which
followed, made him very soon change his opinion. Nothing
remarkable occurred after this until the arrival of the Duke of
York with the remainder of the British troops and 16,000
Russians, which increased the army to about 35,000 men.
Continued rain, however, prevented any thing being done before
the 19th, when the whole army was put in motion. Sir Ralph took
12,000, of which the 4th Brigade formed a part, to the left on
the evening preceding, and got possession of the city of Horn
the following morning at daylight, without a shot being fired:
200 prisoners were taken. Horn is a very populous, handsome
city, and evidently in the interest of the Prince of Orange.
Nothing could exceed the joy of the inhabitants at our arrival,
and in proportion as they rejoiced they mourned our departure,
which took place before sun-set, in consequence of a fatal
disaster which had befallen the Russians on the right. They of
course threw the blame off their own shoulders, and wished to
attribute the whole misfortune to the want of concert and a
proper support on the part of the British; but I verily believe
the real fact to be this. After most gallantly driving the
enemy before them as far as Bergen, where it was previously
arranged they should halt, they dispersed for the sake of
plunder;--the French, hearing of this disorder, renewed the
attack, and never gave the Russians an opportunity to form, but
continued driving them with the bayonet until they encountered
a body of English, under General Manners and Prince William,
whose brigades suffered considerably. The Russians were,
however, thus happily enabled to effect their retreat without
further molestation; they were certainly the original cause of
this disaster, but whether the British were sufficiently brisk
in coming to their assistance, is doubted. The Russians in
their persons are rather short of stature, and very thick and
clumsy; they have nothing expressive in their features, but
resemble much the Chinese countenance. I remarked an exception
to this rule in a grenadier battalion, who, with tall, elegant
persons, possessed remarkably fine, commanding faces. The
officers in general are the most despicable wretches I ever
saw: accustomed, as they have always been, to fight with troops
much inferior to themselves, they thought themselves
invincible. They take the field with an immense number of
artillery, with which they cover their front and flanks, and
thus never dreamed it possible, from their former experience,
for troops to rally after being once beaten. This fatal
security was the cause of the misfortune which befell the
allies on the 19th. After the retreat from Horn, the 4th
brigade took its station on the right, preparatory evidently to
being actively employed; accordingly, on the 2d of October, the
weather not permitting it sooner, the brigade assembled before
daylight at Petten, and formed the advanced guard of a column,
consisting of 10,000 men, which was to proceed along the beach
to Egmont-op-Zee. After every thing had been properly arranged,
it moved forward, supported by 1,000 cavalry, under Lord Paget.
It was intended that the reserve, under Colonel M'Donald,
should cover our flank, and that the column should rapidly
advance to Egmont, in order to turn the flank of the enemy at
Bergen. This was, however, prevented by a strong body of the
enemy, who engaged the reserve the moment it ascended the sand
hills; and although he retreated before the reserve, he
constrained Colonel M'Donald to follow in a different direction
to that intended, thereby leaving our left flank uncovered. But
this did not impede our moving forward, and it was not until we
had proceeded five or six miles that we found the least
opposition. The enemy then appeared in small force, and the
25th was ordered up the sand hills, but, he having increased,
the 79th followed, and it was not long before the 49th was also
ordered to form on the left of that regiment. It is impossible
to give you an adequate idea of the nature of the ground, which
I can only compare to the sea in a storm. On my getting to the
left of the 79th, I found that its flank was already turned,
and that the ground, which we were to occupy, did not afford
the least shelter: my determination was instantly taken. I had
gone on horseback to view the ground, and on my return to the
regiment, which I met advancing, I found the left actually
engaged with the enemy, who had advanced much beyond our left.
I, however, continued advancing with six companies, and left
Colonel Sheaffe with the other four to cover our left: the
instant I came up to the 79th, I ordered a charge, which I
assure you was executed with the greatest gallantry, though not
in the greatest order, as the nature of the ground admitted of
none. The enemy, however, gave way on every side, and our loss
would have been very trifling had the 79th charged
straightforward; but unfortunately it followed the course the
49th had taken, thereby leaving our right entirely exposed. I
detached Lord Aylmer[11] with the grenadiers, who, after
charging different times, totally cleared our right. The 25th
then advanced, and behaved with the greatest good conduct. The
enemy after this never attempted to make a stand, but continued
to retreat, and their loss on this occasion was very
considerable. Nothing could exceed the gallantry of the 25th,
49th, 79th, and 92d. For my own part, I had every reason to be
satisfied with the conduct of both officers and men, and no
commanding officer could be more handsomely supported than I
was on that day, ever glorious to the 49th. Poor Archer brought
his company to the attack in a most soldierlike manner; and
even after he had received his mortal wound, he animated his
men, calling on them to go on to victory, to glory; and no
order could be more effectually obeyed: he is an irreparable
loss to the service. I got knocked down soon after the enemy
began to retreat, but never quitted the field, and returned to
my duty in less than half an hour. Savery acted during the
whole day as aide-de-camp either to Sir Ralph or Moore, and
nothing could surpass his activity and gallantry. He had a
horse shot under him, and had all this been in his line, he
must have been particularly noticed, as he has become the
astonishment of all who saw him. We remained that night and the
following on the sand hills; you cannot conceive our wretched
state, as it blew and rained nearly the whole time. Our men
bore all this without grumbling, although they had nothing to
eat but the biscuits they carried with them, which by this time
were completely wet. We at length got into Egmont, and on the
following day (5th) into Alkmaar, where we enjoyed ourselves
amazingly. Alkmaar is a most delightful city; but the
inhabitants are rank patriots, and none of the higher class
remained to welcome our arrival. The following day another
engagement ensued,[12] in consequence of the Russians advancing
further than they were ordered to do: during this severe
contest we were snugly in church. It is extraordinary that both
parties were so beaten as to find a retreat necessary, as while
we retreated to our old position, the enemy was also in full
retreat. I shall say no more of the expedition to Holland, as
what remains to be added, you will see fully detailed in the
papers. I go to Norwich, where the regiment is quartered, this
evening. Another expedition is talked of, under Lord Moira.
Adieu."
In the battle of Egmont-op-Zee, seven pieces of cannon, a great number
of tumbrils, and a few hundred prisoners, were taken, and the loss of
the enemy was estimated as exceeding 4,000 men. Major-General Moore, in
whose brigade was the 49th, although severely wounded through the thigh,
continued in action for nearly two hours, until a second wound in the
face obliged him to quit the field. In his dispatch relative to this
battle, the Duke of York observed, that "under Divine Providence this
signal victory obtained over the enemy, is to be attributed to the
animating and persevering exertions which have at all times been the
characteristics of the British soldier, and which on no occasion were
ever more eminently displayed." The following extract from this
dispatch, dated Alkmaar, 6th of October, will shew the part borne in the
engagement by Sir Ralph Abercromby's division, in which was
Major-General Moore's brigade.
"This was the last event which took place on the side of
Bergen; and, as the close of the day was fast approaching,
Colonel Macdonald with two battalions was sent to the support
of General Sir Ralph Abercromby. The heights of the sand hills,
surrounding Bergen for about three miles, remained crowned and
possessed by about eleven British battalions. General Sir
Ralph Abercromby had marched, according to the disposition,
along the beach, with Major-General D'Oyley's, Major-General
Moore's, and Major General Lord Cavan's brigades, the cavalry
and horse artillery, (the reserve under Colonel Macdonald not
having been able, owing to the great extent of the sand hills,
to rejoin him, after turning to the left at Campe.) The main
body of Sir Ralph Abercromby's column had proceeded, without
meeting with much resistance, in the early part of the day, but
was nevertheless much inconvenienced, and his troops harassed,
by the necessity of detaching continually into the sand hills
to his left, to cover that flank against the troops whom the
enemy had placed in the sand hills. The admirable disposition,
however, which he made of his troops, and their determined
spirit and gallantry, enabled him to arrive within a mile of
Egmont. Here he was seriously opposed by a very considerable
corps of French infantry, which occupied Egmont-op-Zee, and the
high sand hills in its front, and who had formed a very strong
corps of cavalry and artillery to their left. The engagement
was maintained during several hours with the greatest
obstinacy; and in no instance were the abilities of a
commander, or the heroic perseverance of troops in so difficult
and trying a situation, more highly conspicuous. Animated by
the example of General Sir Ralph Abercromby, and the generals
and officers under him, the troops sustained every effort made
upon them by an enemy then superior in numbers, and much
favoured by the strength of his position. Late in the evening,
the enemy's cavalry, having been defeated in an attempt which
they made upon the British horse artillery on the beach, and
having been charged by the cavalry under Colonel Lord Paget,
was driven, with considerable loss, nearly to Egmont-op-Zee;
his efforts then relaxed considerably on the right; and General
Sir Ralph Abercromby, having soon after been joined by the
reinforcements under Colonel Macdonald, took post upon the
sand hills and the beach, within a very short distance of
Egmont-op-Zee, where the troops lay upon their arms during the
night."
In the battle of the 6th of October, in which the 49th was not engaged,
the English and Russians, after gaining some advantage, were suddenly
charged by the enemy's cavalry and separated, so that they could neither
support each other nor retain the ground which they had gained. The
allied armies were repulsed beyond Baccum, after having sustained a very
severe loss; and as they were unable either to advance or to draw any
resources from the country in their possession, their supplies were
necessarily obtained from the fleet. The Duke of York, therefore,
assembled a council of war, whose decision was, that the allied forces
should fall back and wait the instructions of the British Government. As
the season was so far advanced, as the approach of winter was daily
making the navigation of the coast more dangerous, and as there was no
time to effect diversions or to change the plan of operations, the Duke
of York was ordered to evacuate the country. In the meanwhile, as the
English and Russians concentrated themselves behind their entrenchments
at the Zyp, the enemy pressed upon them, and the Duke of York sent a
flag of truce to General Brune, proposing a capitulation on the basis of
an armistice, or of the free embarkation of his army. This was agreed to
at Alkmaar, on the 18th of October, and thus ended this memorable
expedition, the most considerable that had been attempted in modern
times up to that period. As the introduction of foreign troops into
England was prohibited by the Bill of Rights, the Russians were sent to
the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, the season not admitting of their
return home. About 6,000 were quartered in the latter island, where a
disease, contracted by exposure to the marshy grounds of Holland,
carried off some hundreds, who were buried at the foot of the hill on
which stands Vale Castle, and where their graves are still to be seen.
Their conduct in Guernsey was at first peaceable and orderly;--the
inhabitants were surprised at seeing them eat the grease from the cart
wheels, and they were also excessively fond of ardent spirits; and,
having plenty of money, they indulged in them freely, swallowing large
draughts in a raw state. But in June, 1800, while the transports were in
the roads to convey them to Russia, a soldier, who was robbing
vegetables on a small farm, which had been frequently plundered by his
comrades before, was fired at and wounded by the proprietor. This so
exasperated the whole body, that fears were entertained of their
revenging themselves on the inhabitants generally; and as the British
garrison was very small, it required all the tact and conciliation of
the lieutenant-governor, Sir Hew Dalrymple, to prevent an outbreak. The
Russians embarked, but the guns at Castle Cornet were kept shotted to
prevent their relanding.[13] The 49th, on the return of the expedition
from Holland, after remaining a short time in England, was again
quartered in Jersey, where the fine person and manly bearing of
Lieut.-Colonel Brock are still favorably remembered. In return for the
many attentions which he and his officers received in that island, he
obtained an ensigncy in his own regiment for a young man resident there,
whom he afterwards pushed forward in the service, and who died recently
a major-general and a companion of the bath. Early in the year 1801, the
49th was embarked in the fleet destined for the Baltic, under Sir Hyde
Parker; and Lieut.-Colonel Brock was second in command of the land
forces at the memorable attack of Copenhagen, by Lord Nelson, on the 2d
of April. He was appointed to lead the 49th in storming the principal of
the Treckroner batteries, in conjunction with five hundred seamen, under
Captain Fremantle,[14] of the Ganges, of 74 guns; but the protracted and
heroic defence of the Danes rendering the attempt impracticable, Colonel
Brock, during the hard-fought battle, remained on board the Ganges; and
at its close he accompanied Captain Fremantle to the Elephant, 74,
Nelson's flag ship, where he saw the hero[15] write his celebrated
letter to the Crown Prince of Denmark. Savery Brock was also on board
the Ganges, and while in the act of pointing one of her quarter deck
guns, his cocked hat was torn from his head by a grape shot: a naval
officer, who was present, afterwards described the scene which followed
this narrow escape in these words: "I now hear Sir Isaac exclaim, 'Ah!
poor Savery is dead!' But Savery was not an instant on his back; in the
same moment he rubbed his head, assured his brother that he was not
injured, and fired the gun with as much coolness as if nothing had
happened." The effect of the shot passing so near him was such that,
although a remarkably powerful young man, six feet two inches in height,
he was knocked down and stunned for the moment. Of the 49th, Captain
Sharp was badly wounded on board of the Bellona, and Lieutenant Dennis
was wounded on board of the Monarch, which ship had 55 killed and 155
wounded, exclusive of officers, but including 8 soldiers of the 49th
killed, and 20 wounded. In addition to the 49th was a detachment of the
95th, rifles--consisting, we believe, of two companies--under
Lieut.-Colonel the Honorable William Stewart,[16] who was senior officer
of the troops embarked. As such his name was included in the thanks of
Parliament; but we cannot understand why a lieutenant-colonel, with only
two companies, was placed over the head of an officer of equal rank with
his entire regiment, unless indeed the cause was that Lieut.-Colonel
Brock was not an "honorable!" We are not aware that he ever complained
of what appears to us to have been an act of injustice to him, and we
may therefore be wrong in our view of the subject. The British loss, in
killed and wounded, was 953, or 58 more than fell at the battle of the
Nile. In mentioning the loss at Copenhagen, Southey, in his admirable
Life of Nelson, says, on what authority we know not: "Part of this
slaughter might have been spared. The commanding officer of the troops
on board one of our ships, asked where his men should be stationed? He
was told that they could be of no use; that they were not near enough
for musquetry, and were not wanted at the guns; they had, therefore,
better go below. This, he said, was impossible--it would be a disgrace
that could never be wiped away. They were, therefore, drawn up upon the
gangway, to satisfy this cruel point of honor; and there, without the
possibility of annoying the enemy, they were mowed down! The loss of the
Danes, including prisoners, amounted to about 6,000."
John Savery Brock, of whose gallantry mention is made in the preceding
pages, was the next younger brother of Lieut.-Colonel Brock, and had
been in the navy; but it being supposed that he was influential, in the
year 1790, in inducing his brother midshipmen, of the fleet at Spithead,
to sign a round robin against their being subjected to the practice of
mast-heading--one having been hoisted up to the gaff end in an
ignominous manner, because he refused to go to the mast head as a
punishment--he was recommended privately to retire from the service.[17]
Being at this time a tall and high spirited young man of eighteen, it is
not surprising that he deemed such a punishment unnecessarily degrading
to the feelings of an officer, and which has since been very properly
abolished. Had it not been for this circumstance, it is the opinion of a
naval officer of high rank, that Savery Brock would have distinguished
himself and risen to eminence in the navy during the late revolutionary
wars. Some little time after this affair, being in Guernsey, he wished
to go to England, and was offered a passage in the Amazon, frigate,
Captain Reynolds, afterwards Rear-Admiral Reynolds, who perished in the
St. George, of 98 guns, on her return from the Baltic, in 1811. The
Amazon, bound to Portsmouth, left the roadstead late in the afternoon,
and before she was clear of the small Russel--a dangerous passage--night
overtook her. By some accident the pilot mistook the bearings, owing to
the darkness and thick weather. Savery Brock, being acquainted with the
intricate course, was on the fore yard looking out, when he suddenly
espied some rocks towards which the frigate was steering. There was no
time for communication, and, without hesitating an instant, he cried
out in true nautical style: "H-a-r-d up, h-a-r-d up." "H-a-r-d up it
is," replied the helmsman. "H-a-r-d up," repeated Savery in a louder
key. "Gently, young man," said the captain, who was standing forward.
The ship fortunately bore away just in time to clear the rocks, and was
thus saved by the prompt interference of her passenger. We have often
heard him in his latter days tell the story with excusable pride, and he
especially remembered how the crew pointed him out the next morning to
each other, as the young man who had got the ship out of her danger. As
he was without employment, his brother Isaac subsequently procured him
the paymastership of the 49th, which he retained only three or four
years, the office being one quite unfitted to his previous education and
active mind. In 1808, his military zeal induced him to serve for a short
time as an amateur aide-de-camp to Sir John Moore, on the Peninsula. He
married and settled in Guernsey; and whether as a militia colonel, or in
the exercise of a generous hospitality, or, above all, as a projector
and zealous promoter of many public improvements in his native island,
his memory will long live in the recollection of its inhabitants.
When Kean performed in Guernsey, two or three years before his
appearance on the London boards, Savery Brock was enthusiastic in his
admiration, and predicted the future eminence of that celebrated
tragedian, in whose memoirs his name is gratefully mentioned.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 2: With a slight variation, the field being gules instead of
azure. Motto, Vincit Veritas.]
[Footnote 3: Translation from the French by Lord Berners, vol. 2, chap.
39, 40. London Edition, 1815.]
[Footnote 4: The name of this ancient family, second to none in wealth
and station, became extinct in Guernsey, in 1810, on the death of Osmond
De Beauvoir, Esq., when his large property was inherited by distant
relatives.--_Duncan's History of Guernsey_.]
[Footnote 5: Major-General Le Marchant and his eldest son, a captain in
the Foot Guards, who both fell in Spain during the late war, and Captain
Philip Saumarez, who was Lord Anson's first lieutenant in the Centurion,
and was slain in 1747, while commanding the Nottingham, of 64 guns, were
members of those families.]
[Footnote 6: Brock street, at Bath, was named after him by the
projector, in testimony of friendship.]
[Footnote 7: New Annual Register for 1799, page 395.]
[Footnote 8: See the returns in the New Annual Register, for 1799,
Principal Occurrences, page 143. Singularly enough, the loss of the
non-commissioned officers and privates in each corps is not given, but
the casualties among the officers of the 49th exceeded those of any
other regiment engaged on this day, with the exception of the 25th and
92d.]
[Footnote 9: Afterwards Sir John Moore, who fell at Corunna.]
[Footnote 10: Lieut.-Colonel Smith, commanding the 20th, a native of
Guernsey, afterwards Colonel Sir George Smith, aide-de-camp to the king.
He died at Cadiz, in 1809, and was a distinguished officer.]
[Footnote 11: The present General Lord Aylmer, G.C.B., formerly
governor-general of British North America. He was then a captain in the
49th. See Appendix A, Sec. 1, No. 1.]
[Footnote 12: In this engagement, the gallant Lieut.-Colonel Bainbrigge,
of the 20th, was killed. He married Miss Dobrée, of Beauregard,
Guernsey.]
[Footnote 13: Duncan's History of Guernsey.]
[Footnote 14: The late Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas Fremantle, G.C.B.]
[Footnote 15: It is worthy of remark, that Lieut.-Colonel Brock's almost
immediate superiors, during his active service in Europe, fell like
himself in action, as knights of the bath, viz. Sir Ralph Abereromby,
Lord Nelson, and Sir John Moore.]
[Footnote 16: Afterwards Sir W. Stewart, G.C.B., who commanded a
division in the Peninsular war.]
[Footnote 17: While the above was in type, the Duke of Rutland visited
Guernsey in his yacht, and wrote the following note at Detroit, the
residence of the once outcast middy, on whom, while we write this, the
hand of death is but too apparent: "The Duke of Rutland called to pay
his respects to Mr. Savery Brock, and sincerely regrets to find that he
is so unwell. Saturday, July 13, 1844."]
CHAPTER II.
The 49th, on its return from Copenhagen to England, was collected at
Colchester, and in the spring following, (1802,) the regiment sailed for
Canada, which country was destined to bestow on it many additional
laurels, as well as to be the scene of the fame and death of its
commanding officer. In less than eighteen months after the arrival of
the 49th in Canada, and while it was quartered in the upper province, a
serious conspiracy was on the point of breaking out in that part of the
regiment which was in garrison at Fort George, on the Niagara, under the
command of the junior lieutenant-colonel, the head quarters being, we
believe, at York, the capital. This officer, it seems, more by useless
annoyance than by actual severity, had exasperated the men under his
command to that degree that they formed a plot to murder all the
officers present, with the exception of a young man who had recently
joined; and then to cross over to the United States. Far be it from us
to justify the intention, which indeed was highly criminal; but in all
such extreme cases we hold that a sad abuse of power, or a gross want of
tact, must be the exciting cause, and that even in the passive obedience
of a military life, there may be a limit to human endurance. The
proximity of the United States rendered this plot a very feasible one,
as the men in a body could have crossed the river Niagara without
molestation or difficulty. The suspicions of the officer in command
having been aroused, he hastily wrote to Lieut.-Colonel Brock on the
subject, and sent his letter by one of the men, who delivered it as the
latter officer was shooting, or on his return from a shooting excursion.
On reading the letter, and knowing from the character of the man that he
must be engaged in the conspiracy, if there were any, he threatened to
shoot him on the spot, if he did not instantly divulge the names of the
ringleaders. The man, thus taken by surprise, did as he was ordered, and
Lieut.-Colonel Brock hurried off to Fort George. On his arrival he found
the men at dinner, and placing the officers with their drawn swords at
the doors, he went into the rooms with handcuffs, and secured the most
culpable, among whom was a sergeant, none offering the slightest
resistance. The ringleaders were immediately embarked, so as to prevent
any attempt at their rescue.[18] On being tried by a court martial, four
were condemned to suffer death, and, with three deserters, were shot at
Quebec, in presence of the garrison, early in the month of March, 1804.
A most awful and affecting sight it was: the wind was easterly, strong,
and cold,--a thick drift of snow added to the gloom,--and, as if to
increase the horror of the scene, a few of the firing party, fifty-six
in number, instead of advancing to within eight yards of the prisoners,
as was intended, owing to some mistake commenced firing at the distance
of at least fifty yards. The consequence was, that the unhappy wretches
were only partially wounded, and dropped one after another. Nearly forty
shots were fired before one poor fellow in the centre fell, although he
was wounded through the abdomen at the first discharge. The men who had
reserved their fire, were at length ordered up, and, lodging the
contents of their muskets in the breasts of the culprits, by that means
put them out of torture. The unfortunate sufferers declared publicly
that, had they continued under the command of Colonel Brock, they would
have escaped their melancholy end; and, as may be easily conceived, he
felt no little anguish that they, who had so recently and so bravely
fought under him in Holland and at Copenhagen, were thus doomed to end
their lives, the victims of unruly passions inflamed by vexatious
authority. He was now directed to assume the command at Fort George, and
all complaint and desertion instantly ceased.
In the fall of 1805, in October of which year he was made a full
colonel, Colonel Brock returned to Europe on leave; and early in the
following year, he laid before his royal highness the
commander-in-chief the outlines of a plan for the formation of a
veteran battalion, to serve in the Canadas. In support of the plan he
wrote:
"The advantages which may attend the establishment of a corps
such as is here recommended, will be perhaps more clearly
understood by first adverting to some of the causes that
produce the inconvenience to which the troops occupying the
frontier posts of that country are continually exposed.
"A regiment quartered in Upper Canada is generally divided into
eight different parts, several hundred miles asunder, and in
this situation it remains at least three years. Great as is the
evil incidental to a state of separation, even where the mind
is in no danger of being debauched, what may not be apprehended
in a country where both the divided state of the regiment, and
the artifices employed to wean the soldier from his duty,
conspire to render almost ineffectual every effort of the
officers to maintain the usual degree of order and discipline.
The lures to desertion continually thrown out by the Americans,
and the facility with which it can be accomplished, exacting a
more than ordinary precaution on the part of the officers,
insensibly produce mistrust between them and the men, highly
prejudicial to the service.
"Experience has taught me that no regular regiment, however
high its claim to discipline, can occupy the frontier posts of
Lower and Upper Canada without suffering materially in its
numbers. It might have been otherwise some years ago; but now
that the country, particularly the opposite shore, is chiefly
inhabited by the vilest characters, who have an interest in
debauching the soldier from his duty; since roads are opened
into the interior of the States, which facilitate desertion, it
is impossible to avoid the contagion. A total change must be
effected in the minds and views of those who may hereafter be
sent on this duty, before the evil can be surmounted."
In a letter from Lieut.-Colonel Gordon, dated Horse Guards, January 17,
1806, Colonel Brock received the Duke of York's "thanks for the
communication of his very sensible observations respecting the
distribution of the troops in Canada, which his royal highness will not
fail to take into consideration at a seasonable opportunity."[19]
While on a visit to his family and friends in Guernsey, Colonel Brock
deemed the intelligence from the United States to be of so warlike a
character, that he resolved on returning to Canada before his leave was
expired; and such was his anxiety to be at his post, that he overtook at
Cork the Lady Saumarez, a Guernsey vessel, well manned and armed as a
letter of marque, bound to Quebec. He left London on the 26th June,
1806, and hurried away from Europe never to return--never to revisit
those who fondly loved him, not only from ties of kindred, but for his
many endearing qualities; but he had the satisfaction of knowing that
the commander-in-chief was much pleased with the zeal and devotion
evinced by him on this occasion.
Soon after his arrival in Canada, Colonel Brock succeeded, on the 27th
September, 1806, to the command of the troops in the two provinces,
Colonel Bowes[20] having resigned that command on his departure for
England. At this time, the civil government of the lower province was
administered by Mr. President Dunn, and Colonel Brock resided at Quebec,
in command of the forces, until the arrival of the governor-general, Sir
James Craig, in October, 1807, who appointed him to act as a brigadier,
which appointment was confirmed by the king, to date from the 2d of
July, 1808.
_Colonel Brock to Lieut.-Colonel J.W. Gordon._
QUEBEC, September 28, 1806.
I have the honor to acquaint you, for the information of the
commander-in-chief, that Colonel Bowes, preparatory to his
departure for England, has resigned the command of his
majesty's forces in this country, which, as the next senior
officer, devolves on me.
I find great pleasure in reporting to his royal highness the
good order and discipline which, much to the credit of
Lieut.-Colonel Sheaffe, I found on my arrival to prevail
among the eight companies of the 49th regiment, quartered in
this garrison.
It has been the fate of the 49th to be divided, for the last
four years and a half, several hundred miles apart, and
however anxious I must be to assemble the whole together, I
have not, considering the youth of the 100th regiment, which
alone affords me the means of effecting that measure, thought
it prudent to withdraw the company stationed at St. John's and
the other frontier posts of this province, but the one at
Montreal will be relieved this autumn.
Colonel Bowes having complied with Lieut.-Colonel Otway's
earnest application for leave to return to England, I have
appointed Captain Ormsby, of the 49th regiment, an officer of
approved merit, to act as deputy adjutant-general during his
absence; an arrangement which, I presume to hope, his royal
highness will be graciously pleased to sanction.
_Colonel Brock to the Right Hon. W. Windham._
QUEBEC, February 12, 1807.
I have the honor to transmit for your consideration a proposal
of Lieut.-Colonel John M'Donald, late of the Royal Canadian
Volunteers, for raising a corps among the Scotch settlers in
the county of Glengary, Upper Canada.
When it is considered that both the Canadas furnish only two
hundred militia who are trained to arms, the advantages to be
derived from such an establishment must appear very, evident.
The military force in this country is very small, and were it
possible to collect it in time to oppose any serious attempt
upon Quebec, the only tenable post, the number would of itself
be insufficient to ensure a vigorous defence.
This corps, being stationed on the confines of the Lower
Province, would be always immediately and essentially useful
in checking any seditious disposition, which the wavering
sentiments of a large population in the Montreal district
might at any time manifest. In the event of invasion, or other
emergency, this force could be easily and expeditiously
transported by water to Quebec.
The extent of country which these settlers occupy, would make
the permanent establishment of the staff and one sergeant in
each company very advisable. I shall not presume to say how
far the claims of the field officers to the same indulgence
are reasonable and expedient.
In regard to the Rev. Alexander M'Donald, I beg leave to
observe, that the men being all Catholics, it may be deemed a
prudent measure to appoint him chaplain. His zeal and
attachment to Government were strongly evinced whilst filling
the office of chaplain to the Glengary Fencibles during the
rebellion in Ireland, and were graciously acknowledged by his
royal highness the commander-in-chief.
His influence over the men is deservedly great, and I have
every reason to think that the corps, by his exertions, would
be soon completed, and hereafter become a nursery from which
the army might draw a number of hardy recruits.
* * * * *
The following letter affords a good idea of the confidential report of a
general officer on the state of a regiment after its periodical
inspection.
_Colonel Brock to the Adjutant-General of His Majesty's Forces._
QUEBEC, March 17, 1807.
In obedience to the commander-in-chief's commands,
communicated to me in your letter dated 20th November last, I
shall proceed to state, for His Royal Highness's information,
such observations as a strict attention to the conduct and
interior economy of the 100th[21] regiment during the
preceding six months has enabled me to make.
The greatest praise is justly due to Lieut.-Colonel Murray,
who has commanded, with only a short interval, from the first
formation of the regiment to the present time, for his
unremitting care and attention to the several important duties
of his office.
The good effects of his exertions and intelligence are
strikingly visible in every department of the corps. He has
been ably supported by Major Hamilton and the rest of his
officers, who on all occasions evince the utmost zeal for the
service, and the highest respect and attachment towards his
person. He has succeeded in establishing an interior
discipline and economy, which I have never before witnessed in
so young a corps, and scarcely seen surpassed by any, and in a
way too the most satisfactory to the feelings of an officer.
Although I trust the garrison duty at Quebec is carried on
with every regard to the safety of the place, together with
the strictest attention to all prescribed forms and
regulations, yet the winter has nearly passed without a single
instance of neglect or misconduct having occurred among the
100th regiment; and it is a pleasing task to report, that so
exemplarily have the men behaved, that, even regimentally,
only one corporal punishment has been inflicted for the last
three months.
I am now speaking of men who, being nearly all Irish, are of
all others the most volatile and easily led astray. Should
they, therefore, hereafter be seduced by the various
temptations by which they are surrounded, I hope to escape the
imputation of judging too hastily and partially. The men were
principally raised in the north of Ireland, and are nearly all
Protestants; they are robust, active, and good looking.
The troops in this country are precluded, by the severity of
the climate during seven months in the year, from exercising
out of doors: it cannot, therefore, be expected that the 100th
regiment can, considering the little practice it has had in
the field, and after such a long interval, be very expert in
its manoeuvres; but as Lieut.-Colonel Murray possesses both
capacity and inclination, and as a good foundation is already
laid, the most rapid progress may be expected so soon as the
season enables him to commence his labours.
A large room has been allotted in the barracks to the purposes
of drilling with arms, from which the garrison has derived
essential benefit.
The clothing for the present year is all fitted, and appears
very good. Every man is provided with a great coat, agreeably
to His Majesty's regulations; but as the great coat is
necessarily worn on all occasions for six months in the year,
it cannot by the strictest economy be made to last the
specified time. Those of the 100th have been two years in
wear, and are so far expended, that they will become wholly
unserviceable before next winter. I know of no other
alternative but supplying others at the charge of the men,
which opinion I have given to Lieut.-Colonel Murray, who
applied to me on the subject.
The messes have been all along abundantly provided. Indeed,
the soldiers in this country live in a perfect state of luxury
unknown any where else.
The non-commissioned officers and privates acknowledge to have
received every thing which is their due in respect to pay and
clothing. One man claims a part of his bounty, which, he says,
has been withheld. A regimental court martial has already
decided against him, but the business shall again be
investigated by a garrison court martial.
Lieut.-Colonel Murray has reported to me, that there are
several men in his regiment who claim bounty, but as only one
complained at the inspection, the remainder must be satisfied
that he is doing his utmost to recover what is actually their
due.
The hospital is in as complete order as the house which has
been hired for that purpose can admit. Indeed, the troops in
garrison are much inconvenienced for want of permanent
hospitals. There were three cases of fever; the remainder of
the patients were chiefly attacked with a disease too
prevalent among young soldiers. Three men are unfit for
service, being frost-bitten.
The men are supplied with necessaries in conformity to his
majesty's regulations.
_Colonel Brock to the Adjutant-General of His Majesty's Forces._
QUEBEC, July 1, 1807.
I have the honor to transmit herewith the inspection return of
the 41st regiment for two distinct periods, viz. September 1,
1806, and March 1, 1807.
Some inaccuracies being found in the September return
previously received, it was sent back to Lieut.-Colonel
Proctor, at Fort George, for correction. This circumstance and
the distance of the place, account for the delay which has
occurred in complying, in the present instance, with the
commands of his royal highness the commander-in-chief.
The very great distance of the quarters the 41st now occupy,
has prevented my making personally the periodical inspection
of that regiment required by my instructions. But its
dispersed state and the many evils by which it is surrounded
will, however great the zeal and intelligence of
Lieut.-Colonel Proctor and the other officers, so far affect
the discipline and morals of the men, as to justify my saying
that both the one and the other must, without the possibility
of a remedy, progressively suffer in proportion as the
regiment remains stationed in the Upper Province. The 41st
regiment, having a considerable number of old soldiers, is
better calculated for that service than either the 49th or
100th regiments, and no change is therefore meditated.
Not being possessed with the means of making a more
circumstantial report of the state of the 41st regiment, I
have only to add, in justice to the officers commanding posts,
that they evince in their communications with head quarters
much attention and sound judgment.
Contemplating the probable arrival of a general officer by the
fleet daily expected from England, I have so far presumed to
deviate from my instructions as to postpone making the
periodical inspection of the regiments quartered in this
garrison, conceiving that his royal highness the
commander-in-chief would esteem a report coming from such a
high source more satisfactory, than if I were to undertake the
task in my present situation, which may naturally be supposed,
in some degree, to bias my judgment.
* * * * *
On the 17th July, 1807, in consequence of an expected rupture between
England and the United States, Colonel Brock addressed a letter to Mr.
President Dunn, in which he said that the number of militia armed and
instructed in the province did not exceed 300, while he thought that as
many thousands could easily, and with perfect safety, be formed into
corps; and that Quebec, the only military post in the country, was not
in a condition to make much defence against an active enemy, as the
walls on the western side were old and decayed, and could not possibly
sustain a continued heavy fire. He added, that he wished to throw up
such works as would remedy this glaring defect; but as the garrison was
totally inadequate to such an undertaking, he required from 600 to 1,000
men every day for six weeks or two months, besides a vast number of
carts, &c., to complete the necessary defences of the citadel. This
letter being submitted to the council, that body replied, that the only
means by which assistance could be given by the civil government to the
military, in the manner proposed by Colonel Brock, would be by embodying
a proportion of the militia according to law, the men for which service
must be taken from different parts of the province. And that as this
measure had only once before been resorted to in the province, on which
occasion a decided disobedience was generally manifested, and was again
to be anticipated, the council inquired of Colonel Brock whether he had
the means, and would furnish them, to enforce the attendance of the
militia, who, when embodied, were entitled to the same pay and
allowances as the king's troops. The council further informed Colonel
Brock that it would meet again the next day, for the purpose of taking
into consideration any representation, in writing, which he might think
proper to make in answer to their communication, and that, if convenient
to him, they requested his personal attendance. His reply was as
follows:
QUEBEC, 23d July, 1807.
Colonel Brock has perused with attention the proceedings of
his honor the president in council, communicated to him by Mr.
Ryland, and begs leave to observe, that in addressing his
honor on the 17th instant, it was far from his intention to
assume a political character.
His sole object was to state the assistance required by the
military to remedy a glaring defect in the fortifications of
Quebec, should his honor conceive that preparatory measures
were necessary to be adopted in consequence of the event which
recently occurred between his majesty's ship Leopard and the
American frigate Chesapeake, but more particularly the
subsequent aggressive provisions contained in the proclamation
of the American government.
In thus complying with the dictates of his duty, Colonel Brock
was not prepared to hear that the population of the province,
instead of affording him ready and effectual support, might
probably add to the number of his enemies; and he feels much
disappointment in being informed by the first authority, that
the only law in any degree calculated to answer the end
proposed was likely, if attempted to be enforced, to meet with
such general opposition as to require the aid of the military
to give it even a momentary impulse.
Colonel Brock is therefore obliged to observe, that the
officer commanding certainly would not choose the time when
the troops may every instant be called upon for the defence of
Quebec, to disperse them over the country in aid of the civil
government, coercively collecting a body of men, which, under
such circumstances, would be of more detriment than service to
the regular army. Colonel Brock cannot, therefore, look for
any assistance from that quarter, but, should an emergency
arise, he is confident that voluntary offers of service will
be made by a considerable number of brave and loyal subjects,
and feels himself justified in saying, that even now several
gentlemen are ready to come forward and enroll into companies
men on whose fidelity they can safely rely.
It remains with his honor to determine the degree of
countenance which ought to be given to such sentiments.
Colonel Brock will be at all times proud to attend
deliberations of his honor in council.
_Colonel Brock to Lord Viscount Castlereagh._
QUEBEC, July 25, 1807.
I think it my duty to transmit for your lordship's information
a copy of the communication that has passed between his honor
the president and me, relative to the military situation of
this country.
Your Lordship will perceive from the minutes of the council,
how very inadequate the militia law is to afford assistance to
the regular force, and the degree of dependance that may be
placed on the population of this province.
My own observations, however, enable me to assure your
Lordship, that a respectable force might be trained and
rendered exceedingly useful on any exigency, were the least
encouragement given to the spirit which at present pervades a
certain class to volunteer their services.
To such characters arms might be safely entrusted, but I
certainly would consider an indiscriminate distribution to the
militia, were it possible to collect it, as highly imprudent
and dangerous.
What I stated to his honor the president respecting the
weakness of the works along the whole of the west front of
this garrison, is consonant to the opinion transmitted by the
officers of engineers and artillery, in their half-yearly
periodical report, to the master-general of the ordnance.
To a question from the president, viz. "Should the council
conceive it necessary to call out the militia, whether I
thought myself warranted to issue pay and provisions to them?"
I answered, Certainly not: that in all British Colonies, of
which I had any knowledge, they on all such occasions defrayed
their own expenses.
The consideration that there is about £30,000 in the civil
chest, which cannot be applied to its object until next
spring, and the ease with which the error I may have fallen
into might be remedied, induced me to be so positive upon a
subject, regarding which I am without instructions.
_Colonel Brock to Lieut.-Colonel J.W. Gordon._
QUEBEC, Sept. 6, 1807.
It is impossible to view the late hostile measures of the
American government towards England, without considering a
rupture between the two countries as probable to happen.
I have in consequence been anxious that such precautionary
measures might be taken as the case seemed to justify; but his
honor the president has not judged it proper to adopt any
other step, than merely to order one-fifth of the militia,
which amounts to about 10,000 men, to hold itself in readiness
to march on the shortest notice.
The men thus selected for service being scattered along an
extensive line of four or five hundred miles, unarmed and
totally unacquainted with every thing military, without
officers capable of giving them instruction, considerable time
would naturally be required before the necessary degree of
order and discipline could be introduced among them. I
therefore very much doubt whether, in the event of actual war,
this force could assemble in time, and become useful.
Without considerable assistance from the militia, the few
regulars which might be spared from this garrison could avail
nothing against the force the Americans would suddenly
introduce by various roads into this province.
The Canadians have unquestionably shewn a great willingness
upon this occasion to be trained, and, I make not the least
doubt, would oppose with vigour any invasion of the
Americans--but how far the same sentiments would actuate them
were a French force to join, I will not undertake to say; at
any rate, I feel that every consideration of prudence and
policy ought to determine me to keep in Quebec a sufficient
force to secure its safety; the number of troops that could
therefore be safely detached would be small, notwithstanding a
great deal might be done, in conjunction with the militia, in
a country intersected in every direction by rivers, deep
ravines, and lined, at intervals on both sides the road, by
thick woods.
From every information I can receive, the Americans are busily
employed in drilling and forming their militia, and openly
declare their intention of entering this province the instant
war is determined upon; they will be encouraged to adopt this
step from the very defenceless state of our frontiers; the
means at my disposal are too limited to oppose them with
effect in the open field, and I shall be constrained, unless
his honor the president make exertions, which I do not think
him at this moment disposed to do, to confine myself to the
defence of Quebec.
I have hastened the completion of the works which enclose the
upper town of Quebec, and I have thought myself justified in
causing a battery of eight 36-pounders to be raised sixteen
feet upon the cavalier in the centre of the citadel, which
will effectually command the opposite heights.
Although these remarks may be premature, I yet conceive it my
duty to give his royal highness the commander-in-chief a view
of my real situation.
I must freely confess that I am unable to account for the
motives which seem at present to guide the councils of this
province. Voluntary offers of service have been made by
numbers, on whose loyalty the utmost reliance can be placed,
to form themselves into corps of cavalry, artillery, and
infantry, at little or no expense to government, provided they
were furnished with arms; but this liberal spirit has not been
encouraged by the president.
I have the honor to report, that at a recent interview I had
at Montreal with Lieut.-Governor Gore, it was judged expedient
that his excellency should assume the command in the upper
province. I regretted exceedingly that I could not, with
propriety, detach troops in support of the spirited exertions
whioh will be immediately made to place that country in a
respectable state of defence. He has been supplied with four
thousand muskets from the king's arsenal at Quebec, and with
various military stores of which he stood in need: this leaves
in my possession only seven thousand muskets for the use of
the militia of this province, and to supply, as far as they
will go, every other emergency.
_Sir James Craig to Colonel Brock_.
H.M.S. Horatio, Oct. 16, 1807.
His majesty having been pleased to appoint me to the chief
government of the British provinces in America, as well as to
the command of his forces in these parts, I do myself the
pleasure to announce to you my arrival in the river, to take
these charges upon me.
Lieut.-Colonel Baynes, the adjutant-general, and Major
Thornton, my secretary and first aide-decamp, will deliver you
this, and will inform you of the very miserable state of my
health, which obliges me to write to Mr. Dunn, to entreat that
he will permit my landing to be as private as possible. Of you
I must make the same request. A salute may be proper, but I
beg nothing more may be done: my object must be to get to the
château as speedily and with as little fatigue as possible.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 18: Owing to the difficulty, after the lapse of above forty
years, of obtaining the particulars of this event from any officer
present, the preceding account may be slightly inaccurate
notwithstanding our diligent inquiries, but we doubt not that it is
substantially correct.]
[Footnote 19: The 10th Royal Veteran Battalion arrived in Canada the
year following.]
[Footnote 20: Afterwards Major-General Barnard Foord Bowes, slain on the
27th June, 1812, while leading the troops to the assault of the forts of
Salamanca. Monuments in St. Paul's, to the memory of Major-General Bowes
and of Sir Isaac Brock, were voted in the House of Commons on the same
day, 20th July, 1813.]
[Footnote 21: On the passage of the 100th to Quebec, in 1805, one of the
transports was wrecked on the 21st October, on the coast of
Newfoundland; and Major Bertram, three captains, six lieutenants, the
assistant-surgeon, and about 260 men of the regiment, miserably
perished.]
CHAPTER III.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers_.
MONTREAL, July 20, 1808.
I have written to all of you since the navigation opened, and
the only letters I have received from any of the family for
several months came from Irving, who, to do him justice, is
infinitely the most attentive and regular correspondent among
you.
My appointment to be brigadier I first announced by the March
mail. Those who feel an interest in my prosperity will rejoice
in my good fortune, as this distinguished mark of favor
affords undeniable proof that my conduct, during the period of
my command, was approved;--a great gratification, considering
the many difficulties I had to encounter. I once thought I
should be ordered to the upper province, but General Ferguson
being among the newly appointed major-generals, will not now
probably visit this country. In that case, I stand a very good
chance of succeeding him, both in rank and in the command of
Quebec, where it was intended he should be stationed.
What will be the result of our present unsettled relations
with the neighbouring republic, it is very difficult to say.
The government is composed of such unprincipled men, that to
calculate on it by the ordinary rules of action would be
perfectly absurd. We have completely outwitted Jefferson in
all his schemes to provoke us to war. He had no other view in
issuing his restrictive proclamation; but, failing in that, he
tried what the embargo would produce, and there he has been
foiled again. Certainly, our administration is deserving of
every praise for their policy on these occasions. Jefferson
and his party, however strong the inclination, dare not
declare war, and therefore they endeavour to attain their
object by every provocation. A few weeks since, the garrison
of Niagara fired upon seven merchant boats passing the fort,
and actually captured them. Considering the circumstances
attending this hostile act, it is but too evident it was
intended to provoke retaliation: these boats fired upon and
taken within musket shot of our own fort; their balls falling
on our shore, was expected to have raised the indignation of
the most phlegmatic; fortunately, the commandant was not in
the way, as otherwise it is difficult to say what would have
happened. A representation of this affair has been made at
Washington, and, for an act certainly opposed to existing
treaties, we have been referred for justice to the ordinary
course of the law! If our subjects cannot command impunity
from capture under the guns of our own forts, it were better
to demolish them at once rather than witness and suffer such
indignity. By the treaties which have expired, the navigation
of the waters that divide the two countries is regulated and
stipulated to be still in force, although every other part
should cease to be obligatory.
I get on here pretty well, but this place loses at this season
the undoubted advantage it possesses over Quebec in winter.
Great additions are making to the fortifications at Quebec,
and, when completed, the Americans will, if I mistake not,
think it prudent not to trouble the place, for they can have
no chance of making any impression upon it during the short
period which the severity of the climate only permits an enemy
to lay before it. I erected, as I believe I told you before, a
famous battery, which the public voice named after me; but Sir
James, thinking very properly that any thing so very
pre-eminent should be distinguished by the most exalted
appellation, has called it the King's Battery, the greatest
compliment, I conceive, that he could pay to my judgment.[22]
Not a desertion has been attempted by any of the 49th for the
last ten months, with the exception indeed of Hogan, Savery's
former servant. He served Glegg in the same capacity, who took
him with him to the Falls of Niagara, where a fair damsel
persuaded him to this act of madness, for the fellow cannot
possibly gain his bread by labour, as he has half killed
himself with excessive drinking; and we know he cannot live
upon love alone. The weather has been exceedingly hot the last
week, the thermometer fluctuating from 94 degrees to 100
degrees in the shade. The embargo has proved a famous harvest
to some merchants here. It is certainly the most ridiculous
measure imaginable, and was evidently adopted with the view of
pleasing France; but no half measure can satisfy Napoleon, and
this colony has been raised by it to a degree of importance
that ensures its future prosperity.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers_.
QUEBEC, September 5, 1808.
I have been here but a few days, having been superseded at
Montreal by Major-General Drummond. I do not approve much of
the change, as being separated from the 49th is a great
annoyance to me. But soldiers must accustom themselves to
frequent movements; and as they have no choice, it often
happens that they are placed in situations little agreeing
with their inclinations. My nominal appointment has been
confirmed at home, so that I am really a brigadier. Were the
49th ordered hence, the rank would not be a sufficient
inducement to keep me in this country. In such a case, I would
throw it up willingly.
Curious scenes appear to have occurred in the Baltic. I fear
very much that Sir James (Saumarez) may be induced to return
to his retirement in Guernsey. Indeed, the navy has little
left to do, while the army has now a glorious opportunity of
distinguishing itself as much as the sister service. Valour
the British troops always possessed, but unless they evince
discipline, their fame will be blasted for a century to come.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers_.
QUEBEC, November 19, 1808.
Yesterday Irving's letter of the 19th September reached me.
How very thankful I feel for his attention. But I have not
received that which he mentions Savery had written on the same
day, giving an account of his proceedings in Spain and
Portugal. This is a truly mortifying disappointment, as it is
impossible to discover by the public prints the mystery by
which the conduct of our officers has been influenced. The
precaution which Irving took to transcribe a part of the
letter, has proved very lucky. Notwithstanding, I look for the
original with unusual impatience, as Savery's opinion must be
formed upon what he saw in full practice in the best
disciplined army that ever, I imagine, left England. His
observations are never thrown away.
I am still confined to my room, more indeed on account of the
badness of the weather than any want of progress in my
recovery. We have had very hard gales from the East. The
Iphigenia frigate, with her convoy, could not have cleared the
land, and the greatest apprehension is entertained for her
safety. Her commander, Captain Lambert, is a friend of George
Brock. I find him an exceedingly good fellow; and I have
reason to think that he left us well satisfied with the
attention he received from me.[23]
Sir James Craig has certain intimation of the appointment of
Colonel Baron de Rottenburg, of the 60th, to be a brigadier in
this country, and he is daily looked for. This most probably
will make a change in my situation, as one must go to the
upper province, and, as he is senior, he will doubtless have
the choice. My object is to get home as soon as I can obtain
permission; but unless our affairs with America be amicably
adjusted, of which I see no probability, I scarcely can expect
to be permitted to move. I rejoice Savery has begun to exert
himself to get me appointed to a more active situation. I must
see service, or I may as well, and indeed much better, quit
the army at once, for no one advantage can I reasonably look
to hereafter if I remain buried in this inactive, remote
corner, without the least mention being made of me. Should Sir
James Saumarez return from the Baltic crowned with success, he
could, I should think, say a good word for me to some purpose.
Vincent[24] is doing extremely well. I however dread the
severity of a winter upon his shattered frame. I must
contrive to meet and dissipate the dull hours with my good
friends of the 49th. I have prevailed upon Sir James to
appoint Sergeant Robinson, master of the band, to a situation
in the commissariat at Sorel, worth 3s. 6d. a day, with
subaltern's lodging money and other allowances. He married a
Jersey lass, whose relatives may inquire for him.
* * * * *
It will be seen by the next letter and a few others which follow, that
Sir Isaac Brock was well aware of the existence among the French
Canadians of a spirit of disaffection, which, in 1837, broke out into
open rebellion, the suppression of which earned Sir John Colborne (the
present Lord Seaton) his peerage. The outbreak caused great loss of
life, and considerable expense arising not only from the hurried
dispatch to Quebec of a large body of troops from Nova Scotia and
England, but from the retention in the Canadas of about 10,000 men for a
few years, to overawe the disaffected, and to repress the piratical
incursions of the citizens of the United States in their favor.
_Brigadier Brock to his brother William_.
QUEBEC, December 31, 1809.
You will long since have been convinced that the American
government is determined to involve the two countries in a
war; they have already given us legitimate cause, but, if
wise, we will studiously avoid doing that for which they shew
so great an anxiety. Their finances, you will perceive, are
very low, and they dare not propose direct taxes. They must
have recourse to loans at a time when they have only six
frigates in commission, and about five thousand men embodied.
To what a state of poverty and wretchedness would the
accumulated expenses of war reduce them! But they look to the
success of their privateers for a supply, and contemplate the
sweeping away of all foreign debts as the means of reducing
the calls upon their treasury. Whatever steps England may
adopt, I think she cannot, in prudence, avoid sending a strong
military force to these provinces, as they are now become of
infinite importance to her. You can scarcely conceive the
quantity of timber and spars of all kinds which are lying on
the beach, ready for shipment to England in the spring: four
hundred vessels would not be sufficient to take all away.
Whence can England be supplied with these essential articles
but from the Canadas? Bonaparte, it is known, has expressed a
strong desire to be in possession of the colonies formerly
belonging to France, and now that they are become so valuable
to England, his anxiety to wrest them from us will naturally
increase. A small French force, 4 or 5,000 men, with plenty of
muskets, would most assuredly conquer this province. The
Canadians would join them almost to a man--at least, the
exceptions would be so few as to be of little avail. It may
appear surprising that men, petted as they have been and
indulged in every thing they could desire, should wish for a
change. But so it is--and I am apt to think that were
Englishmen placed in the same situation, they would shew even
more impatience to escape from French rule. How essentially
different are the feelings of the people from when I first
knew them. The idea prevails generally among them, that
Napoleon must succeed, and ultimately get possession of these
provinces. The bold and violent are becoming every day more
audacious; and the timid, with that impression, think it
better and more prudent to withdraw altogether from the
society of the English, rather than run the chance of being
accused hereafter of partiality to them. The consequence is,
that little or no intercourse exists between the two races.
More troops will be required in this country, were it only to
keep down this growing turbulent spirit. The governor will, it
is foreseen, have a difficult card to play next month with the
assembly, which is really getting too daring and arrogant.
Every victory which Napoleon has gained for the last nine
years, has made the disposition here to resist more manifest.
_Brigadier Brock to his sister-in-law, Mrs. W. Brock_.
QUEBEC, June 8, 1810.
It was my decided intention to ask for leave to go to England
this fall, but I have now relinquished the thought. Several
untoward circumstances combine to oppose my wishes. The spirit
of insubordination lately manifested by the French Canadian
population of this colony, naturally called for precautionary
measures, and our worthy chief is induced, in consequence, to
retain in this country those on whom he can best confide. I am
highly flattered in being reckoned among the number, whatever
inward disappointment I may feel. Some unpleasant events have
likewise happened in the upper country, which have occasioned
my receiving intimation to proceed thither, whether as a
permanent station, or merely as a temporary visit, Sir James
Craig has not determined. Should, however, a senior brigadier
to myself come out in the course of the summer, I shall
certainly be fixed in the upper province, and there is every
probability of such an addition very soon. Since all my
efforts to get more actively employed have failed; since fate
decrees that the best portion of my life is to be wasted in
inaction in the Canadas, I am rather pleased with the prospect
of removing upwards.
There is a lady living at Barnet for whom I feel much
interested. If you should by chance drive that way, and do not
object to form a new acquaintance, I wish you to call upon
her. She is the wife of Captain Manners, of the 49th, and the
daughter of the celebrated Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia. She has
a most amiable disposition and genteel manners. Her sister,
Mrs. Ross Cuthbert, a charming little creature, makes her
husband--my most intimate friend, and with whom I pass a
great part of my leisure hours--a most happy man.
I received the other day a long and exceedingly well written
letter from Henrietta Tupper--she is really a charming
girl. What Maria[25] (Potenger) do you begin to slacken in
your attention to your poor devoted uncle?
_Brigadier Brock to his brother Irving_.
QUEBEC, July 9, 1810.
I have a thousand thanks to offer you for the very great
attention you have shewn in executing my commissions: the
different articles arrived in the very best order, with the
exception of the cocked hat, which has not been received--a
most distressing circumstance, as, from the enormity of my
head[26], I find the utmost difficulty in getting a substitute
in this country.
I proposed writing to you early to-morrow, but Sir James
having this instant intimated his intention of sending me
upwards immediately, I avail myself of an hour's leisure to do
that hastily which I would gladly have done quietly, and,
consequently, more fully. If I am to remain in this country, I
care little where I am placed; but going up, as I do now,
without knowing whether I am to stay or return, is
particularly awkward, and interferes materially in all my
future arrangements: perhaps I shall be able to get the point
settled before I commence my journey.
Every thing here remains in a state of perfect quietness. It
is but too evident that the Canadians generally are becoming
daily more anxious to get rid of the English. This they cannot
effect unless a French force come to their aid, and I do not
think that Bonaparte would risk the loss of a fleet and army
for the chance of getting possession of the country. What
infatuation! No people had ever more cause to rejoice at their
fate; but they are not singular, as all mankind seems prone to
change, however disadvantageous or productive of confusion.
Savery forwarded your pamphlet to me. You have taken a very
proper view of the political dissensions which at this moment
disgrace England. Those to whom I have allowed a perusal, and
who are infinitely better judges than I can pretend to be,
speak of the purity of the language in terms of high
approbation. You have happily suited the style to the matter.
Several copies have, within a few days, been in circulation
here. Savery speaks of a letter you received, in consequence,
from Lord Melville. I hope you will not fail in sending me a
copy, as I am all anxiety for your literary fame. As you
differ in sentiment from the Edinburgh Review, I hope that you
have made up your mind to an unmerciful lashing.
I do not see the smallest prospect of my getting away from
here, as the disposition manifested by the Canadians will
occasion a large military force to be kept in the country, and
it will serve as a plea to retain all at their posts. I wish
that I could boast of a little more patience than I feel I now
possess.
The fortifications of Quebec are improving pretty rapidly, but
workmen cannot be procured in sufficient number to proceed as
fast as government would wish. Labourers now get 7s. 6d. a
day, and artificers from 12s. to 15s. Upwards of three hundred
vessels have already arrived--a prodigious number.
_Brigadier Brock to his sister-in-law, Mrs. William Brock._
QUEBEC, July 10, 1810.
I cannot allow the frigate to depart without sending my
affectionate love to you. A Guernsey vessel arrived a few days
ago, which brought me a letter from Savery of 10th May, and
nothing could be more gratifying than the contents. The May
fleet, which sailed from Portsmouth the 24th, reached this in
thirty days, but as it had not a scrape of a pen for me, its
arrival did not interest me. We have been uncommonly gay the
last fortnight: two frigates at anchor, and the arrival of
Governor Gore from the upper province, have given a zest to
society. Races, country and water parties, have occupied our
time in a continued round of festivity. Such stimulus is
highly necessary to keep our spirits afloat. I contributed my
share to the general mirth in a grand dinner given to Mrs.
Gore, at which Sir J. Craig was present, and a ball to a vast
assemblage of all descriptions.
I mentioned in a former letter my apprehensions of being
ordered to the upper province. I return this moment from
waiting upon Sir James, who sent for me, to say he regretted
he must part with me, as he found it absolutely necessary that
I should proceed upwards without delay. I am placed in a very
awkward predicament, as my stay in that country depends wholly
upon contingencies. Should a brigadier arrive I am to be
stationary, but otherwise return to Quebec. Nothing could be
more provoking and inconvenient than this arrangement. Unless
I take up every thing with me, I shall be miserably off, for
nothing beyond eatables is to be had there; and in case I
provide the requisites to make my abode in the winter in any
way comfortable, and then be ordered back, the expense will be
ruinous. But I must submit to all this without repining, and
since I cannot get to Europe, I care little where I am placed.
I have the most delightful garden imaginable, with abundance
of melons and other good things, all which I must now desert.
What am I to tell you from this out-of-the-way place. Your old
friends of the 49th are well, but scattered in small
detachments all over the country. They are justly great
favorites at head quarters. I mentioned in a former letter my
wish that, provided you could make it perfectly convenient,
you would call upon Mrs. Manners, the wife of a captain of
the 49th. I am satisfied that you would, after a short
acquaintance, approve of her much--she is all goodness. By the
last accounts they resided at Barnet.
I have no doubt that Maria and Zelia (Potenger, his nieces)
continue to conduct themselves in such a manner as to reward
you amply for the unbounded kindness you have all along shewn
them. If I am able in the fall to procure handsome skins for
muffs worth their acceptance, I shall send some to the dear
little girls: they ought, however, to write to me. There are
few here brought up with the advantages they have received;
indeed, the means for education are very limited for both
sexes in this colony. Heaven preserve you. I shall probably
begin my journey upwards in the course of a few days.
* * * * *
Brigadier Brock accordingly proceeded to the Upper Province, Baron de
Rottenburg having replaced him at Quebec, and, with the exception of a
few months in 1811, during which he visited Lower Canada, he continued
in command of the troops there till his death, Lieut.-Governor Gore at
first administering the civil government.
_Colonel Baynes, the Adjutant-General, to Brigadier Brock, at Fort
George._
QUEBEC, September 6, 1810.
The Brigadier-General (Baron de Rottenburg) is Sir James'
(Craig) senior in age by a year, but is still strong and
active, and looks much younger. I am well pleased with the
little I have seen of him, which by the bye is very little,
for I only returned yesterday from Sorel. Mrs. de
Rottenburg[27] has made a complete conquest of all hearts. She
is in reality remarkably handsome, both in face and figure,
and her manners uncommonly pleasing, graceful, and affable.
There is, I fancy, a very great disparity of years. They both
speak English very fluently, and with very little foreign
accent. Sir James (Craig) is remarkably well: we celebrated
the anniversary of his sixtieth year yesterday at a very
pleasant party at Powell Place. Our general court martial is
over, and will be published in orders to-morrow. A soldier,
who was under sentence of death for desertion from the 101st
regiment, and transferred to the 8th, and a Jonathan of the
Canadians, who is considered a ringleader, are sentenced to be
shot; the others, a dozen in number, are to be transported to
serve for life in the African corps.
_Brigadier Brock to his Brothers._
FORT GEORGE, Sept. 13, 1810.
My good and dear friends,--I have been of late so much upon
the move, that I had no thought of writing to you, and no
letters of yours put me in mind that I should do so. Here I am
stationed for some time, unless I succeed in the application I
mean to make shortly for permission to visit England. At
present Vincent, Glegg, and Williams, 49th, enliven this
lonesome place. They are here as members of a general court
martial, and are soon to depart, when I shall be left to my
own reflections. Should I be so lucky as to obtain leave, I
shall not commence my journey to New York until after
Christmas. Baron de Rottenburg, a senior brigadier, has
arrived at Quebec, where he remains. His presence
unquestionably diminishes my prospects in this country, and I
should stand evidently in my own light if I did not court
fortune elsewhere.
I have been as far as Detroit, a delightful country, far
exceeding any thing I had seen on this continent.
I have not had a letter from Europe since May, and wish you to
write to me by way of New York. I avail myself of an
unexpected passenger to scribble this in the presence of many
of the court, who tell me it is time to resume our labours;
therefore, my beloved brothers, adieu. I shall write again in
a few days, viâ New York.
_Colonel Baynes to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George._
QUEBEC, October 4, 1810.
By yesterday's post, I was favored with your letter of the 23d
ultimo. I regret that so much trouble should have been
occasioned to so little purpose, the more so as I apprehend an
example to be much called for in the 100th regiment. Murray
seems sanguine that the regiment will go on better under his
rule, and that he knows the men better. I hope his conjecture
may prove well founded, but I fear they are too wild a set to
thrive in Upper Canada.
As I felt at a loss how to introduce the subject of your
personal views and wishes, I gave Sir James your letter to
read; it did not, however, draw from him any remark on those
topics. I know that he is very strongly impressed with the
necessity of having a person like yourself for some time in
the Upper Province, that a scrutinizing eye may correct the
errors and neglect that have crept in, and put all in order
again; and, _in confidence between ourselves_, I do not think
he would be more ready to part with you from that station, in
consequence of the arrival of Colonel Murray, who is not at
all to his taste, and has managed, by a most indiscreet and
indecent conversation at his table, to blot himself out of his
good opinion. The conversation was on the subject of Cobbett,
and the colonel's the only dissenting voice, which he exerted
with the more energy in proportion to the badness of his
cause, and after defending him in a style and language highly
indecorous, and reprehensible to be held at the table of the
governor, he so completely forgot himself as to repeat and
justify the very offensive and illiberal publications of
Cobbett respecting the German troops and foreign officers,
although sitting directly opposite to General de Rottenburg.
Sir James, who was suffering extremely from the commencement
of a very severe attack of illness, could contain himself no
longer, and silenced Murray by a very severe but highly just
rebuke. Rottenburg appeared much hurt, and said to me that he
was very sorry to find that any officer, entrusted with the
honor of commanding a corps, could take a pleasure in exposing
such sentiments as he had heard from Colonel M. Colonel Kempt,
who naturally feels much interested for his young cousin,
(Mrs. Murray,) and who really deserves and merits it for her
own sake, was much mortified and vexed at Murray's
impropriety.[28]
The charms of Mrs. de Rottenburg have not effaced you from the
recollection of your friends, who very sincerely regret your
absence.
_Lieut.-Colonel Thornton[29] (Military Secretary and first Aide-de-Camp)
to Brigadier Brock_.
QUEBEC, October 4, 1810.
I was yesterday favored with your letter of the 23d ultimo,
and have not failed to communicate to Sir James your account
and your charity towards the poor old fellow, formerly of the
king's.[30] He has in consequence directed the allowance of
the ration to be authorized and continued to him, for which
purpose I must request his Christian name and the date of the
first issue, but I am to remind you of the danger of
establishing a precedent of this nature, and to request in the
general's name that you will refrain as much as possible from
indulging the natural benevolence of your disposition in this
way, as he has hitherto resisted all applications of this
sort.
Your successor, as commandant of Quebec, is certainly much to
be esteemed--a good kind of man, and devoted to his
profession--but it is vanity in the extreme to attempt to
describe the general admiration and estimation of his _cara et
dolce sposa_: she is young, (twenty-three,) fair,
beautiful,--lively, discreet, witty, affable,--in short, so
engaging, or rather so fascinating, that neither the courier
nor my paper will admit of my doing her justice; however, from
what I have said it is necessary further to add and explain,
that this is not my opinion alone but that of the public.
Two hundred volunteers for Colonel Zouch, from other veteran
battalions, have just arrived and landed: the regiment is to
be completed in this manner to one thousand.
_Colonel Baynes to Brigadier Brock._
QUEBEC, October 11, 1810.
Sir James has conversed with me fully on the subject of your
wish for leave, and prefaced it by declaring himself very
desirous on his part to forward your views as far as he could
do so with propriety, but that he had written in such strong
terms, urging the necessity of a third general officer being
kept constantly on the staff of the Canadas, and assigned as a
principal reason the advantage of an officer of that rank
being stationed in the Upper Province, that he does not
conceive himself at liberty to overset an arrangement which he
has been two years soliciting the means to carry into effect,
and the absolute necessity of which he is highly impressed
with. In reply to an observation of mine, that you regretted
the inactive prospect before you, and looked with envy on
those employed in Spain and Portugal, he said: "I make no
doubt of it, but I can in no shape aid his plans in that
respect; I would not, however, be the means of preventing
them, and although from his local knowledge I should regret
losing him in this country, yet I would not oppose it if he
could obtain an appointment to the staff on service; but in
that case I would ask for another general officer being seat
in his place immediately to Upper Canada." I tell you this, my
dear general, without reserve, and give you, as far as I can
recollect, Sir James' words. If he liked you less, he might
perhaps be more readily induced to let you go; as matters
stand, I do not think he will, although I am convinced that he
will feel very sincere regret in refusing you on a subject
upon which you appear to be so anxious.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 22: In some book of Travels in Canada, Duncan's we think, it
is stated that the highest battery in Quebec is called Brock's Battery:
we know not whether it is that erected by Sir Isaac Brock.]
[Footnote 23: "The young and gallant" Captain Henry Lambert, mentioned
above, was mortally wounded in December, 1812, in command of H.M.S.
Java, when she was captured by the American frigate Constitution, of
greatly superior force.]
[Footnote 24: The present General Vincent, colonel of the 69th foot. He
was then major of the 49th.]
[Footnote 25: His niece.]
[Footnote 26: It has been remarked, that men with very small heads are
seldom clever, and certainly the Brocks of this family had large but
well shaped heads, with full foreheads.]
[Footnote 27: The mother of Lady William Paget.]
[Footnote 28: Whatever may have been Colonel Murray's indiscretion on
this occasion, he proved himself one of the most gallant and
enterprising officers in Canada during the war, and particularly
distinguished himself in the assault and capture of Fort Niagara, in
December, 1813, where he was severely wounded. If Colonel Murray admired
Cobbett's writings he was not singular, as he was perhaps the most
forcible political writer in the English language.]
[Footnote 29: Afterwards Lieut.-General Sir William Thornton, K.C.B.,
&c.]
[Footnote 30: Sir Isaac Brock was several years in the 8th regiment, but
this old man had probably served with his brother, Lieut.-Colonel John
Brock, who was many years in the 8th, in Upper Canada.]
CHAPTER IV.
_Brigadier Brock to Lieut.-Governor Gore_.
FORT GEORGE, Jan. 6, 1811.
Having lately received a letter from Colonel Vesey, in which
he urges me to ascertain whether it be possible to secure to
his family some benefit from the grant of five thousand acres
he has so long unprofitably held, I am encouraged by the
disposition your excellency has uniformly evinced to serve
him, to renew my earnest request that your influence may be
now exerted in his behalf.
I am given to understand that there are extensive tracts of
excellent land at the disposal of the crown on Lake Erie, and
that a new township is undergoing a survey near the head of
Lake Ontario. Were it possible to ensure Colonel Vesey
eligible situations in those districts, he no longer would
hesitate in incurring the necessary expense.
Your excellency having signified your intention of visiting
England in the course of next summer, I am impelled to the
present application by the consideration that before your
return the land, which I have taken the liberty to point out,
may be disposed of, and Colonel Vesey thereby lose the fair
opportunity of acquiring property upon which he can
confidently place some value.
_Lieut.-Governor Gore to Brigadier Brock_.
YORK, January 21, 1811.
Your letter of the 6th instant should have been earlier
acknowledged, but that I was desirous to render my answer as
satisfactory as possible, and it was necessary to refer to the
offices, on the subject of the grant of land ordered for
Colonel Vesey.
I am very sorry now to be constrained to tell you, that it is
not in my power to comply with Colonel Vesey's wish in respect
of the location, without a special order from the king, as in
the case of Colonel Talbot.
The diagram by which the crown and clergy reserves are
recorded, cannot be dispensed with, so that it is now
impracticable to obtain in any township five thousand acres in
a block.
The townships lately surveyed are partial exceptions to the
general rule, for the express purpose of establishing roads
through the province, and the locations in that exception are
by an act of government expressly reserved for actual
settlers.
The utmost in my power to do for Colonel Vesey is to adopt the
latitude directed by his majesty in favor of General Arnold,
which is to permit his representative to locate his land in
any open township, and to pass the patent without his personal
attendance.
Exclusive of my very strong desire to serve Colonel Vesey, I
beg you will believe that I should have had a very particular
gratification in promoting the success of any measure for
which you are pleased to express an interest.
_Brigadier Brock to his brother Irving._
NIAGARA, January 10, 1811.
I cannot sufficiently thank you for your constant attention to
me; you contribute largely to render my present sequestered
abode tolerable, and let me entreat you to continue the
practice you have lately adopted of sending me a letter every
fortnight. In addition to the last daily paper, send me
likewise the _Observer_, or any other weekly depository of
domestic news. You, who have passed all your days in the
bustle of London, can scarcely conceive the uninteresting and
insipid life I am doomed to lead in this retirement. My
situation obliges me to maintain some sort of establishment,
otherwise I should, from inclination, confine my intercourse
to a very limited circle. I have been for some days projecting
a jaunt into the interior of the States, and I may probably
visit New York before I return, but I shall weigh passing
events well, ere I hazard so long a journey. The heavy rains
which have fallen for the last ten days have delayed my
progress, as I did not choose to undertake the journey on
horseback. I by no means admire travelling alone in so
comfortless a manner, in which the gratification would not
repay the inconvenience.
I purpose directing my steps in the first instance to
Ballstown, a medicinal water of great celebrity, about twenty
miles north of Albany. I then expect to be joined by James
Brock, and probably by some others of the 49th. I shall wait
ten days, not only to give him full time to come up, but
likewise to try the efficacy of the waters, as I have an idea
that they will be serviceable to me. I feel at this moment
infinitely better, but am not quite the thing, without knowing
what ails me. A sound jolting and change of air will produce
wonders, and make me look once more upon a beefsteak with
appetite. At present I live very abstemiously, and scarcely
ever touch wine.
I mentioned in a former letter that the new arrangements
deprived me of the comfort of a companion. Expecting to obtain
leave to visit England, I thought it of little consequence,
but now that such an indulgence is denied me, I feel sadly the
want of a lively, communicative associate. I hardly ever stir
out, and, unless I have company at home, my evenings are
passed solus. I read much, but good books are scarce, and I
hate borrowing. I like to read a book quickly, and afterwards
revert to such passages as have made the deepest impression,
and which appear to me most important to remember--a practice
I cannot conveniently pursue unless the book be mine. Should
you find that I am likely to remain here, I wish you to send
me some choice authors in history, particularly ancient, with
maps, and the best translations of ancient works. I read in
my youth Pope's Translation of Homer, but till lately never
discovered its exquisite beauties. As I grow old, I acquire a
taste for study. I firmly believe that the same propensity was
always inherent in me, but, strange to tell, although many
were paid extravagantly, I never had the advantage of a master
to guide and encourage me. But it is now too late to repine. I
rejoice that my nephews are more fortunate.
The president's address is sufficiently hostile, and if I
thought that he would be supported to the extent of his
wishes, I should consider war to be inevitable. Congress will
hesitate before consenting to go the length he proposes. The
taking forcible possession of West Florida may provoke a war
sooner than any other act, but it is impossible to foresee how
such a step may be viewed by the Cortes. We are at this moment
in awful suspense--the king's illness, the proximity of the
armies under Massena and Wellington, and the measures our
government may deem proper to adopt to meet the hostile
proceedings of the Americans, afford serious matter for
contemplation.
I have seen "Thoughts on Political Fanaticism," in answer to
your admirable pamphlet. The author appears to me to proclaim
his servile attachment to Bonaparte, without in any degree
refuting your arguments. When you tell me that Peter Tupper is
a son of the jurat, and a member of the Junta of Valencia, you
by no means satisfy my curiosity. Is he equal to fill the
situation? Has he discretion, and is he distinguished by a
strong mind and undaunted courage, as these are qualities that
can alone be serviceable at such a crisis? I observed his name
some little time back in the public prints, without knowing
who he could be, and I suppose that he is my junior in age by
several years.[31]
_Colonel Kempt[32] (Quartermaster-General) to Brigadier Brock._
QUEBEC, January 17, 1811.
Baynes tells me that he has written to you repeatedly, and
most fully and confidentially, on the subject of your
application for leave. The letters, which I have received from
home, explicitly state that the last brevet was made so
extensive with the view of doing away with the appointment of
brigadier, so that no general officer under the rank of
major-general will be in future employed; independent of this
circumstance, you have no reason, believe me, to dread being
unemployed in any rank while you have a wish to serve,--this
opinion, my dear general, is not given rashly or upon slight
grounds,--before I came to this country I had, you must know,
several opportunities of hearing your name mentioned at head
quarters, both by General Calvert and Colonel Gordon, who
unquestionably spoke the sentiments of the then
commander-in-chief, and in such a way as to impress me with a
thorough conviction that few officers of your rank stood
higher in their estimation. In short, I have no manner of
doubt whatever that you will readily obtain employment upon
active service the moment that _you do get home_, and with
this view I recommend you to express, through Baynes, your
sense of his excellency's good intentions and wishes towards
you in respect to leave of absence, and your hopes that when
the circumstances of the country are such as will permit him
to grant six months' leave to a general officer, that this
indulgence will be extended in the first instance to you. I am
very happy to find that you are pleased with Mrs. Murray: I
have just received a long letter from her, giving me an
account of a splendid ball given by you to the _beau monde_ of
Niagara and its vicinity, and the manner in which she speaks
of your liberality and hospitality reminds me of the many
pleasant hours I have passed under your roof. _We have no such
parties now_, and the indisposition of Sir James having
prevented the usual public days at the castle, nothing more
stupid than Quebec now is can be imagined.
_Colonel Baylies to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George_.
QUEBEC, February 14, 1811.
From the sincere and lively interest which I am sure you feel
for our worthy chief, I am happy to announce to you that an
important change has taken place in his disease, from which
his medical attendants augur, with great confidence, most
essential and permanent relief. On Sunday last I received a
summons to attend immediately at the castle, where Kempt was
also called, and to our extreme astonishment he informed us
that he was then about to undergo the operation of tapping, as
he fully coincided with his medical attendants who advised it.
Sir James (Craig) proceeded with great calmness to give me
some instructions as his executor, in the event of any fatal
consequence following, which he did with a degree of
composure, and even cheerfulness, which only a mind like his
can assume. We were present, at his request, at the operation,
which appeared to me painfully tedious--but not an expression,
or even a look of impatience, escaped Sir James, whose manner
absolutely inspired spirits and fortitude to those around. At
the close he stood up for several minutes to let the water
drain from the higher parts of the body, and thirty-six pints,
weighing nearly as many pounds, were altogether drawn off.
Sir James lately received accounts of the 14th of November,
that his brother, General Peter Craig, was then so reduced
and weak from a long and severe illness, that no hopes were
entertained of him. You will conceive what a severe shock this
has been, the more so as Sir James never harboured a doubt
that his elder brother, from his apparently stronger
constitution, would have long survived him. Their mutual ties
of relationship were in a manner concentrated in each other,
for Sir James will have none left but of a very distant
degree.
I am happy to find by a long letter from Mrs. Murray to
Colonel Kempt, that you have found the means of enlivening the
solitary scene that has so long prevailed at Fort George. I
assure you that we miss you much here, and that the
fascinating Mrs. de Rottenburg, with all her charms, has not
effaced the very universal regret which your loss occasions in
Quebec.
_Brigadier Brock to his brother Irving_.
NIAGARA, February 19, 1811.
Nothing can be more considerate, nothing more friendly, than
your constancy in writing to me. Your last letter is dated the
26th November. What can I say from this remote corner in
return for the pleasure I experience at the receipt of your
letters? I have already described my sombre kind of life, but
I am sure you will rejoice to hear that my present quiet has
been productive of the essential good of restoring my health.
I now consider myself quite re-established; therefore, my good
Irving, dispel all your alarms on my account. I once thought
of visiting Ballstown, but, as a trial of the springs there
was my chief motive, I gave up the journey the moment I found
there was no medical occasion to undertake it. I do not admire
the manners of the American people. I have met with some whose
society was every thing one could desire, and at Boston and
New York such characters are, I believe, numerous, but these
are the exceptions. Politics run very high at this moment, but
the French faction have evidently the preponderance, and they
style themselves republicans! Was ever any thing more absurd?
A dreadful crash is not far off--I hope your friends have
withheld their confidence in their public stocks. There have
been many failures at New York, and the merchants there are in
a state of great confusion and dismay.
I returned recently from York, the capital of this province,
where I passed ten days with the governor, (Gore,) as generous
and as honest a being as ever existed. His lady is perfectly
well bred and very agreeable. I found ample recompense in
their society for the inconvenience of travelling over the
worst roads I ever met with. The governor was formerly
quartered with the 44th in Guernsey, and recollects vividly
the society of those days.
I seldom hear from James Brock, who dislikes writing to such a
degree, that he hazards the loss of a friend rather than
submit to the trouble; and what is strange, when he sets
about it he expresses himself happily, and is highly
entertaining.
Sir James Craig has triumphed completely over the French
faction in the Lower Province. By their conduct they have
fully exemplified the character of their ancestors. The moment
they found they could not intimidate by threats, they became
as obsequious as they had been violent. The house of assembly
passed every bill required of them, among others one
authorizing the governor-general and three councillors to
imprison any one without assigning a cause. The state of the
country makes such a measure highly necessary. Sir James has
been very ill, and it is supposed that he cannot long survive
the fierce and frequent attacks of his disorder. His death,
whenever it comes, will be bewailed by all who possess the
feelings of Englishmen in this country. He appears determined
to keep me near his person, and I hardly know how to
accomplish my grand object of visiting England in opposition
to his wishes. You may well imagine the regret I feel in being
obliged to submit to a life of such complete idleness--but
fate will have it so.
We are all impatience and anxiety to learn the ultimate result
of the king's indisposition, and the movements of the
contending armies in Portugal. If we are to be governed by a
regent, I trust that ambition, jealousy, or party interests,
will not conspire to diminish or circumscribe his regal
powers. These are not times to slacken the reins.
Colonel Murray, 100th, went home last year, married, and
brought out a charming little creature, full of good sense and
spirit. They dined with me yesterday, and she appeared a
little dejected in consequence of an idle report of the
regiment being destined for the West Indies.
Care ought to be taken to get William Potenger introduced into
a quiet, well-behaved corps; the 49th would do very well, but
I am not partial to Canada for a young soldier; the regiment
has, however, been in it so long, that it cannot be continued
many years. Throw him into the sea rather than allow him to
join a wild Irish regiment.
This country is getting very populous and rich. Great
emigration from the States; Quakers especially come in
numbers, and bring with them large sums. Assure William of my
eternal esteem.
_Brigadier Brock to Sir James Craig, K. B_.
NIAGARA, February 27, 1811.
I have this day been honored by the receipt of your
excellency's letter, dated the 4th instant. The subject to
which it refers has occasioned serious reflection in my mind.
If unfortunately the Indians be determined to commit acts of
hostility in the spring, they are at too great a distance for
us to succeed in any effort we may be disposed to make to
avert so great a calamity. Therefore, the next consideration
is the posture we are to assume in case of such an event;
whether we are to remain in a state of strict neutrality,
which doubtless the Americans will call upon us to observe,
and thereby sacrifice our influence over the Indians; or,
unmindful of the consequences, continue to them the accustomed
supplies of food, arms, and ammunition.
I lament to think that the Indians retired from the council,
in which they declared their resolution of going to war, with
a full conviction that, although they could not look for
active co-operation on our part, yet they might rely with
confidence upon receiving from us every requisite of war.
Our cold attempt to dissuade that much-injured people from
engaging in such a rash enterprise could scarcely be expected
to prevail, particularly after giving such manifest
indications of a contrary sentiment by the liberal quantity of
military stores with which they were dismissed.
I shall not fail in reporting every circumstance that may come
to my knowledge relative to our connections with the Indians,
which I think your excellency may desire to be acquainted
with: I must look to officers commanding at the outposts for
such information, as the lieut.-governor withholds from me all
communications on the subject.
Mr. Elliott, who has the management of the Indian department
at Amherstburg, is an exceedingly good man, and highly
respected by the Indians; but, having in his youth lived a
great deal with them, he naturally has imbibed their feelings
and prejudices, and partaking in the wrongs they continually
suffer, this sympathy made him neglect the considerations of
prudence, which ought to have regulated his conduct. If he had
delayed the issue of presents until he reported their mission
to Lieut.-Governor Gore, they would have returned to their
companions, carrying with them the positive sentiments of
government.
_Brigadier Brock to Major Taylor, 100th Regiment, commanding at
Amherstburg_.
NIAGARA, March 4, 1811.
You omitted to report to me the important resolution which the
Indians formally announced last autumn in council to have been
adopted by the different nations, of going to war with the
Americans. Having however received advice of the circumstance
through other channels, I was enabled to communicate the
interesting fact to head quarters, and now transcribe, for
_your individual_ information and future guidance, extracts of
his excellency's _secret_ and _confidential_ answer, dated 4th
ultimo:
"Although the conduct of our intercourse with the Indians is
by his majesty's command vested in the civil government of the
province of Canada, and consequently the interference of
military officers, otherwise than by being present at such
councils as may be held as they are directed to be, would be
improper, I nevertheless desire that you will instruct the
officers in command at the different posts, particularly at
Amherstburg, to report confidentially to you what may pass at
those councils, as well as any other transactions in which the
Indians are concerned, and which may come to their knowledge;
these reports you will forward to me occasionally, as you may
think them of importance."
The conduct which the military are expected to pursue in their
intercourse with the Indian department is so explicitly stated
in the above, that I need not say a word more on the subject.
But I think it highly necessary to put you in possession of
the policy which Sir James Craig is very anxious may be
observed in the present uncertain state of our political
affairs.
"I am decidedly of opinion, that upon every principle of
policy our interest should lead us to use all our endeavours
to prevent a rupture between the Indians and the subjects of
the United States. Upon these considerations, I think it would
be expedient to instruct the officers of the Indian department
to use all their influence to dissuade the Indians from their
projected plan of hostility, giving them clearly to understand
that they must not expect any assistance from us. The
officers, however, should be extremely cautious in pointing
out to them that it is for their own good only that this
advice is given to them, and not from any dereliction of that
regard with which we always view their interests; it will
perhaps require some management to avoid exciting their
jealousy or resentment; the doing so must be strongly
recommended."
I wish you to comprehend clearly the sentiments of Sir James
upon this essential point; because, although I entertain great
respect for the personal character of Mr. Elliott, yet I
should be unwilling to place entire dependance in an affair
of such manifest importance, upon a judgment biased and
prejudiced as his is known to be in every thing that regards
the Indians. To act with due prudence, he participates in and
feels too keenly the grievous wrongs they have suffered.
Should you, therefore, perceive the smallest indication to
depart from the line so strongly marked by his excellency for
the government of the Indian officers, you will, without
creating suspicion of an intention of controlling their
measures, offer friendly advice, and even have recourse to
written protests to deter them from persevering in any act
that may have a tendency to irritate and expose the two
nations to endless controversy. All this you of course will do
as coming from yourself, and you will be very regular in
reporting circumstantially every occurrence that may come to
your knowledge, to enable me to conform strictly with the
instructions of the commander-in-chief.
_Colonel Baynes[33] to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George_.
QUEBEC, March 4, 1811.
Sir James desires me to tell you that he had fully intended
writing to you himself by this day's post, but, from the
arrival of the January mail and the departure of the Halifax
courier to-morrow, he finds himself so much occupied that he
has deputed me to explain to you the cause of his not
announcing to you by his own pen the resolution he finds
himself under the necessity of adopting, of returning to
England early in the summer. I think it probable that he will
leave this by the July fleet; indeed, the extremely weak and
debilitated state of his health will not admit of his
deferring his departure longer, lest it might involve him in
inconveniences attendant upon an equinoctial or fall passage.
It is with the deepest regret I observe that his strength is
visibly sinking under his disease, although the latter does
not appear to have increased in violence; on the contrary, for
this fortnight past he seems in better spirits and to suffer
less pain: the first probably arises from the prospect of his
being speedily relieved from the weight and anxiety of his
public charge, for, with regard to himself, his mind is most
perfectly made up, and resigned to a very speedy termination
of all his sufferings; and his anxiety has been latterly much
excited from the apprehension of his becoming too ill to be
able to undertake the voyage, and being obliged to linger out
the short remnant of his life in this country.
I assure you he is very far from being indifferent in regard
to forwarding your wishes; but from the necessity of his
retiring himself, and even without waiting for leave to do so,
he feels it the more indispensably necessary to leave this
country in the best state of security he can, and that, under
existing circumstances, he cannot attend to your request for
leave. He desires me to say, that he regrets extremely the
disappointment you may experience, and he requests that you
will do him the favor to accept, as a legacy and mark of his
very sincere regard, his favorite horse Alfred, and that he is
induced to send him to you, not only from wishing to secure to
his old favorite a kind and careful master, but from the
conviction that the whole continent of America could not
furnish you with so safe and excellent a horse. Alfred is ten
years old, but being a high bred horse, and latterly but very
little worked, he may be considered as still perfectly fresh.
Sir James will give him up to Heriot, whenever you fix the
mode of his being forwarded to you.
I have requested Sir James to allow me to accompany him home,
a duty I should feel a most grateful pleasure in performing;
but with a kind regard to what he thinks more to my interest,
he will not accede to my wishes, but insists on my remaining
here, as he thinks that my appointment will be considered
permanent. Kempt goes home, his private affairs requiring his
presence, and having strong ground to hope that he will be
able to resign his staff for an active brigade; although his
senior in years and length of service, I must still wait a
long time before I can direct my ambition to so desirable an
object.
You will have seen by Sir James' speech, the very complete
triumph his firmness and energy have obtained over the
factious cabal of their most contemptible assembly. Bedard
will be shortly released--that fellow alone of the whole gang
has nerve, and does not want ability or inclination to do
mischief whenever opportunity offers; the rest, old Papineau
and the blustering B----, are all white-livered runagates to a
man; but when Sir James' back is turned, they will rally and
commence the same bullying attack on his successor, who, I
trust, will follow his example.
_Colonel J.A. Vesey to Brigadier Brock._
HAMPTON COURT PARK, April 9, 1811.
I am bound to Sicily in about a fortnight, as a
brigadier-general on the staff there, and I am told that Lord
William Bentinck, who is destined to command the forces in
that island, will be the bearer of instructions to insist upon
the command of the Sicilian army likewise.
I thank you much for the interesting details of local
politics, both military and civil, which your letter contains,
for I feel a more than common wish to know what passes in
Canada, although I am certainly not partial to that
country--quite the reverse. It is a pity that the 49th should
be detained there so long, as it will interfere materially
with the promotion of your officers. I fear you will have
passed a lonely winter at Fort George, notwithstanding the
addition of my friend Murray and his nice little wife to your
society. Pray remember me kindly to them and to my old
friend, St. George. Mrs. Vesey has charged me to call her to
your recollection in the kindest manner; she and my six
children are as well as possible, and a very nice little group
they are, all as healthy as can be. I wish I had a daughter
old enough for you, as I would give her to you with pleasure.
You should be married, particularly as fate seems to detain
you so long in Canada--but pray do not marry there.
_Colonel Vesey to Brigadier Brock._
HAMPTON COURT PARK, May 9, 1811.
I received a few days ago your letter of the 22d February, for
which I thank you very much. I am very much obliged to you for
taking so much trouble about my grant of land, respecting
which I have not taken any steps whatever here, neither shall
I so long as Lord Liverpool continues to direct the affairs of
the colonial department, for he is not friendly to me, but I
will reserve my claims for a more favorable moment. I am not
the less thankful for your friendship on the occasion.
I quite feel for you, my good friend, when I think of the
stupid and uninteresting time you must have passed in Upper
Canada--with your ardour for professional employment in the
field, it must have been very painful. I did not think Sir
James (Craig) would have detained you so long against your
will. Had you returned to Europe, there is little doubt but
that you would immediately have been employed in Portugal,
and, as that service has turned out so very creditable, I
regret very much that you had not deserted from Canada. I take
it for granted that you will not stay there long, and should
the fortune of war bring us again upon duty in the same
country, I need not say how I shall hail the event with joy.
If you come to England, I would wish you to call upon the Duke
of Kent,[34] who has a high respect for you, and will be happy
to see you.
It seems determined that the Duke of York shall return to the
command of the army; it would have taken place ere now, but
for some ill-natured remarks inserted in some of the
newspapers, produced by an over zeal on the part of his
friends. Sir David (Dundas) will not be much regretted, and it
surely is time that at his advanced period of life he should
be relieved from the cares of office.
I am rejoiced to find that you live so comfortably with my
friend Murray and his nice little wife. Mrs. Vesey and myself
took a great fancy to her the morning she called here, on
their way to Portsmouth.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 31: Peter Carey Tupper, Esq., a native of Guernsey, British
consul for Valencia at this time, and afterwards for Catalonia. He
distinguished himself from 1808 to 1814, in encouraging the Spaniards to
resist the invasion of Napoleon; and his name occurs repeatedly in the
Duke of Wellington's Dispatches, recently published, as also in the
first and fourth volumes of Napoleon's Peninsular War. He died in Madrid
in 1825, in the prime of life. His youngest brother was British consul
for Caraccas, and afterwards for Riga.]
[Footnote 32: The present General Sir James Kempt, G.C.B., &c,
afterwards governor-general of British America, and subsequently
master-general of the ordnance in Earl Grey's administration.]
[Footnote 33: Owing to the communication by post between Lower and Upper
Canada being so slow at this period, we observe that many of Colonel
Baynes' letters to Brigadier Brock, at Fort George, were transmitted
through the United States. There was only a post once a fortnight
between Montreal and Kingston, and in Upper Canada the post office was
scarcely established.]
[Footnote 34: The father of her present Majesty, Queen Victoria.]
CHAPTER V.
On the 4th June, 1811, Brigadier Brock was promoted, and appointed by
the prince regent to serve from that day as a major-general on the staff
of North America. On the 19th of the same month, Sir James Craig
embarked on board his majesty's ship Amelia for England, leaving Mr.
Dunn in charge of the government of the Lower Province, and
Lieut.-General Drummond in command of the forces in the Canadas,
consisting of 445 artillery, 3,783 regular troops, and 1,226 Fencibles;
in all, 5,454 men. He seemed disgusted with the cares of a government,
in which he had experienced only crosses and mortification, as his
administration was decidedly unpopular among the great mass of the
French Canadians. His health had long been wasting away with a dropsy
and other infirmities, and he doubted whether he should live to reach
England, where he however survived several months, and met with a most
gracious reception from his immediate superiors. Sir James Craig had
been from his youth in the service of his country,[35] and he owed to
merit alone his rank and consideration in the army. He was corpulent in
person, and rather below the middle stature; his features were strong
and regular, his aspect was severe and imposing, his deportment, manly
and dignified; in society he was polite, frank, and affable. He is said
to have been positive in his opinions, and therefore prompt and decisive
in his measures. To a clear and comprehensive judgment, he united the
best qualities of the heart, and though hasty in temper, he was easily
reconciled to those who might involuntarily have incurred his
resentment. In fine, he seems to have possessed all the sterling and
undisguised virtues that distinguish the soldier, and some of the
qualities that constitute the able statesman. Although many differed
widely in opinion with respect to his government, yet few could deny him
the merit of disinterestedness and integrity in the discharge of his
public duties. He may have erred in the performance of the important and
complicated functions of his post, but he was guided by sincerity; and
it is due to his memory to add, that the objects of his administration,
however erroneous the means he pursued for their attainment, were the
concord, the happiness, and the prosperity of the people whom he
governed for nearly four years.[36]
_Major-General Vesey to Major-General Brock_.
PORTSMOUTH, June 10, 1811.
I congratulate you on your promotion, and you may return me
the compliment. I did not expect to appear in the same brevet
with you as a major-general; it has so happened, however, and
I am not at all sorry to go out to Sicily as major-general
instead of a brigadier. You have such a lot of generals in
Canada at present, that it is impossible to continue them all
upon the staff. Your wish will be to come home, I dare say,
and very glad I should be if you were in England at present,
while all the arrangements are making. It may perhaps be your
fate to go to the Mediterranean, but the Peninsula is the most
direct road to the honor of the Bath, and as you are an
ambitious man, that is the station you would prefer--so should
I, but I have been advised not to solicit for it, but to go
where I was ordered; therefore, am I proceeding. I need not
say how rejoiced I should be if you were of the party.
The return of the duke of York to the head of the army gives
general satisfaction to all military people, and indeed to
most others I fancy: his old worn-out predecessor has long
been superannuated. I still retain my appointment of deputy
barrack master-general in Nova Scotia, to the astonishment of
every body, because I suppose they do not like to take it from
me _par force_, without giving me something in lieu of it. I
have told the treasury that I would not give it up upon any
other terms than for my lieutenant-colonelcy, but that they
had the power of taking it from me if they chose to do me that
injustice: I suppose they will as soon as my back is turned.
Lord William Bentinck is expected down to-day; he goes to
Sicily in the Caledonia, with Sir Edward Pellew. As it is
possible you may have left Canada, I shall enclose this letter
to our friend Bruyeres; bid him read it and forward it if you
are yet in that country.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock, at Montreal_.
QUEBEC, August 3, 1811.
We were very much surprised on Thursday last by the arrival of
the Racoon, sloop of war, from Jamaica, with the duke of
Manchester on board, who is come with the view of visiting the
lions of Canada previous to his return to England; he is gone,
attended by General Drummond, to see the falls of Montmorenci,
and the general desires me to let you know that his grace
intends leaving this in the stage on Tuesday morning for
Montreal. The duke has no attendant except a Colonel Gold,
_ci-devant militaire_; he appears to be very affable, and
perfectly _sans façon_; he particularly requested that no
compliments or ceremony of any kind might be shown him, and
that he might be permitted to indulge his fancy by going about
as he pleased. His grace is not likely to have many volunteer
aides-de-camp, for he treated those who formed his suite
yesterday to a walk of half a dozen hours in the sun at
mid-day round the works, the towers, plains, &c.; and from
which he did not appear to experience the slightest
inconvenience, being in the habit, we are told, of taking
similar rambles even in the West Indies. The duke will pay you
but a very short visit, being limited for time, and anxious to
make his tour as extensive as possible. He seems to like a
glass of Madeira, and would match any of the Canadian tribe in
smoking cigars; he walks about with one in his mouth at all
hours in the day. He begs you will have the kindness to secure
for him a boat and a good Canadian crew to proceed to
Kingston, and to facilitate his progress from that place,
inasmuch as it may be in your power to do so. I apprehend that
the movement of the troops may very materially interfere with
him, but the duke will not object to embarking with any of the
detachments if no other vessel can be spared.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock, at William Henry, Sorel_.
QUEBEC, August 12, 1811.
I have to acknowledge and thank you for your letter of the 8th
instant. I regret much that you did not find it convenient to
remain at Montreal to receive the duke of Manchester, as I
think you would have felt gratified; and if you could have
reconciled to your own feelings the want of due preparation
for the reception of so great a personage, I am sure, from
the specimen we had of his grace here, that he would have been
perfectly satisfied, and happy to have shared your fare. He
does not appear to be a lady's man--perhaps a little too much
the contrary, and I am confident that a dinner with a few
gentlemen, and an invitation to smoke, would suit his taste in
preference to a formal fête. On an excursion to the Chaudière,
of which Mrs. Drummond and other ladies formed part, his grace
appeared to be very little at his ease until he effected his
escape out of the frigate's barge into one of the small boats
that was in attendance with his _compagnon de voyage_ and the
commander of the sloop, when, with the aid of his favorite
cigar, he appeared to be perfectly happy. I mention these
traits in order that you may be prepared to receive him or not
on his return, as you think best. I am sure he would prefer
William Henry to sleep at in preference to Montreal.
* * * * *
After an inter-regnum of nearly three months, Sir George Prevost arrived
at Quebec in September, and assumed the government of Lower Canada,
having succeeded Sir James Craig in the chief command of the British
North American provinces. The known mildness of his character, and the
popularity of his administration in Nova Scotia, from which he had been
just promoted, afforded a hope that his government of Lower Canada would
prove more auspicious to the internal union of the people than that of
his predecessor. Sir George Prevost had moreover the advantage of
being, we believe, a Canadian born, and, as his name indicates, his
family was doubtless of French origin, a circumstance which the French
Canadians could not fail to appreciate. Soon after his arrival,
Major-General Brock, in addition to the command of the troops, was
appointed president and administrator of the government in Upper Canada,
to which office he succeeded on the 9th October, 1811, in place of
Lieut.-Governor Gore, who returned to England on leave. At the close of
the year, his royal highness the duke of York expressed at length every
inclination to gratify Major-General Brock's wishes for more active
employment in Europe, and Sir George Prevost was authorized to replace
him by another officer; but when the permission reached Canada, early in
1812, a war with the United States was evidently near at hand, and
Major-General Brock, with such a prospect, was retained both by honor
and inclination in the country.
_Lieut.-General Drummond[37] to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, August 31, 1811.
I have just been favored with your kind letter, and return
many thanks for your friendly congratulations. Under present
circumstances, it must be the wish of every military person
to seek active employment; I should most willingly sacrifice
many domestic comforts to obtain it, but I fear the rank I
have just attained will interfere with my prospects. I have
often regretted, during my residence in this country, that we
have been so much separated, which has deprived me of the
opportunity of cultivating your friendship, which I shall ever
feel anxious to possess; and be assured it will always afford
me the most sincere satisfaction to renew an acquaintance with
one for whom I have so great a regard. Captain Glegg's
appointment will be in general orders to-day. Captain and Mrs.
Fulton arrived this morning: I have not seen him yet. I
understand Sir George Prevost was to embark three days after
the Hunter sailed. I shall probably embark in the Melamphus,
for Halifax, and from thence in the packet for England: should
you have any commands, I shall be happy to charge myself with
them. Mrs. Drummond unites with me in sincere wishes for your
health and happiness.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, October 7, 1811.
I have a letter from Thornton of the 2d of August; the party
arrived at Deal on the 27th of July. Sir James (Craig) bore
the passage remarkably well, and he has received the most
flattering and satisfactory assurances that his conduct, civil
and military, has met with the most unqualified approbation.
Kempt has experienced a very honorable reception: the duke
told him he would give him a _carte blanche_ as to his future
destination; he has requested to have a brigade under Lord
Wellington, and was preparing to go to the Peninsula. Thornton
does not allude to the probability of its effecting his
present post, as he says Kempt writes to you at length, and
will tell you of himself. Ellice[38] has found great
difficulty in effecting an exchange. Dalrymple, Sir Hew's
eldest son, had no objection till he found that the duke set
his face against the continued exchange of that post, and that
he would not permit it to be made a mere stepping stone for
the brevet rank. He in consequence declined it, and Ellice is
on the hunt for a lazy married major of dragoons, who has no
objection to obtain it as a fixture. Thornton has been
appointed to a regiment, but he neglects to mention the
number, although he enters into a long explanation respecting
it, viz. that it is of two battalions, the second in Portugal
and the first in the East Indies, but, by a recent regulation,
the senior lieutenant-colonel has the option of remaining in
command of the second in Portugal if he chooses. Thornton has
obtained leave to go, in the first instance, to his corps in
Portugal, so as to endeavour to persuade his senior that India
is a more desirable quarter: if he fails in his rhetoric, he
expects shortly to travel that route himself.
The following paragraph is copied verbatim from Thornton's letter; he
is connected with Torrens and in habits of familiar intimacy, so that I
am inclined to think he draws his inference from that quarter: "Pray
give a hint in private to Generals Brock and Sheaffe, that if the former
were to ask for a brigade at home, or on European service, and the
latter to be put on the staff in Canada, I am almost certain they would
succeed."
_Lieut.-Colonel Torrens to Major-General Brock_.
HORSE GUARDS, October 17, 1811.
I have had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 6th of
July, and I beg you will be convinced that I should derive
much satisfaction from the power of complying with your wishes
as far as my situation might enable me to facilitate the
accomplishment of the object you have expressed of returning
to England.
I have made known your wishes to the commander-in-chief, and
his royal highness has expressed every inclination to comply
with them. But until another officer shall join the station,
you will be readily aware of the difficulty his royal highness
would have in withdrawing you, by leave of absence or
otherwise, during the present state of public affairs with the
American government.
Should you wish, however, to quit the Canadian staff with a
view to serve in Europe, his royal highness will not object to
your return to this country, under the arrangement of your
being immediately succeeded by another officer. And as
Major-General Sheaffe is on the spot, and has strong claims to
employment on the staff, his royal highness will have no
objection to furnish Sir George Prevost with an authority to
employ that officer in your room, provided he has not yet left
Canada.
I trust this arrangement may be acceptable to you. An official
communication to the effect of this note will be made to Sir
George Prevost.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, November 21, 1811.
We fortunately received yesterday the last batch of recruits
for the 41st regiment, as from the present state of the
weather and appearance of the river, I fear their situation
would have been very desperate. They have, poor devils, been
sixteen weeks and four days on their passage, and have
suffered much from dysentery. Four men have died, and several
are sick; but as the former detachment recovered fast when
landed and taken care of, I doubt not that these will also:
they amount to three hundred, and are in general very fine
young men. What a noble battalion they will make when brought
together; and the officers say that about 200 more were left
at the depôt, for want of room in the transport.
What do you think of the president's speech? In any government
more consistent, it would mean war. I think that he has
committed himself more openly and more unjustifiably than
could have been expected, in the relation of the affair of
the Little Belt, by accusing that poor little sloop of a
wanton act of aggression by attacking a huge American frigate,
when Commodore Rodgers himself admits that he was for nearly
eight hours the chasing vessel.
Governor Gore has revived the formation of the Glengary
Fencibles, and I have shewn Sir George what passed on a former
occasion. I hope the latter will be able to provide for his
school-fellow, Major-General Sheaffe,[39] and he expresses
himself very anxious to do so.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost, Bart., at
Quebec_.
YORK, December 2, 1811.
The information contained in the message of the president to
congress, relative to the existing differences between England
and the United States, will justify, I presume to think, the
adoption of such precautionary measures as may be necessary to
meet all future exigencies. Under this impression, I beg leave
to submit to your excellency such observations as occur to me,
to enable you to form a correct judgment; of the actual state
of this province.
The military force which heretofore occupied the frontier
posts being so inadequate to their defence, a general opinion
prevailed that no opposition, in the event of hostilities, was
intended. The late increase of ammunition and every species of
stores, the substitution of a strong regiment, and the
appointment of a military person to administer the government,
have tended to infuse other sentiments among the most
reflecting part of the community; and I feel happy in being
able to assure your excellency, that during my visit last week
at Niagara, I received the most satisfactory professions of a
determination on the part of the principal inhabitants to
exert every means in their power in the defence of their
property and support of the government. They look with
confidence to your excellency for such additional aid as may
be necessary, in conjunction with the militia, to repel any
hostile attempt against this province.
I shall beg leave to refer your excellency to the
communications of Lieut.-Governor Gore with Sir James Craig,
for a correct view of the temper and composition of the
militia and Indians. Although perfectly aware of the number of
improper characters who have obtained extensive possessions,
and whose principles diffuse a spirit of insubordination very
adverse to all military institutions, I am however well
assured that a large majority would prove faithful. It is
certain that the best policy to be pursued, should future
circumstances call for active preparations, will be to act
with the utmost liberality, and as if no mistrust existed;
for, unless the inhabitants give an active and efficient aid,
it will be utterly impossible for the very limited number of
the military, who are likely to be employed, to preserve the
province.
The first point to which I am anxious to call your
excellency's attention, is the district of Amherstburg. I
consider it the most important, and, if supplied with the
means of commencing active operations, must deter any
offensive attempt on this province, from Niagara westward. The
American government will be compelled to secure their western
frontier from the inroads of the Indians, and this cannot be
effected without a very considerable force. But before we can
expect an active co-operation on the part of the Indians, the
reduction of Detroit and Michilimakinack must convince that
people, who conceive themselves to have been sacrificed, in
1794,[40] to our policy, that we are earnestly engaged in the
war. The Indians, I am made to understand, are eager for an
opportunity to avenge the numerous injuries of which they
complain. A few tribes, at the instigation of a Shawnese,[41]
of no particular note, have already, although explicitly told
not to look for assistance from us, commenced the contest. The
stand which they continue to make upon the Wabash, against
about 2,000 Americans, including militia and regulars, is a
strong proof of the large force which a general combination of
the Indians will render necessary to protect so widely
extended a frontier.
The garrisons of Detroit and Michilimakinack do not, I
believe, exceed seventy rank and file each; but the former can
be easily reinforced by the militia in the neighbourhood,
which, though not numerous, would be ample for its defence,
unless assailed by a force much superior to any we can now
command. The Americans will probably draw their principal
force, either for offence or defence, from the Ohio, an
enterprising, hardy race, and uncommonly expert on horseback
with the rifle. This species of force is formidable to the
Indians, although, according to reports which have reached me
by different channels, but not official, they lately repelled
an attack of some magnitude. Unless a diversion, such as I
have suggested, be made, an overwhelming force will probably
be directed against this part of the province. The measure
will, however, be attended with a heavy expense, especially in
the article of provision, for, not only the Indians who take
the field, but their families, must be maintained.
The numeral force of the militia in the vicinity of
Amherstburg exceeds by a trifle seven hundred rank and file;
consequently, very little assistance can be derived from that
source in any offensive operation. Should, therefore, the
aspect of affairs hereafter give stronger indications of a
rupture, I propose augmenting the garrison of Amherstburg
with two hundred rank and file from Fort George and York. Such
a measure I consider essentially necessary, were it only
calculated to rouse the energy of the militia and Indians, who
are now impressed with a firm belief, that in the event of war
they are to be left to their fate. Great pains have been taken
to instil this idea into their minds, and no stronger argument
could be employed than the weak state of that garrison.
The army now assembled upon the Wabash, with the ostensible
view of opposing the Shawnese, is a strong additional motive
in my mind in support of this measure; for I have no doubt
that, the instant their service in the field terminates, a
large portion of the regulars will be detached to strengthen
the garrison of Detroit. I have prepared Colonel Proctor for
such an event, and after weighing the inconvenience to which
the service would be exposed if the district were placed under
a militia colonel, (an event obvious, unless superseded by a
regular officer of equal rank) I have directed Lieut.-Colonel
St. George to be in readiness to repair to Amherstburg and
assume the command; and I hope his situation of inspector of
militia will not be considered a bar to the arrangement. The
state of the roads will probably stop this projected movement
until the end of this month or beginning of the next; nor do I
intend that the troops should leave their present quarters,
unless urged by some fresh circumstances. I therefore look to
receive your excellency's commands previous to their
departure.
From Amherstburg to Fort Erie, my chief dependance must rest
on a naval force for the protection of that extensive coast;
but, considering the state to which it is reduced,
extraordinary exertions and great expense will be required
before it can be rendered efficient. At present, it consists
only of a ship and a small schooner--the latter of a bad
construction, old, and in want of many repairs; yet she is the
only king's vessel able to navigate Lake Huron, whilst the
Americans have a sloop, and a fine brig capable of carrying
twelve guns, both in perfect readiness for any service. If,
consequently, the garrison of St. Joseph's is to be
maintained, and an attack on Michilimakinack undertaken, it
will be expedient to hire, or purchase from the merchants, as
many vessels as may be necessary for the purpose. The
Americans can resort to the same means, and the construction
and number of their vessels for trade will give them great
advantage: besides, their small craft, or boats, in which
troops could be easily transported, exceed ours considerably;
indeed, we have very few of that description. I therefore
leave it to your excellency's superior judgment to determine
whether a sufficient number of gun-boats for both lakes, so
constructed as to draw little water, ought not be added to our
means of offence and defence. It is worthy of remark, that the
only American national vessel on Lake Ontario, built two years
ago, and now lying in Sackett's harbour, has remained without
seamen until within the last fortnight, when the officers
began to enter men as fast as possible. A lieutenant with a
party came to Buffalo, a tolerably large village opposite Fort
Erie, and procured several hands, but, not satisfied, a petty
officer was sent to our side to inveigle others. The
magistrates, hearing of this, sent to apprehend him; but he
escaped with difficulty.
The strait between Niagara and Fort Erie is that which, in all
probability, will be chosen by the Americans for their main
body to penetrate with a view to conquest. All other attacks
will be subordinate, or merely made to divert our attention.
About three thousand militia could, upon an emergency, be
drawn by us to that line, and nearly five hundred Indians
could also be collected; therefore, with the regulars, no
trifling force could hope for success, provided a determined
resistance were made; but I cannot conceal from your
excellency, that unless a strong regular force be present to
animate the loyal and to control the disaffected, nothing
effectual can be expected. A protracted resistance upon this
frontier will be sure to embarrass the enemy's plans
materially. They will not come prepared to meet it, and their
troops, or volunteer corps, without scarcely any discipline,
so far at least as control is in question, will soon tire
under disappointment. The difficulty which they will
experience in providing provisions will involve them in
expenses, under which their government will soon become
impatient.
The car brigade will be particularly useful in obstructing
their passage; and I cannot be too urgent in soliciting the
means, both as to gunners and drivers, and likewise as to
horses, to render this arm complete for service. A small body
of cavalry would also be absolutely necessary, and I have
already offers from many respectable young men, to form
themselves into a troop. All they seem to require are swords
and pistols, which the stores below may probably be able to
furnish.
The situation of Kingston is so very important in every
military point of view, that I cannot be too earnest in
drawing your excellency's attention to that quarter. The
militia, from the Bay of Quinti down to Glengary, is the most
respectable of any in the province. Among the officers several
are on half pay, and still retain a sound military spirit.
Those from the Bay of Quinti would be properly stationed at
Kingston, but all downwards would naturally desire to be
employed to resist any predatory excursions to which their
property would be so much exposed from the opposite shore.
Besides, I have always been of opinion that a strong
detachment would follow the route of Lord Amherst, and attempt
to enter the province by Ozwegatchie.[42] The militia on the
whole of that communication cannot, therefore, be more
usefully employed than in watching such a movement; and should
the enemy direct the whole of his force by St. John's, the
greater part can with the utmost facility join the army acting
upon that frontier.
The militia act, which I have the honor to enclose, provides
for such an emergency, but your excellency will readily
observe, that among many wise and salutary provisions, there
are but few means of enforcing them. No exertions, however,
shall be wanting in my civil capacity to place that body upon
a respectable footing. Mr. Cartwright, the senior militia
colonel at Kingston, possesses the influence to which his firm
character and superior abilities so deservedly entitle him;
but as I cannot possibly give the necessary attention to so
distant an object, and as a regular officer will be
indispensable to direct the operations, one of high rank
ought, if possible, to be nominated to that command. So much
will remain to be done, and such high expenses to be incurred
in the quartermaster-general's departments, that I cannot too
earnestly request your excellency to select an officer who may
be equal to discharge the various duties of that office. A
head to the commissariat will be likewise indispensable.
I have trespassed greatly on your excellency's time, but I beg
to be permitted to entreat your excellency to honor me with
such advice and counsel as your experience may suggest, and be
assured it will ever be my utmost pride to meet your views and
to merit your approbation.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost._
YORK, December 3, 1811.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
excellency's dispatch, dated the 11th ultimo, with its
enclosures.
My first care, on my arrival in this province, was to direct
the officers of the Indian department at Amherstburg to exert
their whole influence with the Indians to prevent the attack
which I understood a few tribes meditated against the American
frontier. But their efforts proved fruitless, as such was the
infatuation of the Indians, that they refused to listen to
advice; and they are now so deeply engaged, that I despair of
being able to withdraw them from the contest in time to avert
their destruction. A high degree of fanaticism, which had been
for years working in their minds, has led to the present
event.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-General Sir G. Prevost._
YORK, December 11, 1811.
I had the honor yesterday of receiving your excellency's
letter of the 1st ultimo, stating your intention of
establishing depôts of small arms, accoutrements and
ammunition, at the different posts in Upper Canada.
Since the settlement of the province, several hundred stands
have been at different times issued to the militia, and I have
given directions for collecting them, but in all probability
great deficiencies will be found; indeed, it has already been
ascertained that those delivered in 1795 by the late
Lieut.-General Simcoe are wholly lost to the service. To
obviate for the future such an extensive waste, I propose
fixing upon proper places at each post, wherein the arms may
be deposited after the militia have exercised; and I have to
request your excellency's permission to direct the field train
department to attend to their preservation, and keep them in a
state of repair, in the same manner as those remaining in
store. The expense cannot be great, and in all such cases the
infant state of the country obliges the militia to have
recourse to the military.
I have recently had occasion to report for your excellency's
information, the total want of stores at this post, beyond
those immediately necessary for the commissariat. I shall
consequently be much at a loss to find accommodation for the
2,329 French muskets which your excellency has directed to be
sent here; and as the only magazine is a small wooden shed,
not sixty yards from the king's house, which is rendered
dangerous from the quantity of powder it already contains, I
cannot but feel a repugnance to lodge the additional 13,140
ball cartridges intended for this post in a place so evidently
insecure. But as these arrangements cannot conveniently take
place until the opening of the navigation, there will be
sufficient time to contrive the best means to meet your
excellency's wishes.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, December 12, 1811.
[OFFICIAL]
I am directed to transmit herewith a copy of proposals for
raising a corps of Glengary Fencibles. The commander of the
forces has selected an officer of the king's regiment, a
Captain George M'Donnell, an avowed catholic, and a relation
of the Glengary priest of that name, to attempt the formation
of a small battalion, to be in the first instance under his
command with the rank of major; and in case a more respectable
body can be collected, a lieutenant-colonel commandant will be
appointed. Captain M'Donnell will leave this in a few days,
and he will be directed to take an early opportunity of
communicating with you as soon as he has felt his ground a
little in Glengary, and is able to form a correct idea of the
prospect and extent of success that is likely to attend his
exertions.
I shall have the honor of sending you by the next post a
regulation for the payment of clergymen performing religious
duties for the troops at the different stations in Canada. The
officiating clergyman at York will receive the garrison
allowances of a captain, together with a salary of £70 army
sterling per annum.
[PRIVATE.]
Sir George will fill up the new Glengary corps with as many
officers as he can from the line, with permanent rank, and I
have availed myself of the opportunity to propose one, in
whose advancement I know you feel an interest. He has allowed
me to note Lieutenant Shaw, of the 49th, for a company, and
you are at liberty to inform his father, the general, of Sir
George's favorable intentions towards his son.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, December 24, 1811.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 2d instant, which reached me by the courier on Saturday,
and I have not failed to give it that consideration which the
importance of the several points, to which it alludes,
entitles it.
In addition to the president's message being full of
gunpowder, the report made to congress by its committee on the
state of the foreign affairs of the United States, conveys
sentiments of such decided hostility towards England, that I
feel justified in recommending such precaution as may place
you in a state of preparation for that event; and with this
view you must endeavour to trace an outline of co-operation,
compensating for our deficiency in strength. I agree with you
as to the advantages which may result from giving, rather than
receiving, the first blow; but it is not my opinion war will
commence by a declaration of it. That act would militate
against the policy of both countries; therefore, we must
expect repeated petty aggressions from our neighbours, before
we are permitted to retaliate by open hostilities. It is very
satisfactory to observe the professions of the inhabitants of
Upper Canada in defence of their property and in support of
their government.
I will look into the correspondence you refer to, which took
place between Sir James Craig and Lieut.-Governor Gore, in
1807, 1808 and 1809, respecting the temper and disposition of
your militia, and the policy to be observed in your
intercourse with the Indians.
Your views, in regard to the line of conduct to be observed
towards the militia forces, notwithstanding some existing
circumstances unfavorable in their composition, are in my
estimation wise, and on such conceptions I have hitherto
acted.
There are too many considerations to allow me to hesitate in
saying we must employ the Indians, if they can be brought to
act with us. The utmost caution should be used in our language
to them, and all direct explanation should be delayed, if
possible, until hostilities are more certain; though whenever
the subject is adverted to, I think it would be advisable
always to intimate that, as a matter of course, we shall, in
the event of war, expect the aid of our brothers. Although I
am sensible this requires delicacy, still it should be done so
as not to be misunderstood.
I shall call the attention of the commissariat to the supply
of provisions that may be required in the Upper Province; and
I had, previously to the arrival of your letter, given
directions for the building of another schooner for Lake Erie.
[The remainder of this letter is of no interest.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 35: While Colonel Craig, he was lieutenant-governor of
Guernsey, in 1793, but only for a few months.]
[Footnote 36: Memoirs of the Administration of the Colonial Government
of Lower Canada, by Sir James Henry Craig and Sir George Prevost, from
the year 1807 until the year 1815; comprehending the Military and Naval
operations in the Canadas during the late War with the United States of
America. By Robert Christie.--Quebec, 1818.]
[Footnote 37: The present General Sir Gordon Drummond, G.C.B., colonel
of the 49th foot. He succeeded to the command of the forces in Upper
Canada in December, 1813.]
[Footnote 38: Lieut.-Colonel Ellice, inspecting field officer of
militia.]
[Footnote 39: The present General Sir Roger H. Sheaffe, Bart., colonel
of the 36th regiment, born at Boston, United States, 15th July, 1763,
and entered the British army on the 1st May, 1778.
N.B.--On the day on which the last sheet was printed, we discovered that
we had been misled by the _Times_ of 24th November, 1835, in stating our
belief that Sir George Prevost was "Canadian born." He was born at New
York, May 19, 1767--his father, a native of Geneva, settled in England,
and became a major-general in the British army--his mother was Dutch,
and as regards nativity, Sir George Prevost was certainly not an
Englishman, so that our remark at page 95 on this point applies almost
equally. Sir G. Prevost was created a baronet in 1805.]
[Footnote 40: Miami affair.]
[Footnote 41: Doubtless the afterwards celebrated Tecumseh, or his
brother.]
[Footnote 42: An American fort on the river St. Lawrence, about seventy
miles from Kingston, and one hundred and twenty-five miles from
Montreal.]
CHAPTER VI.
Our memoir having now reached the year 1812, in which the United States
of America declared war against Great Britain, we proceed to give a
brief review of the causes which led to that event; and in doing so it
will be necessary to go back to the commencement of the century.
The first president of America, the immortal Washington,[43] and his
successor, Adams, entertained friendly sentiments towards the British
government and people; but early in 1801, Jefferson succeeded the latter
functionary as president, being elected by ten of the sixteen states
then constituting the Union. Jefferson was as inimical to England as he
was favorable to France, so was his secretary of state, and successor in
the presidential chair, Madison. Although there were many intervenient
heart-burnings, it was not until the year 1807, when Jefferson was a
second time president, that the government of the United States assumed
a decidedly hostile attitude towards Great Britain. The Berlin decree,
in which the French ruler ventured to declare the British islands in a
state of blockade, and to interdict all neutrals from trading with the
British ports in any commodities whatever, produced fresh retaliatory
orders in council, intended to support England's maritime rights and
commerce, and to counteract Bonaparte's continental system. The Berlin
decree was a gross infringement of the law of nations and an outrage on
neutral rights, which especially called for resistance from the
Americans, a neutral and trading people; but they neither resisted nor
seriously remonstrated against it. Other causes of dispute arose from
the determination of the British government to exclude the Americans
from the blockaded ports of France, and from that inexhaustible source
of quarrel, the impressment of British seamen from American vessels,
especially as the difficulty of distinguishing British from American
seamen led occasionally to the impressment of American native born
citizens. In June, 1807, occurred the rencontre between his majesty's
ship Leopard and the Chesapeake, which terminated in the forcible
extraction from the American frigate of four deserters from British
ships of war. The British government instantly disavowed this act, and
recalled Vice-Admiral Berkeley, who had given the order to search the
Chesapeake. Jefferson, however, not only issued a proclamation
interdicting all British ships of war from entering the ports of the
United States, but proposed to congress to lay an embargo on American
vessels, and to compel the trading ships of every other nation to quit
the American harbours. This proposition was warmly opposed by the
federalists, or Washingtonians, but it was nevertheless adopted by large
majorities. Thus matters remained, with subsequent slight modifications,
from the month of December, 1807, to the declaration of war in 1812, an
interval which the commercial classes spent in a hopeless struggle
against bankruptcy and ruin. Attempts were not wanting on our part to
arrive at a friendly accommodation, but Jefferson demanded, as a
preliminary, the revocation of the British orders in council, and the
entire exemption of American ships from any search, or from any question
as to their crews or cargoes. The British government pledged itself to
repeal the orders in council as soon as the French decrees should cease
to exist. In 1809, Jefferson was succeeded as president by Madison, who
was compelled to yield somewhat to the popular outcry, and to repeal the
universal embargo substituting a non-intercourse act with England and
France, both which nations, it must be confessed, having by restraints
on their commerce given the Americans just grounds for dissatisfaction.
On the 23d June, 1812, the prince regent in council revoked the orders
in council as far as regarded America, with a proviso that the
revocation should be of no effect unless the United States rescinded
their non-intercourse act with England. It has been thought that the
revocation came too late, and that if it had been conceded a few weeks
earlier, there would have been no war with America; but Madison had
been treating with Bonaparte's government since the end of the year
1810, and the whole course of his conduct, with his evident desire to
illustrate his presidency by the conquest of Canada, proved his
determination to brave a war with England. He and his party nicely
calculated on which side the greater profit was to be obtained--whether
the United States would gain more by going to war with England than by
hostility against Bonaparte and his edicts. "Every thing in the United
States," says James in his naval history, "was to be settled by a
calculation of profit and loss. France had numerous allies--England
scarcely any. France had no contiguous territory; England had the
Canadas ready to be marched into at a moment's notice. France had no
commerce; England had richly-laden merchantmen traversing every sea.
England, therefore, it was against whom the death-blows of America were
to be levelled." The struggles of England against Napoleon enabled the
American government to choose its own time. On the 14th April, congress
laid an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States during the
space of ninety days, with the view of lessening the number that would
be at the mercy of England when war was finally declared, and also of
manning efficiently their ships of war and privateers. By the end of May
their fastest merchant vessels were converted into cruisers, ready to
start at a short notice. On the 18th of June, before the revocation of
the orders in council was known in the United States, a declaration of
war was carried in the house of representatives by seventy-nine to
forty-nine votes, its supporters being chiefly from the western and
southern states to Pennsylvania inclusive, while the advocates for peace
were principally from the northern and eastern states.[44]
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, January 22, 1812.
It is the opinion of the adjutant-general that you will not
wish to avail yourself of the conditional leave of absence I
have received authority to grant you. I shall hear with
particular satisfaction that Baynes is not mistaken, as I
value your services highly.
If it be the disposition of government to employ Major-General
Sheaffe, the death of Major-General Balfour, at Fredericton,
and the absence of Major-General Wilder, affords the
opportunity of doing so without depriving me of your
assistance at this critical period of affairs.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock, at York._
QUEBEC, January 23, 1812[45]
Sir George Prevost has commissioned me to inform you that by
the October mail, which arrived two days ago, he received a
letter from the adjutant-general, authorizing him to permit
your return to England for the purpose of being employed on
the continent, and sanctioning his appointing Major-General
Sheaffe to succeed you on the staff in Canada. But Sir George,
viewing the intention of the commander-in-chief as instigated
solely by a desire to promote your wishes and advantage, and
having learnt from me that from the tenor of your recent
correspondence I was led to believe that you would prefer
retaining your present charge, he has directed me to inform
you of the circumstance by a private letter, which will enable
you to canvass the subject with more freedom than an official
communication would admit of. Your decision to remain longer
in Canada will be highly acceptable to him. Sheaffe, I have no
doubt, will be very speedily provided for in this country,
without depriving us of your services. Sir George has asked
permission to appoint him in General Wilder's place, and there
will be two vacancies in Nova Scotia to fill up in the spring.
Sir George has great pleasure in acceding to your request to
be permitted to nominate one or two ensigns to the Glengary
Fencibles, and, if you wish, young Shaw may be immediately
provided for in that corps, and afterwards transferred to the
line.
The cold here has been severer for the last eight days than
has ever been recollected by the oldest inhabitant; the
thermometer falling as low as 33 degrees under cipher,
accompanied with high wind, and never rising during all that
time above 15 degrees below--it is at this moment 20 degrees
under cipher: fortunate you, that are in a milder climate, for
we are suffering dreadfully from excessive cold. By your
description of your pastime in shooting wild pigeons, you
certainly possess a very great advantage over us in these
respects. We have been much plagued with opthalmia, which has
been very general in the king's regiment, and the severe cold
does not prevent the contagion.
* * * * *
On the 4th February, 1812, Major-General Brock, accompanied by a
numerous suite, opened the session of the legislature at York with the
following speech to the legislative council and the house of assembly:
"Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly.
"I should derive the utmost satisfaction, the first time of my
addressing you, were it permitted me to direct your attention
solely to such objects as tended to promote the peace and
prosperity of this province.
"The glorious contest in which the British empire is engaged,
and the vast sacrifice which Great Britain nobly offers to
secure the independence of other nations, might be expected to
stifle every feeling of envy and jealousy, and at the same
time to excite the interest and command the admiration of a
free people; but, regardless of such generous impressions, the
American government evinces a disposition calculated to impede
and divide her efforts.
"England is not only interdicted the harbours of the United
States, while they afford a shelter to the cruisers of her
inveterate enemy, but she is likewise required to resign
those maritime rights which she has so long exercised and
enjoyed. Insulting threats are offered, and hostile
preparations actually commenced; and though not without hope
that cool reflection and the dictates of justice may yet avert
the calamities of war, I cannot, under every view of the
relative situation of the province, be too urgent in
recommending to your early attention the adoption of such
measures as will best secure the internal peace of the
country, and defeat every hostile aggression.
"Principally composed of the sons of a loyal and brave band of
veterans, the militia, I am confident, stand in need of
nothing but the necessary legislative provisions, to direct
their ardour in the acquirement of military instruction, to
form a most efficient force.
"The growing prosperity of these provinces, it is manifest,
begins to awaken a spirit of envy and ambition. The
acknowledged importance of this colony to the parent state
will secure the continuance of her powerful protection. Her
fostering care has been the first cause, under Providence, of
the uninterrupted happiness you have so long enjoyed. Your
industry has been liberally rewarded, and you have in
consequence risen to opulence.
"These interesting truths are not uttered to animate your
patriotism, but to dispel any apprehension which you may have
imbibed of the possibility of England forsaking you; for you
must be sensible that if once bereft of her support, if once
deprived of the advantages which her commerce and the supply
of her most essential wants give you, this colony, from its
geographical position, must inevitably sink into comparative
poverty and insignificance.
"But Heaven will look favorably on the manly exertions which
the loyal and virtuous inhabitants of this happy land are
prepared to make, to avert such a dire calamity.
"Our gracious prince, who so gloriously upholds the dignity
of the empire, already appreciates your merit, and it will be
your first care to establish, by the course of your actions,
the just claim of the country to the protection of his royal
highness.
"I cannot deny myself the satisfaction of announcing to you
from this place, the munificent intention of his royal
highness the prince regent, who has been graciously pleased to
signify that a grant of £100 per annum will be proposed in the
annual estimates, for every future missionary of the Gospel,
sent from England, who may have faithfully discharged, for the
term of ten years, the duties of his station in this province.
"Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,
"I have no doubt but that, with me, you are convinced of the
necessity of a regular system of military instruction to the
militia of this province;--on this salutary precaution, in the
event of a war, our future safety will greatly depend, and I
doubt not but that you will cheerfully lend your aid, to
enable me to defray the expense of carrying into effect a
measure so conducive to our security and defence.
"I have ordered the public accounts to be laid before you, and
have no doubt but that you will consider them with that
attention which the nature of the subject may require.
"Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
"I have, without reserve, communicated to you what has
occurred to me on the existing circumstances of this province.
We wish and hope for peace, but it is nevertheless our duty to
be prepared for war.
"The task imposed on you, on the present occasion, is arduous;
this task, however, I hope and trust, laying aside every
consideration but that of the public good, you will perform
with that firmness, discretion, and promptitude, which a
regard to yourselves, your families, your country, and your
king, call for at your hands.
"As for myself, it shall be my utmost endeavour to co-operate
with you in promoting such measures as may best contribute to
the security and to the prosperity of this province."
The addresses of the provincial parliament in reply were highly
satisfactory, and in answer Major-General Brock observed:
"The congratulations offered upon my appointment to the
honorable station I hold in this province, and the confidence
you so early repose in me, are, be assured, received with
pride and heartfelt satisfaction.
"Impressed with the assurance of your support, I feel a most
perfect reliance that the exertions of this province will be
found equal to meet every emergency of this important crisis."
* * * * *
The conclusion of the following letter is descriptive of Major-General
Brock's views and intentions in the probable event of a war ensuing
between Great Britain and the United States, and which a few months
afterwards he carried into effect with a success that must have exceeded
his most sanguine expectations.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Baynes, the Adj.-General._
YORK, February 12, 1812.
The assurance which I gave, in my speech at the opening of the
legislature, of England co-operating in the defence of this
province, has infused the utmost confidence; and I have reason
at this moment to look for the acquiescence of the two houses
to every measure I may think necessary to recommend for the
peace and defence of the country. A spirit has manifested
itself, little expected by those who conceived themselves the
best qualified to judge of the disposition of the members of
the house of assembly. The most powerful opponents to Governor
Gore's administration take the lead on the present occasion.
I, of course, do not think it expedient to damp the ardour
displayed by these once doubtful characters. Some opposed Mr.
Gore evidently from personal motives, but never forfeited the
right of being numbered among the most loyal. Few, very few I
believe, were actuated by base or unworthy considerations,
however mistaken they may have been on various occasions.
Their character will very soon be put to a severe test. The
measures which I intend to propose are:
1.--A militia supplementary act. Sir George will hear the
outlines from Captain Gray.
2.--The suspension of the habeas corpus. A copy of the act now
enforced in the Lower Province.
3.--An alien law.
4.--The offer of a reward for the better apprehension of
deserters.
If I succeed in all this, I shall claim some praise; but I am
not without my fears. I shall send you the militia act the
moment it passes into a law. The more I consider the new
provisions, the more I am satisfied (giving of course every
proper allowance to the disposition of the people) they are
peculiarly calculated to meet the local situation of the
country. I have not a musket more than will suffice to arm the
active part of the militia from Kingston westward. I have
therefore to request that the number of arms may be sent,
according to the enclosed requisition, to the places therein
specified, on the communication between Glengary and Kingston.
Every man capable of carrying a musket, along the whole of
that line, ought to be prepared to act. The members of the
assembly from that part of the country are particularly
anxious that some works may be thrown up as a rallying point
and place of security for stores, &c, in the vicinity of
Johnstown. I shall request Colonel M'Donnell to examine, on
his return, the ground which those gentlemen recommend as best
suited for that purpose. Being immediately opposite
Ozwegatchie, some precaution of the sort is indispensable,
were it only to preserve a free communication between the two
provinces. I have been made to expect the able assistance of
Captain Marlow. Should he be still at Quebec, have the
goodness to direct his attention, on his way up, to that
quarter. He had better consult. Colonel Frazer and Captain
Gilkinson, men of sound judgment and well acquainted with the
country. The militia will have of course to be employed on the
works.
I must still press the necessity of an active, enterprizing,
intelligent commander being stationed on that important line
of communication. I wish Colonel Ellice[46] were here to
undertake the arduous task, as it is wholly impossible that I
can do so. Every assistance in my civil capacity I shall
always be ready to give, and to that point my exertions must
be necessarily limited. Niagara and Amherstburg will
sufficiently occupy my attention. I deliver my sentiments
freely, believing they will not be the less acceptable.
I discussed every point connected with Amherstburg so
completely with Captain Gray, that I do not find any thing
very essential was omitted. Colonel M'Donnell will be able
probably to give us further insight as to the actual state of
affairs there. He was to make every enquiry and, as far as he
was permitted, to judge himself of the relative strength of
Detroit. Lieut.-Colonel---- preceded him by some days, but in
such state of mind that forbids my placing any dependance in
his exertions. When I first mentioned my intention of sending
him to Amherstburg, he seemed diffident of his abilities, but
pleased at the distinction. However, when he received his
final instructions, his conduct in the presence of some
officers was so very improper, and otherwise so childish, that
I have since written to say, if he continued in the same
disposition, he was at liberty to return to Niagara. I did not
directly order him back, because at this time I consider an
officer of rank necessary at Amherstburg, particularly during
the absence of Messrs. Elliott and Baby, who are both here
attending their parliamentary duties. You will imagine, after
what I have stated, that it is the influence of his rank I
alone covet, and not his personal aid. He has very fortunately
given timely proof that he is in no way ambitious of military
fame, therefore unfit for so important a command. Should it
please his excellency to place the 41st and 49th at my
disposal, I propose sending the former regiment to
Amherstburg, as we cannot be too strong in that quarter. I
have already explained myself on that point, and Captain Gray
is furnished with further arguments in support of the measure.
I have delayed to the last the mention of a project which I
consider of the utmost consequence in the event of
hostilities. I set out with declaring my full conviction, that
unless Detroit and Michilimakinack be both in our possession
immediately at the commencement of hostilities, not only the
district of Amherstburg, but most probably the whole country
as far as Kingston, must be evacuated. How necessary,
therefore, to provide effectually the means of their capture.
From Amherstburg it will be impossible to send a force to
reduce Michilimakinack. Unless we occupy completely both
banks, no vessel could pass the river St. Clair. What I
therefore presume to suggest for his excellency's
consideration, is the adoption of a project which Sir James
Craig contemplated three years ago. The north-west company
undertook to transport 50 or 60 men up the Ottawa, and I make
no doubt would engage again to perform the same service. If
therefore a war be likely to occur, at the time the canoes
start from Montreal, I should recommend 40 or 50 of the 49th
light company, and a small detachment of artillery, embarking
at the same time for St. Joseph's. Should hostilities
commence, the north-west would not object to join their
strength in the reduction of Michilimakinack; and should peace
succeed the present wrangling, the 49th detachment could be
easily removed to Amherstburg.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, February 20, 1812.
Captain M'Donnell has not clearly understood the purport of
his mission to Upper Canada, and the general regrets that he
should have proceeded the length he has done without having
previously received your advice and instructions, to obtain
which was the chief object of his visit to York. It is to be
hoped, however, that sufficient patronage still remains open
to meet your wishes, as the appointment of three of General
Shaw's sons may be considered, from the sentiments of
friendship and regard you have testified for that officer, to
be almost equivalent to anticipating your own choice of them.
And Sir George has directed me to inform you, that he readily
accepts of your proposal to recruit two companies, to be added
to the Glengary Fencibles; the nomination of the officers,
viz. two captains, two lieutenants, and two ensigns, to rest
entirely with you. The general has approved of the following
quotas of men for the respective ranks: captains 30,
lieutenants 15, and ensigns 20; the commissions to be issued
on completing the quota, and such as complete their proportion
quickest, or exceed in extra number of recruits, will have
priority in regimental rank. I am not aware that Sir George
purposes nominating a lieutenant-colonel; but I am sure that
you will not feel less disposed to promote the formation of
this corps, when I inform you that it is his intention to
recommend me to the commander-in-chief for the appointment of
colonel.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, February 22, 1812.
Sir George is much pleased with the favorable account Captain
Gray has given him of your proceedings. Your speech is highly
approved of here, and we shall rejoice to find our house
following so laudable an example as your commons have shewn
them: but I am not sanguine; they have already commenced with
great illiberality and violence to vent their spleen and
resentment against Sir James (Craig) in votes of censure, and
I fancy Sir George, with all his amiable, conciliatory
mariners, will hardly succeed in keeping them within bounds.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, February--, 1812.
I cannot permit Colonel M'Donnell to return home without
giving your excellency a short account of our proceedings
here.
I had every reason to expect the almost unanimous support of
the two houses of the legislature to every measure the
government thought it necessary to recommend; but after a
short trial, I found myself egregiously mistaken in my
calculations.
The many doubtful characters in the militia made me anxious to
introduce the oath of abjuration into the bill: there were
twenty members in the house, when this highly important
measure was lost by the casting voice of the chairman.
The great influence which the numerous settlers from the
United States possess over the decisions of the lower house is
truly alarming, and ought immediately, by every practical
means, to be diminished. To give encouragement to real
subjects to settle in this province, can alone remove the
evil. The consideration of the fees should not stand in the
way of such a politic arrangement; and should your excellency
ultimately determine to promise some of the waste lands of the
crown to such Scotch emigrants as enlist in the Glengary
Fencibles, I have no hesitation in recommending, in the
strongest manner, the raising of a Canadian corps upon similar
offers, to be hereafter disbanded and distributed among their
countrymen in the vicinity of Amherstburg. Colonel M'Donnell
being in full possession of my sentiments on this subject, I
beg leave to refer your excellency to him for further
information.
The bill for the suspension of the habeas corpus, I regret to
say, was likewise lost by a very trifling majority. A strong
sentiment now prevails that war is not likely to occur with
the United States, which, I believe, tended to influence the
votes of the members; I mean of such who, though honest, are
by their ignorance easily betrayed into error.
The low ebb of their finances appears to stagger the most
desperate democrats in the States, and may possibly delay the
commencement of direct hostilities; but should France and
England continue the contest much longer, it appears to me
absolutely impossible for the United States to avoid making
their election; and the unfriendly disposition they have for
some years past evinced towards England, leaves little doubt
as to their choice. Your excellency, I am sensible, will
excuse the freedom with which I deliver my sentiments.
Every day hostilities are retarded, the greater the
difficulties we shall have to encounter. The Americans are at
this moment busily employed in raising six companies of
Rangers, for the express purpose of overawing the Indians; and
are besides collecting a regular force at Vincennes, probably
with a view of reinforcing Detroit. Indeed, report states the
arrival of a large force at Fort Wayne, intended for the
former garrison. Their intrigues among the different tribes
are carried on openly and with the utmost activity, and as no
expense is spared, it may reasonably be supposed that they do
not fail of success. Divisions are thus uninterruptedly sowed
among our Indian friends, and the minds of many altogether
estranged from our interests. Such must inevitably be the
consequence of our present inert and neutral proceedings in
regard to them. It ill becomes me to determine how long true
policy requires that the restrictions now imposed upon the
Indian department ought to continue; but this I will venture
to assert, that each day the officers are restrained from
interfering in the concerns of the Indians, each time they
advise peace and withhold the accustomed supply of ammunition,
their influence will diminish, till at length they lose it
altogether.
I find that ever since the departure of Priest Burke from
Sandwich, the £50 per annum paid from the military chest to
that gentleman have been withheld, on what account I have not
been able to ascertain. The individual at present officiating
is highly spoken of; and as several gentlemen of the Catholic
persuasion have applied to me to intercede with your
excellency to renew the allowance, I presume to submit the
case to your indulgent consideration.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, March 5, 1812.
I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of the 12th February, which I have communicated to Sir George,
who is highly pleased to find you are satisfied to retain the
important post you fill, and which you appear to govern under
such very auspicious prospects. I sincerely trust you will be
able to keep your subjects, and particularly your house of
representatives, in the same good humour and sound principles
which they have hitherto testified. You will perceive in the
main sentiments of Sir George's opening address, a perfect
accordance with your own: the answer of the assembly led to a
very violent and personal debate, which lasted with closed
doors for nearly eighteen hours. It would have been more to
their credit had they left out the allusion which has drawn
from Sir George a very appropriate retort. Your friend, James
Cuthbert, was very warm and eloquent upon the occasion, and
the demagogue party seemed sensible of the severity of his
satire, when he compared the factious cabal to Æsop's fable of
the ass kicking at the dying lion. Having vented their spleen,
they will, I believe, prove a little more tractable: the
militia bill has a prospect of being materially amended, and
they will, I think, allow a proportion of about 2,000 men, or
perhaps a few more, to be incorporated for two or three
months, for three successive years; after the second year to
be replaced by a new quota, and to be selected by ballot, and
no substitutes permitted to serve in the place of a militiaman
drawn by lot: this will be a great point gained.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Baynes._
YORK, March 9, 1812.
I received yesterday your letter dated the 20th February, and
have to express my thanks to Sir George Prevost for his
readiness in attending to my wishes.
His excellency having been pleased to authorize the raising of
two companies under my superintendence, giving me the
nomination of the officers, I have to acquaint you, for his
information, that Alexander Roxburgh, Esq., has been appointed
by me to raise men for a company, and William M'Lean,
gentleman, for an ensigncy. The former is a gentleman strongly
recommended to me by Mr. Cartwright, of Kingston; and the
latter, the son of an officer formerly in the 25th regiment,
who, having settled in this country, has become one of the
most influential characters in it. He is a member of the house
of assembly for the district of Frontenac. I have not yet
determined in respect to the remaining commissions, but will
report the instant the individuals are nominated.
Captain Dixon (royal engineers) proceeded four days ago to
Amherstburg, with the gentlemen who were returning from their
parliamentary duties.
I request you will have the goodness to inform me of the
probable time I may expect the honor of seeing Sir George
Prevost, as I shall consider it a duty, which I shall execute
with the utmost pleasure, of meeting his excellency at
Kingston.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, March 19, 1812.
I regret to find by your late letters to Sir George Prevost,
that your expectations from your legislature have not been
realised to the extent of your well grounded hopes. Sir
George, who is well versed in the fickle and untractable
disposition of public assemblies, feels more regret than
disappointment. He has a very delicate card to play with his
house of assembly here, who would fain keep up the farce of
being highly charmed and delighted with his amiable
disposition and affable manners: they have even gone the
length of asserting, that these traits in his character have
afforded them the most entire confidence that in his hands the
alien act would not be abused. They have, however, taken the
precaution of stripping it of its very essence and spirit,
while last year they passed it without a division, when Sir
James, (Craig,) on whose mild and affable disposition they did
not pretend to rely, told them that it could only alarm such
as were conscious of harbouring seditious designs. They have
passed an amendment to the militia bill, which, though not
affording all that was required, is still a material point
gained. 2,000 men are to be ballotted to serve for three
months in two successive summers; one of their strongest
objections was the apprehension of the Canadians contracting
military habits and enlisting into the service.[A]
Sir George has directed me to inform you, that he will be
ready to render you any assistance in his power to strengthen
the Upper Province; but that unless reinforcements arrive from
England, (in which case you may depend upon having a due
proportion put under your immediate command,) his means of
doing so are but very limited. His excellency is not sanguine
in his expectation of receiving reinforcements this summer; on
the contrary, the appearance of hostilities beginning to abate
at Washington, and the pledge held out in the prince regent's
speech of supporting with energy the contest in Spain and
Portugal, are likely to prevent troops being sent to this
quarter, unless a more urgent necessity of doing so should
appear. I will not comment on American politics, in which we
all appear to agree that the deep-rooted jealousy and hatred
of that people must in the end lead to hostilities, and that
it behoves us not to lose sight of an event which, if not
prepared to meet, we shall find more difficult to
repel;--under this impression, Sir George is disposed to
promote the several plans you have recommended to him,
relating to the general line of conduct you would wish to
adopt in the defence of the important province committed to
your charge. If no additional forces be sent out, he will
send up the strong detachment of the 41st, composed of
uncommonly fine young men, and in very good order: the general
has it also in view to send you a strong detachment of the
Newfoundland regiment, selecting their seamen and marine
artificers, who will be most useful in the proposed works to
be carried on at York; and here I am apprehensive that the
means of augmenting your strength must be bounded, unless the
Glengary Levy can be rapidly formed, and Sir George is
sanguine in his expectations of its being speedily placed upon
a respectable footing: in that case, it could occupy Kingston
and that line of communication between the provinces, which
you deem so essential to be guarded. This corps will have the
very great advantage of starting with a better selected body
of officers than has fallen to the lot of any Fencible
regiment in Canada. I hope you will feel inclined to bring
forward Shaw as one of your captains, as without your
countenance I fear he will find it an arduous task to provide
for himself and his brother. The uniform of the corps is to be
green, like that of the 95th rifles.
Sir George expressed himself very sensible of the policy of
the line of conduct you would wish to pursue respecting the
Indians; but as other considerations of the greatest political
delicacy are so minutely interwoven with them, and as the
American government are already inclined to view every
transaction with those people with a jealous and suspicious
eye, he would recommend the utmost caution and forbearance,
lest a different line of conduct might tend to increase the
irritation between the two governments, which it is evidently
the wish of Great Britain to allay.
Our weather has been, and still continues for the season,
severer than ever was recollected by the oldest stagers, and
has rather put our Halifax friends out of conceit with the
fine climate of Canada, particularly as Lady Prevost's health
is delicate, and she is very sensible of cold. Mrs. Cator and
Mrs. Baynes beg to be most kindly remembered to you. General
Bowes accompanied Kempt to Portugal in the end of December.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, April 2, 1812.
Many thanks for the very kind and friendly note which
accompanied your letter of the 9th ultimo, and I beg you to
rest assured, that I am very sensible of your friendly
disposition towards me, and feel particularly grateful and
flattered by the kind manner in which you have the goodness to
express it.
The American papers, under the head of English news, as late
as the 20th January, give a circumstantial account of the
death of Sir James Craig, on Sunday, the 12th, at his house in
Charlotte Street. There are too many circumstances
corroborating an event which was so greatly to be apprehended,
to leave a shadow of doubt of the severe loss that all, who
were favored with his friendship, have sustained. To me, from
my earliest youth, he has been the best and kindest friend, a
steady and powerful patron; for few sons ever experienced more
truly paternal care and affectionate regard from the best of
fathers, than I have received at the hands of that best of
men. The grief that I cannot suppress is a selfish tribute to
my own irreparable loss: his release from a state of cruel,
lingering suffering, which, as I had so long witnessed, he
bore with a degree of fortitude and patient resignation
unparalleled, could have been no cause of regret to him, and
therefore ought not to be so to those who most sincerely loved
him; but I have so long been accustomed to cherish the
grateful and affectionate sentiments of a highly favored son
to the best of parents, that however I might have been
prepared for this inevitable shock, I still feel that there
are affections so rooted in our hearts, that this world's
changes can never efface the impression. His memory will long
be remembered with admiration by all who knew his merit. As a
soldier he had few equals, and no knight had a fairer claim to
the proud title of _sans peur et sans reproche_; while the
widow, the orphan, and every distressed object that claimed
his aid, will testify the generous heart that once animated
that good and honorable man.
The ladies of this house always beg to be remembered to you,
with the sincerest good wishes for your health and happiness.
Mrs. Baynes has been plotting with Mrs. Colonel Robertson to
elope and pay you a visit, pressing Heriot[47] into their
service as their knight errant.
_Major-General Brock to Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, Commanding 2d Regiment
Norfolk Militia._
YORK, April 8, 1812.
The power which is vested in the person administering the
government, by the amended act of the militia, passed the last
session of the provincial parliament, of forming two flank
companies, to be taken indiscriminately from the battalions,
being limited to the end of the ensuing session, would almost
deter me from incurring public expense upon a system which
will cease to operate before its utility and efficacy can well
be ascertained.
But being anxious at this important crisis to organize an
armed force with a view of meeting future exigencies, and to
demonstrate by practical experience the degree of facility
with which the militia may be trained for service, I have to
request you to adopt immediate measures for forming and
completing, from among such men as voluntarily offer to serve,
two companies, not to exceed one captain, two subalterns, two
sergeants, one drummer, and thirty-five rank and file each, in
the regiment under your command.
You will have the goodness to recommend two captains, whom
you conceive the best qualified to undertake this important
duty; the nominating of the subalterns is left to your
discretion.
Such other regiments as are conveniently situated to receive
military instruction, shall have an opportunity afforded them
of shewing their ardour in the public service, which cannot
fail of creating a laudable emulation among the different
corps.
Assisted by your zeal, prudence, and intelligence, I entertain
the pleasing hope of meeting with very considerable success,
and of being able to establish the sound policy of rendering
permanent to the end of the present war, a mode of military
instruction little burdensome to individuals, and every way
calculated to secure a powerful internal defence against
hostile aggression.
Printed rules and regulations, for your future guidance, are
herewith forwarded: the most simple, and at the same time the
most useful, movements have been selected for the practice of
the militia.
Experience has shewn the absolute necessity of adopting every
possible precaution to preserve in a proper state the arms
issued to the militia, and of guarding against the heavy
defalcations which have heretofore occurred.
You will make applications to the officers commanding at Fort
Erie for the number of arms and accoutrements wanting to
complete the men actually engaged to serve in the flank
companies; and that officer will be instructed to comply with
your requisition, upon your transmitting to him duplicate
receipts, one of which is to be forwarded to head quarters,
that you may become responsible for the articles delivered to
your order: at the same time, the most liberal construction
will be given to any representation accounting for such
contingencies as are incidental to the service.
[The remaining details in this letter are omitted here.]
_Sir James Saumarez, Bart.[48] to Major-General Brock._
SPITHEAD, April 14, 1812.
Lieutenant Le Couteur[49] being ordered to join his regiment
in Canada, permit me to recommend him to your kind notice: he
is a promising young officer, and being connected with our
family, makes me interested for his welfare. I congratulate
you upon your present distinguished appointment. A few weeks
previous to my leaving town, I was informed by Lord Liverpool
that Governor Gore had leave of absence, but that if he did
not return to his command, he would be happy in taking your
services into consideration. From what his lordship was
pleased to add, I have no doubt of your succeeding to the
government, in the event of Governor Gore obtaining any other
situation.
I am on the point of returning to the Baltic, where there
appears a strong disposition on the part of Russia and some
of the other powers to resist the aggressions of Bonaparte,--I
trust with well-founded hopes of ultimate success.
_Major-General Le Couteur to Major-General Brock._
LISBON, April 16, 1812.
I am here in consequence of a mistake in orders sent to me by
Lord Palmerston, to join the army in Portugal, when his
lordship meant Jamaica. On my arrival at Lisbon I found out
the mistake, and I hope in a few days to sail for my real
destination.
My son, whom you perhaps will remember an infant when you were
in Jersey, will have the pleasure to deliver you this letter,
if the 104th regiment be in your neighbourhood. He is only
seventeen years old; very young to be sent loose on the wide
world. Allow me to recommend him to your kindness and friendly
protection; and should he be quartered at some distance from
you, permit me to request you will be so good as to introduce
him to some steady officer, or to such of your friends as
might be in his neighbourhood. I shall hope to have him soon
as my aide-de-camp.
_Sir John Dumaresq, Kt., Lieut.-Bailiff of Jersey, to Major-General
Brock_.
JERSEY, April 20, 1812.
I hope you will pardon the liberty I take of giving a letter
of introduction to you to my grandson, Lieut. John Le Couteur,
of the 104th, son of Major-General Le Couteur, who is on his
departure for Quebec with recruits. His father, who is now in
Portugal, had some hopes his son might have been allowed to be
on his staff; but it seems that could not take place until he
has served a certain time in the regiment. He is a young man
(not yet eighteen) of an excellent disposition, educated at
Marlow, where he has given the most pleasing testimonies of
early professional abilities and attention to his duty. I
shall esteem, it a great favor, as well as his father, for any
mark of attention or notice which you may have it in your
power to shew him whilst under your command.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, April 22, 1812.
I had the honor yesterday to receive your excellency's letter,
dated the 21st ultimo, and I entreat you to believe that no
act within my control shall afford the government of the
United States a legitimate pretext to add to a clamour which
has been so artfully raised against England.
We have received the account of the renewal of the embargo,
and that the most rigorous measures have already been adopted
to prevent the least infringement of it upon the Niagara
river. Armed men, in coloured clothes, are continually
patroling along the shore. These troops are stated to have
recently arrived, but I have not been able to ascertain
whether they belong to the new levy or to the militia. They
are reported to amount to about 300. Colonel Proctor has
doubtless written fully on the subject, but unfortunately the
letters, by some negligence, were left at Niagara. The
accounts which have reached me are not therefore so
satisfactory as could be wished. An idle boy is stated to have
wantonly fired with ball at the guard opposite Queenstown, and
it appears that the Americans were guilty of a similar outrage
by firing during the night into a room in which a woman was
sitting. Luckily no mischief followed. Being detained here
upon civil business, I have sent Captain Glegg over to see how
matters stand, and to arrange with both civil and military the
best means of preventing a recurrence of a practice which may
easily lead to serious consequences. I hope to be at Niagara
myself the day after to-morrow.
I beg leave to assure your excellency, that I receive with no
small degree of pride the praise bestowed on my endeavours to
improve the militia system of this province; and as the bill
underwent some alterations after the departure of Colonel
M'Donnell, particularly in limiting its operation to the end
of the ensuing session, I shall have the honor to forward for
your excellency's information the law as now enforced. I have,
by partial and gentle means, already commenced to give it
operation, and I make not the least doubt that a sufficient
number will be found ready to volunteer to complete the flank
companies; and I here beg leave to call your excellency's
attention to the clause which authorizes the training of the
flank companies six times in each month; but as no provision
is made for remunerating the men, I presume to submit for your
excellency's indulgent consideration, that the commissaries be
instructed to issue rations for the number actually present at
exercise. These companies I expect will be composed of the
best description of inhabitants, who in most cases will have
to go a great distance to attend parade; and, unless this
liberal provision be allowed, will be liable to heavy expense,
or be subject to considerable privations. According to my
present arrangements, the number embodied will not exceed 700,
and when the companies are completed throughout the province,
they must be calculated at 1,800; and, as during harvest and
the winter months few or no parades will take place, the total
expense attending the measure can be of no material
consequence in a pecuniary point of view, and may in a
political light be productive, at this juncture, of
considerable benefit.
I have likewise to request that such portion of clothing as
your excellency can conveniently spare from the king's stores,
may be forwarded, to enable me to clothe such companies as are
the most likely to be called upon duty.
I am anxious to hear the real object of the embargo; should it
be directed solely against England, the probability is that it
leads to a war; but should France be included in its
operation, nothing of the kind need be dreaded.
In the expectation of having the honor of seeing your
excellency shortly at York, I limit, for the present, the
works of the military artificers at this place, to preparing a
temporary magazine for the reception of the spare powder at
Fort George and Kingston, and the excavation of the ditch for
the proposed fortifications of the spot on which the
government house stands.
I transmit, for your excellency's perusal, a detailed account
of the transactions which led to the unjustifiable censure
passed by the house of assembly upon Chief Justice Scott. It
is written by Mr. Nichol himself; and the warmth with which he
has expressed his indignation at the wanton exercise of a
power yet undefined, as far as regards this province, is not
therefore surprising. I am convinced that whenever the
business is brought legally before the judges, they will
refuse to sanction the enormous power, under the name of
privilege, which the house arrogates to itself. The executive
will in that case be placed in a very awkward predicament: Mr.
Nichol having commenced civil actions against the speaker and
sergeant at arms for false imprisonment, will, should he
succeed in obtaining damages, bring the question with double
force on the _tapis_. The violence and ignorance which, in all
probability, will mark the proceedings of the house, cannot
fail of producing a dissolution. I apply forcibly to ministers
for instructions, but should they be contrary to the opinion
which the judges of the court of king's bench have formed of
the law, I am led to believe they will not influence the
members; therefore, one of two alternatives must be resorted
to, either the appointment of more docile judges, or the
decision of the question by a British act of parliament. I
trust, for the tranquillity and prosperity of the province,
that the latter mode may be preferred. I have thus freely, and
perhaps with rather too much haste to be sufficiently
explicit, stated the difficulties which in all likelihood I
shall have to encounter at the next meeting of the
legislature.
Should the effect of the embargo appear to be directed solely
at Great Britain, I shall avail myself of the confidence
placed in me, and order the purchase of horses, to enable the
car brigade to act in case of necessity. This, being a service
which requires infinite trouble and practice to bring to any
degree of perfection, cannot be too soon attended to.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, April 30, 1812.
I have just heard from Mr. Foster that the secretary at war,
at Washington, has transmitted orders to Governor Tompkins, of
New York, to send 500 of the state militia to Niagara, 500 to
the mouth of the Black River, opposite to Kingston, and 600 to
Champlain, in consequence of the hostile appearances in
Canada. Mr. Foster is of opinion the government of the United
States calculates that something will happen on the part of
these men to produce a quarrel with the British troops, which
may lead to retaliation on both sides, and occasion
hostilities to commence, as in this way alone, it seems
thought, an unjust war can be forced on the American people,
who are represented as really averse to it. We must,
therefore, use every effort in our power to prevent any
collision from taking place between our forces and the
American.
I have also received information that the American garrison at
Fort Chicago, not exceeding 60 men, has been ordered to
Detroit, in consequence of apprehensions from the Indians.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, May 14, 1812.
I have great satisfaction in telling you that I have reported
the Glengary light infantry more than complete to the
establishment of 400 rank and file, and have received Sir
George Prevost's commands to recruit for a higher
establishment; indeed, the quotas the officers have engaged to
fulfil will nearly amount to double that number; and from the
very great success that has attended our exertions, I have no
doubt of succeeding by the end of this year. Two officers have
divided Nova Scotia and New Brunswick for their hunting
ground, and are permitted to recruit Acadians; and Lieutenant
Ronald M'Donnell, of the Canadians, proceeds in a few days to
Pictou and the highland settlements on the coast and gulf: he
is an officer that appears to be eminently qualified for that
service, and he is sanguine that the proffer of lands in the
Scotch settlements of Upper Canada will induce great numbers
to enter. I am assured from various channels that the men I
have got are generally young, rather too much so, and of a
good description, there being very few Yankees amongst them.
I have long letters from my friends at home, giving me a
detailed account of the death of my excellent and best of
friends: the duke of York sat by his bedside for half an hour
the day before he died, and, Somerville says, was extremely
affected. Sir James, (Craig,) on the contrary, rallied from
the pleasure he experienced from this condescending kindness.
Sir James had a codicil written fair for his signature, the
chief object of which was to add a legacy for a female cousin
whom he did not know to be in existence, and to direct the
sale of the priory and freehold, which cost 12,000 guineas, to
enable the payment of the legacies: this instrument, not
having been executed, will lead to what he most deprecated and
wished to avoid, a lawsuit. The heirs at law will possess the
freehold; and Wilkie, who, besides £6,000, is left the two
houses in London, furniture, &c, as residuary legatee, will be
stripped of the whole that is not given by special bequest, to
make up the legacies: he will however, I believe, have at
least £10,000 left--very ample payment for his services.
Sir George has announced his intention of recommending
Battersby to be lieutenant-colonel of the Glengary corps, and
ordered him to take the command of the recruits assembled at
Three Rivers. Your major of brigade[50] will be recommended to
succeed to his majority in the king's regiment.
_Major-Gencral Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, May 16, 1812.
I have this day been honored with your excellency's
confidential communication, dated the 30th ultimo.
I have long since thought that nothing but the public voice
restrained the United States government from commencing direct
hostilities; and it is but reasonable to expect that they will
seek every opportunity to influence the minds of the people
against England, in order to bring them the more readily into
their measures. It will be my study to guard against every
event that can give them any just cause of complaint; but the
proximity of the two countries will in all probability produce
collisions which, however accidentally brought about, will be
represented as so many acts of aggression. It would not
surprise me if their first attempt to excite irritation were
the seizing of the islands in the channel, to which both
countries lay claim: such was represented to Sir James Craig
on a former occasion to be their intention.
In addition to the force specified by your excellency, I
understand that six companies of the Ohio militia are intended
for Detroit. Our interests with the Indians will materially
suffer in consequence of these extensive preparations being
allowed to proceed with impunity. I have always considered
that the reduction of Detroit would be a signal for a cordial
co-operation on the part of the Indians; and if we be not in
sufficient force to effect this object, no reliance ought to
be placed in them.
About forty regulars were last week added to the garrison of
Niagara, and by all accounts barracks are to be immediately
constructed at Black Rock, almost opposite Fort Erie, for a
large force.
I returned three days ago from an excursion to Fort Erie--the
Grand River, where the Indians of the Six Nations are
settled--and back by the head of the lake. Every gentleman,
with whom I had an opportunity of conversing, assured me that
an exceedingly good disposition prevailed among the people.
The flank companies, in the districts in which they have been
established, were instantly completed with volunteers, and
indeed an almost unanimous disposition to serve is daily
manifested. I shall proceed to extend this system now I have
ascertained that the people are so well disposed--but my means
are very limited.
I propose detaching 100 rank and file of the 41st regiment to
Amherstburg, almost immediately.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, May 21, 1812.
Sir George has allowed me to make the following extracts from
a dispatch of Mr. Foster's, dated the 28th April, which I do
in the minister's own words: "The American government affect
now to have taken every step incumbent on the executive as
preparatory to war, and leave the ultimate decision to
congress, as vested by the constitution in that body, which is
fluctuating as the sea: there is a great party in the house of
representatives for war, composed principally of the western
and southern states--members who have little to lose, and may
gain, while the northern and eastern states are vehement
against it. The embargo seems to have been resolved upon,
because at the moment they did not know what else to do. The
cabinet wished only sixty days--the senate made it ninety. Our
government leaves no room to expect a repeal of the order in
council, yet they wait for the return of the Hornet. Something
decisive must then be known; perhaps when they become
completely convinced of Bonaparte's playing upon them, it will
end in declaring against France. The question of adjournment
was lost, notwithstanding there was an absolute majority known
a few minutes before in its favor. The ruling party are split
into many; the old revolutionists, jealous of younger men
taking a lead. The army cannot, I conceive, soon be filled
up--they get few recruits."
You will have heard, long ere you receive this, that the 49th
regiment is ordered home; the 41st are by the same authority
to return to Europe, but Sir George will not, under existing
circumstances, attempt to relieve the posts in Upper Canada,
so that there will be no immediate change in your quarter. Sir
George regrets that he has not field officers of the
description you require to command at Kingston and
Amherstburg. The only prospect of relief in that respect which
he has in view, is from the arrival of the absent inspecting
field officers.
The arrangement you propose respecting the unfortunate
delinquents of the 41st regiment, will perfectly meet the
approbation of Sir George, who approved of your not forwarding
the resignation of the younger members, or indeed of any, if
they are worthy of consideration.
Kempt has brought his name into notice in the assault of La
Picurina, an outwork at Badajoz, where he commanded, being on
duty in the trenches. The Glengary levy goes on swimmingly.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, May 27, 1812.
I was much pleased to find, by your letter of the 22d ultimo,
you had taken precautions to prevent any act occurring within
your control that should afford the government of the United
States a legitimate pretext to add to the clamour artfully
raised by it against England.
The circumstance which happened to the guard stationed
opposite to Queenstown, arrived here much exaggerated. Your
account of it silenced the idle reports in circulation.
I agree with you in deploring the limitation, until the end of
the ensuing session, in the operation of the militia act for
Upper Canada; but as in the event of hostilities it might not
be possible to convene the legislature, then the bill would in
all probability continue in force during the war, provided you
were not induced to make an exertion for a more perfect law.
Colonel Baynes having informed me he had an opportunity of
communicating with you more expeditiously than by post, I
desired him to make you acquainted with the peaceful
intelligence I had just received from Mr. Foster; but although
it comes with a good deal of reservation, still it warrants me
in recommending the most rigid economy in carrying on the
king's service, and in avoiding all expense that has not
become absolutely necessary, as it is with the utmost
difficulty money can be raised for the ordinary service.
I am apprehensive that I cannot look forward to the pleasure
of seeing you before the end of August, as my presence in the
province is become indispensably necessary during the first
operation of the new militia law.
Many thanks for the particulars of the transaction which led
to the censure passed by the house of assembly on Chief
Justice Scott.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 43: He died at Mount Vernon, on the 14th December, 1799, in
the sixty-eighth year of his age, leaving a widow but no issue.]
[Footnote 44: Pictorial History of England.]
[Footnote 45: This and a few of the subsequent letters from Colonel
Baynes are partly in cipher of figures, but of course we have not the
key.]
[Footnote 46: The present Lieut.-General Ellice, colonel of the 24th
regiment of foot. He is the officer mentioned at page 97, but was deputy
adjutant-general in Canada, and not inspecting field officer of militia
as we supposed.]
[Footnote 47: The late Major-General Heriot, C.B., then Captain Heriot,
of the 49th.]
[Footnote 48: The late Admiral Lord de Saumarez, G.C.B., &c.]
[Footnote 49: The present Colonel Le Couteur, Militia Aide-de-Camp to
the Queen, in Jersey. In the _United Service Journal_ for October, 1831,
Colonel Le Couteur has described the winter march of the 104th regiment,
early in 1813, from New Brunswick to Canada.]
[Footnote 50: The present Major-General Thomas Evans, C.B., then a
captain of the 8th foot.]
CHAPTER VII.
It will be assisting the reader, ere we proceed to detail the operations
at the commencement of hostilities, to give a brief description, not
only of the lakes and straits which constitute the water boundaries of
Upper Canada, and of the towns and military posts distributed along
them, as existing in the year 1812, but also of the territory of
Michigan, which was surrendered, with Detroit, to Major-General Brock.
The distances are given in British statute miles.
The most remote piece of water on this frontier worthy of notice is Lake
Superior, a body of fresh water unequalled by any upon the face of the
globe. Lake Superior is of a triangular form; in length 381, in breadth
161, and in circumference about 1,150 miles. Among its islands is one
nearly two-thirds as large as Jamaica. Out of Lake Superior a very rapid
current flows, over immense masses of rock, along a channel of 27 miles
in length, called St. Mary's River, into Lake Huron, at the head of
which is the British island of St. Joseph, containing a small garrison.
This isolated post is distant about 350 miles by water from Amherstburg,
which contained the nearest British garrison.
Lake Huron is in length, from west to east, 218 miles; in breadth, 180;
and in circumference, through its numerous curvatures, 812 miles. Except
the island of St. Joseph, and one or two trading establishments
belonging to the north-west company, the shores of this lake were in a
state of nature, or inhabited only by Indians. When the Americans were
allowed to obtain the dominion of Lake Erie, which they did in 1813, it
was determined at the close of the following year to create a naval
force on Lake Huron in the ensuing season, (1815,) as possessing much
greater security for the construction of vessels than Lake Erie, where
the enemy could at any time destroy them, in the same manner as their
vessels ought to have been previously destroyed by the British. Lake
Michigan, which belongs wholly to the United States, is connected with
Lake Huron at its western angle by a short and wide strait, in the
centre of which is the island of Michilimakinack, belonging to the
United States. This island is about 9 miles in circumference, and, like
St. Joseph, its neighbour, it possessed a small fort and garrison. Lake
Huron flows through the river St. Clair, which is in length about 60
miles, into Lake St. Clair, a small circular lake 30 miles in diameter.
The beautiful river Thames, in Upper Canada, opens into Lake St. Clair,
and it was along the banks of this river that Major-General Proctor
retreated in 1813. From Lake St. Clair, the stream, through the Detroit,
navigable for vessels not drawing more than fourteen feet water,
pursues a course of nearly 40 miles into Lake Erie.
Upon the western side of the Detroit is situate the American town of
that name. About 5 miles below Detroit, upon the opposite side of the
strait, is the British village of Sandwich, then containing scarcely
fifty houses; and 18 miles lower, and within four of the termination of
the strait, is the British village of Amherstburg, then containing about
one hundred houses, and a fort where a small garrison was maintained,
and where the principal vessels for the service of Lake Erie were
constructed. The American village of Brownstown stands nearly opposite
to Amherstburg, which is distant from Quebec by the nearest route by
water 815 miles, from Fort Erie about 250 miles, and from York 315
miles.
Lake Erie, from Miamis Bay to the entrance of the straits of Niagara, is
in length 257 miles, in breadth 64 miles, and in circumference 658
miles. The greatest depth of water is between forty and forty-five
fathoms, but a very rocky bottom renders the anchorage unsafe in blowing
weather. Except Amherstburg, the British have no harbour or naval depôt
upon Lake Erie, while the Americans have two or three excellent ones.
_Presqu'île_ harbour is situate on the southern side of the lake, not
far from the entrance to the Niagara. It is a safe station, but has a
seven feet bar at its entrance, as indeed have all the other harbours on
this lake. The town, named Erie, is situate on the south side of the
harbour, and contains a dock yard, in which the Americans built their
Lake Erie fleet. To the eastward of the town stands a strong battery,
and on the point of the Peninsula forming the harbour, a block house,
for the protection of this naval depôt. The rivers Raisin, Sandusky, and
Miami, the scenes of important operations during the war, discharge
themselves into Lake Erie.
On the north-western side of the entrance to the Niagara river stands,
at a distance of 565 miles from Quebec, the British fort Erie, at best a
very inconsiderable work. Near to the same outlet from Lake Erie is
Buffalo Creek, on the border of which is built the American village of
Buffalo; and about 2 miles beyond it, Black Rock, where there is a
battery, and a ferry, about 800 yards across, to Bertie, in Upper
Canada. The Niagara proceeds at a quick rate past several small and one
large island, called _Grande Isle_, 10 miles long; about 2 miles below
which, on the American side, and distant 2 miles from the Falls, is the
site of Fort Schlosser. At about the same distance from the Falls, on
the opposite side, standing on the northern bank of the river Chippewa,
is the British village of the same name, distant from Fort Erie 17
miles. Chippewa consisted chiefly of store houses; and near it was a
small stockaded work, called Fort Chippewa. At the distance of 23 miles
from the entrance to the Niagara, is Goat Island, about half a mile
long, and which extends to the precipice that gives rise to the
celebrated Falls. The larger body of water flows between Upper Canada
and Goat Island, at the upper end of which island the broken water, or
_rapids_, commence. Here the stream passes on both sides of the island,
over a bed of rocks and precipices, with astonishing rapidity; till,
having descended more than fifty feet in the distance of half a mile, it
falls, on the British side 157, and on the New York side 162, feet
perpendicularly.
From the cataract, the river is a continued rapid, half a mile in width,
for about 7 miles. At this point stand, opposite to each other, the
villages of Queenstown and Lewistown. The latter, situate upon the
American side, contained, till destroyed as a retaliatory measure,
between forty and fifty houses. At about six miles and a half from
Queenstown, near to the river side, stands Fort George, then constructed
of earthen ramparts and palisades of cedar, and mounting no heavier
metal than 9-pounders. About half a mile below Fort George, and close to
the borders of Lake Ontario, stood the beautiful and flourishing village
of Newark, which was burnt by the Americans.
Directly opposite to Newark, upon a neck of land projecting partly
across the mouth of the river, which is here 875 yards in width, stands
the American fort of Niagara, the scene of so many conflicts. It was
built by the French in 1751; taken by us in 1759;[51] and, along with
several other frontier posts, ceded to the United States in 1794; and,
though since taken, has again been ceded to the same power. Fort
Niagara, unlike any of the Canadian forts along that frontier, is a
regular fortification, built of stone, on the land side, with breast
works, and every necessary appendage. It mounts between twenty and
thirty heavy pieces of ordnance, and contains a furnace for heating
shot.
The strait of Niagara is about 36 miles in length; and its shores, on
both sides, were, more or less, the scenes of active warfare during the
whole period of hostilities. Lake Ontario, to which the strait leads, is
in length, from west to east, 171, in breadth 50, and in circumference
467 miles. The depth of water varies much, it being in some places three
or four, in others fifty fathoms: towards the centre three hundred
fathoms of line have, it is said, not found the bottom. York harbour
lies on the north side of Lake Ontario; is nearly circular, of about a
mile and a half in diameter, and formed by a narrow peninsula extending
to Gibraltar Point, upon which a blockhouse has been erected. The town
of York, (now called Toronto,) the infant capital of Upper Canada, is in
lat. 43° 35' north, and long. 78° 30' west, and is distant from Fort
George by water about 30 miles. The public buildings consisted of a
government house, the house of assembly, a church, court-house, and a
gaol, with numerous stores belonging to government. Kingston harbour is
situate at the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario. It contains good
anchorage in three fathoms water, and was defended by a small battery of
9-pounders on Mississaga Point, and another, of the same metal chiefly,
on Point Frederick. The town, which was the largest and most populous in
the Upper Province, contained about 370 houses; including several
buildings and stores belonging to government. Its distance from York is
145, from Montreal, in an opposite direction, 198, and from Quebec 378
miles. Opposite to, and distant about half a mile from, the town, is a
long low peninsula, forming the west side of Navy Bay, the principal
naval depôt of the British on this lake, and where the ships of war were
constructed.
Of the American military posts on Lake Ontario, the principal one is
Sackett's harbour, distant from Kingston, by the ship channel, 35 miles.
The harbour is small but well sheltered. From the north-west runs out a
low point of land, upon which was the dock yard with large store houses,
and all the buildings requisite for such an establishment. Upon this
point there was a strong work called Fort Tompkins, having within it a
blockhouse two stories high: on the land side it was covered by a strong
picketing, in which there were embrasures; at the bottom of the harbour
was the village, containing about seventy houses; and, to the southward
of it, a large barrack, capable of containing 2,000 men, and generally
occupied by the marines belonging to the fleet. Towards the middle of
1814, there were three additional works, Fort Virginia, Fort Chauncey,
and Fort Kentucky, as well as several new blockhouses; and the guns then
mounted upon the different forts exceeded sixty.[52]
The greatest length of the Michigan territory, from south-east to
north-west, is 500 miles, and the number of square miles both of land
and water is estimated at 150,000. The country was then chiefly in the
possession of the Indians, and the white population amounted by the
previous census to about 5,000. It includes two peninsulas of unequal
size, in addition to which are numerous islands, constituent parts of
the territory. The most important of these is Michilimakinack, already
described. This island, while in the former possession of the British,
was the general rendezvous of the North-West traders and the Indians
they supplied. Here the outfits were furnished for the countries of Lake
Michigan and the Mississippi, Lake Superior and the North-West; and here
the returns of furs were collected and embarked for Montreal. Detroit,
the chief town of the territory, is situated on the right bank of the
strait, 10 miles below Lake St. Clair and 28 miles above Lake Erie. It
then contained above two hundred houses, many of brick, and upwards of
1,200 inhabitants. In the rear of the fort was an extensive common,
skirted by boundless and almost impenetrable forests. We learn from
Morse's American Geography, on the acknowledged authority of Governor
Hull, that Fort Detroit, in 1810, was a regular work of an oblong
figure, "covering about an acre of ground. The parapets were about
twenty feet in height, built of earth and sods, with four bastions, the
whole surrounded with pallisadoes, a deep ditch, and glacis. It stood
immediately back of the town, and had strength to withstand a regular
siege, but did not command the river." And as the American government
had been for some time secretly preparing for war, it may be safely
inferred, that in the meanwhile this fort had been rather strengthened
than permitted to fall to decay; and that it was at least as tenable in
1812 as when Governor Hull, two years before, gave the preceding
description of its defences. The town of Detroit is in lat. 42° 15'
north, and long. 82° 33' west.
About the year 1763, Detroit, then indeed the far west, and containing a
garrison of 300 men, was nearly captured by stratagem by Pontiac, the
celebrated Indian chief of that day, who waged war against the British,
and whose alliance, before the capture of Quebec by Wolfe, in 1759, was
anxiously courted by both the French and English.[53]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 51: The 49th British regiment assisted at the reduction of
this fort in July, 1759.]
[Footnote 52: James' Military Occurrences of the late War between Great
Britain and the United States, 2 vols. London, 1818.]
[Footnote 53: For a description of the deeds of Pontiac, or Pondiac, as
she spells his name, see Mrs. Grant's "Memoirs of an American Lady,"
vol. ii.]
CHAPTER VIII.
The discussions which had been so long pending between Great Britain and
the United States, assumed, during the winter of 1811-12, a very serious
aspect. But many did not believe that the latter power was inclined to
proceed to extremities; while others, who foresaw that it only awaited a
favorable moment to invade the Canadas, which were supposed ripe for
revolt and would therefore fall an easy conquest, were prepared to
expect what soon after followed, a declaration of war against Great
Britain.
As this was not the first time that the American government had
proceeded to menaces, and as the northern and eastern states were known
to be averse to hostilities, the British ministry were deluded into a
belief that peace would yet be maintained. Mr. Foster, the English
minister at Washington, seems to have partaken of this delusion, for it
does not appear that he had taken any precautionary measures to convey
to the governor of the British North American Provinces the earliest
intelligence of the declaration of war on the 18th June, 1812; and, had
it not been for the prudent foresight of some British merchants at New
York, it is possible that the first intimation would have been received
from the mouths of the American cannon. To Upper Canada Mr. Foster sent
no notice whatever of the war, and Major-General Brock was left to learn
it officially through the circuitous and dilatory channel of the
governor-general. Happily, individual diligence made up for this
unpardonable neglect; and the war was known by private expresses at
Montreal, in Lower, and at Fort George, in Upper Canada, on the 24th of
June, or in six days after its declaration at Washington.
At this period the exigencies of the Peninsular war, which depended
chiefly upon English arms and English money, required the almost
undivided attention and energies of the British ministry, who are thus
entitled to some excuse for their neglect of North American affairs; but
they will still remain amenable to the charge of having been guilty of
the folly of too much despising the new enemy arrayed against them at
that most busy and critical moment. The want of a sufficient force for
the protection of the Canadas[54] might have proved fatal, at least to
the Upper Province, had not Major-General Brock, from the first moment
of being placed at the head of his government, been convinced that war
was inevitable; and that in consequence every exertion should be used to
place the province in as respectable a state of defence as his very
limited means would admit. The instant the navigation opened in the
spring, a supply of ordnance and other stores was hurried up to fort St.
Joseph; and its commandant, Captain Roberts, was instructed to be
constantly on his guard. Similar precautions were adopted relative to
Amherstburg, to which post Major-General Brock paid a visit early in
June, and fortunately took with him a reinforcement of 100 men of the
41st regiment. But in the execution of his plans he had to encounter
many obstacles, among which the subordinate nature of his command was
not the least formidable. Even as late as the 27th May, Sir George
Prevost does not seem to have considered hostilities so near, as on that
day he recommended to Major-General Brock the most rigid economy in
carrying on the public service, and in avoiding all expense that was not
absolutely necessary, on the plea of the great difficulty of raising
money. Sir George has, however, been wrongly accused of not sending any
instructions whatever to Major-General Brock for some weeks after he
received intimation of the war, as he did so from Montreal on the 7th
and 10th of July, or in less than a fortnight afterwards; but, either
from his dispatches not being transmitted by express, or from some other
unexplained cause, they did not reach their destination until the 29th
of July, or exactly five weeks after the declaration of war was known
in Upper Canada.
On the breaking out of hostilities, the regular force in Upper Canada
amounted to barely 1,500 men, including seamen, as under:
41st Regiment 900
10th Veterans 250
Newfoundland Regiment 250
Royal Artillery 50
Provincial Seamen 50
====
Total 1500 men.
This force had to occupy the forts St. Joseph, Amherstburg, and
Chippewa--Fort Erie and Fort George--and York and Kingston--to maintain
the superiority on the lakes; to preserve the communication and escort
convoys between Coteau de Lac and Kingston; and to defend an assailable
frontier of nearly 800 miles, reckoning from the confines of Lower
Canada to Amherstburg, and excluding the British coast from the Detroit
to Fort St. Joseph. With this very inadequate force, it was the opinion
of the highest authorities that the country could not be maintained.
Major-General Brock was well aware that, in carrying on the war along so
extensive a frontier, uncovered by a single fortress of strength, and
with such a handful of regular troops, he could only expect success in
the aid and zealous co-operation of the people. But the province had
long been torn by intestine disputes, and the prevailing factionwhich
had been originally established by one of the judges, and which after
his departure was fostered by one of his zealous supporters--had been
for years hostile to the measures of the government. We have already
given Major-General Brock's speech to the provincial parliament, on his
meeting it for the first time; the session, although obstructed by party
dissensions and unlooked-for opposition, terminated better than was
anticipated, as the rancorous spirit of many was subdued by his frank
and conciliatory demeanour; and laws were passed which enabled him to
organize the flank companies of the militia, unaccompanied, however, by
the desired oath of abjuration, so as to exclude settlers from the
United States and persons of doubtful loyalty. A troop of volunteer
cavalry was also incorporated, and on his return to York from
Amherstburg, about the 20th of June, Major-General Brock was gratified
by the offer of a company of farmers' sons with their draft horses for
the equipment of a car brigade, under Captain Holcroft, of the royal
artillery, which offer he gladly accepted.
Major-General Brock was at York when he received intelligence of the
war--an event which he had long anticipated, and which therefore did not
take him by surprise. After assembling his council and summoning an
extra session of the legislature, he hastened with his brigade major,
Evans, and his aide-de-camp, Captain Glegg, to Fort George, on the
Niagara frontier, where he immediately established his head quarters.
It was at first his intention to capture the opposite American fort
Niagara; but the high responsibility he was about to assume, of acting
without instructions or an official communication, being represented to
him, he confined himself to collecting and preparing his small force for
offensive or defensive operations. Early in July he procured a "National
Intelligencer," which contained the act of congress declaratory of war,
and the message of the president accompanying it, and this information
was of course decisive.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, June 25, 1812.
Sir George Prevost desires me to inform you that he has this
instant received intelligence from Mr. Richardson, by an
express to the north-west company, announcing that the
American government had declared war against Great Britain.
This dispatch left New York on the 20th instant, and does not
furnish any other circumstance of intelligence whatever. His
excellency is induced to give perfect and entire credit to
this report, although it has not yet reached through any
official channel. Indeed, the extraordinary dispatch which has
attended this courier, fully explains his not having received
the minister's letters, of which he will not fail to give you
the earliest intimation.
Mr. Richardson informs his excellency that it is the intention
of the company to send six large canoes to receive their furs
by the Grand River, (or Ottawa,) and should it be thought
expedient to reinforce the post of St. Joseph, that they will
be able to carry six soldiers in each boat.[55] Anxious as Sir
George feels to render you every aid in his power, and to
afford every possible assistance and protection to the
north-west company, who have on their part assured his
excellency of their ready and active co-operation to the
utmost of their ability, his excellency, nevertheless, does
not think it advisable, under existing circumstances, to
weaken the 49th regiment, which occupies so important and
critical a station; nor can he hold out any certain prospect
of any further reinforcement until the arrival of the troops
he has been led to expect from England, but directs me to
assure you of his cordial wish to render you every efficient
support in his power.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 3, 1812.
I have been anxiously expecting for some days to receive the
honor of your excellency's commands in regard to the measures
the most proper to be pursued on the present emergency.
The accounts received, first through a mercantile channel, and
soon after repeated from various quarters, of war having been
declared by the United States against Great Britain, would
have justified, in my opinion, offensive operations. But the
reflection that at Detroit and Michilimakinack the weak state
of the garrisons would prevent the commanders from
accomplishing any essential service, connected in any degree
with their future security, and that my means of annoyance on
this communication were limited to the reduction of Fort
Niagara, which could easily be battered at any future period,
I relinquished my original intention, and attended only to
defensive measures. My first object has been the calling out
of the flank companies of militia, which has produced a force
on this line of about 800 men. They turned out very
cheerfully, but already shew a spirit of impatience. The
king's stores are now at so low an ebb, that they scarcely
furnish any article of use or comfort. Blankets, hammocks and
kettles, are all to be purchased; and the troops, when
watching the banks of the river, stand in the utmost need of
tents. Mr. Couche has adopted the most efficacious means to
pay the militia in paper currency. I cannot positively state
the number of militia that will be embodied, but they cannot
exceed throughout the province 4,000 men.
The Americans are very active on the opposite side, in the
erection of redoubts; we are not idle on our part, but
unfortunately, having supplied Amherstburg with the guns which
that post required from Fort George, depending upon getting
others from Kingston to supply their place, we find ourselves
at this moment rather short of that essential arm. I have,
however, every reason to think that they are embarked on board
the Earl Moira, which vessel, according to Major M'Pherson's
report, was to have sailed on the 28th ultimo. The Americans
have, I believe, about 1,200 regulars and militia between Fort
Niagara and Black Rock, and I consider myself at this moment
perfectly safe against any attempt they can make. About 100
Indians from the Grand River have attended to my summons; the
remainder promise to come also, but I have too much reason to
conclude that the Americans have been too successful in their
endeavours to sow dissension and disaffection among them. It
is a great object to get this fickle race interspersed among
the troops. I should be unwilling, in the event of a retreat,
to have three or four hundred of them hanging on my flank. I
shall probably have to sacrifice some money to gain them over,
and the appointment of a few officers with salaries will be
absolutely necessary.
The Americans make a daily parade of their force, and easily
impose on the people on this side in regard to their numbers.
I do not think they exceed 1,200, but they are represented as
infinitely more numerous.
For the last fortnight every precaution has been taken to
guard against the least communication, and to this day we are
ignorant whether the president has sanctioned the war
resolutions of the two houses of congress; that is, whether
war be actually declared.
The car brigade has been completed for service with horses
belonging to gentlemen, who spared them free of expense.
I have not been honored with a line from Mr. Foster, nor with
all my endeavours have I been able to obtain information of
any consequence. The Prince Regent made her first voyage this
morning, and I purpose sending her to Kingston this evening,
to bring such articles as are absolutely necessary, which we
know have arrived from Quebec. I trust she will out-sail the
Oneida brig.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, July 4, 1812.
We have a report here of your having commenced operations by
levelling the American fort at Niagara. The general is most
anxious to hear good and recent intelligence from your
quarter. There is no considerable assembly of troops in our
neighbourhood as yet; the flank companies, embodied under
Colonel Young, are on their march, and the 2,000 militia will
form a chain of posts from St. John's to La Prairie. The town
militia of this and Quebec, to the amount of 3,000 in each
city, have volunteered being embodied and drilled, and will
take their proportion of garrison duty to relieve the troops.
The proclamation for declaring martial law is prepared, and
will be speedily issued. All aliens will be required to take
the oath of allegiance, or immediately quit the province. Our
cash is at its last issue, and a substitute of paper must per
force be resorted to. This has been Sir George's principal
object in calling the legislature together. You have a very
arduous and difficult card to play, and have our sincere and
confident wishes for your success. Sir George strongly
recommends extreme moderation in the use of the Indians, and
to keep them in control as much as possible.
[This letter contains the details of a large and armed assembly at La
Chine, near Montreal, of French Canadians, who refused to serve in the
embodied militia. They were dispersed by the light company of the 49th,
and a detachment of artillery with two field pieces, under the command
of Major Plenderleath, of the 49th, but not before one Canadian was
killed and another dangerously wounded.]
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, July 7, 1812.
It was only on my arrival at Montreal that I received Mr.
Foster's notification of the congress of the United States
having declared war against Great Britain; the fact had been
previously ascertained through mercantile channels.
I am convinced you have acted wisely in abstaining from
offensive operations, which in their effect might have united
a people governed by public opinion, and among whom too much
division exists, at this moment, to admit of its influence in
promoting vigorous measures against us.
The manner of the flank companies of militia turning out must
have been very satisfactory to you. I hope your supplies of
ordnance and ordnance stores, on their way from Kingston, have
arrived safe.
I have caused arms, accoutrements and ammunition, to be
forwarded for the use of the Cornwall, Stormont, and Dundas
battalions of militia. Camp equipage for 500 men shall be sent
to you as soon as possible, together with muskets.
We are on the eve of substituting paper for bullion. I am
aware of the Canadian prejudice against such a circulating
medium, but it must give way to the imperious necessity of the
times.
It is highly proper you should secure the services of the
Indians; but restrain and control them as much as you can.
Whatever appointments you deem indispensably necessary you are
authorized to make, as well as the sacrifice of some money to
gain them over. It is proper we should maintain our ascendancy
over the Indians, and feed with proper food their predeliction
for us.
Colonel Lethbridge, an inspecting field officer, is under
orders for Kingston, and there to wait your commands.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, July 8, 1812.
I was highly gratified yesterday in receiving your letters of
the 3d July, for we have felt extremely anxious about you ever
since we have learnt the unexpected declaration of war, which
had been so long threatened that no one believed it would
ever seriously take place; and even now it is the prevailing
opinion that, from the opposition testified by the eastern
states, offensive measures are not likely to be speedily
adopted against this country. Sir George is inclined to let
these sentiments take their course, and as little advantage
would accrue by more active measures on our part, our present
plans are all defensive. General de Rottenburg is arrived, and
the flank companies embodied are on their way: this corps,
with the embodied militia, will form a chain from La Prairie
to St. John's, with a light corps advanced in their front. We
have reports of the 103d regiment being in the river, and, it
is added, recruits for the 100th regiment.
Sir George has had applications from so many quarters for
militia below Kingston, that to insure a general arrangement
and to adopt the best system that circumstances will admit, he
has directed Colonel Lethbridge, the inspecting field officer
here, to proceed through the line of settlements to see the
several colonels and corps of militia so as to fix their
quotas, and afterwards to proceed to Kingston and assume the
command of that post, if necessary: he will be placed under
your orders, but you will perhaps not wish to bring him in
contact with the 41st regiment, as he is senior to Colonel
Proctor.
Sir George desires me to say, that he does not attempt to
prescribe specific rules for your guidance--they must be
directed by your discretion and the circumstances of the
time: the present order of the day with him is forbearance,
until hostilities are more decidedly marked.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, July 10, 1812.
Colonel Lethbridge's departure for Kingston affords me an
opportunity of replying more fully and confidentially to your
letter of the 3d instant, than I could venture to have done
the day before, yesterday by an uncertain conveyance. That
officer has been desired to transmit to you, together with
this dispatch, a copy of the instructions given to him for his
guidance until the exigencies of the service make it necessary
in your estimation to substitute others, or to employ the
colonel in any other situation of command. In them you will
find expressed my sentiments respecting the mode of conducting
the war on our part, suited to the existing circumstances; and
as they change, so must we vary our line of conduct, adapting
it to our means of preserving entire the king's provinces.
Our numbers would not justify offensive operations being
undertaken, unless they were solely calculated to strengthen a
defensive attitude. I consider it prudent and politic to avoid
any measure which can in its effect have a tendency to unite
the people in the American States. Whilst disunion prevails
among them, their attempts on these provinces will be feeble;
it is, therefore, our duty carefully to avoid committing any
act which may, even by construction, tend to unite the eastern
and southern states, unless, by its perpetration, we are to
derive a considerable and important advantage. But the
government of the United States, resting on public opinion for
all its measures, is liable to sudden and violent changes; it
becomes an essential part of our duty to watch the effect of
parties on its measures, and to adapt ours to the impulse
given by those possessed of influence over the public mind in
America.
Notwithstanding these observations, I have to assure you of my
perfect confidence in your measures for the preservation of
Upper Canada. All your wants shall be supplied as fast as
possible, except money, of which I have so little, as to be
obliged to have recourse to a paper currency.
The adjutant-general has reported to you the aid we have
afforded, in arms and ammunition, to your militia at Cornwall,
Glengary, Dundas, and Stormont.
To prevent an interruption to the communication between the
two provinces, it is fit a system of convoy should be
established between Montreal and Kingston; and as
Major-General de Rottenburg is to remain here in command of a
cordon of troops, consisting of regulars and militia,
(established in this neighbourhood to prevent an irruption for
the plunder of Montreal,) whilst I attend to parliamentary
duties at Quebec, on that subject you may communicate direct
with the major-general, as he has my instructions to
co-operate with you on preserving this important object.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 12, 1812.
With the exception of occasional firing from the opposite
shore, (the unauthorized act of an undisciplined militia,)
nothing of a hostile nature has occurred on this communication
since I last had the honor of addressing your excellency.
The enemy is busy constructing batteries at different points
in the river, but he does not appear to have yet received
cannon to place in them. We are doing all we can on this side
to counteract his views, and the arrival this morning of the
Royal George and the vessels under her convoy, bringing
various pieces of ordnance, will give us in this respect a
decided superiority.
The militia, which assembled here immediately on the account
being received of war being declared by the United States,
have been improving daily in discipline; but the men evince a
degree of impatience under their present restraint, that is
far from inspiring confidence. So great was the clamour to
return and attend to their farms, that I found myself in some
measure compelled to sanction the departure of a large
proportion; and I am not without my apprehensions that the
remainder will, in defiance of the law, which can only impose
a fine of £20, leave the service the moment the harvest
commences. There can be no doubt that a large portion of the
population in this neighbourhood are sincere in their
professions to defend the country; but it appears likewise
evident to me that the greater part are either indifferent to
what is passing, or so completely American as to rejoice in
the prospect of a change of government. Many who now consider
our means inadequate, would readily take an active part were
the regular troops increased. These cool calculators are
numerous in all societies.
The alacrity and good temper with which the militia, in the
first instance, marched to the frontiers, have tended to
infuse in the mind of the enemy a very different sentiment of
the disposition of the inhabitants, who, he was led to believe
would, upon the first summons, declare themselves an American
state. The display for several days of a large force was made,
I have every reason to believe, in that expectation.
Nearly the whole of the arms at my disposal have been issued.
They are barely sufficient to arm the militia immediately
required to guard the frontier. Were I furnished with the
means of distributing arms among the people, in whom
confidence can be placed, they would not only overawe the
disaffected, but prove of essential use in the event of
invasion. The militia assembled in a wretched state in regard
to clothing; many were without shoes, an article which can
scarcely be provided in the country.
After the cannon, which have arrived this morning, are
mounted, I shall consider my front perfectly secure. I do not
imagine the enemy will hazard a water excursion with a view to
turn my flanks. He probably will wait until winter, when the
ice will enable him to cross with the utmost facility to any
part between Fort Erie and as far as Long Point. My situation
will then depend upon the force the enemy may bring to invade
the province. Should the troops have to move, the want of
tents will be severely felt.
A person who left Sandwich yesterday week, pretends that the
enemy was then in the act of cannonading the place. I have not
heard from Lieut.-Colonel St. George since my last letter to
your excellency.
An officer is so absolutely necessary to command in the
eastern district, that I have consented to Major-General Shaw
proceeding thither in that capacity. I have full confidence in
his judgment, and his conduct in the field is undoubted. He of
course will assume the command in virtue of his militia rank,
and will be liable to be superseded by any lieutenant-colonel
your excellency may be pleased to appoint.
The expense of defending this province will unquestionably be
great; upon a rough calculation, and supposing that 4,000
militia be constantly embodied, it cannot be estimated at less
than £140,000 per annum. However great the sum, it will be
applied to very considerable advantage, provided your
excellency be enabled to send reinforcements, as without them
it is scarcely possible that the government of the United
States will be so inactive or supine as to permit the present
limited force to remain in possession of the country. Whatever
can be done to preserve it, or to delay its fall, your
excellency may rest assured will be exerted.
Having been suddenly called away from York, I had not time to
close my dispatch, giving your excellency an account of my
proceedings during my stay at Amherstburg. I now have the
honor to forward two documents, detailing the steps taken by
the Indian department to prevail on that unfortunate people to
accommodate their differences with the American government.
_Extract from an American Newspaper_.
BUFFALO, July 14, 1812.
Major-General Brock is at present at Newark, superintending
the various defences on the river. He is stated to be an able
and experienced officer, with undoubted courage. He came from
Little York soon after hearing the declaration of war, and, it
was believed, with a serious intention of attacking Fort
Niagara, but, contrary to what has been reported, he made no
demand of a surrender.
Expecting a descent from the American army, the Canadians
have, for ten days past, been removing their families and
effects from the river into the interior. At Newark,
Queenston, and other villages on the river, there are no
inhabitants except a few civilians and officers and soldiers.
It is even said, that an immense quantity of specie, plate,
&c, from various parts of the province, have been boxed up,
and destined for Quebec.
The British are understood to have about six or seven hundred
regular troops stationed between the lakes, from Fort George
to Fort Erie. These men are generally those who have "seen
service" in various parts of the world. The militia of the
province are ordered out _en masse_.
It is stated by gentlemen of intelligence at Lewistown, that
the government of Canada have in their employment, under pay,
about 250 Indians, armed complete: a part of them are mounted.
Brigadier-General William Wadsworth, from Genesee, commands
the troops on our frontiers. His aids are Major Adam Hoops and
Major W. H. Spencer. His head quarters are now at Lewistown.
It is impossible to state the precise number of troops under
his command, because the militia ordered on the lines are
returning, and the companies composing the regiments under his
command have not all arrived; but from what we learn, there
are in regular troops, volunteers, and detached militia, above
4,000 stationed at Rock, Lewistown, Youngstown, and Fort
Niagara. The troops are in excellent health, in good spirits,
and well supplied. They appear quite impatient for want of
employment. There has been some firing from the sentries on
both sides of the river.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 54: At this time, the British regular force in the Canadas
consisted of the 8th, 41st, 49th, and 100th regiments, a small
detachment of artillery, the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, and the
Canadian, Newfoundland, and Glengary Fencibles; amounting, in the whole,
to 4,450 men. These were distributed along the different posts from the
telegraph station, about 250 miles below Quebec, to St. Joseph's, but so
unequally divided, that, in the Upper Province, whose front extends to
nearly 1,300, out of the 1,700 miles, there were but 1,450 men.--_James'
Military Occurrences_.]
[Footnote 55: In answer to Major-General Brock's suggestions on the
subject, see page 127.]
CHAPTER IX.
The American government, in anticipation of its declaration of war, had
detached from the state of Ohio to the Michigan territory an army of
about 2,500 men, under the command of Brigadier-General Hull, who, said
President Madison in his message to congress, "possessing discretionary
authority to act offensively, passed into Canada with a prospect of easy
and victorious progress." The enemy evidently confided in the very
limited defensive means of the Upper Province, and in the impossibility
of its receiving early assistance from the mother country. They relied
also on the supposed disaffection of many of its inhabitants, and they
expected confidently that, weak and divided, it would fall an easy prey
to the invaders; but they were soon undeceived. Having crossed over to
the Canadian village of Sandwich on the 12th July, Brigadier-General
Hull issued on that day the following insidious but able proclamation,
which was doubtless written at Washington. It will be seen that the
American general was made to say, that he did not ask the assistance of
the Canadians, as he had no doubt of eventual success, because he came
prepared for every contingency with a force which would look down all
opposition, and that that force was but the vanguard of a much greater!
Inhabitants of Canada!--After thirty years of peace and
prosperity, the United States have been driven to arms. The
injuries and aggressions, the insults and indignities of Great
Britain, have once more left them no alternative but manly
resistance or unconditional submission.
The army under my command has invaded your country, and the
standard of union now waves over the territory of Canada. To
the peaceable, unoffending inhabitant, it brings neither
danger nor difficulty. I come to _find_ enemies, not to _make_
them. I come to protect, not to injure you.
Separated by an immense ocean, and an extensive wilderness
from Great Britain, you have no participation in her councils,
no interest in her conduct. You have felt her tyranny, you
have seen her injustice--but I do not ask you to avenge the
one or redress the other. The United States are sufficiently
powerful to afford you every security, consistent with their
rights and your expectations. I tender you the invaluable
blessings of civil, political, and religious liberty, and
their necessary result, individual and general
prosperity--that liberty which gave decision to our councils
and energy to our conduct in our struggle for independence,
and which conducted us safely and triumphantly through the
stormy period of the revolution--that liberty which has raised
us to an elevated rank among the nations of the world, and
which has afforded us a greater measure of peace and security,
of wealth and improvement, than ever yet fell to the lot of
any people.
In the name of my country, and by the authority of my
government, I promise protection to your persons, property
and rights. Remain at your homes--pursue your peaceful and
customary avocations--raise not your hands against your
brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and
independence we now enjoy. Being children, therefore, of the
same family with us, and heirs to the same heritage, the
arrival of an army of friends must be hailed by you with a
cordial welcome. You will be emancipated from tyranny and
oppression, and restored to the dignified station of freemen.
Had I any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your
assistance; but I do not. I come prepared for every
contingency. I have a force which will look down all
opposition, and that force is but the vanguard of a much
greater. If, contrary to your own interests and the just
expectation of my country, you should take part in the
approaching contest, you will be considered and treated as
enemies, and the horrors and calamities of war will stalk
before you. If the barbarous and savage policy of Great
Britain be pursued, and the savages be let loose to murder our
citizens, and butcher our women and children, this war will be
a war of extermination. The first stroke of the tomahawk, the
first attempt with the scalping knife, will be the signal of
one indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man, found
fighting by the side of an Indian, will be taken
prisoner--instant destruction will be his lot. If the dictates
of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the
employment of a force which respects no rights and knows no
wrong, it will be prevented by a severe and relentless system
of retaliation.
I doubt not your courage and firmness--I will not doubt your
attachment to liberty. If you tender your services
voluntarily, they will be accepted readily. The United States
offer you peace, liberty, and security. Your choice lies
between these and war, slavery and destruction. Choose, then,
but choose wisely; and may He who knows the justice of our
cause, and who holds in his hand the fate of nations, guide
you to a result the most compatible with your rights and
interests, your peace and prosperity.
W. HULL.
By the General, A.F. HULL.
Capt. 13th Regt. U.S. Infantry, and
Aide-de-Camp.
Head Quarters,
Sandwich, July 12, 1812.
The following counter-proclamation was published by Major-General Brock,
"a proclamation as remarkable for the solid reasoning and dignity of its
language, as that of the American for its presumption."[56]
The unprovoked declaration of war by the United States of
America against the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and its dependencies, has been followed by the actual
invasion of this province, in a remote frontier of the western
district, by a detachment of the armed force of the United
States.
The officer commanding that detachment has thought proper to
invite his majesty's subjects, not merely to a quiet and
unresisting submission, but insults them with a cell to seek
voluntarily the protection of his government.
Without condescending to repeat the illiberal epithets
bestowed in this appeal of the American commander to the
people of Upper Canada, on the administration of his majesty,
every inhabitant of the province is desired to seek the
confutation of such indecent slander in the review of his own
particular circumstances. Where is the Canadian subject who
can truly affirm to himself that he has been injured by the
government, in his person, his property, or his liberty? Where
is to be found, in any part of the world, a growth so rapid in
prosperity and wealth, as this colony exhibits? Settled, not
thirty years, by a band of veterans, exiled from their former
possessions on account of their loyalty, not a descendant of
these brave people is to be found, who, under the fostering
liberality of their sovereign, has not acquired a property and
means of enjoyment superior to what were possessed by their
ancestors.
This unequalled prosperity would not have been attained by the
utmost liberality of the government, or the persevering
industry of the people, had not the maritime power of the
mother country secured to its colonists a safe access to every
market, where the produce of their labour was in request.
The unavoidable and immediate consequences of a separation
from Great Britain must be the loss of this inestimable
advantage; and what is offered you in exchange? To become a
territory of the United States, and share with them that
exclusion from the ocean which the policy of their government
enforces; you are not even flattered with a participation of
their boasted independence; and it is but too obvious that,
once estranged from the powerful protection of the United
Kingdom, you must be reannexed to the dominion of France, from
which the provinces of Canada were wrested by the arms of
Great Britain, at a vast expense of blood and treasure, from
no other motive than to relieve her ungrateful children from
the oppression of a cruel neighbour. This restitution of
Canada to the empire of France, was the stipulated reward for
the aid afforded to the revolted colonies, now the United
States; the debt is still due, and there can be no doubt but
the pledge has been renewed as a consideration for commercial
advantages, or rather for an expected relaxation in the
tyranny of France over the commercial world. Are you prepared,
inhabitants of Canada, to become willing subjects, or rather
slaves, to the despot who rules the nations of continental
Europe with a rod of iron? If not, arise in a body, exert your
energies, co-operate cordially with the king's regular forces
to repel the invader, and do not give cause to your children,
when groaning under the oppression of a foreign master, to
reproach you with having so easily parted with the richest
inheritance of this earth--a participation in the name,
character, and freedom of Britons!
The same spirit of justice, which will make every reasonable
allowance for the unsuccessful efforts of zeal and loyalty,
will not fail to punish the defalcation of principle. Every
Canadian freeholder is, by deliberate choice, bound by the
most solemn oaths to defend the monarchy, as well as his own
property; to shrink, from that engagement is a treason not to
be forgiven. Let no man suppose that if, in this unexpected
struggle, his majesty's arms should be compelled to yield to
an overwhelming force, the province will be eventually
abandoned; the endeared relations of its first settlers, the
intrinsic value of its commerce, and the pretensions of its
powerful rival to repossess the Canadas, are pledges that no
peace will be established between the United States and Great
Britain and Ireland, of which the restoration of these
provinces does not make the most prominent condition.
Be not dismayed at the unjustifiable threat of the commander
of the enemy's forces to refuse quarter, should an Indian
appear in the ranks. The brave bands of aborigines which
inhabit this colony were, like his majesty's other subjects,
punished for their zeal and fidelity, by the loss of their
possessions in the late colonies, and rewarded by his majesty
with lands of superior value in this province. The faith of
the British government has never yet been violated--the
Indians feel that the soil they inherit is to them and their
posterity protected from the base arts so frequently devised
to over-reach their simplicity. By what new principle are they
to be prohibited from defending their property? If their
warfare, from being different to that of the white people, be
more terrific to the enemy, let him retrace his steps--- they
seek him not--and cannot expect to find women and children in
an invading army. But they are men, and have equal rights
with all other men to defend themselves and their property
when invaded, more especially when they find in the enemy's
camp a ferocious and mortal foe, using the same warfare which
the American commander affects to reprobate.
This inconsistent and unjustifiable threat of refusing
quarter, for such a cause as being found in arms with a
brother sufferer, in defence of invaded rights, must be
exercised with the certain assurance of retaliation, not only
in the limited operations of war in this part of the king's
dominions, but in every quarter of the globe; for the national
character of Britain is not less distinguished for humanity
than strict retributive justice, which will consider the
execution of this inhuman threat as deliberate murder, for
which every subject of the offending power must make
expiation.
ISAAC BROCK,
Major-Gen, and President.
Head Quarters,
Fort George, July 22, 1812.
By order of his honor the president.
J.B. GLEGG,
Captain and Aide-de-Camp.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 20, 1812.
My last to your excellency was dated the 12th instant, since
which nothing extraordinary has occurred on this
communication. The enemy has evidently diminished his force,
and appears to have no intention of making an immediate
attack.
I have herewith the honor of enclosing the copy of two letters
which I have received from Lieut.-Colonel St. George, together
with some interesting documents found on board a schooner,
which the boats of the Hunter captured on her voyage from the
Miami to Detroit.
From the accompanying official correspondence between General
Hull and the secretary at war, it appears that the collected
force which has arrived at Detroit amounts to about 2,000 men.
I have requested Colonel Proctor to proceed to Amherstburg,
and ascertain accurately the state of things in that quarter.
I had every inclination to go there myself, but the meeting of
the legislature on the 27th instant renders it impossible.
I receive this moment a dispatch dated the 15th instant, from
Lieut.-Colonel St. George, giving an account of the enemy
having landed on the 12th and immediately after occupied the
village of Sandwich. It is strange that three days should be
allowed to elapse before sending to acquaint me of this
important fact. I had no idea, until I received Lieut.-Colonel
St. George's letter a few days ago that General Hull was
advancing with so large a force.
The militia, from every account, behaved very ill. The
officers appear the most in fault. Colonel Proctor will
probably reach Amherstburg in the course of to-morrow. I have
great dependence in that officer's decision, but fear he will
arrive too late to be of much service. The enemy was not
likely to delay attacking a force that had allowed him to
cross the river in open day without firing a shot.
The position which Lieut.-Colonel St. George occupied is very
good, and infinitely more formidable than the fort itself.
Should he therefore be compelled to retire, I know of no other
alternative than his embarking in the king's vessels and
proceeding to Fort Erie.
Were it possible to animate the militia to a proper sense of
their duty, something might yet be done--but I almost despair.
Your excellency will readily perceive the critical situation
in which the reduction of Amherstburg will place me.
I do not imagine General Hull will be able to detach more than
I,000 men, but even with that trifling force I much fear he
will succeed in getting to my rear. The militia will not act
without a strong regular force to set them the example; and as
I must now expect to be seriously threatened, I cannot in
prudence make strong detachments, which would not only weaken
my line of defence, but, in the event of a retreat, endanger
their safety.
I am now given to understand that General Hull's insidious
proclamation, herewith enclosed, has already been productive
of considerable effect on the minds of the people. In fact, a
general sentiment prevails, that with the present force
resistance is unavailing. I shall continue to exert myself to
the utmost to overcome every difficulty. Should, however, the
communication between Kingston and Montreal be cut off, the
fate of the troops in this part of the province will be
decided. I now express my apprehensions on a supposition that
the slender means your excellency possesses will not admit of
diminution; consequently, that I need not look for
reinforcements. It is evidently not the intention of the enemy
to make any attempt to penetrate into the province by this
strait, unless the present force be diminished. He seems much
more inclined to work on the flanks, aware that if he succeed
every other part must very soon submit.
My last official communication from the Lower Province is
dated the 25th ultimo, when the adjutant-general announced the
receipt of intelligence, by a mercantile house, of war being
declared by the United States against Great Britain.
_Major-General Sir Thomas Saumarez, Kt.,[57] to Major-General Brock._
HALIFAX, July 22, 1812.
Being this moment informed that an express is to be dispatched
immediately from hence to Quebec, I have great pleasure in
having an opportunity to inquire after your health and
welfare, and to acquaint you that your relation, Lady
Saumarez, and myself, arrived here about a month since. I
assure you we consider ourselves particularly fortunate in not
having fallen into the enemy's bands, as the Americans had
declared war a week before we reached this. We came out in a
very valuable ordnance store ship, which would have been a
great acquisition to the enemy, at the breaking out of a war
especially; and the loss to us would have been seriously felt
here, as all the stores on board were very much required.
Another ship with naval stores accompanied us; they were much
wanted by our squadron, and possibly as much so by the ships
of the enemy. Our squadron on this station has been very
active. Prizes arrive here daily, I could almost say hourly.
The Emulous brig brought in ten yesterday, and 30,000 dollars
were found on board some of them. Mr. Foster, late ambassador
to the American States, has been here nearly a week; he is to
sail for England to-day. According to the best information we
can obtain here, the Northern and Eastern States of America
are extremely inimical to, and dissatisfied with, the war; so
much so, that there is reason to suppose they will dissolve
the Union shortly, and declare themselves totally independent
of the Southern and Western States.
The American privateers are extremely numerous and daring in
this neighbourhood; and, I am sorry to add, they have proved
but too successful, having captured several of our vessels
bound to Quebec and New Brunswick, and some to this port. I
received a note about an hour ago from Lieut.-Colonel Pearson,
who sailed from hence last Sunday, with his wife and family,
for Quebec, being appointed inspecting field officer in
Canada, to inform me that he had been made prisoner by an
American privateer. Most of our ships are looking out for the
squadron the Americans have at sea, under Commodore Rodgers,
who is supposed to have sailed from New York with a view to
intercept our West India fleet homeward bound.
We are as busy here as possible in placing all our outposts in
the best state of defence. I suppose you are not less so.
A transport, with 140 men of the Royals, from the West Indies
to Quebec, was boarded by the Essex American frigate about ten
days ago, and permitted to proceed, on condition that the
master of the vessel promised to pay a ransom of 12,000
dollars for her; and that the officer commanding considered
himself on parole, and gave his assurance that the troops
would not fight against the Americans during the war. The
transport arrived here yesterday, and the remainder of the
battalion is supposed to have reached Quebec.
You have probably heard of the many improvements in our little
island. An excellent road was finished from town to Vazon Bay,
and from Fort George to Rocquaine; also one from town to
Lancresse. The Braye du Valle is now under a state of
cultivation. Roads of communication were nearly finished; one
of them from what is called the Long Store passes Amherst
Barracks and my house, and joins the great road to the Forest
and St. Martin's: the opening of all these have discovered
many beautiful views, which we did not know the island
possessed.
If there should be any thing I can do for you or my nephew
James Brock, I beg that you will afford me the pleasure of
executing your commissions. I have not time to add more, but
to assure you both of Lady S.'s and my best wishes and
regards.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, July 25, 1812.
Since my dispatch to your excellency of the 20th instant, I
have received information of the enemy having made frequent
and extensive inroads from Sandwich up the river Thames. I
have in consequence been induced to detach Capt. Chambers with
about 50 of the 41st regiment to the Moravian town, where I
have directed 200 militia to join him. From the loud and
apparently warm professions of the Indians residing on the
Grand River, I made no doubt of finding at all times a large
majority ready to take the field and act in conjunction with
our troops; but accounts received this morning state that they
have determined to remain neutral, and they had consequently
refused, with the exception of about fifty, to join Captain
Chambers' detachment.
I meditated a diversion to the westward, the moment I could
collect a sufficient number of militia, in the hope of
compelling General Hull to retreat across the river; but this
unexpected intelligence has ruined the whole of my plans. The
militia, which I destined for this service, will now be
alarmed, and unwilling to leave their families to the mercy
of 400 Indians, whose conduct affords such wide room for
suspicion; and really to expect that this fickle race will
remain in a state of neutrality in the midst of war, would be
truly absurd. The Indians have probably been led to this
change of sentiment by emissaries from General Hull, whose
proclamation to the Six Nations is herewith enclosed.
I have not deemed it of sufficient consequence to commence
active operations on this line, by an attack on Fort Niagara.
It can be demolished, when found necessary, in half an hour,
and there my means of annoyance would terminate. To enable the
militia to acquire some degree of discipline without
interruption, is of far greater consequence than such a
conquest. Every thing in my power shall be done to overcome
the difficulties by which I am surrounded; but without strong
reinforcements, I fear the country cannot be roused to make
exertions equal to meet this crisis.
I proceed immediately to York, to attend the meeting of the
legislature, and I hope to return on Wednesday. The charge of
this frontier will in the mean time devolve on Lieut.-Colonel
Myers, who appears worthy of every confidence. The actual
invasion of the province has compelled me to recall that
portion of the militia whom I permitted to return home and
work at harvest. I am prepared to hear of much discontent in
consequence; the disaffected will take advantage of it, and
add fuel to the flame. But it may not be without reason that
I may be accused of having already studied their convenience
and humour, to the injury of the service.
I should have derived much consolation in the midst of my
present difficulties had I been honored, previously to the
meeting of the legislature, with your excellency's
determination in regard to this province. That it cannot be
maintained with its present force is very obvious; and unless
the enemy be driven from Sandwich, it will be impossible to
avert much longer the impending ruin of the country. Numbers
have already joined the invading army; commotions are excited;
and the late occurrences at Sandwich have spread a general
gloom. I have not heard from Lieut.-Colonel St. George, or
from any individual at Amherstburg, since I last had the honor
of addressing your excellency, which makes me apprehensive
that Colonel Proctor has been detained on his journey too long
for the good of the service.
The enemy's cavalry, amounting to about fifty, are led by one
Watson, a surveyor from Montreal of a desperate character.
This fellow has been allowed to parade with about twenty men
of the same description as far as Westminster, vowing as they
went along the most bitter vengeance against the first
characters in the province. Nothing can shew more strongly the
state of apathy which exists in most parts of the country; but
I am perhaps too liberal in attributing the conduct of the
inhabitants to that cause.
Mr. Couche has represented to the head of his department the
total impracticability of carrying on the public service
without a remittance of specie, or a government paper
substitute. He was in expectation of making arrangements with
some individuals that would have enabled him to proceed, but I
much fear that the whole project has fallen to the ground. The
militia on this communication were so clamorous for their pay,
that I directed Mr. Couche to make the necessary advances, and
this has drained him of the little specie in his possession.
My present civil office not only authorizes me to convene
general courts martial for the trial of offenders belonging to
the militia, but likewise the infliction of the sentence of
death; whilst, in regard to the military, my power is limited
to the mere assembling of the court. I beg leave to submit to
the consideration of your excellency, whether in times like
the present I ought not to be invested with equal authority
over each service.
I herewith have the honor to transmit two letters, one from
Captain Roberts, commanding at St. Joseph's, and the second
from Mr. Dickson, a gentleman every way capable of forming a
correct judgment of the actual state of the Indians. Nothing
can be more deplorable than his description; yet the United
States government accuse Great Britain of instigating that
people to war. Is not the true cause to be found in the state
of desperation to which they are reduced by the unfriendly
and unjust measures of that government towards them?
* * * * *
On the 27th of July, Major-General Brock returned to York from Fort
George, on which day, accompanied by a numerous suite, he opened the
extra session of the legislature, and delivered the following speeches.
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
The urgency of the present crisis is the only consideration
which could have induced me to call you together at a time
when public, as well as private duties elsewhere, demand your
care and attention.
But, gentlemen, when invaded by an enemy whose avowed object
is the entire conquest of the province, the voice of loyalty,
as well as of interest, calls aloud to every person in the
sphere in which he is placed to defend his country.
Our militia have heard that voice, and have obeyed it; they
have evinced, by the promptitude and loyalty of their conduct,
that they are worthy of the king whom they serve, and of the
constitution which they enjoy; and it affords me particular
satisfaction, that while I address you as legislators, I speak
to men who, in the day of danger, will be ready to assist, not
only with their counsel, but with their arms.
We look, gentlemen, to our militia, as well as to the regular
forces, for our protection; but I should be wanting to that
important trust committed to my care, if I attempted to
conceal (what experience, the great instructor of mankind, and
especially of legislators, has discovered,) that amendment is
necessary in our militia laws to render them efficient.
It is for you to consider what further improvements they
still may require.
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
From the history and experience of our mother country, we
learn that in times of actual invasion or internal commotion,
the ordinary course of criminal law has been found inadequate
to secure his majesty's government from private treachery as
well as from open disaffection; and that at such times its
legislature has found it expedient to enact laws restraining
for a limited period the liberty of individuals, in many cases
where it would be dangerous to expose the particulars of the
charge; and although the actual invasion of the province might
justify me in the exercise of the full powers reposed in me on
such an emergency, yet it will be more agreeable to me to
receive the sanction of the two houses.
A few traitors have already joined the enemy, have been
suffered to come into the country with impunity, and have been
harboured and concealed in the interior; yet the general
spirit of loyalty which appears to pervade the inhabitants of
this province, is such as to authorize a just expectation that
their efforts to mislead and deceive will be unavailing. The
disaffected, I am convinced, are few--to protect and defend
the loyal inhabitants from their machinations, is an object
worthy of your most serious deliberation.
Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,
I have directed the public accounts of the province to be laid
before you, in as complete a state as this unusual period will
admit; they will afford you the means of ascertaining to what
extent you can aid in providing for the extraordinary demands
occasioned by the employment of the militia, and I doubt not
but to that extent you will cheerfully contribute.
Honorable Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and Gentlemen
of the House of Assembly,
We are engaged in an awful and eventful contest. By unanimity
and dispatch in our councils, and by vigour in our operations,
we may teach the enemy this lesson, that a country defended by
_free men_ enthusiastically devoted to the cause of their king
and constitution, can never be conquered!
The invasion of the western district by Brigadier-General
Hull, and the artful and threatening language of his
proclamation, were productive at the outset of very
unfavourable effects among a large portion of the inhabitants
of Upper Canada; and so general was the despondency, that the
Norfolk militia, consisting, we believe, chiefly of settlers
of American origin, peremptorily refused to march. The
majority of the members of the house of assembly were
impressed with the same gloomy forebodings, and that body
appeared by its proceedings rather to court the favor of the
enemy than fearlessly to perform its duty. It was therefore
prorogued upon passing the money bills, as no advantage could
result from its remaining longer in session. The state of the
province required the most prompt and decisive measures for
its preservation, and Major-General Brock considered its
situation at this moment as extremely critical. With the
concurrence of his council, to whom he represented his many
difficulties, he is said to have resolved on exercising
martial law whenever he should find it necessary, although the
house of assembly had rejected its enactment, even in a
modified form. Not only among the militia was a disposition
evinced to submit tamely, but five hundred in the western
district sought the protection of the enemy. It is true that
the people then were far removed from the seat of government,
and the more subject to hostile influence, as they were
principally composed of French Canadians and of the natives of
the United States, or their immediate descendants; but even
the Indians, who were located on the Grand River, in the heart
of the province, positively refused, with a few exceptions, to
take up arms; and they announced their intention, after the
return of some of their chiefs from General Hull, to remain
neutral, as if they wished the authorities to believe that
they would remain in peace in the midst of war. Major-General
Brock had not long administered the government of the
province, but where he was individually known, and where his
personal influence extended, a better feeling prevailed; and
his counter-proclamation served not only to animate the well
disposed, but to counteract the machinations of the
disaffected. The confident tone of his address to the
provincial parliament was also productive of the best effects,
whatever inward misgivings he might feel; and those who were
dastardly enough to join the invaders of their native or
adopted country, were quickly taught to repent of their
baseness and treason.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 56: Christie's Memoirs, already cited at page 90.]
[Footnote 57: General Sir Thomas Saumarez, now in his 85th year, and
brother of the late Admiral Lord de Saumarez.]
CHAPTER X.
We have mentioned that Major-General Brock had in the spring provided
for the protection of Fort St. Joseph, a small British post, distant by
water nearly 700 hundred miles from York, and situate about 40 miles,
also by water, to the north-east of the American island and fort of
Michilimakinack, or Makinack, which island is in latitude 45° 35' north,
and longitude 84° 30' west; and one of his first cares, on hearing of
the declaration of the war, was to send, on the 26th of June, a
notification of it to Captain Roberts, who was stationed at St. Joseph
with a detachment of the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, accompanied by
orders to make an immediate attack upon Michilimakinack, if practicable;
or, in the event of an attack by the Americans upon St. Joseph, to
defend it to the utmost. Captain Roberts received at the same time
another letter from Major-General Brock, dated the 27th June, suspending
the orders for the attack from the uncertainty he was under of the
declaration of war. In a third letter, dated Fort George, the 28th June,
Major-General Brock, being sufficiently informed of such a declaration,
directed Captain Roberts to adopt the most prompt and effectual
measures to possess himself of Michilimakinack, and for this purpose to
summon to his assistance the Indians within his influence, as well as
the gentlemen and dependants of the British fur companies near his post.
On the day that Captain Roberts received this letter, another reached
him from Sir George Prevost, dated Quebec, 25th of June, by which he was
directed to take every precaution to secure his post against any attempt
by the enemy, and, in case of necessity, to effect his retreat.[58] This
contrariety of instructions from the two general officers did not fail
to perplex Captain Roberts, who, however, with great promptitude and
decision made preparations for the attack. By another dispatch of the
4th of July, from Major-General Brock, Captain Roberts was left at his
own discretion to adopt either offensive or defensive measures, as
circumstances might dictate. On the 16th July, he accordingly set out
with a flotilla of boats and canoes, in which were embarked 45 officers
and men of the 10th Royal Veteran Battalion, about 180 Canadians, and
nearly 400 Indians, the whole convoyed by the Caledonia brig, belonging
to the North-West company; and on the ensuing morning, the British force
effected a landing before Michilimakinack,[59] the garrison of which,
consisting only of 61 officers and men, immediately surrendered by
capitulation. A quantity of military stores and seven hundred packs of
furs were found in the fort, and its surrender had a very favorable
effect upon the Indians, a large number of whom now joined in open
hostility against the Americans. It will be found by a letter of the
12th August, from Sir George Prevost, who appears to have seen no safety
but in defensive measures, that he would _not_ have approved of the
attack on Michilimakinack if it had occurred prior to Hull's invasion!
And yet that officer, in his official dispatch relative to the capture
of his army and the surrender of Detroit, attributed his disasters
partly to the fall of Michilimakinack, which he said opened the northern
hive of Indians against him!
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, July 29, 1812.
I have the honor to transmit herewith a dispatch this instant
received from Captain Roberts, announcing the surrender by
capitulation, on the 17th instant, of Fort Michilimakinack.
The conduct of this officer since his appointment to the
command of that distant post, has been distinguished by much
zeal and judgment, and his recent eminent display of those
qualities your excellency will find has been attended with the
most happy effect.
The militia stationed here volunteered this morning their
services to any part of the province without the least
hesitation. I have selected 100, whom I have directed to
proceed without delay to Long Point, where I purpose
collecting a force for the relief of Amherstburg. This
example, I hope, will be followed by as many as may be
required. By the militia law, a mail refusing to march may be
fined £5, or confined three months; and although I have
assembled the legislature for the express purpose of amending
the act, I much fear nothing material will be done. Your
excellency will scarcely believe, that this infatuated house
of assembly have refused, by a majority of two, to suspend for
a limited time the habeas corpus.
The capture of Michilimakinack may produce great changes to
the westward. The actual invasion of the province justifies
every act of hostility on the American territory.
It was not till this morning that I was honored with your
excellency's dispatches, dated the 7th and 10th instant. Their
contents, I beg to assure your excellency, have relieved my
mind considerably. I doubt whether General Hull had
instructions to cross to this side of the river; I rather
suspect he was compelled by a want of provisions. I embark
immediately in the Prince Regent for Fort George. I return
here the day after to-morrow, and shall probably dissolve the
legislature.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, July 31, 1812.
I have received your letter of the 20th instant, accompanied
by the copy of two letters from Lieut.-Colonel St. George, who
is in command at Amherstburg, and some interesting documents
found on board a schooner, which had been taken by the boats
of the Hunter.
In consequence of your having desired Colonel Proctor to
proceed to Amherstburg, and of your presence being necessary
at the seat of government to meet the legislature of Upper
Canada, I have taken upon myself to place Major-General
Sheaffe on the staff, to enable me to send him to assist you
in the arduous task you have to perform, in the able execution
of which I have great confidence. He has been accordingly
directed to proceed without delay to Upper Canada, there to
place himself under your command.
I believe you are authorized by the commission under which you
administer the government of Upper Canada, to declare martial
law in the event of invasion or insurrection; it is therefore
for you to consider whether you can obtain any thing
equivalent to that power from your legislature. I have not
succeeded in obtaining a modification of it in Lower Canada,
and must therefore, upon the occurrence of either of those
calamities, declare the law martial unqualified, and of course
shut the doors of the courts of civil law.
The report transmitted by Captain Dixon, of the Royal
Engineers, to Lieut.-Colonel Bruyeres, of the state of defence
in which he had placed Fort Amherstburg, together with the
description of the troops allotted for its defence, give me a
foreboding that the result of General Hull's attempt upon that
fort will terminate honorably to our arms.
If Lieut.-Colonel St. George be possessed of the talents and
resources required to form a soldier, he is fortunate in the
opportunity of displaying them. Should General Hull be
compelled to relinquish his operations against Amherstburg, it
will be proper his future movements should be most carefully
observed, as his late march exhibits a more than ordinary
character of enterprize.
Your supposition of my slender means is but too correct;
notwithstanding, you may rely upon every exertion being made
to preserve uninterrupted the communication between Kingston
and Montreal, and that I will also give all possible support
to your endeavours to overcome every difficulty.
The possession of Malden, which I consider means Amherstburg,
appears a favorite object with the government of the United
States. I sincerely hope you will disappoint them.
Should the intelligence, which arrived yesterday by the way of
Newfoundland, prove correct, a remarkable coincidence will
exist in the revocation of our orders in council as regards
America, and the declaration of war by congress against
England, both having taken place on the same day in London and
at Washington, the 17th June.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
QUEBEC, August 1, 1812.
Sir George yesterday received your letter of the 20th with its
several enclosures, which are, I assure you, highly
interesting to all, and doubly so to those who feel warmly and
sincerely attached to you; and few, I believe, possess more
friends and well wishers than yourself. 100 effective of the
Newfoundland, and 50 picked men of the Veterans, left this in
boats on Thursday, and, as it has blown a gale of east wind
ever since, have I trust made great progress: they were
intended to reinforce the garrison of Kingston, and to relieve
the company of the 49th that escorted stores to that place.
Sir George regrets extremely his inability to render you a
more efficient aid, but, under existing circumstances, he does
not feel himself warranted to do more. I regret to find your
militia at Sandwich so lukewarm, to call it by no harsher
name; but I fear that little can be expected from those
recently settled, or of American extraction, and with our
Canadians we have found a very reluctant compliance. I trust
we may still look to considerable reinforcements from home
this year. We are led to expect the 1st battalion of the
Royals from the West Indies immediately, destined indeed to
relieve the 41st. I hope we shall not be disappointed, as our
militia will feel bold if well backed; and I am sure Sir
George will rejoice in receiving the means of rendering you
further assistance. It appears to be credited that the orders
in council were rescinded, in as far as regarded America, on
the 17th June, the day the war vote was carried: this will
strengthen the oppositionists in the States, and the timid
will feel alarmed, not without reason, when they read the
glorious and judicious exploit of Captain Hotham, in the
Northumberland, 74, in destroying, under circumstances of
great difficulty and peril, two French 44-gun frigates and a
sloop, which received a superior degree of protection from
batteries on the shore than can be afforded to Commodore
Rodgers in any harbour of the States.
The Americans are forming depôts in the neighbourhood of the
Montreal frontier and building batteries on the lake, but they
have not brought forward any considerable shew of
strength;--on this appearance of weakness we cannot rely, as
it would answer no good end making a parade before they
intended to attack. If they be serious in their views on this
province, the attempt will be probably backed by predatory
incursions on various points. A corps of militia is kept on
the Point Levi side.
Our legislature meet this day to terminate the session. One
great object has been accomplished in the house, adding the
provincial security to the army money note bill; the province
pays the interest accruing upon the notes and the expense of
the establishment, and they are constituted a legal tender.
Without this step we were completely at a stand, for we could
not obtain money to pay the last month's subsistence to the
troops: great benefit is expected to accrue from the operation
of the bill. The clergy have engaged to promote the
circulation of the notes, all of which above twenty-five
dollars bear interest, and all under are payable on demand.
Adieu, my dear generals--may every success and good fortune
attend you in the arduous task before you: we cannot command
success, but I am sure you will not fail to merit it.
_Lieut.-Colonel Bruyeres, Royal Engineers, to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, August 1, 1812.
I take the favorable advantage of this being delivered to you
by General Sheaffe, to assure you of the sincere interest I
feel in the very arduous and important position you are now
placed in to protect and defend a chain of posts, and a
country that has been so long neglected. This difficult task
placed in any other hands, I should consider very
discouraging; but I acknowledge that I look with a certain
degree of confidence to your abilities and perseverance in
surmounting every difficulty that must unavoidably occur in a
service of this nature. I most fervently and earnestly hope
that every possible success may attend all your proceedings. I
trust that you will always meet with zeal and activity in the
officers of my department, to perform every part of the duty
allotted to their charge. It is very difficult at this
distance to suggest any ideas that might be useful, as every
operation in which you are engaged must depend so entirely
upon local circumstances, and the conduct which the enemy may
pursue towards attaining the object he has in view. I am glad
to find that the new arrival of the Royals, expected at Quebec
to-morrow, will give you the reinforcement of the 49th
regiment, which, with the detachments of the Newfoundland and
Veterans, and gun-boat No. 7, will add something to your
present strength.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, August 2, 1812.
Last evening an officer of the 98th regiment arrived here
express from Halifax, the bearer of dispatches to me, dated on
the 22d ultimo, from Mr. Foster, who was then in Nova Scotia.
I lose no time in making you acquainted with the substance of
this gentleman's communication. He informs me that he had just
received dispatches from England, referring to a declaration
of ministers in parliament, relative to a proposed repeal of
the orders in council, provided the United States government
would return to relations of amity with us, the contents of
which may possibly induce the American government to agree to
a suspension of hostilities as a preliminary to negotiations
for peace;--that he proposed sending his majesty's hired armed
ketch Gleaner to New York, with letters to Mr. Baker, whom he
had left at Washington in a demi-official capacity, with
directions to communicate with the American minister and to
write to me the result of his interview. Should the president
of the United States think proper to signify that hostile
operations should cease on the American side, Mr. Foster
suggests the expediency of my being prepared to make a similar
signification on our part.
As I propose sending Colonel Baynes immediately into the
United States, with a proposal for a cessation of hostile
operations, I enclose for your information the copy of my
letter to General Dearborn, or the commander-in-chief of the
American forces.
Mr. Foster also submits the propriety of our abstaining from
an invasion of the United States territory, as only in such an
event could the American government be empowered to order the
militia out of the States. I am led to believe from this, that
General Hull, in possessing himself of Sandwich, has exceeded
his instructions; particularly as Mr. Foster informs me that
Mr. Monroe had told him Fort Maiden (Amherstburg) would not be
attacked, but that General Hull had stated to a friend of his,
some time ago, that he would attempt it.
A report has been made to me that a frigate and six
transports, with the Royal Scots (1st battalion) on board,
from the West Indies, are just below Bic;--in consequence of
this reinforcement, I have ordered the company of the 49th
regiment, sent to Kingston, to remain there; and in addition
to the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, and a detachment of an
officer and 50 Veterans most fit for service, now on their
route to that station, I shall order Major Ormsby, with three
companies of the 49th regiment, to proceed from Montreal to
the same post, to be disposed of as you may find it necessary.
Lieut.-General Sir J.C. Sherbrooke has informed me that one of
the transports, with part of the Royals on board, has been
captured by the United States frigate the Essex; that she has
been ransomed and the officers and troops allowed to proceed,
upon condition that they are not to serve against America
until regularly exchanged. The vessel and troops had arrived
at Halifax, and will shortly be sent hither.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._
YORK, August 4, 1812.
I have the honor to enclose a statement made by me yesterday
to his majesty's executive council, which will fully apprize
your excellency of my situation. The council adjourned for
deliberation, and I have no doubt will recommend the
prorogation of the assembly and proclamation declaring martial
law, but doubts occurred in contemplation of such an event,
which I take the liberty to submit to your excellency, and
request the aid of your experience and superior judgment.
1.--In the event of declaring martial law, can I, without the
sign manual, approve and carry into effect the sentence of a
general court martial?
2.--Can I put upon a general court martial, after martial law
is proclaimed, any person not a commissioned officer in his
majesty's regular forces? In other words, can officers of
militia sit in conjunction with those of the line?
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, August 12, 1812.
Your letter of the 4th instant, enclosing the proceedings of
the executive council of the 3d.; Captain Glegg's letter of
the 5th instant, transmitting copies of letters from Colonel
Proctor to you of 26th and 30th July, with the correspondence
between Brigadier-General Hull and Lieut.-Colonel St. George,
and the intercepted correspondence of the former, together
with your letter to Colonel Baynes, of the 4th instant, were
all delivered to me on my arrival at this place yesterday. The
information they contain is highly interesting, and I lose no
time in dispatching to you Brigade Major Shekleton, as the
bearer of this letter, and for the purpose of receiving
whatever communication you may have to make in return. Being
fully aware of the necessity of affording you such
reinforcements as the exigencies of the service in other parts
of the two provinces would permit, I had, previous to the
receipt of your letter, made arrangements for that purpose.
Major Ormsby, with three companies of the 49th regiment,
protecting a considerable supply of ordnance and ordnance
stores, left La Chine on the 6th instant for Kingston and Fort
George, taking with him £2,500 for the payment of the regular
and militia forces. Major Heathcote, with one company of the
49th regiment, about 110 men of the Newfoundland regiment, and
50 picked Veterans, are to leave La Chine on the 13th instant.
With this detachment, an additional supply of ordnance stores
and camp equipage for 500 men will be forwarded for Upper
Canada; and as soon as a sufficiency of bateaux can again be
collected at La Chine, Colonel Vincent is under orders to
proceed to Kingston with the remainder of the 49th regiment,
and a subaltern of the royal artillery and ten gunners, with
two 3-pounders.
When these reinforcements reach you, they will, I trust,
enable you successfully to resist the internal, as well as
external, enemies opposed to you, and materially aid the able
measures you have adopted for the defence of Upper Canada.
With regard to the queries you have submitted to me on the
subject of martial law, I have to observe, that it has not
fallen within my experience to see martial law proclaimed,
except in those places where it has been declared under the
authority of a provincial legislature, which of course
regulated the mode in which it was to be executed. As the
martial law which you purpose declaring is founded on the
king's commission, and upon the extreme case of invasion
alluded to in it, I am inclined to think that whatever power
is necessary for carrying the measure into effect, must have
been intended to be given you by the commission, and
consequently, that the power of assembling courts martial and
of carrying their sentence into execution, is included in the
authority for declaring martial law. The officers of militia
becoming themselves subject to martial law when it is
declared, I conceive they may sit upon courts martial with
officers of his majesty's regular forces; but upon both these
points I desire not to be understood as speaking
decisively--extreme cases must be met by measures which, on
ordinary occasions, would not perhaps be justified. Your
situation is such as to warrant your resorting to any step
which, in your judgment, the public safety may require. I
should therefore think, that after taking the best opinions
you can obtain from the first law characters you have about
you respecting the doubts you entertain on this subject, you
need not hesitate to determine upon that line of conduct which
you shall think will best promote the good of the service,
trusting, if you do err, to the absolute necessity of the
measures you may adopt, as your justification for them to his
majesty's government.
Your letters of the 26th, 28th and 29th July, with the several
enclosures and papers accompanying them, were received by me
shortly previous to my leaving Quebec; the last containing
Captain Roberts' official account of the capture of Fort
Michilimakinack. Great credit is certainly due to that
officer for the zeal and promptitude with which he has
performed this service; at the same time I must confess, my
mind has been very much relieved by finding that the capture
took place at a period subsequent to Brigadier-General Hull's
invasion of the province, as, had it been prior to it, it
would not only have been in violation of Captain Roberts'
orders, but have afforded a just ground for the subsequent
conduct of the enemy, which, I now plainly perceive, no
forbearance on your part would have prevented. The capture of
this place will, I hope, enable the Indian tribes in that
quarter to co-operate with you in your present movements
against the enemy, by threatening his flanks, a diversion
which would greatly alarm him, and probably have the effect of
compelling him to retreat across the river.
I send you enclosed a copy of the official repeal of the
orders in council, which I received last night by express from
Quebec. Although I much doubt whether this step on the part of
our government will have any effect upon that of the United
States, the circulation of the paper evincing their
conciliatory disposition may tend to increase and strengthen
the divisions which subsist amongst the people upon the
subject of the war. I therefore recommend to you to have a
number of copies struck off and distributed.
Colonel Baynes is still absent upon his mission to the enemy's
camp. Your letter to him of the 29th ultimo was received at
the same time with those I have last acknowledged. Colonel
Lethbridge I have directed to return to Montreal.
The issue of army bills has taken place at Quebec, and I hope
to be able shortly to send you a supply of them.
* * * * *
We have previously alluded (page 206) to that part of the preceding
letter which relates to the capture of Michilimakinack. This capture
appears to have been effected _contrary_ to Sir George Prevost's orders,
as Fort St. Joseph being nearly 350 miles from Detroit and Sandwich, and
as the expedition left the fort only four days after Hull's invasion, it
was scarcely possible that Captain Roberts was then aware of that
circumstance. Neither in his letter to the adjutant-general, announcing
the capture, does he excuse himself by stating that he had heard of the
invasion. In his dispatch to Earl Bathurst, written exactly a fortnight
after the preceding letter, and dated Montreal, August 26, Sir George
Prevost, in communicating the surrender of Detroit, expressed himself in
very altered language, as he said:
"In these measures he[60] was most opportunely aided by the
fortunate surrender of Fort Michilimakinack, which, giving
spirit and confidence to the Indian tribes in its
neighbourhood, part of whom assisted in its capture,
determined them to advance upon the rear and flanks of the
American army, as soon as they heard that it had entered the
province."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 58: This order strikes us as an unmilitary interference on the
part of Sir George Prevost with Major-General Brock's authority, Captain
Roberts being under the immediate command of the latter general.]
[Footnote 59: See Captain Roberts' Dispatch, Appendix A, Sec. 1, No. 2.]
[Footnote 60: Major-General Brock.]
CHAPTER XI.
Whilst Major-General Brock impatiently lingered on the Niagara frontier,
so as to give time to the legislature to assemble at York, he dispatched
Colonel Proctor, of the 41st regiment, with such reinforcements as could
be spared, to assume the command at Amherstburg. General Hull, after
crossing to Sandwich, remained for some time inactive, under pretext of
making preparations for the reduction of Amherstburg, or Malden, as the
Americans called it, which lay but eighteen miles below him, and was not
in a condition to withstand a regular siege. During the delay, three
detachments of his army were on three successive days beaten back by a
small number of the 41st regiment and a few Indians. Michilimakinack had
fallen since the invasion, and the Indians from that quarter were
flocking to the British standard. Our naval force being superior on the
lake, Colonel Proctor pushed over to Brownstown, an American village,
about 25 miles from Detroit, and nearly opposite to Amherstburg, a small
detachment of the 41st regiment, and some Indians under the celebrated
Tecumseh, who, with 70 of the latter, awaited in ambush near that
village a party of 200 Americans, under Major Van Home, on their
march[61] from Detroit to the River Raisin, (40 miles south of Detroit,)
to meet a detachment of volunteers from Ohio, with a convoy of
provisions for Hull's army. The Indians, firing suddenly, killed 20,
including 5 officers, and wounded about the same number of the
Americans, who hastily retreated, and were pursued seven miles by the
warriors alone, not a British soldier being engaged. In this affair,
General Hull's dispatches and the correspondence of his troops fell into
the hands of Tecumseh, and it was partly the desponding nature of their
contents which afterwards induced Major-General Brock to attempt the
capture of the American army. Foiled in the reduction of Fort
Amherstburg; disappointed in his hope of a general insurrection of the
Canadians; and, "above all, dismayed at the report of General Brock's
resolution to advance against him,"[62] Hull's schemes of conquest
vanished; and he who, less than a month before, had landed in Canada
boastful of his strength and with threats of extermination, now saw no
other alternative than a hasty return to Detroit, under the pretence of
concentrating his forces; and after re-opening his communication with
the rivers Raisin and Miami, through which he received his supplies, of
resuming offensive operations. Accordingly, on the 7th and 8th of August
the American army re-crossed the river, with the exception of a garrison
of 250 men left in charge of a small fortification they had thrown up on
the British side, a little below Detroit, and which they evacuated and
destroyed before the arrival of Major-General Brock.[63] On the 9th of
August, a body of 600 Americans, sent to dislodge the British from
Brownstown and to open a communication with the Rivers Raisin and Miami,
was met by the white troops and Indians under Captain Muir, of the 41st,
at Maguaga, between Brownstown and Detroit, but, after a severe
conflict, Captain Muir was compelled to retreat.
From the moment that Major-General Brock heard of the invasion of the
western district, he determined on proceeding thither in person after he
had met the legislature and dispatched the public business. Having
expressed a wish of being accompanied by such of the militia as might
voluntarily offer their services, 500, principally the sons of veteran
soldiers who had settled in the province, cheerfully came forward for
that purpose. The threatening attitude, however, of the enemy on the
Niagara frontier, obliged the general to content himself with half this
number; and he left York on the 6th of August for Burlington Bay, whence
he proceeded by land for Long Point, on Lake Erie. In passing the
Mohawks' village, on the Grand River, or Ouse, he desired the Indians
there to tell him who were, and who were not, his friends; and at a
council held on the 7th of August, they promised that about 60 of their
number should follow him on the ensuing Monday, the 10th. At Long Point,
a few regulars and nearly 300 militia embarked with him on the 8th of
the same month in boats of every description, collected among the
neighbouring farmers, who usually employed them for transporting their
corn and flour. The distance from Long Point to Amherstburg is about 200
miles along the shore, which in many parts is a high precipitous bank of
red clay, with scarcely a creek for shelter. The little flotilla
encountered heavy rain and tempestuous weather, but nothing could for a
moment retard its progress, or diminish the confidence of the men in
their indefatigable leader. Among his general orders from the
commencement of hostilities, the only one relating to this voyage is the
following, which, from the singularity of the circumstances attending
it, is thought worthy of being preserved:
G.O. Head Quarters, Pointe au Prince, Aug. 12, 1812.
It is Major-General Brock's intention, should the wind
continue fair, to proceed during the night; officers
commanding boats will therefore pay attention to the order of
sailing, as directed yesterday; the greatest care and
attention will be required to prevent the boats from
separating or falling behind. A great part of the banks of
the lake, where the boats will this day pass, is much more
dangerous and difficult of access than any we have passed; the
boats will, therefore, not land except in the most extreme
necessity, and then great care must be taken to choose the
best place for beaching.
The troops being now in the neighbourhood of the enemy, every
precaution must be taken to guard against surprise. By Order.
J.B. GLEGG, Aide-de-Camp.
After five days and nights of incessant exertion, the little squadron
reached Amherstburg[64] shortly before midnight on the 13th, and in a
rough sketch in the handwriting of Major-General Brock, he observed: "In
no instance have I seen troops who would have endured the fatigues of a
long journey in boats, during extremely bad weather, with greater
cheerfulness and constancy; and it is but justice to this little band to
add, that their conduct throughout excited my admiration."
Soon after their landing at Amherstburg, the attention of the troops was
suddenly roused by a straggling fire of musketry, which in a few minutes
became general, and appeared to proceed from an island in the Detroit
river. Colonel Elliott, the superintendent of the Indians, quickly
explained that the firing arose from the Indians attached to the
British cause, who thus expressed their joy at the arrival of the
reinforcement under their white father. Major-General Brock, aware of
his scarcity of the munitions of war, sent Colonel Elliott to stop this
waste of powder, saying: "Do, pray, Elliott, fully explain my wishes and
motives, and tell the Indians that I will speak to them to-morrow on
this subject." His request was promptly attended to, and Colonel Elliott
returned in about half an hour with the Shawanee chief, Tecumseh, or
Tecumpthé, already mentioned. Captain Glegg,[65] the aide-de-camp, being
present, had an opportunity of closely observing the traits of that
extraordinary man, and we are indebted to him for the following graphic
particulars: "Tecumseh's appearance was very prepossessing; his figure
light and finely proportioned; his age I imagined to be about five and
thirty;[66] in height, five feet nine or ten inches; his complexion,
light copper; countenance, oval, with bright hazle eyes, beaming
cheerfulness, energy, and decision. Three small silver crowns, or
coronets, were suspended from the lower cartilage of his aquiline nose;
and a large silver medallion of George the Third, which I believe his
ancestor had received from Lord Dorchester, when governor-general of
Canada, was attached to a mixed coloured wampum string, and hung round
his neck. His dress consisted of a plain, neat uniform, tanned deer
skin jacket, with long trousers of the same material, the seams of both
being covered with neatly cut fringe; and he had on his feet leather
mocassins, much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the
porcupine.
"The first and usual salutation of shaking hands being over, an allusion
was made to the late firing of musketry, and Tecumseh at once approved
of the reason given by Major-General Brock for its discontinuance. It
being late, the parties soon separated, with an understanding that a
council would be held the following morning. This accordingly took
place, and was attended by about a thousand Indians, whose equipment
generally might be considered very imposing. The council was opened by
General Brock, who informed the Indians that he was ordered by their
great father to come to their assistance, and, with their aid, to drive
the Americans from Fort Detroit. His speech was highly applauded, and
Tecumseh was unanimously called upon to speak in reply. He commenced
with expressions of joy, that their father beyond the great salt lake
(meaning the king of England) had at length awoke from his long sleep,
and permitted his warriors to come to the assistance of his red
children, who had never ceased to remain steady in their friendship, and
were now all ready to shed their last drop of blood in their great
father's service. After some speeches from other chiefs, and replies
thereto, the council broke up. General Brock, having quickly discovered
the superior sagacity and intrepidity of Tecumseh, and his influence
over the Indians, and not deeming it prudent to develop before so mixed
an assemblage the views which were at that moment uppermost in his
thoughts, and intended to be carried so quickly into execution, directed
Colonel Elliott to inform this Shawanee chief that he wished to see him,
accompanied by a few of the oldest chiefs, at Colonel Elliott's
quarters. There the general, through the medium of interpreters,
communicated his views, and explained the manner in which he intended to
carry into execution his operations against Fort Detroit. The chiefs
listened with the most apparent eagerness, and expressed their unanimous
assent to the proposed plan, assuring General Brock that their
co-operation, as pointed out, might be depended on. On General Brock
asking whether the Shawanee Indians could be induced to refrain from
drinking spirits, Tecumseh assured him that his warriors might be relied
on, adding, that before leaving their country on the Wabash river, they
had promised him not to taste that pernicious liquor until they had
humbled the "big knives," meaning the Americans. In reply to this
assurance, General Brock briefly said: 'If this resolution be persevered
in, you must conquer.'"
In a general order on the 14th of August, at Amherstburg, in announcing
his arrival in the western district, Major-General Brock observed: "The
major-general cannot avoid expressing his surprise at the numerous
desertions which have occurred from the ranks of the militia, to which
circumstance the long stay of the enemy on this side of the river must
in a great measure be ascribed. He is willing to believe that their
conduct proceeded from an anxiety to get in their harvest, and not from
any predeliction for the principles or government of the United States."
The next day, the American commander was startled by a summons to
surrender; and so resolute a demand seems to have struck him with
dismay, as at the worst he had never contemplated a pursuit into his own
territory.
Head Quarters, Sandwich, Aug. 15, 1812.
The force at my disposal authorizes me to require of you the
immediate surrender of Fort Detroit.[67] It is far from my
inclination to join in a war of extermination; but you must be
aware, that the numerous body of Indians who have attached
themselves to my troops, will be beyond my control the moment
the contest commences. You will find me disposed to enter into
such conditions as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of
honor. Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell and Major Glegg are fully
authorized to conclude any arrangement that may lead to
prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
Brigadier-General Hull.
Hull refused to see Captain Glegg, who carried the summons, and, after
detaining him upwards of two hours, returned the following answer:
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 15, 1812.
I have received your letter of this date. I have no other
reply to make than to inform you, that I am prepared to meet
any force which may be at your disposal, and any consequences
which may result from any exertion of it you may think proper
to make.
W. HULL, Brigadier-General,
Commanding the N.W. Army of the U.S.
Nothing daunted, and contrary to the advice of some of his officers,
Major-General Brock at once determined on crossing the river, with the
view of attempting, by a sudden and resolute attack, the annihilation of
the enemy's power in that quarter. In the afternoon, a fire was opened
from a battery of five guns, erected opposite to Detroit, under the
direction of Captain Dixon, of the Royal Engineers: this cannonade was
returned from seven 24-pounders, but the British general, perceiving
that little effect was produced by either fire, gave orders that his
should cease. The troops retired to their bivouac and lay on their arms,
with orders to cross the strait, or river, which is here about
three-fourths of a mile in width, on the following morning. Accordingly,
at the first blush of dawn, on Sunday, the 16th of August, when the fire
from the British battery was resumed, 330 regulars and 400 militia were
embarked, with five pieces of light artillery, in boats and canoes of
every description, and soon effected a landing without opposition, near
Springwell, four or five miles below Detroit. About 600 Indians, under
Colonel Elliott, had crossed the river during the night, and were
ordered to be so placed as to take the enemy in flank and rear, should
he attempt to oppose the landing. The white troops marched towards the
fort, while the Indians moved through the woods, and covered the left
flank, the right resting upon the river, and protected by the Queen
Charlotte, colonial vessel of war. The enemy's effective force was
estimated at nearly 2,500 men, and, supported as they were by a
neighbouring fortress, it required no little daring to pursue them on
their own ground with such unequal numbers. Contrary to Major-General
Brock's expectation, the Americans abandoned a favorable position,
strengthened by pickets and two 24-pounders, and retreated into the fort
on the advance of the British, who halted in a ravine within a mile,
and, discovering the weakness of the works on the land side, prepared
for its assault. While the various columns were forming for that
purpose, a flag of truce, borne by Captain Hull, was unexpectedly seen
emerging from the fort,--Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell and Captain Glegg
accompanied him back; and shortly after the British troops marched in
with Major-General Brock at their head, the American general having
assented to a capitulation, by which the Michigan territory, Fort
Detroit, with thirty-three pieces of cannon,[68] the Adams vessel of
war,[69] and about 2,500 troops, including one company of artillery,
some cavalry, and the entire 4th U.S. regiment of infantry, with a stand
of colours, were surrendered to the British arms. An immense quantity of
stores and the military chest were also taken; and as there was a great
deficiency of arms in the Upper Province wherewith to equip the militia,
the 2,500 stand of American became a valuable acquisition. To this
surrender the after preservation of Upper Canada, at least, may in a
great measure be ascribed, as it caused a delay of nearly a whole year
in the meditated invasion,[70] and secured the support of some of the
Indian tribes, who were hesitating as to the side they should espouse.
It was the more fortunate that Major-General Brock acted with so much
promptitude and vigour, because large reinforcements were on their way
to General Hull; and not only would that officer's reverse otherwise
have been spared, but the western districts of Upper Canada would
probably have fallen before the overwhelming numbers which would soon
have been brought against them.
The surrender of Detroit was so unexpected, that it produced an almost
electrical effect throughout the Canadas: it was the first enterprize in
which the militia had been engaged, and its success not only imparted
confidence to that body, but it inspired the timid, fixed the wavering,
and awed the disaffected. Major-General Brock from this moment became
the idol of the great mass of those whom he governed; and when he
returned to York, whither he arrived on the 27th of August, he was
received amidst the heartfelt acclamations of a grateful people, rescued
by his promptitude from the ignominy of submitting to a conqueror. They
remembered that in the short space of nineteen days he had, not only met
the legislature and settled the public business of the province under
the most trying circumstances that a commander could encounter, but,
with means incredibly limited, he had gone nearly 300 miles in pursuit
of an invading enemy of almost double his own force and compelled him to
surrender, thus extending the British dominion without bloodshed over an
extent of country almost equal to Upper Canada.[71]
The conduct of the American general in so tamely surrendering is
inexplicable, as Detroit contained an ample supply of ammunition and
provisions for nearly a month, besides an abundance of wheat in the
territory, with mills to grind any quantity into flour. One of his
officers, Colonel Cass, in a long letter to the Honorable William
Eustis, the secretary of war at Washington, said: "I have been informed
by Colonel Findley, who saw the return of the quartermaster-general the
day after the surrender, that their whole force, of every description,
white, red, and black, was 1,030.[72] They had twenty-nine platoons,
twelve in a platoon, of men dressed in uniform. Many of these were
evidently Canadian militia. The rest of their militia increased their
white force to about 700. The number of Indians could not be ascertained
with any degree of precision--not many were visible. And in the event of
an attack upon the town and fort, it was a species of force which could
have afforded no material advantage to the enemy.... That we were far
superior to the enemy, that upon any ordinary principles of calculation
we would have defeated them, the wounded and indignant feelings of every
man there will testify.... I was informed by General Hull, the morning
after the capitulation, that the British forces consisted of 1,800
regulars, and that he surrendered to prevent the effusion of human
blood. That he magnified their regular force nearly five-fold, there can
be no doubt. Whether the philanthropic reason assigned by him is a
sufficient justification for surrendering a fortified town, an army, and
a territory, is for the government to determine. Confident I am, that
had the courage and conduct of the general been equal to the spirit and
zeal of the troops, the event would have been brilliant and successful
as it is now disastrous and dishonorable." Hull's behaviour, then, can
only be accounted for by the supposition that the boldness of his
adversary's movements led him to believe he had to contend with far
greater numbers; or, that having threatened to refuse quarter to the
white man found fighting by the side of the Indian, he was
apprehensive, in the event of defeat, that this threat would be visited
with severe retaliation, particularly by the Indians, whose fury, in a
successful assault, it might have been very difficult to restrain. To
their honor, however, be it said, that although they took a few
prisoners on the advance, the enemy sustained no loss of life beyond
that caused by the British batteries; and in general orders, at Detroit,
they were told, that in nothing could they testify more strongly their
love to the king, their great father, than in following the dictates of
honor and humanity by which they had hitherto been actuated.
"The news of the surrender of Detroit," says the American historian,
Brown, "was so unexpected, that it came like a clap of thunder to the
ears of the American people. No one would believe the first report. The
disastrous event blasted the prospects of the first campaign, and opened
the northern and western frontiers of Ohio to savage incursions.
"Previous to the surrender of Detroit, the governors of Ohio and
Kentucky, in obedience to the directions of the war department, had
detached powerful reinforcements to the aid of General Hull. Had he
deferred the capitulation but a few days longer, his army, Detroit, and
the Michigan territory, would have been saved.
"The forces advancing to his support consisted of 2,000 militia, under
Brigadier-General Payne, and a battalion of mounted riflemen, under
Colonel R.M. Johnson, from Kentucky; a brigade of Ohio militia, under
the orders of Brigadier-General Tupper;[73] and nearly 1,000 regulars,
under the command of General Winchester. They had reached the St. Mary's
River when the news of the capture of Detroit was received. But for the
well-timed arrival of the above force a wide scene of flight and misery,
of blood and desolation, must have ensued. Nearly half of the territory
of Ohio must have been depopulated, or its inhabitants fallen victims to
the scalping knife."
"The chagrin felt at Washington," observes James in his Military
Occurrences, "when news arrived of the total failure of this the first
attempt at invasion, was in proportion to the sanguine hopes entertained
of its success. To what a pitch of extravagance those hopes had been
carried, cannot better appear than in two speeches delivered upon the
floor of congress, in the summer of 1812. Dr. Eustis, the secretary at
war of the United States, said: 'We can take the Canadas without
soldiers; we have only to send officers into the provinces, and the
people, disaffected towards their own government, will rally round our
standard.' The honorable Henry Clay seconded his friend, thus: 'It is
absurd to suppose we shall not succeed in our enterprize against the
enemy's provinces. We have the Canadas as much under our command as she
(Great Britain) has the ocean; and the way to conquer her on the ocean
is to drive her from the land. I am not for stopping at Quebec, or any
where else; but I would take the whole continent from them, and ask them
no favors. Her fleets cannot then rendezvous at Halifax, as now; and,
having no place of resort in the north, cannot infest our coast as they
have lately done. It is as easy to conquer them on the land, as their
whole navy would conquer ours on the ocean. We must take the continent
from them. _I wish never to see a peace till we do._ God has given us
the power and the means: we are to blame if we do not use them. If we
get the continent, she must allow us the freedom of the sea.' This is
the gentleman who, afterwards, in the character of a commissioner--and
it stands as a record of his unblushing apostacy--signed the treaty of
peace."
Tecumseh, who was slain the year following, headed a party of his
warriors on this occasion, and in the rough sketch already mentioned,
Major-General Brock remarked: "Among the Indians whom I found at
Amherstburg, and who had arrived from distant parts of the country,
there were some extraordinary characters. He who most attracted my
attention was a Shawanee chief, Tecumseh, the brother of the prophet,
who for the two last years has carried on, contrary to our
remonstrances, an active war against the United States. A more sagacious
or a more gallant warrior does not, I believe, exist. He was the
admiration of every one who conversed with him. From a life of
dissipation he has not only become in every respect abstemious, but he
has likewise prevailed on all his nation, and many of the other tribes,
to follow his example." Previously to crossing over to Detroit,
Major-General Brock inquired of Tecumseh what sort of a country he
should have to pass through in the event of his proceeding further.
Tecumseh, taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground,
drew forth his scalping knife, and with the point presently edged upon
the back a plan of the country, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, and
roads--a plan which, if not as neat, was fully as intelligible as if a
surveyor had prepared it. Pleased with this unexpected talent in
Tecumseh, with his defeat of the Americans near Brownstown, and with his
having, by his characteristic boldness, induced the Indians, not of his
own tribe, to cross the river prior to the embarkation of the white
troops, Major-General Brock, soon after Detroit was surrendered, took
off his sash and publicly placed it round the body of the chief.
Tecumseh received the honor with evident gratification, but was the next
day seen without the sash. The British general, fearing that something
had displeased the Indian, sent his interpreter for an explanation.
Tecumseh told him, that not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction
when an older, and, as he said, an abler warrior than himself was
present, he had transferred the sash to the Wyandot chief,
Roundhead.[74]
The unfortunate General Hull, on his return to the United States, was
tried by a court martial and condemned to death; but the sentence was
remitted by the president, in consideration of his age and services
during the war of independence.[75] His name was, however, struck off
the rolls of the army. His son, and aide-de-camp at Detroit, Captain
Hull, was killed in July, 1814, in the hard-fought battle near the Falls
of Niagara.
Major-General Brock's services throughout this short campaign, closed by
an achievement which his energy and decision crowned with such
unqualified success, were highly appreciated by the government at home,
and were immediately rewarded with the order of the bath, which was then
confined to one degree of knighthood only. He was gazetted to this mark
of his country's approbation, so gratifying to the feelings of a
soldier, on the 10th of October; but he lived not long enough to learn
that he had obtained so honorable a distinction, the knowledge of which
would have cheered him in his last moments. Singularly enough his
dispatches, accompanied by the colours of the U.S. 4th regiment, reached
London early on the morning of the 6th of October, the anniversary of
his birth. His brother William, who was residing in the vicinity, was
asked by his wife why the park and tower guns were saluting. "For
Isaac, of course," he replied; "do you not know that this is his
birth-day?" And when he came to town he learnt, with emotions which may
be easily conceived, that what he had just said in jest was true in
reality; little thinking, however, that all his dreams, all his
anticipations of a beloved brother's increasing fame and prosperity
would that day week, one short week, be entombed
"Where Niagara stuns with thundering sound."
* * * * *
In one of his letters to his brothers, (page 63,) Major-General Brock
said that he had visited Detroit, the neighbourhood of which was a
delightful country, far exceeding any thing he had seen on that
continent, and a cursory description of it, as it appeared in 1812, may
prove interesting.
The Detroit river, which connects Lake St. Clair and Lake Erie, extends
from about latitude 41° 48' to 42° 18' north, and divides that part of
Canada from the United States. Possessing a salubrious climate, a
productive soil, and a water communication with the upper and lower
lakes and the river St. Lawrence, we can scarcely conceive any thing
more favorable than the geographical position of the adjacent country.
Michigan afforded a rich field for "fowling" and fishing, and its
forests were plentifully supplied with various kinds of game. It was the
opinion of a former governor of Upper Canada, Simcoe, that the
peninsula of that province formed by Lakes Huron, St. Clair, Erie,
Ontario, Rice, and Simcoe, would alone furnish a surplus of wheat
sufficient for the wants of Great Britain. The banks of the Detroit were
in many places thickly peopled and in a fair state of cultivation. The
inhabitants on the Canadian side were chiefly of French origin, who
began to occupy the country when Canada was still under the dominion of
France. They still retained that urbanity of manners which distinguishes
them from the peasantry of most countries. Further back, the country was
settled principally by Americans, partial to the United States. Three or
four years after the war, the houses were so numerous and so close
together upon the banks of the Detroit, that there was an appearance of
a succession of villages for more than ten miles. The farms were very
narrow in front, extending a long way back, and were allotted in this
awkward and inconvenient form, that their respective occupants might be
able to render each other assistance when attacked by the Indians, who
were at one time very numerous and troublesome in this vicinity.
The banks of the river Detroit are the Eden of Upper Canada, in so far
as regards the production of fruit. Apples, pears, plums, peaches,
grapes, and nectarines, attain the highest degree of perfection, and
exceed in size, beauty, and flavour, those raised in any other part of
the province. Cider abounds at the table of the meanest peasant, and
there is scarcely a farm that has not a fruitful orchard attached to it.
This fineness of the fruit is one consequence of the amelioration of
climate, which takes place in the vicinity of the Detroit river and Lake
St. Clair. The seasons there are much milder and more serene than they
are a few hundred miles below, and the weather is likewise drier and
less variable. Comparatively little snow falls during the winter,
although the cold is often sufficiently intense to freeze over the
Detroit river so strongly, that persons, horses, and even loaded
sleighs, cross it with ease and safety. In summer, the country presents
a forest of blossoms, which exhale the most delicious odours; a cloud
seldom obscures the sky; while the lakes and rivers, which extend in
every direction, communicate a reviving freshness to the air, and
moderate the warmth of a dazzling sun; and the clearness and elasticity
of the atmosphere render it equally healthy and exhilarating.[76]
The fort of Detroit was originally constructed to overawe the
neighbouring Indian nations, and its military importance as the key of
the upper lakes appears to have been well known to them. But, neither
possessing battering cannon nor understanding the art of attacking
fortified places, they could only reduce them by stratagem or famine,
and Detroit could always be supplied with provisions by water. In the
year 1763, the Indian chief, Pontiac, whose name has already appeared,
(page 164), formed a powerful confederacy of the different tribes, for
the purpose of revenging their past wrongs and of preventing their total
extirpation, which they were erroneously led to believe was
contemplated. In a sudden, general, and simultaneous irruption on the
British frontier, they obtained possession, chiefly by stratagem, of
Michilimakinack,[77] Presqu'île, and several smaller posts; but there
still remained three fortresses formidable alike by their strength and
position, which it was necessary the Indians should subdue before they
could reap any permanent advantage from their successes. These were
Detroit, Niagara, and Pittsburg; and the first and last, although so
remote from each other, were invested almost at the same moment. The
consummate address, which the Indians displayed in this alarming war,
was supported by a proportionate degree of courage, determination, and
perseverance; nor ever did they approve themselves a more stubborn and
formidable enemy than in this final stand against the encroachments of
European dominion and civilization in North America. General Amherst,
sensible of the danger, sent immediate succours to those two western
garrisons, and thus prevented their fall. Captain Dalzell, after
conducting, in July, a strong reinforcement to Detroit, was induced to
think that he could surprise the Indian force encamped about three miles
from the fort, and he sat out at night with 270 men, adopting the most
judicious precautions for the secrecy and good order of his march. But
the Indians, apprized of his design, were prepared to defeat it, and
every step from the fort only conducted the English troops further into
the jaws of destruction. Their advance was suddenly arrested by a sharp
fire on their front, which was presently followed by a similar discharge
on their rear, and then succeeded by destructive vollies from every
side. In the darkness neither the position nor the numbers of the
Indians could be ascertained. Dalzell was slain early, and his whole
detachment was on the brink of irretrievable confusion and ruin when
Captain Grant, the next in command, perceiving that a retreat, now the
only resource, could only be accomplished by a resolute attack, promptly
rallied the survivors, who, steadily obeying his orders, charged the
Indians with so much spirit and success as to repulse them on all sides
to some distance. Having thus extricated themselves from immediate
peril, the British hastily regained the shelter of the fort, with the
loss of 70 killed and 40 wounded; and the Indians, unable to reduce the
fort by a regular siege, and pausing long enough to ascertain that the
garrison was completely on its guard against stratagem and surprise,
broke up their camp and abandoned the vicinity of Detroit.
The Indians, thus grievously disappointed in their designs on Detroit
and Pittsburg, now closely beleaguered Niagara, which they justly
considered as not less important. They hoped to reduce it by famine, and
on the 14th of September, surrounding a convoy of provisions which had
nearly reached its destination, they succeeded in making it their prey
by a sudden attack, in which 70 of the British soldiers were slain.
Shortly after, as a schooner was crossing Lake Erie with supplies for
Detroit, she was attacked by a numerous fleet of canoes, in which were
nearly 400 Indians. But this attempt was less successful, and, after a
warm engagement, the Indian flotilla was repulsed with considerable
loss, as, in a conflict with an armed vessel, they were exposed to the
same disadvantages which attended their operations against fortified
places. Niagara having at length been powerfully reinforced and well
supplied, the Indians abandoned all hope of reducing it, and thenceforth
confined themselves to their wonted predatory hostility. In the spring
and summer of the following year, the British troops attacked them with
such vigour and success, that they were compelled to propose, in Indian
phrase, to _bury the hatchet_; and in September a treaty of peace was
concluded, the conditions of which were dictated by the English.[78]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 61: The captain of the spies was killed and scalped on the
march. "Thus fell the brave, generous, and patriotic McCulloch, captain
of the spies,"--and in a foot note a few pages before--"Captain
McCulloch, of the spies, scalped an Indian, whom he killed in the
engagement," in Upper Canada! We quote from Brown's-American History, so
it appears that at least one patriotic American could _scalp_ as well as
the Indians!]
[Footnote 62: Christie's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 63: Christie's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 64: The American historian, Brown, observes: "In the
meanwhile, Michilimakinack surrendered to the British without
resistance. The indefatigable Brock, with a reinforcement of 400
regulars, arrived at Maiden; and several Indian tribes, before
hesitating in the choice of sides, began to take their ground and array
themselves under the British standard." Vol. i, page 64.--100 regulars!]
[Footnote 65: Now Colonel Glegg, of Thursteston Hall, Cheshire.]
[Footnote 66: His age was then about forty.]
[Footnote 67: The American historian, Thomson, in his "Sketches of the
War," says that General Hull surrendered "to a body of troops inferior
in _quality_ as well as number!" and he adds: "When General Brock said
that the force at his disposal authorized him to require the surrender,
he must have had a very exalted opinion of the prowess of his own
soldiers, or a very mistaken one of those who were commanded by the
American general."]
[Footnote 68: Including four brass field pieces, captured with General
Burgoyne, at Saratoga, in 1777, and which were retaken by the Americans,
at the battle of the Thames, in October, 1813.]
[Footnote 69: Afterwards named the Detroit.]
[Footnote 70: Appendix A, Section 2, No. 1. Jefferson's Correspondence.]
[Footnote 71: Christie's Memoirs.]
[Footnote 72: Doubtless an error for 1330, the entire British force.]
[Footnote 73: There is a tradition in the editor's family, that one of
its members removed from Guernsey to England early in the seventeenth
century, and that a son of his, a clergyman, settled in the island of
Barbadoes, whence he or his family emigrated to the then British
provinces of North America, now the United States.]
[Footnote 74: James' Military Occurrences.]
[Footnote 75: For his revolutionary services, see Appendix A, Section 2,
No. 2.]
[Footnote 76: Howison's Upper Canada. London, 1821.]
[Footnote 77: The British garrison was surprised, not being aware of the
war, and the Indians butchered nearly all the whites, in number about
100. An English trader, concealed in the house of one of the French
inhabitants, beheld the massacre from an aperture which afforded him a
view of the area of the fort. He describes it as follows: "I beheld, in
shapes the foulest and most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of
barbarian conquerors. The dead were scalped and mangled; the dying were
writhing and shrieking under the insatiated knife and tomahawk, and from
the bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were drinking the blood
scooped up in the hollows of joined hands, and quaffed amid shouts of
rage and victory."]
[Footnote 78: Grahame's History of the United States.]
CHAPTER XII.
The following letters[79] relate chiefly to the enterprize against
Detroit, and, although not in the chronological order we have hitherto
observed, will form the subject of this chapter.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812.
I hasten to apprize your excellency of the capture of this
very important post: 2,500 troops have this day surrendered
prisoners of war, and about 25 pieces of ordnance have been
taken without the sacrifice of a drop of British blood. I had
not more than 700 troops, including militia, and about 600
Indians, to accomplish this service. When I detail my good
fortune, your excellency will be astonished. I have been
admirably supported by Colonel Proctor, the whole of my staff,
and I may justly say, every individual under my command.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 17, 1812.[80]
I have had the honor of informing your excellency, that the
enemy effected his passage across the Detroit river, on the
12th ultimo, without opposition; and that, after establishing
himself at Sandwich, he had ravaged the country as far as the
Moravian town. Some skirmishes occurred between the troops
under Lieut.-Colonel St. George and the enemy, upon the river
Canard, which uniformly terminated in his being repulsed with
loss. I judged it proper to detach a force down the river
Thames, capable of acting in conjunction with the garrison of
Amherstburg offensively, but Captain Chambers, whom I had
appointed to direct this detachment, experienced difficulties
that frustrated my intentions. The intelligence received from
that quarter admitting of no delay, Colonel Proctor was
directed to assume the command, and his force was soon after
increased with 60 rank and file of the 41st regiment.
In the mean time, the most strenuous measures were adopted to
counteract the machinations of the evil-disposed, and I soon
experienced the gratification of receiving voluntary offers of
service from that portion of the embodied militia the most
easily collected. In the attainment of this important point,
gentlemen of the first character and influence shewed an
example highly creditable to them; and I cannot, on this
occasion, avoid mentioning the essential assistance I derived
from John M'Donell, Esq., his majesty's attorney-general, who,
from the beginning of the war, has honored me with his
services as my provincial aide-de-camp. A sufficiency of boats
being collected at Long Point for the conveyance of 300 men,
the embarkation took place on the 8th instant, and in five
days we arrived in safety at Amherstburg.
I found that the judicious arrangements which had been adopted
immediately upon the arrival of Colonel Proctor, had compelled
the enemy to retreat, and take shelter under the guns of his
fort: that officer commenced operations by sending strong
detachments across the river, with a view of cutting off the
enemy's communication with his reserve. This produced two
smart skirmishes on the 5th and 9th instant, in which the
enemy's loss was considerable, whilst ours amounted to 3
killed and 13 wounded; amongst the latter, I have particularly
to regret Captain Muir and Lieutenant Sutherland, of the 41st
regiment; the former an officer of great experience, and both
ardent in his majesty's service. Batteries had likewise been
commenced opposite Fort Detroit, for one 18-pounder, two 12,
and two 5-1/2-inch mortars, all of which opened on the evening
of the 15th; (having previously summoned Brigadier-General
Hull to surrender;) and although opposed by a well-directed
fire from seven 24-pounders, such was their construction,
under the able direction of Captain Dixon, of the Royal
Engineers, that no injury was sustained from its effect.
The force at my disposal being collected in the course of the
15th, in the neighbourhood of Sandwich, the embarkation took
place a little after daylight on the following morning; and by
the able arrangements of Lieutenant Dewar, of the
quartermaster-general's department, the whole was in a short
time landed without the smallest confusion at Spring Well, a
good position, three miles west of Detroit. The Indians, who
had in the mean time effected their landing two miles below,
moved forward and occupied the woods, about a mile and a half
on our left.
The force, which I instantly directed to march against the
enemy, consisted of 30 artillery, 250 41st regiment, 50 royal
Newfoundland regiment, 400 militia, and about 600 Indians, to
which were attached three 6-pounders and two 3-pounders. The
services of Lieutenant Troughton, commanding the royal
artillery, an active and intelligent officer, being required
in the field, the direction of the batteries was entrusted to
Captain Hall and the marine department, and I cannot withhold
my entire approbation of their conduct on this occasion.
I crossed the river, with an intention of waiting in a strong
position the effect of our force upon the enemy's camp, and in
the hope of compelling him to meet us in the field; but
receiving information upon landing, that Colonel M'Arthur, an
officer of high reputation, had left the garrison three days
before with a detachment of 500 men, and hearing, soon
afterwards, that his cavalry had been seen that morning three
miles in our rear, I decided on an immediate attack.
Accordingly, the troops advanced to within one mile of the
fort, and having ascertained that the enemy had taken little
or no precaution towards the land side, I resolved on an
assault, whilst the Indians penetrated his camp.
Brigadier-General Hull, however, prevented this movement, by
proposing a cessation of hostilities, for the purpose of
preparing terms of capitulation. Lieut.-Colonel J. M'cDonell
and Captain Glegg were accordingly deputed by me on this
mission, and returned within an hour with the conditions,
which I have the honor herewith to transmit. Certain
considerations afterwards induced me to agree to the two
supplementary articles.
The force thus surrendered to his majesty's arms cannot be
estimated at less than 2,500 men. In this estimate, Colonel
M'cArthur's detachment is included, as he surrendered,
agreeably to the terms of capitulation, in the course of the
evening, with the exception of 200 men, whom he left escorting
a valuable convoy at some little distance in his rear; but
there can be no doubt the officer commanding will consider
himself equally bound by the capitulation.
The enemy's aggregate force was divided into two troops of
cavalry; one company of artillery, regulars; the 4th United
States' regiment; detachments of the 1st and 3d United States'
regiments, volunteers; three regiments of the Ohio militia;
one regiment of the Michigan territory.
Thirty-three pieces of brass and iron ordnance have already
been secured.
When this contest commenced, many of the Indian nations were
engaged in active warfare with the United States,
notwithstanding the constant endeavours of this government to
dissuade them from it. Some of the principal chiefs happened
to be at Amherstburg, trying to procure a supply of arms and
ammunition, which for years had been withheld, agreeably to
the instructions received from Sir James Craig, and since
repeated by your excellency.
From that moment they took a most active part, and appeared
foremost on every occasion; they were led yesterday by Colonel
Elliott and Captain M'Kee, and nothing could exceed their
order and steadiness. A few prisoners were taken by them
during the advance, whom they treated with every humanity; and
it affords me much pleasure in assuring your excellency, that
such was their forbearance and attention to what was required
of them, that the enemy sustained no other loss in men than
what was occasioned by the fire of our batteries.
The high sense I entertain of the abilities and judgment of
Lieut-Colonel Myers, induced me to appoint him to the
important command at Niagara; it was with reluctance I
deprived myself of his assistance, but I had no other
expedient; his duties, as head of the quartermaster-general's
department, were performed to my satisfaction by
Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, quartermaster-general of the militia.
Captain Glegg, my aide-de-camp, will have the honor of
delivering this dispatch to your excellency; he is charged
with the colours taken at the capture of Fort Detroit, and
those of the 4th United States' regiment.
Captain Glegg is capable of giving your excellency every
information respecting the state of this province, and I shall
esteem myself highly indebted to your excellency, to afford
him that protection to which his merit and length of service
give him a powerful claim.[81] I have the honor to be, &c.
P.S.--I have the honor to enclose a copy of a proclamation
which I issued immediately on taking possession of this
country.
I should have mentioned in the body of my dispatch, the
capture of the Adams; she is a fine vessel, and recently
repaired, but without arms.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
Head Quarters, Montreal, Aug. 30, 1812.
I received on the 25th, whilst at St. John's, your dispatch,
by express from Detroit, of the 16th instant. I do most
sincerely congratulate you upon the complete success which has
attended your measures for the preservation of Amherstburg.
The surrender of Detroit, the capture of General Hull's army
with so large a proportion of ordnance, are circumstances of
high importance to our country, and which have evinced your
talents as an officer in command, and reflect honor upon you,
and upon Lieut.-Colonel St. George and Colonel Proctor.
I propose sending an aide-de-camp to England with your short
dispatch, together with such details as I am in possession of,
respecting Brigadier-General Hull's previous invasion of Upper
Canada and of his foiled attempts to invest Amherstburg; but I
shall delay his departure from hence until the 1st of
September, in hopes of obtaining from you before that time
further particulars of the operations which led to General
Hull's disgrace.
Well aware of the difficulties you have surmounted Tor the
preservation of your government entire, I shall endeavour to
do justice to your merit in my report to his majesty's
minister upon the success which has crowned your energy and
zeal.
A warrant, giving to you more extensive power over the
sentence of such general courts martial as you may be called
on to assemble, was signed by me ten days since, and has I
hope reached you.
I am in hourly expectation of receiving from General Dearborn
intelligence respecting the reception of the proposed
suspension of hostilities, in consequence of the revocation of
the orders in council, which are the plea for war in the
American cabinet; and also whether Mr. Baker has been allowed
to assume, _pro tempore_, the character of a chargé d'affaires
at Washington, where Mr. Foster had left him in a
demi-official capacity. I consider the arrangement entered
into by General Dearborn with Colonel Baynes, requiring the
confirmation of the president, to establish its sacredness.
The king's government having most unequivocally expressed to
me their desire to preserve peace with the United States, that
they might, uninterrupted, pursue, with the whole disposable
force of the country, the great interest committed in Europe,
I have endeavoured to be instrumental in the accomplishment of
their views; but I consider it most fortunate to have been
enabled to do so without interfering with your operations on
the Detroit.
I have sent you men, money, and stores of every kind.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
Head Quarters, Montreal, Aug. 31, 1812.
I had scarcely closed the letters I addressed to you
yesterday, when an aide-de-camp from Major-General Dearborn
made his appearance, and delivered to me the dispatch herewith
transmitted. It will expose to your view the disposition of
the president of the United States on the provisional measure
temporarily agreed upon between the American
commander-in-chief and myself, in consequence of an earnest
desire not to widen the breach existing between the two
countries, the revocation of the orders in council having
removed the plea used in congress for a declaration of war
against Great Britain.
I am much disappointed that the particulars of the surrender
of Detroit have not as yet reached me, particularly as my
aide-de-camp, Captain Coore, is to leave Montreal this evening
for Quebec, where a ship of war is on the point of sailing for
Halifax, from whence I expect the admiral will give him a
conveyance for England.
Being unacquainted with the conditions attached to the
surrender of Brigadier-General Hull's army, and giving scope
to your expression of prisoners of war, I have made
arrangements for increasing their security against any attempt
to rescue them, by ordering Captain Gray to proceed with two
flank companies to Prescot.
[The dispatch from General Dearborn, dated Greenbush, August 26, was to
announce the discontinuance of the temporary armistice agreed to between
him and Colonel Baynes, in four days after the receipt of the
communication at the frontier posts in Canada. The American general
added: "If a suspension of offensive operations shall have been mutually
consented to between General Hull and the commanding officer of the
British forces at and near Detroit, as proposed, they will respectively
be authorized, at the expiration of four days subsequent to their
receiving copies of this communication, to consider themselves released
from any agreement thus entered into."]
* * * * *
As we have already commented on Sir George Prevost's management of the
war, and shall have occasionally to do so again, we gladly give him
credit for the very handsome manner in which he spoke of Major-General
Brock, in his dispatch to Earl Bathurst, one of his majesty's principal
secretaries of state, announcing the surrender of Detroit, and dated
Montreal, 26th August, 1812.
"It was under these circumstances at this critical period, and
when the enemy were beginning to consult their security by
entrenching themselves, that General Brock entered
Amherstburg with a reinforcement, which he was fortunately
enabled to do on the 13th instant, without the smallest
molestation, in consequence of our decided naval superiority
on the lakes. To his active and intelligent mind, the
advantages which his enemy's situation afforded him over them,
even with his very inferior force, became immediately
apparent; and that he has not failed most effectually to avail
himself of those favorable circumstances, your lordship will,
I trust, be satisfied, from the letter which I have the honor
of transmitting.
"Having thus brought to your lordship's view the different
circumstances which have led to the successful termination of
the campaign on the western frontier of Upper Canada, I cannot
withhold from Major-General Brock the tribute of applause so
justly due to him for his distinguished conduct on this
occasion; or omit to recommend him, through your lordship, to
the favorable consideration of his royal highness the prince
regent, for the great ability and judgment with which he
planned, and the promptitude, energy, and fortitude with which
he has effected, the preservation of Upper Canada, with the
sacrifice of so little British blood in accomplishing so
important a service.
"My aide-de-camp, Captain Coore, will have the honor of
delivering to your lordship this dispatch; and as he is well
qualified to give your lordship information respecting the
military resources of this command, I shall beg leave to
refer your lordship to him for farther particulars."
At the same time, truth compels us to add, that Sir George Prevost took
credit to himself, to which he was not entitled, when he wrote to Lord
Bathurst: "General Brock, relying upon the strong assurances I had given
him of a reinforcement as prompt and as effectual as the circumstances
by which I was placed by this new war would permit me to send, adopted
the most vigorous measures for the safety of that part of the frontier
which had been attacked." And again: "The certainty of the expected
reinforcements, and the weakness of the enemy on the Niagara frontier,
had in the mean time induced General Brock," &c. The last dispatch
which, we believe, Major-General Brock had received from Sir George
Prevost, when on the 6th of August he left York for Detroit, was dated
the 10th and received on the 29th July; and in that dispatch (see page
178) no reinforcements were promised, and indeed offensive operations
were deprecated. The first reinforcement which left Lower for Upper
Canada, appears to have consisted of about 100 men of the Newfoundland
regiment and 50 of the Veterans, which left Quebec on the 30th of July
for Kingston, to strengthen that post; and the adjutant-general, on the
1st of August, (page 211), wrote that Sir George Prevost regretted
extremely his inability to render Major-General Brock more efficient
aid. It was only on the 2d of August that Sir George Prevost promised
an additional reinforcement of four companies of the 49th regiment,
(page 215,) and on the 12th of the same month the remainder of the
regiment (page 218). Mr. Powell confirms this view of the subject in his
admirable letter, page 261. It will be seen in the sequel that, on the
13th of August, the adjutant-general wrote that he had strongly urged
Sir George Prevost to send further reinforcements, as he was sure they
could be spared. As to the remark relative to the weakness of the enemy
on the Niagara frontier, we shall only mention that Major-General Brock
states, in a MS. before us, that it was the strong American force on
that frontier which compelled him to take with him to Detroit only half
of the militia, who volunteered.
_Sir George Prevost to Earl Bathurst._
Head Quarters, Montreal, Sept. 1, 1812.
Since I had the honor of transmitting to your lordship my
letter of the 26th ultimo, in charge of my aide-de-camp,
Captain Coore, I have received from Major-General Brock a
dispatch, of which the enclosed is a copy, containing the
particulars of Brigadier-General Hull's invasion of Upper
Canada, which has terminated most gloriously to his majesty's
arms, in that officer's defeat and surrender, as a prisoner of
war, with the whole of the north-western army, together with
the fort Detroit, and thirty-three pieces of ordnance.
I forward this dispatch express, in the expectation of its
reaching Captain Coore previously to his leaving Canada,
which, with the colours of the 4th United States' regiment
accompanying it, I trust that officer will have the honor of
delivering to your lordship.
_Earl Bathurst to Sir George Prevost._
DOWNING STREET, October 10, 1812.
I have had the honor of receiving your dispatch, dated the
26th August, together with its enclosures, from Major-General
Brock, and I lost no time in laying intelligence so important
and satisfactory before his royal highness the prince regent.
I am commanded by his royal highness to desire you to take the
earliest opportunity of conveying his royal highness'
approbation of the able, judicious, and decisive conduct of
Major-General Brock, of the zeal and spirit manifested by
Colonel Proctor and the other officers, as well as of the
intrepidity of the troops under the command of Major-General
Brock.
By the united exertions of this little army, the enterprize of
the American army has been defeated; the territories of his
majesty in Upper Canada have been secured; and on the enemy's
fort of Detroit, important to that security, the British
standard has been happily placed.
You will inform Major-General Brock that his royal highness,
taking into consideration all the difficulties by which
Major-General Brock was surrounded from the time of the
invasion of the province by the American army, under the
command of General Hull, and the singular judgment, firmness,
skill, and courage, with which he was enabled to surmount them
so effectually--has been pleased to appoint him an extra
knight of the most honorable order of the bath.
* * * * *
The following letter strikes us as singularly appropriate and pleasing,
and as creditable to him who wrote it as it must have been gratifying to
him who received it. Mr. Powell, who, we believe, was then one of the
puisné judges, was chief justice of Upper Canada in the year 1817.
_William Dummer Powell, Esq., to Major-General Brock_.
KINGSTON, August 27, 1812.
I cannot persuade myself to offer my hearty congratulations
through the medium of a third person, and hope you will
believe that no one sympathizes more cordially than myself in
your feelings on the late happy event. I shall never again
regret little disappointments, when I consider to what they
may lead: had your early representations been attended to and
produced their proper effect, you would probably not have to
boast of the most brilliant success, with the most inadequate
means, which history records. There is something so fabulous
in the report of a handful of troops, supported by a few raw
militia, leaving their strong post to invade an enemy of
double numbers in his own fortress, and making them all
prisoners without the loss of a man, that, although your
report may be sanctioned by Sir George Prevost, it seems to me
that the people of England will be incredulous until they see
the exterminating boaster a prisoner in London. We find in a
cover by General Sheaffe, that the first report of the cannon
taken was one-third short of the real number. I shall hardly
sleep until I have the satisfaction of hearing particulars of
the wonderful excursion, for it must not be called a campaign.
The _veni, vidi, vici_, is again the faithful report. Your
good fortune in one instance is singular, for if your zeal had
been thwarted by such adverse winds as frequently occur on the
lake, the armistice might have intercepted your career. That
it did not I heartily thank God, and pray that nothing may
occur to damp the entire satisfaction of yourself and family
in the glory so well earned. I am impatient to hear from
Colonel M'Donell, but have no doubt that he justified your
warmest expectations in every trial. May I beg to be presented
to Glegg, and that you, Sir, will believe me, &c.
_Chief Justice of Lower Canada, Sewell, to Major-General Brock._
QUEBEC, Sept. 3, 1812.
In your present situation, I am perfectly sensible of your
occupations, and know that your time is precious. Yet I take
the liberty to intrude upon you with my congratulations upon
the brilliant success which has attended the measures which
you have pursued with so much judgment in Upper Canada, and
the thanks of an individual who feels the benefits which he,
in common with every other subject of his majesty in British
America, derives from your exertions.
* * * * *
The next letter is from General Maitland,[82] who was colonel of the
49th foot from the 25th May, 1768, to the period of his death, in
February, 1820, or nearly fifty-two years! Major-General Brock held this
gallant veteran in high estimation, having received from him much
attention and kindness, which were continued to some of his relatives
after his fall, and it will be seen that the feeling was mutual.
Although General Maitland was so many years colonel of the 49th, yet we
find that the Marquis of Drogheda held a similar appointment for a
longer period, being colonel of the 18th Hussars from the 3d August,
1762, to October, 1821, when that regiment was disbanded, or above
fifty-nine years!
_General the Honorable Alexander Maitland to Major-General Brock_.
TOTTERIDGE, October 8, 1812.
Yesterday being mail day for America, I dispatched my usual
monthly letter to the regiment, and in which, as I always do,
I desired to be remembered to you with my best and warmest
wishes for your health, happiness, and success. I had not then
heard, but did a few hours after, of your _glorious victory_
over our most unnatural enemies, (such an one as can hardly be
equalled in the annals of history,) that of not only beating,
but taking prisoners, more than double your numbers; and now
that you have conquered them in the field, I trust that their
wrong-headed government will be brought to reason and peace,
for it will prove to them, if they persevere, that they will
be forced to it, and terms dictated to them. Therefore allow
me, Sir, with the warmest feelings of an old friend to
congratulate you, as I do the public, on the essential service
you have done the country on the present occasion; as I do my
friend, your aide-de-camp, Captain Glegg, as far as the sphere
of his duty could assist in the great work; and _I glory to
say you are both 49-thers_. I could write sheets on the
subject, but, not to take up your valuable time longer than I
have done to express my pleasure and feelings, I will stop by
adding the sincere congratulations of all related to me here
as well as elsewhere. But I cannot help now observing how
prophetic I was in what I wrote to Colonel Vincent yesterday
concerning you, which was, _that if you mere properly
supported, I thought the enemy would never cross the line of
your command_, a proof of which I had a few hours afterwards.
When you see any of our friends of the 49th, pray remember me
in the kindest manner to them, and I am sure they will thank
you that they are safe and warm in their quarters in place of
having a winter campaign in so severe a climate. And now I
will only add my warmest wishes for your health and happiness,
and that the same good fortune that has hitherto attended you
may continue; and I beg that you will be so good as to convey
the same to my friend, your aide-de-camp. Believe me to be, my
dear general, &c.
P.S.--I send this after the mail, which left London last
night, in hope it may overtake it at Falmouth, as I know the
packet seldom sails for some days after her time.
_Major-General John Burnet to Sir Isaac Brock, K.B._[83]
STRABERRY, Ireland, Oct. 11, 1812.
There has existed too long and too sincere a friendship
between us for me not to feel the most lively interest in the
event which has added such _éclat_ to your achievement at my
old quarter, Detroit.
To evince to you how much I regard you, and how much I have
talked of you, a friend of mine at the Horse Guards enclosed
me the Extraordinary Gazette, saying he knew how much I should
be gratified: judge then, my friend, of my feelings that you
had acquitted yourself with such address; and I feel some
degree of pride that my opinion was so justly formed of your
conduct, whenever you should have an opportunity to display
your talents. Accept, then, the very sincere congratulations
of an old friend on this occasion, and be assured of the
happiness it gives me, as well as Mrs. Burnet, who is with me,
and sends her love to you.
With respect to my situation, I offered my services to go to
the Peninsula as soon as our promotion took place, and at one
time flattered myself I should have gone there; but superior
interest prevailed, and I was placed on the staff of Ireland.
I first went to Londonderry, but have been here six months, as
more central to the brigade under my command.
I have my hands full of business, and little time for private
correspondence; but I could not resist the impulse on an
occasion so highly to the honor of an old friend. Believe me,
my dear Brock, &c.
P.S.--If Commodore Grant be still alive, pray remember me
warmly to him and Mrs. Grant.
_Major-General Brock to his Brothers_.
Head Quarters, Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812.
Rejoice at my good fortune, and join me in prayers to Heaven.
I send you a copy of my hasty note to Sir George.
[Here follows his short dispatch of that day. See page 247.]
Let me hear that you are all united and happy.
_Major-General Brock to his Brothers._
LAKE ONTARIO, September 3, 1812.
You will have heard of the complete success which attended the
efforts I directed against Detroit. I have received so many
letters from people whose opinion I value, expressive of their
admiration of the exploit, that I begin to attach to it more
importance than I was at first inclined. Should the affair be
viewed in England in the light it is here, I cannot fail of
meeting reward, and escaping the horror of being placed high
on a shelf, never to be taken down.
Some say that nothing could be more desperate than the
measure; but I answer, that the state of the province admitted
of nothing but desperate remedies. I got possession of the
letters my antagonist addressed to the secretary at war, and
also of the sentiments which hundreds of his army uttered to
their friends. Confidence in the general was gone, and evident
despondency prevailed throughout. I have succeeded beyond
expectation. I crossed the river, contrary to the opinion of
Colonel Proctor,----, &c.; it is, therefore, no wonder that
envy should attribute to good fortune what, in justice to my
own discernment, I must say, proceeded from a cool calculation
of the _pours_ and _contres_.
They say that the value of the articles captured will amount
to 30 or £40,000; in that case, my proportion will be
something considerable. If it enable me to contribute to your
comfort and happiness, I shall esteem it my highest reward.
When I returned Heaven thanks for my amazing success, I
thought of you all; you appeared to me happy--your late
sorrows forgotten; and I felt as if you acknowledged that the
many benefits, which for a series of years I received from
you, were not unworthily bestowed. Let me know, my dearest
brothers, that you are all again united. The want of union was
nearly losing this province without even a struggle, and be
assured it operates in the same degree in regard to families.
A cessation of hostilities has taken place along this
frontier. Should peace follow, the measure will be well; if
hostilities recommence, nothing could be more unfortunate than
this pause. I cannot give you freely an account of my
situation--it is, however, of late much improved. The militia
have been inspired, by the recent success, with
confidence--the disaffected are silenced. The 49th have come
to my aid, besides other troops. I shall see Vincent, I hope,
this evening at Kingston. He is appointed to the command of
that post--a most important one. I have withdrawn Plenderleath
from Niagara to assist him. P---- is sitting opposite to me,
and desires to be remembered. James Brock is likewise at
Kingston. I believe he considers it more his interest to
remain with the 49th than to act as my private secretary;
indeed, the salary is a mere pittance. Poor Leggatt is dead,
and has left his family in the most distressing
circumstances. His wife died last year.
Major Smelt and Captain Brown have sent me your letters, for
which I thank you. Let Richard Potenger be assured that his
letter afforded me the highest gratification. I trust in
Heaven that the whole of his thoughts will be directed to
study, and to qualify himself for the holy profession he has
chosen. Ignorance is despised in most men, but more
particularly in the clergyman educated at one of the
universities, who must have neglected so many opportunities of
acquiring knowledge.
I received the other day a long letter from Sir Thomas
Saumarez, from Halifax. I regret the death of the two Harry
Brocks.[84] I have likewise been particularly unfortunate in
the loss of two valuable military friends. I begin to be too
old to form new friendships, and those of my youth are
dropping off fast.
General Sheaffe has lately been sent to me. There never was an
individual so miserably off for the necessary assistance. Sir
George Prevost has kindly hearkened to my remonstrances, and
in some measure supplied the deficiency. The 41st is an
uncommonly fine regiment, but, with few exceptions, badly
officered. You mention John Tupper[85] in a manner as to leave
hope that he may still be living. God grant it! He is a great
favorite of mine, and I should lament any disaster happening
to him. Perhaps Glegg may be sent home by Sir George, and in
that case I hope he will allow you to see the colours taken
from the 4th U.S. regiment. The generality of the English will
esteem them very little: nothing is prized that is not
acquired with blood.
KINGSTON, September 4.
I this instant receive your letters by Mr. Todd, So honest
John Tupper is gone! I could not have loved a son of my own
more ardently. Hostilities I this instant understand are to be
renewed in four days; and though landed only two hours, I must
return immediately to Niagara, whence I shall write fully.
_Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, Quartermaster-General of Militia, to
Major-General Brock._
DETROIT, August 25, 1812.
I have just been informed by Colonel Proctor that he intends
sending an express to-morrow to Fort George, which gives me an
opportunity to forward a few printed copies of your
proclamation, and to inform you that in order to carry it into
effect, it has been found absolutely necessary to organize the
civil government. Under existing circumstances, I have advised
Colonel Proctor to assume the administration until your
pleasure is known, to which he has agreed, and the necessary
arrangements consequent thereto have been adopted and
promulgated. In Judge Woodward, who has been appointed
secretary _pro tem_, he will find an able coadjutor; and as
your object undoubtedly was to tranquillize the public mind
and to give the inhabitants a proof of the moderation and
benevolence of his majesty's government, as well as to ensure
the due administration of the laws, I do not think a more
judicious choice could have been made. In all the discussions
which took place on this subject, Colonel Proctor did me the
honor to consult me; and I have no hesitation in saying, that
I urged him to the step he has taken, of which I hope you
will, as it is only temporary, approve. We have had much
difficulty in collecting the public cattle and horses, and
have suffered greatly from the predatory spirit of the
Indians; indeed, their conduct has been infamous. There is
hardly a house on either side of the river that has not been
robbed by them; they have taken away the greater part of the
captured horses and cattle, and without our being able to
prevent it. It has not been in my power as yet to send a
statement of all that we have captured, as the property is so
scattered, but I hope to finish this week. We got upwards of
£1,200 in money, and have sent down a hundred packs worth, I
suppose £1,500 more. I have reason to think the captured
property will not be much under £40,000.
We have still 350 prisoners to ship off, but I hope to get
rid of them in a few days. Public confidence seems to be
partially restored; business is again going on, and I hope
that the country will become perfectly quiet.
It is impossible for me to say when I shall get done here. I
hope, however, it will not be long. I regret that we are not
able to send you complete returns of every thing; but the
captured property is in so many different places, and so
scattered, that it cannot be done.
* * * * *
_Extract from a Canadian Newspaper._
MONTREAL, September 12.
Last Sunday evening the inhabitants of this city were
gratified with an exhibition equally novel and interesting.
That General Hull should have entered into our city so soon,
at the head of his troops, rather exceeded our expectations.
We were, however, very happy to see him, and received him with
all the honors due to his high rank and importance as a public
character. The following particulars, relative to his journey
and reception at Montreal, may not be uninteresting to our
readers:
It appears that General Hull and suite, accompanied by about
25 officers and 350 soldiers, left Kingston, under an escort
of 130 men, commanded by Major Heathcote, of the Newfoundland
regiment. At Cornwall, the escort was met by Captain Gray, of
the quartermaster-general's department, who took charge of the
prisoners of war, and from thence proceeded with them to La
Chine, where they arrived about two o'clock on Sunday
afternoon. At La Chine, Captains Richardson and Ogilvie, with
their companies of Montreal militia, and a company of the
king's from Lower Chine, commanded by Captain Blackmore,
formed the escort till they were met by Colonel Auldjo, with
the remainder of the flank companies of the militia, upon
which Captain Blackmore's company fell out and presented arms
as the general and line passed, and then returned to La Chine,
leaving the prisoners of war to be guarded by the militia
alone. The line of march then proceeded to the town in the
following order, viz:
1. Band of the king's regiment.
2. The first division of the escort.
3. General Hull in a carriage, accompanied by Captain Gray.
Captain Hull and Major Shekleton followed in the second, and
some wounded officers occupied four others.
4. The American officers.
5. The non-commissioned officers and soldiers.
6. The second division of the escort.
It unfortunately proved rather late in the evening for the
vast concourse of spectators assembled to experience that
gratification they so anxiously looked for. This inconvenience
was, however, in a great measure remedied by the illuminations
of the streets through which the line of march passed. When
they arrived at the general's house, the general was conducted
in, and presented to his excellency Sir George Prevost, and
was received with the greatest politeness, and invited to take
up his residence there during his stay at Montreal. The other
officers were accommodated at Holmes' hotel, and the soldiers
lodged in the Quebec barracks. The general appears to be about
sixty years of age, and is a good looking man, and we are
informed by those who have had frequent opportunities of
conversing with him, that he is a man of general information.
He is communicative, and seems to bear his misfortunes with a
degree of philosophical resignation that but few men in
similar circumstances are gifted with. On Thursday last
General Hull, with eight American officers, left this city for
the United States, on their parole.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 79: We can discover none from Colonel Baynes on the subject.]
[Footnote 80: This dispatch was published in a Gazette Extraordinary, in
London, on the 6th of October. See page 240.]
[Footnote 81: Captain Glegg was made a brevet-major for the capture of
Detroit. Sir George Prevost's aide-de-camp, Captain Coore, was also made
a brevet-major for taking the dispatches to England.]
[Footnote 82: Created a baronet on the 30th November, 1818.]
[Footnote 83: This letter is apparently written with the left hand, as
if the writer had lost his right.]
[Footnote 84: Henry Frederick Brock, Esq., jurat of the Royal Court of
Guernsey; and Lieutenant Henry Brock, R.N. In his letter, (see page
194,) Sir Thomas Saumarez, speaking of the latter, says: "He was a most
promising young officer, and, had the poor fellow lived, my brother
James would probably have made him a commander this summer."]
[Footnote 85: His nephew, John E. Tupper, Esq., aged twenty, perished at
sea in January, 1812, in the Mediterranean, the vessel in which he was a
passenger from Catalonia to Gibraltar having never been heard of after
sailing. He was educated at Harrow at the same time as Lord Byron, Sir
Robert Peel, &c.]
CHAPTER XIII.
After issuing a proclamation to the inhabitants of the Michigan
territory, by which their private property was secured and their laws
and religion confirmed, and leaving as large a force under Colonel
Proctor as could be spared at Detroit, Major-General Brock hastened to
return to the Niagara frontier; and while on his voyage across Lake
Erie, in the schooner Chippewa, he was met on the 23d of August by the
provincial schooner Lady Prevost, of 14 guns, the commander of which,
after saluting the general with seventeen guns, came on board and gave
him the first intelligence of the armistice which Sir George Prevost had
unfortunately concluded with the American general, Dearborn.
Major-General Brock could not conceal his deep regret and mortification
at the intelligence, which he feared would prevent his contemplated
attack on Sackett's Harbour. Sir George Prevost, early in August, on
hearing of the repeal of the British orders in council, which were the
principal among the alleged causes of the war, had proposed a suspension
of hostilities until the sentiments of the American government were
received on the subject; and to this suspension General Dearborn
readily agreed, with the exception of the forces under General Hull,
who, he said, acted under the immediate orders of the secretary at war.
But, by the terms of the truce, General Hull had the option of availing
himself of its provisions if he thought fit, and that he would gladly
have done so there can be no doubt. Happily, however, owing to the
rapidity of Major-General Brock's movements, the news of the armistice
did not reach the belligerent commanders in time to prevent the
surrender of the one, or to snatch well-earned laurels from the brow of
the other.[86] This armistice was attended with very prejudicial
consequences, as it not only marred the attempt on Sackett's Harbour,
but it rendered unavailing the command of the lakes, which was then held
by the British.[87]
The successful commander, in transmitting by Captain Glegg his
dispatches to the governor-general at Montreal, expressed, through his
aide-de-camp, his intention of proceeding immediately to Kingston, and
from thence to the attack of the naval arsenal at Sackett's Harbour, on
Lake Ontario. Had its destruction been accomplished--and no one can
doubt that this was the proper period to attempt it, as the enemy,
dispirited by the capture of Detroit, would probably have offered but a
feeble resistance--the Americans could not, without much additional
difficulty and future risk of destruction, have built and equipped the
fleet which subsequently gave them the naval ascendancy on that lake,
and enabled them twice in 1813 to capture the capital of Upper Canada.
The armistice, however, caused a delay of nearly a fortnight in the
necessary preparations, as Major-General Brock returned from Detroit to
Fort George on the 24th of August, and the cessation of the truce was
not known to him until his arrival at Kingston, on the 4th of September.
The distance by water between Fort George and Kingston is about 160
miles, and from Kingston to Sackett's Harbour only 35 miles; so that the
destruction of the arsenal might have been effected early in September,
had not the armistice prevented the attempt. But, unhappily for the
interests of his country and the credit of his own fame, Sir George
Prevost disapproved of the proposition, and commanded Major-General
Brock to relinquish all idea of the contemplated enterprize, although
the official intelligence of the president's refusal to continue the
suspension of hostilities reached him at Montreal on the 30th of August,
a day or two _before_ Captain Glegg, with the dispatches and trophies of
the capture of Detroit. At the commencement of the war, a defensive
attitude was perhaps excusable, especially as the British cabinet seems
to have been anxious to accommodate the differences between the two
countries; but _after_ the American government had refused to continue
the armistice, it appears to us that Sir George Prevost was pursuing a
suicidal course, as to wait for the enemy till he shall have prepared
his forces and passed your frontiers, to plunder your towns and occupy
your country, is a very recent expedient recognized by no government,
and practised by no people of ancient or modern times. But
notwithstanding the delay caused by the armistice, the proposed attack
could still have been carried into effect after its cessation; and it
was only relinquished by express orders from the commander-in-chief. We
seek not to impugn his motives, as they probably originated in a
mistaken sense of duty, and evidently from an impression that to attack
the Americans again on their own frontier would be to render the contest
more popular among them. It was under this impression that, in a general
order[88] issued at Montreal on the 31st of August, the
commander-in-chief was weak enough to offer an indirect apology to the
American people for the invasion of their territory at Detroit. Whether
this continued defensive policy was such as, under all the
circumstances, ought to have been observed, we leave it to others to
determine; but certainly the result did not justify its expediency, and
the tree is usually judged of by its fruit. Forbearance in war, where
success is probable, strikes us as a positive evil that a very doubtful
good may ensue--it is seldom properly appreciated; and the
governor-general appears to have seen his error when too late, as in the
following year he was himself ignobly foiled in an attack on Sackett's
Harbour. We cannot understand why the attack under Sir George Prevost,
in May, 1813, was more politic than it would have been in September the
year preceding, under Major-General Brock; and although Captain Glegg
met with a very chilling reception from the former officer, yet we would
willingly acquit him of any jealous feeling where such important
interests were at stake. At the same time it is due to the memory of
this unfortunate officer to add, that his civil administration was as
able as his military one in Canada was inglorious; and that although his
conduct as a soldier was on more than one occasion the subject of much
and just animadversion in England, yet he acquired the warm attachment
of the French Canadians, who speak highly of him to this day. Those
leading men who, during the administration of Sir James Craig, had been
considered almost as enemies, were treated with confidence by his
successor, who gradually appointed them to situations of trust, and by
this wise measure secured their aid and influence in the defence of the
province. Certain it is, on the other hand, that Major-General Brock did
not approve of the defensive warfare to which he was restricted, and
subsequent events too truly proved that had he been permitted to pursue
that course which his zeal and foresight dictated, his valuable life
might have been spared, and a very different series of incidents in that
war claimed the attention of the historian. The high-minded soldier
could not brook a state of inaction with such promising prospects before
him. His best feelings revolted at being compelled to languish within
the strict pale of military obedience, when so rich a field for doing
good service presented itself; and in place of becoming the assailant,
he was soon doomed, by awaiting the attacks of his opponents, to
sacrifice not only life, but, what is far dearer, the opening prospects
of honorable ambition.
On the 16th December, 1812, the inhabitants of the Niagara district
addressed a spirited letter to Sir George Prevost, from which we copy
the following extract, as confirming what we have already stated on the
same subject: "Nevertheless, such was the popularity of the general,
such the confidence he had inspired, that he was enabled to carry with
him to Detroit, though under great privations, a large body of
volunteers, which, in addition to the small regular force at
Amherstburg, enabled him to capture an entire army of our invaders, with
the fortress from which they had made their descent into Canada--a
success unparalleled in the annals of war. Here, for the first time, we
got a supply of good arms. The success of this first enterprize, in
which the militia were engaged, acted like an electric shock throughout
the country: it awed the disaffected, of whom there were many; it
confirmed the timid and the wavering; and it induced the Six Nation
Indians, who had until that time kept aloof, to take an active part in
our favor. At that moment such was the energy and confidence that had
been excited by our illustrious chief and the success of his plans, that
had _he_ been permitted, he could, and would, have destroyed and laid
waste the whole American frontier, from Sandusky to St. Regis. Your
excellency doubtless recollects the armistice which immediately preceded
the capture of Detroit, which gave the enemy an opportunity to recover
from their consternation, to fortify and strengthen their lines, to
accumulate in security the means of annoying us at pleasure along our
whole frontier, and which sent at least 800 of our Indian allies in
disgust to their own homes."
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, August 13, 1812.[89]
I wrote to you from Albany on the 8th instant, but as my
letter was submitted to the inspection of General Dearborn, I
of course confined myself to the sole subject of the armistice
entered into with that officer.... A clause, admitting
reinforcements to pass with stores, was readily agreed to on
my part. General Dearborn told me that a considerable
reinforcement with stores was on its way to Niagara, and that
he could not delay or alter its destination. I informed him
that we were also forwarding reinforcements and stores, and
that it would be advisable to agree that all movements of that
nature on either side should be suffered to proceed
unmolestedly by troops under instructions to preserve
defensive measures. I am apprehensive that General Dearborn
may not explicitly explain all these points; and I have
therefore cautioned all the officers, to whom I have
communicated them, to act with the utmost caution, and to be
prepared for all events that may arise. I feel extremely
prepossessed in favor of General Dearborn, whose manners
appear to evince great candour and sincerity: he assured me
that no event of his life would afford him so much
satisfaction and happiness as resigning his command in
consequence of our honorable adjustment of differences. He
told me that General Hull was placed under his orders merely
for form sake, but that he acted by particular instructions
from the war department, and would not consider himself bound
to obey any order that was not in conformity to them.
[Colonel Baynes describes at length the incipient state of
military preparation for the invasion of Lower Canada, which
he witnessed on his journey; and after mentioning that the
Americans had sent the most efficient of their forces to the
Niagara frontier, he adds:]
Under all these circumstances, which I have represented to
Sir George, I have strongly urged his sending you further
reinforcements, which I am sure can be spared: we are at
present checked from the want of conveyance, but I trust after
the corps, now on their route, are dispatched, that Sir George
will be induced to send you further aid, and that of the best
description. I think it of the highest importance,
particularly if we are likely to arrange matters with the
States, that the balance of military events should be
unequivocally in our favor. I found a very general prejudice
prevailing with Jonathan, of his own resources and means of
invading these provinces, and of our weakness and inability to
resist, both exaggerated in a most absurd and extravagant
degree--a little practical correction of this error would be
attended with the best effects.
The 1st battalion of the royals are upwards of 1,100 strong,
but sickly, having suffered from their long residence in the
West Indies, and they are in consequence marked for the Quebec
garrison.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Proctor._
FORT GEORGE, August 25, 1812.
I wrote to you yesterday, informing you that a cessation of
hostilities had been agreed upon between Sir George Prevost
and General Dearborn, and requesting you in consequence to
postpone any attempt upon Fort Wayne, or any other post of the
enemy. I consider the present forbearance may lead to such
consequences that I cannot refrain from sending a second
express, to urge you to restrain the Indians likewise in their
predatory excursions: this, however, ought to be done with the
utmost caution, and on grounds foreign from the present
considerations.
Colonel Myers tells me that he forwarded on the 11th instant a
dispatch received from Sir George Prevost to me, in which his
excellency so clearly stated the principles of moderation upon
which he thought it expedient to act, that I fully expect,
should you have received the dispatch and perused his
sentiments, you will forbear from any hostile aggression; in
fact, act completely upon the defensive.
Should every thing remain quiet in the vicinity of Detroit,
you will proceed hither, bringing to Fort Erie the detachments
which Captain Chambers and Lieutenant Bullock took to
Amherstburg. All the spare ordnance is to be transported to
Fort Erie without delay.
I should also think that Lieutenant Troughton and a few of his
men could be spared for some time from the duties at
Amherstburg; in that case, you will have the goodness to order
them to accompany you.
* * * * *
Major-General Brock arrived at Kingston on the 4th of September, and
left it on the 6th for Fort George. During this hasty visit he reviewed
the militia, and expressed his satisfaction at its evolutions and
appearance. He also received a flattering address from the magistrates,
officers of militia, and other inhabitants; and in reply he told them
with much tact, that it was the confidence inspired by the admirable
conduct of the York and Lincoln regiments of militia which had induced
him to undertake the expedition which terminated in the capture of
Detroit, and that from the report of the officers of the garrison at
Kingston, he relied with the same confidence on the bravery and the
discipline of the militia of that district. In the same manner, in an
address a few days before from the inhabitants of York, he said:
"Gentlemen,--I cannot but feel highly gratified by this expression of
your esteem for myself; but, in justice to the brave men at whose head I
marched against the enemy, I must beg leave to direct your attention to
them, as the proper objects of your gratitude. It was a confidence,
founded on their loyalty, zeal, and valour, that determined me to adopt
the plan of operations which led to so fortunate a termination. Allow me
to congratulate you, gentlemen, at having sent out from among yourselves
a large portion of that gallant band; and that at such a period a spirit
had manifested itself, on which you may confidently repose your hopes of
future security. It will be a most pleasing duty for me to report to our
sovereign a conduct so truly meritorious."
_Major-General Brock, to Sir George Prevost._
KINGSTON, September 4, 1812.
Upon my arrival here an hour ago, Captain Fulton delivered me
your excellency's dispatch, dated the 31st ultimo, enclosing a
letter from General Dearborn, in which the president's
disapproval of the armistice is announced. I am in consequence
induced to return without loss of time to Fort George. Captain
Fulton having expressed a wish to accompany me, I have the
more readily consented, as he will be able to give you full
information of our actual state. The enemy was very busy upon
Fort Niagara, and appeared inclined to erect additional
batteries. I may perhaps think it proper to stop their career.
I enclose several documents lately received from Colonel
Proctor, at Detroit. That officer appears to have conducted
himself with much judgment. I likewise transmit a memorial
which I have received from some merchants in the Niagara
district, but of course I cannot judge of its merits.
I shall be obliged to your excellency to direct the remittance
of the £5,000, for which I sent a requisition some time ago,
on account of the civil expenditure of this province, either
in government paper or specie, as you may deem most
convenient. I doubt not the former meeting a ready currency.
The very flattering manner in which your excellency is pleased
to view my services, and your kindness in having represented
them to his majesty's ministers in such favorable light, are
gratifying to my feelings, and call for my grateful
acknowledgments.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._
FORT GEORGE, September 9, 1812.
I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the
24th ultimo, and have to thank you for ordering a company of
the Glengary regiment to strengthen Colonel Lethbridge at
Prescott, whose force you have been led to believe was
weakened in consequence of my interference, but which, I beg
leave to state, was done without my knowledge, and contrary to
my intention.
The enclosed copies of letters will inform you of the state of
affairs to the westward. It appears evident the enemy
meditates a second attempt on Amherstburg. The greater part of
the troops, which are advancing, marched from Kentucky with an
intention of joining General Hull. How they are to subsist,
even for a short period, in that already exhausted country, is
no easy matter to conceive. This difficulty will probably
decide them on some bold measure, in the hope of shortening
the campaign. If successfully resisted, their fate is
inevitable.
The Indians, it appears by the accompanying documents, were
adverse to retreating without first making a trial of their
strength. Taking, however, every circumstance into
consideration, I am inclined to think that Captain Muir acted
judiciously. Should the Indians continue to afford a willing
co-operation, I entertain not the smallest doubt of the result
that awaits this second attempt to turn my right; but your
excellency will easily perceive that doubts and jealousies
have already seized their minds. The officers of the Indian
department will, I trust, be able to remove all such
impressions. Although, from the daily observations of what is
passing on the opposite shore, a single man can ill be spared
from this line, I have notwithstanding determined to send the
two flank companies of the royal Newfoundland regiment to
Amherstburg. Fresh troops are daily arriving, supposed to
belong to the Pennsylvania quota of 2,000 men, known to be
intended for this frontier. After the whole arrive, an attack,
I imagine, cannot be long delayed. The wretched state of their
quotas, and the raggedness of the troops, will not allow them
to brave the rain and cold, which during the last week have
been so severely felt.
Between 200 and 300 Indians have joined and augmented the
force on the other side. Their brethren here feel certain that
they will not act with any spirit against us--so I imagine, if
we continue to shew a bold front; but in the event of a
disaster, the love of plunder will prevail, and they will then
act in a manner to be the most dreaded by the inhabitants of
this country.
I beg leave to recommend to your excellency's indulgent
consideration, Colonel Proctor's application for an increase
of pay as commanding a district, which I request may commence
from the 16th August last.
_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.
MONTREAL, September 10, 1812.
Sir George writes to you so fully upon the several subjects to
which your letters refer, that I have little left to
communicate to you. Major Heathcote leaves this to-day, with
all the small description of ordnance stores intended for
Amherstburg, but we have detained the 12-pounders and shot; as
you have helped yourself so amply at Detroit, it is imagined
you do not now want them. I enclose a letter from Captain
Roberts, who was, I suppose, induced to address himself direct
to head quarters, by an opportunity of doing so offering
itself at the moment. The North-West gentlemen are very urgent
in recommending a reinforcement in that quarter; but Sir
George has told them that their representation must be
addressed to you, who will act as you deem proper.
Your friend, Mr. Isaac Todd, is arrived, and looking much
better for his trip; he was suffered to pass by Albany and the
lake. He tells me that Mr. M'Donell is confirmed
attorney-general, and that the governor's salary is increased,
£1,000 a year. I sincerely trust that it will soon be your
own. Sir George has in his official dispatches, after paying
that tribute of praise so justly your due, stated as his
confirmed opinion, that the salvation of the Upper Province
has in a very great measure arisen from the civil and military
authority being combined in able hands. The prisoners, with
their general, arrived here on Sunday night; as they had not
halted since they left Kingston, and were in a very dirty
state, we kept them here on Monday, and they yesterday
proceeded to William Henry, on their way to Quebec; the
officers are to be on parole in Charlesbourg, and the men
confined on board two transports in the river. Sir George has
permitted most of the officers, who have families with them,
to return on their parole; four of them are proposed to be
exchanged for the officers of the Royal Scots, taken by the
Essex frigate. Sir George has also consented to allow General
Hull to return upon his parole: he is loud in his complaints
against the government at Washington, and the general thinks
that his voice, in the general cry, may be attended with
beneficial effects, and has allowed him to return and enter
the lists. General Hull appears to possess less feeling and
sense of shame than any man in his situation could be supposed
to do. He seems to be perfectly satisfied with himself, is
lavish of censure upon his government, but appears to think
that the most scrupulous cannot attach the slightest blame to
his own immediate conduct at Detroit. The grounds upon which
he rests his defence are not, I fancy, well founded, for he
told us that he had not gunpowder at Detroit for the service
of one day. Sir George has since shown him the return of the
large supply found in the fort; it did not create a blush, but
he made no reply. He professes great surprise and admiration
at the zeal and military preparation that he has everywhere
witnessed; that it was entirely unlooked for, and that he has
no doubt that his friend, General Dearborn, will share his
fate, if he has the imprudence to follow his example. Hull
seems cunning and unprincipled: how much reliance is to be
placed on his professions, time will shew.
General Dearborn has certainly left Albany for Skeensborough,
at the head of the lake, where great preparations have been
making in collecting boats and sending the regulars from
Greenbush to the stations in our vicinity. Major Cotton, with
about 300 men, half of the king's regiment, is stationed at
Isle aux Noix,[90] and two gun-boats have been carried into
that river, as the enemy's preparations seem to indicate that
quarter as their point of attack. Colonel Murray commands at
St. John's, and will give them a warm reception. I do not feel
a doubt of Jonathan's complete discomfiture and disgrace if he
make the attempt: we could, I fancy, bring as many men as he
will be able to persuade into the field, and of very superior
stuff, for our militia have really improved beyond all
expectation in discipline, and with it in spirit and
confidence. This town would turn out 2,000 volunteer militia,
a great proportion of whom are clothed and very tolerably
drilled. We have destroyed all the roads of communication in
our front, leaving open the water route only, and these woody
positions will be shortly occupied by the Indians of this
neighbourhood and a corps of volunteer _voyageur_ Canadians.
The enemy's preparations, however, may be a feint to cover
some plans in agitation against your province.
I send you a long letter from Kempt for your perusal, with a
sketch of Badajos, though no longer recent news. I am sure the
interest you take in the success of our arms, and in his share
in particular, will induce you to read it with pleasure.
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, September 14, 1812.
Captain Fulton arrived on the 11th instant with your letter of
the 7th; the intelligence you have communicated by it
convinces me of the necessity of the evacuation of Fort
Detroit, unless the operations of the enemy on the Niagara
frontier bear a character less indicative of determined
hostile measures against your line in their front than they
did when you last reported to me. You will therefore be
pleased, subject to the discretion I have given you under the
circumstances to which I have alluded, to take immediate steps
for evacuating that post, together with the territory of
Michigan; by this measure you will be enabled to withdraw a
greater number of the troops from Amherstburg, instead of
taking them from Colonel Vincent, whose regular force ought
not on any account to be diminished.
I have already afforded you reinforcements to the full extent
of my ability; you must not, therefore, expect a further
supply of men from hence until I shall receive from England a
considerable increase to the present regular force in this
province: the posture of affairs, particularly on this
frontier, requires every soldier who is in the country.
In my last dispatch from Lord Bathurst, dated the 4th of July,
he tells me, "that his majesty's government trusts I will be
enabled to suspend with perfect safety all extraordinary
preparations for defence which I may have been induced to make
in consequence of the precarious state of the relations
between this country and the United States; and that as every
specific requisition for warlike stores and accoutrements
which had been received from me had been complied with, with
the exception of the clothing of the corps proposed to be
raised from the Glengary emigrants, he had not thought it
necessary to direct the preparation of any further supplies."
This will afford you a strong proof of the infatuation of his
majesty's ministers upon the subject of American affairs, and
shew how entirely I have been left to my own resources in the
event which has taken place.
Judging from what you have already effected in Upper Canada,
I do not doubt but that, with your present means of defence,
you will be able to maintain your position at Fort George, and
that the enemy will be again foiled in any further attempts
they may make to invade the province.
I leave to your discretion to decide on the necessity of
sending a reinforcement to Michilimakinack.
_Major-General Brock to Colonel Proctor_.
FORT GEORGE, September 17, 1812.
I have had before me your several communications to the 11th
instant, addressed to myself and to Major-General Sheaffe. I
approve of your having detached a party to aid in the
reduction of Fort Wayne, not only because its destruction will
render your position more secure, but also from the probable
result of saving the garrison from sharing the fate of that of
Chicago; but it must be explicitly understood, that you are
not to resort to offensive warfare for purposes of conquest.
Your operations are to be confined to measures of defence and
security. With this view, if you should have credible
information of the assembling of bodies of troops to march
against you, it may become necessary to destroy the fort at
Sandusky, and the road which runs through it from Cleveland to
the foot of the rapids: the road from the river Raisin to
Detroit is perhaps in too bad a state to offer any aid to the
approach of an enemy, except in the winter; and if a winter
campaign should be contemplated against you, it is probable
that magazines would be formed in Cleveland and its vicinity,
of all which you will of course inform yourself. In carrying
on our operations in your quarter, it is of primary importance
that the confidence and good-will of the Indians should be
preserved, and that whatsoever can tend to produce a contrary
effect should be most carefully avoided. I therefore most
strongly urge and enjoin your acting on those principles on
every occasion that may offer, inculcating them in all those
under your influence, and enforcing them by your example,
whether in your conduct towards the Indians or what may regard
them, or in your language when speaking to, or of, them. I am
aware that they commit irregularities at times, which will
make this a difficult task; but you must endeavour to perform
it--attending at the same time to the means already suggested
to you for preventing, as much as possible, a repetition of
disorderly conduct.
Colonel E---- is a respectable, gentlemanly man, but he by no
means possesses the influence over the Indians which Captain
M'K---- does. I recommend to you to promote, as far as in you
lies, a good understanding with and between them, and to
observe a conciliating deportment and language towards the
latter, that his great influence may be secured and employed
in its fullest extent for the benefit of your district, and
for the general good. In conversation with him, you may take
an opportunity of intimating, that I have not been unmindful
of the interests of the Indians in my communications to
ministers; and I wish you to learn (as if casually the subject
of conversation) what stipulations they would propose for
themselves, or be willing to accede to, in case either of
failure or of success.
I understand that salvage has been demanded from individuals
on several accounts; for property recovered or restored, for
patents, &c. &c. I lament that such a course has been adopted,
for it was my intention, and it is now my wish, that our
conduct in those matters should be governed by the broadest
principles of liberality. You will, therefore, be pleased to
have returned to the several individuals the amount which each
may have paid as salvage on any account.
With respect to calling out the militia, I am particularly
desirous that it should not be resorted to but in case of
urgent necessity, and then only in such numbers as shall be
actually required. It appears to me that the cavalry employed
exceed the number that may be indispensably necessary: if,
without risk or detriment to the public service, any of either
of those corps can be spared, let them be dismissed.
I wish the engineer to proceed immediately in strengthening
Fort Amherstburg, his plan for which I shall be glad to see as
soon as possible.
Of the ordnance stores of every description, you will reserve
such proportions as may be absolutely required for the public
service in your district, and cause the remainder to be
embarked and sent down to Fort Erie with the least possible
delay.
I cannot at present make the change in the distribution of the
41st regiment which you propose, but, whenever circumstances
may permit, I shall be happy to accede to your wishes.
_Major-General S.V. Rensselaer to Major-General Brock_.
Head Quarters, Lewiston, Sept. 17, 1812.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
yesterday evening; an extract of a letter addressed to you on
the 15th instant by Captain Dyson, of the United States
regiment of artillery; also a packet addressed to the
Honorable Albert Gallatin, secretary of the treasury of the
United States.
Colonel Van Rensselaer will have the honor to deliver this
communication, and I have entrusted him to solicit your
permission for an interview with Captain Dyson, for the
purpose of ascertaining, particularly, the condition of the
prisoners of war under his charge, to the end that they may be
relieved from Fort Niagara, if practicable; and if not, that I
may, without delay, state their condition to the government,
that they may receive from the proper department the earliest
possible supplies.
The women and children, and such other persons as have
accompanied the detachment from Detroit, and ought to be here
received, I will immediately receive at Fort Niagara, or such
other convenient place as you may order them to be landed at.
In a communication which I some time since had the honor of
receiving from Lieut.-Colonel Myers, he assured me that it had
been the constant study of the general officer commanding on
this line to discountenance, by all means in his power, the
warfare of sentinels; yet the frequent recurrence of this
warfare within a few days past, would warrant the presumption
that a different course has been adopted. I wish to be assured
of this fact.
_Major-General Brock to Major-General S.V. Rensselaer._
Head Quarters, Fort George, Sept. 17, 1812.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
this date. Captain Dyson has obtained my permission to cross
on his parole to the United States; he has, however, requested
to remain till to-morrow, to settle with the men of his
detachment. He shall in the mean time have an interview with
Colonel Van Rensselaer.
Measures will be immediately taken to land the women and
children at Fort Niagara.
It has been with the utmost regret that I have perceived
within these few days a very heavy firing from both sides of
the river. I am, however, given to understand, that on all
occasions it commenced on yours; and from the circumstance of
the flag of truce, which I did myself the honor to send over
yesterday, having been repeatedly fired upon, while in the
act of crossing the river, I am inclined to give full credit
to the correctness of the information. Without, however,
recurring to the past, you may rest assured on my repeating my
most positive orders against the continuance of a practice,
which can only be injurious to individuals, without promoting
the object which both our nations may have in view.
* * * * *
We cannot find the dispatch from Sir George Prevost of the 7th of
September, to which the next letter is an answer, but it could not have
been of a very pleasing character, and certainly Major-General Brock's
_implicit_ obedience to _such_ instructions is most creditable to him.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, September 18, 1812.
I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the
7th instant. I have implicitly followed your excellency's
instructions, and abstained, under great temptation and
provocation, from every act of hostility. The information
received from a deserter, and which I had the honor to detail
in my last, is far from correct, and, where credit is to be
given, the facts apply solely to the regular force. The
militia, being selected from the most violent democrats, are
generally inclined to invade this province--provisions are in
tolerable plenty--the only complaint arises from a want of
vegetables. It is currently reported that the enemy's force is
to be increased to 7,000, and that on their arrival an attack
is immediately to be made. I am convinced the militia would
not keep together in their present situation without such a
prospect, nor do I think the attempt can be long deferred.
Sickness prevails in some degree along the line, but
principally at Black Rock.
The flank companies of the royal Newfoundland have joined me.
A sergeant and twenty-five rank and file of the Veterans
arrived at the same time, whom I propose sending to
Michilimakinack.
The enclosed letter from Colonel Proctor will inform your
excellency of a force having been detached, under Captain
Muir, for the reduction of Fort Wayne.[91] I gave orders for
it previous to my leaving Amherstburg, which must have induced
Colonel Proctor to proceed, upon receiving intelligence of the
recommencement of hostilities, without waiting for further
directions. I regret exceedingly that this service should be
undertaken contrary to your excellency's wishes; but I beg
leave to assure you, that the principal object in sending a
British force to Fort Wayne is with the hope of preserving the
lives of the garrison. By the last accounts, the place was
invested by a numerous body of Indians, with very little
prospect of being relieved. The prisoners of war, who know
perfectly the situation of the garrison, rejoiced at the
measure, and give us full credit for our intentions.
The Indians were likewise looking to us for assistance: they
heard of the armistice with every mark of jealousy, and, had
we refused joining them in the expedition, it is impossible to
calculate the consequences. I have already been asked to
pledge my word that England would enter into no negociation in
which their interests were not included, and, could they be
brought to imagine that we should desert them, the
consequences must be fatal.
I shall be obliged to your excellency to direct £5,000 to be
transmitted to the receiver-general, for the civil expenditure
of this province. Army bills, I make no doubt, will answer
every purpose.
This dispatch is entrusted to Lieut.-Colonel Nichol,
quartermaster-general of this militia, whom I take the liberty
to introduce to your excellency, as perfectly qualified, from
his local knowledge and late return, to afford every
information of the state of affairs in the western district.
He is instructed to make extensive purchases of necessaries
for the use of the militia, and I have to entreat your
excellency to indulge him with the means of a speedy
conveyance back to this place.
_Major-General Brock to his brother Savery_.
FORT GEORGE, September 18, 1812.
You doubtless feel much anxiety on my account. I am really
placed in a most awkward predicament. If I get through my
present difficulties with tolerable success, I cannot but
obtain praise. But I have already surmounted difficulties of
infinitely greater magnitude than any within my view. Were the
Americans of one mind, the opposition I could make would be
unavailing; but I am not without hope that their divisions may
be the saving of this province. A river of about 500 yards
broad divides the troops. My instructions oblige me to adopt
defensive measures, and I have evinced greater forbearance
than was ever practised on any former occasion. It is thought
that, without the aid of the sword, the American people may be
brought to a due sense of their own interests. I firmly
believe I could at this moment sweep every thing before me
between Fort Niagara and Buffalo--but my success would be
transient.
I have now officers in whom I can confide: when the war
commenced, I was really obliged to seek assistance among the
militia. The 41st is an uncommonly fine regiment, but
wretchedly officered. Six companies of the 49th are with me
here, and the remaining four at Kingston, under Vincent.
Although the regiment has been ten years in this country,
drinking rum without bounds, it is still respectable, and
apparently ardent for an opportunity to acquire distinction:
it has five captains in England, and two on the staff in this
country, which leaves it bare of experienced officers. The
U.S. regiments of the line desert over to us frequently, as
the men are tired of the service: opportunities seldom offer,
otherwise I have reason to think the greater part would follow
the example. The militia, being chiefly composed of enraged
democrats, are more ardent and anxious to engage, but they
have neither subordination nor discipline. They die very fast.
You will hear of some decisive action in the course of a
fortnight, or in all probability we shall return to a state of
tranquillity. I say decisive, because if I should be beaten,
the province is inevitably gone; and should I be victorious, I
do not imagine the gentry from the other side will be anxious
to return to the charge.
It is certainly something singular that we should be upwards
of two months in a state of warfare, and that along this
widely extended frontier not a single death, either natural or
by the sword, should have occurred among the troops under my
command, and we have not been altogether idle, nor has a
single desertion taken place.
I am quite anxious for this state of warfare to end, as I wish
much to join Lord Wellington, and to see you all.
Has poor Betsey recovered the loss of my young and dear
friend, John Tupper?
_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._
MONTREAL, September 25, 1812.
It no longer appears, by your letter of the 13th, that you
consider the enemy's operations on the Niagara frontier
indicative of active operations. If the government of America
inclines to defensive measures, I can only ascribe the
determination to two causes: the first is, the expectation of
such overtures from us as will lead to a suspension of
hostilities, preparatory to negociations for peace; the other
arises from having ascertained, by experience, our ability in
the Canadas to resist the attack of a tumultuary force.
In consequence of your having weakened the line of
communication between Cornwall and Kingston, a predatory
warfare is carrying on there very prejudicial to the
intercourse from hence with Upper Canada. I have ordered a
company of the Glengary to Prescott to strengthen Colonel
Lethbridge, and, under present circumstances, you are not to
expect further aid.
I agree in opinion with you, that so wretched is the
organization and discipline of the American army, that at this
moment much might be effected against them; but as the
government at home could derive no substantial advantage from
any disgrace we might inflict on them, whilst the more
important concerns of the country are committed in Europe, I
again request you will steadily pursue that policy which shall
appear to you best calculated to promote the dwindling away
of such a force by its own inefficient means.
I shall receive with much satisfaction Colonel Proctor's
report of having saved the garrison of Fort Wayne from the
inhuman fury of the Indians. I am particularly anxious that
class of beings should be restrained and controlled as much as
possible, whilst there exists a pretence of implicating the
national character in their cruelties.
* * * * *
The following letter not only explains the impolicy of obeying Sir
George Prevost's provisional orders for the evacuation of Detroit and
the Michigan territory, but also ably deprecates any abandonment of our
Indian allies. With such leaders as its author and Tecumseh, what might
not have been done in this war to obtain the security and regeneration
of this much injured people? But alas! these "kindred spirits" lived not
long enough to plead their cause, and in the negociations for peace
their interests were shamefully overlooked or cruelly forgotten;[92]
although, in the first American war, the Indians had also, with few
exceptions, taken part with Great Britain against the colonists in their
contest for independence. It is true that their mode of warfare is
abhorrent to Europeans, as differing from the more _honorable_
slaughter of _civilized_ enemies; but Sir Isaac Brock proved that they
were to be restrained, and Tecumseh was as humane as he was brave.
Moreover, we should not condemn their previous excesses without
remembering the many injuries they had received. They knew from sad
experience that they could place no faith in the whites, who had long
considered them as legal prey, and too often treated them as the brute
animals of the forest. Expelled from the coasts, and dispossessed of
their hunting grounds, they had been gradually driven westward, until
they had too much cause to apprehend that the cupidity of their invaders
would be satisfied only with their utter extermination. "The red men are
melting," to borrow the expressive metaphor of a celebrated Miami chief
of the last century, "like snow before the sun." Indeed, it is
melancholy to reflect, that the aborigines of both continents of America
have, from their first intercourse with Europeans or their descendants,
experienced nothing but fraud, spoliation, cruelty, and ingratitude.
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
YORK, September 28, 1812.
I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the
14th instant.[93] I shall suspend, under the latitude left by
your excellency to my discretion, the evacuation of Fort
Detroit. Such a measure would most probably be followed by the
total extinction of the population on that side of the river,
or the Indians, aware of our weakness and inability to carry
on active warfare, would only think of entering into terms
with the enemy. The Indians, since the Miami affair, in 1793,
have been extremely suspicious of our conduct; but the violent
wrongs committed by the Americans on their territory, have
rendered it an act of policy with them to disguise their
sentiments. Could they be persuaded that a peace between the
belligerents would take place, without admitting their claim
to an extensive tract of country, fraudulently usurped from
them, and opposing a frontier to the present unbounded views
of the Americans, I am satisfied in my own mind that they
would immediately compromise with the enemy. I cannot conceive
a connection so likely to lead to more awful consequences.
If we can maintain ourselves at Niagara, and keep the
communication to Montreal open, the Americans can only subdue
the Indians by craft, which we ought to be prepared to see
exerted to the utmost. The enmity of the Indians is now at its
height, and it will require much management and large bribes
to effect a change in their policy; but the moment they are
convinced that we either want the means to prosecute the war
with spirit, or are negociating a separate peace, they will
begin to study in what manner they can most effectually
deceive us.
Should negociations for peace be opened, I cannot be too
earnest with your excellency to represent to the king's
ministers the expediency of including the Indians as allies,
and not leave them exposed to the unrelenting fury of their
enemies.
The enemy has evidently assumed defensive measures along the
strait of Niagara. His force, I apprehend, is not equal to
attempt, with any probability of success, an expedition across
the river. It is, however, currently reported that large
reinforcements are on their march; should they arrive, an
attack cannot be long delayed. The approach of the rainy
season will increase the sickness with which the troops are
already afflicted. Those under my command are in perfect
health and spirits.
I have the honor to transmit the purport of a confidential
communication[94] received in my absence by Brigade-Major
Evans from Colonel Van Rensselaer. As your excellency's
instructions agree with the line of conduct he is anxious I
should follow, nothing of a hostile nature shall be attempted
under existing circumstances.
* * * * *
The unlettered Tecumseh well knew the wrongs of the red men when he
endeavoured, several years before the war, to induce the Osages to unite
in a general Indian confederacy against the continued encroachments of
the Americans, and gave extemporaneous utterance before a large
assemblage to the following simple but faithful narration of their
grievances. The harangue, eloquent as it is, suffers under all the
disadvantages of translation, and is but the shadow of the substance,
because the gestures, and the interests and feelings excited by the
occasion, which constitute the essentials of its character, are
altogether wanting.
Brothers,--We all belong to one family; we are all children of
the Great Spirit; we walk in the same path; slake our thirst
at the same spring; and now affairs of the greatest concern
lead us to smoke the pipe around the same council fire!
Brothers,--We are friends; we must assist each other to bear
our burdens. The blood of many of our fathers and brothers has
run like water on the ground, to satisfy the avarice of the
white men. We, ourselves, are threatened with a great evil;
nothing will pacify them but the destruction of all the red
men.
Brothers,--When the white men first set foot on our grounds,
they were hungry; they had no place on which to spread their
blankets, or to kindle their fires. They were feeble; they
could do nothing for themselves. Our fathers commiserated
their distress, and shared freely with them whatever the Great
Spirit had given his red children. They gave them food when
hungry, medicine when sick, spread skins for them to sleep on,
and gave them grounds, that they might hunt and raise
corn.--Brothers, the white people are like poisonous serpents:
when chilled, they are feeble and harmless; but invigorate
them with warmth, and they sting their benefactors to death.
The white people came among us feeble; and now that we have
made them strong, they wish to kill us, or drive us back, as
they would wolves and panthers. Brothers,--The white men are
not friends to the Indians: at first, they only asked for land
sufficient for a wigwam; now, nothing will satisfy them but
the whole of our hunting grounds, from the rising to the
setting sun.
Brothers,--The white men want more than our hunting grounds;
they wish to kill our old men, women, and little ones.
Brothers,--Many winters ago, there was no land; the sun did
not rise and set; all was darkness. The Great Spirit made all
things. He gave the white people a home beyond the great
waters. He supplied these grounds with game, and gave them to
his red children; and he gave them strength and courage to
defend them.
Brothers,--My people wish for peace; the red men all wish for
peace; but where the white people are, there is no peace for
them, except it be on the bosom of our mother.
Brothers,--The white men despise and cheat the Indians; they
abuse and insult them; they do not think the red men
sufficiently good to live.
The red men have borne many and great injuries; they ought to
suffer them no longer. My people will not; they are determined
on vengeance; they have taken up the tomahawk; they will make
it fat with blood; they will drink the blood of the white
people.
Brothers,--My people are brave and numerous; but the white
people are too strong for them alone. I wish you to take up
the tomahawk with them. If we all unite, we will cause the
rivers to stain the great waters with their blood.
Brothers,--If you do not unite with us, they will first
destroy us, and then you will fall an easy prey to them. They
have destroyed many nations of red men, because they were not
united, because they were not friends to each other.
Brothers,--The white people send runners amongst us; they wish
to make us enemies, that they may sweep over and desolate our
hunting grounds, like devastating winds, or rushing waters.
Brothers,--Our Great Father, over the great waters, is angry
with the white people, our enemies. He will send his brave
warriors against them; he will send us rifles, and whatever
else we want--he is our friend, and we are his children.
Brothers,--Who are the white people that we should fear them?
They cannot run fast, and are good marks to shoot at: they are
only men; our fathers have killed many of them: we are not
squaws, and we will stain the earth red with their blood.
Brothers,--The Great Spirit is angry with our enemies; he
speaks in thunder, and the earth swallows up villages, and
drinks up the Mississippi. The great waters will cover their
lowlands; their corn cannot grow; and the Great Spirit will
sweep those who escape to the hills from the earth with his
terrible breath.
Brothers,--We must be united; we must smoke the same pipe; we
must fight each other's battles; and, more than all, we must
love the Great Spirit: he is for us; he will destroy our
enemies, and make all his red children happy.
Conclusion of Major-General Brock's general order, Detroit, 16th August,
1812: "The conduct of the Indians under Colonel Elliott, Captain M'Kee,
and the other officers of that department, joined to that of the gallant
and brave chiefs of their respective tribes, has since the commencement
of the war been marked with acts of true heroism, and in nothing can
they testify more strongly their love to the king, their great father,
than in following the dictates of honor and humanity, by which they have
been hitherto actuated. Two fortifications have already been captured
from the enemy, without a drop of blood being shed by the hands of the
Indians: the instant the enemy submitted, his life became sacred."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 86: To the facts and observations above stated I must add the
extraordinary circumstance, that a staff officer was sent, express from
Montreal to Upper Canada, to prevent General Brock from proceeding to
the western district, but which most happily was prevented from taking
effect by the extraordinary rapidity of the movements of that most
zealous and gallant officer, who had arrived thither before the officer
so sent could reach him.--_Letters of Veritas._]
[Footnote 87: See extract from Letters of Veritas on this point.
Appendix A, Section 1, No. 3.]
[Footnote 88: Appendix A, Section 1, No. 4.]
[Footnote 89: This letter was forwarded by Brigade-Major Shekleton with
that of the 12th August (see page 217), from Sir George Prevost, who
doubtless wrote another the following day relative to the armistice, but
we cannot find it among Major-General Brock's papers.]
[Footnote 90: Coteau du Lac and Isle aux Noix are the keys of Lower
Canada; the former completely commands the navigation of the St.
Lawrence between the Upper and Lower Provinces, and the latter had been
so decidedly regarded as the barrier of Lower Canada from the Champlain
frontier, that it excited the particular attention of the French
engineers in the last defence of the country, and was afterwards
fortified at considerable expense by General Haldimand, daring the war
of the American revolution.--_Quarterly Review_.]
[Footnote 91: Fort Wayne is situated at the junction of the St. Mary and
St. Joseph rivers, which form the Miami of the lake, and not more than
twelve miles from the navigable waters of the Wabash. This post is
nearly in the centre of the Indian settlements on this side the
Mississippi. Many Indian villages lay from twelve to sixty miles from
this place.--_Brown's American History_.]
[Footnote 92: "The Indians on this occasion" (the defence of
Michilimakinack, in 1814,) "behaved with exemplary zeal and fidelity in
our cause; and indeed their attachment throughout has been such as to
make me blush for my country, in the dereliction of their interests in
the negotiations at Ghent, after so many promises made them, and so fair
a prospect at the commencement of these negotiations."--_Letters of
Veritas_.]
[Footnote 93: See page 291. We cannot discover a copy of Major-General
Brock's letter of the 7th September, to Sir George Prevost, to which the
latter officer refers in his letter of the 14th.]
[Footnote 94: This communication, of which we have no particulars, is
the more singular, as Colonel Van R---- commanded the advance of the
American attacking party on the 13th of October, when Sir Isaac Brock
lost his life. Colonel Van R---- was severely wounded on that day.]
CHAPTER XIV.
The Americans, burning to wipe away the stain of their discomfiture at
Detroit, and apparently determined to penetrate into Upper Canada at any
risk, concentrated with those views, along the Niagara frontier, an army
consisting, according to their own official returns, of 5,206 men, under
Major-General Van Rensselaer, of the New York militia, exclusive of 300
field and light artillery, 800 of the 6th, 13th, and 23d regiments, at
Fort Niagara; making a total of 6,300 men. Of this powerful force, 1,650
regulars, under the command of Brigadier Smyth, were at Black Rock; 386
militia at the last named place and Buffalo; and 900 regulars and 2,270
militia at Lewistown, distant from Black Rock 28 miles. Thus the enemy
had, along their frontier of 36 miles, 3,650 regulars and 2,650
militia.[95] To oppose this force Major-General Brock, whose head
quarters were at Fort George, had under his immediate orders part of the
41st and 49th regiments, a few companies of militia, amounting to nearly
half these regulars, and from 200 to 300 Indians--in all about 1,500
men--but so dispersed in different posts at and between Fort Erie and
Fort George, (34 miles apart,) that only a small number was quickly
available at any one point. With unwearied diligence the British
commander watched the motions of the enemy; but under these
circumstances it was impossible to prevent the landing of the hostile
troops, especially when their preparations were favored by the obscurity
of the night.
On the 9th of October, the brig Detroit, of 200 tons and 6 guns, (lately
the U.S. brig Adams,) and the North-West Company's brig Caledonia, of
about 100 tons, having arrived the preceding day from Detroit, were
boarded and carried opposite Fort Erie, before the dawn of day, by
Lieutenant Elliott, of the American navy, with 100 seamen and soldiers
in two large boats. This officer was at this time at Black Rock,
superintending the equipment of some schooners, lately purchased for the
service of Lake Erie. But for the _defensive_ measures to which
Major-General Brock was restricted, he would probably have destroyed
these very schooners, for whose equipment, as vessels of war, Lieutenant
Elliott and 50 seamen had been sent from New York. The two British brigs
contained 40 prisoners, some cannon and small arms, captured at Detroit,
exclusive of a valuable quantity of furs belonging to the North-West
Company, in the Caledonia. Joined by the prisoners, the Americans who
boarded numbered 140, and the crews of the two brigs, consisting of
militia and Canadian seamen, amounted to 68. After the capture,
Lieutenant Elliott succeeded in getting the Caledonia close under the
batteries at Black Rock, but he was compelled, by a few well-directed
shots from the Canada shore, to run the Detroit upon Squaw Island. Here
she was boarded by a subaltern's detachment from Fort Erie, and the
Americans soon after completed her destruction by setting her on fire.
Some lives were lost upon this occasion, and among the Americans a Major
Cuyler was killed by a shot from Fort Erie, as he was riding along the
beach on the opposite side of the river.
_Sir Isaac Brock to Sir George Prevost_.
FORT GEORGE, October 11, 1812.
I had scarcely closed my dispatch to your excellency, of the
9th, when I was suddenly called away to Fort Erie, in
consequence of a bold, and, I regret to say, successful attack
by the enemy on his majesty's brig Detroit, and the private
brig Caledonia, which had both arrived the preceding day from
Amherstburg. It appears by every account I have been able to
collect, that a little before day a number of boats full of
men, dropped down with the current unobserved, boarded both
vessels at the same moment, and, cutting their cables, were
proceeding with them to the American shore, when Major Ormsby,
who witnessed the transaction, directed the batteries to open
on them, and soon compelled the enemy to abandon the Detroit,
which grounded about the centre of Squaw Island, a little
more than a mile below Black Rock. She was then boarded by a
party of the 49th regiment; but as no anchor remained, and
being otherwise unprovided with every means by which she could
be hauled off, the officer, throwing her guns over board,
after sustaining a smart fire of musketry, decided to quit
her. A private, who is accused of getting drunk, and a
prisoner of war, who was unable from his wounds to escape,
with about twenty prisoners brought by the Detroit from
Amherstburg, remained however behind; these it became
necessary to remove before the vessel could be destroyed, and
Cornet Pell Major, of the provincial cavalry, offered his
services. Being unfortunately wounded as he was getting on
board, and falling back into the boat, a confusion arose,
during which the boat drifted from the vessel, leaving two of
the 41st, who had previously ascended, on board. In the mean
time the Caledonia was secured by the enemy, and a cargo of
furs, belonging to the North-West Company, landed.
The batteries on both sides were warmly engaged the whole of
the day, but I am happy to say no mischief was sustained by
the enemy's fire. I reached the spot soon after sun-set, and
intended to have renewed the attempt to recover the Detroit,
which I had _every_ prospect of accomplishing, assisted by the
crew of the Lady Prevost, which vessel had anchored a short
time before; but before the necessary arrangements could be
made, the enemy boarded her, and in a few minutes she was
seen in flames.
This event is particularly unfortunate, and may reduce us to
incalculable distress. The enemy is making every exertion to
gain a naval superiority on both lakes, which if they
accomplish I do not see how we can retain the country. More
vessels are fitting out for war on the other side of Squaw
Island, which I should have attempted to destroy but for your
excellency's repeated instructions to forbear. Now such a
force is collected for their protection as will render every
operation against them very hazardous. The manner our guns
were served yesterday, points out the necessity of an
increase, if possible, of artillerymen to our present small
number of regulars. The militia evinced a good spirit, but
fired without much effect. The enemy, however, must have lost
some men; and it is only wonderful, that in a contest of a
whole day no life was lost on our side. The fire of the enemy
was incessant, but badly directed, till the close of the day,
when it began to improve. Lieutenant Rolette, who commanded
the Detroit, had, and I believe deservedly, the character of a
brave, attentive officer. His vessel must, however, have been
surprised--an easy operation where she lay at anchor; and I
have reason to suspect that this consideration was not
sufficiently attended to by the officers commanding on board
and on shore.
We have not only sustained a heavy loss in the vessel, but
likewise in the cargo, which consisted of four 12-pounders, a
large quantity of shot, and about 200 muskets, all of which
were intended for Kingston and Prescott.
The only consolation remaining is, that she escaped the enemy,
whose conduct, after his first essay, did not entitle him to
so rich a prize. The enemy has brought some boats over land
from Schlosher to the Niagara river, and made an attempt last
night to carry off the guard over the store at Queenston. I
shall refrain as long as possible, under your excellency's
positive injunctions, from every hostile act, although
sensible that each day's delay gives him an advantage.
_Sir Isaac Brock to Colonel Proctor, at Detroit_.
The unfortunate disaster which has befallen the Detroit and
Caledonia will reduce us to great distress. They were boarded
whilst at anchor at Fort Erie and carried off: you will learn
the particulars from others. A quantity of flour and a little
pork were ready to be shipped for Amherstburg; but as I send
you the flank companies of the Newfoundland, no part of the
provisions can go this trip in the Lady Prevost. It will be
necessary to direct her to return with all possible speed,
bringing the Mary under her convoy. You will husband your
pork, for I am sorry to say there is but little in the
country.
An active interesting scene is going to commence with you. I
am perfectly at ease as to the result, provided we can manage
the Indians and keep them attached to your cause, which in
fact is theirs.
The fate of the province is in your hands. Judging by every
appearance, we are not to remain long idle in this quarter.
Were it not for the positive injunctions of the commander of
the forces, I should have acted with greater decision. This
forbearance may be productive of ultimate good, but I doubt
its policy--but perhaps we have not the means of judging
correctly. You will of course adopt a very different line of
conduct. The enemy must be kept in a state of constant
ferment. If the Indians act as they did under Tecumseh, who
probably might be induced to return to Amherstburg, that army
will very soon dwindle to nothing. Your artillery must be more
numerous and effective than any the enemy can bring, and your
store of ammunition will enable you to harass him continually,
without leaving much to chance.
I trust you will have destroyed every barrack and public
building, and removed the pickets and other defences around
the fort at Detroit.
You will have the goodness to state the expedients you possess
to enable us to replace, as far as possible, the heavy loss we
have sustained in the Detroit. Should I hear of reinforcements
coming up, you may rely upon receiving your due proportion.
Nothing new at Montreal on the 25th ult. Lord Wellington has
totally defeated Marmont, near Salamanca. I consider the game
nearly up in Spain. May every possible success attend you.
[The preceding letter is transcribed from a rough copy in the general's
handwriting, and, not being dated, may not have been transmitted, as it
was written only a day or two before his death.]
_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._
October 12, 1812.
The vast number of troops which have been this day added to
the strong force previously collected on the opposite side,
convinces me, with other indications, that an attack is not
far distant. I have in consequence directed every exertion to
be made to complete the militia to 2,000 men, but fear that I
shall not be able to effect my object with willing,
well-disposed characters. Were it not for the numbers of
Americans in our ranks, we might defy all their efforts
against this part of the province.
[The above letter is also from a copy written hurriedly by Sir Isaac
Brock only a few hours before his death, and it may not have been
forwarded.]
* * * * *
A day or two prior to the battle of Queenstown, Major-General Brock
wrote copious instructions for the guidance of the officers commanding
at the different posts on the Niagara river, in the event of their being
attacked, and he explained the probable points which he thought the
enemy would select for accomplishing his descent. He evidently
entertained a high opinion of the discipline and prowess of the British
soldier, as in these instructions he observed: "If we weigh well the
character of our enemy, we shall find him more disposed to brave the
impediments of nature, when they afford him a probability of
accomplishing his end by surprise, in preference to the certainty of
encountering British troops ready formed for his reception." The
original draft of these instructions in the general's writing, contains
scarcely an erasure or correction.
On the 4th of October, an American spy was sent to the British side, and
returned with information that Major-General Brock had proceeded to
Detroit with all the force that could be spared from the Niagara
frontier. Encouraged by these false news, which perhaps the American
general circulated to induce his troops to cross over, every preparation
was made for a descent upon Queenstown. On the morning of the 11th, the
enemy assembled a force at Lewistown, opposite to Queenstown, with the
view of making an immediate attack on the latter, but, through some
mismanagement in conducting the boats to the place of embarkation, the
attack was delayed. Early on the morning of the 13th, the enemy's troops
were again concentrated and embarked in thirteen boats at Lewistown,
under cover of a commanding battery of two 18 and two 6-pounders, which,
with two field pieces, completely commanded every part of the opposite
shore, from which musketry could be effectual in opposing a landing. The
only British batteries from which the enemy could be annoyed in the
passage were one, mounting an 18-pounder, upon Queenstown Heights, and
another, mounting a 24-pound carronade, situate a little below the
village. Three of the boats put back, while the remaining ten, with 225
regulars, besides officers, struck the shore a little above the village
of Queenstown, and immediately returned for more troops. The British
force in Queenstown consisted of the two flank companies of the 49th
regiment and the York volunteer militia, amounting in all to about 300
rank and file. Of these about 60, taken from the 49th grenadiers, and
Captain Hatt's company of militia, under Captain Dennis,[96] of the
49th, advanced at four o'clock, a.m., with a 3-pounder against the first
division of the enemy, under Colonel Van Rensselaer, who had formed his
men near the river, and was awaiting the arrival of the next boats. The
Americans were driven with some loss behind a steep bank, close to the
water's edge, where they were reinforced by a fresh supply of troops,
and whence they returned the fire of the British. In the mean time the
remainder of the 49th grenadiers and of the militia company joined
Captain Dennis; while the 49th light company, under Captain Williams,
with Captain Chisholm's company of militia, stationed on the brow of the
hill, fired down upon the invaders.
Sir Isaac Brock for some days had suspected this invasion, and the
evening preceding it he called his staff together, and gave to each the
necessary instructions. Agreeably to his usual custom, he rose before
daylight, and hearing the cannonade, awoke Major Glegg and called for
his horse, Alfred, which Sir James Craig had presented to him. He then
gallopped eagerly from Fort George to the scene of action, and, with his
two aides-de-camp, passed up the hill at full gallop in front of the
light company, under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry from the
American shore. On reaching the 18-pounder battery at the top of the
hill, they dismounted and took a view of passing events, which at that
moment appeared highly favorable. But in a few minutes a firing was
heard, which proceeded from a strong detachment of American regulars
under Captain Wool, who had succeeded in gaining the brow of the heights
in rear of the battery, by a fisherman's path up the rocks, which, being
reported as impassable, was not guarded. Sir Isaac Brock and his
aide-de-camps had not even time to remount, but were obliged to retire
precipitately with the twelve men stationed in the battery, which was
quickly occupied by the enemy. Captain Wool having sent forward about
150 regulars, Captain Williams' detachment, of about 100 men, advanced
to meet them, personally directed by the general, who, observing the
enemy to waver, ordered a charge, which was promptly executed; but as
the Americans gave way, the result was not equal to his expectations.
Captain Wool admits that he reinforced his regulars, "notwithstanding
which the whole were driven to the edge of the bank."[97] Here some of
the American officers were on the point of hoisting a white flag, with
an intention to surrender, when Captain Wool tore it off, and reanimated
his dispirited troops. They now opened a heavy fire of musketry; and
conspicuous from his dress, his height, and the enthusiasm with which he
animated his little band, the British commander was soon singled out,
and he fell about an hour after his arrival, the fatal bullet entering
his right breast and passing through his left side. He had that instant
said: "Push on the York volunteers;" and he lived only long enough to
request that his fall might not be noticed or prevent the advance of his
brave troops, adding a wish, which could not be distinctly understood,
that some token of remembrance should be transmitted to his sister. He
died unmarried, and on the same day a week previously, he had completed
his forty-third year. The lifeless corpse was immediately conveyed into
a house at Queenstown, where it remained until the afternoon unperceived
by the enemy. His provincial aide-de-camp, Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, of
the militia, and the attorney-general of Upper Canada--a fine promising
young man--was mortally wounded soon after his chief, and died the next
day, at the early age of twenty-five years. Although one bullet had
passed through his body, and he was wounded in four places, yet he
survived twenty hours; and during a period of excruciating agony, his
thoughts and words were constantly occupied with lamentations for his
deceased commander and friend. He fell while gallantly charging up the
hill with 190 men, chiefly of the York volunteers, by which charge the
enemy was compelled to spike the 18-pounder in the battery there.
The flank companies of the 49th having suffered severely, and both their
captains being wounded, the disputed ground was lost soon after the
death of the general, and the troops retreated in front of Vromont's
battery, where they awaited the expected reinforcements. The Americans
remained in quiet possession of the heights of Queenstown for some
hours, during which they were but partially reinforced, as their
militia, who a day or two before were so anxious to invade
Canada--having heard from the wounded men sent back what they must
expect if they came in contact with the 49th, "the green tigers," as
they called them from their green facings--could not now be induced,
either by threat or entreaty, to cross the river. Indeed, the flank
companies of the 49th, in the excitement arising from the loss of their
late beloved colonel, are said to have fought with such animosity
throughout the day, as to have fully supported this new title. In the
meanwhile, Major-General Sheaffe arrived from Fort George[98] with
nearly 400 of the 41st regiment, under Captain Derenzy and about 300
militia; and--after being joined by the remnant of the 49th flank
companies and the Indians, and leaving two field pieces with 30 men in
front of Queenstown, to prevent its occupation by the Americans--he
proceeded by a circuitous route to gain the rear of the heights upon
which the enemy was posted. Here he was reinforced by the arrival of the
41st grenadiers and some militia from Chippewa, the whole of the British
and Indian force thus assembled rather exceeding 1,000 men, of whom
about 600 were regulars. In numbers the Americans were about
equal--courage they had, but they wanted the confidence and discipline
of British soldiers.
The attack commenced in the afternoon, and after a little firing, the
British, setting up a shout which was accompanied by the war-whoop of
the Indians, advanced at the double quick or running pace, when the
Americans, perceiving the hopelessness of resistance, fled down the hill
after a feeble contest. The slaughter was unhappily protracted, because
the Indians could not at first be restrained. The Americans, who
attempted to escape into the woods, were quickly driven back by the
Indians; and many, cut off in their return to the main body, and
terrified at the sight of these exasperated warriors, flung themselves
wildly over the cliffs, and endeavoured to cling to the bushes which
grew upon them; but some, losing their hold, were dashed frightfully on
the rocks beneath; while others, who reached the river, perished in
their attempts to swim across it. Such, alas! are the dreadful horrors
too often arising from human warfare! A flag of truce soon came from the
American commander, with the offer of an unconditional surrender, and
Brigadier Wadsworth, with upwards of 900 officers and men, were made
prisoners. The death of the British general is said to have cost the
invaders many a life on that day, which otherwise had been spared. Their
loss was 90 killed and about 100 wounded, while that of the British and
Indians was 16 killed and 69 wounded. The victory, though easily won,
was complete; but it was felt by the conquerors as a poor compensation
for the loss of the British chieftain, thus prematurely cut off in the
pride of manhood and in the noon-tide of his career; while the sorrow
manifested throughout both provinces proved that those who rejoiced in
the failure of this second invasion, would gladly have foregone the
triumph, if by such means they could have regained him who rendered the
heights of Queenstown memorable by his fall.
Joy's bursting shout in whelming grief was drowned,
And Victory's self unwilling audience found;
On every brow the cloud of sadness hung,--
The sounds of triumph died on every tongue!
"The news of the death of this excellent officer," observed the Quebec
Gazette, "has been received here as a public calamity. The attendant
circumstances of victory scarcely checked the painful sensation. His
long residence in this province, and particularly in this place, had
made him in habits and good offices almost a citizen; and his frankness,
conciliatory disposition, and elevated demeanour, an estimable one. The
expressions of regret as general as he was known, and not uttered by
friends and acquaintance only, but by every gradation of class, not only
by grown persons, but young children, are the test of his worth. Such
too is the only eulogium worthy of the good and brave, and the citizens
of Quebec have, with solemn emotions, pronounced it on his memory. But
at this anxious moment other feelings are excited by his loss. General
Brock had acquired the confidence of the inhabitants within his
government. He had secured their attachment permanently by his own
merits. They were one people animated by one disposition, and this he
had gradually wound up to the crisis in which they were placed. Strange
as it may seem, it is to be feared that he had become too important to
them. The heroic militia of Upper Canada, more particularly, had knit
themselves to his person; and it is yet to be ascertained whether the
desire to avenge his death can compensate the many embarrassments it
will occasion. It is indeed true that the spirit, and even the
abilities, of a distinguished man often carry their influence beyond the
grave; and the present event furnishes its own example, for it is
certain, notwithstanding General Brock was cut off early in the action,
that he had already given an impulse to his little army, which
contributed to accomplish the victory when he was no more. Let us trust
that the recollection of him will become a new bond of union, and that,
as he sacrificed himself for a community of patriots, they will find a
new motive to exertion in the obligation to secure his ashes from the
pestilential dominion of the enemy."
A Montreal newspaper of the day also contained the following
observations: "The private letters from Upper Canada, in giving the
account of the late victory at Queenstown, are partly taken up with
encomiastic lamentations upon the never-to-be-forgotten General Brock,
which do honor to the character and talents of the man they deplore. The
enemy have nothing to hope from the loss they have inflicted; they have
created a hatred which panteth for revenge. Although General Brock may
be said to have fallen in the midst of his career, yet his previous
services in Upper Canada will be lasting and highly beneficial. When he
assumed the government of the province, he found a divided, disaffected,
and, of course, a weak people. He has left them united and strong, and
the universal sorrow of the province attends his fall. The father, to
his children, will make known the mournful story. The veteran, who
fought by his side in the heat and burthen of the day of our
deliverance, will venerate his name."[99]
And the sentiments of the British government, on the melancholy
occasion, were thus expressed in a dispatch from Earl Bathurst, the
secretary of state for the colonies, to Sir George Prevost, dated
December 8, 1812: "His royal highness the prince regent is fully aware
of the severe loss which his majesty's service has experienced in the
death of Major-General Sir Isaac Brock. This would have been sufficient
to have clouded a victory of much greater importance. His majesty has
lost in him not only an able and meritorious officer, but one who, in
the exercise of his functions of provisional lieutenant-governor of the
province, displayed qualities admirably adapted to awe the disloyal, to
reconcile the wavering, and to animate the great mass of the inhabitants
against successive attempts of the enemy to invade the province, in the
last of which he unhappily fell, too prodigal of that life of which his
eminent services had taught us to understand the value."
The Montreal Herald of April 29, 1815, blames Sir George Prevost for
having suppressed, in his general order, much of the preceding letter
from Lord Bathurst, and remarks: "We repeat that the said letter was not
published to the army or to the public, a part of which the latter ought
to have known, because the sentiments expressed by the prince are those
of the loyal people of Upper Canada, who would be glad to have seen them
soon after the official letter arrived in Canada." The following was
substituted for this letter in a general order of the late
commander-in-chief, dated the 10th March, 1813, said to have been
published to the army at the time of its date:
'His royal highness is fully aware of the severe loss which
his majesty's service has experienced in the death of
Major-General Sir Isaac Brock.'
"But we have been told that even the said general order was not known to
some regiments of the right division, until it appeared in the Quebec
Gazette of the 20th instant." And "considering the character of the
distinguished chief who fell on the British side at the Queenstown
battle,"[100] we certainly do not think that Lord Bathurst intended his
dispatch, relative to that officer's death, should have been thus
mutilated or suppressed in the Canadas.
The Canadian boat songs are well known for their plaintive and soothing
effect, and a very beautiful one was composed on the death of
Major-General Brock. The writer of this memoir, while sailing one
evening in the straits of Canso, in British North America--the beautiful
and picturesque scenery of which greatly increased the effect of the
words--remembers to have heard it sung by a Canadian boatman, and he
then thought that he had never listened to vocal sounds more truly
descriptive of melancholy and regret. Even the young in Canada invoked
the Muse in expression of their sympathy, and the following lines were
indited by Miss Ann Bruyeres, described as "an extraordinary child of
thirteen years old," the daughter of the general's friend,
Lieut.-Colonel. Bruyeres, of the Royal Engineers, (see page 213,) and
who died not long after him in consequence of disease contracted in the
field:
As Fame alighted on the mountain's[101] crest,
She loudly blew her trumpet's mighty blast;
Ere she repeated Victory's notes, she cast
A look around, and stopped: of power bereft,
Her bosom heaved, her breath she drew with pain,
Her favorite Brock lay slaughtered on the plain!
Glory threw on his grave a laurel wreath,
And Fame proclaims "a hero sleeps beneath."
As if to complete the double allusion to Fame in the preceding lines,
singularly enough the mournful intelligence of Sir Isaac Brock's death
was brought from Quebec to Guernsey by the ship FAME, belonging to that
island, on the 24th November, two days before it was known in London.
Sir Isaac Brock, after lying in state at the government house, where his
body was bedewed with the tears of many affectionate friends, was
interred on the 16th of October, with his provincial aide-de-camp, at
Fort George. His surviving aide-de-camp, Major Glegg, recollecting the
decided aversion of the general to every thing that bore the appearance
of ostentatious display, endeavoured to clothe the distressing ceremony
with all his "native simplicity." But at the same time there were
military honors that could not be avoided, and the following was the
order of the mournful procession,[102] "of which," wrote Major Glegg,
"I enclose a plan; but no pen can describe the real scenes of that
mournful day. A more solemn and affecting spectacle was perhaps never
witnessed. As every arrangement connected with that afflicting ceremony
fell to my lot, a second attack being hourly expected, and the minds of
all being fully occupied with the duties of their respective stations, I
anxiously endeavoured to perform this last tribute of affection in a
manner corresponding with the elevated virtues of my departed patron.
Conceiving that an interment in every respect military would be the most
appropriate to the character of our dear friend, I made choice of a
cavalier bastion in Fort George, which his aspiring genius had lately
suggested, and which had been just finished under his daily
superintendence."
Fort Major Campbell.
Sixty Men of the 41st Regiment, commanded by a Subaltern.
Sixty of the Militia, commanded by a Captain.
Two Six-Pounders--firing minute guns.
Remaining Corps and Detachments of the Garrison, with about 200
Indians, in reversed order, forming a street through which the
Procession passed, extending from the government house to the
garrison.
Band of the 41st Regiment.
Drums, covered with black cloth, and muffled.
Late General's Horse, fully caparisoned, led by four Grooms.
Servants of the General.
The General's Body Servant.
Surgeon Muirhead. Doctor Kerr.
Doctor Moore. Staff Surgeon Thom.
Reverend Mr. Addison.
(_The Body of Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, P.A.D.C._)
Capt. A. Cameron. Lieut. Jarvis.
Lieut. Robinson. Lieut. Ridout.
J. Edwards, Esq. Capt. Crooks.
Supporter, Supporter,
Mr. Dickson. Captain Cameron.
Chief Mourner,
Mr. M'Donell.
(_The Body of Major-General Brock._)
Supporter, Supporter,
Mr. James Coffin, D.A.C.G. Captain Williams, 49th Regt.
Capt. Vigoreaux, R.E. Major Merritt, L.H. Lin. Mil.
Capt. Derenzy, 41st Regt. Lieut.-Col. Clark, Lin. Mil.
Capt. Dennis, 49th Regt. Lieut.-Col. Butler.
Capt. Holcroft, R.A. Colonel Claus,
Supporter, Supporter,
Brigade-Major Evans. Captain Glegg, A.D.C.
Chief Mourners.
Major-General Sheaffe. Lieut.-Colonel Myers, D.Q.M.G.
Ensign Coffin, A.D.C. Lieut. Fowler, A.D.Q.M.G.
The Civil Staff.
Friends of the Deceased.
Inhabitants.[103]
Such was the esteem in which Sir Isaac Brock was held by the enemies of
his country, for he had or could have no personal enemies, that
Major-General Van Rensselaer, in a letter of condolence, informed
Major-General Sheaffe that immediately after the funeral solemnities
were over on the British side, a compliment of minute guns would be paid
to the hero's memory on theirs!!! Accordingly, the cannon at Fort
Niagara were fired, "as a mark of respect due to a brave enemy." How
much is it then to be regretted that we should ever come into collision
with those who possess the same origin and the same language as
ourselves, and who, by this generous feeling and conduct, proved that
they are a liberal, as they undoubtedly are a gallant, people; and may
the future rivalry of both powers be, not for the unnatural destruction
of each other, but for the benefit of mankind. No words can better
express the favorable opinion entertained by the Americans of the
deceased than the language of their president, Madison, who, alluding to
the battle of Queenstown in his annual message to congress, observed:
"Our loss has been considerable, and is deeply to be lamented. That of
the enemy, less ascertained, will be the more felt, as it includes
amongst the killed the commanding general, who was also the governor of
the province."
Ere we proceed to delineate the person and character of this able
soldier and excellent man, we shall transcribe the sketches of two
strangers,[104] lest the portrait of a relative should be deemed too
highly coloured. That portrait has been drawn by them with a master
hand, especially the first; and although feelingly alive to our
incompetency for the task, we also must endeavour, with a trembling pen,
to do justice to the memory of the hero.
"Thus ended in their total discomfiture," says Christie in his
Historical Memoirs, already cited, "the second attempt of the Americans
to invade Upper Canada. The loss of the British is said to have been
about 20 killed, including Indians, and between 50 and 60 wounded. The
fall of General Brock, the idol of the army and of the people of Upper
Canada, was an irreparable loss, and cast a shade over the glory of this
dear-bought victory. He was a native of Guernsey, of an ancient and
reputable family, distinguished in the profession of arms. He had served
for many years in Canada, and in some of the principal campaigns in
Europe. He commanded a detachment of his favorite 49th regiment, on the
expedition to Copenhagen with Lord Nelson, where he distinguished
himself. He was one of those extraordinary men who seem born to
influence mankind, and mark the age in which they live. Conscious of the
ascendancy of his genius over those who surrounded him, he blended the
mildest of manners with the severity and discipline of a camp; and
though his deportment was somewhat grave and imposing, the noble
frankness of his character imparted at once confidence and respect to
those who had occasion to approach his person. As a soldier, he was
brave to a fault, and not less judicious than decisive in his measures.
The energy of his character was strongly expressed in his countenance,
and in the robust and manly symmetry of his frame. As a civil governor,
he was firm, prudent, and equitable. In fine, whether we view him as a
man, a statesman, or a soldier, he equally deserves the esteem and
respect of his contemporaries and of posterity. The Indians who flocked
to his standard were attached to him with almost enthusiastic affection,
and the enemy even expressed an involuntary regret at his untimely fall.
His prodigality of life bereft the country of his services at the early
age of forty-two years. The remains of this gallant officer were, during
the funeral service, honored with a discharge of minute guns from the
American, as well as the British, batteries, and with those of his
faithful aide-de-camp, Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, were interred in the
same grave at Fort George, on the 16th October, amidst the tears of an
affectionate soldiery and a grateful people, who will cherish his memory
with veneration, and hand to their posterity the imperishable name of
BROCK."
"General Brock was killed at the battle of Queenstown heights," observes
Howison in his Sketches of Upper Canada, "and the place where he fell
was pointed out to me. The Canadians hold the memory of this brave and
excellent man in great veneration, but have not yet attempted to
testify their respect for his virtues in any way, except by shewing to
strangers the spot on which he received his mortal wound. He was more
popular, and more beloved by the inhabitants of Upper Canada, than any
man they ever had among them, and with reason; for he possessed, in an
eminent degree, those virtues which add lustre to bravery, and those
talents that shine alike in the cabinet and in the field. His manners
and dispositions were so conciliating as to gain the affection of all
whom he commanded, while his innate nobleness and dignity of mind
secured him a respect almost amounting to veneration. He is now styled
the Hero of Upper Canada, and, had he lived, there is no doubt but the
war would have terminated very differently from what it did. The
Canadian farmers are not over-burthened with sensibility, yet I have
seen several of them shed tears when an eulogium was pronounced upon the
immortal and generous-minded deliverer of their country.
"General Brock was killed close to the road that leads through
Queenstown village, and an aged thorn bush now marks the place where he
fell, when the fatal ball entered his vitals. This spot may be called
classic ground, for a view of it must awaken in the minds of all those
who duly appreciate the greatness of his character, and are acquainted
with the nature of his resources and exertions, feelings as warm and
enthusiastic as the contemplation of monuments consecrated by antiquity
can ever do."
Nature had been very bountiful to Sir Isaac Brock in those personal
gifts which appear to such peculiar advantage in the army, and at the
first glance the soldier and the gentleman were seen. In stature he was
tall,[105] erect, athletic, and well proportioned, although in his
latter years his figure was perhaps too portly; and when a young man, at
the head of his company of grenadiers, he attracted general observation
by his martial presence. His fine and benevolent countenance was a
perfect index of his mind, and his manners were courteous, frank, and
engaging. Brave, liberal, and humane; devoted to his sovereign, and
loving his country with romantic fondness; in command so gentle and
persuasive, yet so firm, that he possessed the rare faculty of acquiring
both the respect and the attachment of all who served under him. When
urged by some friends, shortly before his death, to be more careful of
his person, he replied: "How can I expect my men to go where I am afraid
to lead them;" and although perhaps his anxiety ever to shew a good
example, by being foremost in danger, induced him to expose himself more
than strict prudence or formality warranted, yet, if he erred on this
point, his error was that of a soldier.[106] Elevated to the government
of Upper Canada, he reclaimed many of the disaffected by mildness, and
fixed the wavering by the argument of success; and having no national
partialities to gratify, that rock on which so many provincial governors
have split, he meted equal favor and justice to all, British born
subjects soon felt convinced that with him their religion or their
birth-place was no obstacle to their advancement. Even over the minds of
the Indians Sir Isaac Brock gained, at and after the capture of Detroit,
an ascendancy altogether unexampled, and which he judiciously exercised
for purposes conducive equally to the cause of humanity and to the
interests of his country. He engaged them to throw aside the scalping
knife, implanted in their breasts the virtues of clemency and
forbearance, and taught them to feel pleasure and pride in the
compassion extended to a vanquished enemy. In return they revered him as
their common father, and while under his command were guilty of no
excesses.[107] It is well known that this untutored people, the children
of the forests, value personal much more highly than mental qualities,
but the union of both in their leader was happily calculated to impress
their haughty and masculine minds with respect and admiration; and the
speech delivered by Tecumseh, after the capture of Detroit, is
illustrative of the sentiments with which he had inspired these warlike
tribes. "I have heard," observed that chief to him, "much of your fame,
and am happy again to shake by the hand a brave brother warrior. The
Americans endeavour to give us a mean opinion of British generals, but
we have been the witnesses of your valour. In crossing the river to
attack the enemy, we observed you from a distance standing the whole
time in an erect posture, and, when the boats reached the shore, you
were among the first who jumped on land. Your bold and sudden movements
frightened the enemy, and you compelled them to surrender to half their
own force."
Of all the good qualities which adorned this accomplished soldier none
was more prominent than his decision, and it was ever under the guidance
of a sound judgment. His strong attachment to the service, and
particularly to his regiment, formed another distinguishing feature in
his character. A very gallant officer, who still survives, is not
ashamed to confess his pecuniary obligations to Colonel Brock while he
was a subaltern in the 49th, and rendered, as he states, doubly valuable
by the manner in which assistance was afforded to him in his
difficulties. When, as Colonel Brock, he had secured the ringleaders of
the intended mutiny at Fort George, as related in the second chapter, he
ordered the detachment to the parade, where he proceeded to address them
on the enormity of their offence; but when he began to express his
grief and shame at their conduct, he was so affected as to be utterly
unable to continue. The men were equally moved, and are said to have
exclaimed: "Had you commanded us, Sir, this never would have occurred."
Indeed, there was a correspondence of regard between him and his
officers, and even the non-commissioned officers and privates, that,
with this solitary exception, produced the picture of a happy family.
Those extremities of punishment, which the exactions of discipline will
sometimes occasion, rarely reached his men. And yet shortly before he
succeeded to the command of the regiment, it was in a sad state of
disorganization, from the causes already explained. (Page 7.) During the
mutiny on board the fleet at the Nore, in May, 1797, the 49th was
quartered on the borders of the river Thames; and as the privates
evidently sympathized with the seamen, Major Brock not only seldom went
to bed till nearly daylight, but slept with loaded pistols, while during
the day he frequently visited the mess-rooms, to tear down or erase such
inscriptions as "The Navy for Ever." But soon after he became the
lieutenant-colonel, by happily blending conciliation with firmness, and
bringing to a court martial two or three officers, whose misconduct
could not be overlooked, he quickly restored the discipline of the
corps. Having effected this, he afterwards governed it by that sentiment
of esteem which he himself had created, and the consolation was given
him to terminate a brief but brilliant course in the midst of his
professional family.[108]
It deserves to be recorded as an instance of good fortune, unprecedented
perhaps in military annals, and especially in a country where the
advantage and facility of escape were so great, that from the 6th of
August, the day on which Major-General Brock left York for Detroit, to
the period immediately preceding the battle of Queenstown, the force
under his personal command suffered no diminution in its numbers either
by desertion, natural death, or the sword. This comprehended a period of
nearly ten weeks, during which an army was captured, and a journey of
several hundred miles, by land and water, accomplished with extreme
rapidity.
In compiling this memoir, we have been much struck with the rapidity of
Major-General Brock's movements: he appears to have been everywhere,
and, as Veritas observed of him, to have "flown, as it were." To-day at
York, engaged in his civil and military duties--to-morrow at Fort
George, superintending the defences of the Niagara frontier, or at
Kingston, reviewing and animating the militia. To-day at Fort George,
watching the enemy--the next at York, dissolving the legislature--and a
fortnight after, on his return from the capture of Detroit! To-day at
Fort George again--a few hours after at Fort Erie, endeavouring to
retake the brigs Detroit and Caledonia. And yet this most active and
energetic officer was compelled, by his _defensive_ instructions, tamely
to look on the _offensive_ preparations of the Americans for the
invasion of the province committed to his charge!
In conclusion, it is due to the memory of this excellent man to declare
that, eminent and undisputed as were his public virtues, he was no less
estimable in private life. In his own family he was the object of the
warmest affection, and his servants carefully preserved relics of their
dear master, as they styled him to their dying day. His cares and
anxieties had no reference to the wealth he should amass, but to the sum
of human misery he might relieve; and towards the close of his brief
career, as the prospect of increasing honors and emoluments opened to
his view, he contemplated his good fortune only as the means of
diffusing felicity, of drying the tear of affliction. Indeed, so totally
devoid was he of every mercenary consideration, that although he enjoyed
an ample income from his appointments,[109] by which at least the
purchase of his commissions might have been repaid, yet he left
literally nothing but his fair name behind him. Some of his nearest
relatives have since been cut off more prematurely, and far more
cruelly, than himself; but those who still survive him possess the
never-failing consolation which arises from the remembrance of his
virtues, and from the reflection that, though his blessed spirit fled
early from this world, they may meet again in the mansions of futurity.
Though the dead heed not human praise, yet the living act wisely in
commemorating the fall of a distinguished chief--the example is never
thrown away--and on this occasion it is gratifying to reflect, that
every posthumous honor was paid to the memory of one who had merited the
distinction so well. A public monument,[110] having been decreed by the
imperial parliament, was raised a few years since in St. Paul's, and a
view of it is said to have awakened in an astonished Indian more
surprise and admiration than any thing he witnessed in England.[111] In
consequence of an address[112] from the commons of Upper Canada to the
prince regent, a munificent grant of 12,000 acres of land in that
province was bestowed on the four surviving brothers of Sir Isaac Brock,
who, in addition, were allowed a pension of £200 a year for life, by a
vote of the imperial parliament. To "the hero of Upper Canada," as he is
still termed in that country, the provincial legislature erected a lofty
column[113] on Queenstown heights, to which his remains, and those of
his gallant aide-de-camp, were removed from Fort George in solemn
procession, on the 13th of October, 1824.[114] Although twelve years had
elapsed since the interment, the body of the general had undergone
little change, his features being nearly perfect and easily recognized,
while that of Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell was in a complete mass of
decomposition. One of his regimental companions, Colonel Fitzgibbon, in
transmitting a detail of the ceremonies of the day, thus pathetically
expressed himself: "Nothing, certainly, could exceed the interest
manifested by the people of the province upon the occasion; and numbers
from the neighbouring state of New York, by their presence and conduct,
proved how highly the Americans revere the memory of our lamented chief.
Of the thousands present not one had cause to feel so deeply as I, and I
felt as if alone, although surrounded by the multitude. He had been more
than a father to me in that regiment which he ruled like a father, and I
alone of his old friends in that regiment was present to embalm with a
tear his last honored retreat. What I witnessed on this day would have
fully confirmed me in the opinion, had confirmation been wanting, that
the public feeling in this province has been permanently improved and
elevated by Sir Isaac Brock's conduct and actions while governing its
inhabitants. These, together with his dying in their defence, have done
more towards cementing our union with the mother country than any event
or circumstance since the existence of the province. Of this our leading
men are aware, and are careful to seize every opportunity of preserving
recollections so productive of good effects." The height of the
column,[115] which commanded a view of the surrounding country for about
fifty miles, was from the base to the summit 135 feet, and from the
level of the Niagara river, which runs nearly under it, 485 feet. The
following inscription was engraven on this splendid tribute to the
unfading remembrance of a grateful people:[116]
UPPER CANADA
HAS DEDICATED THIS MONUMENT
TO THE MEMORY OF THE LATE
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK, K.B.
PROVISIONAL LIEUT.-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER OF THE FORCES
IN THIS PROVINCE,
WHOSE REMAINS ARE DEPOSITED IN THE VAULT BENEATH.
OPPOSING THE INVADING ENEMY,
HE FELL IN ACTION NEAR THESE HEIGHTS,
ON THE 13th OCTOBER, 1812,
IN THE 43rd YEAR OF HIS AGE,
REVERED AND LAMENTED
BY THE PEOPLE WHOM HE GOVERNED,
AND DEPLORED BY THE SOVEREIGN
TO WHOSE SERVICE HIS LIFE HAD BEEN DEVOTED.
The cataract of Niagara is supposed to have commenced on the heights of
Queenstown, and to have gradually receded, or worn its way backwards to
its present site, seven miles above, near Chippewa, the banks of the
river on both sides between the two spots being perpendicular, 2 to 300
feet in height, chiefly of solid rock, and of the same level as the
fall.
"The village of Queenstown is beautifully situated at the foot of a
hill, and upon the side of the Niagara river, the bank of which is high
and precipitous. The imagination is agreeably struck with the first view
of the place. On one side of the village is a mountain covered with
shrubbery and verdure;--behind, a rich and cultivated plain extends
backwards, which is bounded in every direction by luxuriant woods; while
in front, the Niagara river glides in majestic stillness, and may be
traced, with all its windings, till its waters are swallowed up in the
vast expanse of Lake Ontario. The soil around Queenstown consists
chiefly of a red clay, the bright colour of which, upon the roads and
declivities where it is exposed, forms a singular contrast, during
summer, with the pure green of the trees and fields in the vicinity.
"Queenstown must infallibly acquire magnitude and importance when the
province becomes populous and flourishing, for it is situated at the
commencement of a portage, which never can be evaded by any improvement
in the navigation, it being rendered necessary by the falls of Niagara;
therefore, all vessels containing goods and stores destined for the
western parts of Upper Canada must unload and leave their cargoes at
Queenstown, that they may be conveyed overland to Chippewa, where the
Niagara river again becomes navigable. Even now, a good deal of this
carrying business goes on during the summer months. The North-West
Company forward a considerable quantity of stores to the Indian
territories by this route, and the country merchants receive annual
supplies of goods from Montreal, and send down pork, flour, staves, and
potash, in return.
"The environs of Queenstown are beautifully picturesque and romantic,
and nothing can be finer than the prospect up the Niagara river.
Immediately above the village its channel narrows very much, and the
banks rise to the height of 300 feet perpendicular, while at the same
time they become wild and rocky, and are thickly covered with trees of
various kinds. In some places they partly over-arch the river, and throw
an appalling gloom upon its waters, now dashed into turbulence and
impetuosity by the ruggedness of their sloping bed.
"At the ferry, the Niagara river is 1,250 feet in breadth, and from 2 to
300 in depth. The current is very rapid, and the wreathing and perturbed
appearance of the water shews that its course is much impeded by the
narrowness of the channel, which must be entirely composed of rocks;
for, otherwise, the continual and rapid attrition of such a large river
as that which flows through it, would undermine and wear away the
banks, and thus gradually enlarge and widen its course.
"The prospect from the top of Queenstown mountain is the finest and most
extensive that Upper Canada affords, and, in an eminent degree, combines
the beautiful and the magnificent. The wild and majestic precipices
which engulf one part of the Niagara river, the windings and mirrored
expanse of that noble body of water, the dim and undiscoverable extent
of Lake Ontario, together with the verdant orchards, thick forests, and
improved fields, glowing beneath a pure sky, collectively form a scene
of admirable effect and composition. Even York, which is 36 miles
distant, and lies very low, can be seen from the summit of this hill
during clear weather."[117]
* * * * *
ON THE DEATH OF MAJOR-GENERAL BROCK.
Low bending o'er the rugged bier
The soldier drops the mournful tear,
For life departed, valour driven,
Fresh from the field of death to heaven.
But time shall fondly trace the name
Of BROCK upon the scrolls of fame,
And those bright laurels, which should wave
Upon the brow of one so brave,
Shall flourish vernal o'er his grave.
J.H.R.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 95: James' Military Occurrences.]
[Footnote 96: The present Colonel James Dennis, lieut.-colonel 3d foot:
an officer of above forty-eight years service, and several times
wounded.]
[Footnote 97: See Captain Wool's letter, Appendix A, Section 2, No. 3.]
[Footnote 98: Major-General Brock, soon after his arrival at Queenstown,
sent orders for the battering from Fort George of the American fort
Niagara, which was done with so much effect that the garrison was forced
to abandon it.]
[Footnote 99: Death and Victory: a sermon under this title was preached
by the Rev. William Smart, at Brockville, Elizabethtown, November 15, on
the death of Major-General Brock, and published at the request of the
officers stationed at that post and of the gentlemen of the village. The
text was: "How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle."]
[Footnote 100: James' Military Occurrences.]
[Footnote 101: The mountain above Queenstown, where Major-General Brock
was slain.]
[Footnote 102: _Extract from D.G.O. for the Funeral_.
The officers will wear crape on their left arms and on their
sword knots, and all officers will, throughout the province,
wear crape on their left arm for the space of one month.
Captain Holcroft will be pleased to direct that minute guns be
fired from the period of the bodies leaving government house
until their arrival at the place of interment; and also, after
the funeral service shall have been performed, three rounds of
seven guns from the artillery. By order. THOMAS EVANS, B.M.
]
[Footnote 103: Extracted from the York Gazette, October 24, 1812.]
[Footnote 104: For brief extracts relative to Sir Isaac Brock from other
authors, see Appendix A, Section 1, No. 5.]
[Footnote 105: In height about six feet two inches. Since the first
sheets were printed, we have heard from a school-fellow of his, James
Carey, Esq., that young Brock was the best boxer and swimmer in the
school, and that he used to swim from the main land of Guernsey to
Castle Cornet and back, a distance each way of nearly half a mile. This
feat is the more difficult, from the strong tides which run between the
passage.]
[Footnote 106: "On arriving before Fort Detroit, a characteristic trait
of his courage took place, when, within range of the guns of that fort,
and in front of his heroic and devoted band of militiamen and regulars,
his attention was drawn by Colonel Nichol to the dangerous nature of the
expedition, and to the wish of his gallant comrades in arms that he
would not go to the front, and endanger a life they could not spare--to
these suggestions he replied: 'I will never desire the humblest
individual to go where I cannot lead.'"--_Toronto Herald_, June 15,
1843.]
[Footnote 107: For council of condolence, see Appendix A, Section 1, No.
6.]
[Footnote 108: The officers of the 49th, after his death, instructed the
regimental agent in London to procure them a likeness of Sir Isaac
Brock, that it might be placed in their mess-room, and allotted a
handsome sum for this purpose. The agent applied to the family for a
copy, but unfortunately they possessed no good likeness of the general.]
[Footnote 109: The salary attached to the civil government of Upper
Canada was increased, we believe, shortly before his death to £3,000 a
year.]
[Footnote 110: By an official return, it appears that this monument cost
£1,575 sterling. For inscription, &c, see Appendix A, Section 1, No. 7.]
[Footnote 111: See Appendix A, Section 1, No. 8.]
[Footnote 112: For the address, see Appendix A, Section 1, No. 9.]
[Footnote 113: This column cost nearly £3,000.]
[Footnote 114: For the details of the re-interment, see Appendix A,
Section 1, No. 10.]
[Footnote 115: It was a Tuscan column on a rustic pedestal, with a
pedestal for a statue; the diameter of the base of the column was
seventeen feet six inches, and the abacus of the capital was surrounded
with an iron railing. The centre shaft, containing the spiral wooden
staircase, was ten feet in diameter.]
[Footnote 116: We speak in the past tense, because the column, as will
be seen in the sequel, was so much injured in 1840 as to require its
reconstruction.]
[Footnote 117: Howison's Sketches of Upper Canada. London, 1821.]
CHAPTER XV.
Sir Isaac Brock was succeeded in his civil and military commands in
Upper Canada by Major-General Sheaffe, who was created a baronet for the
dearly bought victory of Queenstown. After the battle, he paroled
General Wadsworth and some of the principal American officers, the
remainder proceeding to Quebec. Among the prisoners, 23 were found to be
deserters from English regiments, and British born subjects; and they
were sent to England for trial as traitors. This caused a retaliation
upon British prisoners in the United States, and an equal number were
put by the American government into close confinement as hostages for
the security of the traitors.
On the 18th of October, General Smyth assumed the command at Niagara,
and applied to the British general for an armistice; and notwithstanding
the well-known prejudicial effect of the former one proposed by Sir
George Prevost, it was agreed to by Major-General Sheaffe![118] This
unaccountable proceeding, as might easily have been foreseen, proved of
material detriment to the British on Lake Erie, as the Americans availed
themselves of so favorable an occasion to forward their naval stores
unmolested from Black Rock to Presqu'île by water, which they could not
otherwise have effected, but with immense trouble and expense by land,
and equipped at leisure the fleet which afterwards wrested from us the
command of that lake. When the enemy was prepared for a third invasion
of Upper Canada, General Smyth did not fail to give the thirty hours
notice required for the cessation of the armistice, which terminated on
the 20th of November.
"After the surrender of Detroit," said the inhabitants of Niagara in
their spirited letter to Sir George Prevost, already quoted (page 279),
"the enemy were suffered unmolested to concentrate a large force on the
Niagara, at Sackett's Harbour on Lake Ontario, and at Ogdensburg on the
St. Lawrence; they were not interrupted in bringing forward to these
places a large quantity of field and heavy artillery, with the requisite
supplies of ammunition, and in equipping a flotilla, to dispute with us
the superiority of the lakes. When their preparations were
complete--when our regular and militia forces were nearly exhausted with
incessant watching and fatigue, occasioned by the movements of the
enemy, which kept them constantly on the alert by uncertainty as to the
point of attack--they at length, on the 13th of October, attacked our
line at Queenstown. The behaviour of both regulars and militia on that
memorable occasion is well known to your excellency, and added another
wreath to the laurels they had gained at Detroit: the glories of that
day were, however, obscured by the death of our beloved and now lamented
chief, whose exertions had prepared the means of achieving this great
victory. This was another triumph for the militia; they had fairly
measured their strength with the enemy, and derived additional
confidence from the glorious result. Here was another opportunity that
slipped away without being improved: Fort Niagara was abandoned by the
enemy, and might have been with the greatest ease destroyed, and its
guns brought away by a trifling force. It is neither necessary, nor do
we feel inclined to enter into the causes why it was not done; we have,
however, the strongest reason to believe that, had General Brock
survived, it would have been attempted. In addition to this (as we
consider it) capital error, Major Mullaney, and other natural born
subjects of his majesty, actually taken in arms as commissioned officers
in the service of the United States, were released and allowed to return
on parole to that country; and a partial armistice was agreed to, liable
to be broken off at thirty hours notice, which could be productive of no
real advantage to us, nor give any repose to our harassed and suffering
militia, though it enabled the enemy to recruit his strength and
organize at will the means of attacking us anew. He was observed busily
and actively employed, throughout a great part of the month of November,
collecting boats on the Fort Erie end of the line; and when his
preparations were complete, he gave notice of the termination of the
armistice on the 20th."
"When General Wilkinson complains," observes the British historian
James, "that the executive has not rendered 'common justice to the
principal actors in this gallant scene,'--not exhibited it to the
country 'in its true light, and shewn what deeds Americans are still
capable of performing,'[119]--who among us can retain his gravity? 'It
is true,' says the general, 'complete success did not ultimately crown
this enterprise; but two great ends were obtained for the country: it
re-established the character of the American arms;'--it did
indeed!--'and deprived the enemy, by the death of General Brock, of the
best officer that has headed their troops in Canada throughout the
war;'--truth undeniable!--'and, with his loss, put an end to their then
brilliant career;'--yet the capture of General Wadsworth took place in
less than five hours afterwards.
"The instant we know what the Americans expected to gain, a tolerable
idea may be formed of what they actually lost by the attack upon
Queenstown. General Van Rensselaer, in a letter to Major-General
Dearborn, written five days previously, says thus: 'Should we succeed,
we shall effect a great discomfiture of the enemy, by breaking their
line of communication, driving their shipping from the mouth of this
river, leaving them no rallying point in this part of the country,
appalling the minds of the Canadians, and opening a wide and safe
communication for our supplies; we shall save our own land,--wipe away
part of the score of our past disgrace,--get excellent barracks and
winter quarters, and at least be prepared for an early campaign another
year.'
"It is often said, that we throw away by the pen what we gain by the
sword. Had General Brock been less prodigal of his valuable life, and
survived the Queenstown battle, he would have made the 13th of October a
still more 'memorable' day, by crossing the river and carrying Fort
Niagara, which, at that precise time, was nearly stripped of its
garrison. Instead of doing this, and thus putting an end to the campaign
upon the Niagara frontier, Major-General Sheaffe, General Brock's
successor, allowed himself to be persuaded to sign an armistice."
In November, the Americans were already in command of Lake Ontario,[120]
and their fleet, after chasing the Royal George into Kingston, captured
on the 12th the transport sloop Elizabeth, on board of which was Mr.
Brock, paymaster of the 49th. He was paroled by Commodore Chauncey, who,
to his credit be it said, immediately restored "the plate and effects
belonging to his late illustrious relative," which he was conveying from
Fort George to Kingston. The box of letters and other papers from which
this little work has been principally compiled, was, we believe, among
these effects; and we gladly seize this opportunity to express the
obligation of Sir Isaac Brock's family to the commodore for his
generosity on this occasion.
On the 27th April, 1813, York was captured by Major-General Dearborn,
with 1,800 American troops, embarked in fourteen sail of armed vessels,
that post being occupied by 700 regulars and militia, with from 40 to 50
Indians, the whole under the immediate command of Sir Roger Sheaffe. In
resisting the enemy, the grenadier company of the 8th (the king's)
regiment greatly distinguished themselves, losing their captain, M'Neal,
and being nearly annihilated. By an explosion of the powder magazine, to
which a train had been laid, 260 of the Americans were killed or
wounded, including Brigadier Pike among the former; and they were thrown
into such confusion, that an immediate and resolute attack would
probably have sent them back to their ships.[121] The British general
"drew off his regulars and left the rest to capitulate within the town,
wherein considerable public stores were lost;"[122] and the Americans,
having secured their booty, re-embarked and sailed on the 2d of May for
Niagara. The inhabitants of York do not appear to have been satisfied
with the conduct of Major-General Sheaffe in this affair; and, although
it was not ascertained whether his removal was the result of the
displeasure of the Commander-in-chief, he was replaced early in July by
Major-General de Rottenburg, and on his arrival in the Lower Province he
assumed the command of the troops in the district of Montreal. A few
months after, the Baron de Rottenburg was in his turn succeeded by
Lieut.-General Gordon Drummond, who commanded in Upper Canada to the end
of the war.
We have alluded (page 278) to the discomfiture of Sir George Prevost
before Sackett's Harbour, that naval arsenal whose destruction
Major-General Brock was so unfortunately prevented from undertaking. The
governor-general having proceeded in May from Montreal to Kingston with
Sir James Yeo, who had just arrived from England to command the British
naval forces on the lakes--the squadron on Lake Ontario now consisting
of two ships, a brig, and two schooners--the public was on the tiptoe of
expectation for some decisive dash on the enemy's flotilla on that lake.
An attack upon Sackett's Harbour, in the absence of their fleet at
Niagara, was resolved upon, so as to destroy "the forts, the arsenals,
and the dock-yard, where the Americans had a frigate almost ready for
launching, and several other vessels; but when this wavering and
spiritless general reconnoitred the place, he would not venture an
attack, and returned across the water towards Kingston. Then he changed
his mind and went back to Sackett's Harbour; and (but not without more
wavering and loss of time) our troops, about 750 strong, were landed.
The Americans were presently driven at the bayonet's point into some
loop-holed barracks and forts; and so panic-stricken were they that they
immediately set fire to their new frigate, their naval barracks and
arsenal, and destroyed a gun-brig and all the stores which had so
recently been captured at York. While the arsenal was in flames, while
the Americans were flying through the village, and when the complete
success of the assailants was certain, Sir George Prevost sent a
precipitate order for retreat, merely because a momentary resistance was
offered by a party of Americans who had taken refuge in the
log-barracks! The British troops reluctantly obeyed their general's
order and returned to their boats, men and officers being acutely
sensible to his folly, and wondering by what means so incompetent a
commander had been placed over them. If Sir George Prevost had studied
the history of the war of the American revolution, it could only have
been with an eye to copy all the indecisions and blunders of the
formalising, badly instructed English generals of that period. But the
Howes, Clintons, and Burgoynes, were at least always ready to fight. As
soon as the Americans could believe that the English were really
abandoning their enterprize at the moment that it was all but completed,
they rushed back to stop the conflagration: they were too late to save
the stores which had been brought from York, the navy barracks, or the
brig, but the frigate on the stocks, being built of green wood, would
not easily burn, and was found but little injured. If the destruction at
Sackett's Harbour had been completed, we should have deprived the
Americans of every prospect of obtaining the ascendancy on the
lake."[123] And, as if to crown this miserable failure, the details were
narrated by the adjutant-general, in a dispatch to Sir George Prevost,
as if Colonel Baynes had commanded in chief, and the governor-general
had been present as a mere spectator![124]
From these humiliating occurrences on Lake Ontario, we turn to the
captured post of Detroit, which, it will be remembered, was left by
Major-General Brock in charge of Colonel Proctor. No sooner had
intelligence of the surrender of Hull reached Washington, than the
renewal of the North-Western army for the recovery of the Michigan
territory became the anxious object of the American government. That
army, which eventually outnumbered the former one, was placed under the
command of Major-General Harrison, (who died a few years since while
president of the United States,) and in September was in full march for
the Miami rapids, the spot assigned as the general rendezvous. In
January, 1813, Colonel Proctor received information that a brigade of
that army, under Brigadier Winchester, was encamped at Frenchtown, on
the river Raisin, 40 miles south of Detroit. The British commander,
although he had orders not to act on the offensive, promptly determined
to attack this brigade before it was reinforced by the main body, a few
days march in the rear; and with his disposable force, consisting of 500
regulars, militia, and seamen, he made a resolute assault, at dawn on
the 22d, on the enemy's camp, which was completely successful. In this
affair the Americans lost between 3 and 400 men killed; and Brigadier
Winchester, 3 field officers, 9 captains, 20 subalterns, and upwards of
500 men, in prisoners. This gallant exploit secured Detroit from any
immediate danger, but the day after it was sadly tarnished by the
straggling Indians, who massacred such wounded prisoners as were unable
to walk, the guard left for their protection deserting their charge on a
false alarm of General Harrison's approach. This success, for which
Colonel Proctor was immediately promoted to the rank of Brigadier,
together with the spoil obtained at Frenchtown, brought down several
warlike tribes of Indians from the river Wabash, and even from the more
distant Mississippi, to join the British standard. Towards the end of
March, Proctor learnt that General Harrison intended to commence active
operations for the recovery of the Michigan territory, on the arrival of
considerable reinforcements which he was expecting. Resolved to try the
issue of another attack before the enemy, already much superior in
numbers, gained a fresh acquisition of strength, Proctor embarked at
Amherstburg with 520 regulars and 460 militia, and made for the mouth of
the Miami, which falls into Lake Erie. He ascended that river, about
1,200 Indians co-operating with him, and landed his troops, stores, and
ordnance, on the 28th of April, near Fort Meigs, mounting eighteen guns,
which he cannonaded from both banks of the Miami, On the 5th of May the
enemy's long-expected reinforcements, under Major-General Clay, came
suddenly down the river; they were 1,300 strong, but newly-raised
militia; and as the boats drew near, Harrison ordered Clay to storm the
British batteries on the opposite or north side of the river, while a
sortie was made from the fort for the purpose of capturing the three
British guns on the southern bank. For a short period the British
batteries on both sides were in the hands of the enemy, but they were
quickly regained by bayonet charges; and on the north bank Colonel
Dudley, after spiking the captured guns, having marched with 400 men to
attack the British camp, was drawn into an ambuscade by the Indians, and
himself and about half his men were slain. Of the Americans, about 550
men were made prisoners, and their killed and wounded were estimated at
nearly as many more. The far-famed Tecumseh buried his tomahawk in the
head of a Chippewa chief, whom he found actively engaged in massacring
some of the prisoners. But as the Indians retired, as is their wont
after success, to enjoy their plunder; and as many of the militia were
also returning to their homes, Proctor was compelled to raise the siege
of Fort Meigs. Having re-embarked his small force of regulars, chiefly
of the 41st, and the whole of his ordnance and stores, he proceeded to
Sandwich; while General Harrison abandoned all intention of advancing
against Detroit until the American squadron had gained the command of
Lake Erie.
Major-General Proctor having determined to recommence his attacks
against the American North-Western army, whose head quarters were then
in the neighbourhood of Sandusky Bay, on Lake Erie, he landed on the 1st
of August near the Sandusky river, and soon after invested with 400
regulars and between 3 and 400 Indians, Fort Stephenson, about 20 miles
from its mouth. On the 2d, a fire was opened from two 6-pounders and
two 5-1/2-inch howitzers against the fort, which appears to have
possessed only one masked 6-pounder, and to have been garrisoned by
about 180 men, under Major Croghan, but as the fire produced no
impression, the place was ordered to be stormed. The assailants reached
the ditch which was raked by the masked gun, and sustained in
consequence so severe a loss, that they retreated precipitately, having
their leader, Brevet Lieut-Colonel Short, of the 41st, with 3 officers
and 52 men, killed or missing, besides 3 officers and 38 men wounded;
while the Americans had only 1 killed and 7 slightly wounded. The
Indians did not assist in the assault, withdrawing to a ravine out of
gun shot. Thus foiled, Proctor retired on the 3d, and after abandoning
"considerable baggage and a gun-boat laden with cannon ball," he
returned to Amherstburg. The attack is said to have been "ill digested,"
and the expedition to have ended with "some disgrace."
Towards the end of August, (1813,) the American squadron, under
Commodore Perry, became too powerful for the British, under Captain
Barclay, who now remained at Amherstburg to await the equipment of the
Detroit, recently launched. The British forces in the neighbourhood
falling short of various supplies, for which they depended chiefly upon
the fleet, Captain Barclay had no other alternative than to risk a
general engagement. With this purpose he sailed on the 9th of September,
with his small squadron wretchedly manned, and the next day encountered
the enemy. For some time the fate of the battle poised in favor of the
British, as the principal American ship, the Lawrence, struck her
colours; but a sudden breeze turned the scale against them, and the
whole of their squadron was compelled to surrender, after a desperate
engagement of upwards of three hours. Captain Barclay was dangerously
wounded; Captain Finnis, of the Queen Charlotte, killed; and every
commander and officer second in command was either killed or wounded.
Major-General Proctor's army was deprived, by this disastrous defeat, of
every prospect of obtaining its necessary supplies through Lake Erie,
and a speedy retreat towards the head of Lake Ontario became inevitable.
Stung with grief and indignation, Tecumseh at first refused to agree to
the measure, and in a council of war held at Amherstburg on the 18th of
September, he thus delivered his sentiments against it:
Father, listen to your children! You have them now all before
you.
The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to
his red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now
dead. In that war our father was thrown on his back by the
Americans, and our father took them by the hand without our
knowledge; and we are afraid that our father will do so again
at this time.
The summer before last, when I came forward with my red
brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our
British father, we were told not to be in a hurry,--that he
had not yet determined to fight the Americans.
Listen! When war was declared, our father stood up and gave
us the tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike
the Americans; that he wanted our assistance; and that he
would certainly get us hack our lands, which the Americans had
taken from us.
Listen! You told us, at that time, to bring forward our
families to this place, and we did so; and you promised to
take care of them, and that they should want for nothing,
while the men would go and fight the enemy; that we need not
trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrisons; that we knew
nothing about them, and that our father would attend to that
part of the contest. You also told your red children that you
would take good care of your garrison here, which made our
hearts glad.
Listen! When we were last at the Rapids, it is true we gave
you little assistance. It is hard to fight people who live
like ground hogs.
Father, listen! Our fleet has gone out; we know they have
fought; we have heard the great guns; but we know nothing of
what has happened to our father with that arm. Our ships have
gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father
tying up every thing and preparing to run away the other,
without letting his red children know what his intentions are.
You always told us to remain here and take care of our lands;
it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great
father, the king, is the head, and you represent him. You
always told us that you would never draw your foot off British
ground; but now, father, we see you are drawing back, and we
are sorry to observe our father doing so without seeing the
enemy. We must compare our father's conduct to a fat dog, that
carries its tail upon its back, but when affrighted, it drops
it between its legs and runs off.
Father, listen! The Americans have not yet defeated us by
land; neither are we sure that they have done so by water: _we
therefore wish to remain here and fight our_ _enemy, should
they make their appearance_. If they defeat us, we will _then_
retreat with our father.
At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly
defeated us; and, when we retreated to our father's fort in
the neighbourhood, the gates were shut against us. We were
afraid that it would again be the case; but, instead of
closing the gates, we now see our British father preparing to
march out of his garrison.
Father! You have got the arms and ammunition which our great
father sent for his red children. If you intend to retreat,
give them to us, and you may go, and welcome for us. Our lives
are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to
defend our lands, and if it be His will, we wish to leave our
bones upon them.
General Harrison's troops were soon transported by the American squadron
to _Put-in-Bay_, and they occupied Amherstburg on the 23d of September,
Proctor having previously fallen back upon Sandwich, after setting fire
to the navy yard, barracks, and public stores at the former place. The
British general, seeing the enemy determined to follow up his first
success by an immediate attack upon Detroit, and being unable with his
very inferior numbers to dispute the occupancy of that post, evacuated
it and Sandwich on the 26th, also destroying the public property at both
posts; and commenced his retreat along the river Thames, with between
900 and 1,000 regulars, chiefly of the 41st regiment. In this reverse of
fortune, Tecumseh still adhered to the British standard with unswerving
fidelity, and with the Indians covered the retreat. On the 2d of
October, General Harrison marched in pursuit with rather above 3,000
men, escorted by three gun-boats and a number of bateaux. On the 4th, he
came up with the rear guard, and not only made some prisoners, but
succeeded in capturing a great part of the ammunition and stores. By
this second reverse, the British were left destitute of the means of
subsistence and protracted defence; and their commander being thus
compelled to stake the fate of his small army on a general engagement,
he took up an excellent position on the right bank of the Thames at the
Moravian town, an Indian village 80 miles from Sandwich, his entire
force now mustering barely 900 regulars and about 600 Indians. The
former were posted in single files in two lines, their left resting on
the river, their right on a narrow swamp, beyond which were the Indians,
reaching obliquely backwards to a second and much broader swamp, so that
neither flank of the allies could be easily turned. The enemy commenced
the attack with a regiment of mounted riflemen, the _élite_ of their
army, formed into two divisions of 500 men each, one of which charged
the regulars with great impetuosity, while the other advanced with a
company of foot against the Indians. The regulars, dissatisfied by
fancied or real neglect, and dispirited by long continued exposure and
privation, made but a very feeble resistance; their ranks were pierced
and broken, and being placed between two fires, they immediately
surrendered, with the trifling loss of 12 killed and 22 wounded, the
British general and a part of the troops seeking safety in flight. But
the Indians carried on the contest with the left of the American line
with great determination, and did not retreat until the day was
irretrievably lost and 33 of their numbers had been slain, including the
noble Tecumseh--a warrior not less celebrated for his courage than for
his humanity, his eloquence, and his influence over the different
tribes. The Americans returned to Sandwich immediately after the action.
Proctor is accused of leaving entire the bridges and roads in the rear
of his retreating army, and of encumbering it with an unnecessary
quantity of his own personal baggage; and certain it is that his defeat
led to the harshest recrimination between Sir George Prevost and
himself. The general order of the former on the subject was of
unparalleled severity, as he said: "On this disgraceful day upwards of
600 officers and soldiers were taken prisoners almost without a
struggle, of whom but very few appeared to have been rescued by an
honorable death from the ignominy of passing under the American yoke;
nor are there many whose wounds plead in mitigation of this reproach."
The fugitives made the best of their way to Ancaster, at the head of
Lake Ontario; and on the 17th of October they numbered there 240,
including the general and 17 officers. The consequence of these
disasters was the relinquishment, by the British, of the Michigan
territory, with the exception of Michilimakinack; the abandonment of the
posts in Upper Canada to the westward of the Grand River, or Ouse; and
the loss of the services of the whole of the north-western Indians, with
the exception of 2 or 300, who subsequently joined the centre division
of the army.[125]
Fort George was taken in May, 1813, by a large American force, under
General Dearborn, which compelled Major-General Vincent to withdraw his
troops from Fort Erie and Chippewa, and to retreat to Burlington
Heights, at the head of Lake Ontario, the British losing 52 killed,
besides upwards of 300 wounded and missing. Immediately after the
capture of Fort George, General Dearborn pushed forward a body of 3,000
infantry, with nine field pieces and 250 cavalry, for the purpose of
dislodging Major-General Vincent from his position. Lieut.-Colonel
Harvey,[126] deputy adjutant-general, proposed a night attack on this
body, which was approved, and with the 49th, under Major Plenderleath,
and five companies of the 8th, under Major Ogilvie, (the whole only 704
firelocks,) he led the attack in gallant style, and completely succeeded
in surprising the enemy, who evinced a highly creditable state of order
and discipline in repeatedly forming, though compelled as often to
disperse before the resistless energy of the British bayonet. Two
brigadiers, (Chandler and Winder,) 7 other officers and 116 men, with
three guns and one brass howitzer, were taken in this intrepid attack,
which, as it reduced the Americans from offensive to defensive
operations, was of the greatest importance to the salvation of the Upper
Province. The enemy, however, occupied Fort George till the month of
December, when they were compelled to evacuate it and retreat across the
Niagara.[127] In that month, Colonel Murray surprised, and very
gallantly captured by a night assault, Fort Niagara, which was retained
by the British till the end of the war.
The recovery of Michilimakinack had long been seriously contemplated by
the American government, and would have been attempted in the fall of
1813, but for the lateness of the season, when the expulsion of the
British from the banks of the Detroit had opened the passage into Lake
Huron. On the other hand, the necessity of retaining a post so favorably
situated, if in the hands of an enemy, for annoying the British
north-western trade, pressed itself on Sir George Prevost; and in April,
1814, a reinforcement of about 90 men, under an active and zealous
officer, Lieut.-Colonel M'Douall, was forwarded with military stores and
provisions, by a back route to Michilimakinack. They embarked in
twenty-four bateaux from Nottawassega Bay on Lake Huron, distant 260
miles from Michilimakinack, and, after a very tempestuous passage of
twenty-five days, reached the fort on the 18th of May. On the 26th July,
an American expedition from Lake Erie, consisting of three brigs and two
schooners of war, under Captain Sinclair, with nearly 800 troops on
board, appeared off Michilimakinack, and a landing was effected by them
on the 4th of August. The British force on the island amounted to only
190 men, including regulars, militia, and Indians, with which
Lieut.-Colonel M'Donall repulsed every effort of the Americans to
approach the fort; so that they were glad, to re-embark the same evening
in the utmost haste and confusion, leaving 17 dead on the ground, while
the garrison had only one Indian killed. Captain Sinclair stated what
does not appear to have been known to Lieutenant Hanks, when he
surrendered the island in 1812 to Captain Roberts,[128] "that
Michilimakinack is by nature a perfect Gibraltar, being a high
inaccessible rock on every side,[129] except the west, from which to the
heights you have nearly two miles to pass through a wood so thick, that
our men were shot in every direction, and within a few yards of them,
without being able to see the Indians who did it." Michilimakinack
remained unmolested to the end of the war, when it was restored, by the
treaty of peace, to its former possessors.
It has already been mentioned, that among the prisoners taken at the
battle of Queenstown, 23 were sent to England for trial as British born
subjects and deserters, and that the American government had placed an
equal number of British soldiers into close confinement as hostages. In
consequence, Sir George Prevost, by a general order of the 27th October,
1813, made known that he had received the commands of the prince regent
to put 46 American officers and non-commissioned officers into close
confinement as hostages for the 23 soldiers confined by the American
government. He at the same time apprized that government, that if any of
the British soldiers should suffer death by reason of the guilt and
execution of the traitors taken in arms against their country, he was
instructed to select out of the American hostages double the number of
the British soldiers who might be so unwarrantably put to death, and to
cause them to suffer death immediately. The governor-general also
notified to the American government, that in the event of their carrying
their murderous threat into execution, the commanders of the British
forces, by sea and land, were instructed to prosecute the war with
unmitigated severity against all the territory and inhabitants of the
United States.
On the 10th of December, Sir George Prevost received a communication
from Major-General Wilkinson by a flag of truce, stating that the
American government, adhering unalterably to their previously declared
purpose, had placed 46 British officers into close confinement, there to
remain until the same number of American officers and non-commissioned
officers were released. In consequence, the governor-general ordered all
the American officers, prisoners of war, without exception of rank, to
be placed into close confinement as hostages, until the number of 46 was
completed over and above those already in confinement. In pursuance of
this order, Generals Winder, Chandler, and Winchester, were confined in
a private house at Quebec, with as little inconvenience as their
security would admit.
On the 15th April, 1814, after some negotiation, opened at the
solicitation of the American government, a convention was entered into
at Montreal, by which it was agreed to release the hostages and to make
an exchange of prisoners, the American government relinquishing its
pretensions to retaliate for the prisoners sent to England for legal
trial as traitors to their country. This convention was ratified in
July, at Champlain, near the lines; but, whether by previous agreement
or tacit understanding, the traitors, we believe, escaped the just
punishment of their crime.
The remaining events of the war in Canada during the campaigns of 1812,
13 and 14, do not fall within the scope of this memoir. Some we might
chronicle with pride, but a few we could not record without shame; and,
on the whole, we cannot but think that the same withering influence,
which bound the hands and repressed the energies of "him who undoubtedly
was the best officer that headed our troops throughout the war,"[130]
was visible to the termination of the contest--a contest in which we are
satisfied the result would have been very different, "if a man of
military genius, courage, quickness, and decision, had held the supreme
command."[131] Indeed, when we reflect upon the management of that
eventful war, we are often forcibly reminded, in the fatal loss of Sir
Isaac Brock, of the pathetic lament of the gallant highlander, who,
contrasting the irresolution of his present general with the deeds of
his former chief, the renowned Grahame,[132] Viscount Dundee, mournfully
exclaimed:
Oh! for one hour of Dundee!
During the progress of the war, the British government made several
overtures for a reconciliation; and at length, when Napoleon's disasters
commenced, and the Eastern States were threatening to dissolve the
union, Madison expressed a wish to treat with England, even at the end
of 1813. The negotiations were commenced in earnest at Ghent, in August,
1814, at a time when Great Britain, being at peace with the remainder of
the world, was in a condition to prosecute the contest with all her
energies; but her people wished for repose after the long and arduous
struggle in which they had been engaged; and a treaty of peace, signed
at Ghent on the 24th of December, was ratified by the two governments,
the plenipotentiaries on both sides waiving every question at issue
before the war, and restoring every acquisition of territory during its
progress. Thus the Americans had only the Canadian and defenceless side
of the Detroit to give in exchange for their fortress of Niagara and
their key possession of Michilimakinack.
Early in 1815, Sir George Prevost was directed to return to England for
the purpose of meeting accusations relative to his conduct at
Plattsburg, which had been preferred by Commodore Sir James Yeo, who,
after some delay, produced his charges in legal form; and to afford time
for the arrival of the necessary witnesses from Canada, the general
court martial was postponed to the 12th of January, 1816. In the mean
time the health of the late governor-general, naturally of a delicate
cast, became seriously affected, partly from anxiety of mind, and he
died in London on the 5th of January, exactly a week preceding the day
appointed for his trial. Previously to his departure from Lower Canada,
the commons, or French party, voted him the sum of £5,000 for the
purchase of a service of plate, as a tribute of respect, which vote was
approved of by the prince regent; but the legislative council, or
English party, refused their assent to a bill for that purpose.
Sir George Prevost was of slight, diminutive person, and unsoldierlike
appearance; his manners are represented as unassuming and social, and
his temper as placid and forgiving. His public speeches or addresses are
said to have partaken of even classical elegance, and his dispatches and
general orders also afford proofs of his literary acquirements.
Discredit can only be thrown on his character as a general; and indeed
his best friends must admit that his defensive policy at the
commencement of the war, and his subsequent irresolution and infirmity
of purpose, did not tend to raise the glory of England, or to advance
his own fame, and that of every enterprizing officer who served under
him. And yet soon after his death, notwithstanding that the lamentable
failures at Sackett's Harbour and Plattsburg were fresh in the public
recollection, new and honorary armorial bearings, with supporters, were
solicited and obtained by his family in seeming approbation of his
services in Canada, the supporters being two grenadiers of the 16th
foot, of which regiment Sir George was colonel, each bearing a flag,
gules; the dexter flag inscribed, "West Indies"--the sinister,
"Canada"! If these distinctions were conferred in honor of his civil
administration, which we have already eulogized, although _Veritas_, in
his well-known letters, stoutly denied him any merit even on this point,
they were, we believe, justly bestowed; but if they were intended as an
approval of his military conduct during the contest, certain it is that
his contemporaries indignantly refused to concede his claim to them, and
that no historian has as yet admitted that claim.[133] It was
unfortunate for Sir George that he was called upon to wage war against
the United States, as his natural and excusable sympathies in favor of a
people among whom he had been born, and at least partly educated, may
have influenced his judgment without any conscious betrayal of the great
charge entrusted to him; and this remark applies with double force to
his school-fellow, Sir Roger Sheaffe, whose entire family and connexions
were American. In any case, it was hard on Sir Isaac Brock, after being
retained in Canada by Sir James Craig, when he was so anxious to serve
in the Peninsula, because that officer could not spare him, and after at
length obtaining leave to return to Europe for that purpose--it was
hard, we repeat, when hostilities did at last break out in America, that
his energies should have been so cramped by the passive attitude of his
superior. Remembering, however, the maxim, _de mortuis nil nisi bonum_,
the editor has refrained from transcribing aught reflecting on the
memory of that superior when he could do so consistently with truth,
although he feels acutely that the death of Sir Isaac Brock--hastened as
he believes it was by the defensive policy and mistaken views of Sir
George Prevost--was an irreparable loss to his many brothers,[134] who
were at that period just rising into manhood, and in consequence
required all the interest for their advancement which their uncle would
probably have possessed. One especially, who closely resembled him both
in appearance and character, and who would have been an ornament to any
service, was compelled to embrace the profession of arms, for which he
had been educated, under the banners of a foreign and far distant
country. In that country, Chile, Colonel Tupper cruelly fell at the
early age of twenty-nine years; and if the reader will turn to the
memoir of this daring soldier in the Appendix, necessarily brief as it
is, he will probably agree with the British consul who wrote, that he
had "for many years looked upon his gallant and honorable conduct as
reflecting lustre upon the English name;" and he will think with the
French traveller, who, after highly eulogizing him, said: "N'est-il pas
déplorable que de tels hommes en soient réduits à se consacrer à une
cause étrangère?"
* * * * *
As Tecumseh was so conspicuous in the annals of this war for his
fidelity and devotion to the British crown, and as his name has occurred
so often in these pages,[135] a concluding and connected notice of him
will surely be deemed but an act of justice to his memory.
This renowned aboriginal chief was a Shawanee, and was born in 1769 or
1770, about the same year as his "brave brother warrior," Sir Isaac
Brock. He may be said to have been inured to war from his infancy, as
the Indian nations continued in hostility against the United States
after their independence was achieved, alleging that they infringed on
their territories. In 1790, about which period Tecumseh first gave
proofs of that talent and daring which so distinguished his after-life,
General Harmer was dispatched with a competent force to punish the
predatory incursions of the Indians; but he was glad to return, with the
loss of many of his men. In the following year, General St. Clair
proceeded with another army to ravage the Miami and Shawanee
settlements, and was even more unfortunate than his predecessor, as the
Indians boldly advanced to meet him on the way, attacked his encampment,
and put his troops to a total rout, in which the greater part were cut
off and destroyed. In 1794, however, a much more formidable expedition,
under General Wayne, entered the Indian territory; the warriors
gradually retired as the Americans advanced, but at length imprudently
determined on making a stand. In the battle which ensued, the Indians
were so completely discomfited, that, the following year, they agreed to
the treaty of Greenville, by which they were compelled to cede a large
tract of country as an indemnity for _past injuries_! As Tecumseh had
then scarcely completed his twenty-fifth year, and as the Indians pay
great deference to age, it is not probable that he had any hand in this
treaty, the more especially as, from that period to 1812, he laboured
incessantly to unite the numerous aboriginal tribes of the North
American continent in one grand confederacy, for the threefold purpose
of endeavouring to regain their former possessions as far as the Ohio,
of resisting the further encroachments of the whites, and of preventing
the future cession of land by any one tribe, without the sanction of
all, obtained in a general council. With this object he visited the
different nations; and having assembled the elders, he enforced his
disinterested views in strains of such impassioned and persuasive
eloquence, that the greater part promised him their co-operation and
assistance. But, to form a general alliance of so many and such various
tribes, required a higher degree of patriotism and civilization than the
Indians had attained. From the numbers, however, who ranged themselves
with Tecumseh under the British standard; on the breaking out of the war
in 1812, it is evident that he had acquired no little influence over
them, and that his almost incredible exertions, both of mind and body,
had not been altogether thrown away.
About the year 1804, the brother of Tecumseh proclaimed himself a
prophet, who had been commanded by the Great Spirit, the Creator of the
red, but not of the white, people, to announce to his children, that the
misfortunes by which they had been assailed arose from their having
abandoned the mode of life which He had prescribed to them. He declared
that they must return to their primitive habits--relinquish the use of
ardent spirits--and clothe themselves in skins, and not in woollens. His
fame soon spread among the surrounding nations, and his power to
perform miracles was generally believed. He was joined by many, and not
a few came from a great distance, and cheerfully submitted to much
hardship and fatigue, that they might behold the prophet, and then
return. He first established himself at Greenville, within the boundary
of the United States; but the inhabitants of Ohio becoming alarmed at
the immense assemblage of Indians on their frontier, the American
authorities insisted on his removal. Accordingly, he proceeded, in 1808,
to the Wabash, and fixed his residence on the northern bank of that
river, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe. Here his popularity declined,
but, through the influence of Tecumseh, he was again joined by many
among the neighbouring tribes. The prophet's temporal concerns were
conducted by Tecumseh, who adroitly availed himself of his brother's
spiritual power to promote his favourite scheme of a general
confederacy.
In 1811, Tecumseh, accompanied by several hundred warriors, encamped
near Vincennes, the capital of Indiana, and demanded an interview with
the governor of that state, Major-General Harrison, the same officer
who, in 1813, commanded the victorious troops at the battle of the
Thames, in which Tecumseh lost his life. The interview was agreed to,
and the governor inquired whether the Indians intended to come armed to
the council. Tecumseh replied that he would be governed by the conduct
of the white people; if they came armed, his warriors would be armed
also; if not, his followers would come unarmed. The governor informed
him that he would be attended by a troop of dragoons, dismounted, with
their side arms only, and that the Indians might bring their war clubs
and tomahawks. The meeting took place in a large arbour, on one side of
which were the dragoons, eighty in number, seated in rows; on the other
the Indians. But besides their sabres, the dragoons were armed with
pistols. The following incident is said to have occurred at this
interview. Tecumseh looked round for a seat, but not finding one
provided for him, he betrayed his surprise, and his eyes flashed fire.
The governor, perceiving the cause, instantly ordered a chair. One of
the council offered the warrior his chair, and, bowing respectfully,
said to him: "Warrior, your father, General Harrison, offers you a
seat." "My father!" exclaimed Tecumseh, extending his hand towards the
heavens, "the sun is my father, and the earth is my mother; she gives me
nourishment, and I will repose on her bosom." He then threw himself on
the ground. When the governor, who was seated in front of the dragoons,
commenced his address, Tecumseh declared that he could not hear him, and
requested him to remove his seat to an open space near himself, The
governor complied, and in his speech complained of the constant
depredations and murders which were committed by the Indians of
Tippecanoe; of the refusal on their part to give up the criminals; and
of the increasing accumulation of force in that quarter, for the avowed
purpose of compelling the United States to relinquish lands, which they
had fairly purchased of the rightful owners. Tecumseh, in his answer,
denied that he had afforded protection to the guilty, but manfully
admitted his design of forming a confederacy of all the red nations of
that continent. He observed, that "the system, which the United States
pursued of purchasing lands from the Indians, he viewed as a _mighty
water_, ready to overflow his people, and that the confederacy which he
was forming among the tribes, to prevent any tribe from selling land
without the consent of the others, was the _dam_ he was erecting, to
resist this mighty water." And he added, "your great father, the
president, may sit over the mountains and drink his wine, but if he
continue this policy, you and I will have to meet on the battle field."
He also admitted, that he was then on his way to the Creek nation, for
the purpose he had just avowed, and he continued his journey two days
after, with twelve or fifteen of his warriors. Having visited the Creek
and other southern tribes, he crossed the Mississippi, and continued a
northern course as far as the river Demoins, whence he returned to the
Wabash by land. But a sad reverse of fortune awaited his return; he
found his town consumed, his bravest warriors slain, and a large deposit
of provisions destroyed. On his departure, the settlement at Tippecanoe
was left in charge of his brother, the prophet, with strict injunctions
to prevent all hostile incursions, as they might lead to extremities
before his plans were matured. The prophet, however, wanted either the
inclination or the authority to follow these injunctions; and the
Americans assert, that murder and rapine occurred now so frequently,
that they were compelled, in their own defence, to punish the
delinquents. Accordingly, General Harrison proceeded with nearly 1,000
men to Tippecanoe, and on his approach, in November, 1811, was met by
about 600 warriors; a battle ensued, in which the Indians, deprived by
the absence of their chief of his counsel and example, were defeated,
but with nearly equal loss on both sides. Assured by the prophet that
the American bullets would not injure them, they rushed on the bayonets
with their war clubs, and exposed their persons with a fatal
fearlessness. But the prophet himself remained during the battle in
security on an adjacent eminence; he was chaunting a war song, when
information was brought to him that his men were falling. "Let them
fight on, for my prediction will soon be verified," was the substance of
his reply, and he resumed his song in a louder key!
The hostility of Tecumseh to those whom he had ever considered as the
spoilers of his country, was, if possible, redoubled by this severe act
of retaliation. General Harrison, in particular, incurred his personal
enmity, and he declared openly that he would seek for vengeance. Nor
was he backward in putting his threats into execution. Early in 1812,
the Indians renewed their hostile incursions, but they were now treated
with unusual forbearance, in the hope that they would remain neutral in
the war with Great Britain, which the American government well knew was
near at hand. On its declaration in June, however, Tecumseh eagerly
embraced the opportunity which it afforded, not only to promote his long
meditated public views, but to avenge his private injuries; and,
hastening with his warriors to Upper Canada, he had soon the
gratification of witnessing, at Detroit, the surrender of the 4th U.S.
infantry, (or heroes of Tippecanoe, as they were then denominated,)
which regiment claimed the principal merit of having, the preceding
year, defeated his followers and destroyed his settlement.
Previously to the battle of the Thames, already noticed, the position
chosen to await the attack of the American army, and the disposition of
the British force, were approved of by Tecumseh, and his last words to
General Proctor were: "Father, tell your young men to be firm, and all
will be well." He then repaired to his people, and harangued them before
they occupied their post. While the white troops were so quickly
overcome, Tecumseh and his warriors almost as rapidly repelled the
enemy; and the Indians continued to push their advantage in ignorance of
the disaster of their allies, until their heroic chief fell by a rifle
bullet, while in the act of advancing to close with Colonel Johnson,
who was on horseback commanding his regiment of mounted riflemen.
Of the many Indian chiefs who distinguished themselves in the wars of
the whites, Tecumseh was undoubtedly the greatest since the days of
Pontiac. Sir Isaac Brock has expressed his warm admiration of him, and
it is well known that the feeling was mutual; but it is said that after
the death of his friend and patron, Tecumseh found no kindred spirit
with whom to act. In early life he was addicted to inebriety, the
prevailing vice of the Indians, but his good sense and resolution
conquered the habit, and, in his later years, he was remarkable for
temperance. Glory became his ruling passion, and in its acquisition he
was careless of wealth, as, although his presents and booty must have
been of considerable value, he preserved little or nothing for himself.
In height he was five feet ten inches, well formed, and capable of
enduring fatigue in an extraordinary degree. His carriage was erect and
commanding, and there was an air of hauteur in his countenance, arising
from an elevated pride of soul, which did not forsake it when life was
extinct. He was habitually taciturn, but, when excited, his eloquence
was nervous, concise, and figurative. His dress was plain, and he was
never known to indulge in the gaudy decoration of his person, which is
the common practice of the Indians. On the day of his death, he wore a
dressed deer skin coat and pantaloons. He was present in almost every
action against the Americans, from the period of Harmer's defeat to the
battle of the Thames--was several times wounded--and always sought the
hottest of the fire. On the 19th July, 1812, he pursued, near Sandwich,
a detachment of the American army under Colonel M'Arthur, and fired on
the rear guard. The colonel suddenly faced about his men and gave orders
for a volley, when all the Indians fell flat on the ground with the
exception of Tecumseh, who stood firm on his feet, with apparent
unconcern! After his fall, his lifeless corpse was viewed with great
interest by the American officers, who declared that the contour of his
features was majestic even in death. And notwithstanding, it is said by
an American writer, that "some of the Kentuckians disgraced themselves
by committing indignities on his dead body. He was scalped, and
_otherwise disfigured_." He left a son, who fought by his side when he
fell, and was then about seventeen years old. The prince regent, in
1814, as a mark of respect to the memory of the father, sent a handsome
sword as a present to the son. A nephew of Tecumseh and of the prophet,
(their sister's son,) who was highly valued by the Americans, was slain
in their service, in November, 1812, on the northern bank of the river
Miami. Having been brought up by the American general, Logan, he had
adopted that officer's name. He asserted that Tecumseh had in vain
sought to engage him in the war on the side of the British.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 118: "But General Sheaffe, like his superior, was a lover of
armistices, and after the action he concluded one of his own with the
American general, for which no reason, civil or military, was ever
assigned."--_Quarterly Review,_ April and July, 1822; article,
"Campaigns in the Canadas."]
[Footnote 119: From an American work,--Major-General James Wilkinson's
"Memoirs of my own Time," published in 1816.--ED.]
[Footnote 120: "But the most fatal and palpable error of the
commander-in-chief was his neglect to preserve that ascendancy on Lakes
Erie and Ontario which was actually enjoyed by the British at the
opening of the contest. The command of these lakes is so evidently an
object of primary consideration in the defence of the Canadas, that it
is perfectly inconceivable how any man in Sir George Prevost's situation
could have been so infatuated as to disregard the importance of
maintaining his superiority!"--_Quarterly Review_.]
[Footnote 121: "General Sheaffe has been much blamed, first for the
injudicious position of the troops, by which the grenadier company of
the 8th regiment, who behaved with great gallantry, were exposed to be
cut to pieces in a wood, and again for not returning to the attack,
after the explosion of a powder magazine had destroyed 250 of the enemy,
and thrown them into confusion."--_Quarterly Review_.]
[Footnote 122: Pictorial History of England.]
[Footnote 123: Extract from the Pictorial History of England.]
[Footnote 124: "Sir George Prevost was beyond all doubt the immediate
commander of this expedition. But he found it convenient not to appear
in that character; and the only detail of operations was in the shape of
a dispatch from his adjutant-general to himself, obligingly
communicating what was already sufficiently known to him. By this
ingenious device, he in some measure averted the exposure of miscarriage
from himself, and generously yielded his laurels, such as they were, to
his grateful and submissive follower."--_Quarterly Review_.]
[Footnote 125: "The reader now sees the fatal consequences; first, of
not having, in the autumn of 1812, destroyed the two or three schooners
which were equipping at Buffaloe by Lieutenant Elliott; secondly, of not
having, in the spring of 1813, secured the possession of Sackett's
Harbour; thirdly, of not having, in the summer of the same year,
captured or destroyed the whole American fleet, as it lay, unmanned, in
Presqu'île Harbour."--_James' Military Occurrences_.]
[Footnote 126: The present Major-General Sir John Harvey, K.C.B.]
[Footnote 127: While the Americans retained Fort George, the graves of
Sir Isaac Brock and Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, in the cavalier bastion
there, remained sacred, and were also respected.]
[Footnote 128: It strikes us as singular that Captain Roberts was not
promoted to at least a brevet majority for the capture of this important
post, although he had an overwhelming force, and took it without
resistance. Was this promotion withheld because the capture was effected
contrary to Sir George Prevost's orders?]
[Footnote 129: "The land, in the centre of this island, is high, and its
form somewhat resembles that of a turtle's back. Mackinac, or Mickinac,
signifies a _turtle_, and _michi (mishi)_, or _missi_, signifies
_great_, as it does also, _several_, or _many_. The common
interpretation of the word _Michilimakinac_, is the Great
Turtle."--_Henry's Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian
Territories, between the years_ 1760 _and_ 1776.]
[Footnote 130: James' Military Occurrences.]
[Footnote 131: Pictorial History of England.]
[Footnote 132: John Grahame, of Claverhouse, was mortally wounded at the
pass of Killicrankie, in 1689, and died the next day. With him expired
the cause of James the Second in Scotland, as, although the war
languished in the highlands for two years after, nothing of importance
occurred. When William was urged to send more troops into Scotland, he
replied: "It is unnecessary, the war has ended with Dundee's life."]
[Footnote 133: While these remarks-were in type, we heard accidentally
of a large monument, in the cathedral at Winchester, to the memory of
Sir George Prevost, with a laudatory inscription, for a copy of which we
immediately wrote to a friend, and which we now transcribe without
comment, as we respect the feelings of conjugal affection by which the
epitaph was evidently dictated.
"Sacred to the memory of Lieut.-General Sir George Prevost,
Baronet, of Belmont, in this County, Governor-General and
Commander-in-Chief of the British Forces in North America; in
which command, by his wise and energetic measures, and with a
very inferior force, he preserved the Canadas to the British
Crown from the repeated invasions of a powerful enemy. His
constitution at length sank under incessant mental and bodily
exertion, in discharging the duties of that arduous station;
and having returned to England, he died shortly afterwards in
London, on the 5th of January, 1816, aged 48, thirty-four
years of which had been devoted to the service of his Country.
He was intered near the remains of his father, Major-General
Augustus Prevost, at East Barnet, in Hertfordshire. His Royal
Highness the Prince Regent, to evince in an especial manner
the sense he entertained of his distinguished conduct and
services during a long period of constant active employment,
in stations of great trust, both Military and Civil, was
pleased to ordain, as a lasting Memorial of His Majesty's
Royal Favor, that the names of the Countries where his Courage
and Abilities had been most signally displayed--the West
Indies and Canada--should be inscribed on the Banners of the
Supporters, granted to be borne by his Family and Descendants.
In testimony of his Private Worth, his Piety, Integrity and
Benevolence, and all those tender, domestic virtues, which
endeared him to his Family, his Children, his Friends, and his
Dependants, as well as to prove her unfeigned Love, Gratitude,
and Respect, Catherine Anne Prevost, his afflicted Widow,
caused this Monument to be Erected. Anno Domini 1819."
]
[Footnote 134: Including the editor, ten; viz. two died young, of
scarlet fever, and were buried in the same coffin; two drowned at
different times; two slain; two died at sea, while passengers on board
his majesty's packets from Rio de Janeiro to Falmouth, on the same day
of the same month (15th August) in different years, 1833 and 1837! and
only two still survive.]
[Footnote 135: See pages 222, 223, 227, 238, 307, 339, 360, 364 and
366.]
CHAPTER XVI.
Thomas Porter, a faithful servant of Sir Isaac Brock, was sent to
England with his effects, and at the request of the family, was
discharged from the 49th regiment, in which he was borne as a soldier,
and in which he had an only brother, their father having been killed,
while also in the regiment, on board the Monarch, at Copenhagen. The
Commander-in-chief readily sanctioned the discharge of Porter, "as a
small tribute to the memory of a most gallant and valuable officer."
_His Royal Highness the Duke of York to W. Brock, Esq._
HORSE GUARDS, December, 1815.
The prince regent having been graciously pleased to command,
in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, that the
officers present at the capture of Detroit should be permitted
to bear a medal commemorative of that brilliant victory, I
have to transmit to you the medal[136] which would have been
conferred upon the late Major-General Sir Isaac Brock, and
which the prince regent has been pleased to direct should be
deposited with his family, as a token of the respect which his
royal highness entertains for the memory of that officer.
I am, Sir, yours, FREDERICK,
Commander-in-Chief.
In the year 1817, Mr. Savery Brock visited the United States and Canada,
and, while in the latter country, received the grants of the 12,000
acres of land voted by the legislature of the Upper Province to the four
brothers of Sir Isaac Brock, The letters written by him during his
travels were highly prized at the time, and the following are brief
extracts from them:
YORK, Upper Canada, Aug. 20 to 25, 1817.
I travelled with three gentlemen from New York as far as Fort
George, where they left me on their return by Montreal. We
crossed at Buffalo on the 9th instant, at which place we
arrived half an hour before the President; and although one of
our party (Mr. Gouverneur) was his nephew, we did not delay
our journey to have a view of his countenance, and came over
to Fort Erie, or, properly speaking, its remains. Seven miles
from the Fort, we stopped the next morning to breakfast at a
house where Isaac had lived six months, and the landlord told
me with tears: "He was a friend and a father to me. I was
close to him when he was shot;"--with these words, unable from
his feelings to add more, he walked away quickly up his
orchard.... On paying my respects to Mrs. Powell, the lady of
the present chief justice, and to Mrs. Claus, they were
greatly affected, and shed tears; and Mr. Scott, on whom I
called yesterday, was equally so. Every one here is most
kind--Isaac truly lived in their hearts: from one end of
Canada to the other, he is beloved to a degree you can
scarcely imagine--his memory will long live among them. "To
your brother, Sir, we are indebted for the preservation of
this province," is a sentiment that comes from the heart, and
is in the mouths of too many to be flattery. This is pleasing,
no doubt, to me, but it is a mournful pleasure, and recalls to
me the past. I dine at five with the gentlemen of this town,
and I see a splendid table laid out up stairs--the garrison is
invited. I found no way to avoid these marks of respect to
Isaac's memory. I assure you that it is truly unpleasant to me
to see so many persons putting themselves in some degree out
of their way to gratify me, as I think it, though I am aware
they do it to satisfy their own feelings. I should also
mention, that last Saturday I dined at Fort George, by
invitation of the gentlemen there and its environs; we were
_forty-nine_ in number, and it was the anniversary of the
capture of Detroit. I was invited, without their remembering
the day of the month--it was a curious coincidence. The
clergyman, who was of the party, made allusion during divine
service next morning to Isaac, and to my being in the church.
I mention these particulars, that you may fully judge of the
kindness of all. After the service, three fine young farmers
came up to me and wished to shake hands, having been at
Detroit and Queenstown. Nothing could exceed their marks of
attachment. Every body, they said, connected with Isaac would
always be seen with pleasure: they were, like myself, most
sensibly affected.
I hear of such misconduct on the part of most of the generals,
of such negligence that was occasioned by it on the part of
other officers, that it is only surprising we retained the
country. Every general required so much urging to permit an
attack, that it was really a favor for any enterprising
officer, who grieved that nothing was done, to be allowed a
handful of men to defeat the enemy with. Poor York! how
miserably defended; but I shall not enter into particulars, as
no interest is now entertained for these affairs.
MONTREAL, October 24.
I have had 7,000 acres granted in East and West Flamborough,
at the head of Lake Ontario, about twelve miles from its
margin; this is the best of our land, but not a house within
eight or nine miles of it; 1,200 acres in Brock township, on
Lake Simcoe; 3,000 acres in Monaghan, on the Rice Lake; and
800 acres in Murray, on Lake Ontario.
The principal gentlemen of this place have formed a committee
of eight persons, and waited on me to fix a day to dine with
them. Tuesday is named. So very civil is every one, that I am
quite overcome with their politeness. Colonel M'Bean, of the
99th, and all his officers, have also called. Isaac's memory
is so cherished--all loved him sincerely. At Quebec, I dined
with Sir John Sherbrooke, &c, visited the falls of
Montmorenci, &c, and was much pleased with my trip there.
_Extract from the Montreal Herald of November_ 1, 1817.
On Tuesday, the 28th ultimo, the principal inhabitants of
Montreal gave a public dinner at the Mansion House, to John
Savery Brock, Esq., of the island of Guernsey, as a tribute of
respect justly due to the memory of his late brother, the
deceased Major-General Sir Isaac Brock.
Sir John Johnson, Bart., took the chair at six o'clock,
supported by Messrs. Forsyth and St. Dizier, vice-presidents,
who conducted the arrangements of the table in a manner worthy
of the occasion which the company had assembled to
commemorate.
After the cloth was removed, a series of appropriate toasts
were given from the chair. When "the memory of the late
Major-General Sir Isaac Brock" was pledged and drunk, Mr. B.
availed himself of the universal silence it created to address
the company. In a short speech, he expressed his
acknowledgments for the very flattering and distinguished
manner they were pleased, through him, to testify their
veneration for the memory of his deceased brother, whose
public and private qualities, he was proud to observe, were so
highly appreciated by the inhabitants of Montreal, in whose
society he had for a period been domesticated, and of whose
kindness and hospitality he always retained a grateful
remembrance.
At the commencement of the American war, Mr. B. observed, an
arduous command devolved upon his brother; he had to protect
an extensive frontier with very limited means, and those
means, feeble as they were, shackled by the trammels of
superior authority; the advance of an hostile army, however,
upon our provincial territory, developed the resources of his
military genius, and afforded him a glorious opportunity of
proving to his country what he _might_ have achieved under
different circumstances. Mr. Brock apologized to the company
for detaining them a few minutes longer, in reading some
extracts of letters he had received from the late general, at
different times, previous to the battle of Queenstown. These
extracts corroborated what Mr. B. had previously stated; and
it is remarkable that in one of them, with a spirit almost
prophetic, the hero foretold the issue of that eventful day,
when the hand of victory was destined to mingle the cypress
and the laurel over his grave. Mr. Brock's feelings were a
good deal affected in addressing so numerous an assemblage of
his late brother's personal friends; and we may venture to
add, that never were feelings of the same description more
sacredly participated than those of Mr. B. on this occasion.
Mr. B. concluded his speech by drinking the health of the
company, and "success and prosperity to the city of Montreal."
At eleven o'clock the president retired, and was succeeded in
the chair by the Hon. W. M'Gillivray, who immediately proposed
the health of the worthy baronet, with three times three.
The band of the 99th regiment attended and played a variety of
beautiful airs, which, in addition to a number of excellent
songs given in the coarse of the evening, seduced the party to
remain until the "little hours" stole upon them.
We regret that want of room prevents us from noticing as we
could wish the neat and soldierlike address of thanks from
Lieut.-Colonel M'Bean, on behalf of the garrison of Montreal,
or of recording a translation of the figurative speeches,
delivered in the Indian language by Lieut.-Colonel M'Kay[137]
and A. Shaw, Esq., excited from those gentlemen by a
recurrence to the co-operation of the gallant warrior,
Tecumseh, with the lamented chief whose immortal memory forms
the subject of this article.
_Irving Brock, Esq., to his niece, Miss Caroline Tupper._[138]
LONDON, April 12, 1825.
I went to Windsor on Wednesday last with the four Indians,
accompanied by my friend Mr. W----, to show them the castle,
Frogmore, &c.; but the chief object, which I had secretly in
mind, was to have them introduced to his majesty. Sir John
C----, the late mayor of Windsor, assisted me very
effectually, and the upshot of the matter is, that the king
expressed his desire to see the Indian chiefs, although every
body treated this as a most chimerical idea. They wore, for
the first time, the brilliant clothes which Mr. Butterworth
had had made for them, and you cannot conceive how grand and
imposing they appeared.
The king appointed half-past one on Thursday to receive our
party at the royal lodge, his place of residence. We were
ushered into the library; and now I am going to say somewhat
pleasing to your uncle Savery. As Sir John C---- was in the
act of introducing me, but before he had mentioned my name,
Sir Andrew Barnard[139] interrupted him, and said: "There is
no occasion to introduce me to that gentleman,--I know him to
be General Brock's brother,--he and Colonel Brock, of the
81st, were my most intimate friends,--I was in the 81st with
the colonel. There was another brother whom I knew,--he who
was paymaster of the 49th,--he was a gallant fellow. By the
bye, sir, I beg your pardon; perhaps I am speaking to that
very gentleman."
In the library there was also present Marquess Conyngham, Lord
Mount Charles, Sir Edmund Nagle, &c. &c. We remained chatting
in the house above half an hour, expecting every moment to see
the king enter; and I was greatly amused to observe Mr. W----
and Sir John C---- start and appear convulsed every time there
was a noise outside the door. We were admiring the fine lawn
when the Marquess Conyngham asked the Indians if they would
like to take a turn, at the same time opening the beautiful
door that leads to it. The party was no sooner out than we saw
the king standing quite still, and as erect as a grenadier on
a field day, some forty yards from us. We were all immediately
uncovered, and advanced slowly towards the handsomest, the
most elegant, the most enchanting man in the kingdom; the
Indians conducted by Marquess Conyngham, Sir Edmund Nagle, Sir
Andrew Barnard, Lord Mount Charles, &c. &c. The range of
balconies was filled with ladies. Sir John C----, Mr. W----
and I, allowed the party to approach his majesty, while we
modestly halted at a distance of twenty yards. It was worth
while being there only to see the benign countenance of the
greatest monarch in the world, and to witness his manner of
uncovering his head. The four chiefs fell on their knees. The
king desired them to rise, and entered into a great deal of
preliminary conversation. I saw him turn towards the marquess,
and after a few seconds he said, with his loud and sonorous
voice: "Pray, Mr. Brock, come near me,--I pray you come near
me." I felt a little for my companions who continued
unnoticed, and especially for Sir John C----, to whom I was
principally indebted for the royal interview.
The king addressed the Indians in French, very distinctly,
fluently, and loud: "I observe you have the portrait of my
father; will you permit me to present you with mine?" The
marquess then produced four large and weighty gold coronation
peer medallions of his majesty, suspended by a rich mazareen
blue silk riband. The chiefs, seeing this, dropped again upon
their knees, and the king took the four medallions
successively into his hand, and said: "Will some gentleman
have the goodness to tie this behind?"--upon which Sir Edmund
Nagle, with whom we had been condoling on account of the gout,
while waiting in the library, and who wore a list shoe,
skipped nimbly behind the chiefs, and received the string from
the king, tying the cordon on the necks of the four chiefs. We
were much amused to observe how the royal word can dispel the
gout. The instant the grand chief was within reach of the
medallion, and before the investiture was completed, he seized
the welcome present with the utmost earnestness, and kissed it
with an ardour which must have been witnessed to be conceived.
The king appeared sensibly affected by this strong and
unequivocal mark of grateful emotion. The other chiefs acted
in a similar way, and nothing could have been managed more
naturally, or in better taste. After this ceremony, the king
desired them to rise and to be covered. They put on their
hats, and which appeared extraordinary to me, his majesty
remained uncovered all the time. Here it was that the grand
chief, as if incapable of repressing his feelings, poured out
in a most eloquent manner, by voice and action, the following
unpremeditated speech in his native Indian tongue. I say
unpremeditated, because that fine allusion to the sun could
not have been contemplated while we were waiting in the
library, the room where we expected the interview to take
place. I was pleased to find that the presence of this mighty
sovereign, who governs the most powerful nation upon earth,
did not drive from the thoughts of the pious chief, the King
of kings and the Lord of lords.
The instant he had finished, the chief of the warriors
interpreted in the French language, and I wrote down the
speech as soon as I left the royal lodge. It should be
observed, that the chiefs had been previously informed by me
that, according to etiquette, they should answer any questions
which his majesty might be pleased to ask, but not introduce
any conversation of their own. The sun was shining vividly.
THE SPEECH.
I was instructed not to speak in the royal presence, unless in
answer to your majesty's questions. But my feelings overpower
me. My heart is full. I am amazed at such unexpected grace and
condescension, and cannot doubt that I shall be pardoned for
expressing my gratitude. The sun is shedding his genial rays
upon our heads. He reminds us of the great Creator of the
universe--of Him who can make alive and who can kill. Oh! may
that gracious and beneficent Being, who promises to answer the
fervent prayers of his people, bless abundantly your majesty.
May He grant you much bodily health, and, for the sake of your
happy subjects, may He prolong your valuable life! It is not
alone the four individuals, who now stand before your majesty,
who will retain to the end of their lives a sense of this kind
and touching reception--the whole of the nations, whose
representatives we are, will ever love and be devoted to you,
their good and great father.
His majesty felt deeply every word of the speech, when interpreted by
the chief of the warriors. The king answered, that he derived high
satisfaction from the sentiments they had expressed, and assured them
that he should always be much interested in the happiness of his North
American subjects, and would avail himself of every opportunity to
promote their welfare, and to prove that he was indeed their father.
After acknowledging in gracious terms the pleasure which the speech of
the grand chief had afforded him, he mentioned, in an easy and affable
manner, that he had once before in his life seen some individuals of the
Indian nations, but that was fifty-five or fifty-six years ago. He
inquired of their passage to this country, the name of the ship and of
the master, and was persevering in his questions as to the treatment
they had experienced at his hands, whether they had been made
comfortable in all respects, and if he had been polite and attentive.
While the grand chief was delivering his speech in the Huron language,
it seemed as if it would never end, and, observing the king look a
little surprised, I informed the Marquess Conyngham, in a loud whisper,
that this was the mode in which they expressed their sense of any honor
conferred, and that the chief of the warriors would interpret the speech
in the French language. The king asked me to repeat what I had been
saying, and George and Irving conversed for some time. His majesty, on
another occasion, asked me under what circumstances the Indians had been
introduced to me. I answered that they were recommended to my notice,
because they had been invested with the medallions of his late majesty
by my brother.
His majesty hoped the Indians had seen every thing remarkable in
Windsor, and told us we were welcome to see the interior of the lodge
and pleasure grounds, that Sir Andrew Barnard would accompany us
everywhere, to his stables, menagerie, aviaries, &c., and afterwards he
trusted we would partake of some refreshment. He also offered us the use
of his carriages. The refreshment was a truly royal repast,--we eat on
silver,--the table groaned, as Mr. Heathfield would say, under the
king's hospitality. We made a famous dinner,--pine apple, champagne,
claret, &c.--servants in royal liveries behind our chairs. After dinner
the Indians gave us the war song, when, (in your uncle Savery's poetry
about Maria Easy,)
"Tho' the dogs ran out in a great fright,
The ladies rushed in with much delight."
[NOTE.--These four Indians came to England for the purpose of
endeavouring to recover lands which had been given to their tribe by
Louis the Sixteenth, but it appears that they did not succeed. They were
very pious Roman Catholics, and those who saw them were much amused with
their simple and primitive manners.--ED.]
* * * * *
_Extract of a Letter from Walter Bromley, Esq., dated London, 15th
April, 1825.--From a Halifax N.S. newspaper_.
[The Indian chief, who accompanied me to England, sailed in
the Ward, for New Brunswick, a few days ago, loaded with
presents to his family and people. I think his appearance here
has been more beneficial than if volumes had been printed on
Indian civilization, and I am in hope that on both sides of
the Atlantic a general sympathy has been excited. The four
Canadian chiefs have attracted much attention, and have been
presented to his majesty by the brother of the late General
Brock; they are the most interesting characters I ever
saw--are extremely polite--and speak French fluently.]
_Mrs. (Lieut.-Colonel) Eliot[140] to her sister, in Guernsey_.
QUEBEC, January 12, 1831.
With my kindest love to the Tuppers, tell them that I often
see Colonel Glegg, who was Sir Isaac Brock's aide-de-camp: he
is now Lord Aylmer's civil secretary, and we meet very often.
He speaks affectionately of his old patron, and has made many
inquiries relative to the family: the tears come into his eyes
when he talks to me of old times. He and George
(Lieut.-Colonel Eliot) were a great deal together during the
war in the Upper Province. The other day, at dinner at the
château, he told me that he had had a visit from Sir Isaac's
old housekeeper, who is still living here in a similar
situation to the House of Assembly, and gets £50 a year
salary. He knew her directly, and seemed quite affected when
telling me that she had brought her credentials with her in
case he had not recognized her, as many years had elapsed
since they met; and she opened a pocket book carefully, which
she had in her hand, and took a piece of a shirt with the
initials of General Brock's name, which she said she had cut
off when the body was brought in to be buried at Fort George,
and preserved it as a relic of her dear master. This little,
trifling, affectionate remembrance of the old creature, shews
her real attachment. Colonel Glegg gave her a new snuff box,
filled with snuff from Paris, and told her to come again to
see him. Perhaps the Tuppers will be pleased to hear this
little anecdote.
[Mrs. Eliot, whose maiden name was Jane M'Crea, is the daughter of an
American loyalist and a gallant field officer, now deceased, and the
niece and namesake of the unfortunate Jane M'Crea, whose tragical fate
in the American revolutionary war excited so much commiseration, and
gave rise to a correspondence between the American general. Gates, and
General Burgoyne. The former wrote: "Miss M'Crea, a young lady, lovely
to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to
an officer of your army, was, with other women and children, taken out
of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped
and mangled in a most shocking manner.... The miserable fate of Miss
M'Crea was particularly aggravated by being dressed to receive her
promised husband, but met her murderer employed by you." The latter, in
his reply, stated, that "two chiefs, who had brought her off for the
purpose of security, not of violence to her person, disputed which
should be her guard, and in a fit of savage passion in one, from whose
hands she was snatched, the unhappy woman became the victim."]
We have in a preceding chapter described the monument, on Queenstown
Heights, to the memory of Sir Isaac Brock, a monument which "the
popularity of the general had caused to be regarded with more
affectionate veneration than any other structure in the province." On
Good Friday, the 17th of April, 1840,[141] a miscreant of the name of
Lett introduced a quantity of gunpowder into this monument with the
fiendish purpose of destroying it; and the explosion, effected by a
train, caused so much damage as to render the column altogether
irreparable. Lett, who was by birth an Irishman and by settlement a
Canadian, had been compelled to fly into the United States for his share
in the recent rebellion; and "well knowing the feeling of attachment to
the name and memory of General Brock, as pervading all classes of
Canadians, he sought to gratify his own malicious and vindictive spirit,
and at the same time to wound and insult the people of Upper Canada" by
this demon's deed. The universal indignation of that people was aroused,
and a public meeting was appointed to be held on Queenstown Heights, on
the 30th of July following, for the purpose of adopting resolutions for
the erection of another monument, the gallant Sir Allan Mac Nab
especially making the most stirring exertions to promote this great
object. The gathering, as it was called, was observed in Toronto (late
York) as a solemn holiday; the public offices were closed, and all
business was suspended; while thousands flocked from every part of the
province to testify their affection for the memory of one who, nearly
thirty years before, had fallen in its defence! History, indeed, affords
few parallels of such long cherished public attachment. "Steam vessels,
engaged for the occasion, left their respective ports of Kingston and
Coburg, of Hamilton and Toronto, in time to arrive at the entrance of
the Niagara river about ten o'clock in the forenoon. The whole of these,
ten in number, then formed in line, and ascended the river abreast, with
the government steamer, containing the lieutenant-governor, Sir George
Arthur, and his staff, leading the way. The British shore was lined with
thousands, and the fleet of steamers filled with hundreds, each shouting
and responding to the cheers of welcome from ship to shore, and from
shore to ship again. The landing being effected, the march to the ground
was accompanied by military guards, and a fine military band. The public
meeting was then held in the open air, near the foot of the monument,
and Sir George Arthur was in the chair. The resolutions were moved, and
speeches made, by some of the most eminent and most eloquent men,
holding high official stations in the province;[142] and considering
that amidst this grand and imposing assemblage, there were a great
number of veteran officers of the Canada militia, who had fought and
bled with the lamented chief, whose memory they were assembled to honor,
and whose monument they had come to re-establish over his remains, the
enthusiasm with which the whole mass was animated may readily be
conceived; while the grand and picturesque combination of natural
objects of scenery, beheld from the heights on which they were met, and
the brightness of the day, added greatly to the effect of the whole."
The gathering[143] was attended by about 8,000 persons, and the
animation of the scene was increased by a detachment of royal artillery,
who fired a salute; by a detachment of the 1st dragoon guards, with
their bright helmets glittering in the sun; and by the 93d regiment,
(Highlanders,) in full costume.
There were altogether eleven resolutions, of which the fifth was the
following:
Resolved,--That we recall to mind, with admiration and
gratitude, the perilous times in which Sir Isaac Brock led
the small regular force, the loyal and gallant militia, and
the brave and faithful Indian warriors, to oppose the
invaders--when his fortitude inspired courage, and his
sagacious policy gave confidence, in despite of a hostile
force, apparently overwhelming.
We cannot refrain from transferring to these pages parts of the long and
eloquent speech of the chief justice, Robinson, who, on advancing to the
front of the hustings to move the sixth resolution, was received with
the most enthusiastic cheers.
If it were intended by those who committed this shameful
outrage, that the injury should be irreparable, the scene
which is now before us, on these interesting heights, shews
that they little understood the feelings of veneration for the
memory of BROCK which still dwell in the hearts of the people
of Upper Canada. No man ever established a better claim to the
affections of a country; and, in recalling the recollections
of eight and twenty years, there is no difficulty in
accounting for the feeling which has brought us together on
this occasion. Among the many who are assembled here from all
parts of this province, I know there are some who saw, as I
did, with grief, the body of the lamented general borne from
the field on which he fell--and many who witnessed, with me,
the melancholy scene of his interment in one of the bastions
of Fort George.[144] They can never, I am sure, forget the
countenances of the soldiers of that gallant regiment which he
had long commanded, when they saw deposited in the earth the
lamented officer who had for so many years been their pride;
they can never forget the feelings displayed by the loyal
militia of this province, when they were consigning to the
grave the noble hero who had so lately achieved a glorious
triumph in the defence of their country: they looked forward
to a dark and perilous future, and they felt that the earth
was closing upon him in whom, more than in all other human
means of defence, their confidence had been reposed. Nor can
they forget the countenances, oppressed with grief, of those
brave and faithful Indian warriors, who admired and loved the
gallant Brock, who had bravely shared with him the dangers of
that period, and who had most honorably distinguished
themselves in the field, where he closed his short but
brilliant career.
* * * * *
It has, I know, Sir, in the many years that have elapsed, been
sometimes objected, that General Brock's courage was greater
than his prudence--that his attack of Fort Detroit, though it
succeeded, was most likely to have, failed, and was therefore
injudicious--and that a similar rashness and want of cool
calculation were displayed in the manner of his death.
Those who lived in Upper Canada while these events were
passing, can form a truer judgment; they know that what may to
some seem rashness, was, in fact, prudence; unless, indeed,
the defence of Canada was to be abandoned, in the almost
desperate circumstances in which General Brock was placed. He
had with him but a handful of men, who had never been used to
military discipline--few, indeed, that had ever seen actual
service in the field; and he knew it must be some months
before any considerable reinforcement could be sent to him. He
felt, therefore, that if he could not impress upon the enemy
this truth, that--wherever a major-general of the British
army, with but a few gallant soldiers of the line, and of the
brave defenders of the soil, could be assembled against
them--they must retire from the land which they had invaded,
his cause was hopeless. If he had begun to compare numbers,
and had reserved his small force in order to make a safer
effort on a future day, then would thousands upon thousands of
the people of the neighbouring States have been found pouring
into the western portions of this province; and when at last
our mother country could send, as it was certain she would,
her armies to our assistance, they would have had to expend
their courage and their strength in taking one strong position
after another, that had been erected by the enemy within our
own territory.
And at the moment when the noble soldier fell, it is true, he
fell in discharging a duty which might have been committed to
a subordinate hand; true, he might have reserved himself for a
more deliberate and stronger effort; but he felt that
hesitation might be ruin--that all depended upon his example
of dauntless courage--of fearless self-devotion. Had it
pleased Divine Providence to spare his invaluable life, who
will say that his effort would have failed? It is true his
gallant course was arrested by a fatal wound--such is the
fortune of war; but the people of Canada did not feel that his
precious life was therefore thrown away, deeply as they
deplored his fall. In later periods of the contest, it
sometimes happened that the example of General Brock was not
very closely followed. It was that cautious calculation, which
some suppose he wanted, which decided the day against us at
Sackett's Harbour--it was the same cautious calculation which
decided the day at Plattsburg; but no monuments have been
erected to record the triumphs of those fields--it is not thus
that trophies are won.
The Hon. Mr. Justice Macaulay, in moving the third resolution, thus
elegantly expressed himself:
It was not my good fortune to serve in the field under the
illustrious Brock, but I was under his command for a short
period, when commandant of the garrison of Quebec, thirty
years ago, and well remember his congratulating me upon
receiving a commission in the army, accompanied with good
wishes for my welfare, which I shall never forget. I feel
myself a humble subaltern still when called upon to address
such an auditory, and upon such a topic as the memory of
Brock. Looking at the animated mass covering these heights in
1840, to do further honour to the unfortunate victim of a war
now old in history, one is prompted to ask, how it happens
that the gallant general, who has so long slept the sleep of
death, left the lasting impression on the hearts of his
countrymen which this scene exhibits; how comes it that the
fame of Brock thus floats down the stream of time, broad,
deep, and fresh as the waters of the famed river with whose
waters, it might be almost said, his life's blood mingled? In
reply, we might dwell upon his civil and military virtues, his
patriotic self-devotion, his chivalrous gallantry, and his
triumphant achievements. (Here one of the auditors added, "and
that he was an honest man"--an attribute most warmly responded
to on every side, for an honest man is the noblest work of
God.) Still it might be asked, What peculiar personal
qualities predominated and gave him the talismanic influence
and ascendancy over his fellow men, which he acquired and
wielded for his country's good? I answer, Are there any seamen
among you? (Yes, yes, answered from the crowd)--then I say it
was the Nelsonian spirit that animated his breast; it was the
mind intuitively to conceive, and the soul promptly to dare,
incredible things to feeble hearts--with a skill and bearing
which infused this chivalrous and enterprising spirit into all
his followers, and impelled them energetically to realize
whatever he boldly led the way to accomplish. It displayed
itself too, not only in the ranks of the disciplined soldiers,
but in those also of the untrained militia of Upper Canada, as
was amply proved on this memorable ground. Such were the
shining and conspicuous qualities of the man that have
rendered very dear his memory and his fame. Gentlemen, the
resolution which I hold in my hand is expressive of the
indignation felt throughout the province at the lawless act,
the effects of which are visible before us.
After the resolutions had been carried by acclamation, and the public
proceedings had terminated, 600 persons sat down to dinner in a
temporary pavilion erected on the spot where the hero fell, "Chief
Justice Robinson presiding; and at this, as at the morning meeting,
great eloquence was displayed in the speeches, great loyalty evinced in
the feelings, and great enthusiasm prevailed." After the queen's health
had been drunk, the chief justice rose and said:
I have now to propose the memory of the late gallant Sir Isaac
Brock, of Colonel M'Donell, and those who fell with them on
Queenstown Heights. That portion of you, gentlemen, who were
inhabitants of Upper Canada while General Brock served in its
defence, are at no loss to account for the enthusiastic
affection with which his memory is cherished among us. It was
not merely on account of his intrepid courage and heroic
firmness, neither was it solely because of his brilliant
success while he lived, nor because he so nobly laid down his
life in our defence; it was, I think, that he united in his
person, in a very remarkable degree, some qualities which are
peculiarly calculated to attract the confidence and affection
of mankind,--there was, in all he said and did, that honesty
of character which was so justly ascribed to him by a
gentleman who proposed one of the resolutions,--there was an
inflexible integrity, uncommon energy and decision, which
always inspire confidence and respect,--a remarkable union in
his whole demeanour of benevolence and firmness,--a peculiarly
commanding and soldierlike appearance,--a generous, frank, and
manly bearing,--and, above all, an entire devotion to his
country. In short, I believe I shall best convey my own
impression, when I say it would have required much more
courage to refuse to follow General Brock, than to go with him
wherever he would lead.
"The meeting presented a proud display of high and noble feelings,
honorable to the memory of the dead, and equally so to the character of
the living. It was conducted with great dignity and judgment, and no
accident occurred to interrupt the pleasures of the day; the steam
vessels re-embarking their passengers soon after sun-set, and conveying
back the individuals composing this congregated multitude to their
respective homes in safety."[145]
It having been resolved by the meeting that the most suitable monument,
to replace the shattered column, would be an obelisk on the site of the
mutilated structure, the committee offered a premium for a design,
which, in February, 1843, was awarded to Mr. T. Young, architect to the
university of king's college, Toronto. The style of the intended obelisk
is the simplest and purest Egyptian, the artist having strictly avoided
all minuteness of detail in order that the massive proportions of the
design might harmonize with the bold and beautiful scenery by which it
will be surrounded. The total height of the base, pedestal, and obelisk,
will be 120 feet. The obelisk will measure at the lower base 16 feet 6
inches square, diminishing to 10 feet at the base of the upper, the
proportions of that known as Cleopatra's needle having been strictly
adhered to. The estimated cost of this obelisk is about £5,000 currency,
the materials of the old monument being used as far as possible; and as
above £4,000[146] have already been contributed, it is expected that the
new structure will be commenced in the spring of 1845.[147]
A concluding notice of Sir Isaac Brock's favorite regiment will scarcely
be deemed superfluous, although, as the records of the 49th were
destroyed at the evacuation of Fort George, in May, 1813, we cannot give
many further details of its services previous to that period. In 1759,
it assisted at the reduction of Fort Niagara, then held by the French,
(page 160,) and it served in the American revolutionary war, as, by the
records still existing, the flank companies were to be permitted to
wear, the grenadiers a black, and the light company a red, feather, for
services at Bunker's Hill; but the books being lost, the regiment cannot
shew the authority, and consequently is not allowed this distinction.
The 49th was repeatedly engaged in Upper Canada, and was especially
distinguished at the battles of Stoney Creek and Chrystler's Farm. In
1815, the regiment returned to England, after an absence of above
thirteen years; and in January, 1816, "in consequence of its doing duty
over her royal highness the princess Charlotte of Wales, at Weymouth,
she was graciously pleased to nominate it her regiment." In December,
1821, the 49th embarked for the Cape of Good Hope, and in 1828 proceeded
on to Bengal. In April, 1840, the regiment embarked for China, where it
distinguished itself, and suffered much from climate. In gaining
possession of the heights which overlook the city of Canton, on the 25th
May, 1841, "as the two brigades advanced together, there was some little
rivalry between the 49th and 18th regiments, as to which should have the
honor of commencing the attack upon the two forts. The 49th, having the
advantage of a shorter and perhaps rather better road, got the lead,
which they maintained; so that the left brigade carried BOTH the eastern
forts before the 18th came up, and with little loss."[148] In February,
1843, after the Chinese had been coerced into a peace, the 49th returned
to Calcutta, and the following month embarked for England, where the
head quarters arrived on the 24th August, after an absence of nearly
twenty-two years--an example of the arduous services in which the
British infantry of the line is constantly engaged. The 49th, (the
Princess Charlotte of Wales',) or Hertfordshire regiment, bears on its
colours and appointments the distinctions of Egmont op Zee, Copenhagen,
Queenstown, the Dragon, and China.
On the 27th August, 1844, new colours were presented to the 49th, at
Winchester, by Lady Pakenham, the wife of Major-General the Hon. Sir
Hercules Pakenham, commanding the district, the colours being first
consecrated by Doctor C. R. Sumner, the Lord Bishop of Winchester, who
thus addressed the troops:
Soldiers of the 49th, I have solicited and obtained permission
of your gallant commanding officer to address you a few
moments before I invoke the blessing of Almighty God upon the
colours which are never to be sullied by any act of yours, and
are not to be abandoned but with life itself. And let not any
man marvel that I, a man of peace, come among you, who are men
of war, for I hold that there is not a truer man of peace than
a Christian soldier. When he conquers, it is not for national
aggrandizement, nor the mere raising of your names, but for
the insuring of peace in future time. Many a brave man has
bled on the field, or expired on a bed of agony, that his
countrymen might be preserved from the horrors of war. With
respect to the services of the 49th, I might go back to a time
antecedent to the present century. We must remember what a
debt of gratitude we owe to your companions in arms for their
prowess in many a well-fought field. And what did we not owe
also to the naval power for the preservation of our soil from
the insults and the cruelties of our enemy? I must bid you
look back to the recollection of those days when you won glory
in Holland, Copenhagen, and Canada, and since in India and
China. I remember well the stirring phrases used by the great
captain of the age, the commander-in-chief of the British
army, the Duke of Wellington, when he asked for the thanks of
parliament to the army of China--those were stirring phrases
indeed--they were well worth living to hear, and well worth
dying to deserve; they are for you to treasure up, and your
children yet unborn to hear from your lips. When you unfold
those banners, you look upon them as the memorials of former
days, and in centuries yet to come they will be memorials of
your country's renown, of your country's prosperity, and of
your country's peace. On these grounds I hold that the
Christian soldier is an instrument of good to the nation at
large, and I bid you God speed in the name of the Lord, and,
as a Christian bishop, I would bid you remember Him who is the
God of battles, Him by whom nations are led to victory and
preserved in peace. Be men of resolution and men of energy,
pacific in your profession and disinterested in your
patriotism, observant of your duty to your queen, your
country, and your God.
* * * * *
Of Sir Isaac Brock's brothers, the eldest, John, a brevet
lieutenant-colonel in the 81st regiment, was killed in a duel, in July,
1801, at the Cape of Good Hope, by Captain M----,[149] in consequence of
his having, as steward of a public ball, very properly resisted the
introduction, by his antagonist, of a female of disreputable character.
The second brother, Ferdinand, a lieutenant of the 60th regiment, was
slain in the defence of Bâton Rouge, on the Mississippi, 21st September,
1779, at the early age of nineteen. The third brother, Daniel De Lisle,
a man of distinguished ability, was bailiff and president of the States
of Guernsey. No chief magistrate of the island was ever so beloved,
honored, and regretted, as Mr. Brock; and so universal was the feeling
of admiration for his talents and services, that the Royal Court decreed
him a public funeral at the public expense--a tribute of respect never
previously paid by that body to any individual.[150] The ninth brother,
Savery, who died on the 7th August, 1844, has been already noticed, and
the tenth, Irving, who died in 1838, at Bath, was "the accomplished
translator of Bernier's Travels in India," and a very powerful writer in
support of the government in 1810, at a very eventful and critical
period.[151] Singularly enough, of the eight brothers of this Family of
the Brocks who reached maturity, no male descendant of their name is now
in existence. Of their two sisters, who grew to womanhood, the elder,
Elizabeth, now the only survivor of the family, married John E. Tupper,
Esq., of Guernsey; and the younger, Mary, was the wife of Thomas
Potenger, Esq., of Compton, in Berkshire, first cousin to the Countess
of Bridgewater.
Of the five nephews and one great nephew of Sir Isaac Brock, who have
hitherto embraced the profession of arms, not one survives, four of the
former and the latter having sadly and prematurely perished, viz: first,
Midshipman Charles Tupper, of his majesty's ship Primrose, drowned at
Spithead, in 1815, by the upsetting of the boat in which he was
accompanying his commander from Portsmouth to the ship; second,
Lieutenant E.W. Tupper,[152] his majesty's ship Sybille, mortally
wounded in action with Greek pirates, near Candia, on the 18th June,
1826; third, Lieutenant William Potenger, adjutant 22d regiment, died on
the 19th November, 1827, of the fever, at Jamaica; fourth, Colonel W.
De Vic Tupper,[153] of the Chilian service, slain in action near Talca,
on the 17th April, 1830; and, fifth, the great nephew, Ensign A.
Delacombe Potenger,[154] of the 5th Bengal Native Infantry, while in
command of the light company, was killed by a bullet, which entered his
breast, in the disastrous retreat of the British army from Cabool, in
January, 1842. The remaining nephew, Captain Eugene Brock, of the 20th
regiment, died at Bermuda, in January, 1844.
* * * * *
Our memoir is concluded, and even if in its progress we have but feebly
and imperfectly narrated the career and portrayed the character of him
who is the subject, we trust that our labour has not been in vain,
because we feel that we have rescued much from oblivion that was
hitherto unknown and unrecorded. It was that feeling which prompted us
to undertake this work; and, in completing our task, we are not without
hope that the simple language of soberness and truth will be preferred
to a memorial composed with more art, but dictated by less sincerity.
And should we in the course of these pages have inadvertently fallen
into undue panegyrism, that common error of biographers, our excuse must
be, that we could scarcely avoid eulogizing one of whom it was written,
soon after his untimely fall, by a bosom friend:
"General Brock[155] was indeed a hero, a hero in the only true and in
the most extensive sense, resembling what history or fable has
represented, rather as the offspring of the imagination than a personage
that could have real existence, so entirely was every great and good
quality comprehended in his character."
* * * * *
_Additional Notes_.
The garrison of Michilimakinack, when surprised in 1763, (see page 244,)
consisted of the commandant, Major Etherington, two subalterns, and
ninety soldiers; and there were four English traders there. Of these
Lieutenant Jemette, about seventy soldiers, and one trader, were
massacred; but the commandant, Lieutenant Leslie, and the remainder,
were preserved by the Ottawas, and restored at the peace in 1764. The
English trader, who beheld and described the massacre, was Alexander
Henry, whose travels in Canada are cited at page 369.
When peace was concluded at Detroit, by General Bradstreet, with the
Indians, in 1764, Pontiac fled to the Illinois; (see pages 164 and 243;)
but he appears subsequently to have joined the English, and to have
received a handsome pension from them to secure his attachment. Carver,
in his "Three Years Travels" in North America, relates that in 1767
Pontiac held a council in the Illinois, in which he spoke against the
English, and that in consequence an Indian, who was attached to their
cause, plunged a knife into his heart, and laid him dead on the spot.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 136: The medal is a very large and beautifully executed gold
one, made to suspend from the neck. On the obverse is, "Detroit;" on the
reverse, the figure of Britannia; and round the rim, "Major-General Sir
Isaac Brock." The medal was given only to the principal officers.]
[Footnote 137: This is doubtless the officer whose name is spelt M'Kec,
at page 252; see also page 294.]
[Footnote 138: The present Mrs. De Beauvoir De Lisle.]
[Footnote 139: The present Lieut.-General Sir Andrew Barnard, G.C.B.]
[Footnote 140: Her husband, who distinguished himself in Upper Canada
during the war, was then serving on the staff in Lower Canada.]
[Footnote 141: On the same day, ten years previously, Sir Isaac Brock's
nephew, Colonel Tupper, was slain in Chile.]
[Footnote 142: Exclusive of the chief justice and Mr. Justice Macaulay,
the speakers were, His Excellency Sir George Arthur; Sir Allan MacNab;
Mr. Thorburn, M.P.P.; Colonel the Hon. W. Morris; Colonel R.D. Fraser;
Colonel Clark; Mr. W.H. Merritt, M.P.P.; Lieut.-Colonel J. Baskin;
Lieut.-Colonel Sherwood; Colonel Stanton; Colonel Kerby; Colonel the
Hon. W.H. Draper; Colonel Angus M'Donell; the Hon. Mr. Sullivan;
Lieut.-Colonel Cartwright; Colonel Bostwick; Colonel M'Dougal; the Hon.
Mr. Justice Hagannan; Colonel Rutton; Lieut.-Colonel Kearnes;
Lieut.-Colonel Kirkpatrick; H.J. Boulton, Esq.; and Lieut.-Colonel
Edward Thomson.]
[Footnote 143: A public meeting of the inhabitants of Montreal was also
held in that city, for the same purpose as that on Queenstown Heights.]
[Footnote 144: We suppose that the chief justice was the lieutenant of
militia, who acted as one of Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell's pall bearers. See
page 332.]
[Footnote 145: The extracts given in inverted commas are from
"Buckingham's Canada," that gentleman being at Toronto at the time, but
unable from illness to attend the "gathering."]
[Footnote 146: In 1841, the Six Nations of Indians had contributed the
(for their diminished numbers and limited means) large sum of £167.]
[Footnote 147: See Appendix A, Section 1, No. 11.]
[Footnote 148: Bernard's Narrative of the combined Naval and Military
Operations in China. London, 1844.]
[Footnote 149: Captain M----, the son of a baronet, fell as a major and
aide-de-camp to Lord Lake, at the siege of Bhurtpore, in 1805.]
[Footnote 150: For a brief memoir of him, see Appendix B.]
[Footnote 151: One of his pamphlets went through four editions.]
[Footnote 152: For a short memoir, see Appendix C.]
[Footnote 153: For a memoir, see Appendix D.]
[Footnote 154: The only son of the Rev. Richard Potenger. (See page
269.) With this fine young man expired the last hope of his family, and
the continuation of his line.]
[Footnote 155: It is also creditable to the military character of the
little island of Guernsey, that of the five British generals killed in
action in 1812, two, whose names follow in the obituary of the _Annual
Army List_ for 1813, were Major-General Le Marchant, 6th Dragoon Guards,
at the battle of Salamanca, and Major-General Sir Isaac Brock, K.B.,
49th Foot, in America,--_Duncan's History of Guernsey_.]
APPENDIX A.
SECTION I.--BRITISH AUTHORS.
No. 1. Page 15.
_Lieut.-General Lord Aylmer, Governor-General of British North America,
to J. Savery Brock, Esq_.
SOREL, Lower Canada, August 23, 1834.
I received yesterday your letter of the 19th March.... The
sight of your handwriting reminded me of old times, and brought
back the recollection of scenes which almost appear to have
taken place in another state of existence.... I made a tour in
Upper Canada last summer, and visited with a feeling of love
and reverence the monument at Queenstown, erected to the memory
of one who was as brave as he was good, and a better man never
breathed; to have enjoyed his friendship and good opinion, is
to me a source of pride and satisfaction.
Yours, my dear Savery, very sincerely,
AYLMER.
_Extract of a note from Lord Aylmer to the Editor_.--
"LONDON, August 5, 1844.
I am very glad to learn by your letter that a work is shortly
to appear, intituled 'The Life and Correspondence of Sir Isaac
Brock,' for sure I am that the more of him that is made known
to the public, the more highly will his valuable services be
appreciated."
No. 2. Page 206.
_From Captain Roberts to the Adjutant-General_.
Fort Michilimakinack, July 17, 1812.
On the 15th instant I received letters, by express, from
Major-General Brock, with orders to adopt the most prudent
measures either for offence or defence, which circumstances
might point out; and having received intelligence from the
best information, that large reinforcements were expected to
be thrown into this garrison, with the thorough conviction
that my situation at St. Joseph's was totally indefensible, I
determined to lose no time in making the meditated attack on
this fort.
On the 16th, at ten o'clock in the morning, I embarked my few
men, with about 180 Canadians, and two iron 6-pounders. The
boats arrived without the smallest accident at the port of
rendezvous, at three o'clock the following morning: by the
exertions of the Canadians, one of the guns was brought up a
height commanding the garrison, and ready to act about ten
o'clock. A summons was then sent in; a copy of the
capitulation which followed I have the honor to enclose. At
twelve o'clock, the American colours were hauled down, and
those of his majesty were hoisted. A committee has been
appointed to examine into the state of the public stores.
Enclosed also are the returns of the ordnance and military
stores found in the fort, and the strength of the garrison.
The greatest praise is due to every individual employed in the
expedition; to my own officers I am indebted, in particular,
for their active assistance in carrying all my orders into
effect.
No. 3. Page 275.
Extracts from "_The Letters of Veritas_;"[156] _containing a succinct
Narrative of the Military Administration of Sir George Prevost during
his command in the Canadas, whereby it will be manifest that the merit
of preserving them from conquest belongs not to him_. 8vo. Montreal,
July, 1815.
"_Then_ or _before_ was communicated to him (Major-General
Brock) the information of that _deadly armistice_ concluded
by Sir George Prevost with General Dearborn, which had so
fatal an effect upon all the future operations, and which tied
up the hands of the gallant Brock from executing his intended
plan of sweeping the American posts to Sackett's Harbour,
inclusive--an operation that most certainly would have been
then effected.
"This armistice, proposed by Sir George Prevost, merits
serious consideration, from its operation being so greatly in
favor of the enemy at that time, and so disadvantageous to us.
A period most precious to us, if we had profited by it with
vigour, was thereby lost in inaction, and the enemy in
consequence allowed to recover from the panic into which they
were thrown by Hull's capture.
"The transport of the American stores, ordnance, and
provisions, of each of which they were much in want, not being
prohibited by that armistice, was accordingly protected and
facilitated by it on Lake Ontario and along the Niagara
frontier beyond the enemy's most sanguine hopes, whilst their
then only disposable and invading force, under General Hull,
on the Detroit frontier, was left at full liberty to profit by
circumstances, the armistice as to him being at his option.
"Most fortunately, however, Hull's business was settled by
capitulation before the armistice was known to General Brock
or him; but had it reached him in time, he of course would
gladly have accepted it, to gain delay for the arrival of
reinforcements and a supply of provisions, from which would
have resulted the salvation of his army, the prejudicial
consequences whereof to us are incalculable; for, had a
knowledge of it reached the Indian nations at that time, such
a disgust and distrust would have been thereby excited as
could never have been removed; and the first effect of which
would have appeared in the immediate dispersion of the
Indians, whose powerful and indispensable aid at that early
period of the contest would have been totally lost to us.
"Madison's rejection of this armistice was followed by that
_chilling defensive system_ which General Brock was instructed
by Sir George to follow, and which palsied his operations
until his country had to mourn over his fatal loss at the
battle of Queenstown, on the 13th of October, 1812.
"Such, however, was the impulse he had given, and the valour
and zeal wherewith the regular troops, militia and Indians,
had been inspired, that the valuable effects thereof survived
him; and gave a brilliant victory on that day to his
successor, General Sheaffe, a lover of armistices also, who,
in proof thereof, made _one of his own_, which threw away most
of the advantages of that victory; for he neglected (although
strongly urged thereto) to take Fort Niagara, which could have
been done on the afternoon of the day of the Queenstown
battle, without loss, as the enemy had entirely, or almost
entirely, then evacuated it: had he done this, and at the same
time crossed over a part of his force to Lewistown, as he was
urged to do, and as Brock would have done had he survived, the
whole Niagara line would have been cleared of the enemy, and
all our after disasters in that quarter prevented.
"It has been urged in favor of Sir George's timid defensive
system, that it was proper in order to avoid irritating the
enemy, and thereby uniting them; as also, that his force was
inadequate to offensive warfare. Now, no positions were ever
more untenable, for to think of conciliating an enemy by
leaving to him the full benefit of maturing in security all
his means of annoyance against you, and at the same time
muzzling yourself, is a most extraordinary doctrine; surely,
to do so must ensure success to that enemy, as we know that
success will unite discordant parties and interests, whilst
defeats promote disunion, and would have strengthened the
anti-war party in the States, by furnishing to them
unanswerable arguments when depicting the folly and impolicy
of the war, which had been so wantonly declared by the
Madisonian party.
"Were facts in support of this view of the subject necessary,
they would be found in the effects upon the public mind in
that country, produced by the capture of Michilimakinack and
Detroit, with Hull's army. Did these events irritate and unite
the enemy against us? No, they increased irritation, it is
true, but against their own government."
(In his tenth or concluding letter, Veritas recapitulated his
preceding arguments, and observed:) "That to General Brock's
zeal and energy, left as he was without orders, along with
other causes independent of Sir George, the preservation of
Upper Canada, in the first instance, and of Lower Canada as a
consequence, are mainly to be ascribed."
No. 4. Page 277.
_Extract from Sir George Prevost's General Order, Montreal, August 31,
1812, in announcing the refusal of the American President to continue
the armistice._
"The invasion of the Upper Province, undertaken so immediately
after the declaration of war, shews in the strongest manner how
fully they had prepared themselves for that event, and how
highly they had flattered themselves with finding it an easy
conquest, from the supposed weakness of the force opposed to
them, and the spirit of disaffection which they had previously
endeavoured to excite amongst its inhabitants. Foiled as they
have been in this attempt by the brave and united efforts of
the regular forces, militia, and Indians of that province,
under the command of their distinguished leader, their whole
army with its general captured, and their only remaining
fortress and post in the adjoining territory wrested from them,
it is not to be doubted but that the American government will
keenly feel this disappointment of their hopes, and
consequently endeavour to avail themselves of the surrender of
Detroit, to term it an invasion of their country, and to make
it a ground for calling upon the militia to march to the
frontiers for the conquest of the Canadas. A pretext so weak
and unfounded, though it may deceive some, will not fail to be
received in its proper light by others; and it will be
immediately perceived by those who will give themselves the
trouble to reflect on the subject, that the pursuit of an
invading army into their own territory, is but a natural
consequence of the first invasion; and the capture of the
place, to which they may retire for safety, a measure
indispensably necessary for the security and protection of the
country originally attacked."
No. 5. Page 333.
"To Colonel Brock, of the 49th, who commanded at the fort, I am
particularly indebted for his kindness to me during the
fortnight I remained at Niagara. Among many pleasant days which
I passed with him and his brother officers, that of our visit
to the Tuscorora Indians was not the least interesting. They
received us in all their ancient costume; the young men
exhibited for our amusement in the race, the bat game, &c,
while the old and the women sat in groups under the surrounding
trees, and the picture altogether was as beautiful as it was
new to me."--_Note in Moore's Epistles, Odes, &c_.
"At Queenstown the battle was fought in which General Brock
fell, and the inhabitants point out a thorn bush at the bottom
of the heights, where it is said that he received his mortal
wound. His career was a short but a brilliant one; and had the
direction of the affairs of the Upper Province, after his
death, been characterized by an equal degree of courage,
prudence, and humanity, a very different series of subsequent
events would have claimed the attention of the
historian."--_Duncan's Travels in the United States and Canada,
in 1818 and 1819_.
"Close to the spot where we landed in Canada, there stands a
monument to the gallant General Brock, who was killed during
the battle of Queenstown, in the act of repelling an invasion
of the frontier by the Americans, during the late war.... The
view from the top of the monument extended far over Lake
Ontario, and showed us the windings of the Niagara, through the
low and woody country which hangs like a rich green fringe
along the southern skirts of that great sheet of
water,"--_Captain Basil Hall's Travels in North America, in
1827 and 1828_.
Travelling in the state of New York, the author observes: "The late Sir
Isaac Brock was, by some accident, mentioned. The canal agent spoke of
him in terms of great respect, as the best commander the British had
ever sent to Canada--equally regretted on both sides of the St.
Lawrence...."
"From Niagara Falls we proceeded by the stage first to
Queenstown, (seven miles,) near which a monument has been
erected to the memory of Sir Isaac Brock, from the top of
which, about 120 feet high, there is a noble view of Lake
Ontario and the adjoining country, and thence to the village of
Newark, (seven miles,) formerly called Fort George, on the
Niagara river."--_Stuart's Three Years in America._
"Immediately above Queenstown stands Brock's monument, on the
heights where the battle was fought in which that hero was
killed. His body was removed to it from Fort George, in 1824.
The view from this fine column is probably the most beautiful
in Upper Canada."--_M'Gregor's British America_, vol. ii.
"Seven miles south of Fort George, and at the foot of the
romantic heights of the same name, which have become famous in
Canadian history as the scene of a battle wherein General Brock
fell, is the village of Queenstown, pleasantly situated on the
Niagara, and opposite to the American village of Lewistown. The
monument, built to the memory of the gallant general and his
companions, on the loftiest part of these heights, forms a
prominent object to the numerous _voyageurs_ who are constantly
arriving at this portage, in elegantly fitted up steam boats,
from York and Kingston, to view the neighbouring falls of the
Niagara. The village contains a church, court house, large
government stores, and a population of between 400 and 500
inhabitants."--_The Canadas, by Andrew Pichen._
"Leaving a garrison in Detroit sufficiently strong to keep the
inhabitants in awe, General Brock lost no time in quitting the
conquered post and hastening to Niagara--a command he had only
relinquished for the purpose of undertaking an achievement
which the gallantry and determination of his character could
alone have crowned with such unqualified success....
"The month of October was marked by an event of the most
melancholy nature--the death of General Brock, who fell a
victim to the intrepidity and daring of his character.... The
loss of their leader, however, cast a gloom over every English
brow, and an advantage thus purchased was deemed at too high a
price. General Brock was beloved by the soldiery, particularly
the 49th, of which he had long been lieutenant-colonel, and the
indignation of their grief for his loss cost the Americans many
a life on that day, that had otherwise been spared. At
Amherstburg, the account of his death was received with
heartfelt concern, and not a man was there of those he had
lately led to victory who failed to pay that tribute to his
memory, which the gallantry and magnanimity of this glorious
chief were so every way calculated to awaken in the breast of
the soldier."--'_A Canadian Campaign_,' _by a British Officer,
in the New Monthly Magazine for December, 1826, and February,
1827._
"Immediately opposite the town of Prescott, on the shore of the
United States, is the town of Ogdensburg; and twelve miles
higher up, on the Canadian shore, stands the delightful village
of Brockville, so called in honor of the late lamented Sir
Isaac Brock. This enchanting little spot unites in its
situation every beauty of nature. In front of it flows the
river St. Lawrence, interspersed with numerous islands,
variously formed and thickly wooded; behind it is an assemblage
of small hills, rising one above another in 'gay theatric
pride;' and on each side are a number of well cleared farms, in
an advanced state of cultivation. Every thing combines to
render it pre-eminently beautiful. The dwellings are built of
wood, and tastefully painted; and the court house, in an
elevated situation at the back of the village, seems, from its
superior size, to be the guardian of the villagers--an idea of
my fancy, which I did not seek to confirm by entering within
its doors. Brockville contains 450 souls. It has a parsonage
house, but no church has hitherto been erected."--_Five Years
in Canada, by E.A. Talbot._
"We remained an hour or two at Brockville, the village of
palaces; and few villages have I seen more attractive than this
one. It is situated on a shelving bank, with a southern aspect,
and groves of trees round it. The houses and churches are built
of grey stones, and, being covered with tin, have a light and
pleasant appearance." _Alexander's Transatlantic Sketches._
London, 1833.
[NOTE.--Brockville was originally named Elizabeth Town, in compliment to
the general's mother, and the township or county, in which the village
is situated, is still called Elizabeth. There is a large township
bordering the river St. Clair and Lake Huron, in about latitude 43° and
longitude 82°, in the western district of Upper Canada, named Sarnia,
the ancient name of Guernsey. This township was probably so named by Sir
Isaac Brock.]
No. 6. Page 338.
_At a General Council of Condolence, held at the Council House, Fort
George, 6th November, 1842,_
Present--The Six Nations, Hurons, Potawatitimies, and
Chippawas. William Claus, Deputy Superintendent-General.
Captain Norton. Captain J.B. Rosscaux, and several others of
the Indian Department. Kasencayont Cayonga Chief, Speaker.
"_Brothers_,--The Americans have long threatened to strike us,
and in the beginning of the summer they declared war against
us, and lately they recommenced hostility by invading the
country at Queenstown. In this contest, which, with the help
of God, terminated in our favor, your much lamented commander
and friend, General Brock, his aide-de-camp, Colonel M'Donell,
and several warriors, have fallen.
"_Brothers_,--We therefore now, seeing you darkened with
grief, your eyes dim with tears, and your throats stopped with
the force of your affliction, with these strings of wampum we
wipe away your tears, that you may view clearly the
surrounding objects. We clear the passage in your throats that
you may have free utterance for your thoughts, and we wipe
clean from blood the place of your abode, that you may sit
there in comfort, without having renewed the remembrance of
your loss by the remaining stains of blood.
Delivered eight strings of white wampum.[157]
"_Brothers_,--That the remains of our late beloved friend and
commander, General Brock, shall receive no injury, we cover it
with this belt of wampum, which we do from the grateful
sensations which his kindness towards us continually inspired,
as also in conformity with the customs of our ancestors; and
we now express, with the unanimous voice of the chiefs and
warriors of our respective bands, the great respect in which
we hold his memory, and the sorrow and deep regret with which
his loss has filled our breasts, although he has taken his
departure for a better abode, where his many virtues will be
rewarded by the great Dispenser of good, who has led us on the
road to victory.
A large white belt.
"_Brothers_,--We now address the successor of our departed
friend, to express the confidence we feel that his heart is
warmed with similar sentiments of affection and regard towards
us. We also assure him of our readiness to support him to the
last, and therefore take the liberty to speak strong to all
his people to co-operate with vigour, and, trusting in the
powerful arm of God, not to doubt of victory.
"Although our numbers are small, yet, counting Him on our
side, who ever decides on the day of battle, we look for
victory whenever we shall come in contact with our enemy.
Five strings of white wampum.
(Signed) "W. CLAUS, D.S.G."
No. 7. Page 343.
_Extract from a Description of St. Paul's Cathedral_.
"In the western ambulatory of the south transept is a tabular
monument to the memory of Sir Isaac Brock, by the same artist
(Westmacott).
"A military monument, on which are placed the sword and helmet
of the deceased; a votive record, supposed to have been
raised by his companions to their honored commander.
"His corpse reclines in the arms of a British soldier, whilst
an Indian pays the tribute of regret his bravery and humanity
elicited.
ERECTED AT THE PUBLIC EXPENSE
TO THE MEMORY OF
MAJOR-GENERAL
SIR ISAAC BROCK,
WHO GLORIOUSLY FELL
ON THE 13th OF OCTOBER,
M.DCCC.XII.
IN RESISTING AN ATTACK
ON
QUEENSTOWN,
IN UPPER CANADA."
No. 8. Page 343.
"This chief of the branch of the once great tribe of the Hurons visited
England some time ago. I afterwards saw him in Quebec, and had a good
deal of conversation with him. When asked what had struck him most of
all that he had seen in England, he replied, without hesitation, that it
was the monument erected in St. Paul's to the memory of General Brock.
It seemed to have impressed him with a high idea of the considerate
beneficence of his great father, the king of England, that he not only
had remembered the exploits and death of his white child, who had fallen
beyond the big salt lake, but that he had even deigned to record, on the
marble sepulchre, the sorrows of the poor Indian weeping over his chief
untimely slain."--_Hon. F.F. De Roos' Travels in North America, in_
1826.
No. 9. Page 343.
To His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland,
The humble address of the Commons of Upper Canada, in
Parliament assembled,
May it please your Royal Highness,
We, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects the Commons
of Upper Canada, in Provincial Parliament assembled, beg leave
to offer to your Royal Highness the homage of our unfeigned
attachment to his Majesty's sacred person and government, and
of our filial reverence for the great and magnanimous nation
of which we have the honor to form a part.
While we pray your Royal Highness to accept of our most
cordial congratulations on the splendid achievements of his
Majesty's forces, and of those of his allies in various parts
of the globe, and in particular on the extraordinary successes
which, under Divine Providence, have attended his Majesty's
arms in this portion of his dominions; we should do injustice
to the memory of our late truly illustrious president,
Major-General Brock, under whose auspices the latter were
during his lifetime principally achieved, did we omit to
accompany them with feelings of the most poignant sorrow for
his fall.
He had endeared himself to us by his able, virtuous, and
disinterested administration of the civil government, and by
the zeal, military talent, and bravery, which characterized
and marked his conduct in the field.
To his energy, his promptitude, and his decision, do we feel
ourselves in a great degree indebted, for having at this
moment the happiness of enjoying the privileges of his
Majesty's subjects. His disinterested and manly conduct
aroused the spirit of the country, and called it forth for
self-defence against a most insidious foe.
In appreciating, as we do, his talents and eminent services,
most deeply do we lament our inability to bestow on them any
other reward than our praise. Without revenue for even the
ordinary purposes of the government, we have no funds from
whence to reward merit, however exalted and deserving.
We derive, however, much pleasure from beholding that the
services of our ever-to-be-lamented president and general have
been appreciated by your Royal Highness; and while we
feelingly regret that he did not survive to enjoy the high
honors conferred upon him by your Royal Highness in his
Majesty's name, we, with all humility, would beg to suggest
that a grant to his family of a portion of his Majesty's most
valuable waste lands in this province would be most gratifying
to us. It would, we doubt not, be acceptable to them, and it
would be the means of perpetuating the connection that had
taken place between us, as well as the name of Brock, in a
country in defence of which the general so nobly fell!!! and
which his exertions had so eminently contributed to save.
That your Royal Highness may long be preserved to fill the
exalted station to which you have been called for the
advancement of the happiness, honor and glory, of the British
nation, is the fervent prayer of his Majesty's faithful
subjects, the Commons of Upper Canada.
(Signed) A. M'LEAN, Speaker.
Passed the Commons House of Assembly, the Sixth Day of March, One
Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirteen.
No. 10. Page 344.
_Anniversary of the Battle of Queenstown, and the re-interment of the
late much-lamented Major-General Sir Isaac Brock_.
"There is something so grand and imposing in the spectacle of
a nation's homage to departed worth, which calls for the
exercise of so many interesting feelings, and which awakens
so many sublime contemplations, that we naturally seek to
perpetuate the memory of an event so pregnant with
instruction, and so honorable to our species. It is a subject
that in other and in older countries has frequently exercised
the pens, and has called forth all the descriptive powers of
the ablest writers.[158] But here it is new; and for the first
time, since we became a separate province, have we seen a
great public funeral procession of all ranks of people, to the
amount of several thousands, bearing the remains of two
lamented heroes to their last dwelling on earth, in the vaults
of a grand national monument, overtopping the loftiest heights
of the most magnificent section of one of the most magnificent
countries in the world.
"The 13th of October, being the anniversary of the battle of
Queenstown, and of the death of Brock, was judiciously chosen
as the most proper day for the removal of the remains of the
general, together with those of his gallant aide-de-camp,
Lieutenant-Colonel M'Donell, to the vaults prepared for their
reception on Queenstown heights.[159]
"The weather was remarkably fine, and before ten o'clock a
very large concourse of people, from all parts of the country,
had assembled on the plains of Niagara, in front of Fort
George, in a bastion of which the bodies had been deposited
for twelve years.[160]
"One hearse, covered with black cloth, and drawn by four
black horses, each with a leader, contained both the bodies.
Soon after ten, a lane was formed by the 1st and 4th regiments
of Lincoln militia, with their right on the gate of Fort
George, and their left extending along the road towards
Queenstown, the ranks being about forty paces distant from
each other: within this line was formed, a guard of honor of
the 76th regiment, in parade order, having its left on the
fort. As the hearse moved slowly from the fort, to the sound
of solemn music, a detachment of royal artillery began to fire
the salute of nineteen guns, and the guard of honor presented
arms.
"On moving forwards in ordinary time, the guard of honor broke
into a column of eight divisions, with the right in front, and
the procession took the following order:
A Staff Officer.
Subdivision of Grenadiers.
Band of Music.
Right Wing of 76th Regiment.
THE BODY.
Aide-de-Camp to the late Major General Sir ISAAC BROCK.
Chief Mourners.
Relatives of the late Colonel M'DONELL.
Commissioners for the Monument.
Heads of Public Departments of the Civil Government.
Judges.
Members of the Executive Council.
His Excellency and Suite.
Left Wing of the 76th Regiment.
Indian Chiefs of the Five Nations.
Officers of Militia not on duty--junior ranks--First forward,
Four deep.
Magistrates and Civilians,
With a long Cavalcade of Horsemen, and Carriages of every
description.
"As the procession passed along the lane of militia, the
latter wheeled inwards by subdivisions in succession, as soon
as its own front was clear, and followed the procession. At a
certain distance from Fort George the quick march was taken
up, and arms were sloped; the members of the procession then
took their carriages, preserving as nearly as possible the
order abovementioned, and the whole proceeded on the road to
Queenstown. The 2d and 3d regiments of Lincoln militia, in
like manner, formed a lane, its left resting on the heights,
near the entrance to the monument, and extending along the
road towards the village of Queenstown. On reaching the
commencement of this lane, the procession resumed its
formation, all horses, carriages, &c., keeping in the rear;
and when the head of the column approached the monument, it
inclined to the right, to allow the body to proceed direct to
the entrance. The guard of honor then halted and formed in
parade order; the 2d and 3d Lincoln regiments following the
procession in like manner as the 1st and 4th.
"The time occupied in moving from the fort to Queenstown, a
distance of nearly seven miles, was about three hours,
including stoppages. Being arrived opposite the spot where the
lamented hero received his mortal wound, the whole procession
halted, and remained for a few minutes in solemn pause. It
then ascended the heights, and to the spectator who had his
station on the summit near the monument, nothing could be
finer than the effect of the lengthened column winding slowly
up the steep ascent in regular order, surrounded by scenery no
where surpassed for romantic beauty. On the bodies being
removed from the hearse and deposited in the vault, the guard
of honor presented arms, whilst the artillery, (which had been
taken from the enemy during the last war,) posted on the
heights, fired a salute of nineteen guns. The troops then
marched in ordinary time round the monument, and immediately
separated to their respective parades.
"All those who were inclined to visit the interior of the
vault were then permitted to enter in small parties. The
remains of the brave M'Donell lie to the left of those of the
general. On the general's coffin, which is otherwise quite
plain and covered with black cloth, are two oval plates of
silver, each six inches by four, one above the other. On the
first is the following inscription:
"Here lie the earthly remains of a brave
and virtuous hero,
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK:,
Commander of the British Forces,
and President administering
the Government of Upper Canada,
who fell, when gloriously engaging the enemies
of his country,
at the head of the Flank Companies
of the 49th Regiment,
in the town of Queenstown,
on the morning of the 13th of October, 1812,
Aged 42 years."
J.B. GLEGG, A.D.C.
And on the second plate the following additional inscription is
engraved:
The remains of the late
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK, K.B.
removed from Fort George to this vault,
on the 13th of October, 1824.
Upon a similar plate, on the lid of the aide-de-camp's coffin, was
engraved:
The remains of
LIEUT.-COL. JOHN M'DONELL,
Provincial Aide-de-Camp to the late
MAJOR-GENERAL BROCK,
who died on the 14th of October, 1812,
of wounds received in action the day before,
Aged 25 years.
"Several printed papers, having the following extract from the
government dispatches of the day, were handed about:
[See dispatch from Earl Bathurst to Sir George Prevost, page
328.--ED.] "Besides which, on large placards, to the number
of several hundreds, copies of the inscription to be placed on
the tablet, over the entrance of the monument, were
distributed amongst the assembled multitudes, and which is as
follows:
"The Legislature of Upper Canada has dedicated this Monument
to the very eminent civil and military services of the late
Sir Isaac Brock, Knight of the Most Hon. Order of the Bath,
Provisional Lieutenant-Governor, and Major-General commanding
the Forces in this Province, whose remains are deposited in
the vault beneath. Having expelled the North Western Army of
the United States, achieved its capture, received the
surrender of Fort Detroit, and the territory of Michigan,
under circumstances which have rendered his name illustrious,
he returned to the protection of this frontier; and advancing
with his small force to repel a second invasion of the enemy,
then in possession of these heights, he fell in action, on the
13th of October, 1812, in the forty-third year of his age,
honoured and beloved by the people whom he governed, and
deplored by his Sovereign, to whose service his life had been
devoted."
REMARKS.
"By the best computation we could make, and avoiding all
exaggeration, at the time the procession reached the monument
there could not be less than five thousand persons present,
many of whom were from the United States. General Brock,
indeed, was a man no less esteemed by the enemy than he was
admired and almost adored by his friends and soldiery; and we
heard several Americans say, who had served against him and saw
him fall, that they lamented his death as much as they would
have done that of any of their own generals, on account of his
humanity, and the great attention he had uniformly shewn to his
prisoners.
"His excellency the lieutenant-governor (Major-General Sir
Peregrine Maitland, K.C.B.) was in full dress, and, we are
happy to say, appeared in good health after his late fatiguing
journey of inspection to the Lower Province. The two M'Donells
and Captain Dickinson, of the 2d Glengary regiment, relatives
of the deceased Lieut. Colonel M'Donell, in the highland
costume, appeared in the procession to great advantage, and
seemed to excite much attention.
"But, amongst the assembled warriors and civilians, none
excited a more lively interest than the chiefs of the Indian
nations from the Grand River, whose warlike appearance,
intrepid aspect, picturesque dress and ornaments, and majestic
demeanour, accorded well with the solemn pomp and general
character of a military procession--amongst these, young Brant,
Bears Foot, and Henry, were distinguished. In our mind we never
saw a dress more elegant of its kind, and fit for active
service in the woods, than that worn by young Brant, who, with
his tomahawk in hand, was a perfect resemblance of all that
could be imagined of the accomplished Indian warrior.
"Amongst the numerous gentlemen in the procession, we observed
that old veteran, Lieutenant M'Dougall, of his majesty's 8th
(the king's) regiment, who, like a brave and loyal man, came
from Sandwich to attend the re-interment."--_Upper Canada
Gazette_, _October_, 1824.
No. 11.--Page 410.
"Queenstown, at which place the steam boats start for Toronto, is
situated in a delicious valley, through which the Niagara river, in
colour a deep green, pursues its course. It is approached by a road that
takes its winding way among the heights by which the town is sheltered,
and, seen from this point, is extremely beautiful and picturesque. On
the most conspicuous of these heights stood a monument, erected by the
provincial legislature in memory of General Brock, who was slain in a
battle with the American forces, after having won the victory. Some
vagabond, supposed to be a fellow of the name of Lett, who is now, or
who lately was, in prison as a felon, blew up this monument two years
ago; and it is now a melancholy ruin, with a long fragment of iron
railing banging dejectedly from its top, and waving to and fro like a
wild ivy branch or broken vine stem. It is of much higher importance
than it may seem that this statue should be repaired at the public cost,
as it ought to have been long ago; firstly, because it is beneath the
dignity of England to allow a memorial, raised in honor of one of her
defenders, to remain in this condition, on the very spot where he died;
secondly, because the sight of it in its present state, and the
recollection of the unpunished outrage which brought it to this pass,
are not very likely to soothe down border feelings among English
subjects here, or compose their border quarrels and
dislikes."--_Dickens' American Notes_, vol. ii. pp. 187, 188.
* * * * *
SECTION II.--AMERICAN AUTHORS.
No. 1.--Page 233.
_Extract from Jefferson's Correspondence_.--_Monticello_, _October_ 1,
1812.
"I fear that Hull's surrender has been more than the mere loss
of a year to us. Besides bringing on us the whole mass of
savage nations, whom fear, and not affection, had kept in
quiet, there is danger, that in giving time to an enemy who can
send reinforcements of regulars faster than we can raise them,
they may strengthen Canada and Halifax beyond the assailment of
our lax and divided powers. Perhaps, however, the patriotic
efforts from Kentucky and Ohio, by recalling the British force
to its upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to strike a
blow below. Effectual possession of the river from Montreal to
the Chaudière, which is practicable would give us the upper
country at our leisure, and close for ever the scenes of the
tomahawk and scalping knife."
No. 2.--Page 240.
_Revolutionary Services of General Hull, as taken from his Defence
before the Court Martial_, _in March_, 1814.
"For more than half a century I supported a character without
reproach. My youth was devoted to the service of my country; I
fought her battles in that war which achieved her liberty and
independence, and which was ended before many of you,
gentlemen, who are my judges, were born. If upon any occasion a
man may speak of his own merits, it is at such a time as this;
and I hope I may be permitted to present to you, in very few
words, a narration of my life, while I was engaged in scenes
which were calculated to prove a man's firmness and courage. I
shall do it with less reluctance, because the testimony I have
offered of the venerable men who served with me in the
revolutionary war, will vouch for all I have to say. In the
year 1775, at the age of about twenty-one years, I was
appointed a captain in one of the Connecticut regiments; during
that campaign, and until March, 1776, when the enemy evacuated
Boston, I served with the army at Cambridge and Roxbury, and in
the immediate command of General Washington. I was with that
part of the army, in March, 1776, which took possession of
Dorchester heights--the movement which compelled the enemy to
evacuate Boston. The next day, the regiment to which I belonged
marched for New York. I was on Long Island when the enemy
landed, and remained until the night the whole army retreated.
I was in several small skirmishes, both on Long Island and York
Island, before the army retired to the White Plains. I then
belonged to Colonel Charles Webb's regiment, of Connecticut.
"This regiment was in the severest part of the action on
Chatterdon's Hill, a little advanced of the White Plains, a few
days after the main body of the army abandoned New York. This
battle is memorable in the history of our country; and the
regiment to which I belonged received the particular thanks of
General Washington, in his public orders, for its bravery and
good conduct on the occasion. It was particularly distinguished
from all the other troops engaged in the action. I received a
slight wound by a musket ball in my side, but it did not
prevent me from remaining at the head of my company.
"I was in the battle of Trenton, when the Hessians were taken,
in December, 1776; and, being one of the youngest captains in
the army, was promoted by General Washington the day after the
battle, to a majority, for my conduct on that occasion. The 1st
of January, 1777, I was in the battle of Princeton. In the
campaign of the same year, the regiment to which I belonged
served in the northern army. I was early in the spring ordered
to Ticonderoga, and commanded the regiment (being the senior
officer present) under General St. Clair, and I was with that
officer in his retreat from that post.
"After General St. Clair's army formed a junction with General
Schuyler's army on the North River, at Fort Edward, the
regiment to which I belonged was detached, and marched to Fort
Schuyler, and relieved that post, which was besieged by General
St. Leger.
"On the retreat of General Schuyler's army from Fort Edward, I
commanded the rear guard of the army; and, being two miles in
the rear, was attacked by a large body of British troops and
Indians at daylight in the morning, in which action were killed
and wounded between thirty and forty of my guard. And I
received the particular thanks of General Schuyler for my
conduct on the occasion.
"I was in the two memorable battles, on the 19th of September
and the 7th of October, on Bemis' heights, against General
Burgoyne's army, previous to its surrender. In the action of
the 19th of September, I commanded a detachment of three
hundred men, who fought the principal part of the afternoon,
and more than one half of them were killed or wounded.
"On the 7th of October, I likewise commanded a detachment from
the brigade which assisted in attacking the enemy on the left
of our position, defeated him, followed him to the right of his
lines, stormed his entrenchments, and took and held possession
of the right of his position, which compelled him to retreat to
Saratoga, and there to capitulate.
"After the memorable event of the capitulation of General
Burgoyne's army, the regiment to which I belonged was ordered
to Pennsylvania, to join the army under the command of General
Washington. I remained with the army the winter of 1777, at
Valley Forge; and in the spring of 1778, when the British army
evacuated Philadelphia, I was in the battle of Monmouth.
"From December, 1778, to May, 1779, I commanded the American
posts in advance of the White Plains, near Kingsbridge, during
which time I had various skirmishes with the enemy. In May,
1779, the principal part of the British army advanced up the
North River to Verplank's and Stoney Point, and I was ordered
to retreat before them to West Point.
"I then joined the light infantry, under the command of General
Wayne, and was in the memorable attack on Stoney Point, with a
separate command of four hundred light infantry.
"For my conduct on this occasion I received the particular
thanks of General Wayne, General Washington, and congress.
"In the summer and autumn of 1780, I commanded the advanced
posts of the army; and in December of that year, I commanded an
expedition against the enemy, stationed at Morrissina, which
was successful, and for which I received the thanks of General
Washington, in his general orders to the army, and likewise the
thanks of congress. General Washington, in his orders, I well
remember, made use of these words: 'He thanked me for my
judicious arrangements in the plan of operations, and for my
intrepidity and valour in the execution.'
"From the conclusion of the revolutionary war I have lived
with the respect of my countrymen, and have enjoyed repeated
marks of their confidence in the offices which have been
bestowed upon me. When I found that the independence, for which
I had so often fought, was assailed,--that again my country
must appeal to arms to avenge her wrongs, and to protect her
rights,--I felt that I might yet do her some service. For
though many years had passed since I had fought under her
standard, and though my own arm might not have had its wonted
strength, yet my spirit was unbroken, and my devotion to her
unimpaired. I thought in the field, where there could be but
few who had any military experience, what I had learned in the
most active scenes of a seven years' war, might be useful. I
fondly hoped that in my age, as well as in my youth, I might
render services that should deserve the gratitude of my
country--that if I fell by the sword of her enemies, my grave
would be moistened with the tears of my countrymen; that my
descendants would be proud of my name and fame. But how vain is
anticipation! I am now accused of crimes which would blast my
former honors, and transmit my memory with infamy to posterity.
And in that hideous catalogue, there is none from the
imputation of which my nature and my feelings have more
recoiled than from that of cowardice, to which I am to answer."
"The appearance of General Hull was venerable and
prepossessing. Beneath snowy locks, of nearly sixty winters'
bleaching, he exhibited a countenance as fresh and blooming as
a youth of eighteen. His eloquence was perspicuous and
graceful."--_American History._
No. 3.--Page 322.
_Letter from Captain Wool to Colonel Van Rensselaer._
"BUFFALOE, October 23, 1812.
"I have the honor to communicate to you the circumstances
attending the storming of Queenstown battery, on the 13th
instant; with those which happened previously you are already
well acquainted.
"In pursuance of your order, we proceeded round the point and
ascended the rocks, which brought us partly in rear of the
battery. We took it without much resistance. I immediately
formed the troops in rear of the battery, and fronting the
village, when I observed General Brock with his troops formed,
consisting of four companies of the 49th regiment, and a few
militia, marching for our left flank. I immediately detached a
party of one hundred and fifty men, to take possession of the
heights above Queenstown battery, and to hold General Brock in
check; but in consequence of his superior force they retreated.
I sent a reinforcement; notwithstanding which, the enemy drove
us to the edge of the bank: when, with the greatest exertions,
we brought the troops to a stand, and ordered the officers to
bring their men to a charge as soon as the ammunition was
expended, which was executed with some confusion, and in a few
moments the enemy retreated. We pursued them to the edge of the
heights, when Colonel M'Donell had his horse shot from under
him, and himself was mortally wounded. In the interim, General
Brock, in attempting to rally his forces, was killed, when the
enemy dispersed in every direction. As soon as it was
practicable, I formed the troops in a line on the heights
fronting the village, and immediately detached flanking
parties, which consisted of Captain Machesney, of the 6th
regiment, Lieutenant Smith and Ensign Grosvenor, with a small
detachment of riflemen, who had that moment arrived; at the
same time, I ordered Lieutenant Ganesvoort and Lieutenant
Randolph, with a detachment of artillery, to drill out an
18-pounder which had been previously spiked, and, if possible,
to bring it to bear upon the village. The wounded and prisoners
I ordered to be collected, and sent to the guard-house. About
this time, which was about three or four o'clock in the
afternoon, Lieut.-Colonel Christie arrived, and took the
command. He ordered me across the river to get my wounds
dressed. I remained a short time. Our flanking parties had been
driven in by the Indians; but General Wadsworth and other
officers arriving, we had a short skirmish with them, and they
retreated, and I crossed the river."
[NOTE.--Captain Wool, in stating that he was opposed to four companies
of the 49th, _only_ doubled the number of companies; but this
exaggeration is a trifle compared with the following gross and
_hudibrastic_ mis-statements, relative to the battle of Queenstown in
"Ramsay's History of the United States," viz: "The 49th British
regiment, signalized in Egypt under Colonel, since Lieut.-General,
Brock, and usually called the 'Egyptian Invincibles,' was among the
prominent corps, and was led by its favorite commander. In the second
engagement, this regiment of British regulars, 600 strong, encountered a
body of 320 American regulars, supported by a few militia and
volunteers, the whole under Colonel Chrystie. They mutually resorted to
the bayonet, and after a bloody conflict, the famous invincibles yielded
to the superior energy of their antagonists, although the latter were so
far inferior in numbers. They were rallied by Lieut.-General Brock, who
was killed in conducting them a second time to the charge. The American
prisoners were kindly treated by this brave regiment, who, after the
battle was over, acknowledged they had never opposed more gallant
adversaries."--The 49th, not having been with the British army in Egypt,
could not be called the "Egyptian Invincibles;" and instead of this
regiment, 600 strong, being led by Major (not Lieutenant) General Brock,
only the flank companies were present, with a small body of militia,
together about 300 men. In fact, four companies of the 49th were at
Kingston, 160 miles distant, and the remaining four battalion companies
were, we believe, at Fort Erie, 27 or 28 miles from Queenstown; and
therefore, the assertion that the "famous invincibles" yielded to far
Inferior numbers, is something worse than ridiculous. Such, however, is
the correctness of this American historian on the subject, and with such
materials is history too often compiled.--ED.]
"REPORT OF THE BATTLE OF QUEENSTOWN."--(Extracts.)
"Captain Wool discovered the British troops forming at
Queenstown, and formed the troops under his command in line.
General Brock was at the head of the British troops, and led
them round about to the heights in the rear of the battery.
Captain Wool detached 160 men to meet the British; this
detachment was driven back, reinforced, and the whole driven
to the brink of the precipice, forming the bank of the Niagara
river, above Queenstown.
"At this moment some of the officers put a white handkerchief
on a bayonet to hoist as a flag, with intention to surrender.
Captain Wool inquired the object. It was answered that the
party were nearly without ammunition, and that it was useless
to sacrifice the lives of brave men. Captain Wool tore off the
flag, ordered the officers to rally the men, and bring them to
the charge. The order was executed, but in some confusion. The
boasted 49th could not stand the American bayonet. The British
troops were routed, and Major-General Brock, in gallantly
exerting himself to rally them, was killed. His aid, Colonel
M'Donell, fell mortally wounded at the same time.
"The British being completely driven from the heights about ten
o'clock, the line was reformed and flanking parties sent
out."--_Niles' Weekly Register, 1812._
_Extracts from Niles' Weekly Register, Baltimore, 1812._
"Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Detroit to his friend
in Pittsburg, dated July 7, 1812.--'General Hull is making
preparations to cross the river this evening or to-morrow, and
it is expected that an immediate attack is contemplated on
Maiden (Amherstburg). The army are all in health and good
spirits, and wait with anxiety to be put on the other shore:
they are certainly as fine looking men as I ever saw.'
"We have several reports of the capture of Fort Malden. General
Hull has sent expresses to the governors of Ohio and Kentucky
for further supplies of troops, supposed for the purpose of
maintaining the ground he may take, and to keep the allies in
check. We trust he may religiously adhere to his proclamation,
whatever General Brock may say, and give no quarters to the
white savages when found fighting by the side of the Indians,
for whose extensive murders the British should be made
responsible."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 156: "The 'Letters of Veritas' were originally printed in a
weekly paper published at Montreal, in Lower Canada, and subsequently
collected into the little volume before us. Within a small compass,
these unpretending Letters contain a greater body of useful information
upon the campaigns in the Canadas than is any where else to be found.
They are, we believe, the production of a gentleman in Montreal, of
known respectability. Though not a military man, he enjoyed the best
opportunities for acquaintance with the circumstances of the war; and as
these letters, which excited great attention in the Canadas, appeared in
successive papers while Montreal was filled with almost all the officers
of rank who had served in the country, it may reasonably be presumed
that his errors, had he committed any, would not have escaped without
censure. Yet no reply was ever attempted to his statements, no doubt
ever expressed in the provinces, of the correctness of his
assertions."--_Quarterly Review, July_, 1822.]
[Footnote 157: Wampum is the current money among the Indians. It is of
two sorts, white and purple: the white is worked out of the insides of
the great Congues into the form of a bead, and perforated so as to be
strung on leather; the purple is worked out of the inside of the muscle
shell. They are wove as broad as one's hand, and about two feet long;
these they call belts, and give and receive them at their treaties, as
the seals of friendship. For lesser motives, a single string is given;
every bead is of a known value; and a belt of a less number is made to
equal one of a greater, by so many as is wanted being fastened to the
belt by a string.--_Buchanan's North American Indians._]
[Footnote 158: It is impossible here to forget (however different were
the circumstances and character of the two warriors) that fine passage
by the splendid historian of Rome, wherein he immortalizes the death and
funeral of the ferocious Attila, in language at once musical and
sublime, and which is probably without an equal in the whole range of
English literature: "His body was solemnly exposed in the midst of the
plain, under a silken pavilion; and the chosen squadrons of the Huns,
wheeling round in measured evolutions, chaunted a funeral song to the
memory of a hero, glorious in his life, invincible in his death, the
father of his people, the scourge of his enemies, and the terror of the
world."]
[Footnote 159: The monument itself is not yet finished; we shall
therefore defer our description of the edifice until it is completed.]
[Footnote 160: It is remarkable that, on inspecting the remains, the
body of Colonel M'Donell was found to be almost entirely
decomposed,--whilst that of the general was still firm and nearly
entire; some of the flesh and lineaments of his martial countenance
being yet visible.]
APPENDIX B.
DANIEL DE LISLE BROCK, ESQ.
BAILIFF OF GUERNSEY.
This able magistrate, the third son of John Brock, Esq., was born in
Guernsey on the 10th December, 1762, and closed a long and useful career
on Saturday evening, the 24th September, 1842, at the age of 79 years
and nearly 10 months. After receiving such rudiments of education as the
island could furnish in those days, he was placed at Alderney, to learn
the French language, under M. Vallatt, a Swiss protestant clergyman, and
a man of talent, who was afterwards rector of St. Peter-in-the-Wood, in
Guernsey. From Alderney he was sent to a school at Richmond, in Surrey,
where he remained only two years, as at the early age of fourteen he
went to Dinan with his father, who died there. The early death of his
parent was an irreparable loss to the son, as it was the cause of his
not returning to school, where he had already shown that he possessed a
vigour of intellect much beyond his years. His two elder brothers were
in the army, and the pardonable fondness of his mother induced her to
retain at home the only one of her sons, who could in some measure
replace the counsels of her husband.
In 1785, he went by sea to the Mediterranean, and spent upwards of a
year in visiting Spain, Malta, Sicily, Italy, Switzerland, and France.
In 1798, he was elected jurat of the Royal Court; and the greater part,
if not the whole, of the public documents of that body, were from that
period written by him. In 1821, he obtained the high and responsible
appointment of bailiff, or chief magistrate of Guernsey.
"It has been truly said that the history of Guernsey, for the last fifty
years, was, in fact, the history of Daniel De Lisle Brock. So
exclusively has the better part of Mr. Brock's life been devoted to the
service of his country--so completely have his affections been wrapped
up in her welfare--so ardently, so zealously, and so unceasingly has he
laboured to promote her prosperity and to protect her privileges--and so
intimately has he been connected with all the important occurrences of
the period alluded to--that in reading the history of the island, we
read the history of this the most able and devoted of its friends."
Between the years 1804 and 1810, Mr. Brock was deputed by the States and
Royal Court of Guernsey no less than four times, as their representative
to government, in matters connected with the trade and privileges of the
island; and he also went once to Jersey, to confer with the Royal Court
there on the same subject. In these missions, Mr. Brock distinguished
himself by his luminous and argumentative papers,[161] and the authority
of the Royal Court was happily preserved intact by his representations
and unremitting exertions.
"In 1821, an act of parliament having been passed prohibiting the
importation of foreign corn into the Channel Islands, whenever its entry
for consumption was prohibited in England, to wit, until it reached the
price of 80s. per quarter, Mr. Brock was again deputed to London to
contend against a measure fraught with such fatal consequences to the
islands, and at the same time to obtain some modifications in the
navigation laws. Mr. Brock, who was essentially assisted in this
business by Mr. James Carey, jurat, succeeded in both these objects. The
obnoxious corn law was repealed so far as the Channel Islands were
concerned, and some important privileges conceded to their trade and
navigation, especially in granting them free intercourse with the
British colonies, and the American continent and islands. So highly were
these last services appreciated, that when Mr. Brock returned to
Guernsey, on the 24th July, 1822, he was received with unexampled
enthusiasm. On landing in the morning, he was saluted with deafening
cries of "_Brock for ever!_" "_Long may he live!_" &c. The public joy
was manifested on this occasion in many different ways. The shipping in
the harbour hoisted their flags; crowns and garlands of flowers, flags,
loaves of bread, with ears of corn, were tastefully arranged, and
suspended in almost every street; mottos and devices, expressive of
unbounded gratitude, were exhibited in every direction, and in the
greatest variety; and the church bells throughout the island rang merry
peals during the day. Bands of music paraded the town, followed by
crowds, on whose happy countenances "Mirth, admit me of thy crew," was
expressed. The musicians wore various coloured bands round their hats,
with the motto of "_Long live Bailiff Brock!_" They surrounded a banner
crowned with flowers, bearing the following inscription:
"The grateful inhabitants of Guernsey, to the worthy Bailiff,
DANIEL DE LISLE BROCK.
Happy is he who labours to promote the happiness of his fellow
citizens.
He will secure their eternal gratitude. They will unceasingly
exclaim: 'May God preserve oar friend, our benefactor, and our
parent.'"
"This inscription having been borne in triumph in every part of the
town, was presented to the object of well-merited praise, and accepted.
Preparations had been made by the militia bands to receive this
distinguished patriot at the landing place; but their good intentions
were thwarted, in consequence of the early hour at which the arrival
took place. At a public meeting of the inhabitants, it was determined to
present a piece of plate to Mr. Brock, as a testimony of the value
attached to his public services, and in the hope that this faint
evidence of their attachment might serve to stimulate others to follow
his steps, and might descend as a memorial to his posterity. Upwards of
£300 were quickly raised for this purpose, and other less valuable, but
not less gratifying, testimonials were presented to him. Nor was Jersey
less grateful, as a public meeting was held in the town of St. Helier,
when the thanks of the island and a handsome piece of plate were
unanimously voted to him."
In 1826, General Sir John Doyle, Bart, and G.C.B., for many years
lieutenant-governor of Guernsey, visited the island, and at a public
dinner, given to him on the 29th August, at the Assembly Rooms, he rose
and spoke as follows:
Gentlemen,--Having received permission from the chair, I rise
to propose a toast which would be well received in any society
where the enlightened individual is known. But here I
anticipate it will be met by acclamation and enthusiasm. I do
not propose his health, merely because he is my friend,
although I feel truly honored by his friendship; and the more
so, as I know that it originated and was cemented by his
conviction of my honest zeal for the public good, and the deep
interest I took in the welfare of his native land. But I give
him as a public man, who, to a sound, vigorous, and cultivated
understanding, joins a liberal and enlightened mind--an innate
love of justice, and hatred of oppression--an inflexible
adherence to that which appears to him to be right--a man too
wise to be cunning. Armed with the '_mens conscia recti_,' he
marches straightforward to his object, nor turns into the
devious path of crooked policy, and left-handed wisdom. To
these qualities are added indefatigable industry, and a
patience not to be exhausted. This is the man, who, as a
public magistrate in high station, I offer for your
acceptance. Of his private worth, I dare not say all that I
feel. He is present. You know him, and can duly appreciate his
value. You will have anticipated that I mean the bailiff of
Guernsey. I now propose to you 'The health of the bailiff, and
unalloyed happiness to the island of Guernsey.'"
"In 1832, one of the most ancient and vital privileges of Guernsey--the
right of the inhabitants to be tried in their own local court--was
placed in peril, it being assailed by no less a character than Lord
Chief Justice Tenderden, who sought to extend the power of the writ of
_habeas corpus_ to this island. The history of this event would occupy
much more space than we can now devote to it. Suffice it here to say,
that after much correspondence on the subject, Mr. Brock and Mr. Charles
De Jersey, the king's procureur, were deputed to London, to act in
conjunction with the bailiff and procureur of Jersey in opposing the
measure. The mission was successful, and the independence of the insular
jurisdictions was maintained.
"The last occasion on which Mr. Brock went to England in the service of
his native island, was in the year 1835, when the channel islands were
menaced with being deprived of the privilege of sending their corn into
England, duty free. An idea had obtained ground that this privilege was
abused; and, in consequence, a bill was brought into parliament to
deprive the islands of this important branch of their trade. Deputies
were therefore appointed by the islands to proceed to London, for the
purpose of advocating their rights, and Mr. Brock was again fixed on as
the representative of Guernsey. Owing to the remonstrances of this
deputation, a select committee of the House of Commons was appointed to
inquire into the matter, and the result was that the bill was withdrawn.
So highly were Mr. Brock's services on this occasion valued by both
islands, that the States of Jersey voted him a piece of plate of the
value of £100, whilst the States of Guernsey voted that portrait which
now adorns the interior of the court-house, and which will afford to
succeeding generations the means of contemplating the intellectual
countenance and venerable form of one whom they will ever remember as
the firmest friend, and ablest administrator of his country.
"From the period here alluded to, until within a few days of his death,
Mr. Brock was unremittingly engaged in labouring for the public good.
The records of the island will show how indefatigably be devoted himself
to its service; and it may be truly said of him, that to his latest
moment the desire to secure its welfare was the reigning impulse of his
heart."
Mr. Brock left one son, Eugene, a captain in the 20th regiment, since
deceased, unmarried; and one daughter, now also unmarried. In
countenance and robustness of frame, although not so tall, as well as in
vigour of intellect and decision of character, the bailiff strongly
resembled his brother, Sir Isaac Brock; and when a friend of the latter,
Sir James Kempt, visited Guernsey, in his official capacity as
master-general of the ordnance, he was struck with the personal
resemblance, notwithstanding that Mr. Brock was then in his 71st year.
The Royal Court, having met on the 26th September, to appoint a judge
delegate to replace _pro tempore_ the late bailiff, unanimously
requested the family of the deceased to allow him to be buried at the
expense of the States of Guernsey, and the funeral was in consequence a
public one. "For though Mr. Brock had enriched his country with numerous
and inappreciable benefits--though he bequeathed to it an inestimable
heritage in his deeds and in his example--he died in honorable and
ennobling poverty, resulting from his disinterestedness, his integrity,
and his patriotism.[162] The public, we say, were pleased, were
gratified, were proud in seeing that their representatives and rulers so
promptly and so handsomely anticipated and fulfilled their wishes, and
they looked forward to the moment of paying to their departed
benefactor the last mournful honors with feelings in which complacency
was not unmingled with their grief.
"Some hours before the time appointed for the ceremony, the inhabitants
of the country parishes, mostly clothed in respectable mourning, were
seen thronging into town; and by eleven o'clock a considerable crowd was
collected in the front of Mr. Savery Brock's house, from whence the
procession was to issue. Punctually at the time appointed, (twelve
o'clock,) the authorities and other gentlemen invited to take part in
the ceremony, together with a large number of persons who attended
spontaneously to pay the last mark of respect to the deceased, were
assembled; and having been marshalled by the deputy sheriffs and the
special constables, in the manner laid down in the programme, the
mournful _cortège_, comprising nearly 500 persons, issued into the
Grange Road in the following order of procession:
Four Assistant Constables,
(each with his Staff of office.)
Two Deputy Sheriffs.--Deputy Greffier.--Deputy Sergeant.
Deputy, Harbour Master.--Postmaster.--Surveyor of
Works.
Receiver of Impost.--Assistant Supervisor.--Harbour Master.
The Principal Officer and the Comptroller of
Her Majesty's Customs.
Deputy Judge Advocate.--Barrack Master.--Ordnance
Storekeeper.
Fort Major.--Government Secretary.
Officers of the five Regiments of Guernsey Militia.
Officers of the 48th Depot.
Officers of the Royal Artillery.--Colonel Moody.
Clerk of the Town Parish and Clerk of St. Martin's Parish.
Rev. W. Le Mottée. Rev. Henry Benwell.
Rev. E. Guille. Rev. George Guille.
Rev. F. Jeremie. Rev. Peter Carey.
Rev. Daniel Dobrée. Rev. W.L. Davies.
Rev. William Guille. Rev. W.J. Chepmell.
Rev. Thomas Brock. The Very Rev. the Dean.
Frederick Mansell, Jurat. Hilary O. Carré, Jurat.
John Hubert, Jurat. John Le Messurier, Jurat.
James Carey, Jurat. John Guille, Jurat.
Rev. R. Potenger.} Mourners. { F.B. Tupper.
John Carey, jun. } { Henry Tupper.
Lieut.-General Sir James Douglas.--His Excellency Major-General
W.F.P. Napier, Lieut.-Governor.--Lieut.-General Ross.
Peter B. Dobrée. } Jurats. { T.W. Gosselin.
Thomas Le Retilley. } { H. Dobrée, jun.
The Queen's Procureur.--The Queen's Comptroller.--Her Majesty's
Receiver-General.--Greffier.--Sheriff.
The Advocates of the Royal Court.
The late Bailiff's Medical Attendants.
The Douzeniers of each parish, headed by their respective
Constables, four abreast.
Relatives, with Hat Bands, four abreast.
The Order of Rechabites in full procession.
A Deputation of the Total Abstinence Society,
headed by Mr. Edmund Richards.
"The procession proceeded in solemn order down the Grange Road, until it
reached the College, when it turned to the left, and passed on to the
eastern entrance of the new burying ground, and from thence proceeded to
the grave, near the opposite extremity of the cemetery, which was
destined to be the final resting place of the aged patriot. The persons
who composed the _cortège_ having been formed in order round the grave,
the sublime and solemn ritual of the Church of England was read in a
feeling and impressive manner by the Very Reverend the Dean, the coffin
being at the proper period of the service committed to the bosom of the
earth in profound and solemn silence. When the service was concluded, a
great many persons approached the border of the grave to take a farewell
look at the narrow tenement which now contained the remains of a man
who, but a few short hours back, had occupied so prominent a position in
his native land. Many a sigh was breathed, many a tear was shed upon
that grave; and many and various were the expressions of affection and
regret which there found utterance, and which seemed to say
'We ne'er shall look upon his like again.'
"On no similar occasion had there ever been collected so large a
concourse of persons in this island. Some pains were taken to ascertain
the number of those who entered the burial ground, and it is believed
that they considerably exceeded 4,000. An equal, or perhaps a larger
number, were dispersed, as spectators, in the Grange Road and adjacent
parts. Every house that commanded a glimpse of the procession, or the
interment, was crowded. The windows, even, to the attics, were peopled;
whilst walls, gardens, and every spot from which any thing could be
seen, were in like manner occupied. Notwithstanding the extraordinary
number of persons collected, a very creditable degree of order and
decorum was maintained throughout the whole of the proceedings."[163]
The union jack was hoisted half mast at Fort George and Castle Cornet
from the day succeeding the bailiff's death to that of his funeral, on
which days also the bells of the parish church of St. Peter-Port were
tolled, and the flags of the vessels in the two harbours and roadstead
were hoisted half mast. On the day of the interment, the shops in St.
Peter-Port were entirely closed until the mournful ceremony was
completed.
The lieutenant-governor of the island, Major-General Napier, the
celebrated historian of the Peninsular war, evinced, in a manner as
creditable to his feelings as it was gratifying to those of the family,
an anxious desire to pay every respect to the memory of the deceased,
his excellency, with the officers of his staff, and Lieut.-General
Ross, and Lieut.-General Sir James Douglas, ex-lieutenant-governors,
attending the funeral in full uniform, as did all the officers of the
garrison, and the officers of the five regiments of militia. All the
civil and military authorities, as well as the whole of the clergy of
the island, were present.
* * * * *
The following remarks are extracted from a long and ably written article
of nearly two columns, in the Guernsey _Star_ of Monday, September 26,
1842, in which the last moments and character of Mr. Brock were
feelingly portrayed by the editor, an English gentleman:
"Mr. Brock's career, his talents, his services, and his
amiable qualities, are so familiar to every native and
inhabitant of Guernsey--they have, as it were, become so much
the common property of the community--they have been so much
the objects of their study--so constantly the theme of their
praise and admiration--that it may seem almost a work of
supererogation in us to make any observation on them on the
present melancholy occasion. We cannot, however, allow the
grave to close upon him without strewing it with some of those
offerings of respect and praise which spontaneously spring to
our hand as we pen the notice of his death. We feel that we
enjoy considerable latitude on this occasion, because, from
having been for years the political antagonists of Mr. Brock,
and having braved his hostility when living, our tribute to
his memory cannot be looked on as other than the genuine
offspring of our feeling and our judgment.
"Mr. Brock was not an ordinary man. He was constituted of
materials which would have led their owner to distinction in
whatever sphere he might have been placed. Indebted but little
to early education, he possessed within himself a faculty of
extracting knowledge from every thing that came within his
observation; and, gifted with a powerful memory, a reflecting
mind, and the art of methodizing and arranging the ideas and
information which he acquired, he was enabled at all times to
bring a mass of well digested and pertinent knowledge to bear
upon and illustrate any subject which he was required to
discuss. He had a singular talent for comprehending principles
and for seizing information, and arranging and applying it; so
that there were few subjects upon which he entered on which he
could not lay down sound principles, and illustrate and
maintain them by sound arguments. Too confident of his
strength, and perhaps over-elated with his many victories, he
would sometimes venture on untenable ground, and expose
himself to the inroads of an able enemy; but these
indiscretions were of rare occurrence, and the memory of his
temporary checks was generally cancelled by the skilfulness of
his retreats.
"If Mr. Brock was thus distinguished for his mental powers, he
was no less so by the strength and felicity of his style of
writing. He had the rare talent of putting proper words in
their proper places. He wrote English with English plainness
and English force. There was nothing affected or _modish_ in
his manner. He gave his readers an impression that he was
clear in the conception of his own meaning, and he made it
equally so to them. He aimed at no ornament: the beauty of his
writings consisted in their perspicuity and strength. A verbal
critic might discover inaccuracies in his compositions, but
the man of sense would find in them nothing unmeaning---
nothing useless--nothing vapid. He was not a turner of fine
periods--he was not a _fine writer_--but he wrote with
strength, precision, and lucidity; and his compositions, even
where they failed to produce conviction, could never be read
without creating respect for the masculine talents of their
author......
"But the main ground on which the memory of Daniel De Lisle
Brock must rest its claims on the affection, the respect, and
the gratitude of his fellow countrymen, is the devoted--the
engrossing love which, during his whole life, he bore to his
native land. Every thought, every wish, every feeling of pride
or ambition, centered in his beloved Guernsey. She was the
idol of his affections--the object of all his solicitude--the
glory of his inmost heart. His endeavours for her welfare may
occasionally have been misdirected--his objections to change
in her institutions may have been ill-founded--but his motives
have ever been beyond the reach of suspicion or reproach. They
were concentrated in the desire for her good. Her people, her
soil, her laws, her customs, nay, even her prejudices, were
dear to him--they were his household gods. He worshipped them,
he lived for them, and he would have died for them......
"The private character of Mr. Brock presents an embellishing
and graceful adjunct to his public qualities. Bold even to
temerity in his acts; firm even to obstinacy in his opinions;
entertaining an exalted estimate of the office that he filled,
and of the interests that he embodied or represented in his
person, he was, at the same time, simple, courteous, and
benevolent in his private manner, to a degree that was as
honorable to himself, as it was gratifying to those who came
in contact with him. Mr. Brock on the bench, and Mr. Brock in
private, were distinct characters. In the former position,
conscious, probably, of his talents and his authority, he was
firm, and sometimes, though rarely, in appearance even
imperious; in the latter, resigning himself to the feelings
of the gentleman, he was affable, kind, and even diffident. In
his privacy he displayed all the attributes of a superior
mind. He was entirely devoid of pride and ostentation: his
mind was superior to the weakness they denote. He disdained
the conventional habits of society, for nature had created him
a gentleman, and he needed not the aid of art. He mingled not
in that society where he might have received the homage to
which his talents were entitled. He spent his time in study,
or in working for the public welfare; his relaxations being in
his fields and garden, or in the conversation of casual
visitors who, uninvited, occasionally resorted to his
unceremonious and hospitable roof. Ardent as he was in
political discussions, prone as he was to enter into
controversy, the feelings of animosity which he expressed died
in their utterance. The adversary of to-day was the welcome
guest of the morrow. The hand which had distilled the gall of
disputation at one moment, was readily extended in kind
fellowship the next. Mr. Brock was probably not exempt from
failings, but he had certainly nothing of littleness about
him. He respected an honorable and open adversary, more than a
flattering and servile friend. His hostility was strong, but
it was shortlived: his enmity was vigorous, but it had no
memory. In other respects, too, he evinced a generous and
benevolent heart. At all seasons and under all circumstances,
his time and attention were willingly devoted to those who
sought his assistance or advice. He was the friend and
counsellor of all. Many is the angry feeling he has
allayed--many the lawsuit he has prevented--many the family
division he has closed. His kind offices were at the command
of all. No labour was too great for him, when called on for
his assistance; but if at any time he found himself obliged to
reject a claim which was made on him, he so softened his
refusal with courtesy and kindness, that the disappointed
seldom left him without experiencing a sense of obligation.
"Possessing these characteristics, which are hastily sketched
by the pen of a political opponent, Mr. Brock, it must be
admitted, was a distinguished man. His sphere of action was
limited, but within that sphere he acted an honorable, a
useful, and a noble part. Had he been cast upon a wider stage,
there can be little doubt that his talents and his resolution
would have acquired for him a more extensive reputation; but,
even as it is, his fate is enviable. He sought the welfare of
his country, and desired its respect and gratitude as his
reward. Both objects have been attained; and he now sleeps, at
the close of a long and honorable life, regarded by all his
country men as the most able, the most useful, the most
disinterested, and the most patriotic of the rulers to which
its destinies have ever been committed. No man has been more
beloved and respected in his life, and none more regretted at
his death. _Peace to his manes!_"
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 161: There are some of the public papers written by Mr. Brock
which may be profitably studied as models of this kind of
composition.--_Guernsey Star, September 26, 1842._]
[Footnote 162: Mr. Brock was no doubt ambitious, but his ambition was
gratified in beholding the advancement of his country. Personal
advantage--individual distinction--were things that never occurred to
his imagination, or occurred only to be contemned. He might have had an
augmentation of salary--he might have received the honor of
knighthood--he might have had the sources of fortune opened to him--but
these would have brought no advantages to Guernsey, and he rejected
them.--_Guernsey Star, September 26, 1842._]
[Footnote 163: The extracts in inverted commas are from the Guernsey
_Star_ of Thursday, 29th September, 1842.]
APPENDIX C.
The common ancestor of the Guernsey family of this name was John Tupper,
who settled in the island about the year 1592. He was an English
gentleman, of German, extraction, his forefather, it appears, having,
about the year 1525, fled from Cassel during the religious persecution
in the reign of Charles the Fifth. The elder son of this John Tupper
married Elizabeth, daughter of Hilary Gosselin,[164] procureur du roi,
or attorney-general--the younger removed to England.
In the memorable year of 1692, John Tupper, Esq., (the grandson of the
said John Tupper and Elizabeth Gosselin,) at some expense and risk of
capture, conveyed to Admiral Russell, who commanded the combined English
and Dutch fleets lying at St. Helen's, the intelligence that the French
fleet, under Admiral Tourville, was in the channel. This intelligence
led to the battle of La Hogue; and as a reward for this patriotic
service, Mr. Tupper was presented by his sovereigns, William and Mary,
with a massive gold chain and medal, which are now in possession of his
heir male; his descendants being permitted to bear them as an honorable
augmentation to their arms and crest.
The elder son of John Tupper, who acquired the medal, by his wife,
Elizabeth Dobrée, of Beauregard, had three sons, of whom the eldest died
without issue; the second was Elisha, a much-respected jurat of the
Royal Court, who died in 1802, leaving five surviving children;[165]
and the youngest was John, who obtained, in 1747, a commission, by
purchase, in General Churchill's regiment of marines, that corps being
then differently constituted to what it is now. He served as a captain
at the celebrated defeat of the French fleet in Quiberon bay, by Sir
Edward Hawke, in 1759; as a major and commandant of a battalion at
Bunker's Hill, in 1775,[166] where he was slightly wounded, and where
the marines, having greatly distinguished themselves, won the laurel
which now encircles their device; and as a lieutenant-colonel in
Rodney's victory of the 12th of April, 1782, having been especially sent
from England to command the marines in the fleet, about 4,000 men, in
the event of their being landed on any of the enemy's West India
islands. At his decease, in January, 1795, he was a major-general in the
army, and commandant-in-chief of the marines. Had the honors of the Bath
been extended in those days to three degrees of knighthood as they have
been since, he would probably have been a knight commander of that
order.
The fatality which has attended the descendants of the two brothers just
named, will appear in the following brief summary:
1.--Lieutenant Carré Tupper, of his majesty's ship Victory, only son of
Major-General Tupper, slain at the siege of Bastia, on the 24th of
April, 1794.
2.--William De Vic Tupper, (son of E. Tupper, Esq.) mortally wounded in
1798, in a duel in Guernsey, with an officer in the army, and died the
day following.
3.--John E. Tupper, aged twenty, perished at sea, in 1812, in the
Mediterranean, the vessel in which he was a passenger, from Catalonia
to Gibraltar, having never been heard of since.
4.--Charles James Tupper,[167] aged sixteen, captain's midshipman of his
majesty's 18-gun brig Primrose, drowned on the 17th August, 1815, at
Spithead, by the upsetting of the boat in which he was accompanying his
commander, Captain Phillott, to the ship.
5.--Lieutenant E. William Tupper, of his majesty's ship Sybille, aged
twenty-eight, mortally wounded in her boats, June 18, 1826, in action
with a strong band of Greek pirates, near the island of Candia.
6.--Colonel William De Vic Tupper, Chilian service, aged twenty-nine,
slain in action near Talca, in Chile, April 17, 1830. The four last sons
of John E. Tupper, Esq., and Elizabeth Brock, his wife; and nephews of
William De Vic Tupper, Esq., already named, and also of Major-General
Sir Isaac Brock, K.B.; of Lieut.-Colonel John Brock, and of Lieutenant
Ferdinand Brock, who all fell by the bullet.
7.--Colonel William Le Mesurier Tupper, of the British Auxiliary Legion
in Spain, and a captain in the 23d, or Royal Welsh Fusiliers, mortally
wounded near San Sebastian, May 5, 1836, aged thirty-two. Colonel Tupper
was also nephew of W. De Vic Tupper, Esq., and first cousin of the four
brothers last named.
* * * * *
LIEUT. E. WILLIAM TUPPER, R.N.
This promising young officer, third son of John E. Tupper, Esq., by
Elizabeth Brock, his wife, was educated at Harrow, and commenced his
naval career in 1810, in the Victory, of 110 guns, under the care and
patronage of the late Lord de Saumarez, with whom he continued some
time in the Baltic. He served on the American coast during the latter
part of the war, in the Asia, 74; and was present at the disastrous
attack of New Orleans, in January, 1815, forming one of a party landed
from the fleet, to co-operate with the army. On the night of the storm,
this party, in conjunction with the 85th light infantry, under Colonel
Thornton,[168] attacked some fortified works on the right bank of the
Mississippi, and were completely successful; but the failure of the main
assault rendered this success unavailing. In the same year he joined the
flag ship of Sir Thomas Fremantle, who, having been an intimate friend
of his late uncle, Sir Isaac Brock, kindly assured him of his influence
and support; but peace taking place before he had attained the requisite
age for promotion, all the bright prospects with which he entered the
service were blighted. In November, 1817, on his return in the Active
frigate, Captain Philip Carteret, from the Jamaica station, he passed at
the naval college at Portsmouth, and was one of four midshipmen
complimented as having undergone a superior examination. In 1823, he was
appointed to the Revenge, Sir Harry Neale's flag ship, in the
Mediterranean, and placed on the admiralty list for advancement. Early
in 1826, he was at length promoted into the Seringapatam frigate; but
Sir John Pechell, under whom he had previously served for a short time,
prevailed upon the admiral to transfer him to his own ship, the Sybille,
of 48 guns, "a crack frigate," in a high state of discipline, the crew
of which was remarkable for its skill in gunnery.
The Sybille was at Alexandria, when intelligence arrived there of the
plunder of a Maltese vessel, under atrocious circumstances, by a nest of
Greek pirates, on the southern coast of Candia. Sir John Pechell set
sail immediately in quest of these lawless and desperate men. On Sunday,
the 18th of June, 1826, at daylight, two misticoes were observed under
sail, near Cape Matala, standing towards the frigate; but on discovering
their mistake, they made for the land, and were followed by the Sybille,
into a narrow creek formed by a rocky islet and the mainland of Candia.
On this islet were posted from 200 to 300 armed Greeks, chiefly the
crews of three or four piratical misticoes at anchor in the creek; and
in a desperate attempt to cut out these misticoes, with the boats,
Midshipman J.M. Knox and twelve men were killed; and the first
lieutenant, Gordon, dangerously; Lieutenant Tupper, mortally; Midshipmen
William Edmonstone and Robert Lees, both very severely; and twenty-seven
men were wounded, of whom five died in a few days. Two of the misticoes
were afterwards sunk, and many of the pirates were killed and wounded by
the frigate's guns.[169]
Lieutenant Tupper commanded the launch, and although severely wounded in
three places, he stood up the whole time, and retained the command of
her until he returned to the ship. The bullet, which proved fatal,
entered his right breast, and was extracted from under the skin over the
false ribs. He lingered until the 26th June, when he breathed his last,
in a state of delirium, on board the Sybille, at Malta, where his
remains were interred, and a monument was erected to his memory by his
captain and messmates. In person he was rather above the middle height,
with a pleasing and intelligent countenance; and when his brother
Charles and he were midshipmen together in the Victory, in the Baltic,
they were designated on board as the handsome brothers.[170]
The surgeon of the Sybille, in a letter to the family in Guernsey, wrote
of Lieutenant Tupper:
"When I first saw him he was firm and cool. He asked me to
give my opinion without reserve, and knowing him to be
possessed of
great fortitude, I told him that the wound in the chest was of a
most _dangerous_ nature, but not _necessarily_ fatal. He had by
this time lost a great deal of blood, but the internal hemorrhage,
though the most alarming, was slight. He remained so low for three
days, that it was expected he would have sunk, though he still
continued collected and firm. On the fourth day he rallied, his
pulse became more distinct, and he evidently encouraged hopes. Need
I say that I felt myself incapable of destroying them--indeed I was
not altogether without hope myself. The principal danger was from
hemorrhage upon the separation of the sloughs, and my fears were
fatally verified, for on the 25th, at noon, it commenced and
increased internally, until his lungs could no longer perform their
functions, and he died at about three o'clock on the morning of the
26th. During the whole time he was resigned, evincing the greatest
strength of mind. As it was with unfeigned sorrow that I saw a fine
and gallant young man fall a victim to such a cause, so it was with
admiration that I witnessed his heroic bearing when the excitement
was past, and hope itself was almost fled. I have seen many support
their firmness amidst danger and death, but it belongs to few to
sustain it during protracted suffering, which is indeed a trial
often too severe for the bravest, but through which your lamented
brother came with a spirit and resignation which reflected lustre
upon himself and family, and endeared him to all his shipmates."
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 164: Eldest son of N. Gosselin, Esq., jurat, one of the clerks
of the council to Queen Elizabeth, by his wife, a daughter of Lewis
Lemprière, Esq., bailiff of Jersey--and grandson of Hilary Gosselin,
bailiff of Guernsey in four reigns, Henry the Eighth to Elizabeth.]
[Footnote 165: Viz. two sons--Daniel, married Catherine, daughter of
John Tupper, Esq., jurat; and John, married Elizabeth, daughter of John
Brock, Esq.--and three daughters, Emilia, wife of Sir P. De Havilland,
bailiff; Elizabeth, wife of W. Le Marchant, Esq.; and Margaret, wife of
I. Carey, Esq.]
[Footnote 166: Major Tupper succeeded to the command of the marines, of
whom there were two battalions at Bunker's Hill, after the fall of the
gallant Major Pitcairn, and was honorably mentioned in the general
orders of the day.]
[Footnote 167: The Primrose, while this young officer was serving in
her, was actively employed during the war, and in one engagement had
fifteen officers and men killed and wounded. In 1815, he accompanied
Captain Phillott in the boat expedition up the river St. Mary, in the
United States, in which that officer was wounded.]
[Footnote 168: The same officer whose letters have been given in this
volume.]
[Footnote 169: See _United Service Journal_, March, 1841, pp. 332-3.]
[Footnote 170: By a singular coincidence, the two brothers commenced
their career in the same ship, the Victory, to which their near
relative, Lieutenant Carré Tupper, belonged when he was killed in the
Mediterranean, in one of her boats, and all three lost their lives in
boats!]
APPENDIX D.
COLONEL WILLIAM DE VIC TUPPER.
... My beautiful, my brave!
* * * * *
Ah! who can tell how many a soul sublime
Has felt the influence of malignant star,
And waged with Fortune an unequal war!
This highly gifted young man was a brother of the subject of the
preceding memoir, their father having had ten sons and three daughters.
He received an excellent education in England, partly under a private
tutor in Warwickshire; and on the restoration of the Bourbons, in 1814,
he was sent to a college in Paris, in which he continued until the
arrival of Napoleon from Elba, when he was gratified by a glimpse of
that extraordinary man. When he landed in France, although he had barely
completed his fourteenth year, his stature was so tall and athletic as
to give him the appearance of a young giant; and on being asked his age
at the police office, that it might be inserted in his passport, his
reply was received with a smile of astonishment and incredulity, which
afforded much subsequent amusement to his elder fellow travellers. At
the age of sixteen his strength and activity were so great, that few men
could have stood up against him with any chance of success. On his
return to Guernsey, every interest the family possessed was anxiously
exerted to indulge his wish of entering the British army, but owing to
the great reductions made after the peace of 1815, he was unable to
obtain a commission, even by purchase. Those relatives, who could best
have forwarded his views, had been slain in the public service; and in
that day few claims were admitted, unless supported by strong
parliamentary influence. He attended the levee of the
commander-in-chief, who promised to take his memorial into early
consideration; and it was hoped by the family that his tall and
strikingly handsome person would have had some influence; but
unfortunately the youth, then under sixteen, waited alone on the Duke of
York, and had no one to plead his cause or to promote his wishes. He was
accompanied as far as the Horse Guards by the late Lieut.-Colonel Eliot,
(see page 399,) who there, or in the neighbourhood, introduced him to
Sir Roger Sheaffe, whom they met accidentally; but the general took
little or no notice of the nephew of one to whom he was under much
obligation, and whose fall had been his rise. It is true that Sir Roger
Sheaffe was also about to solicit an ensigncy for his own nephew; but
sure we are, that had Sir Isaac Brock met the nephew of a gallant
predecessor under similar circumstances, he would have presented him to
the commander-in-chief, and urged his claims with all the warmth of
companionship and gratitude. And is it not painful to think, that a
nephew of Sir Roger Sheaffe obtained that _without_ purchase, which was
withheld from the nephew of Sir Isaac Brock, even _by_ purchase--and
that nephew of as noble a spirit as ever breathed? Being thus cruelly
disappointed, young Tupper spent two or three years in Catalonia, of
which province a relative, P.C. Tupper, was British consul (see p. 73);
and "the young Englishman" received the public thanks of the
municipality of Barcelona, for having boldly exposed his life to
extinguish a conflagration which threatened to destroy a whole barrier
of the city. Here his vanity was constantly excited by exclamations in
the streets, on the manly beauty of his person. The profession of arms
continuing his ruling passion, he embarked at Guernsey late in 1821 for
Rio de Janeiro, whence he proceeded to Buenos Ayres, and thence over
land to Chile, then struggling for her independence of Spain. His family
was averse to his joining the patriot cause, as it was then termed, and
he arrived at Santiago a mere soldier of fortune--without, we believe, a
single letter of introduction to those in authority. But his appearance
and manners, and a perfect knowledge of three languages, English,
French, and Spanish, all of which he spoke fluently, soon procured him
friends and active military employment. He rose rapidly, and his deeds
have been compared to those of the far-famed Sir William Wallace.
In a necessarily brief notice, it is, however, quite impossible to
detail the services of young Tupper in the land of his unhappy adoption;
and it must, therefore, suffice to say that he displayed the greatest
talent and bravery, first against the Spaniards, and, after their
subjugation, in the civil wars which ensued. He was drawn into the
latter, when, in 1829, part of the troops, under General Prieto,
attempted to subvert the existing authorities, because, as he wrote, he
"considered that no free government or orderly state could exist an
hour, if the military were once allowed to throw the sword into the
scale, and decide points of legislation by the force of arms." In a
battle fought near the capital, Santiago, the rebel troops were
defeated, but Prieto gained that by treachery, which he could not effect
by the sword; and when Colonel Tupper resigned in disgust, the earnest
entreaties of his old commander, General Freire unfortunately induced
him to accept the government of Coquimbo, which step soon after
compelled him to resume the command of his regiment. Freire was deceived
by some of Prieto's chiefs, who, probably at the instigation of that
faithless general, had promised to pass over to him with their troops at
the first convenient opportunity; and he allowed himself to be forced
into a battle on a vast plain at Lircay, near Talca, on the 17th April,
1830. Nothing could be more ill-judged or imprudent, as his army, which
consisted of about 1,700 men, had only two weak squadrons of regular
cavalry and four pieces of artillery, while that of Prieto, amounting to
fully 2,200 men, had 800 veteran cavalry, and eleven or twelve pieces of
artillery. The Chile cavalry is very formidable, the men being most
expert riders, mounted on active and powerful horses, and generally
armed with long lances, which they use with great dexterity. After a
long engagement, Freire's cavalry, consisting of about 600 men,
including militia and Indians, fled completely discomfited, and
abandoned the infantry, composed of three weak battalions, to its fate.
Their situation was now indeed desperate, as the ground was so favorable
to cavalry, and the neighbourhood offered them no accessible place of
defence or refuge. When they formed into squares to resist the hostile
cavalry, they were mowed down by artillery; and, when they deployed into
line, the cavalry was upon them. In this dreadful emergency they
maintained the conflict for nearly an hour, with all the obstinacy of
despair; and at length, in attempting to charge in column, they were
completely broken. The loss in Freire's army fell chiefly on the
devoted infantry, and included eighteen officers among the killed. The
only officers mentioned as slain, in Prieto's hurried dispatch of the
17th of April, are Colonel Elizalde, chief of the staff; Colonel Tupper,
and his gallant Major Varela, a young man of five or six and twenty.
Colonel Tupper is said to have exhibited the most reckless valour during
the day, and to have rallied his battalion several times. Having
dismounted to encourage his men, he was unable, in the _mêlée_ when all
was lost, to find his horse; and the accounts of the manner of his death
are so contradictory, that it is impossible to reconcile them. All
agree, however, in stating that he was particularly sought after, and
that orders were given to shew him no quarter. Certain it is that he was
overtaken, and "sacrificed to the fears of Prieto, who justly considered
him the sword and buckler of the irresolute and vacillating Freire." He
was pronounced by an English traveller, as "the handsomest man he had
ever seen in either hemisphere," and undoubtedly his tall, athletic, and
beautifully proportioned person, his almost Herculean strength, the
elegance of his manners, and his impetuous valour in battle, gave the
impression rather of a royal knight of chivalry, than of a republican
soldier.[171] The influence and popularity which in a few short years he
acquired in his adopted country, by his own unaided exertions, and under
the many disadvantages of being a stranger in a strange land, best prove
that his talents were of the first order, and that he was no common
character. And that fraternal affection may not be supposed to have
dictated this eulogium, the following impartial testimonies of its
correctness are appended, in justice to the memory of one whom a
combination of cruel circumstances drove to a distant land to shed that
blood, and to yield that life, winch he had in vain sought to devote to
his own country.
An English gentleman, of ancient family, and author of travels in South
America, who knew Colonel Tupper intimately, thus wrote of him:
"He was certainly one of the finest fellows I ever knew--one
of those beings whose meteor-like flame traverses our path,
and leaves an imperishable recollection of its brilliancy....
I have often held him up as an example to be followed of
scrupulous exactness, and of a probity, I fear, alas! too
uncompromising in these corrupt times."
The American _chargé d'affaires_ and consul-general in Chile, said, in a
letter to Captain P.P. King, then of his majesty's ship Adventure, both
strangers to the family:
"The heroism displayed by Tupper surpassed the prowess of any
individual that I ever heard of in battle; but, poor fellow!
he was horribly dealt with after getting away with another
officer. A party of cavalry and Indians was sent in pursuit,
and they boast that poor Tupper was cut to pieces. They seemed
to be more in terror of him, on account of his personal
bravery and popularity, than of all the others. Guernsey has
cause to be proud of so great a hero--a hero he truly was, for
nature made him one."
And one of the British consuls in Chile wrote:
"I trust you will believe that any member of the family of
Colonel Tupper, who may require such services as I am at
liberty to offer, will be always esteemed by one who, for many
years, has looked upon his gallant and honorable conduct as
reflecting lustre upon the English name in these new and
distant states."
An anonymous French traveller, who published in a Paris newspaper, _Le
Semeur_, of the 4th April, 1832, his "Souvenir d'un Séjour au Chili,"
thus expressed himself:
"Les Chiliens sont jaloux des étrangers qui prennent du service
chez eux, et il est assez naturel qu'ils le soient, quoiqu'on ne
puisse nier qu'ils aient de grandes obligations à plusieurs de
ceux qui ont fait Chili leur patrie adoptive. Depuis mon retour
en Europe, un de ces hommes, digne d'une haute estime, a cessé de
vivre. Je veux parler du Colonel Tupper, qui a été fait
prisonnier à la tête de son regiment; et qui, après avoir été
tenu, pendant une heure, dans l'incertitude sur son sort, fut
cruellement mis à mort par les ennemis. Le Colonel Tupper était
un homme d'une grande bravoure et d'un esprit éclairé; ses formes
étaient athlétiques, et l'expression de sa physionomie pleine de
franchise. II se serait distingué partout où il aurait été
employé, et dans quelque situation qu'il eût été placé. N'est-il
pas déplorable que de tels hommes en soient réduits à se
consacrer à une cause étrangère?
"J'espère que le temps n'est pas éloigné où l'on saura apprécier
au Chili le patriotisme et l'énergie, dont le Colonel Tupper a
donné l'exemple."
And in a pamphlet published at Lima, in, 1831, by General Freire, in
exposition of his conduct during the civil war in Chile, 1829-30, is the
following extract translated from the Spanish:
"It does not enter into my plan to justify the strategic
movements which preceded the battle of Lircay. The
disproportion between the contending forces was excessive.
Neither tactics nor prodigies of valour could avail against
this immense disadvantage. The liberals were routed. Would
that I could throw a veil, not over a Conquest which proves
neither courage nor talent in the conqueror, but over the
horrid cruelties which succeeded the battle. The most furious
savages, the most unprincipled bandits, would have been
ashamed to execute the orders which the rebel army received
from Prieto, and yet which were executed with mournful
fidelity. Tupper--illustrious shade of the bravest of
soldiers, of the most estimable of men; shade of a hero to
whom Greece and Rome would have erected statues--your dreadful
assassination will be avenged. If there be no visible
punishment for your murderer, Divine vengeance will overtake
him. It will demand an account of that infamous sentence
pronounced against all strangers by a man[172] who at that
time was the pupil and the tool of a vagabond stranger,[173]
indebted for his elevation and his bread to the generosity of
Chile."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 171: From his earliest youth he gave indications of that
fearless and daring spirit which marked his after-life; and when he left
Europe in 1821, he was generally thought to bear a striking resemblance
to his late uncle, Major-General Brock, at the same age. This similarity
extended in some degree even to their deaths, as the Indians of either
continent were employed as auxiliaries in the actions in which they
fell, and both were killed in the months that gave them birth. Like his
uncle also, he swam occasionally to Castle Cornet and back, (see foot
note, page 337,) and he was equally tall, being in height six feet two
inches, while his figure was a perfect model of strength and symmetry.]
[Footnote 172: General Prieto.]
[Footnote 173: Garrido, a Spanish renegade.]
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