The Project Gutenberg eBook of Travels into Bokhara (Volume 3 of 3), by
Alexander Burnes
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Title: Travels into Bokhara (Volume 3 of 3)
Being the Account of A Journey from India to Cabool, Tartary,
and Persia; Also, Narrative of a Voyage on the Indus, From the Sea
to Lahore, With Presents From the King of Great Britain; Performed
Under the Orders of the Supreme Government of India, in the Years
1831, 1832, and 1833
Author: Alexander Burnes
Release Date: September 26, 2021 [eBook #66386]
Language: English
Produced by: Henry Flower and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS INTO BOKHARA (VOLUME 3 OF
3) ***
Transcriber's Note
Italic text is indicated by _underscores_, bold text by =equals signs=,
sidenotes by ~swung dashes~ and superscript by caret signs, e.g. ALEX^R
BURNES.
TRAVELS
INTO
BOKHARA,
_&c. &c._
VOL. III.
LONDON:
Printed by A. SPOTTISWOODE,
New-Street-Square.
[Illustration:
Drawn by W. Purser. Engraved by E. Finden.
_Hydrabad on the Indus_
_From a sketch taken on the spot by Capt. Grindlay, in 1808._
]
TRAVELS
INTO
BOKHARA;
BEING THE ACCOUNT OF
A JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO CABOOL, TARTARY,
AND PERSIA;
ALSO, NARRATIVE OF
A VOYAGE ON THE INDUS,
FROM THE SEA TO LAHORE,
WITH PRESENTS FROM THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN;
PERFORMED UNDER THE ORDERS OF THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT
OF INDIA, IN THE YEARS 1831, 1832, AND 1833.
BY
LIEUT. ALEX^R BURNES, F.R.S.
OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SERVICE;
AS^T POLITICAL RESIDENT IN CUTCH, AND LATE ON A MISSION TO
THE COURT OF LAHORE.
----“Per syrtes iter æstuosas,
... _per inhospitalem
Caucasum, vel quæ loca fabulosus
Lambit Hydaspes_.” HOR.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. III.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
MDCCCXXXIV.
THIS
THIRD VOLUME
OF
TRAVELS INTO BOKHARA,
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE RIVER INDUS,
IS INSCRIBED TO
THE MEMORY OF THE LATE
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR JOHN MALCOLM, G.C.B.
&c. &c. &c.
IN GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE,
BY
THE AUTHOR.
NARRATIVE
OF A
VOYAGE BY THE RIVER INDUS,
FROM THE SEA TO
THE COURT OF LAHORE IN THE PUNJAB,
WITH PRESENTS FROM THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN;
COMPRISING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE MISSION,
AND A
=MEMOIR OF THE RIVER INDUS=,
WITH CURSORY REMARKS ON THE REMAINS OF ANTIQUITY NEAR THAT
CLASSICAL AND CELEBRATED STREAM.
INTRODUCTION.
I was employed as an officer of the Quartermaster-general’s department,
for several years, in the province of Cutch. In the course of enquiries
into its geography and history, I visited the eastern mouth of the
Indus, to which the country adjoins, as well as that singular tract
called the “Run,” into which that river flows. The extension of our
knowledge in that quarter served only to excite further curiosity,
in which I was stimulated by Lieut-General Sir Thomas Bradford, then
Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay army. That officer directed his
views, in a most enlightened manner, to the acquisition of every
information regarding a frontier so important to Britain as that of
north-western India. Encouraged by such approbation, for which I
am deeply grateful, I volunteered my services, in the year 1829,
to traverse the deserts between India and the Indus, and finally,
endeavour to descend that river to the sea. Such a journey involved
matters of political moment; but the government of Bombay was then held
by an individual distinguished above all others, by zeal in the cause
of Asiatic geography and literature. Sir John Malcolm despatched me
at once, in prosecution of the design, and was pleased to remove me
to the political branch of the service, observing, that I should be
then invested “with influence with the rulers, through whose country
I travelled, that would tend greatly to allay that jealousy and
alarm, which might impede, if they did not arrest, the progress of my
enquiries.”
In the year 1830, I entered the desert, accompanied by Lieut. James
Holland, of the Quartermaster-general’s department, an officer ably
qualified to assist me. After reaching Jaysulmeer, we were overtaken
by an express from the Supreme Government of India, desiring us to
return, since at that time “it was deemed inexpedient to incur the
hazard of exciting the alarm and jealousy of the rulers of Sinde,
and other foreign states, by the prosecution of the design.” This
disappointment, then most acutely felt, was dissipated in the following
year, by the arrival of presents from the King of Great Britain for the
ruler of Lahore, coupled, at the same time, with the desire that such
an opportunity for acquiring correct information of the Indus should
not be overlooked. The following work contains the narrative of that
mission, which I conducted by the Indus to Lahore. The information
which I collected, relative to Jaysulmeer and the countries on the N.
W. frontier of India, has just been published in the Transactions of
the Royal Geographical Society of London.
London, June 7. 1834.
CONTENTS
OF
THE THIRD VOLUME.
Page
INTRODUCTION ix
CHAPTER I.
Arrival of presents from the King of England--Information on
the Indus desired--Suggestions for procuring it--Appointed to
conduct the Mission to Lahore--Departure from Cutch--Ability
of the Navigators--Arrival in the Indus--Phenomena--Scenes of
Alexander’s Campaigns--Ebb and flow of the Tides--Correctness
of Quintus Curtius--Visited by the Authorities--Forced out of
the Country--Correspondence--Return to the Indus--Imminent
Danger--Starved out of the Country--Third Voyage to the
Indus--Land in Sinde--Negotiations--Advance on Tatta--Sindian
Policy and Reasoning--Successful Negotiations 1
CHAP. II.
Tatta described--Hinglaj, a famous Pilgrimage--Return
to the Sea-coast--Notions of the People--Alexander’s
Journey--Embarkation on the River--Anecdote--Strictness of
Religious Observances--Pulla Fish--Arrival at Hydrabad--Welcome
of the Rulers--Presentation at Court--Sindian Meanness--Audience
of Leave--Scenery near the Capital 30
CHAP. III.
Departure from Hydrabad--Sehwun--Crew of the Boats--A
Sindian Song--Sehwun described--Reasons for supposing it
to be the Territory of the Sindomanni--Pilgrimage--High
Antiquity of the Castle of Sehwun--Congratulations from the
Ruler of Khyrpoor--Address that Personage--Character of the
People--The Indus--Visited by the Vizier of Sinde--Arrival at
Khyrpoor--Audience with the Chief--Character of the Sindian
Rulers--Arrival at Bukkur--Amusing Predictions--Anecdote of an
Afghan--Mihmandar--Alore described--Supposition of its being the
Kingdom of Musicanus 51
CHAP. IV.
Quit Bukkur--Curiosity of the People--Reach the Frontiers
of Sinde--Farewell Letters--Creditable Behaviour in our
Escort--Fish Diet--Costume--Enter Bhawul Khan’s Country--Quit
the Indus at Mittun--Effects of this River on the Climate--Enter
the Chenab or Acesines--Incident at Ooch--Arrival of Bhawul
Khan--Interview with him--Merchants of Bhawulpoor--History
of Ooch--Visited by Bhawul Khan--Mountains--Pass the
Sutlege--Peculiarity in the Water of two Rivers--Simplicity
of the Mihmandar--Enter Runjeet Sing’s Country--Honourable
Reception--Exhibition of the Dray-horses--Orders of the Court 81
CHAP. V.
Voyage in the Country of the Seiks--Shoojuabad--Mooltan;
its Antiquity--Probably the Capital of
the Malli--Public Buildings--Religious
Intolerance--Climate--Phenomena--Date-trees; Traditions of their
introduction--Quit Mooltan--Peloo Shrub--Arrangements for
our Advance to Lahore--Alexander the Great--Enter the Ravee,
or Hydräotes--Tolumba--Visit the Hydaspes--Description of its
confluence with the Chenab--Probable identity of a Modern Tribe
with the Cathæi--Ruins of Shorkote--Valuable Bactrian Coin found
at it--Birds and Reptiles--Heat--Ruins of Harappa--A Tiger
Hunt--Seik Courage--Intelligence of the Mihmandar--Letter and
Deputation from Lahore--Seik Females 108
CHAP. VI.
Enter Lahore--Presentation to Runjeet Sing--Delivery of the
Presents--Copy of a Letter from the King of England--Stud--Hall
of Audience--Military Spectacle--Conversations of Runjeet
Sing--Amazons--French Officers--City of Lahore--Tomb
of Juhangeer--Shalimar of Shah Jehan--Horse Artillery
Review--Character of Runjeet Sing--Audience of Leave--Superb
Jewels--Dresses of Honour--Runjeet Sing’s Letter to the
King--Quit Lahore--Umritsir; its Temples--Reach the
Beas, or Hyphasis--Fête of a Seik Chieftain--Reach the
Sutlege--Antiquities of the Punjab--Arrival at Lodiana--Exiled
Kings of Cabool--Visit them--Journey to the Himalaya
Mountains--Interview with the Governor-general--Acknowledgments
of his Lordship 148
MEMOIR ON THE INDUS AND ITS TRIBUTARY RIVERS IN THE PUNJAB.
Notice regarding the Map of the Indus 193
CHAPTER I.
A general view of the Indus 199
CHAP. II.
A comparison of the Indus and Ganges--Propriety of the
comparison--Size of the Ganges--Of the Indus--Compared--Slope of
the Indus--Conclusions from it--Tides in both Rivers 203
CHAP. III.
ON SINDE.
Extent of the Country--Chiefs and Revenue--Power and
Conquests--Military Strength--Connection with Persia--External
Policy--Internal State--Hydrabad Family--Khyrpoor
Family--Meerpoor Family--Condition of the People--Population 212
CHAP. IV.
ON THE MOUTHS OF THE INDUS.
Division of the Indus into two great branches below
Tatta--Sata--Buggar--Delta; its extent--Dangers in navigating
it--Eleven Mouths of the Indus--The Pittee--Pieteeanee, Jooa,
Reechel, Hujamree--Khedywaree, Gora, or Wanyanee--Khaeer,
Mull, Seer--Koree, or Eastern Mouth--Advantage of these
to Sinde--Coast of Sinde--Tides of the Indus--Curachee
Seaport--Boats of the Indus; Dingees and Doondees--Indus adapted
for Steam-vessels--Military remarks on the River 228
CHAP. V.
ON THE DELTA OF THE INDUS.
Inundation of the Delta--Extent--Neglected
State--Towns--Population--Jokea
Tribe--Fisheries--Animals--Productions--Climate 249
CHAP. VI.
THE INDUS FROM TATTA TO HYDRABAD.
Sand-banks--Course of the River--Towns--Country
Supplies--Trade--Means of improving it--Boats; their Deficiency
255
CHAP. VII.
THE INDUS FROM HYDRABAD TO SEHWUN.
Course and Depth--Fulailee River--Current--Importance of
this Part of the River--Crossing the Indus--Navigation of
it--Towns--Sehwun--Mountains of Lukkee 260
CHAP. VIII.
THE INDUS FROM SEHWUN TO BUKKUR.
Position of Bukkur--Fertility of the Country--Current--Eastern
Bank of the Indus--Western Bank--Fortress of Bukkur--Roree and
Sukkur--Alore; its Antiquity--Khyrpoor and Larkhanu--Productions
of the Soil 267
CHAP. IX.
THE INDUS FROM BUKKUR, TILL JOINED BY THE PUNJAB RIVERS.
Breadth and Depth--Boats--Country--Shikarpoor and Subzul--Swell
of the Indus--Tribes on the River 275
CHAP. X.
THE INDUS FROM MITTUN TO ATTOK.
Description of the River--Dera Ghazee Khan--Line of
Commerce--Military Expeditions; why they avoided the
Indus--Bridging the Indus 281
CHAP. XI.
THE CHENAB, OR ACESINES, JOINED BY THE SUTLEGE, OR HESUDRUS.
Chenab--Junction--Banks of the Chenab--Ooch; its Productions 286
CHAP. XII.
ON BHAWUL KHAN’S COUNTRY.
Limits--Nature of the Country--Its Power and
Importance--Daoodpootras; their Descent--The reigning
Family--Trade of Bhawulpoor 290
CHAP. XIII.
THE PUNJAB.
Extent of Runjeet Sing’s Country--Changes in the Seik
Government--Probable Consequences of the Ruler’s Death--His
Policy--Sirdars--Revenues of the Punjab--Military Resources and
Strength--Cities 295
CHAP. XIV.
THE CHENAB, OR ACESINES, JOINED BY THE RAVEE, OR HYDRAÖTES.
Chenab Described--Boats on it--Crossing the River--Province of
Mooltan 300
CHAP. XV.
THE RAVEE, OR HYDRAÖTES, BELOW LAHORE.
The Ravee--Its tortuous Course and difficult
Navigation--Towns--Lahore--Umritsir Toolumba 305
CHAP. XVI.
A MEMOIR ON THE EASTERN BRANCH OF THE INDUS, AND THE RUN OF
CUTCH.
Cutch; its Position--Alterations in its Western Coast, from an
Earthquake--Damming of the Eastern Branch of the Indus--Injuries
thereby--Dreadful Earthquake of 1819--Effects of it--Raises a
natural Mound--Overflow of the Indus in 1826--its Effects on the
Eastern Branch described--Opinions--Subsequent Alterations of
the Indus--Run of Cutch described--Mirage--Traditions regarding
the Run--Corroboration of them--Effects of the Earthquake on the
Run--Flooding of the Run--Configuration of the Run Borders--Run,
supposed to have been an Inland Sea--Note in corroboration of
the Opinion--Note on Sindree 309
NARRATIVE.
CHAPTER I.
~Arrival of presents from the King of England for Runjeet Sing at
Lahore.~
In the year 1830, a ship arrived at Bombay, with a present of five
horses from the King of Great Britain to Maharaja Runjeet Sing, the
Seik Chieftain at Lahore, accompanied by a letter of friendship from
his majesty’s minister[1] to that prince. At the recommendation of
Major-General Sir John Malcolm, then governor of Bombay, I had the
honour of being nominated by the Supreme Government of India to proceed
on a mission to the Seik capital, with these presents, by way of the
river Indus. I held at that time a political situation in Cutch, the
only portion of the British dominions in India which borders on the
Indus.
~Information on the Indus desiderated.~
The authorities, both in England and India, contemplated that much
information of a political and geographical nature might be acquired
in such a journey. The knowledge which we possessed of the Indus was
vague and unsatisfactory, and the only accounts of a great portion of
its course were drawn from Arrian, Curtius, and the other historians of
Alexander’s expedition. Sir John Malcolm thus minuted in the records of
government, in August, 1830:--
“The navigation of the Indus is important in every point of view; yet
we have no information that can be depended upon on this subject,
except of about seventy miles from Tatta to Hyderabad. Of the present
state of the Delta we have native accounts, and the only facts which
can be deduced are, that the different streams of the river below
Tatta, often change their channels, and that the sands of all are
constantly shifting; but, notwithstanding these difficulties, boats of
a small draft of water can always go up the principal of them. With
regard to the Indus above Hyderabad, there can be no doubt of its
being, as it has been for more than two thousand years, navigable far
up.”
~Arrangements.~
In addition therefore to the complimentary mission on which I was to be
employed, I had my attention most specially directed to the acquisition
of full and complete information regarding the Indus. This was a matter
of no easy accomplishment, as the Ameers, or rulers of Sinde, had ever
evinced the utmost jealousy of Europeans, and none of the missions
which visited the country had been permitted to proceed beyond their
capital of Hyderabad. The river Indus, likewise, in its course to
the ocean, traverses the territories of many lawless and barbarous
tribes, from whom both opposition and insult might be dreaded. On
these matters much valuable advice was derived from Lieutenant-Colonel
Henry Pottinger, political resident in Cutch, and well known to the
world for his adventurous travels in Beloochistan. He suggested that
it might allay the fears of the Sinde government, if a large carriage
were sent with the horses, since the size and bulk of it would render
it obvious that the mission could then only proceed by water. This
judicious proposal was immediately adopted by government; nor was it in
this case alone that the experience of Colonel Pottinger availed me, as
it will be seen that he evinced the most unwearied zeal throughout the
difficulties which presented themselves, and contributed, in a great
degree, to the ultimate success of the undertaking.
~The escort.~
That a better colour might also be given to my deputation by a route
so unfrequented, I was made the bearer of presents to the Ameers of
Sinde, and at the same time charged with communications of a political
nature to them. These referred to some excesses committed by their
subjects on the British frontier; but I was informed that neither
that, nor any other negotiation, was to detain me in my way to Lahore.
The authorities in England had desired that a suitable escort might
accompany the party; but though the design was not free from some
degree of danger, it was evident that no party of any moderate detail
could afford the necessary protection. I preferred, therefore, the
absence of any of our troops, and resolved to trust to the people of
the country; believing that, through their means, I might form a link
of communication with the inhabitants. Sir John Malcolm observed, in
his letter to the Governor General, that “the guard will be people
of the country he visits, and those familiar with it. Lieut. Burnes
prefers such, on the justest grounds, to any others; finding they
facilitate his progress, while they disarm that jealousy which the
appearance of any of our troops excites.” Nor were my sentiments
erroneous; since a guard of wild Beloochees protected us in Sinde, and
allayed suspicion.
~Appointed to conduct the mission to Lahore.~
When these preliminary arrangements had been completed, I received
my final instructions in a secret letter from the chief secretary
at Bombay. I was informed that “the depth of water in the Indus,
the direction and breadth of the stream, its facilities for steam
navigation, the supply of fuel on its banks, and the condition of the
princes and people who possess the country bordering on it, are all
points of the highest interest to government; but your own knowledge
and reflection will suggest to you various other particulars, in
which full information is highly desirable; and the slow progress of
the boats up the Indus will, it is hoped, give you every opportunity
to pursue your researches.” I was supplied with all the requisite
surveying instruments, and desired to draw bills on honour for my
expenses. In a spirit also purely characteristic of the distinguished
individual who then held the government, I received the thanks of Sir
John Malcolm for my previous services; had my attention drawn to the
confidence now reposed in me; and was informed that my knowledge of
the neighbouring countries and the character of their inhabitants,
with the local impressions by which I was certain to be aided, gave
me advantages which no other individual enjoyed, and had led to my
selection; nor could I but be stimulated by the manner in which Sir
John Malcolm addressed the Governor General of India:--“I shall be
very confident of any plan Lieut. Burnes undertakes in this quarter
of India; provided a latitude is given him to act as circumstances
may dictate, I dare pledge myself that the public interests will be
promoted. Having had my attention much directed, and not without
success, during more than thirty years, to the exploring and surveying
countries in Asia, I have gained some experience, not only in the
qualities and habits of the individuals by whom such enterprises can
be undertaken, but of the pretexts and appearances necessary to give
them success.” A young active and intelligent officer, Ensign J. D.
Leckie, of the 22d Regiment N.I., was also nominated to accompany me; a
surveyor, a native doctor, and suitable establishments of servants were
likewise entertained.
~Departure from Cutch.~
We sailed from Mandivee in Cutch with a fleet of five native boats, on
the morning of the 21st of January, 1831. On the day succeeding our
departure, we had cleared the Gulf of Cutch. The danger in navigating
it has been exaggerated. The eddies and dirty appearance of the sea,
which boils up and bubbles like an effervescing draught, present a
frightful aspect to a stranger, but the natives traverse it at all
seasons. It is tolerably free from rocks, and the Cutch shore is sandy
with little surf, and presents inducements for vessels in distress to
run in upon the land. We passed a boat of fifty tons, which had escaped
shipwreck, with a very valuable cargo from Mozambique, the preceding
year, by this expedient.
~Ability of the Cutch navigators.~
Among the timid navigators of the East, the mariner of Cutch is truly
adventurous; he voyages to Arabia, the Red Sea, and the coast of
Zanguebar in Africa, bravely stretching out on the ocean after quitting
his native shore. The “moallim” or pilot determines his position by
an altitude at noon or by the stars at night, with a rude quadrant.
Coarse charts depict to him the bearings of his destination, and, by
long-tried seamanship, he weathers, in an undecked boat with a huge
lateen sail, the dangers and tornadoes of the Indian Ocean. This use
of the quadrant was taught by a native of Cutch, who made a voyage to
Holland in the middle of last century, and returned, “in a green old
age,” to enlighten his country with the arts and sciences of Europe.
The most substantial advantages introduced by this improver of his
country were the arts of navigating and naval architecture, in which
the inhabitants of Cutch excel. For a trifling reward, a Cutch mariner
will put to sea in the rainy season, and the adventurous feeling is
encouraged by the Hindoo merchants of Mandivee, an enterprising and
speculating body of men.
~Arrival in the Indus.~
On the evening of the 24th we had cleared the Gulf of Cutch, and
anchored in the mouth of the Koree, the eastern, though forsaken,
branch of the Indus, which separates Sinde from Cutch. The Koree leads
to Lueput, and is the largest of all the mouths of the river, having
become a branch of the sea as the fresh water has been turned from its
channel. There are many spots on its banks hallowed in the estimation
of the people. Cotasir and Narainseer are places of pilgrimage to
the Hindoo, and stand upon it and the western promontory of Cutch.
Opposite them lies the cupola of Rao Kanoje, beneath which there rests
a saint, revered by the Mahommedans. To defraud this personage of
frankincense, grain, oil, and money, in navigating the Koree, would
entail, it is superstitiously believed, certain shipwreck. In the
reverence we recognise the dangers and fear of the mariner. There is a
great contrast between the shores of Sinde and Cutch; the one is flat
and depressed, nearly to a level with the sea, while the hills of Cutch
rise in wild and volcanic cones, which meet the eye long after the
coast has faded from the view. We gladly exchanged this grandeur for
the dull monotony of the shores of Sinde, unvaried, as it is, by any
other signs of vegetation than stunted shrubs, whose domain is invaded
by each succeeding tide.
[Illustration: NATIVES OF CUTCH.
Lith.^d. for Burnes’ Travels into Bokhara,__by Day & Haghe Lith.^{rs}
to the King.
John Murray Albemarle S^t. 1834.
_On Stone by L. Haghe._
_Captn. R. M. Grindlay delt._]
~Coast of Sinde.~
We followed the Sinde coast for four or five days, passing all
the mouths of the Indus, eleven in number, the principal of which
we entered and examined, without even the observation of the
inhabitants. There was little indication of our being near the estuary
of so great a river, for the water was only fresh a mile off shore from
the Gora, or largest mouth of the Indus; and the junction of the river
water with that of the sea was formed without violence, and might be
now and then discovered by a small streak of foam and a gentle ripple.
The number and subdivision of the branches diminish, no doubt, the
velocity as well as the volume of the Indus; but it would be supposed
that so vast a river would exercise an influence in the sea far from
its embouchure; and, I believe, this is really the case in the months
of July and August, during the inundation. The waters of the Indus are
so loaded with mud and clay, as to discolour the sea for about three
miles from the land. Opposite its different mouths numberless brown
specks are to be seen, called “pit” by the natives. I found them, on
examination, to be round globules, filled with water, and easily burst.
When placed on a plate, they were about the size of a shilling, and
covered by a brown skin. These specks are considered by the pilots to
denote the presence of fresh water among the salt; for they believe
them to be detached from the sand banks, by the meeting of the sea and
the river. They give a particularly dirty and oily appearance to the
water.
~Anchor on the Indus.~
At night-fall on the 28th, we cast anchor in the western mouth of the
Indus, called the Pittee. The coast of Sinde is not distinguishable
a league from the shore. There is not a tree to be seen, though the
mirage sometimes magnifies the stunted shrubs of the Delta, and gives
them a tall and verdant appearance; a delusion that vanishes with a
nearer approach. From our anchorage, a white fortified tomb, in the Bay
of Curachee, was visible north-west of us; and beyond it lay a rocky
range of black mountains, called Hala, the Irus of Nearchus. I here
read from Arrian and Quintus Curtius the passages of this memorable
scene in Alexander’s expedition, the mouth from which his admiral,
Nearchus, took his departure from Sinde. The river did not exceed 500
yards in width, instead of the 200 stadia (furlongs) of Arrian, and
the twelve miles, which more modern accounts had assigned to it, on
the authority of the natives. But there was still some resemblance
to the Greek author; for the hills over Curachee form with the
intervening country a semicircular bay, in which an island and some
sand-banks might lead a stranger to believe, that the ocean was yet
distant. “Alexander sent two long galleys before the fleet, towards
the ocean, to view a certain island, which they called Cillutas, where
his pilots told him he might go on shore before he entered the main
ocean; and when they assured him that it was a large island, and had
commodious harbours, besides plenty of fresh water, he commanded the
rest of the fleet to put in there, while he himself passed out to sea.”
The island, as it now exists, is scantily covered with herbage, and
destitute of fresh water. In vain I sought an identity of name in the
Indian dialect, for it was nameless; but it presented a safe place
of anchorage; and, as I looked upon it, I could not but think it was
that Cillutas where the hero of Macedon, “drawing up his fleet under
a promontory, sacrificed to the gods, as he had received orders from
Ammon.” Here it was, too, that Nearchus caused “a canal to be dug, of
about five stadia in length, where the earth was easiest to remove; as
soon as the tide began to rise they got their whole fleet safe through
that passage into the ocean.” The Greek admiral only availed himself of
the experience of the people; for it is yet customary among the natives
of Sinde to dig shallow canals, and leave the tides or river to deepen
them; and a distance of five stadia, or half a mile, would call for no
great labour. It is not to be supposed that sand-banks will continue
unaltered for centuries; but I may observe, that there was a large bank
contiguous to the island, between it and which a passage like that
of Nearchus might have been dug with the greatest advantage. “Having
sailed from the mouth of the Indus, Nearchus came to a sandy island,
called Crocola, and proceeded on his voyage, having the mountain Irus
on his right hand.” The topography is here more accurate: two sandy
islands, called Andry, lie off Curachee, at a distance of eighteen
miles from the Indus; and it is worthy of remark, that that portion of
the Delta through which the Pittee runs, is yet denominated “Crocola”
by the natives.
~Ebb and flow of the tides.~
But the ebb and flow of the tides were an object of the greatest
surprise to Alexander’s fleet, and we could soon discover the cause
of their astonishment, for two of our boats stranded at a spot where,
half an hour previously, there had been abundance of water. The tides
inundate the country with great impetuosity, and recede as rapidly,
so that if a vessel be not in the channel, she will be left on shore.
Arrian observes, that “while they continued in that station, an
accident happened which astonished them; namely, the ebbing and flowing
of the waters, like as in the great ocean, inasmuch that the ships were
left upon dry ground, which Alexander and his friends never having
perceived before, were so much the more surprised. But what increased
their astonishment was, that the tide returning a short while after
began to heave the ships, so that * * * some of them were swept away by
the fury of the tide, and dashed to pieces, and others driven against
the bank, and destroyed.”[2]
~Quintus Curtius’s description of Alexander’s disasters.~
A graphic and animated description of these disasters of the Greeks has
been likewise given by Quintus Curtius, and is nowhere more remarkable
than in the allusion to the “knolls” rising above the river like
“little islands,” for at full tide the mangrove shrubs present exactly
that appearance; but let the author speak in his own words:--
“About the third hour, the ocean, according to a regular alternation,
began to flow in furiously, driving back the river. The river, at
first, resisted; then impressed with a new force, rushed upwards with
more impetuosity than torrents descend a precipitous channel. The mass
on board, unacquainted with the nature of the tide, saw only prodigies
and symbols of the wrath of the gods. Ever and anon the sea swelled;
and on plains, recently dry, descended a diffused flood. The vessels
lifted from their stations, and the whole fleet dispersed; those who
had debarked, in terror and astonishment at the calamity, ran from
all quarters towards the ships. But tumultuous hurry is slow. * * *
Vessels dash together, and oars are by turns snatched away, to impel
other galleys. A spectator would not imagine a fleet carrying the same
army; but hostile navies commencing a battle. * * * * Now the tide had
inundated all the fields skirting the river, only _tops of knolls_
rising above it like little islands; to these, from the evacuated
ships, the majority swam in consternation. The dispersed fleet was
partly riding in deep water, where the land was depressed into dells;
and partly resting on shoals, where the tide had covered elevated
ground; suddenly breaks on the Macedonians a new alarm more vivid than
the former. The sea began to ebb; the deluge, with a violent drain, to
retreat into the frith, disclosing tracts just before deeply buried.
Unbayed, the ships pitched some upon their prows, others upon their
sides. The fields were strewed with baggage, arms, loose planks, and
fragments of oars. The soldiers scarcely believed what they suffered
and witnessed. Shipwrecks on dry land, the sea in a river. Nor yet
ended their unhappiness; for ignorant that the speedy return of the
tide would set their ships afloat, they predicted to themselves famine
and death. Terrifying monsters, too, left by the waves, were gliding
about at random.” Our little fleet did not encounter such calamity and
alarm as that of Nearchus; for, in Q. Curtius’s words,--“by a gradual
diffusion, the inundation began to raise the ships, presently flooding
all the fields, set the fleet in motion.”
~Reflections.~
I shall not now dwell on these subjects, though eminently interesting;
but, in the course of my narrative, I shall endeavour to identify the
modern Indus with the features of remoter times. If successful in
the enquiry, we shall add to our amusement, and the interest of the
chronicles themselves. It is difficult to describe the enthusiasm one
feels on first beholding the scenes which have exercised the genius
of Alexander. That hero has reaped the immortality which he so much
desired, and transmitted the history of his conquests, allied with his
name, to posterity. A town or a river, which lies on his route, has
acquired a celebrity that time serves only to increase; and, while we
gaze on the Indus, we connect ourselves, at least in association, with
the ages of distant glory. Nor can I pass over such feelings without
observing, that they are productive of the most solid advantages to
history and science. The Scamander has an immortality which the vast
Mississippi itself can never eclipse, and the descent of the Indus by
Alexander of Macedon is, perhaps, the most authentic and best attested
event of profane history.
~Visited by the Sinde authorities.~
The jealousy of the Sinde government had been often experienced, and
it was therefore suggested that we should sail for the Indus, without
giving any previous information. Immediately on anchoring, I despatched
a communication to the agent of the Ameers at Darajee, signifying
my plans; and, in the meanwhile, ascended the river with caution,
anchoring in the fresh water on the second evening, thirty-five miles
from the sea. Near the mouth of the river we passed a rock stretching
across the stream, which is particularly mentioned by Nearchus, who
calls it a “dangerous rock,” and is the more remarkable, since there
is not even a stone below Tatta in any other part of the Indus. We
passed many villages, and had much to enliven and excite our attention,
had we not purposely avoided all intercourse with the people till
made acquainted with the fate of our intimation to the authorities
at Darajee. A day passed in anxious suspense; but, on the following
morning, a body of armed men crowded round our boats, and the whole
neighbourhood was in a state of the greatest excitement. The party
stated themselves to be the soldiers of the Ameer, sent to number
our party, and see the contents of all the boats, as well as every
box that they contained. I gave a ready and immediate assent; and we
were instantly boarded by about fifty armed men, who wrenched open
every thing, and prosecuted the most rigorous search for cannon and
gunpowder. Mr. Leckie and myself stood by in amazement, till it was at
length demanded that the box containing the large carriage should be
opened; for they pretended to view it as the Greeks had looked on the
wooden horse, and believed that it would carry destruction into Sinde.
A sight of it disappointed their hopes; and we must be conjurors, it
was asserted, to have come without arms and ammunition.
~Retire to the mouth of the Indus.~
~Quit the country.~
When the search had been completed, I entered into conversation with
the head man of the party, and had hoped to establish, by his means, a
friendly connection with the authorities; but after a short pause, this
personage, who was a Reis of Lower Sinde, intimated, that a report of
the day’s transactions would be forthwith transmitted to Hydrabad; and
that, in the meanwhile, it was incumbent on us to await the decision of
the Ameer, at the mouth of the river. The request appeared reasonable;
and the more so, since the party agreed to furnish us with every supply
while so situated. We therefore weighed anchor, and dropped down the
river; but here our civilities ended. By the way we were met by several
“dingies” full of armed men, and at night were hailed by one of them,
to know how many troops we had on board. We replied, that we had not
even a musket. “The evil is done,” rejoined a rude Belooche soldier,
“you have seen our country; but we have four thousand men ready for
action!” To this vain-glorious observation succeeded torrents of abuse;
and when we reached the mouth of the river, the party fired their
matchlocks over us; but I dropped anchor, and resolved, if possible,
to repel these insults by personal remonstrance. It was useless; we
were surrounded by ignorant barbarians, who shouted out in reply to
all I said, that they had been ordered to turn us out of the country.
I protested against their conduct in the most forcible language;
reminded them that I was the representative, however humble, of a
great Government, charged with presents from Royalty; and added, that,
without a written document from their master, I should decline quitting
Sinde. An hour’s delay served to convince me that personal violence
would ensue, if I persisted in such a resolution; and as it was not
my object to risk the success of the enterprise by such collision, I
sailed for the most eastern mouth of the Indus, from which I addressed
the authorities in Sinde, as well as Colonel Pottinger, the Resident
in Cutch.
~Communications with the Ameer.~
I was willing to believe that the soldiers had exceeded the authority
which had been granted them; and was speedily put in possession of
a letter from the Ameer, couched in friendly terms, but narrating,
at great length, the difficulty and impossibility of navigating the
Indus. “The boats are so small,” said his Highness, “that only four or
five men can embark in one of them; their progress is likewise slow;
they have neither masts not sails; and the depth of water in the Indus
is likewise so variable as not to reach, in some places, the knee or
waist of a man.” But this formidable enumeration of physical obstacles
was coupled with no refusal from the Ruler himself; and it seemed
expedient, therefore, to make a second attempt, after replying to his
Highness’s letter.
~Return to Sinde.~
On the 10th of February we again set sail for Sinde; but at midnight,
on the 14th, were overtaken by a fearful tempest, which scattered our
little fleet. Two of the vessels were dismasted; we lost our small
boat, split our sails, sprung a leak; and, after being buffeted about
for some days by the fury of the winds and waves, succeeded in getting
an observation of the sun, which enabled us to steer our course, and
finally conducted us in safety to Sinde. One of the other four boats
alone followed us. We now anchored in the Pieteanee mouth of the Indus,
and I forthwith despatched the following document, by a trustworthy
messenger, to the agents at Darajee.
~Fruitless negotiations.~
1. “Let it be known to the Government agent at Darajee, that this is
the memorandum of Mr. Burnes (sealed with his seal, and written in the
Persian language in his own handwriting), the representative (vakeel)
of the English to the Ameer of Sinde, and likewise the bearer of
presents to Maharaja Runjeet Sing from the King of England.
2. “I came to the Indus a few days ago; and you searched my baggage,
that you might report the contents thereof to your master. I have now
returned, and await an answer.
3. “You may send any number of armed men that you please; my life is in
your power; but remember that the Ameer will hold every one responsible
who molests me. Remember, too, that I am a British officer, and have
come without a musket or a soldier (as you well know); placing implicit
reliance on the protection of the ruler of Sinde, to whose care my
Government have committed me.
4. “I send this memorandum by two of my own servants, and look to you
for their being protected.”
This remonstrance drew no reply from the agent at Darajee; for the
individual who had held the situation on our first visit to Sinde, had
been dismissed for permitting us to ascend the river; and our servants
brought us notice that we should not be permitted to land, nor to
receive either food or water. We observed, therefore, the greatest
possible economy in the distribution of our provisions, and placed
padlocks on the tanks, in the hope of reason yet guiding the councils
of the Ameer. When our supply of water failed, I despatched a small
boat up the river to procure some; but it was seized, and the party
detained; which now rendered us hopeless of success, and only anxious
to quit the inhospitable shores of Sinde.
~Imminent danger on the Indus. Quit Sinde.~
On the 22d of February we weighed our anchor, at daylight; and when in
the narrow mouth of the river, the wind suddenly changed. The tide,
which ran with terrific violence, cast us on the breakers of the bar;
the sea rolled over us, and we struck the ground at each succeeding
wave. In despair, the anchor was dropped; and when we thought only of
saving our lives, we found our vessel had rubbed over the breakers of
the bank, and floated. I admired the zeal and bravery of our crew; and
was much struck with their pious ejaculations to the tutelar saint
of Cutch, Shah Peer, when they found themselves beyond the reach of
danger. “Oh! holy and generous saint,” shouted the whole crew, “you are
truly good.” Frankincense was forthwith burned to his honour; and a sum
of money was collected, and hallowed by its fragrance, as the property
of the saint. The amount subscribed testified the sincerity of the poor
men’s gratitude; and if I believed not the efficacy of the offering,
I refused not, on that account, to join, by their request, in the
manifestations of their duty and gratitude. Our other vessel, not so
fortunate as ourselves, was cast on shore, though on a less dangerous
bank. We rendered her assistance, and sailed for Cutch, and anchored in
Mandivee roads after a surprising run of thirty-three hours.
~Negotiations with the Ameer.~
It could not now be concealed that the conduct of the Ameer of Sinde
was most unfriendly; but he yet betrayed no such feeling in his
letters. He magnified the difficulties of navigating the Indus, and
arrayed its rocks, quicksands, whirlpools, and shallows, in every
communication; asserting that the voyage to Lahore had never been
performed in the memory of man. It was evident that he viewed the
expedition with the utmost distrust and alarm; and the native agent,
who resides at Hydrabad on the part of the British Government,
described, not without some degree of humour, the fear and dread of
this jealous potentate. In his estimation, we were the precursors of
an army; and did he now desire to grant us a passage through Sinde,
he was at a loss to escape from the falsehoods and contradictions
which he had already stated in his epistles. One letter went on to
say, that “the Ameer of Sinde avoids giving any reply, lest he should
be involved in perplexity; and he has stopped his ears with the
_cotton_ of _absurdity_, and taken some silly notions into his head,
that if Captain Burnes should now come, he will see thousands of
boats on the Indus, and report the same to his Government, who will
conclude that it is the custom of the Ameer of Sinde to deceive on all
subjects, and that he has no sort of friendship.” At length, after
a remonstrance from Colonel Pottinger, both he and myself received
letters from Hydrabad, offering a road through Sinde by land. As this
might be fairly deemed the first opening which had presented itself
during the whole negotiation, with the advice of Colonel Pottinger
I set out a third time for the Indus. That officer in the meanwhile
intimated my departure to the Ameer, and pointed out the impossibility
of my proceeding by land to Lahore. He also intimated, in no measured
language, that the vacillating and unfriendly conduct of the Ameer
of Sinde would not pass unnoticed; the more particularly, since
it concerned the passage of gifts, which had been sent by his most
gracious Majesty the King of Great Britain.
~Third voyage to the Indus.~
~Land in Sinde.~
On the 10th of March we once more set sail for the Indus; and
reached the Hujamree, one of the central mouths of the river, after
a prosperous voyage of seven days. We could hire no pilot to conduct
us across the bar, and took the wrong and shallow mouth of the river,
ploughing up the mud as we tacked in its narrow channel. The foremost
vessel loosened her red ensign when she had fairly reached the deep
water; and, with the others, we soon and joyfully anchored near her.
We were now met by an officer of the Sinde Government, one of the
favoured descendants of the Prophet, whose enormous corpulence bespoke
his condition. This personage came to the mouth of the river; for we
were yet refused all admittance to the fresh water. He produced a
letter from the Ameer, and repeated the same refuted arguments of his
master, which he seemed to think should receive credit from his high
rank. It would be tiresome to follow the Sindians through the course of
chicanery which they adopted, even in this stage of the proceedings.
An embargo was laid on all the vessels in the Indus; and we ourselves
were confined to our boats, on a dangerous shore, and even denied fresh
water. The officer urged the propriety of our taking a route by land;
and, as a last resource, I offered to accompany him to the capital, and
converse with the Ameer in person, having previously landed the horses.
I made known this arrangement by a courier, which I despatched to the
Court; and on the following morning quitted the boats, along with Syud
Jeendul Shah, who had been appointed our Mihmandar.[3] No sooner had we
reached Tatta, than the required sanction for the boats to ascend by
the Indus was received, provided we ourselves took the land route; but
I immediately declined to advance another step without my charge; and
ultimately effected, by a week’s negotiation at Tatta, the desired end.
At the expense of being somewhat tedious, I will give an abstract of
these proceedings as a specimen of Sindian policy and reasoning.
~Negotiations at Tatta.~
A few hours after reaching Tatta, Syud Zoolfkar Shah, a man of rank,
and engaging manners, waited on us on the part of the Ameer. He was
accompanied by our Mihmandar, and met us very politely. He said that
he had been sent by his Highness to escort us to Hydrabad; to which
I laconically replied, that nothing would now induce me to go, since
the Ameer had conceded the request which I had made of him. The Syud
here marshalled all his eloquence; asked me if I wished to ruin the
Mihmandar, by making him out a liar, after I had promised to accompany
him to the Court, and he had written so to the Ameer; if I had no
regard for a promise; that the capital was close at hand, and I could
reach it in two marches; that, if I did not now go, it could only be
inferred that I had been practising delusion, from a desire to see
Tatta; for I had even been allowed to choose the route by that city,
contrary to orders; and that I was not, perhaps, aware of the high
character of the Syud, who was a descendant of the holy Prophet, and
honourable in this land; whose dignity, the Christians, who preserved
even the relic of Jesus Christ’s nail, could well understand; and
that it was not the part of a wise man to cavil like a moollah, since
the Ameer had sanctioned the advance of the mission by water, if we
embarked at Hydrabad, and would be answerable for the safety of the
horses to that place; and, finally, that if I persisted in taking the
route by water, he was desired to say that it was a violation of the
treaty between the states.
I heard with attention the arguments of Zoolfkar Shah; nor did I forget
that the praises and respect which he claimed for his friend, as a
descendant of the Prophet, likewise included himself. I replied, that
there had existed a long standing friendship between Sinde and the
British Government; that I had been despatched by a well frequented
route, to deliver the presents of our gracious Sovereign to Runjeet
Sing at Lahore; that, on reaching Sinde, I had been insulted, abused,
starved, and twice turned out of the country by low persons, whom I
named; that my Government, which was ever considerate, had attributed
this unheard-of insolence, not to their _friend_, the Ameer of Sinde,
but to the ignorance of mean individuals, and had despatched me a third
time to Sinde: when I reached it, I found Syud Jeendul Shah ready to
receive me; but although thoroughly satisfied that the presents of
which I was in charge could never be forwarded by land, he offered
me that route, and detained me on board ship for eleven days, till
necessity had driven me to make a proposal of repairing in person to
the presence of the Ameer, in hopes of persuading that personage. The
case was now altered; the water route had been granted, which rendered
my visit to Hydrabad unnecessary; and I could only view the present
procedure in the light of jealousy, which it was unbecoming in a
Government to entertain. I continued, that I had chosen the route by
Tatta, because my bills were payable at that city; and the sooner the
Syud got his master to meet my wishes, the better; for the floods of
the Indus were at hand, the hot season approached, and delay would
increase the hazard; while no arguments but force would now induce
me to visit the Court, or permit the horses to be moved without my
presence. In fine, if it were not the intention of the Ameer to act a
friendly part, he had only to say so, and I would forthwith quit the
country when I received a letter to that effect; and finally, that he
had formed a very erroneous opinion of the British character, if he
considered that I had been sent here in breach of a treaty, for I had
come to strengthen the bonds of union; and, what was further, that the
promise of an officer was sacred.
~Address the Ameer.~
~Success.~
An interview in the following morning, brought a repetition of the
whole arguments; and as we could not convince each other, we both
agreed to address his Highness. After the style of Asiatic diplomacy,
I informed the Ameer, “that he had acted the part of a friend, in
first pointing out the difficulties of navigating the Indus, and now
assisting me through them by giving his sanction to the water route;
but since I was so thoroughly acquainted, through his Highness’s
kindness, with the dangers of the river, I dared not trust such royal
rarities, as the gifts of the King of Great Britain, to the care of any
servant.” In three days I received a full and unqualified sanction to
advance by water from the mouth of the Indus. I gladly quit the detail
of occurrences which have left few pleasing reflections behind, except
that success ultimately attended our endeavours, and that they elicited
the approbation of Government. The Ameer of Sinde had sought to keep
us in ignorance of the Indus; but his treatment had led to another and
opposite effect; since we had entered, in the course of out several
voyages, _all_ the mouths of the river, and a map of them, as well as
of the land route to Tatta, now lay before me. Our dangers on the banks
and shoals had been imminent; but we looked back upon them with the
pleasing thought, that our experience might guide others through them.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Lord Ellenborough, then President of the India Board.
[2] Arrian, lib. vi. c. 19.
[3] An officer who receives a guest.
CHAP. II.
TATTA TO HYDRABAD.
~Tatta.~
A week’s stay was agreeably spent in examining Tatta and the objects
of curiosity which surround it. The city stands at a distance of three
miles from the Indus. It is celebrated in the history of the East.
Its commercial prosperity passed away with the empire of Delhi, and
its ruin has been completed since it fell under the iron despotism
of the present rulers of Sinde. It does not contain a population of
15,000 souls; and of the houses scattered about its ruins, one half
are destitute of inhabitants. It is said, that the dissentions between
the last and present dynasties, which led to Sinde being overrun by
the Afghans, terrified the merchants of the city, who fled the country
at that time, and have had no encouragement to return. Of the weavers
of “loongees” (a kind of silk and cotton manufacture), for which this
place was once so famous, but 125 families remain. There are not forty
merchants[4] in the city. Twenty money-changers transact all the
business of Tatta; and its limited population is now supplied with
animal food by five butchers. Such has been the gradual decay of that
mighty city, so populous in the early part of last century, in the days
of Nadir Shah. The country in its vicinity lies neglected, and but a
small portion of it is brought under tillage.
~Its antiquity.~
The antiquity of Tatta is unquestioned. The Pattala of the Greeks has
been sought for in its position, and, I believe, with good reason;
for the Indus here divides into two great branches; and these are the
words of the historian:--“Near Pattala, the river Indus divides itself
into two vast branches.”[5] Both Robertson and Vincent appear to have
entertained the opinion of its identity with Tatta. The Hindoo Rajas
named it Sameenuggur, before the Mahommedan invasion; which I believe
to be the Minagur of the Periplus. There is a ruined city, called
Kullancote, to be yet seen, four miles S.W. of Tatta. It was also named
Brahminabad, and ruled by one brother, while another held Hydrabad,
then called Nerancote; the Arabs called it Dewul Sindy. Nuggur Tatta
(by which it is now familiarly known) is a more modern name. Till the
Talpoors secured their present footing in Sinde, it was always the
capital of the country. It is an open town, built on a rising ground
in a low valley. In several wells I found bricks imbedded in earth,
at a depth of twenty feet from the surface; but there are no remains
of a prior date to the tombs, on a remarkable ridge westward of the
town, which are about 200 years old. The houses are formed of wood
and wicker-work, plastered over with earth; they are lofty, with flat
roofs, but very confined, and resemble square towers; their colour,
which is of a greyish murky hue, gives an appearance of solidity to
the frail materials of which they are constructed. Some of the better
sort have a base of brickwork; but stone has only been used in the
foundations of one or two mosques, though it may be had in abundance.
There is little in modern Tatta to remind one of its former greatness.
A spacious brick mosque, built by Shah Jehan, still remains, but is
crumbling to decay.
~Hinglaj, a famous pilgrimage.~
Tatta stands on the high road from India to Hinglaj, in Mekran, a place
of pilgrimage and great celebrity, situated under the barren mountains
of Hala (the Irus of the ancients), and marked only by a spring of
fresh water, without house or temple. The spot is believed to have been
visited by Ramchunder, the Hindoo demi-god, himself; an event which
is chronicled on the rock, with figures of the sun and moon engraven
as further testimony! The distance from Tatta exceeds 200 miles; and
the road passes by Curachee, Soumeeanee, and the province of Lus, the
country of the Noomrees, a portion of the route of Alexander the Great.
A journey to Hinglaj purifies the pilgrim from his sins; a cocoa-nut,
cast into a cistern, exhibits the nature of his career: if the water
bubbles up, his life has been, and will continue, pure; but if still
and silent, the Hindoo must undergo further penance, to appease the
deity. The tribe of Goseins, who are a kind of religious mendicants,
though frequently merchants and most wealthy, frequent this sequestered
place, and often extend their journey to an island called Seetadeep,
not far from Bunder Abbass, in Persia. They travel in caravans of an
hundred, or even more, under an “agwa,” or spiritual guide. At Tatta
they are furnished by the high-priest with a rod, which is supposed
to partake of his own virtues, and to conduct the _cortège_ to its
destination. In exchange for its talismanic powers, each pilgrim pays
three rupees and a half, and faithfully promises to restore the rod on
his return; for no one dares to reside in so holy and solitary a spot.
The “agwa” receives with it his reward; and many a Hindoo expends in
this pilgrimage the hard-earned wealth of a whole life. On his arrival
at Tatta from Hinglaj, he is invested with a string of white beads,
peculiar to that city, and only found on the rocky ridge near it.
They resemble the grains of pulse or juwaree; and the pilgrim has the
satisfaction of believing that they are the petrified grain of the
Creator, left on earth to remind him of his creation. They now form a
monopoly and source of profit to the priests of Tatta.
~Climate. Return to the mouth of the Indus.~
We quitted Tatta on the morning of the 10th of April, and retraced our
steps to Meerpoor; a distance of twenty-four miles, over roads nearly
impassable from rain. I observe, in Hamilton’s “India,” that there is
frequently a dearth of it here for three years at a time; but we had
very heavy showers and a severe fall of hail, though the thermometer
stood at 86°. The dews and mists about Tatta make it a disagreeable
residence at this season; and the dust is described as intolerable in
June and July.
Our road lay through a desert country along the “Buggaur;” one of the
two large branches of the Indus, which separate below Tatta. It has
its name from the destructive velocity with which it runs, tearing up
trees in its course. It has been forsaken for a few years past, and
had only a width of 200 yards where we crossed it, below Meerpoor. The
Indus itself, before this division takes place, is a noble river; and
we beheld it at Tatta with high gratification. The water is foul and
muddy; but it is 2000 feet wide, two fathoms and a half deep, from
shore to shore. When I first saw it, the surface was agitated by a
violent wind, which had raised up waves, that raged with great fury;
and I no longer felt wonder at the natives designating so vast a river
by the name of “durya,” or the Sea of Sinde.
~Notions of the people.~
On our return, we saw much of the people, who were disposed from the
first to treat us more kindly than the government. Their notions
regarding us were strange: some asked us why we allowed dogs to clean
our hands after a meal, and if we indiscriminately ate cats and mice,
as well as pigs. They complained much of their rulers, and the ruinous
and oppressive system of taxation to which they were subjected, as
it deterred them from cultivating any considerable portion of land.
Immense tracts of the richest soil lie in a state of nature, between
Tatta and the sea, overgrown with tamarisk shrubs, which attain,
in some places, the height of twenty feet, and, threading into one
another, form impervious thickets. At other places, we passed extensive
plains of hard-caked clay, with remains of ditches and aqueducts, now
neglected. We reached the sea in two days.
~Alexander’s journey.~
Arrian informs us, that, after Alexander returned from viewing the
right branch of the Indus, he again set out from Pattala, and descended
the other branch of the river, which conducted him to a “certain lake,
joined either by the river spreading wide over a flat country, or
by additional streams flowing into it from the adjacent parts, and
making it appear like a bay in the sea.” There, too, he commanded
another haven to be built, named Xylenopolis. The professed object of
this second voyage to the sea was to seek for bays and creeks on the
sea-coast, and to explore which of the two branches would afford the
greatest facilities for the passage of his fleet; for Arrian says,
“he had a vast ambition of sailing all through the sea, from India to
Persia, to prove that the Indian Gulf had a communication with the
Persian.” In this bay Alexander landed, with a party of horse, and
travelled along the coast, to try if he could find bays and creeks to
secure his fleets from storms; “_causing wells to be dug, to supply
his navy with water_.” I look upon it, therefore, as conclusive that
Alexander the Great descended by the Buggaur and Sata, the two great
branches below Tatta, and never entered Cutch, as has been surmised,
but that his three days’ journey, after descending the eastern branch,
was westward, and between the two mouths, in the direction his fleet
was to sail.
~Embark on the Indus. Boats.~
On the 12th of April, we embarked in the flat-bottomed boats, or
“doondees,” of Sinde, and commenced our voyage on the Indus, with no
small degree of satisfaction. Our fleet consisted of six of these
flat-bottomed vessels, and a small English-built pinnace, which we
had brought from Cutch. The boats of the Indus are not unlike China
junks, very capacious, but most unwieldy. They are floating houses; and
with ourselves we transported the boatmen, their wives and families,
kids and fowls. When there is no wind, they are pulled up against the
stream, by ropes attached to the mast-head, at the rate of a mile and
a half an hour; but with a breeze, they set a large square-sail, and
advance double the distance. We halted at Vikkur, which is the first
port; a place of considerable export for grain, that had then fifty
“doondees,” besides sea-vessels, lying near it.
~Wanyanee branch.~
On the 13th, we threaded many small creeks for a distance of eight
miles, and then entered the Wanyanee, or principal branch of the Indus,
which is a fine river, 500 yards broad and 24 feet deep. Its banks were
alternately steep and flat, the course very crooked, and the different
turnings were often marked by branches running from this trunk to other
arms of the delta. We had nothing but tamarisk on either bank, and the
reed huts of a few fishermen, alone indicated that we were in a peopled
country.
~A holy man.~
As we ascended the river, the inhabitants came for miles around to see
us. A Syud stood on the water’s edge, and gazed with astonishment. He
turned to his companion as we passed, and, in the hearing of one of our
party, said, “Alas! Sinde is now gone, since the English have seen the
river, which is the road to its conquest.” If such an event do happen,
I am certain that the body of the people will hail the happy day; but
it will be an evil one for the Syuds, the descendants of Mahommed, who
are the only people, besides the rulers, that derive precedence and
profit from the existing order of things.
~Strictness of religious observances.~
Nothing more arrests the notice of a stranger, on entering Sinde,
than the severe attention of the people to the forms of religion, as
enjoined by the Prophet of Arabia. In all places, the meanest and
poorest of mankind may be seen, at the appointed hours, turned towards
Mecca, offering up their prayers. I have observed a boatman quit the
laborious duty of dragging the vessel against the stream, and retire to
the shore, wet and covered with mud, to perform his genuflexions. In
the smallest villages, the sound of the “mowuzzun,” or crier, summoning
true believers to prayers, may be heard, and the Mahommedans within
reach of the sonorous sound suspend, for the moment, their employment,
that they may add their “Amen” to the solemn sentence when concluded.
The effect is pleasing and impressive; but, as has often happened in
other countries at a like stage of civilisation, the moral qualities of
the people do not keep pace with this fervency of devotion.
~Navigation of the Indus.~
On the evening of the 15th, we anchored at Tatta, after a prosperous
voyage, that afforded a good insight into the navigation of the Indus;
which, in the Delta, is both dangerous and difficult. The water runs
with impetuosity from one bank to another, and undermines them so, that
they often fall in masses which would crush a vessel. During night
they may be heard tumbling with a terrific crash and a noise as loud
as artillery. In one place, the sweep of the river was so sudden that
it had formed a kind of whirlpool, and all our vessels heeled round,
on passing it, from the rapidity of the current. We had every where
six fathoms of water, and in these eddies the depth was sometimes
threefold; but our vessels avoided the strength of the current, and
shifted from side to side, to choose the shallows.
~Pulla fish.~
We ascended the Indus in the season of the “pulla,” a fish of the carp
species, as large as the mackerel, and fully equalling the flavour
of salmon. It is only found in the four months that precede the
swell of the river from January to April, and never higher than the
fortress of Bukkur. The natives superstitiously believe the fish to
proceed there on account of Khaju Khizr, a saint of celebrity, who
is interred there, from whence they are said to return without ever
turning their tails on the sanctified spot,--an assertion which the
muddy colour of the Indus will prevent being contradicted. The mode
of catching this fish is ingenious, and peculiar, I believe, to the
Indus. Each fisherman is provided with a large earthen jar, open at
the top, and somewhat flat. On this he places himself, and, lying on
it horizontally, launches into the stream, swimming or pushing forward
like a frog, and guiding himself with his hands. When he has reached
the middle of the river, where the current is strongest, he darts
his net directly under him, and sails down with the stream. The net
consists of a pouch attached to a pole, which he shuts on meeting his
game; he then draws it up, spears it, and, putting it into the vessel
on which he floats, prosecutes his occupation. There are some vessels
of small dimensions, without any orifice, and on these the fishermen
sail down, in a sitting posture. Hundreds of people, old and young, may
be seen engaged in catching pulla, and the season is hailed with joy
by the people, as furnishing a wholesome food while it lasts, and an
abundant supply of dry fish for the remaining part of the year, as well
as for exportation to the neighbouring countries.
~Reach the capital.~
On the morning of the 18th, we moored opposite Hydrabad, which is five
miles inland, having had a strong and favourable breeze from Tatta,
that brought us against the stream, at the rate of three miles an hour.
The dust was intolerable every where, and a village might always be
discovered by the dense clouds which hovered over it. This part of
Sinde is well known: the country is devoted to sterility by the Ameers,
to feed their passion for the chase. The banks are enclosed to the
water’s edge, and the interior of these hunting-thickets is overgrown
with furze, brushwood, and stunted babool trees, which always retain a
verdant hue, from the richness of the soil. One or two solitary camels
were to be seen raising water to fill the pools of these preserves,
as the Ameer and his relatives had announced a hunting excursion, and
the deer[6] would be drawn by thirst to drink at the only fountain,
and shot by an Ameer from a place of concealment. It is thus that the
chiefs sport with their game and their subjects.
~Deputation from the Ameer.~
Immediately on our arrival, four different deputations waited on us,
to convey the congratulations of Meer Moorad Ali Khan, and his family,
at our having reached the capital of Sinde, and at the same time to
tender the strongest professions of friendship and respect for the
British government; to all of which I returned suitable answers. In
the evening we were conducted to Hydrabad, and alighted at the house,
or “tanda,” of Nawab Wulee Mahommed Khan, the Vizier of Sinde, whose
son, in the father’s absence, was appointed our mihmandar. Tents were
pitched, and provisions of every description sent to us; and it would,
indeed, have been difficult to discover that we were the individuals
who had so long lingered about the shores of Sinde, now the honoured
guests of its jealous master. Great and small were in attendance on us:
khans and Syuds, servants and chobdars brought messages and enquiries,
till the night was far spent; and it may not be amiss to mention,
as a specimen of conducting business in Sinde, that the barber, the
water-cooler, and the prime minister were sent indiscriminately with
errands on the same subject.
~Preparations for reception at court.~
The ceremonial of our reception was soon adjusted, but not without
some exhibition of Sindian character. After the time had been mutually
fixed for the following afternoon, our mihmandar made his appearance at
_daybreak_, to request that we would then accompany him to the palace.
I spoke of the arrangements that had been made; but he treated all
explanation with indifference, and eulogised, in extravagant language,
the great condescension of his master in giving us an interview so
early, while the Vakeels, or representatives of other states, often
waited for weeks. I informed the Khan that I entertained very different
sentiments regarding his master’s giving us so early a reception, and
assured him that I viewed it as no sort of favour, and was satisfied
that the Ameer himself was proud in receiving, at any time, any agent
of the British Government. The reply silenced him, and he shortly
afterwards withdrew, and sent an apology for this importunity, which,
he stated, had originated in a mistake. The pride of the Sindian must
be met by the same weapons; and, however disagreeable the line of
conduct, it will be found, in all matters of negotiation, to carry
along with it its own reward: altercations that have passed will be
succeeded by civility and politeness, and a shade of oblivion will be
cast over all that is unpleasant.
~Presentation.~
In the evening we were presented to the Ameer of Sinde by his son,
Nusseer Khan, who had previously received us in his own apartments, to
inform us of his attachment to the British Government, and the state
secret of his having been the means of procuring for us a passage
through Sinde. We found the Ameer seated in the middle of a room,
attended by his various relatives: they all rose on our entrance, and
were studiously polite. His Highness addressed me by name; said I was
his friend, both on public and private grounds; for my brother (Dr.
Burnes) had cured him of a dangerous disease. At the same time he
caused me to be seated along with him on the cushion which he occupied:
he begged that I would forget the difficulties and dangers encountered,
and consider him as the ally of the British Government, and my own
friend. The long detention which had occurred in our advance, he
continued, had arisen from his ignorance of political concerns, as he
considered it involved a breach of the treaty between the states; for
he was a soldier, and knew little of such matters, and was employed in
commanding _the three hundred thousand Beloochees_, over whom God had
appointed him to rule! We had now, however, arrived at his capital, and
he assured us that we were welcome: his own state barge should convey
us to his frontier; his subjects should drag our vessels against the
stream. Elephants and palanqueens were at our disposal, if we would
accept them; and he would vie in exertion with ourselves, to forward,
in safety, the presents of his Most Gracious Majesty the King of Great
Britain, and had nominated the son of his Vizier to accompany us to
the limits of his territories. I did not deem it necessary to enter
into any explanation with his Highness, nor to give him in return
the muster-roll of our mighty army. I thanked him for his marks of
attention to the Government and ourselves, and said, that I was glad
to find that the friendship between the states, which had led to my
taking the route through his dominions, had not been underrated; for
it would be worse than folly in an unprotected individual to attempt
a passage by the Indus without his cordial concurrence. With regard
to the dangers and difficulties which had been already encountered, I
assured his Highness, that the prevailing good fortune of the British
Government had predominated; and though it was not in the power of man
to avert calamities by sea, we had by the favour of God happily escaped
them all, and I doubted not that the authorities I served would derive
as much satisfaction from the manner in which he had now received us as
I myself did. The interview here terminated; his Highness previously
fixing the following morning for a second meeting, when I would
communicate some matters of a political nature with which I had been
charged by the Government.
~Court of Sinde.~
I shall not enter on a description of the Court of Sinde, as it may
be found in Lieut. Col. Pottinger’s work, and in a narrative lately
published by my brother.[7] Its splendour must have faded, for though
the Ameer and his family certainly wore some superb jewels, there was
not much to attract our notice in their palace or durbar: they met in
a dirty hall without a carpet; they sat in a room which was filled by
a rabble of greasy soldiery, and the noise and dust were hardly to be
endured. The orders of the Ameer himself to procure silence, though
repeated several times, were ineffectual, and some of the conversation
was inaudible on that account. We were, however, informed that the
crowd had been collected to display the legions of Sinde; and they
certainly contrived to fill the alleys and passages every where, not
could we pass out of the fort without some exertion on the part of the
nobles, who were our conductors.
~Presents.~
~Sindian meanness.~
I followed up the interview by sending the government presents which
I had brought for his Highness: they consisted of various articles
of European manufacture,--a gun, a brace of pistols, a gold watch,
two telescopes, a clock, some English shawls and cloths, with two
pair of elegant cut glass candlesticks and shades. Some Persian works
beautifully lithographed in Bombay, and a map of the World and
Hindoostan, in Persian characters, completed the gift. The principal
Ameer had previously sent two messages, begging that I would not give
the articles to any person but himself; and the possessor of fifteen
millions sterling portioned, with a partial hand, among the members of
his family, the gifts that did not exceed the value of a few hundred
pounds. His meanness may be imagined, when he privately deputed his
Vizier to beg that I would exchange the clock and candlesticks for some
articles among the presents, which I doubtless had for other chiefs,
as they formed no part of the furniture of a Sindian palace. I told
the Vizier that the presents which I had brought were intended to
display the manufactures of Europe, and it was not customary to give
the property of one person to another. This denial produced a second
message; and, as a similar occurrence happened, in 1809, to a mission
at this court, we gather from the coincidence how little spirit and
feeling actuate the cabinet of Hydrabad. Some score of trays, loaded
with fruit and sweetmeats adorned with gold-leaf, and sent by the
different members of the family, closed the day.
~Parting interview.~
Early in the morning, we were conducted to the durbar by Meer Ismaeel
Shah, one of the Viziers, and our mihmandar: on the road the
Vizier took occasion to assure me how much I would please the Ameer
by changing the clock! There was more order and regularity in our
second interview, which was altogether very satisfactory; for the
Ameer gave a ready assent to the wishes of Government when they were
communicated to him. The conversation which ensued was of the most
friendly description. His Highness asked particularly for my brother,
looked attentively at our dress, and was much amused with the shape
and feather of the cocked hat I wore. Before bidding him adieu, he
repeated, in even stronger language, all his yesterday’s professions;
and, however questionable his sincerity, I took my departure with
much satisfaction at what had passed, since it seemed he would no
longer interrupt our advance to Lahore. Meer Nusseer Khan, the son of
the Ameer, presented me with a handsome Damascus sword, which had a
scabbard of red velvet ornamented with gold; his father sent me a purse
of fifteen hundred rupees, with an apology, that he had not a blade
mounted as he desired, and begged I would accept the value of one.
After all the inconvenience to which we had been subjected, we hardly
expected such a reception at Hydrabad. Next morning we left the city,
and encamped on the banks of the Indus near our boats.
~Scenery near Hydrabad.~
The scenery near the capital of Sinde is varied and beautiful:
the sides of the river are lined with lofty trees; and there is a
background of hill to relieve the eye from the monotony which presents
itself in the dusty arid plains of the Delta. The Indus is larger, too,
than in most places lower down, being about 830 yards wide; there is a
sand-bank in the middle, but it is hidden by the stream. The island on
which Hydrabad stands is barren, from the rocky and hilly nature of the
soil, but even the arable parts are poorly cultivated.
~Hydrabad.~
On the capital itself, I can add little to the accounts which are
already on record. It does not contain a population of twenty thousand
souls, who live in houses, or rather huts, built of mud. The residence
of the chief himself is a comfortless miserable dwelling. The fort,
as well as the town, stands on a rocky hillock; and the former is a
mere shell, partly surrounded by a ditch, about ten feet wide and
eight deep, over which there is a wooden bridge. The walls are about
twenty-five feet high, built of brick, and fast going to decay.
Hydrabad is a place of no strength, and might readily be captured
by escalade. In the centre of the fort there is a massive tower,
unconnected with the works, which overlooks the surrounding country.
Here are deposited a great portion of the riches of Sinde. The
Fulailee river insulates the ground on which Hydrabad stands; but,
though a considerable stream during the swell, it was quite dry when
we visited this city in April. The view of Hydrabad, prefixed to this
volume, and for which I am indebted to Captain M. Grindlay, faithfully
represents that capital and the country which surrounds it.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] Banians.
[5] Arrian, lib. 6.
[6] The species hunted in Sinde is called “hotapuchu:” it is a kind of
hog deer.
[7] Narrative of a Visit to the Court of Sinde. Edin. 1831.
CHAP. III.
VOYAGE TO BUKKUR.
~Departure from Hydrabad.~
On the morning of the 23d of April, we embarked in the state barge of
the Ameer, which is called a “jumtee” by the natives of the country.
They are very commodious vessels, of the same build as the other
flat-bottomed boats of the Indus, and sadly gainsayed the beggarly
account which his Highness had, in his correspondence, so often given
of the craft in the river. It was about sixty feet long, and had three
masts, on which we hoisted as many sails, made of alternate stripes of
red and white cloth. There were two cabins, connected with each other
by a deck; but, contrary to the custom in other countries, the one at
the bows is the post of honour. It was of a pavilion shape, covered
with scarlet cloth, and the eyes of intruders were excluded on all
sides by silken screens. The jumtee was further decorated by variegated
flags and pendants, some of which were forty feet long. We hoisted the
British ensign at the stern of our pinnace, the first time, I suppose,
it had ever been unfurled on the Indus; and the little vessel which
bore it out-sailed all the fleet. I hope the omen was auspicious, and
that the commerce of Britain may soon follow her flag. We moved merrily
through the water, generally with a fair wind, anchoring always at
night, and pitching our camp on the shore, pleased to find ourselves
beyond the portals of Hydrabad.
~Sehwun.~
We reached Sehwun on the 1st of May, a distance of 100 miles, in eight
days. There was little to interest us on the banks of the river, which
are thinly peopled, and destitute of trees or variety to diversify the
scene. The Lukkee mountains, a high range, came in sight on the third
day, running in upon the Indus at Sehwun. The stream itself, though
grand and magnificent, was often divided by sand-banks, and moved
sluggishly along at the rate of two miles and a half an hour. One of
our boats had nearly sunk from coming in contact with a protruding
stump; an accident of frequent occurrence on the Indus, as well as
on the American rivers, and sometimes attended with fatal results,
particularly to vessels descending the stream. Our escape from calamity
gave the Sindians a topic for congratulation, and we daily heard the
greatness of our fortune proclaimed. Every trivial incident, a slight
breeze or any such occurrence, they did not hesitate to ascribe to our
destiny.
~Crew of the boat.~
Our crew consisted of sixteen men; and a happy set of beings they were:
they waded through the water all day, and swam and sported about, as
they passed along, with joyous hearts, returning occasionally to the
boat to indulge in the hooka, and the intoxicating “bang,” or hemp, to
which they are much addicted. They prepare this drug by straining the
juice from the seeds and stalks through a cloth: when ready for use,
it resembles green putrid water. It must be very pernicious. I do not
know if I can class their pipes among the movables of the ship; for
their stands were formed of a huge piece of earthenware, too heavy to
be lifted, which remains at the stern, where the individuals retire to
inhale the weed, made doubly noxious by its being mixed with opium.
The sailors of Sinde are Mahommedans. They are very superstitious, the
sight of a crocodile below Hydrabad is an evil omen which would never
be forgotten; and in that part of the Indus these monsters certainly
confined themselves to the deep.
~A Sindian song.~
In the songs and chorus which the Sindians use in pulling their ropes
and sails, we discover their reverence for saints. Seafaring people
are, I believe, musical in all countries; and, though in a strange
dialect, there is simplicity and beauty in some of the following
rhymes:--
_Original._
Hulam hulam hyl, Joomba lanee,
Leenlanee, Hewa qila,
Mudud peeran. Dawa fuqueeran
Dawa jee nalee. Beree chale:
Beree ranee, Surung sookhanee.
Oono panee, ------------
Lumba kooa, Sulamut hooa,
Wujun dumana Acbar Shah ja.
_Translation._
Pull, oh! pull! Use your strength,
Raise your shoulders, By the favour of God,
Press your feet. By the Saint’s assistance
The boat will sail, She is a pretty boat:
The steersman’s a warrior. The water is deep,
The mast is tall. She will reach in safety.
Beat the drum Of King Acbar,
The port is attained By the favour of God.
Another specimen runs thus:--
Peer Putta! Jug ditta,
Nuggur Tatta! Panee mitta.
Julla kejye, Tanee lejge,
Tan tumasha: Bunder khasa,
Bundur koochee. Murd Beloochee.
Bundur maryo, Rub dekkaryo.
Moolk Hubeebee. Rub a rubbee.
_Translation._
Hail, Peer Putta! Who has seen the world,
Hail, city of Tatta! The water is sweet.
Pull together, Pull at once,
Pull for joy. The port is good,
Tho’ the harbour is small. The men are Beloochees.
Behold the harbour tower, Which God has shown us.
The country is God’s, By God we came.
As we discovered the mosques of Sehwun, the boatmen in their joy beat a
drum, and chanted many of these verses, which had a pleasing sound on
passing the base of the Lukkee mountains, that present a rocky buttress
to the Indus on approaching Sehwun.
~Sehwun, its antiquity.~
The town of Sehwun stands on a rising ground, at the verge of a swamp,
two miles from the Indus, close to a branch of that river called
Arul, which flows from Larkhanu. It has a population of about 10,000
souls, and is commanded on the north side by a singular castle or
mound of earth. Sehwun is sometimes called Sewistan, and is a place
of antiquity. There are many ruined mosques and tombs which surround
it, and proclaim its former wealth; but it has gradually gone to decay
since it ceased to be the residence of a governor, who here held his
court in the days of Moghul splendour. As it stands near the Lukkee
mountains, I believe it may be fixed on as the city of Sambus, Raja
of the Indian mountaineers, mentioned by Alexander. The Sindomanni
cannot refer to the inhabitants of Lower Sinde, which is always called
Pattala, and its ruler the “prince of the Pattalans.” Sindee is the
modern term for the aboriginal inhabitants.
~Pilgrimage of Sehwun.~
Sehwun has considerable celebrity and sanctity from the tomb of a holy
saint of Khorasan, by name Lal Shah Baz, who was interred here about
600 years ago. The shrine stands in the centre of the town, and rests
under a lofty dome at one end of a quadrangular building, which is
handsomely ornamented by blue painted slabs, like Dutch tiles, that
give it a rich appearance. A cloth of gold, with two other successive
palls of red silk, are suspended over the sepulchre, and on the walls
which surround it are inscribed in large Arabic letters the praises
of the deceased, and extracts from the Koran. Ostrich eggs, peacocks’
feathers, beads, flowers, &c. complete the furniture of this holy spot;
and pigeons, the emblems of peace, are encouraged to perch on the
cloths which shade the remains of departed virtue. The miracles of Lal
Shah Baz are endless, if you believe the people. The Indus is subject
to his commands, and no vessel dares to pass his shrine without making
a propitiatory offering at his tomb. Thousands of pilgrims flock to
the consecrated spot, and the monarchs of Cabool and India have often
visited the sanctuary. The drums which proclaim the majesty of the
saint are a gift from the renowned persecutor Alla-o-deen, who reigned
A.D. 1242; and the gate, which is of silver, attests the homage and
devotion of a deceased Ameer of Sinde. The needy are daily supplied
with food from the charity of the stranger; but the universal bounty
has corrupted the manners of the inhabitants, who are a worthless
and indolent set of men. The Hindoo joins with the Mahommedan in his
veneration of the saint, and artfully insinuates “Lal” to be a Hindoo
name, and that the Mahommedans have associated with the faith of their
prophet the god of an infidel creed. A tiger, once the tenant of the
neighbouring hills, partakes of the general bounty in a cage near the
tomb.
~Castle of Sehwun, its antiquity.~
By far the most singular building at Sehwun, and perhaps on the
Indus, is the ruined castle which overlooks the town, and is in all
probability as old as the age of the Greeks. It consists of a mound of
earth sixty feet high, and surrounded from the very ground by a brick
wall. The shape of the castle is oval, about 1200 feet long by 750 in
diameter. The interior presents a heap of ruins, and is strewed with
broken pieces of pottery and brick. The gateway is on the town side,
and has been arched: a section through it proves the whole mound to be
artificial. At a distance this castle resembles the drawings of the
Mujilebe tower at Babylon, described by Mr. Rich in his interesting
Memoir.
The natives afford no satisfactory account of this ruin, attributing
it to the age of Budur-ool-Jamal, a fairy, whose agency is referred
to in every thing ancient or wonderful in Sinde. It is to be observed,
that the Arul river passes close to this castle; and we are informed
by Quintus Curtius that, in the territories of Sabus Raja, (which I
imagine refers to Sehwun,) “Alexander took the strongest city by a
tunnel formed by his miners.” A ruin of such magnitude, standing,
as it therefore does, on such a site, would authorise our fixing on
it as the very city “where the barbarians, untaught in engineering,
were confounded when their enemies appeared, almost in the middle of
the city, rising from a subterraneous passage of which no trace was
previously seen.” So strong a position would not, in all probability,
be neglected in after-times; and in the reign of the Emperor Humaioon,
A.D. 1541, we find that monarch unable to capture Sehwun, from which
he fled on his disastrous journey to Omercote. His son Acbar also
invested Sehwun for seven months, and after its capture seems to have
dismantled it. There are many coins found in the castle of Sehwun; but
among thirty I could find no trace of the Greek alphabet. They were
Mahommedan coins of the sovereigns of Delhi.
~Mound of Amree.~
About eighteen miles below Sehwun, and on the same side of the river,
is the village of Amree, believed to have been once a large city, and
the favourite residence of former kings. It is said to have been swept
into the Indus. Near the modern village, however, there is a mound of
earth, about forty feet high, which the traditions of the country point
out as the halting-place of a king, who ordered the dung of his cavalry
to be gathered together, and hence the mound of Amree! There are some
tombs near it, but they are evidently modern.
We halted four days at Sehwun. The climate was most sultry and
oppressive: the thermometer stood at 112°, and did not fall below 100°
at midnight, owing to scorching winds from the west, where the country
is bleak and mountainous. The lofty range which runs parallel with the
Indus from the sea-coast to the centre of Asia, is joined by the Lukkee
mountains south of Sehwun, and thus excludes the refreshing breezes of
the ocean.
We quitted Sehwun on the 4th with difficulty, for we could not procure
men to drag our boats. The mihmandar, though he was the vizier’s
son, and acted under the seal of the Ameer, could not prevail on the
Calendar, or priest of the tomb, who said that no such order had been
ever given, and he would not now obey it. Some persons were seized:
his people drew their swords, and said that, when no longer able to
wield them, they might go. We knew nothing of the matter till it was
over, as it was entirely a private arrangement of Syud Tukkee Shah, the
mihmandar. When the men heard they were to be remunerated for their
trouble, they came of their own accord before we sailed. Every thing in
Sinde being effected by force under despotism, the watermen of Sehwun
fled the town, or took up their abode in the sanctuary, when they saw
the “jumtee” approach, believing, as usual, that services would be
required of them gratuitously.
~Congratulations from Khyrpoor.~
On the day after quitting Sehwun, we were met by Mahommed Gohur, a
Belooche chief, and a party, the confidential agents of Meer Roostum
Khan, the Ameer of Khyrpoor, who had been sent to the frontier, a
distance of eighty miles, to congratulate us on our arrival, and
declare their master’s devotion to the British Government. We hardly
expected such a mark of attention in Sinde, and were therefore
gratified. The deputation brought an abundant supply of sheep, flour,
fruit, spices, sugar, butter, ghee, tobacco, opium, &c. &c., on which
our people feasted. Sheep were slain and cooked; rice and ghee were
soon converted into savoury viands; and I believe all parties thanked
Meer Roostum Khan as heartily as we did, nor did I imagine that this
was but the commencement of a round of feasting which was daily
repeated so long as we were in his country, a period of three weeks.
Mahommed Gohur was a decrepit old man, with a red beard. He wore a very
handsome loongee round his waist. He did not recover from his surprise
throughout the interview, for he had never before seen an European.
~Address the Ameer of Khyrpoor.~
In return for Meer Roostum Khan’s kindness, I addressed to him a
Persian letter in the following terms, which will serve as a specimen
of the epistolary style used by the people of this country, which I
imitated as closely as possible.:--
(After compliments:) “I hasten to inform your Highness that I have
reached the frontiers of your country in company with the respectable
Syud Tukkee Shah, who has accompanied me on the part of Meer Morad
Ali Khan from Hydrabad. As I have long since heard of your Highness
from those who pass between Cutch and Sinde, it forms a source of
congratulation to me that I have arrived in your dominions, and brought
along with me in safety the presents which have been graciously
bestowed on Maha Raja Runjeet Sing by His Majesty the King of England,
mighty in rank, terrible as the planet Mars, a monarch great and
magnificent, of the rank of Jemshid, of the dignity of Alexander,
unequalled by Darius, just as Nousherwan, great as Fureedoon, admired
as Cyrus, famed as the Sun, the destroyer of tyranny and oppression,
upright and generous, pious and devout, favoured from above, &c. &c.:
may his dominion endure for ever!
“It is well known that when a friend comes to the country of a friend
it is a source of much happiness, and I have therefore written these
few lines; but when I have the pleasure of seeing you, my joy will be
increased.
“I had written thus far, when the respectable Mahommed Gohur, one of
those enjoying your Highness’s confidence, arrived at this place,
to acquaint me with your professions of respect and friendship for
the British Government, bringing along with him many marks of your
hospitality. Need I say I am rejoiced? Such civilities mark the great.”
~Character of the people.~
A voyage of ten days brought us to Bukkur; but we landed a few miles
from that fortress, to prepare for a visit to Khyrpoor and its chief,
who had made us so welcome in his country. We saw much of the Sindians
on our way up the river, and did every thing to encourage their
approach by granting free admission on board to the commonest villager
who wished to view the horses. The body of the people are little
better than savages, and extremely ignorant; their spiritual guides
and Syuds, or the followers of the prophet, however, showed knowledge
and independence. I happened to ask a party of Syuds to what Ameer
they were subject: they replied, “We acknowledge no master but God,
who gives us villages and all we desire.” I was struck with the family
likeness that prevails throughout this class in Sinde; for it is not
to be supposed that a tribe so numerous has lineally descended from
the prophet of Arabia. The beggars of Sinde are most importunate and
troublesome. They practise all manner of persuasion to succeed in their
suit for alms; tear up grass and bushes with their mouths, and chew
sand and mud to excite compassion.
With the better orders of society we had frequent intercourse and
conversation. Some of them felt interested about the objects of our
mission to Lahore. They did not give us much credit for sincerity in
sending it by a route which they believed never to have been passed
since the time of Noah. They were full of enquiries regarding our
customs. Our Khyrpoor friend, Mahomed Gohur, was particularly horrified
at our arrangements for getting a wife, and begged me in future to let
my beard grow. The knowledge of this individual I may describe, when he
asked me if London were under Calcutta: he was, however, a pleasant
man; I delighted to hear him sing the praises of the soldiers of Sinde,
who, he said, differed from all the world in thinking it an honour to
fight on foot. The feelings of pity which some of the people displayed
for us were amusing: they were shocked to hear that we cleaned our
teeth with hogs’ bristles. I was frequently asked to lay aside the
English saddle, which they considered quite unworthy, and worse than a
seat on the bare back of the horse.
~The Indus: names for it.~
The Indus in this part of its course is called Sira, in distinction
from Lar, which is its appellation below Sehwun. These are two Belooche
words for north and south; and of the name of Sirae, or Khosa, a
tribe inhabiting the desert on the east, we have thus a satisfactory
explanation; as these people originally spread from Sira, in the upper
course of the Indus. Mehran, a name of this river, familiar to the
Indians and foreigners, is not used by the natives of the country. The
water of the Indus is considered superior, for every purpose of life,
to that drawn from the wells of Sinde. When taken from the river it is
very foul; but the rich keep it till the mud with which it is loaded
subsides. There are few ferry-boats on the Indus; and it is a curious
sight to see the people crossing it on skins and bundles of reeds.
A native will often float down to a distance of fifteen or twenty
miles, accompanied by a whole herd of buffaloes, preferring this mode
of travelling to a journey on the banks. From Sehwun upwards they kill
the “pulla” fish by nets suspended from the bow of small boats, which
are, at the same time, the habitations of the fisherman and his family.
The wife, who is generally a sturdy dame, pulls the stern oar to keep
the vessel in the middle of the stream, often with a baby in her arms,
while the husband kills the fish. One would not have expected to find
porpoises so far from the sea; but they are to be observed sporting in
the river as high as Bukkur; they are more grey than those in the salt
water.
~Visited by the Vizier of Sinde.~
I should have mentioned, that before reaching Bukkur, we were visited
by the Nawab Wulee Mahomed Khan Lugharee, one of the viziers of Sinde,
who had travelled from Shikarpoor to meet us. We found him a decrepit
old man of seventy-two, on the verge of the grave. He treated us with
particular kindness, and quite won our hearts by his attentions. He
gave me a horse and a rich loongee. He said in the plainest terms that
the Ameer had had evil counsel to detain us so long in Sinde, and
that he had written urgently to his Highness not to commit himself
by such a step. We had now a good opportunity of seeing a Belooche
chief on his native soil. He came with a splendid equipage of tents
and carpets, accompanied by three palankeens, and about 400 men. A
set of dancing girls were among his suite; and in the evening we were
compelled, against our inclination, to hear these ladies squall for
a couple of hours, and, what added to the disgust of the scene, they
drank at intervals of the strongest spirits, to _clear their voices_,
as they said, until nearly intoxicated. It was impossible to express
any displeasure at this exhibition, since the gala, however much out of
taste, was got up in the hope of adding to our amusement. The people
with us, who now amounted to 150, were sumptuously entertained by the
Nawab, who kept us with him for two days.
~Vizier of Khyrpoor.~
On the morning of the 14th we disembarked near the small village of
Alipoor, and were met by the vizier of Meer Roostum Khan, who had come
from Khyrpoor to receive us. His name was Futteh Khan Ghoree, an aged
person of mild and affable manners, and of peculiar appearance from a
snow white beard and red hair. Our reception was cordial and kind; the
vizier assured us of the high satisfaction with which his master had
heard of our arrival, for he had long desired to draw closer to the
British government, and had never yet had the good fortune to meet any
of its agents. He said that Meer Roostum Khan did not presume to put
himself on an equality with so potent and great a nation, but hoped
that he might be classed among its wellwishers, and as one ready to
afford his services on all occasions. Futteh Khan added that Khyrpoor
formed a separate portion of Sinde from Hydrabad, a fact which he
begged I would remember. I was not altogether unprepared for this
communication, for I judged from his previous efforts to please that
the ruler had some object in view. I assured the vizier of my sense
of his master’s attentions, and promised to talk on these matters
after our interview. He brought a palankeen to convey me in state to
Khyrpoor, a distance of fourteen miles, to which city we marched on the
following day.
~Ameer of Khyrpoor.~
After what I have already stated, our interview with Meer Roostum Khan
may be well imagined: he received us under a canopy of silk, seated
on a cushion of cloth of gold. He was surrounded by the members of
his family, forty of whom (males), descended in a right line from his
father, are yet alive. There was more state and show than at Hydrabad,
but as little attention to order or silence. We exchanged the usual
complimentary speeches of like occasions. I thanked his Highness for
the uniform attention and hospitality which we had received. Meer
Roostum Khan is about fifty; his beard and hair were quite white,
and the expression of his countenance, as well as his manners, were
peculiarly mild. He and his relatives were too much taken up with our
uniforms and faces to say much; and he begged us to return in the
evening, when there would be less bustle and confusion, to which we
readily assented. I gave him my watch before leaving, and sent him a
brace of pistols and a kaleidescope, with various articles of European
manufacture, with which he was highly delighted. The crowd was hardly
to be penetrated, but very orderly: they shouted as we approached; and
nothing seemed to amuse them so much as the feathers of our hats. “Such
cocks!” was literally the expression. For about 200 yards from the
palace (if I can use such a term for the mud buildings of Sinde) there
was a street of armed men, and among them stood thirty or forty persons
with halberds, the foresters or huntsmen of the household.
~Audience of leave.~
In the evening we again visited the Ameer, and found him seated on a
terrace spread with Persian carpets, and surrounded, as before, by his
numerous relatives. He made a long address to me regarding his respect
for the British government, and said that I had of course learned his
sentiments from his vizier. He looked to our Mihmandar from Hydrabad,
who I found had been doing every thing in his power to prevent our
meeting at all, and then changed the conversation. The Ameer asked
innumerable questions about England and its power, remarking that we
were not formerly so military a nation; and he had heard that a few
hundred years ago we went naked and painted our bodies. On our religion
he was very inquisitive; and when I informed him that I had read the
Koran, he made me repeat the “Kuluma,” or creed, in Persian and Arabic,
to his inexpressible delight. He said that our greatness had risen
from a knowledge of mankind, and attending to other people’s concerns
as well as our own. He examined my sword, a small cavalry sabre, and
remarked that it would not do much harm; but I rejoined, that the age
of fighting with this weapon had passed, which drew a shout and a sigh
from many present. There was so much mildness in all that the Ameer
said that I could not believe we were in a Belooche court. He expressed
sorrow that we could not stay a month with him; but since we were
resolved to proceed, we must take his state barge, and the son of his
vizier, to the frontier, and accept the poor hospitality of a Belooche
soldier, meaning himself, so long as we were in the Khyrpoor territory.
I must mention that the hospitality, which he so modestly named,
consisted of eight or ten sheep, with all sorts of provisions for 150
people daily, and that while at Khyrpoor he sent for our use, twice a
day, a meal of seventy-two dishes. They consisted of pillaos and other
native viands. The cookery was rich, and some of them delicious. They
were served up in silver. We quitted Khyrpoor with regret, after the
attentions which we had received. Before starting, the Ameer and his
family sent to us two daggers, and two beautiful swords with belts
ornamented by large masses of gold. The blade of one of them was valued
at 80_l._ To these were added many cloths and native silks; also a
purse of a thousand rupees, which I did not accept, excusing myself by
the remark that I required nothing to make me remember the kindness of
Meer Roostum Khan.
~Sindian rule.~
Mr. Elphinstone has remarked, “that the chiefs of Sinde appear to be
barbarians of the rudest stamp, without any of the barbarous virtues,”
and I fear that there is too much truth in the character, though the
Khyrpoor family exhibited little to show themselves deserving of the
stigma; but the chiefs of this country live entirely for themselves.
They wallow in wealth, while their people are wretched. Professing an
enthusiastic attachment to the religion of Mahommed, they have not even
a substantial mosque in their territories; and at Hydrabad, where
the town stands on rock, and indeed every where, they pray in temples
of mud, and seem ignorant of elegance or comfort in all that concerns
domestic arrangement. The Beloochees are a particularly savage race of
people, but they are brave barbarians. From childhood they are brought
up in arms; and I have seen some of the sons of chiefs who had not
attained the age of four or five years strutting about with a shield
and a sword of small size, given by the parents to instil into them,
at that early period, the relish for war. This tribe composes but a
small portion of the Sindian population; and while they are execrated
by the peaceable classes of the community for their imperious conduct,
they, on the other hand, hate the princes by whom they are governed.
It would be difficult to conceive a more unpopular rule, with all
classes of their subjects, than that of the Ameers of Sinde: nor is
the feeling disguised; many a fervent hope did we hear expressed, in
every part of the country, that we were the forerunners of conquest,
the advance-guard of a conquering army. The persons of the Ameers are
secure from danger by the number of slaves which they entertain around
their persons. These people are called “Khaskelees,” and enjoy the
confidence of their masters, with a considerable share of power: they
are hereditary slaves, and a distinct class of the community, who marry
only among themselves.
~Bukkur.~
We marched to Bukkur on the morning of the 19th, which is a fortress
fifteen miles from Khyrpoor, situated on an insulated rock of flint
on the Indus, with the town of Roree on one side and Sukkur on
the other. It was not to be supposed that the Ameer would give us
permission to visit this fancied bulwark of his frontier, and I did
not press a demand which I saw was far from agreeable; but we had
good opportunities of examining the place while passing it, both on
shore and on the river. The island is about 800 yards long, of an oval
shape, almost entirely occupied by the fortification, which looks
more European than most Indian works: it is a beautiful object from
the banks of the Indus; its towers are mostly shaded by large full
grown trees, and the tall date drops its weeping leaves on the mosques
and walls. There are several other islets near it, on one of which
stands the shrine of Khaju Khizr, a holy Mahommedan, under a dome that
contributes to the beauty of the scene. The Indus rolls past Bukkur
in two streams, each of 400 yards wide, and the waters lash the rocks
which confine them with noise and violence. During the swell, the
navigation of this part of the river is dangerous, though the boatmen
of Bukkur are both expert and daring. The town of Roree, which faces
Bukkur, stands on a precipice of flint forty feet high, and some of
its houses, which are lofty, overhang the Indus. The inhabitants of
these can draw up water from their windows; but a cut road in the rock
supplies the citizens with this necessary of life without risking
their lives. The opposite bank of Sukkur is not precipitous like that
of Roree. A precious relic, the lock of Mahommed’s hair, enclosed in
a golden box, attracts the Mahommedan pilgrim to Bukkur, though the
inhabitants are chiefly Hindoos.
~Grave predictions.~
On the banks of the Indus we had a curious interview in the evening
after our arrival with the Vizier from Khyrpoor, who had been sent by
Meer Roostum Khan to escort us thus far, and see that we were furnished
with boats. After requesting to be received privately, he renewed
the subject of our first conversation, and said that he had been
instructed by his master to propose a solemn treaty of friendship with
the British government on any terms that might be named: he then ran
over the list of neighbouring states which owed their existence to an
alliance,--the Chief of the Daodpootras, the Rawul of Jaysulmeer, and
the Rajah of Beecaneer, &c. &c. and then concluded with a peroration
full of gravity, that it was foretold by astronomers, and recorded
in his books, that the English would in time possess all India, a
prediction which both Meer Roostum and himself felt satisfied would
come to pass, when the British would ask why the chiefs of Khyrpoor had
not come forward with an offer of allegiance. I tried to remove, but
without effect, the sad prognostications of the minister, and declared
my incompetency to enter on such weighty matters as a treaty between
the states, without authority and before receiving a written statement
under the Ameer’s seal. I said that I would make known the wishes
that had been expressed to my government, which would be gratified to
hear they had such friends, which seemed to please the diplomatist;
he begged that I would bear in mind what had passed, and exacted a
promise that I would write to him when gone, and so water the tree of
friendship, that the object might be ultimately effected,--“for the
stars and heaven proclaimed the fortune of the English!”
~Amusing incident.~
This was not the only incident of interest that occurred at Bukkur:
we had a visit from an Afghan nobleman of rank, who had been on a
mission to the Governor-General from the late Shah Mahmood of Herat,
and was now on his return to his native country, by the way of Sinde
and Mekran, the dissensions of dismembered Cabool preventing his
passing by the usual route. He was one of the finest natives I ever
saw, and had a flowing beard reaching to his waist: he was full of
Calcutta and its wonders, and had adopted many of our customs. He rode
on an English saddle; but said he had just found out that it was partly
made of hog’s skin, and brought it to beg my acceptance of it, for he
dared not take such a thing to his country, and would not again use
it. I civilly declined the offer, and regretted that the information
regarding the materials of the saddle had been traced to me; for, as he
liked our fashions, it was a pity he could not carry them to his own
country. Previous to the envoy’s leaving us, he begged I would give him
an English brush, which I did with pleasure; but I did not consider it
necessary to add that, in addition to the skin of the unclean beast, he
would now have the bristles. He went away in great good humour with his
gift, for which he offered me his palankeen.
~Mihmandar.~
I was sorry that I should have been the means of giving uneasiness to
the Afghan; for it seems that he acquired his knowledge regarding the
construction of his saddle from our Sindian Mihmandar, Tukkee Shah,
who had taunted him with uncleanness. This person was a Syud, one of
the strictest Mahommedans I ever met. He was a son of Meer Ismael
Shah, and of Persian descent. We found him intelligent and learned,
and his polished manners made us regret the loss of so agreeable a
companion. He left us at Bukkur, to take temporary charge of the
Shikarpoor district during the absence of his brother, the Nawab.
The character of this person was singularly disfigured by Mahommedan
bigotry and superstition; while sceptical and dispassionate on all
other topics, there was no miracle too absurd for his credence in
religion. Among other fables, he assured me that when the Imam Hoosein
had been beheaded by the Yezeedees, and a Christian reproached them
for murdering their Prophet, one of them fell on him; the man,
instantly seizing the head of the Imam, placed it on his breast, and
it pronounced the well-known words, “There is no God but one God, and
Mahommed is his prophet;” which immediately silenced this Mahommedan
Judas!
~Alore, or Arore, the ancient capital.~
While at Bukkur, I visited the ruins of Alore, which is said to have
been once the capital of a mighty kingdom, ruled by the Dulora Rae,
and on which Roree, Bukkur, and Sukkur, have risen. It extended from
the ocean to Cashmeer, from Candahar to Kanoje, and was divided into
four vast viceroyalties: the harbour of Diu, in Kattywar, is expressly
mentioned as one of its sea-ports. It sunk under the Mahommedan arms
so early as the seventh century of the Christian era, when subdued
by the lieutenant of the Caliph of Bagdad, Mahommed bin Cassim,
who invaded India, according to a Persian manuscript, in search of
ornaments for the seraglio of the Caliph.
The particulars of its history are to be found at great length in the
Chuchnama, a history of Sinde in Persian believed to be authentic, and
so called from the ruler of Alore, a Brahmin, by name Duhr bin Chuch.
The ruins of Alore are yet to be discovered in a rocky ridge four miles
south-east of Bukkur, and are now marked by an humble hamlet, with some
ruined tombs. A low bridge with three arches, named the “Bund of Alore
or Arore,” constructed of brick and stone, alone remains of all its
greatness. It is thrown across a valley, which in by-gone years formed
the bed of a branch of the Indus, from which the waters fertilised the
desert, and reached the sea by Omercote and Lucput,--a channel through
which they still find egress in a great inundation.
The description of the battle which overwhelmed the city of Alore, and
terminated the life and reign of the Dulora Rae, affords some clue to
the manners of the age. The Brahmin appeared with a train of elephants,
on one of which he was seated, with two females of exquisite beauty
to supply him with wine and the betel nut. The Mahommedans, unable to
oppose these animals, retired from the field to provide themselves with
combustibles: they filled their pipes, and returned with them to dart
fire at the elephants, which fled in dismay and disorder[8]. The Raja
fell in the action, and his two virgin daughters, “more beautiful than
the morn,” were despatched to Bagdad as fit ornaments for the seraglio
of the vicegerent of the Prophet. The story of these ladies deserves
mention. On their arrival at the holy city, they averred that the
General had dishonoured them in the fever of victory, and the mandate
for his death was forthwith despatched by the Caliph. The innocent
Moslem, sewed up in a raw hide, was transported from the East to
Arabia; and when his bones were produced in the seraglio, the daughters
of Duhr bin Chuch freely confessed the falsehood of their accusation,
and expressed their readiness to die, having avenged their father’s
murder. They were dragged to death in the streets of Bagdad.
~Alore the kingdom of Musicanus.~
~Larkhanu, of Oxycanus. Minagur as Tatta, not Bukkur.~
We have recorded the splendour of Alore, ruled by Brahmins so late as
the seventh century of our era; and history, I think, identifies it
with the kingdom of Musicanus, which Alexander found to be governed
by Brahmins, and the richest and most populous in India. Here it was
that that conqueror built a fort, as “the place was commodiously
situated for bridling the neighbouring nations,” and where Mahommed bin
Cassim a thousand years afterwards subdued the Brahmins who revolted
from the Macedonians. Its prosperity at this late period confirms the
probability of its former wealth. Bukkur is the ancient Munsoora[9],
and has likewise been supposed to be Minagur, which I believe is
erroneous. The second Arrian, in his Periplus, speaks of that city as
the metropolis of Sinde, to which the cargo of the ships was carried
up by the river “from Barbarike, a port in the middle branch of the
Indus.” It has apparently escaped notice, that Minagur is to be
identified with Tatta, as proved by a singular but convincing fact.
The Jhareja Rajpoots of Cutch, who trace their lineage from Tatta,
invariably designate it in these days by the name of Sa-Minagur, of
which Minagur is evidently an abbreviation. I look upon the identity
of Tatta and Minagur as conclusive, though the author of the Periplus
never mentions Pattala. In Reechel we may also have the harbour of
Barbarike. The historians of Alexander do not inform us of the name
of the country of Musicanus, but only of its ruler. The position of
Larkhanu, on the opposite side of the Indus, is well marked as the
country of Oxycanus, which was famed for its fertility, since Alexander
despatched from hence his superannuated soldiers, by the country of the
Archoti and Drangi, to Carmania, or Kerman. The great road westward
branches from Larkhanu, and crosses the mountains to Kelat by the pass
of Bolan, which is the route to Kerman. The modern inhabitants of the
Indus have no traditions of the conquest of the Macedonians to assist
the enquirer in a subject that excites among civilised nations such
intense curiosity.
FOOTNOTES:
[8] It would appear from this, that they smoked in that age: it must
have been _bang_, or hemp, since tobacco was unknown till the discovery
of America.
[9] Ayeen Acbaree.
CHAP. IV.
THE COUNTRY OF BHAWUL KHAN.
~Quit Bukkur.~
On the 21st of May we set sail from Bukkur, having exchanged our boats
for another description of vessel, called “zohruk,” not in use in
Lower Sinde. They are of an oblong square shape, rounded fore and aft,
and built of the _talee_ tree, clamped with pieces of iron instead of
nails, an operation which is performed with great neatness. Some of the
vessels exceed eighty feet in length, and twenty in breadth. They are
flat-bottomed, and pass quicker through the water than the _doondee_,
though they have but one mast. By the description of boats in which
Alexander transported his cavalry, I understand the “zohruk,” which is
well suited for the transport of troops. Arrian describes it “as of
a round form,” and says that they received no injury on leaving the
Hydaspes, when the long vessels were wrecked. Their peculiar build has
doubtless arisen from the occurrence of such rapids as the Macedonians
experienced at the junction of the Acesines and Hydaspes.
~Curiosity of the people.~
The curiosity of the people on the banks of the Indus was intense. One
man in the crowd demanded that we should stop and show ourselves,
since there had never been a _white-face_ in this country before, and
we were bound to exhibit, from the welcome which we had received: he
had seen Shah Shooja, he said (the ex-king of Cabool), but never an
Englishman. Need I say we gratified him and the crowd, of which he
was the spokesman? “Bismilla,” “in the name of God,” was their usual
exclamation when we appeared, and we daily heard ourselves styled
kings and princes. The ladies were more curious than their husbands.
They wear ear-rings of large dimensions, with turquoises suspended or
fixed to them; for these stones are of little value in the vicinity of
Khorasan. Among the women, I should note the Syudanees, or Bebees, the
female descendants of Mahommed: they go about veiled, or rather with a
long white robe thrown over their entire body, having netted orifices
before the eyes and mouth. They are all beggars, and very vociferous
in their demands for alms: one set of them, (for they go about in
troops,) when they found I did not readily meet their demands, produced
a written paper from the shrine of Lal Shah Baz, at Sehwun, to hasten
my charity! Father Manrique, in his journey by the Indus some centuries
ago, complains “of the frail fair ones” who molested him by the way.
In the present age, the dress of the courtezans, who are to be met in
every place of size in the country, would give a favourable idea of the
wealth of Sinde; and it is one of the few, if not the only, amusements
of the inhabitants to listen to the lascivious songs of these people.
They are a remarkably handsome race, and carry along with them a spirit
of enthusiasm in their performance unknown to the ladies of Hindoostan.
~Beloochees of Sinde.~
Three days after quitting Bukkur, we came in sight of the mountains of
Cutch Gundava, distant about a hundred miles from the right bank of the
Indus; the most remarkable peak was named Gendaree. We here entered a
country inhabited by various Beloochee tribes, long addicted to piracy
and plunder; but their spirit has been destroyed by the growing power
of the Khyrpoor chiefs. They offered no opposition or insult; and many
came to pay us a friendly visit. Their manner of saluting each other,
which indeed prevails among all the Beloochees, is somewhat peculiar.
On approaching, they seize the stranger’s hand, and touch the right
breast with the right shoulder, and the left with the left, and follow
up the words “welcome” with half a dozen such sentences as, “Are you
happy? Is every thing right? Are all well, great and small, children
and horses? You are welcome.”
~Sinde frontier, farewell letters.~
A very few days brought us beyond the reach of these Beloochees,
and the dominions of Sinde; for we anchored thirty miles north of
Subzulcote, the frontier town, on the evening of the 26th, on the
line of boundary between the Khan of the Daoodpootras and the Ameers
of Sinde. Our progress had been exceedingly rapid; for we had a
favourable breeze, and often followed the lesser branches of the Indus
to escape the violence of the stream. The boats sailed with celerity;
for we came one hundred and twenty miles by the course of the river
in six days against the stream. We here had a farewell feast from
the Khyrpoor Ameer and Meer Nusseer Khan, the son of the principal
Ameer, who had shown us marked civility throughout the journey.
After the people had fared sumptuously, our boats were crowded like
sheepfolds. I addressed valedictory letters to both the Ameers and
their chief ministers, besides several replies to other persons;
for the “_cacoethes scribendi_” seemed to have beset the nobles of
the land; and I had received, in one day, no less than six letters.
These productions were full of metaphor and over-strained expressions
of anxiety for our health and safety, with trite sayings about the
advantages of friendship, and a letter being half an interview. There
is no difference between the manners of Europe and Asia so striking
as in correspondence. The natives of the East commit the writing and
diction of their compositions to a native secretary, simply telling him
to write a letter of friendship, congratulation, or whatever may be the
subject, to which he affixes his seal, sometimes without a perusal.
If the signet is not legible, one may often try in vain to find out
his correspondent; for he never names himself in his letter. In my
epistles, I told the Khyrpoor chief that his friendship and kindness
had brought us without an accident, and with unprecedented speed,
against the mighty stream of the Indus; and I thought it as well, for
the edification of the Hydrabad Ameer, to add, that _the Indus was
a navigable river_ from the ocean, and had abundance of water every
where! I did not quit Sinde favourably impressed, either with his
character or policy; but we should not try such a man by an European
standard, and he doubtless opposed our choice of the route by the Indus
on sufficiently good grounds. I parted from our Khyrpoor friends really
with reluctance; for their hospitality and kindness had been great,
and it was with difficulty that I was permitted to reward the boatmen.
The Mihmandar said that he had been ordered to prohibit it; and his
master only desired to please the British Government. This person was
very inferior to our former companion the Syud; but, if less learned
and intelligent, he had the more sterling qualities of sincerity and
honesty: his name was Inayut Khan Ghoree.
~Sindian escort.~
We here dismissed, and with regret, our Sindian escort, which had
followed us from the mouths of the Indus. They seemed to have become
attached to us, and followed us in our walks and rides with unusual
alacrity; as we were leaving, they accompanied us to the water’s
edge, with loud cries of thanks for our kindness and prayers for
our welfare. They consisted of twenty-four men; twelve of whom were
Beloochees and the rest Jokeeas, a tribe of mountaineers near Curachee.
We had not, I am sure, done much to deserve such gratitude; for they
had only received an additional month’s pay (eight rupees each) to
take them back to their country, a distance of three hundred and
fifty miles. Some of them begged to accompany us to Lahore; but, on
the same principle that they had been hired in Sinde, it would be
proper to enlist natives of the new country we were entering, and I
civilly declined their request. These men used to kill game for us;
and were ever ready to anticipate our wishes. Their honesty we found
unimpeachable; and we never lost any thing in our progress through a
strange country, protected by strangers on whom we had no tie, and who
had been brought from the fields to enter our service.
[Illustration: NATIVES OF SINDE.
Lith^d. for Burnes’ Travels into Bokhara,--by Day & Haghe Lith^{rs}. to
the King.
John Murray Albemarle S^t. 1834.
_On Stone by L. Haghe._
_Capt^n. R. M. Grindlay del^t._
]
~Fish diet.~
~Manners, &c. Costume.~
The natives of the neighbouring countries, and the higher class of
people in Sinde, have a singular notion regarding the fish diet of
the inhabitants. They believe it prostrates the understanding; and,
in palliation of ignorance in any one, often plead that “he is but a
fish-eater.” The lower order of the Sindians live entirely on fish and
rice; and the prevailing belief must be of an old date, as they tell
an anecdote of one of the Emperors of Delhi who addressed a stranger
in his court with the question from whence he came; he replied, from
Tatta, and the king turned away his head. The stranger, recollecting
the prejudice against his country, immediately rejoined, that he was
not a “fish-eater.” I am not prepared to state how far a fish diet
may affect the intellect of the Sindian, but I certainly remarked the
prolific nature of the food in the number of children on the banks of
the Indus. The greatest fault which an European would find with the
people of Sinde is their filthy habits. They always wear dark-coloured
garments from religious motives; but the ablutions of the Prophet are
little attended to. People must be in easy circumstances, I believe, or
cease to feel want before they adopt habits of cleanliness. The change
of costume in the people, announced already a change of country. Since
leaving Bukkur, we had met many Afghans and natives of the kingdom
of Cabool. The boots of some of these strangers, made of variegated
leather, ribbed, in some instances, not unlike the skin of the tiger,
formed an extraordinary dress for a long-bearded old man.
~Quit Sinde. Bhawul Khan’s country~.
In the evening of the 27th we quitted Sinde, and ascended the river for
a few miles, where we were met by Gholam Kadir Khan, a Nuwab and person
of high rank, who had been sent to welcome us by Bhawul Khan, the chief
of the Daoodpootras, in whose country we had now arrived. He was a
little, pot-bellied old man, with a happy expression of countenance;
and he said that he was sent to communicate the delight with which his
master hailed our approach. He brought a most kind message--that a
fleet of fifteen boats had been collected, and was now in readiness to
convey us through the Daoodpootra country, while the Khan had fitted up
a boat expressly for our accommodation. He brought likewise a purse of
a hundred rupees, which he said he had been desired to send me daily:
this I declined, saying, that money was useless where every necessary
and luxury of life was furnished by his master’s hospitality. We soon
got on easy terms with our new hosts, and weighed anchor next evening
for the frontier village, where we halted. Many Daoodpootras came to
see us; they differ in appearance from the Sindians, and wear turbans
formed of tight and round folds of cloths.
~Quit the Indus.~
On the 30th of May our fleet, now swelled to eighteen boats, quitted
the Indus at Mittuncote, where it receives the united waters of the
Punjab rivers; and, as if to remind us of its magnitude, the stream
was here wider than in any other part of its course, and exceeded 2000
yards. We took a last farewell of its waters, and entered the Chenab or
Acesines of the Greeks. Alexander sailed down this river to the Indus;
but no tradition of that event is preserved on its banks. The Sindians
point to Cabool as the theatre of his exploits, where Sikunder the
Persian achieved many memorable deeds. In the East, as in the West,
there have not been wanting ages of darkness to draw a mist over truth,
and substitute, in poetical language, the fables of an Eastern country
for one of the most authentic facts in ancient history--the voyage of
Alexander on the Indus. Mittun is a small town, about a mile distant
from the Indus, and occupies, I imagine, the site of one of the Grecian
cities, since the advantage of its position for commerce attracted the
attention of Alexander.
~Elevated houses of Sinde.~
~Effects of the Indus on the climate.~
In Lower Sinde the pastoral tribes live in reed houses, and rove from
one place to another. In these parts of the Indus they dwell in
habitations elevated eight or ten feet from the ground, to avoid the
damp and the insects occasioned by it. These are also built of reeds,
and entered by a ladder. They are small neat cottages, and occupied by
wandering tribes, who frequent the banks of the river till the season
of inundation. Herodotus mentions that the Egyptians slept in turrets
during the rise of the Nile. The inhabitants have strange notions
regarding the influence of the Indus on the climate. They believe that
it gives out a perpetual breeze; and they, therefore, seek a habitation
near it, for the heat of Sinde is most oppressive. The father of
history expressed his belief that such also was the case with the Nile;
and it is curious that a similar opinion should be entertained by the
people of Sinde. I can readily understand that a vast volume of running
water would cool the banks of a river: the heat is said to increase on
receding from the Indus.
~Chenab or Acesines.~
We reached Ooch, where the joint streams of the Sutlege and Beas, here
called the Garra, fall into the Chenab. The name of Punjnud, or Five
Rivers, is unknown to the natives; and we now navigated the Chenab
or Acesines of the Greeks, the name of the five rivers being lost in
that of the greater stream. It is curious to observe that this fact
is expressly mentioned by Arrian:--“The Acesines retains its name till
it falls at last into the Indus, after it has received three other
rivers.” The Sutlege, or Hesudrus, is not mentioned by Alexander’s
historians. These united rivers form a noble stream; and the banks of
the Chenab are free from the thick tamarisk jungles of the Indus. They
were studded with innumerable hamlets, particularly towards the Indus;
for the rich pasture attracts the shepherd.
~Incident.~
Our arrival at Ooch had been so much earlier than was anticipated as to
give rise to an incident which might have proved serious. The troops
of Bhawul Khan were encamped on the banks of the river, and in a dusky
day our numerous fleet was mistaken for the Seik army, which had been
threatening to invade his territories. A discharge of a cannon and some
musquetry arrested the progress of our advanced boat. The mistake was
readily discovered, and the chagrin and vexation that followed afforded
us some amusement. I thought that apologies and regrets would never
have ceased.
~Ooch.~
~Arrival of Bhawul Khan.~
The town of Ooch stands on a fertile plain at a distance of four miles
from the Acesines, beautifully shaded by trees. It is formed of three
distinct towns, a few hundred yards apart from each other, and each
has been encompassed by a wall of brick, now in ruins. The population
amounts to 20,000. The streets are narrow, and covered with mats as a
protection from the sun; but it is a mean place. We were accommodated
in a garden well stocked with fruit trees and flowers, which was an
agreeable change from our confined boats. When preparing for a journey
to visit the Khan,--who was absent at Dirawul, in the desert,--we were
surprised by the arrival of a messenger, with the information that he
had reached Ooch from a distance of sixty miles, that he might save us
the trouble of coming to him, and evince his respect for the British
Government. The messenger brought us a deer, which the Khan had shot,
and of which he begged our acceptance, with forty vessels of sherbet,
and as many of sweetmeats and preserves; also a bag containing 200
rupees, which he requested I would distribute in charity, to mark the
joyful event of our arrival.
~Interview with him.~
On the morning of the 3d of June we visited Bhawul Khan, who had
alighted at a large house outside the town, a mile distant: he sent
an escort of his regular troops, with horses, palankeens, and various
other conveyances,--one of which deserves description. It was a sort
of chair, covered with a red canopy of cloth, supported by two horses,
one in front and the other behind, and the most awkward vehicle that
can be imagined; for it could be turned with difficulty, and the
horses did not incline to such a burden. We passed a line of soldiers,
about 600 in number, dressed in uniforms of red, blue, white, and
yellow; and then entered the court yard, under a salute of eighty
guns. The passages were lined with officers and chiefs; and we found
the Khan seated in an area spread with carpets, attended only by about
ten persons: he rose and embraced us. He made particular enquiries
regarding Mr. Elphinstone, who, he said, had been the means of raising
up a sincere and lasting friendship between his family and the British
Government.
Bhawul Khan is a handsome man, about thirty years of age, somewhat
grave in his demeanour, though most affable and gentlemanlike; during
the interview he held a rosary in his hand, but the telling of the
beads did not interrupt his conversation. He dilated at length on the
honour which Runjeet Sing had had conferred upon him in receiving
presents from the King of Great Britain; nor did he, in any way,
betray his feelings towards the Lahore chief, though they are far from
friendly. The Khan, unlike most natives, seemed to avoid all political
subjects. He produced his matchlock, and explained to us his manner
of hunting deer, his favourite sport; and expressed a strong wish
that we should accompany him to his residence in the desert. We left
him quite charmed with his kindness, and the sincere manner in which
he had shown it. In the evening the Khan sent for our perusal the
testimonials that had been given to his grandfather by Mr. Elphinstone,
which are preserved with great pride and care in the archives of his
government. For my own part, I felt equal satisfaction to find the
English character stand so high in this remote corner of India, and the
just appreciation of the high-minded individual who had been the means
of fixing it.
~Merchants at Bhawulpoor.~
During our stay at Ooch, we were visited by some of the principal
merchants of Bhawulpoor, who had followed the Khan. The intelligence
of these people, and extent of their travels, surprised me. Most
of them had traversed the kingdom of Cabool, and visited Balkh and
Bokhara: some had been as far as Astracan; and they used the names
of these towns with a familiarity as if they had been in India. They
had met Russian merchants at Bokhara, but assured me that they never
came to the eastward of that city. The intervening countries they
represented as perfectly safe, and bestowed the highest commendations
on Dost Mahommed, of Cabool, and the Uzbeks, who encouraged commercial
communication. These merchants are chiefly Hindoos, whose disposition
peculiarly adapts them for the patient and painstaking vocation of a
foreign merchant. Some of them are Jews, who retain the marks of their
nation in all countries and places.[10]
~History of Ooch.~
We continued at Ooch for a week. The place is ancient, and highly
celebrated in the surrounding countries from the tombs of two saints
of Bokhara and Bagdad. The Ghorian emperors expelled the Hindoo Rajas
of Ooch, and consigned the surrounding lands to pious Mahommedans.
The tombs of the two worthies I have named are handsome, and held in
much reverence by the people; they are about five hundred years old,
and tradition is silent regarding the history of the place beyond that
period. The posterity of these saints enjoy both spiritual and temporal
power to the present day; but, instead of ministering to the wants of
the inhabitants, who are needy and poor, they waste their fortunes
in the chase, and retain hounds and horses for their amusement. An
inundation of the Acesines, some years back, swept away one half of the
principal tomb, with a part of the town; and, though the return of the
river to its original bed is attributed to the miraculous interference
of the deceased saint, the people have, as yet, failed to testify their
gratitude by repairing his tomb. The town of Ooch stands on a mound
of earth or clay, like the city of Tatta, which I judge to have been
formed by the ruins of houses. The Chenab has swept away a portion of
the mound; and the section of it which has been thus exposed seems to
support the conjecture which I have stated.
~Visit from Bhawul Khan.~
On the 5th of June we had a visit from Bhawul Khan. He insisted on
coming in person to see us; and sent a large tent to be pitched by our
garden, in which we received him. He sat for about an hour; and put
numerous questions regarding the manufactures of Europe. The chief is
of a mechanical turn of mind; he produced a detonating gun, which had
been made under his directions from an European pattern, and certainly
did credit to the artificer; he had also manufactured the necessary
caps and fulminating powder. He expressed, at this interview, much
satisfaction with the presents which we had sent him; they consisted
of a brace of pistols, a watch, and some other articles. The Khan came
in an open sort of chair, to which we conducted him on his departure.
He was attended by about a thousand persons; and I observed that he
distributed money as he passed along. After the visit, our Mihmandar
brought us presents from the Khan; they consisted of two horses richly
caparisoned with silver and enamel trappings, a hawk, with shawls and
trays of the fabrics made at Bhawulpoor, some of which were very rich;
to these were added a purse of 2000 rupees, and a sum of 200 for the
servants; and, last of all, a beautiful matchlock, which had its value
doubled by the manner in which it was presented. “The Khan,” said the
messenger, “has killed many a deer with this gun; and he begs you will
accept it from him, and, when you use it, remember that Bhawul Khan is
your friend.”
~Audience of leave.~
In the evening we had a parting interview with Bhawul Khan. I gave him
a handsome percussion gun; and assured him, what I felt most sincerely,
that we should long remember his kindness and hospitality. He embraced
us on our leaving him; and intreated us to write to him and command his
services. The courtiers and people were as polite as their chief.
We left Ooch on the following morning, and pitched our camp at the
junction of the Chenab with the Garra, or united streams of the Beas
and Sutlege.
~Mountains of Sooliman.~
The country about Ooch is flat and exceedingly rich; there are many
signs of inundation between the town and the river. The dust was
most intolerable; but it always cleared up towards evening, and we
saw the sun set in splendour behind the mountains of Sooliman across
the Indus, eighty miles distant. They did not appear high, and were
not distinguished by any remarkable peaks. It is a little below the
latitude of Ooch that they assume a direction parallel to the Indus,
which they afterwards preserve. We lost sight of the range on our
voyage to Mooltan the day after leaving Ooch.
~Embouchure of the Sutlege.~
On the morning of the 7th we passed the mouth of the Sutlege, and
continued our voyage on the Chenab to the frontiers of Bhawul Khan,
which we reached on the evening of the 8th. The Chenab receives the
Sutlege without turmoil, and appears quite as large above as below the
conflux. The waters of either river are to be distinguished some miles
below the junction by their colour: that of the Chenab is reddish; and,
when joined by the Sutlege, the waters of which are pale, the contrast
is remarkable. For some distance the one river keeps the right, and the
other the left, bank; the line of demarcation between the two being
most decided. The nature of the soil through which the Chenab flows,
no doubt, tinges its waters. This peculiarity is well known to the
natives, who speak of the “red water,” but none of the ancient authors
allude to the circumstance. The nature of the country between Ooch and
the Indus has been mistaken, as it is never flooded. Several decayed
canals, if cleared, would yet lead the water of the Chenab to the
Indus, and may account for Major Rennell’s conducting that river into
the great stream, so many miles above the true point of union, until
the geographical error was rectified by the mission to Cabool.
~The Mihmandar.~
We parted with our Mihmandar, Gholam Cadir Khan, before passing into
the Seik territory. We had seen a great deal of him, and found him
well informed on all such subjects as he could be supposed to know.
He carried four or five historical works with him, among which was
the Chuchnamu, or History of Sinde, to which I have alluded, one or
two books on medicine, and some volumes of poetry: yet he made a most
particular request, at our last interview, that I would tell him the
secret of magic, which he was certain we possessed. I assured him of
the error under which he laboured: “But,” said he, “how is it that
you have had a favourable wind ever since I met you, and performed a
twenty days’ voyage in five, when a breath of air does not sometimes
stir in this country for months?” I told him that such was the good
fortune of the English. When the Nawaub found me wanting in the black
art, he whispered that he himself was a dealer in spells and magic;
but very sensibly added, that he had no faith in his own incantations,
high as they stood in the opinion of others; though it was not his
part to say so. He begged I would give him some medicine to prevent
him growing fatter; but neither regular exercise, nor vinegar, which
I prescribed, seemed to suit his taste. What a whimsical creature man
is. In Sinde, every person of rank seeks for rotundity to support his
dignity; and but a few miles from that country, the “martyr to obesity”
is considered unfortunate.
There is little cordiality subsisting between the Seiks and Bhawul
Khan; and it was with the utmost difficulty that I prevailed on the
Nawaub to let us proceed to the Seik camp, a distance of six miles,
in the boats belonging to his master. “The Seiks,” he said, “are my
master’s enemies, and no boat of ours shall cross their frontier.”
He at last assented, on my becoming answerable for the return of the
vessels.
~Runjeet Sing’s country.~
A few hours’ sail brought us to the place of rendezvous late at night,
and the fires of the soldiers blazing in the darkness only increased
our anxiety to meet our new friends. It was the camp of the party which
had been sent from Lahore to await our arrival, and had long expected
us. Immediately on landing, we were received by Sirdar Lenu Sing, who
came with considerable state on an elephant, and was attended by a
large retinue. The Sirdar was richly dressed, and had a necklace of
emeralds, and armlets studded with diamonds. In one hand he held a bow,
and in the other two Persian letters in silken bags. He congratulated
us, in the name of Maharajah Runjeet Sing, on our arrival, and had been
desired by his Highness to communicate that he was deeply sensible of
the honour conferred upon him by the King of England, and that his army
had been for some time in readiness on the frontier, to chastise the
barbarians of Sinde, who had so long arrested our progress. He then
delivered to me the letters which appointed himself as our Mihmandar,
in conjunction with two other persons; presenting at the same time
a bow, according to the custom of the Seiks. On the ceremony being
terminated, the Sirdar and several others placed bags of money at my
feet, amounting to about 1400 rupees, and then withdrew.
The first intercourse with a new people can never be destitute of
interest, and the present was far from being so.
These Seiks are tall and bony men, with a very martial carriage: the
most peculiar part of their dress is a small flat turban, which
becomes them well; they wear long hair, and from the knee downwards
do not cover the leg. When the deputation had withdrawn, an escort of
regular troops attended to receive orders, and sentries were planted
round our camp. It was novel to hear the words of command given in the
French language.
~Exhibition of the dray horses.~
No sooner had the day broke, than the Maharajah’s people evinced much
anxiety to view the dray horses, and we had them landed for exhibition.
Their surprize was extreme; for they were little elephants, said
they, and not horses. Their manes and tails seemed to please, from
their resemblance to the hair of the cow of Thibet; and their colour,
a dappled grey, was considered a great beauty. It was not without
difficulty that I replied to the numerous questions regarding them;
for they believed that the presents of the King of England must be
extraordinary in every way; and for the first time, a dray horse was
expected to gallop, canter, and perform all the evolutions of the
most agile animal. Their astonishment reached its height when the
feet of the horses were examined; and a particular request was made
of me to permit the despatch of one of the shoes to Lahore, as it was
found to weigh 100 rupees, or as much as the four shoes of a horse in
this country. The curiosity was forthwith despatched by express, and
accompanied by the most minute measurement of each of the animals, for
Runjeet Sing’s special information. The manner in which this rarity was
prized, will be afterwards seen, when it is gravely recorded, that the
new moon turned pale with envy on seeing it!
~Civilities.~
Our own comforts were not forgotten among their wonder and admiration,
for the attentions of the people were of the most marked description.
Our Mihmandar said that he had the strictest injunctions regarding
our reception; and he rigidly acted up to the spirit of the following
document, which will best show the distinguished and kind manner we
were treated in the territories of Maharajah Runjeet Sing.
~Purwanu of Runjeet Sing.~
COPY OF THE MAHARAJAH’S “PURWANU,” OR COMMAND TO HIS OFFICERS.
“Be it known to Dewan Adjoodia Pursad, Monsieur Chevalier Ventura, and
the great and wise Sirdar Lenu Sing, and Lalla Sawun Mull, Soobadar
of Mooltan, that when Mr. Burnes reaches the frontier, you are
immediately to attend to all his wants, and previously despatch 200
infantry and the lancers, under Tajee Sing, to Julalpoor, that they
may be ready on his arrival as an honorary escort; and you are at the
same time to make known your own arrival in the neighbourhood. When
Mr. Burnes approaches, you are immediately to despatch an elephant,
with a silver houda, in charge of the Dewan, who is to state that the
animal has been sent for his own express use, and then ask him to be
seated thereon, which will be gratifying, as the friendship between
the states is great.
“When Mr. Burnes has mounted the elephant, then shall the Sirdar Lenu
Sing, and Sawun Mull, seated on other elephants, approach, and have
an interview with that gentleman, paying him every manner of respect
and attention in their power, and congratulating him in a hundred ways
on his safe arrival from a long and distant journey, distributing at
the same time 225 rupees among the poor. You are then to present a
handsome bow, and each of you eleven gold Venetians, and conduct the
gentleman to the halting-place, and there set before him 1100 rupees,
and fifty jars of sweetmeats. You are then to supply the following
articles: grass, grain, bran, milk, eggs, fowls, sheep (doombus),
curds, vegetables, fruit, roses, spices, water-vessels, beds, and
every other thing that may be necessary, in quantities without bounds,
and be neglectful and dilatory in nothing. When you visit, you are
to parade the two companies and the horse, and salute, and then place
guards according to Mr. Burnes’ pleasure.
“When you reach Shoojuabad, you are to fire a salute of eleven
guns, and furnish every thing as before directed, and present 1100
rupees, with sweetmeats and fruits, and attend to every wish that is
expressed. If Mr. Burnes desires to look at the fort of Shoojuabad,
you are to attend on him and show it, and see there is no obstruction,
and that no one even raises his voice.
“On reaching Mooltan, you are to conduct Mr. Burnes with great
respect, and pitch his camp in whatever garden he shall select; the
Huzooree, the Begee, the Shush Muhl, or the Khass wu Am, or any other.
You are then to present him with a purse of 2500 rupees, and 100 jars
of sweetmeats, and fire a salute of eleven guns from the ramparts of
the fortress. When you have complimented him on his arrival, you are
to suggest for his consideration, whether he would not like to halt at
Mooltan for five or six days after his long journey, and act entirely
as he desires; if he wishes to view the fort, you three persons are
to attend him, and allow no one to make a noise, and take most
particular care that the Nihungs, and such other wrong-headed people,
are kept at a distance.
“In quitting Mooltan, you are to load 100 camels with provisions for
the supply of Mr. Burnes to Lahore, and Soobadar Sawan Mull is to
attend him in person for the first stage, and after taking leave,
repair to the camp of Monsieur Chevalier Ventura. Sirdar Lenu Sing and
Dewan Adjoodia Pursad, together with Futih Sing Ramgurree, accompanied
by an escort of two companies and the lancers, shall attend Mr.
Burnes, and proceed by easy stages to Lahore, despatching daily
notice of his approach. At Dehra, Syudwulla the Kardar is to present
1100 rupees, with the usual sweetmeats; and you are all directed to
remember, in every instance, and at all times, the great friendship
which subsists between the two states.”
There is at all times much display and hyperbole in affairs of this
description throughout the East; but in the present instance it will
be observed, that the Maharajah not only evinced his liberality in
other matters, but in throwing open to our inspection the strong holds
of his country, which can be duly appreciated by those only who have
experienced the extreme jealousy of most Indian governments. The Seik
Sirdars in attendance on us were likewise most communicative; and this
is the more remarkable, as it could not have escaped the Maharajah,
that in taking the unfrequented tract we had followed on the Indus we
were seeking for new information, after the spirit of our country.
FOOTNOTE:
[10] It was my conversation with these men which made me decide on
undertaking the journey to Central Asia, which I afterwards performed.
CHAPTER V.
~Voyage in the Seik country.~
By the 12th of June, our preparations for the voyage were completed,
and we again embarked on the Chenab. The boats here were of a very
inferior description, still called “zohruq;” they had no sails, and
hoist a mat on a low mast instead; their waists are scarcely a foot
above water, and those which they could collect for us, were but the
different ferry boats of the river. There is no trade carried on by
water in this country, and there are in consequence no boats. A sail
of a few hours brought us to the ferry opposite Shoojuabad, where we
halted. The country is of the richest and most fertile description, and
its agricultural resources are much increased, by conducting water to
the remoter parts, in large canals and aqueducts.
~Shoojuabad.~
In the evening of the 13th we visited the town of Shoojuabad, which
stands four miles eastward of the river. It is a thriving place,
surrounded by a fine wall of brick, about thirty feet high. The figure
of the place is that of an oblong square, and the wall is strengthened
by octagonal towers, at equal distances. The interior is filled
up with houses, which are built in streets, at right angles to one
another; and a suburb of huts surrounds the walls. Shoojuabad fort
was built by the Nuwab of Mooltan in the year 1808, and the public
spirit of that person raised it, in the course of ten years, to great
opulence. It is situated in a most beautiful country, and is watered
by two spacious canals for many miles, both above and below the town.
It was captured by the Seiks, along with Mooltan, and now forms
the frontier fortress of the Lahore chief. We were accompanied to
Shoojuabad by our Mihmandar, who appeared in state for the occasion; he
sat on an elephant in a chair of silver,--two horses were led before
him, with saddles of red and yellow velvet,--his bow and quiver were
borne by one menial, and his sword by another; while he himself was
decorated with precious jewels. At the palace of the town, we were met
by many of the respectable inhabitants, before whom the “zyafut,” or
money gift, and sweetmeats of the Maharajah, were presented to us. We
afterwards were conducted through the principal street, and welcomed
in a gratifying manner, wherever we went. On quitting the fortress the
garrison fired a salute.
~Mooltan.~
On the 15th we came in sight of the domes of Mooltan, which look well
at a distance; and alighted in the evening at the Hoozooree Bagh, a
spacious garden enclosed by a thin wall of mud, a mile distant from the
city. The ground is laid out in the usual native style; two spacious
walks crossed each other at right angles, and are shaded by large
fruit trees, of the richest foliage. In a bungalow, at the end of one
of these walks, we took up our quarters, and were received by the
authorities of the city in the same hospitable manner as at Shoojuabad.
They brought a purse of 2500 rupees, with 100 vessels of sweetmeats,
and an abundant supply of fruit: we felt happy and gratified at the
change of scene, and civilities of the people.
The city of Mooltan, is described in Mr. Elphinstone’s work on Cabool,
and it may appear foreign to my purpose to mention it; but his mission
was received here with great jealousy, and not permitted to view the
interior of the town, or the fort. I do not hesitate, therefore, to
add the following particulars, drawn up after a week’s residence. The
city of Mooltan is upwards of three miles in circumference, surrounded
by a dilapidated wall, and overlooked on the north by a fortress of
strength. It contains a population of about 60,000 souls, one third
of whom may be Hindoos; the rest of the population is Mahommedan, for
though it is subject to the Seiks, their number is confined to the
garrison, which does not exceed 500 men. The Afghans have left the
country, since they ceased to govern. Many of the houses evidently
stand on the ruins of others: they are built of burnt brick, and
have flat roofs: they sometimes rise to the height of six stories,
and their loftiness gives a gloomy appearance to the narrow streets.
The inhabitants are chiefly weavers and dyers of cloth. The silk
manufacture of Mooltan is called “kais,” and may be had of all colours,
and from the value of 20 to 120 rupees: it is less delicate in texture
than the “loongees” of Bhawulpoor. Runjeet Sing has with much propriety
encouraged their manufacture, since he captured the city; and by giving
no other cloths at his court, has greatly increased their consumption,
and they are worn as sashes and scarfs by all the Seik Sirdars. They
are also exported to Khorasan and India, and the duties levied are
moderate. To the latter country, the route by Jaysulmeer and Beecaneer
is chosen in preference to that by Sinde, from the trade being on a
more equitable footing. The trade of Mooltan is much the same as at
Bhawulpoor, but is on a larger scale, for it has forty Shroffs, (money
changers) chiefly natives of Shikarpoor. The tombs of Mooltan are
celebrated: one of them, that of Bawulhuq, who flourished upwards of
500 years ago, and was a contemporary of Sadee the Persian poet, is
considered very holy; but its architecture is surpassed by that of his
grandson, Rookn-i-Allum, who reposes under a massy dome sixty feet in
height, which was erected in the year 1323, by the Emperor Tooghluck,
as his own tomb. Its foundation stands on higher ground than the summit
of the fort wall; there is also a Hindoo temple of high antiquity,
called Pyladpooree; mentioned by Thevenot in 1665.
~Fort of Mooltan.~
The fortress of Mooltan merits a more particular description; it stands
on a mound of earth, and is an irregular figure of six sides, the
longest of which (towards the north-west) extends for about 400 yards.
The wall has upwards of thirty towers, and is substantially built of
burnt brick, to the height of forty feet outside; but in the interior,
the space between the ground and its summit does not exceed four or
five feet, and the foundations of some of the buildings overtop the
wall, and are to be seen from the plain below. The interior is filled
with houses, and till its capture by the Seiks in 1818, was peopled,
but the inhabitants are not now permitted to enter, and a few mosques
and cupolas, more substantially built than the other houses, alone
remain among the ruins. The fortress of Mooltan has no ditch; the
nature of the country will not admit of one being constructed; and
Runjeet Sing has hitherto expended great sums without effect. The
inundation of the Chenab, and its canals, together with rain, render
the vicinity of Mooltan a marsh, even in the hot weather, and before
the swell of the river has properly set in, the waters of last year
remain. The walls of the fortress are protected in two places by dams
of earth; the modern fort of Mooltan was built on the site of the old
city, by Moorad Bukhsh, the son of Shah Jehan, about the year 1640,
and it subsequently formed the Jagheer of that prince’s brothers, the
unfortunate Daro Shikoh, and the renowned Aurungzebe. The Afghans
seized it in the time of Ahmed Shah, and the Seiks wrested it from the
Afghans, after many struggles, in 1818. The conduct of its governor
during the siege, deserves mention; when called on to surrender the
keys, and offered considerate treatment, he sent for reply, that they
would be found in his heart, but he would never yield to an infidel;
he perished bravely in the breach. His name, Moozuffur Khan, is now
revered as a saint, and his tomb is placed in one of the holiest
sanctuaries of Mooltan. The Seiks threw down the walls of the fort in
many places, but they have since been thoroughly renewed or repaired;
they are about six feet thick, and could be easily breached from the
mounds that have been left in baking the bricks, which are within
cannon range of the walls.
~Antiquity of Mooltan supposed Capital of the Malli.~
Mooltan is one of the most ancient cities in India. We read of its
capture by Mahommed-bin-Cassim, in the first century of the Hejira,
and its wealth afterwards attracted the Ghiznian, Ghorian, and Moghul
emperors of Hindoostan. But we have little reason to doubt its being
the capital of the Malli of Alexander: Major Rennell has supposed
that metropolis to have been higher up, and nearer the banks of the
Ravee, because Arrian states, that the inhabitants fled across that
river. This is high authority, but Mooltan is styled “Malli than,” or
“Malitharun” the place of the Malli, to this day, and we have no ruins
near Tolumba, the site pointed at by Rennell to fix on as the supposed
capital. It is expressly stated that Alexander crossed the Ravee,
and after capturing two towns, led his forces to the capital city of
the Malli. As the distance from the river is but thirty miles, and
Mooltan is considered a place of high antiquity, I do not see why we
should forsake the modern capital when in search of the ancient: had
we not the earliest assurances of the age of Mooltan, its appearance
would alone indicate it. The houses are piled upon ruins, and the town
stands on a mound of clay, the materials of former habitations which
have gradually crumbled, an infallible proof of antiquity, as I have
remarked of Tatta and Ooch. The late Nawab of Mooltan, in sinking a
well in the city, found a war drum, at a depth of sixty feet from
the surface; and several other articles have been from time to time
collected, but no coins have been hitherto seen. Mooltan may, in some
degree, be considered to answer the description of the Brahmin city
and its castle, which Alexander captured, before attacking the capital
of the Malli; but in that case, we should have no site to fix on as
the capital. The manufactures of Mooltan and Bhawulpoor, the “kais”
and “loungee,” seem to assist in fixing the country of the Malli,
for Quintus Curtius informs us that the ambassadors of the Malli and
Oxydracæ (Mooltan and Ooch) “wore garments of cotton, lawn or muslin
(lineæ vestes), interwoven with gold, and adorned with purple,” and we
may safely translate “lineæ vestes,” into the stuffs of Mooltan and
Bhawulpoor, which are interwoven with gold, and most frequently of a
purple colour.
~Buildings of Mooltan. Superstitions.~
During our stay at Mooltan, we were freely conducted to view the lions
of this decayed Viceroyalty of the Mogul empire. In the interior of the
fort there is the Hindoo temple, before alluded to, which its votaries
believe to be of boundless antiquity, and with it couple the following
tradition. One Hurnakus, a giant, despised God, and worshipped himself;
he desired his son Pylad to follow his steps, and was about to murder
him for his contumacy, when the youth was miraculously saved by an
incarnation of the Deity, who appeared in a shape of half lion and man.
Hurnakus had given out that his death could never be effected in earth
or air, in fire or water, by sword or bow, by night or day; and it
happened without an infringement of these conditions, for Nursingavater
(the name of the incarnation) seized him at dusk, and placing him on
his knee, tore Hurnakus to pieces, and took his son under protection.
This Hindoo temple, which goes by the name of Pyladpooree, is a low
building, supported by wooden pillars, with the idols Hooneeman and
Guneesa as guardians to its portal. It is the only place of Hindoo
worship in Mooltan; we were denied entrance to it.
There is a shrine of some celebrity, near the walls of Mooltan,
where rest the remains of Shumsi-Tabreezee, a saint from Bagdad, who
is believed to have performed many miracles, and even raised the
dead. This worthy, as the story is told, was flayed alive for his
pretensions. He had long begged his bread in the city, and in his
hunger caught a fish, which he held up to the sun, and brought that
luminary near enough to roast it; this established his memory and
equivocal fame on a firmer basis. The natives to this day attribute the
heat of Mooltan, which is proverbial, to this incident.
~Reflections.~
In the ready belief which the inhabitants of Mooltan grant to such
absurdities, we see little to exalt them in the scale of reasonable
beings; but it seems inherent in the people to propagate and uphold
such delusions, for there are tales equally improbable regarding every
tomb in the city. Rookn-i-alum, the son of Bhawul Huq, removed to his
present sepulchre when dead.
~Religion of the Seiks.~
At Mooltan we first saw the practice of religion amongst the Seiks.
In a veranda of the tomb of Shumsi-Tabreezee, a “Gooroo,” or priest
of that persuasion, had taken up his abode since the conquest of the
city. We found him seated on the ground, with a huge volume in front of
him; and a place covered with cloth, like an altar, at one end of the
apartment: he opened the book at my request, and repeating the words
“wa gooroojee ka futteh,”[11] touched the volume with his forehead,
and all the Seiks in attendance immediately bowed to the ground: he
then read and explained the first passage that he turned up, which was
as follows--“All of you have sinned; endeavour therefore to purify
yourselves: if you neglect the caution, evil will at last overtake
you.” I need hardly mention that the volume was the “Grinth,” or holy
book of the Seiks: their reverence for it amounts to veneration, and
the priest waves a “_choury_,” or a Tibet cow’s tail, over it, as if he
were fanning an emperor. The Gooroo was free from pomp and pride, and
gave a willing explanation to our enquiries: he opened his holy book
to acknowledge the gift of a few rupees, that I made in due form, and
requested my acceptance of some confections in return.
~Intolerance.~
The presence of a Seik priest, and the paraphernalia of his order,
under the roof of a Mahommedan tomb, will furnish a good commentary on
the state of that religion in this country; it is barely tolerated. In
this city, which held for upwards of 800 years, so high a Mahommedan
supremacy, there is now no public “_numaz_;” the true believer dare not
lift his voice in public. The “_Eeds_” and the Mohurum pass without the
usual observances; the “_Ullaho Acbar_” of the priest is never heard;
the mosques are yet frequented, but the pious are reduced to offering
up their orisons in silence. Such has been the state of things since
Mooltan fell, in 1818, and yet the number of Seiks is confined to that
of the garrison, from four to five hundred men. The Mahommedans,
who amount to about 40,000 souls, suffer no other inconvenience from
their new masters, who afford every protection to their trade. The
Seiks excuse themselves, by alleging, that they have not inflicted,
in retribution, one fourth of their own sufferings at the hands of
the Mahommedans. They are, I believe, correct in the averment, but
religious persecution, is always revolting, and exercises a baneful
influence in every age and country.
~Climate.~
The climate of Mooltan differs from that of the countries lower down
the Indus; showers of rain are common at all seasons, and yet the dust
is intolerable. For nine successive evenings, we had a tornado of it
from the westward, with lightning, and distant thunder. Such storms are
said to be frequent; they appear to set in from the Sooliman mountains,
between which and the Indus the sand or dust is raised. The heat and
dust of Mooltan have grown into a proverb, to which have been added,
not unmeritedly, the prevalence of beggars, and the number of the
tombs, in the following Persian couplet:--
“Chuhar cheez hust, toohfujat-i-Mooltan.
Gird, guda, gurma wu goristan.”
As far as I could judge, the satire is just: the dust darkened the sun:
the thermometer rose in June to 100° of Fahrenheit, in a bungalow
artificially cooled: the beggars hunted us every where; and we trod on
the cemeteries of the dead, in whatever direction we rode.
The country around Mooltan is highly cultivated; the Acesines sends
the water of its inundation to the very walls of the city, and there
is a large canal, that extends it, at other seasons, through Mooltan
itself. The plain that intervenes between the river and city has the
appearance of a rich meadow, and is overgrown with date trees, which
form here a productive source of revenue. It is a popular belief in
the country, that this tree was introduced from Arabia by the army
of Mahommed-bin-Cassim, who brought the fruit as a provision for his
army. It is a curious fact that they are principally found in the track
of that invader, who marched from Alore to Mooltan. If the tradition
be true, the destroying Moslem compensated in some degree for the
evils and scourge of his inroad. There are many ruined hamlets around
Mooltan, the remains of Jagheers, held by the Afghans, but though these
are deserted their inhabitants have only changed their residence, and
occupy houses in the city.
We removed our camp on the 20th to the banks of the Acesines, which
is four miles distant. The river is about 650 yards wide, but at the
ferry itself, it is expanded to 1000 at this season. We here found ten
boats, laden with mineral salt, from Pind Dadun Khan; they exceeded
eighty feet in length. These boats drop down to Mooltan in twelve days,
from the mines, when fully laden.
~Quit Mooltan.~
~Desert.~
We embarked on the 21st of June, on a boat which the Maharajah had
fitted up for our reception with two wooden bungalows; and, along with
the rest of our fleet, prosecuted our voyage. We did not again exchange
our boats, in the way to Lahore. On quitting the ferry at Mooltan,
we came in sight of the desert that lies between the Chenab and the
Indus. It does not commence so low as Ooch, as has been represented in
our maps, but near the latitude of Mooltan, and runs parallel with the
river, at a distance of about two miles, leaving a stripe of cultivated
land. The sand-hills resemble those of the sea shore, and have a scanty
covering of bushes, I cannot call it verdure: they do not exceed twenty
feet in elevation, but from refraction often appeared much higher.
There is a great contrast between the sterile tract, and the champaign
plains of the eastern bank, which we found every where irrigated. The
villages lie at a distance of about two miles from the river, and have
their fields fertilised from canals, by the Persian wheel. On the banks
of the Indus, wells are common, but on the Chenab they are only to be
seen on the verge of canals that branch from it.
~Peeloo.~
There is a shrub called “peeloo[12],” which is to be found in this
neighbourhood, and in all tracts of saline soil that border on the
Indus and Punjab Rivers. It produces a red and white berry, which has
but a poor flavour; the taste of its seeds resembles watercresses: this
is the season of the fruit, and it was exposed for sale in the bazars
of Mooltan. I observed this shrub in greatest abundance in the delta,
and lower parts of Sinde; and, as I am satisfied that it is only to be
found in the particular soil described, I believe we recognise it in
Arrian’s Indian History. “The leaves resemble those of the laurel; they
grow _chiefly_ in places where the tide flows among them, and where
they are again left dry at low water. Their flower is white, and in
shape like a violet, but much excelling it in sweetness.”
~Seik government.~
The arrangements made for our progress through the Seik territories
were very complete. We sailed from sunrise to sunset; and found
thirty or forty villagers alongside by day-break to drag each boat.
The fatigue and exertion which these people underwent in a hot sun
was excessive. When they passed a field of melons, but few were
left to the owner; and many an old lady scolded loudly as they
invaded her property. The people of this country are treated with
little consideration by the government; they are not oppressed, yet
considered its servants since the conquest. But for our interference,
these villagers, who had waded through the water and quicksands,
would have been dismissed empty-handed at night. The bounty of the
Maharajah enabled us daily to entertain sumptuously, with flour and
ghee, 300 hungry villagers; and the Mihmandar further assured me that
due remission would be made for the destruction of the fields in
our progress. While we ourselves advanced by water, the elephants,
camels, and escort seconded our motions on shore; and we always found
them drawn up in parade array on the ground fixed for our night’s
encampment; we always slept on shore. Before dusk we rode out on
elephants to the neighbouring villages, and conversed with the people.
They are lamentably ignorant; and consisted chiefly of Juts, a tribe of
Mahommedans engaged in agriculture. They are not allowed to pray aloud;
but they stimulated each other when pressed in our service by loud
shouts and invocations to Bhawul Huq, the revered saint of Mooltan.
~Alexander.~
As the sun set on the 23d, we moored below the village of Fazil Shah,
in the mouth of the Ravee or Hydraotes, still called Iräotee by the
natives. This was the spot where Alexander of Macedon met his anxious
army after his severe wound, and showed to his troops that his precious
life was yet preserved: but these are events which live only in the
historical works of Europe; they are unknown to the natives of Asia.
I must mention, however, a circumstance corroborative of the Greek
historians,--the fields of beans that I observed on the banks of this
river. They led Alexander, for some time, to mistake the heads of the
Indus for the Nile; and now remain, in a distant age, as proofs of his
journey, and accuracy in the historians of his expedition.
~Gifts from Lahore.~
The intelligence of our arrival in the country of the Seiks soon
reached Lahore; and a pair of gold armlets, set with diamonds and
emeralds, arrived in due course as a gift from the Maharajah to our
Mihmandar. The Lahore chief is munificent in his distribution of
presents among his nobles, though less so than in former years. Grants
of land, and gifts of jewels and money, are yet made. They attest the
wealth of the country, and the sound policy of the prince.
~Enter the Ravee.~
On the 24th we quitted the Acesines, and entered on the navigation of
the Ravee. At the point of union, the former river has a breadth of
three quarters of a mile, though the deep part does not extend for 500
yards.
Lieut. Macartney makes mention of a report which he had heard of the
Chenab being fordable in the cold season below this point; but the
natives assured me, that such an occurrence had never happened in the
memory of man, and I found the soundings to exceed twelve feet. The
Chenab, indeed, is only inferior to the Indus; its current is more
rapid than that river, and, with its depressed banks, it yet preserves
every where a depth of two fathoms. The Ravee throws itself into
the Chenab by three mouths, close to each other. This river is very
small, and resembles a canal, rarely exceeding 150 yards in breadth
in any part of its course. Its banks are precipitous, so that it
deepens before it expands. Nothing can exceed the crookedness of its
course, which is a great impediment to navigation, for we often found
ourselves, after half a day’s sail, within two miles of the spot from
which we started. The water of the Ravee is redder than that of the
Chenab. It is fordable in most places for eight months of the year. Its
banks are overgrown with reeds and tamarisk, and for half the distance,
from its estuary to the capital, there is no cultivation. There are no
canals or cuts from this river below Lahore. There is a very extensive
one above that city, which I shall have occasion to mention hereafter.
~Tolumba.~
On the 27th of June we reached the small town of Tolumba, which is
situated in a grove of date trees, nearly three miles south of the
Ravee. Sheriffo Deen, the historian of Timour, informs us that that
conqueror crossed the Ravee at Tolumba on his route to Delhi, so that
we now found ourselves on the track of another invader.
The Tartar is yet remembered by his offerings at the shrines in this
neighbourhood. Below the town, the Ravee assumes a straight course for
twelve miles, and presents a vista of beautiful scenery, as the banks
are fringed with lofty trees, that overhang the river. The natives
attribute this peculiarity in the Ravee to divine influence. The
clothes of a saint, when bathing, were washed into the stream, and the
eyes of the holy man, when turned in search of them, straightened the
river!
~Visit to the Hydaspes.~
The Hydaspes was now at hand, the spot where it unites with the
Acesines was only forty-five miles distant: here the fleet of Alexander
encountered its disasters in the rapids, and the hordes of Timour were
terrified by the noise of the waters. Much to the surprise of our Seik
friends, who could not comprehend the motives of our curiosity, we set
out on a galloping expedition for the scene of these memorable events,
and found ourselves on the second evening on the banks of the Hydaspes.
Our anxiety to behold the “fabulous Hydaspes” was heightened by the
belief, that this spot, so famous in its ancient history, had never
been visited by an European since the days of the Greeks. The river
joins the Acesines with a murmuring noise, but the velocity of the
current is inconsiderable, and vessels pass it without danger, except
in July and August. There are no eddies or rocks, nor is the channel
confined, but the ancient character is supported by the noise of the
confluence, which is greater than that of any of the other rivers.
The boatmen at the ferry said, that, during the swell of the river,
they placed themselves under the protection of a saint, whose tomb
stands at the fork of the two rivers. The superstitious reliance
bespeaks danger. We stood on the verge of the river, talking with
the people, till the sun set in the desert westward of us; our Seik
companions in the mean time, bathing in the stream; for, if deprived of
the enjoyment which we derived, they had a compensation in the belief
of performing ablutions at a holy spot, the junction of one river with
another.
~The Hydaspes.~
This river is named Behut or Bedusta, also Jelum, by the people on its
banks, and falls into the Acesines or Chenab in the latitude of 31°
11´ 30´´, forty-five miles north of the town of Tolumba, on the Ravee.
The banks of the Hydaspes coincide but faintly with the description
of Arrian: they do not confine the river in a narrow channel, nor are
there rocks anywhere near to mark the spot where the Greeks retired
with their dismantled fleet. The name of Hydaspes is yet discoverable
in the modern appellation of Bedusta. The Hydaspes is less rapid, and
altogether a smaller stream than the Acesines, being about 500 yards in
breadth at the point of conflux; when joined, these rivers roll on for
a short distance in a channel full a mile in breadth, and about twelve
feet deep.
~Boats of the Greeks.~
The timber of which the boats of the Punjab are constructed is chiefly
floated down by the Hydaspes from the Indian Caucasus, which most
satisfactorily explains the selection of its banks as the site of a
naval arsenal by Alexander in preference to the other rivers, by any of
which he might have reached the Indus without a retrograde movement.
There are but few boats on this river: about fifty are used in the
salt trade at Pind Dadun Khan, some of which carry 500 maunds of salt,
and exceed 100 feet in length, being built like the “Zohruq,” rounded
at both ends. They do not hoist a sail, and often pass the conflux in
safety. We are informed that the war-ships of the Greeks encountered
the greatest difficulties in the navigation of this river, and are
naturally led to attribute the calamities of some of them to the build,
since the provision boats, which are described as of “a round form;”
and, I presume, like the “Zohruq,” escaped uninjured. That Alexander
built the greatest part of his own fleet, is certain, for he commenced
his voyage on the Hydaspes with 800 vessels; and when he first reached
that stream he was entirely destitute of them; so that he ordered the
boats by which he passed the Indus to be broken up and brought by land
across the Doab. We hear likewise of triremes and biremes, that in no
way correspond with the present description of boats on the Indus; from
which it is probable that the round boats which escaped uninjured were
country vessels.
~Passage of the Hydaspes.~
The Hydaspes and Acesines have been forded in the cold season; but
when joined they have never been passed but by boats. Timour, in his
expedition to Delhi, threw a bridge across the conflux at Trimo ferry.
Runjeet Singh swam the Hydaspes at Sahewal with a large body of horse;
but that enterprising chief has crossed the Indus itself above Attok
in the same manner. The merchants from Khorasan travel to India at all
seasons, taking the route by Dera Ismael Khan, Mankere, and the Sandy
Desert, crossing at Trimo, on the road to Toolumba. The country between
these last two places differs from the right bank of the Hydaspes:
destitute of sand hills, it is almost as barren and desert. A sheet
of hard clay, with clumps of tamarisk, _khair_, _lan_, _kejra_, and
such other shrubs as are to be found in the Thurr, or Desert of India,
extends from the Chenab to the Ravee. There is not a blade of grass but
on the banks of the rivers. Water is procurable from wells about thirty
feet deep, but is scarce, and always fetid and noxious, though rarely
salt.
~Cathæi of Arrian.~
The population chiefly consists of the pastoral tribe of Kattia, or
Jun, who are so called from their living an erratic life, “Jun” having
that signification: few of them are found at any distance from the
rivers but in the rainy season. They have immense herds of buffaloes
and camels, from the milk of which they derive sustenance; hardly
cultivating the soil, though some tolerable fields of tobacco, raised
by irrigation, may be seen near their habitations. They are a tall
and handsome race; which may be attributed to a rule among them,
prohibiting marriages before their females attain the age of twenty
years: they believe that the children of an early union, so common
among every other Indian tribe, are puny and unhealthy. These Kattia
are a predatory and warlike race: few of them are free from scars and
wounds. They extend from the banks of the Hydaspes across the deserts
to Delhi, and are the aborigines of this country, in whom, I think, we
recognise the Cathæi of Arrian; as he calls them “a stout people, well
skilled in military affairs.” I am aware that these people have been
supposed to be the Kuttrees or Rajpoots; but their country is further
to the south, and did not occupy this part of India on the Greek
invasion.
~Ruins of Shorkote.~
In the space which intervenes between the Hydaspes and Ravee, and
about equidistant from either river, stand the ruins of Shorkote, near
a small town of that name. They occupy a considerable space, being
much larger than Sehwun, and of the same description; viz., a mound
of earth, surrounded by a brick wall, and so high as to be seen for a
circuit of six or eight miles. The traditions of the people state that
a Hindoo Rajah of the name of Shor ruled in this city, and was attacked
by a king from “Wulayut,” or the countries westward, about 1300 years
ago, and overcome through supernatural means. Shorkote is mentioned by
Timour’s historian; and its locality leads me to fix on it as the place
where Alexander received his wound, for he crossed to the west bank of
the Hydraotes in pursuit of the Malli, who had retired to “a fortified
city not far off,” the walls of which were of brick. The story of the
King of the West is, to say the least of it, a very probable tradition
of Alexander of Macedon. The construction of the place throws some
light on the fortresses which were captured by Alexander. Ancient
cities on the Indus appear to have been mounds of earth surrounded by
brick walls. At Shorcote I had the good fortune to procure a variety of
coins, which I long believed to be Hindoo; but my surmise regarding the
antiquity of the spot received a strong and satisfactory confirmation
through the intelligence of the able secretary to the Asiatic Society
of Bengal,--Mr. James Prinsep. That gentlemen discovered it to be a
Bactrian coin, resembling that of an Appolodotus, and shaped like a
Menander,--two coins of the Bactrian monarchs, found by Colonel J. Tod,
and engraved in the transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society. The
Greek word Bazileos may be read; and I had, therefore, to congratulate
myself on having, in my journey to the Hydaspes, found the first
Grecian relic in the Punjab.
~Return to the Ravee.~
We retraced our steps from this famous river, and saw much of the
Kattia, or Jun tribe. They were greatly surprised by our visit, and
approached in crowds to see us. They live in scattered villages, and
move their houses from place to place. Both men and women were tall and
stout, with sun-burnt complexions. The men allow their hair to grow
in loose tresses over their shoulders: the women have ear-rings of an
enormous size; but the stout and sturdy dames appeared not the least
incumbered from their weight.
~Birds and reptiles of the Ravee.~
We returned to Toolumba on the 1st of July, jaded from the excessive
heat, but highly gratified with our journey. We immediately embarked,
and prosecuted our voyage. During our absence the river had risen two
feet, from a fall of rain in the mountains; but it did not appear much
wider. We saw more aquatic birds in the Ravee than in our whole voyage;
they consisted of cranes, storks, pelicans, ducks, teal, &c. Among the
inhabitants of the river itself, a creature called “bolun” was the most
remarkable. We saw several of them in the mouth of the Ravee, which
were of a black colour, and rolled like the porpoise. The natives class
this fish with the alligator, and say it has four small paws, and a
long snout like a pig. Its habits do not lead it on shore, and it lives
on small fish. The large alligator is unknown here; but the long-nosed
reptile called “ghuryal” abounds. There is said to be a singular
creature, called “thundwa,” in this river, which is described as of
the turtle species, and to have a string in its mouth, by which it can
entangle a man, or even an elephant. It is mentioned in the Shasters as
having seized the elephant of a god. I have not seen the “thundwa,” nor
do I believe the story of it.
~Table supplies.~
Though we had journeyed thus far in the country of the Seiks, we had
not passed a village inhabited by them, or seen any others of the tribe
than were attached to our suite. The country is very poorly peopled,
and without tillage for many miles. The means taken to supply our wants
in the voyage often excited a smile. Every villager in office had been
addressed, and a list of articles which are edible to the “Firingees”
ordered to be collected. Baskets of eggs, kept for weeks in expectation
of our arrival, were daily brought to us, sometimes to the number
of 400 or 500; but they were better adapted for the punishment of a
malefactor in the pillory than the table, and, in a few, chickens were
to be found in the shell! Butchers were brought from Mooltan to supply
our wants: loads of saltpetre were daily sent to cool the wine and
water, and the necessaries and luxuries of life were supplied without
bounds.
~Heat.~
The heat now became oppressive, and gave indication of the monsoon,
according to the natives. In the afternoon of the 3d of July we had
the thermometer so high as 110° at 4 P. M.; and at sunset a storm set
in from the north-west, which was really sublime. Clouds appeared to
approach us for about half an hour, gradually rising from the horizon,
and looking more like mountains in motion. When it came upon us, we
found it to be one of those tornadoes that we experienced near Mooltan,
and unaccompanied by rain. The wind was hot and sultry, and bore
clouds of fine dust along with it. It passed over in an hour, and was
succeeded by vivid flashes of lightning from the same quarter. Six days
after the phenomenon the rain set in with great violence; and till then
we had a continuance of the dust every evening.
~Arrival of an elephant.~
Our Mihmandar waited on us at the village of Cheechawutnee with an
enormous elephant, and said that he had been instructed by the Maharaja
to place it at our disposal, as he feared the native houda did not
suit our taste: he was right in his conjectures, and we appreciated
the civility. The animal was richly caparisoned, and bore a large
chair, ornamented with silver and enamel work, lined with red velvet.
He was accompanied by six of the Maharaja’s own Orderlies, in dresses
of scarlet faced with yellow, which had a good appearance. The Seiks,
in all the various military costumes that they have adopted, never lay
aside the small turban of their tribe; which, I must say, becomes them.
It was a source of no small amusement to watch the love of gossip among
the natives of our suite. We had a reporter sent purposely from the
Court, who daily despatched an account of our employment and rides:
the news-writer of Mooltan followed us from that city, and every day
transmitted a Gazette; I had also letters from the news-writer at
Lahore, giving me a _précis_ of local news, and asking for a _morceau_
in return. Our Dewan corresponded with the Chevaliers Ventura and
Allard; and I was somewhat surprized to receive answers to many of my
enquiries regarding the country from the former gentleman, to whom
their subject had been communicated without my knowledge. Nothing,
however, could exceed the politeness of all the people towards us; and
the ready and happy manner they acceded to our wishes made us careful
to wish for any thing. As may be supposed, there were no bounds to
their flattery; and we were daily informed that we were the “second
Alexander,” the “Sikunder sanee,” for having achieved so dangerous a
voyage as the Indus. The polite natives of this quarter view with dread
the barbarity and customs of Sindees and Beloochees.
~Ruins of Harapa.~
About fifty miles eastward of Toolumba, I passed inland for four miles
to examine the ruins of an ancient city, called Harapa. The remains
are extensive, and the place, which has been built of brick, is about
three miles in circumference. There is a ruined citadel on the river
side of the town; but otherwise Harapa is a perfect chaos, and has
not an entire building: the bricks have been removed to build a small
place of the old name hard by. Tradition fixes the fall of Harapa at
the same period as Shorkote (1300 years ago), and the people ascribe
its ruin to the vengeance of God on Harapa, its governor, who claimed
certain privileges on the marriage of every couple in his city, and
in the course of his sensualities, was guilty of incest. At a later
period, Harapa became a Mahommedan town; and there is a tomb of a Saint
of the “faithful,” eighteen feet in length, the assigned, but fabulous,
stature of the deceased. A large stone of annular form, and a huge
black slab of an oval shape, which lie near the grave, are said to
represent the ring and its gem of this departed giant, and to have been
converted from more valuable to their present base materials. Where
such fables are believed, we must cease to hope for even reasonable
fiction. I found some coins in these ruins, both Persian and Hindoo,
but I cannot fix its era from any of them.
~The inhabitants.~
As we ascended the Ravee, and cleared the country of the Kattias, the
population increased, and their hamlets, though small, were numerous.
Crowds of people flocked to the banks of the river as we approached,
and evinced the most intense curiosity to see us. One man would call
out that he was a Syud, another that he was a Zemindar, a third that
he was a Peer, or Saint, and a fourth, that he was a Seik; while the
ladies themselves were not backward in expressing their anxiety for a
sight of us. On such occasions we always moved out of our cabin, or
bungalow; but this ready exhibition only attracted another concourse
of spectators. The notions which they entertained of us were most
extravagant: we were believed to be under the guardian care of two
pigeons, who shaded us from the sun and rain. One individual asked us
seriously to impart to him the secret of converting shreds of onions
into gold ducats, which he had understood we had been practising!
~A tiger hunt.~
The bravery of our Seik friends had been already exhibited to us by
their attacking the wild hog with a sword, on foot; but a nobler
specimen of their courage was displayed in the death of a tiger. We
disturbed the animal in a thicket of tamarisk close to our boats; and
the Mihmandar immediately invited us to see the sport. Mr. Leckie
accompanied the party; but our elephant was not at hand, and I did
not go. The party was entirely composed of horsemen. The monster was
speedily wounded by some one, and several riders were unhorsed from
the fright of their steeds. The Seiks then advanced on foot, sword in
hand, to attack the tiger: he sprang at one man most furiously; and, as
he fixed on his left shoulder, the poor fellow bravely struck his head
by a well-directed blow: the contest was unequal, and the man fell,
horribly lacerated. His comrades instantly ran up, and, with cuts and
wounds, the tiger soon fell. He was a huge animal, and measured ten
feet: his thigh was as large as that of a full-grown man. The coolness
and courage of the Seiks surpass belief; they have great encouragement
from their chiefs. To all my enquiries regarding the unfortunate
man that had been wounded, they replied, with an ostentation of
indifference, that he was but a Seik, would be well rewarded, and had
already received a horse, and his annual pay had been increased an
hundred rupees. The skin, head, and paws of the tiger were immediately
despatched to the Maharaja, whose bounty will be further extended to
the wounded. This encouragement makes these people the bravest of the
Indians.
~Strange treatment.~
The faculty will be surprised at the Seik mode of curing a wound
received from a tiger, at variance as it is with European practices.
They entertain an opinion that, if a person who has been so wounded
be allowed to sleep, he will see the tiger in his dreams, and thus
lose his heart, and inevitably die. They therefore furnish the patient
with the strongest stimulants, and set people to prevent his falling
asleep for five or six days. By that time the wounds assume a certain
appearance; and they then permit the man to rest. In the instance which
I have mentioned, I can answer for the copious use of stimulants, as we
supplied the brandy.
~Intelligence of a Seik.~
~A Cashmere boat.~
The intelligence of the Seik Sirdar Senu Sing, our Mihmandar, had,
more than once, arrested my attention. From a perusal of translations,
he had acquired some knowledge of our astronomical system, and of the
astrolabe, with several other such instruments. He expressed his doubts
on some parts of the theory; and asked me to explain the continuance
of the pole star in one place when the earth was said to move so many
miles daily in its orbit round the sun. Among other information that
I was enabled to impart to him, I showed him the thermometer, and
explained the nature of the instrument. He immediately had the whole
particulars committed to writing: and, where such avidity, and so
laudable a thirst for knowledge, were displayed, I could not withhold
making him a present of the instrument. This Sirdar was equally expert
in the martial exercises of his nation: he handled the bow with grace
and dexterity; he was an excellent horseman, and could hit a mark at
full speed; and I have seen him touch the ground with both feet at the
gallop, and regain his seat. I must mention that his curiosity did
not always take a scientific turn; for his wonder had been excited
by our art in preserving meat, fish, &c. A ham, which I showed him,
was calculated to satisfy his doubts; and he was only contented when
he had got a complete recipe for curing it. The Seiks are very fond
of hog; and ham bids fair to be a standing dish in the Punjab. By
the 11th of July we had left the country of the Kattias, and reached
Futtihpoor, where the land is cultivated. Our approach to Lahore seemed
to facilitate every arrangement: a detachment of fifty lancers had been
stationed in the intervening villages, to assemble the inhabitants,
to drag the boats the moment we approached. Our own suite was now
increased to about 500 people; and to a drum and fife, which had
always been with us, a bugle was added. Such dissonance as was now
produced was never heard “at tattoo or reveille o;” and they played at
both hours. We had also a Cashmere boat sent for our accommodation,
called the “purinda” or bird. It was a complete skiff, about sixty
feet long, and pointed at both ends, so that half of the boat did not
even touch the water. I am informed that this style of build, not
unlike the gondola of Venice, is general in the lake of Cashmere. The
crew were natives of that country; and they impelled their vessel by
small green-painted paddles, with which they struck the water in a
peculiar manner. They were very handsome and athletic men, dressed
in red jackets. The boat itself had a square bungalow in the centre,
with a flat roof; where we sat during the cool of the evening. She was
flat-bottomed; and had her planks clamped with iron. Her motion through
the water was tremulous, and by no means agreeable; but the celerity
with which vessels of this kind move is acknowledged.
~Letter from Lahore.~
On the 13th of July, a deputation from the Kardar of Kot Kamalia waited
on us with presents of fruit, &c., and a sum of 1100 rupees. A letter
was brought, at the same time, from the Maharaja, expressive of his
great satisfaction at our approach. The epistle was flowery to a
degree seldom met with even in the Persian language; and filled with
similes about gardens, roses, zephyrs, and fountains. Every word of a
letter which I had addressed to his Highness was declared to be a bud
of everlasting friendship; and every letter of every word was a blown
rose! But the document would require a translation, and that, perhaps,
it does not deserve.
~Religious wars of the Seiks.~
Neither the congratulations nor munificence of the Maharaja could keep
our people well: they were attacked with whitlow; and there were no
less than seven or eight of them laid up at once with that painful
complaint. They themselves ascribed it to the water; but I was rather
disposed to attribute it to a want of it and exercise; for they had had
a voyage of longer duration than a trip from India to England. We now
entered the country of the Seiks. All these people are either soldiers
or husbandmen, like the Romans of old. They were very communicative;
and described with much ardour the campaigns in which they have
fought, and their collision with the bigoted Euzoofzyes across the
Indus. I should hardly expect to be credited if I recorded many of
the circumstances that have been communicated to me, and the number
of people that have fallen in these religious wars. The Euzoofzyes
entertain such hatred for the infidel Seiks, that they often declare
themselves “ghazee,” and devote their lives to their extinction;
believing that the death of one of them is more meritorious than that
of any other unbeliever. As the Seik religion arose some hundred years
after Mahommed, they are not certainly supported by their prophet. To
use an expression of the Seiks, the Euzoofzyes “laugh at death.” It has
been justly remarked, that we know little and care less for the history
of such transactions, when we have no connection with the parties
concerned.
~Deputation.~
In the evening of the 15th we reached Changa, about twenty-five miles
from Lahore, and were received by a deputation from the Maharaja,
consisting of two Seik Sirdars, and Noorodeen Fakeer, of a Mahommedan
family enjoying trust and influence at Court. The meeting, as was
requested, took place on elephants, five of which bore the magnates
and ourselves. Each individual delivered a purse of money in gold and
silver, and, by his Highness’ desire, asked for the health of the King
of England, and the period that had elapsed since we left London: for
the Maharaja, it seemed, believed us to have been deputed from the
royal footstool. I replied as circumstances required. The principal
Seik, by name Sham Sing, presented a bow. The party also produced a
letter from the Maharaja, mentioning that they had been instructed to
congratulate us on our arrival, and use every expression which could be
pleasing to the sense; and a tissue of flattery ensued, which I confess
my inability to describe.
“The seasons,” said the Fakeer, “have been changed to aid your safe
arrival; and when it should have rained, the sun shines; but it is
the sun of England. You must now consider yourselves at home, and in
a garden, of which you are the roses; that such a friendship had now
grown up between the British and the Seiks, that the inhabitants of
Iran and Room would hear it proclaimed in their distant dominions;
that light had succeeded darkness when we merged from the barbarians
of Sinde, and that its genial influence had changed the bud into the
rose.” I should exhaust a vocabulary if I recorded all his expressions.
I replied as well as I could in the same style, asking after the
Maharaja’s health; and assured the deputation of our satisfaction at
the kindness and attention which we had received in the Seik dominions.
Before taking leave, I showed the party the horses, with which they
were delighted.
~Escort.~
The Sirdars brought an escort of lancers and Seik cavalry: the latter
party were entirely dressed in yellow, and had just returned with Sham
Sing from the campaign against Syud Ahmed, who had long carried on a
fanatical war in this country, and had been lately killed.
Among the party, a boy was pointed out, who had been nominated to the
command held by his fallen father,--a Seik rule admirably calculated to
feed the military spirit of their nation. We rode among them, evidently
much to their delight, and to our own amusement. The chiefs wore many
valuable jewels; but these ornaments did not become the wrists and
brows of such warriors.
~Seik ladies.~
We had now an opportunity of seeing the Seik ladies, who are not less
peculiar in their appearance than their husbands. They knot the hair
at the crown, and throw a white robe over it, which entirely envelopes
the body, and gives a conical shape to the head. They pull up the hair
so tight to form this knot, that the skin of the forehead is drawn
with it, and the eyebrows are considerably removed from the visual
organ. As may be imagined, this fashion does not improve their personal
appearance, yet it is general among all classes of the females. The
Seik ladies are not so handsome as their husbands; their features are
sharp and regular. They are not confined to their houses as strictly as
the Mahommedan women; for the Seiks, in matrimony as well as religion,
differ widely from the followers of the Prophet.
In the evening of the 16th, we had a second visit from the deputation
of yesterday, who brought us a sum of 700 rupees, with an announcement
from the Maharaja that that amount had been fixed on as our daily
allowance during our further stay in the Punjab. I accepted the sum,
but did not consider it proper to allow of such wasteful munificence
being in future continued.
At noon, on the 17th of July, we came in sight of the lofty minarets
of the King’s mosque at Lahore, and might have reached the ancient
capital of the Moghul empire, and the termination of our protracted
voyage; but the ceremonial of our _entrée_ required arrangement, and
we halted three or four miles from the city, at the earnest request of
our conductors. As the sun set, I saw, for the first time, the massy
mountains which encircle Cashmere, clothed in a mantle of white snow. I
felt a nervous sensation of joy as I first gazed on the Himalaya, and
almost forgot the duties I owed to our conductors, in contemplating
these mighty works of nature.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] “May the Gooroo be victorious,” the national war-cry of the Seiks.
[12] Salvadora Persica.
CHAP. VI.
LAHORE.
~Enter Lahore.~
On the morning of the 18th of June we made our public entrance into
Lahore. The Maharaja’s minister, Uzeez-o-Deen, and Raja Ghoolab Sing,
with the principal men of the state, met us at a distance of three
miles from the city, escorted by a guard of cavalry and a regiment
of infantry. We were introduced to these personages by Captain Wade,
the political agent of government at Lodiana, who had been deputed
to Lahore on the occasion, and was accompanied by Dr. A. Murray.
The sight of these gentlemen, after our long absence from European
society, excited the most pleasurable feelings. Our reception was
also most gratifying, heightened, as it was, by the reflection that
our undertaking had been this day brought to a safe and successful
issue. We alighted at a garden about a mile from Lahore, the residence
of M. Chevalier Allard, whose manners and address were engaging and
gentlemanlike. We here parted with the deputation, after receiving a
large sum of money and a profusion of sweetmeats in the name of the
Maharaja.
The Chevalier then conducted us to an upper room, where we sat down to
a _déjeûné à la fourchette_ of the richest cookery.
Another French gentleman, M. Court, was of our party. The scene was
novel to us: the walls and roof of the apartment were entirely inlaid
with small pieces of mirror. Champagne usurped the place of tea and
coffee. M. Allard is the Maharaja’s General of cavalry; and we had
the trumpets of his division in attendance during breakfast. We
continued with our worthy host during the following day, which passed
in preparations for our introduction at Court, which had been fixed for
the 20th instant.
~Presentation at Court.~
About 9 A. M., when the Maharaja had reached the ancient palace that
stands within the walls of Lahore, he sent a deputation of his nobles
to conduct us to Court. All the Sirdars and officers who had been
from time to time sent to us were previously in attendance, besides a
numerous escort; and the pageant was further swelled by a detachment of
Bengal sepoys which Captain Wade had brought from Lodiana. The coach,
which was a handsome vehicle, headed the procession; and in rear of the
dray-horses we ourselves followed on elephants, with the officers of
the Maharaja. We passed close under the walls of the city, between them
and the ditch, and entered Lahore by the palace gate. The streets were
lined with cavalry, artillery, and infantry, all of which saluted as
we passed. The concourse of people was immense; they had principally
seated themselves on the balconies of the houses, and preserved a most
respectful silence. On entering the first court of the palace, we were
received by Raja Dihan Sing, a fine soldierlike looking person, dressed
in armour, by whom we were conducted to the door of the palace. While
stooping to remove my shoes at the threshold, I suddenly found myself
in the arms and tight embrace of a diminutive old-looking man,--the
great Maharaja Runjeet Sing. He was accompanied by two of his sons, who
likewise embraced Mr. Leckie and myself; when the Maharaja conducted
me by the hand to the interior of his court; our reception was of the
most distinguished nature, and he had advanced that distance to do us
honour. We found Captain Wade and Dr. Murray in the Durbar, and all of
us were seated on silver chairs, in front of his Highness. The Maharaja
made various complimentary remarks; asked particularly after the health
of his Majesty the King of Great Britain; and, as we had come from
Bombay, enquired for Sir John Malcolm. When we had been seated a short
time, I informed his Highness that I had brought along with me in
safety to Lahore five horses, which his most gracious Majesty the King
of England had conferred upon him, in consideration of the relations
of amity and concord subsisting between the states; as also a carriage
from the Right Honourable the Governor-general of India, in token of
his Lordship’s esteem. I then added, that the horses were accompanied
by a most friendly letter from his Majesty’s minister for the affairs
of India, which I held in my hand in a bag of cloth of gold, sealed
with the arms of England. On this the Maharaja and his Court, as well
as ourselves, rose up, and his Highness received the letter, and
touched his forehead with the seal. The letter was then handed to his
minister, Uzeez-o-Deen, who read a Persian translation of it in the
presence of the whole Court. The envoys from the surrounding states
were present. The following is a copy of the communication with which
his Majesty had honoured the ruler of Lahore:--
~Letter from the King.~
COPY OF A LETTER FROM HIS MAJESTY’S MINISTER FOR THE AFFAIRS OF INDIA
TO MAHARAJA RUNJEET SING, DELIVERED TO HIS HIGHNESS AT LAHORE, ON THE
20TH OF JULY, 1831.
_To His Highness Maharaja Runjeet Sing, Chief of the Seik Nation, and
Lord of Cashmere._
MAHARAJA,
The King, my most gracious master, has commanded me to express to your
Highness his Majesty’s acknowledgments of your Highness’s attention
in transmitting to his Majesty, by the esteemed and excellent Lord,
Earl, Amherst, the splendid manufacture of your Highness’s subjects of
Cashmere.
The King, knowing that your Highness is in possession of the most
beautiful horses of the most celebrated breeds of Asia, has thought
that it might be agreeable to your Highness to possess some horses of
the most remarkable breed of Europe; and, in the wish to gratify your
Highness in this matter, has commanded me to select for your Highness
some horses of the gigantic breed which is peculiar to England.
These horses, selected with care requiring much time, I now send to
your Highness; and as their great weight makes it inexpedient that
they should undergo the fatigue of a long march in a hot climate, I
have directed that they shall be conveyed to your Highness by the
Indus, and such river of the Punjab as may be most easy of navigation.
The King has given me his most special commands to intimate to your
Highness the sincere satisfaction with which his Majesty has witnessed
the good understanding which has for so many years subsisted, and
which may God ever preserve, between the British Government and your
Highness.
His Majesty relies with confidence on the continuance of a state
of peace, so beneficial to the subjects of both powers; and his
Majesty earnestly desires that your Highness may live long in health
and honour, extending the blessings of beneficent government to the
nations under your Highness’s rule.
By the King’s command.
(Signed) ELLENBOROUGH.
~Runjeet Sing’s stud.~
As the contents of the document were unfolded, the Maharaja gave
evident symptoms of his satisfaction; and when the letter was half
read, he said that he would greet its arrival by a salute; and a peal
of artillery from sixty guns, each firing twenty-one times, announced
to the citizens of Lahore the joy of their King. His Highness then
expressed his intention of viewing the presents; and we accompanied
him. The sight of the horses excited his utmost surprise and wonder,
their size and colour pleased him: he said they were little elephants;
and, as they passed singly before him, he called out to his different
Sirdars and officers, who joined in his admiration. Nothing could
exceed the affability of the Maharaja: he kept up an uninterrupted
conversation for the hour and a half which the interview lasted: he
enquired particularly about the depth of water in the Indus, and the
possibility of navigating it; and put various questions regarding
the people who occupy its banks, and their political and military
importance. I alluded to the riches of Sinde, which seemed to excite
his utmost cupidity. He introduced us to all the representatives of the
neighbouring states, and concluded by asking if we should like to see
his own stud. About thirty horses were immediately brought, and passed
in review order before us. They were caparisoned in the richest and
most superb manner; and some of them were adorned with very valuable
jewels: he named each horse, and described his pedigree and points, as
he was brought up. They were of all countries; and from their necks
being tightly reined up, certainly looked well; but they were not the
stud which one would have expected at Lahore--all the horses appeared
to be under-limbed. The exertion which his Highness underwent seemed to
exhaust him, and we withdrew. Nature has, indeed, been sparing in her
gifts to this personage; and there must be a mighty contrast between
his mind and body. He has lost an eye, is pitted by the small pox,
and his stature does not certainly exceed five feet three inches. He
is entirely free from pomp and show, yet the studied respect of his
Court is remarkable; not an individual spoke without a sign, though the
throng was more like a bazar than the Court of the first native Prince
in these times.
~Hall of audience.~
The hall of audience, in which the interview took place, was built
entirely of marble, and is the work of the Moghul Emperors; part
of the roof was gorgeously decorated by a pavilion of silken cloth
studded with jewels. The Maharaja himself wore a necklace, armlets, and
bracelets of emeralds, some of which were very large. His sword was
mounted with the most precious stones. The nobles were likewise dressed
for the occasion with jewels; and all the Court appeared in yellow, the
favourite colour of the nation, which has a gaudy but striking effect.
~Military spectacle.~
On the following morning, the Maharaja intimated his wish for our
presence at a military review in honour of passing events. We found his
Highness on the parade ground, seated on a terrace, a short distance
from the walls of Lahore. Five regiments of regular infantry were
drawn up in line, three deep. Runjeet requested we would pass down the
line and inspect them. They were dressed in white, with black cross
belts, and bore muskets, the manufacture of Cashmere or Lahore: there
was a mixture of Hindoostanees and Seiks in every corps. After the
inspection, the brigade manœuvred under a native general officer, and
went through its evolutions with an exactness and precision fully
equal to our Indian troops: the words of command were given in French.
~Conversations.~
During the spectacle, his Highness conversed with great fluency, and
asked our opinions on his army and their equipments. His muskets, he
said, cost him seventeen rupees each. He was particularly desirous to
know if a column of British troops could advance against artillery.
From these subjects he passed to that of the revenue of Cashmere; he
had just got thirty-six lacs of rupees, he said, from it this year,
which was an increase of six lacs. “All the people I send to Cashmere,”
continued he, “turn out rascals (haramzada); there is too much pleasure
and enjoyment in that country;” and when he considered the importance
of the place, he believed he must send one of his sons, or go himself.
This is the style of Runjeet Sing’s conversation; but his inquisitive
disposition, and pertinent questions, mark the strength of his
character. He found out, among our establishment, a native of India,
who had been in England, whom he first interrogated in our presence,
and afterwards sent for privately, to know if the wealth and power of
the British nation were as great as had been represented. We left his
Highness, on observing preparations for breakfast,--a meal which he
usually takes in the open air, and in presence of his troops, and even
sometimes on horseback. His passion for riding and performing distant
journeys is great; and, on such occasions, he will take his meal on the
saddle rather than dismount.
~French officers.~
We took up our abode in the garden-house of M. Chevalier Ventura,
another French General, who was absent on the Indus with his legion.
The building had been constructed in the European style; but the
Chevalier has added a terrace, with ninety fountains, to cool the
surrounding atmosphere. Our intercourse with the French officers was
on the most friendly footing; and it continued so during our residence
at Lahore. Among these gentlemen, M. Court struck me as an acute and
well informed person; he is both a geographer and an antiquarian. M.
Court, as well as his brother officers, was formerly in the service of
one of the Persian Princes, and travelled to India as a native, which
gave him an opportunity of acquiring the best information regarding
the intervening countries. He showed me the route from Kermenshah,
by Herat, Candahar, Ghuzni, and Cabool, to Attok, constructed
topographically with great care; and he informed me, at the same time,
that he had been less anxious to obtain a complete map of that part
of Asia, than to ascertain one good route, with its détours, and the
military and statistical resources of the country. The French have much
better information of these countries than ourselves; and M. Court,
in explaining his map to me, pointed out the best routes for infantry
and cavalry. This gentleman has likewise employed a residence of four
years in the Punjab to illustrate its geography; he has encountered
jealousy from Runjeet Sing, but still managed to complete a broad
belt of survey from Attok to the neighbourhood of our own frontier. I
doubt not but the antiquities as well as the geography of the Punjab
will be illustrated by this intelligent gentleman; who, to his honour
be it said, adds to a zeal in the pursuit, the strongest desire to
disseminate his own knowledge and stimulate others. The fruit of M.
Court’s labours, I believe, will, ere long, be given to the public by
the Geographical Society of Paris, or some other of the learned bodies
in that capital.
~City of Lahore.~
In our evening rambles at Lahore, we had many opportunities of viewing
this city. The ancient capital extended from east to west for a
distance of five miles; and had an average breadth of three, as may
be yet traced by the ruins. The mosques and tombs, which have been
more stably built than the houses, remain in the midst of fields
and cultivation as caravansaries for the traveller. The modern city
occupies the western angle of the ancient capital, and is encircled
by a strong wall. The houses are very lofty; and the streets, which
are narrow, offensively filthy, from a gutter that passes through the
centre. The bazars of Lahore do not exhibit much appearance of wealth;
but the commercial influence of the Punjab is to be found at Umritsir,
the modern capital. There are some public buildings within the city
that deserve mention. The King’s mosque is a capacious building of
red sandstone, which had been brought by Aurungzebe from near Delhi.
Its four lofty minarets still stand, but the temple itself has been
converted into a powder magazine. There are two other mosques, with
minarets, to proclaim the falling greatness of the Mahommedan empire;
where the “faithful,” as every where else in the Punjab, must offer up
their prayers in silence.
~Tomb of Juhangeer.~
But the stranger must cross the Ravee to behold the finest ornament of
Lahore--the “Shah Dura,” or tomb of the Emperor Juhangeer, which is a
monument of great beauty. It is a quadrangular building, with a minaret
at each corner, rising to the height of seventy feet. It is built
chiefly of marble and red stone, which are alternately interlaid in all
parts of the building. The sepulchre is of most chaste workmanship,
with its inscriptions and ornaments arranged in beautiful mosaic;
the shading of some roses and other flowers is even preserved by the
different colours of the stone. Two lines of black letters, on a ground
of white marble, announce the name and title of the “Conqueror of
the World,” Juhangeer; and about a hundred different words in Arabic
and Persian, with the single signification of God, are distributed
on different parts of the sepulchre. The floor of the building is
also mosaic. The tomb was formerly covered by a dome; but Bahadoor
Shah threw it down, that the dew and rain of heaven might fall on the
tomb of his grandfather Juhangeer. It is probable that this beautiful
monument will soon be washed into the river Ravee, which is capricious
in its course near Lahore, and has lately overwhelmed a portion of the
garden wall that environs the tomb.
~Shalimar.~
The next, though by no means the least, object of interest at Lahore
is the garden of Shah Jehan; the Shalimar or “house of joy.” It is a
magnificent remnant of Moghul grandeur, about half a mile in length,
with three successive terraces, each above the level of the other.
A canal, which is brought from a great distance, intersects this
beautiful garden, and throws up its water in 450 fountains to cool
the atmosphere. The marble couch of the Emperor yet remains; but the
garden suffered much injury before Runjeet Sing obtained his present
ascendancy. The Maharaja himself has removed some of the marble houses;
but he has had the good taste to replace them, though it be by more
ignoble stone.
~Conversations of Runjeet Sing.~
~Dancing girls.~
As we were proceeding one morning to examine the tomb of Juhangeer,
we found Runjeet Sing seated on the plain, and surrounded by his
troops. He sent one of his officers to call us; and we passed about
half an hour with him. He gave us an account of the inroads of the
Afghans into the Punjab, and told us that we now sat on their ground of
encampment. Zuman Shah, the blind king at Lodiana, he said, had thrice
sacked the city of Lahore; he also talked of his designs on India,
and the vicissitudes to which kings are subject. The Maharaja was the
plainest dressed man at his Durbar; his clothes were shabby and worn.
On the evening of the 25th, his Highness gave us a private audience,
in which we saw him to great advantage; for he directed his Court to
withdraw. On our arrival, we found him seated on a chair, with a party
of thirty or forty dancing girls, dressed uniformly in boys’ clothes.
They were mostly natives of Cashmere or the adjacent mountains, on whom
grace and beauty had not been sparingly bestowed. Their figures and
features were small; and their Don Giovanni costume of flowing silk
most becoming, improved as it was by a small bow and quiver in the
hand of each. The “eyes of Cashmere” are celebrated in the poetry of
the East, of which these Dianas now furnished brilliant specimens, in
gems black and bright; disfigured, however, by a kind of sparkling gold
dust glued round each organ. “This,” said Runjeet Sing, “is one of my
regiments (pultuns), but they tell me it is one I cannot discipline;”
a remark which amused us, and mightily pleased the fair. He pointed
out two of the ladies, whom he called the “Commandants” of this arm of
his service, to whom he had given villages, and an allowance of five
and ten rupees a day. He shortly afterwards called for four or five
elephants to take these, his _undisciplined_ troops, home. Runjeet then
commenced on more important subjects; and ran over, among other things,
the whole history of his connexion with the British Government. It had
at first, he said, excited great suspicion and discontent among the
Seik Sirdars; but he himself was satisfied of its advantage from the
outset. Sir John Malcolm, he continued, had first stood his friend in
1805; and Sir Charles Metcalfe had completed his happiness. Sir David
Ochterlony had further cemented the bonds of friendship; and the letter
which I had now delivered to him from the minister of the King of
England partook more of the nature of a treaty than a common epistle,
and had gratified him beyond his powers of expression. He here recurred
to the riches of Sinde, expressing an earnest desire to appropriate
them to his own use; and put the most pointed questions to me regarding
the feelings of Government on such a subject. Runjeet is very fond of
comparing the relative strength of the European nations; and, on this
occasion, he asked whether France or England were the greater power. I
assured him they were both great; but he had only to remember our power
in India to be satisfied of the military character of Britain. “Well,
then,” added he, “what do you think of my French officers?” After
this, he wished to know if I had heard of his campaigns across the
Indus against the “Ghazees,” or fanatics of the Mahommedan religion;
and said that he owed all his successes to the bravery of his nation,
who were very free from prejudice, would carry eight days’ provision
on their backs, dig a well if water were scarce, and build a fort if
circumstances required it; a kind of service which he could not prevail
on the natives of Hindostan to perform. “The bravery of my troops, as
you are aware, conquered Cashmere for me; and how do you think,” said
he, “I dispose of the shawls and productions of that country in the
present glut of trade? I pay my officers and troops with them; and as
I give a Chief, who may be entitled to a balance of 300 rupees, shawls
to the value of 500, he is well pleased, and the state is benefited.”
From the shawls of Cashmere, Runjeet passed to the praises of wine and
strong drinks, of which he is immoderately fond: he begged to know if I
had drank the supply which he had sent me, which, as a recommendation,
he assured us was mixed with pearls and precious gems. This, I should
mention, is a common beverage in the East; a fashion which probably
had its origin in the giver desiring to make the grounds as well
as the contents of the bottle acceptable: pearls would form a good
glass for the butler. We continued, till it was late, conversing with
Runjeet in this desultory manner; when he produced a splendid bow and
quiver, as also a horse richly caparisoned, with a shawl cloth thrown
over his body, a necklace of agate, and a heron’s plume stuck on his
head, saying, “This is one of my riding horses, which I beg you will
accept.” He also gave a similar present to Mr. Leckie; and while
we were looking at the animals, one of the dray horses was brought
forward, dressed out in cloth of gold, and bearing an elephant’s saddle
on his back! I could not suppress a smile at the exhibition. Runjeet
then sprinkled sandal oil and rose water over us with his own hands,
which completed the ceremony. As we were moving, he called us back to
beg that we would attend him early next morning, and he would order a
review of his horse artillery for our amusement.
~Horse artillery.~
We met his Highness at an appointed hour on the parade ground, with
a train of fifty-one pieces of artillery which he had assembled on
the occasion. They were brass 6-pounders, each drawn by six horses.
The command was taken by a native officer, who put them through the
movements of horse artillery, and formed line and column in every
direction. The evolutions were not rapidly performed; but the celerity
was considerable; and no accident in overturning or firing occurred
throughout the morning. There were no waggons in the field, and the
horses and equipments were inferior. The guns, however, were well cast,
and the carriages in good repair: they had been made at Lahore, and
had cost him 1000 rupees each. As the troops were passing in review
order, he asked for our candid opinion regarding the display. “Every
gun which you now see costs me 5000 rupees annually, in the pay of the
officers and men, and in keeping up the horses. I have 100 pieces of
field artillery, exclusive of battering guns and mortars, and my French
officers tell me I have too many. I can reduce their number,” added
he, “but it is a difficult matter to increase it.” We had not sat much
longer with him, when he said, “You must breakfast with me;” an honour
with which we would have rather dispensed, but there was no retreating.
The chairs were removed, and a velvet cushion was placed for each of
us in front of the Maharaja, and the simple fare of this potentate
produced. It consisted of various kinds of rice, with milk, sugar, and
some preserved mangoes; all of which were served up in leaves sewed
together. Runjeet selected the choicest parts, and handed them to us
himself; politeness compelled us to keep him company. The thumb and
fingers are certainly a poor substitute for the knife and fork. When
breakfast was finished, Runjeet asked if we would accept a dinner from
him; and immediately gave instructions for its preparation, and we had
it sent to us in the evening. It was much the same as the breakfast,
and served up in a similar manner.
Runjeet Sing is, in every respect, an extraordinary character. I
have heard his French officers observe that he has no equal from
Constantinople to India; and all of them have seen the intermediate
powers.
~Character of Runjeet Sing.~
We continued at Lahore as the guests of the Maharaja till the 16th of
August, and had many opportunities of meeting him; but I do not think
I can add any thing to the history of his rise, drawn up by the late
Captain William Murray, Political agent at Ambala. The most creditable
trait in Runjeet’s character is his humanity; he has never been known
to punish a criminal with death since his accession to power; he does
not hesitate to mutilate a malefactor, but usually banishes him to
the hills. Cunning and conciliation have been the two great weapons
of his diplomacy. It is too probable, that the career of this chief
is nearly at an end; his chest is contracted, his back is bent, his
limbs withered, and it is not likely that he can long bear up against a
nightly dose of spirits more ardent than the strongest brandy.
~Audience of leave. Precious stones.~
On the 16th of August we had our audience of leave with Runjeet Sing,
but my fellow traveller was unable to attend from indisposition.
Captain Wade accompanied me. He received us in an eccentric manner,
under an open gateway leading to the palace. A piece of white cloth
was spread under our chairs instead of a carpet, and there were but
few of his Court in attendance. In compliance with a wish that I had
expressed, he produced the “Koh-i-noor” or mountain of light, one of
the largest diamonds in the world, which he had extorted from Shah
Shooja, the ex-King of Cabool. Nothing can be imagined more superb than
this stone; it is of the finest water, and about half the size of an
egg. Its weight amounts to 3-1/2 rupees, and if such a jewel is to be
valued, I am informed it is worth 3-1/2 millions of money, but this
is a gross exaggeration. The “Koh-i-noor” is set as an armlet, with a
diamond on each side about the size of a sparrow’s egg.
Runjeet seemed anxious to display his jewels before we left him; and
with the diamond was brought a large ruby, weighing 14 rupees. It had
the names of several kings engraven on it, among which were those
of Aurungzebe and Ahmed Shah. There was also a topaz of great size,
weighing 11 rupees, and as large as half a billiard ball: Runjeet had
purchased it for 20,000 rupees.
~Presents.~
His Highness, after assuring us of his satisfaction at a communication
having been opened with so remote a quarter of India as Bombay, as it
cemented his friendship with the British Government, then invested me
with a string of pearls: he placed a diamond ring on one hand, and an
emerald one on the other, and handed me four other jewels of emeralds
and pearls. He then girt round my waist a superb sword, adorned with a
knot of pearls. A horse was next brought, richly dressed out with cloth
of gold, and golden ornaments on the bridle and saddle. A “khilut,” or
robe of honour, composed of a shawl dress, and many other manufactures
of Cashmere were then delivered to me, as well as presents of a similar
nature for Mr. Leckie. Three of our attendants were likewise favoured
by his Highness; and in his munificence, he sent a sum of 2000 rupees
for distribution among the remainder of the suite. Maharaja Runjeet
then produced a letter in reply to the one which I had brought from his
Majesty’s minister, which he requested I would deliver. It was put up
in a silken bag, and two small pearls were suspended from the strings
that fastened it. It occupied a roll from four to five feet long. The
following is a verbal translation of the letter; nor will it escape
observation, that, with much which is flowery and in bad taste to a
European, there is some display of sterling sense and judgment. The
titles which I had the honour to receive from his Highness will not
pass without a smile.
_Copy of a Letter from Maharaja Runjeet Sing, to the address of his
Majesty’s Minister for the Affairs of India. Delivered on the audience
of Leave._
~Runjeet Sing’s reply.~
“At a happy moment, when the balmy zephyrs of spring were blowing from
the garden of friendship, and wafting to my senses the grateful perfume
of its flowers, your Excellency’s epistle, every letter of which is a
new-blown rose on the branch of regard, and every word a blooming fruit
on the tree of esteem, was delivered to me by Mr. Burnes and Mr. John
Leckie, who were appointed to convey to me some horses of superior
quality, of singular beauty, of alpine form, and elephantine stature,
admirable even in their own country, which had been sent as a present
to me by his Majesty the King of Great Britain, together with a large
and elegant carriage. These presents, owing to the care of the above
gentlemen, have arrived by way of the river Sinde in perfect safety,
and have been delivered to me, together with your Excellency’s letter,
which breathes the spirit of friendship, by that _nightingale of the
garden of eloquence, that bird of the winged words of sweet discourse,
Mr. Burnes_; and the receipt of them has caused a thousand emotions of
pleasure and delight to arise in my breast.
“The information communicated in your Excellency’s letter, that his
gracious Majesty the King of England had been much pleased with the
shawl tent of Cashmere manufacture, which I had the honour to forward
as a present, has given me the highest satisfaction; but my heart is so
overflowing with feelings of pleasure and gratitude for all these marks
of kindness and attention on the part of his Majesty, that I find it
impossible to give them vent in adequate expressions.
“By the favour of Sri Akal Poorukh Jee[13], there are in my stables
valuable and high-bred horses from the different districts of
Hindoostan, from Turkistan, and Persia; but none of them will bear
comparison with those presented to me by the King through your
Excellency; for these animals, in beauty, stature, and disposition,
surpass the horses of every city and every country in the world. On
beholding their shoes, _the new moon turned pale with envy, and nearly
disappeared from the sky_. Such horses, the eye of the sun has never
before beheld in his course through the universe. Unable to bestow
upon them in writing the praises that they merit, I am compelled to
throw the reins on the neck of the steed of description, and relinquish
the pursuit.
“Your Excellency has stated, that you were directed by his Majesty
to communicate to me his earnest desire for the permanence of the
friendship which has so long existed between the two states, and which
has been so conducive to the comfort and happiness of the subjects of
both. Your Excellency has further observed, that his Majesty hopes that
I may live long in health and honour to rule and protect the people
of this country. I beg that you will assure his Majesty, that such
sentiments correspond entirely with those which I entertain, both with
respect to our existing relations, and to the happiness and prosperity
of his Majesty and his subjects.
“The foundations of friendship were first established between the two
states through the instrumentality of Sir C. T. Metcalfe, a gentleman
endowed with every excellence of character; and after that period, in
consequence of the long residence of Sir C. T. Metcalfe in Hindostan,
the edifice of mutual amity and good understanding was strengthened and
completed by his attention and exertions.
“When the Right Honourable the Earl of Amherst came on a visit to
Hindoostan and the Simla Hills, the ceremonials and practices of
reciprocal friendship were so well observed, that the fame of it was
diffused throughout the whole country.
“Captain Wade, since his appointment at Lodiana, has ever been
solicitous to omit nothing which was calculated to augment and
strengthen the feeling of unanimity between the two powers.
“The Right Honourable Lord William Bentinck, the present
Governor-general, having arrived some time since at Simla, I took the
opportunity of deputing respectable and confidential officers, in
company with Captain Wade, on a complimentary mission to his Lordship,
with a letter enquiring after his health. These officers, after having
had the honour of an interview, were dismissed by his Lordship with
marks of great distinction and honour. On their return, they related
to me the particulars of the gracious reception they had met with,
the excellent qualities of his Lordship, and also the sentiments of
friendship and regard which he had expressed towards this state. These
circumstances were very gratifying to my feelings. Through the favour
of the Almighty, the present Governor-general is, in every respect,
disposed, like the Earl of Amherst, to elevate and maintain the
standard of harmony and concord subsisting between the two Governments;
nay, from his excellent qualities, I am disposed to cherish the
hope that he will be even more attentive to this subject than his
predecessor. Mr. Burnes and Mr. John Leckie, before mentioned as the
bearers of the presents from his Majesty, have extremely gratified me
with their friendly and agreeable conversation. The mark of kindness
and attention on the part of the British Government, evinced by the
deputation of these officers, has increased my friendship and regard
for it a hundredfold; a circumstance which, having become known
throughout the country, has occasioned great satisfaction and pleasure
to the friends and wellwishers of both states, and a proportionate
regret in the hearts of their enemies. All these particulars I hope you
will bring to the notice of his gracious Majesty.
“I am confident, that, through the favour of God, our friendship and
attachment, which are evident as the noonday sun, will always continue
firm, and be daily increased under the auspices of his Majesty.
“I have dismissed Mr. Burnes and Mr. John Leckie with this friendly
letter in reply to your Excellency’s, and hope that these officers
will, after their safe arrival at their destination, fully communicate
to you the sentiments of regard and esteem which I entertain for your
Excellency. In conclusion, I trust that, knowing me always to be
anxious to receive the happy intelligence of the health and prosperity
of his Majesty, and also of your own, your Excellency will continue to
gratify me by the transmission of letters, both from the King and from
yourself.”
(_True translation._)
(Signed) E. RAVENSHAW,
Depy. Pol. Secretary.
~Departure from Lahore.~
On presenting this letter his Highness embraced me; and begged I would
convey his high sentiments of regard to the Governor-general of India,
I then took leave of Maharaja Runjeet Sing, and quitted his capital of
Lahore the same evening in prosecution of my journey to Simla, on the
Himalaya Mountains, where I had been summoned to give an account of my
mission to Lord William Bentinck, then residing in that part of India.
~Umritsir; its temple.~
We reached Umritsir, the holy city of the Seiks, on the following
morning,--a distance of thirty miles. The intervening country, called
Manja, is richly cultivated. The great canal, or “nuhr,” which was
cut from the Ravee by one of the Emperors of Hindostan, and brings the
water for a distance of eighty miles, passes by Umritsir, and runs
parallel with the Lahore road. It is very shallow, and sometimes does
not exceed a width of eight feet: small boats still navigate it. We
halted a day at Umritsir, to view the rites of Seik holiness; and our
curiosity was amply gratified. In the evening we were conducted by the
chief men of the city to the national temple. It stands in the centre
of a lake, and is a handsome building covered with burnished gold.
After making the circuit of it, we entered, and made an offering to
the “Grinth Sahib,” or holy book, which lay open before a priest, who
fanned it with the tail of a Tibet cow, to keep away impurity, and to
add to its consequence. When we were seated, a Seik arose and addressed
the assembled multitude; he invoked Gooroo Govind Sing, and every one
joined hands;--he went on to say, that all which the Seiks enjoyed on
earth was from the Gooroo’s bounty; and that the strangers now present
had come from a great distance, and brought presents from the King of
England, to cement friendship, and now appeared in this temple with an
offering of 250 rupees. The money was then placed on the Grinth, and
a universal shout of “Wagroojee ka futtih!” closed the oration. We
were then clad in Cashmere shawls; and, before departing, I begged the
orator to declare our desire for a continuance of friendship with the
Seik nation, which brought a second shout of “Wagroojee ka futtih!”
“Khalsajee ka futtih!” May the Seik religion prosper! From the great
temple, we were taken to the Acali boonga, or house of the Immortals,
and made a similar offering. We were not allowed to enter this spot,
for the Acalis or Nihungs are a wrong-headed set of fanatics, not to
be trusted. In reply to the offering, the priest sent us some sugar.
The Acalis are clothed in turbans of blue cloth, which run into a peak:
on this they carry several round pieces of iron, weapons of defence,
which are used like the quoit. These bigots are constantly molesting
the community by abuse and insult, or even violence; a week does not
pass in the Punjab without a life being lost: but Runjeet suppresses
their excesses with a firm and determined hand, though they form a
portion of the establishment in a religion of which he himself is a
strict observer. He has attached some of the greatest offenders to his
battalions, and banished others. Our conductor, Desa Sing Majeetia,
father of our Mihmandar, a Seik of the confederacy, and a kind old man,
was very solicitous about our safety, and led us by the hand, which he
grasped firmly, through the assembled crowd. From the temple we made
the tour of Umritsir, which is a larger city than Lahore. This place is
the great emporium of commerce between India and Cabool. The traders
are chiefly Hindoos, before whose door one wonders at the utility of
large blocks of red rock salt being placed, till informed that they
are for the use of the sacred city cows, who lick and relish them. In
our way home we visited the Rambagh, the favourite residence of the
Maharaja when at Umritsir. His passion for military works also shows
itself here, and he has surrounded a pleasure garden by a massy mound
of mud, which he is now strengthening by a ditch.
~Beas or Hyphasis.~
At a distance of twenty-three miles from Umritsir, we came on the
Beas or Hyphasis of Alexander. The country is varied by trees, but
not rich, and the soil is gravelly. On the 21st we crossed the Beas,
at Julalabad, where it was swollen to a mile in width from rain. Its
current exceeded in rapidity five miles an hour; we were nearly two
hours in crossing, and landed about two miles below the point from
which we started. The greatest depth was eighteen feet. The boats used
in this river are mere rafts with a prow; they bend frightfully, and
are very unsafe; yet elephants, horses, cattle, and guns are conveyed
across on them. We passed in safety, but an accident, which might have
proved serious, befel us in one of the small channels of this river. It
was about thirty yards wide, and eighteen feet deep, and we attempted
the passage on an elephant. No sooner had the animal got out of his
depth, than he rolled over, and precipitated Mr. Leckie and myself
head-foremost into the water, wheeling round at the same time to gain
the bank he had quitted; Dr. Murray alone retained his seat: but we
were not long in regaining terra firma, without any other inconvenience
than a ducking. We did not again attempt the passage on an elephant,
but crossed on inflated buffalo skins supporting a framework.
~Kuppertulla. Seik Chief.~
~Fête.~
Our halting place was at Kuppertulla, ten miles from the Beas, the
estate of Futtih Sing Aloowala, one of the Seik chiefs, who was present
with Lord Lake’s army in 1805, when encamped in this vicinity. He is
yet a young man. He received us with great respect and kindness, and
sent his two sons to meet us as we approached. He came himself in the
evening on a visit, and on the following day, when we returned it, he
gave us a grand fête in his garden house, which was illuminated. The
display of fireworks was varied, and we viewed it with advantage from a
terrace. Futtih Sing is the person whom Sir John Malcolm describes in
his “Sketch of the Seiks” as requiring his dram, and years have not
diminished his taste for liquor. Immediately we were seated he produced
his bottle, drank freely himself, and pressed it much upon us; it was
too potent for an Englishman, but he assured us, that whatever quantity
we drank, it would never occasion thirst. We filled a bumper to the
health of the Sirdar and his family, and were about to withdraw, when
he produced most expensive presents, which could not in any way be
refused; he gave me a string of pearls, and some other jewels, with a
sword, a horse, and several shawls. Futtih Sing is an uncouth looking
person, but he has the manners of a soldier. His income amounts to
about four lacs of rupees annually, and he lives up to it, having a
strong passion for house building. Besides a board of works in two of
his gardens, he was now constructing a house in the English style, but
has sensibly added a suite of rooms under ground for the hot season.
When we left Futtih Sing, he urgently requested that we would deliver
his sincere sentiments of regard to his old friend Sir John Malcolm.
~Doab of the Sutlege.~
We made three marches from Kuppertulla to Fulour, on the banks of the
Sutlege, a distance of thirty-six miles, passing the towns of Jullinder
and Jumsheer. The former place is large, and was at one time inhabited
by Afghans. It is surrounded by a brick wall, and the streets are
paved with the same material. Jullinder gives its name to the “Doab,”
or country between the Beas and Sutlege, while the other Doabs are
named by compound words, formed by contracting the names of the rivers.
Between the Chenab and Behut, we have the Chenut; between the Ravee and
Chenab, the Reechna; and between the Beas and Ravee, the Barree. From
Jullinder to the banks of the Sutlege, the country is highly cultivated
and well peopled. All the villages are surrounded by mud walls, and
many of them have ditches to bespeak the once unsettled state of this
land. The houses are constructed of wood, with flat roofs covered over
by mud, and have a hovel-like appearance.
~Fulour.~
The town of Fulour, on the banks of the Sutlege, is the frontier post
of the Lahore Chief, and here we left our escort and Seik friends,
who had accompanied us from Mooltan. We distributed cloths to the
commissioned and non-commissioned officers, and a sum of 1000 rupees
among the men, which gratified all parties. The Maharaja continued
his munificence to the last, and, before crossing the Sutlege, he had
sent us no less than 24,000 rupees in cash, though we had declined
to receive the sum of 700 rupees, which had been fixed for our daily
allowance after reaching Lahore.
~Antiquities.~
Before I finally quit the Punjab, I must not omit a few particulars
regarding its antiquities, which must ever attract attention. It seems
certain, that Alexander the Great visited Lahore, and to this day the
remains of a city answering to Singala, with a lake in the vicinity,
are to be seen S.E. of the capital. The tope of Manikyala, first
described by Mr. Elphinstone, and lately examined by M. Ventura, has
excited considerable interest in the East. The French gentlemen were of
opinion, that these remains are of an older date than the expedition of
Alexander, for the coins have a figure not unlike Neptune’s trident,
which is to be seen on the stones at Persepolis. In my progress through
the Punjab, I was not successful in procuring a coin of Alexander,
nor any other than the Bactrian one which I have described; nor have
any of the French gentlemen, with all their opportunities, been so
fortunate. I am happy, however, in being able to state the existence
of two other buildings like the “Tope” of Manikyala, which have been
lately discovered among the mountains, westward of the Indus, in the
country of the Eusoofzyes. The opening of these may throw light on the
interesting subject of Punjab antiquities.[14] By the natives of this
country, the most ancient place is considered to be Seealcote, which
lies upwards of forty miles north of Lahore. It is said to be mentioned
in the Persian Sikunder Namu.
~Cross the Sutlege.~
At noon, on the 26th of August, we left Fulour and marched to Lodiana,
crossing the river Sutlege, or Hesudrus of antiquity. It is yet called
Shittoodur or the Hundred Rivers by the natives, from the number of
channels in which it divides itself. Where we passed, its breadth did
not exceed 700 yards, though it had been swollen two days before our
arrival. The greatest depth of soundings was eighteen feet, but the
average was twelve. It is a less rapid river than the Beas. The waters
of the Sutlege are colder than those of any of the Punjab rivers,
probably from its great length of course, and running so far among
snowy mountains. This river is variable in its channel, and often
deserts one bank for the other. The country between it and the British
Cantonment of Lodiana, is intersected by nullas, one of which, that
runs past the camp, formed the bed of the Sutlege fifty years ago.
This river is generally fordable after November. Lord Lake’s army
crossed it in 1805, two miles above Lodiana; but the fords vary, and
the watermen look for them annually before people attempt to cross, as
there are many quicksands. When the Beas falls into the Sutlege, the
united stream, called Garra, is no longer fordable. The boats of the
Sutlege are of the same description as those on the Beas: there are
seventeen of them at the Fulour ferry. The country between the Sutlege
and Lodiana is very low, which I observed to be a characteristic of the
left bank of this river, till it meets the mountains. One would expect
to find this depressed tract of ground alluvial, but it is sandy.
~Exiled Kings of Cabool.~
At Lodiana, we met two individuals, who have exercised an influence
on the Eastern world, now pensioners of the British, the ex-Kings of
Cabool, Shah Zuman, and Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk. The ceremonial of our
introduction to Shah Shooja corresponded nearly with that described
by Mr. Elphinstone; for, in his exile, this fallen monarch has not
relinquished the forms of royalty. The officers of his court still
appear in the same fanciful caps, and on a signal given in Turkish,
(_ghachan_, begone,) the guards run out of the presence, making a noise
with their high-heeled boots. The person of the Shah himself has been
so correctly described, that I have little to say on that subject.
In his misfortunes, he retains the same dignity and prepossessing
demeanour as when king. We found him seated on a chair in a shady part
of his garden, and stood during the interview. He has become somewhat
corpulent, and his expression is melancholy; but he talked much, and
with great affability. He made many enquiries regarding Sinde, and the
countries on the Indus, and said, that “he had rebuked the Ameers for
their suspicion and jealousy of our intentions in coming to Lahore.
Had I but my kingdom,” continued he, “how glad should I be to see an
Englishman at Cabool, and to open the road between Europe and India.”
The Shah then touched upon his own affairs, and spoke with ardent
expectations of being soon able to retrieve his fortunes. In reply to
one of his questions, I informed him that he had many well-wishers in
Sinde. “Ah!” said he, “these sort of people are as bad as enemies;
they profess strong friendship and allegiance, but they render me no
assistance. They forget that I have a claim on them for two crores of
rupees, the arrears of tribute.”
~Reflections.~
Shah Shooja was plainly dressed in a tunic of pink gauze, with a green
velvet cap, something like a coronet, from which a few emeralds were
suspended. There is much room for reflection on the vicissitudes of
human life while visiting such a person. From what I learn, I do not
believe the Shah possesses sufficient energy to seat himself on the
throne of Cabool; and that if he did regain it, he has not the tact to
discharge the duties of so difficult a situation.
~Shah Zuman.~
The brother of Shah Shooja, Shah Zuman, is an object of great
compassion, from his age, appearance, and want of sight. We also
visited him, and found him seated in a hall with but one attendant,
who announced our being present, when the Shah looked up and bade us
“Welcome.” He is stone blind, and cannot distinguish day from night; he
was as talkative as his brother, and lamented that he could not pass
the remainder of his days in his native land, where the heat was less
oppressive.
Shah Zuman has lately sunk into a zealot: he passes the greater part
of his time in listening to the Koran and its commentaries. Poor man,
he is fortunate in deriving consolation from any source. When taking
leave, Shah Zuman begged I would visit him before quitting Lodiana, as
he was pleased at meeting a stranger. I did not fail to comply with his
wishes, and saw him alone. I had thought that his age and misfortunes
made him indifferent to all objects of political interest; but he
asked me, in a most piteous manner, if I could not intercede with the
Governor-general in behalf of his brother, and rescue him from his
present exile. I assured him of the sympathy of our government, and
said, that his brother should look to Sinde and the other provinces
of the Dooranee empire for support; but he shook his head, and said
the case was hopeless. After a short silence, the Shah told me that
he had inflammation in the eyes, and begged I would look at them. He
has suffered from this ever since his brother caused him to be blinded
with a lancet. As he has advanced in years, the organ seems to have
undergone a great change, and the black part of the eye has almost
disappeared. It is impossible to look upon Shah Zuman without feelings
of the purest pity; and, while in his presence, it is difficult to
believe we behold that king, whose name, in the end of last century,
shook Central Asia, and carried dread and terror along with it
throughout our Indian possessions. Infirm, blind, and exiled, he now
lives on the bounty of the British Government.
~Journey to the Himalaya.~
After a ten days’ recreation at Lodiana, where we mingled once more
with our countrymen, we prosecuted our journey to Simla, on the
Himalaya mountains, a distance of about 100 miles, which we reached in
the course of a few days. We here beheld a scene of natural sublimity
and beauty, that far surpassed the glittering court which we had
lately left:--but my narrative must here terminate. At Simla we had
the honour of meeting the Right Honourable Lord William Bentinck, the
Governor-general of India; and his Lordship evinced his satisfaction
at the result of our mission, by entering at once into negotiations
for laying open the navigation of the Indus to the commerce of Britain,
a measure of enlightened policy, considered both commercially and
politically. I had the honour of receiving the following acknowledgment
of my endeavours to elucidate the geography of that river, and the
condition of the princes and people who occupy its banks.
~Conclusion.~
“Delhi, 6 December, 1831.
“Political Department.
“TO LIEUT. ALEXANDER BURNES, &c. &c. &c.
“Sir,
“I am directed by the Right Honourable the Governor-general to
acknowledge the receipt of your several letters, forwarding a memoir
on the Indus, and a narrative of your journey to Lahore.
“2. The first copy of your map of the Indus has also just reached
his Lordship, which completes the information collected during your
mission to Lahore, in charge of the presents from the late King of
England to Maharaja Runjeet Sing.
“3. The Governor-general, having perused and attentively considered
all these documents, desires me to convey to you his high approbation
of the manner in which you have acquitted yourself of the important
duty assigned to you, and his acknowledgments for the full and
satisfactory details furnished on all the points in which it was the
desire of government to obtain information.
“4. Your intercourse with the chiefs of Sinde, and the other Sirdars
and persons with whom you were brought into contact in the course of
the voyage up the Indus, appears to the Governor-general to have been
conducted with extreme prudence and discretion, so as to have left
a favourable impression on all classes, and to have advanced every
possible object, immediate, as connected with your mission, as well as
prospective; for, while your communications with them were calculated
to elicit full information as to their hopes and wishes, you most
judiciously avoided the assumption of any political character that
might lead to the encouragement of false and extravagant expectations,
or involve you in any of the passing intrigues. The whole of your
conduct and correspondence with the chiefs of the countries you
passed through in your journey, has the Governor-general’s entire and
unqualified approbation.
“5. In like manner, his Lordship considers you to be entitled to
commendation for the extent of geographical and general information
collected in the voyage, and for the caution used in procuring it, no
less than for the perspicuous and complete form in which the results
have been submitted for record and consideration. The map prepared by
you forms an addition to the geography of India of the first utility
and importance, and cannot fail to procure for your labours a high
place in this department of science.
“6. The result of your voyage in the different reports, memoirs, and
maps above acknowledged, will be brought without delay to the notice
of the authorities in England, under whose orders the mission was,
as you are aware, undertaken. His Lordship doubts not that they will
unite with him in commending the zeal, diligence, and intelligence
displayed by you in the execution of this service, and will express
their satisfaction at the manner in which their views have been
accomplished, and the objects contemplated in the mission to Lahore
fully and completely attained.
“I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) “H. T. PRINSEP,
“Secretary to the Governor-general.”
FOOTNOTES:
[13] God.
[14] My journey to Bokhara made me better acquainted with these topes,
as has already appeared in Vol. I.
A
MEMOIR ON THE INDUS,
AND
ITS TRIBUTARY RIVERS
IN
THE PUNJAB.
NOTICE
REGARDING
THE MAP OF THE INDUS.
A new map of the Indus and Punjab Rivers from the sea to Lahore seems
to require some notice explanatory of its construction, and I have to
offer the following observations on that subject:--
The River Indus, from the southern direction in which it flows in its
progress to the ocean, presents few difficulties to the surveyor,
since an observation of latitude serves to fix the daily progress
in the voyage, and its comparatively straight course admits of easy
delineation. The map rests on a series of observations by the stars.
I should have preferred altitudes of the sun; but, with a people so
suspicious as we encountered, it was impossible to use an instrument in
daylight, and I should have required to halt the fleet twice to procure
equal altitudes, since the sun was south of the equator during the
voyage. Many of the large places, such as Tatta, Sehwun, Ooch, Mooltan,
&c., where we necessarily halted, have been laid down from a mean of
eight or ten stellar observations.
The longitude and general delineations in the curvature of the river
rest on a minute protraction of its turnings, observed with care
every half hour, and sometimes oftener, with the approved compass by
Schmalcalder. The attention given to this important portion of the
undertaking may be imagined, when I state that my field books exhibit,
on an average, twenty bearings each day from sunrise to sunset. I was
early enabled to rate the progress of the boats through the water, by
timing them on a measured line along the bank, and apportioned the
distance to the hours and minutes accordingly. We could advance, I
found, by tracking, or being pulled by men, at one mile and a half an
hour; by gentle and favourable breezes at two miles, and by violent
winds at three miles an hour; while any great excess or deficiency was
pointed out by the latitude of the halting place.
The base on which the work rests, is the towns of Mandivee and
Curachee: the one a seaport in Cutch, and the point from which the
mission started; the other a harbour in sight of the western mouth of
the Indus, which we saw before entering the river. Mandivee stands in
the latitude of 22° 50´, and Curachee in 24° 56´ north; while their
longitudes are respectively in 69° 34´, and 67° 19´ east, as fixed, in
1809, from the chronometers of the Sinde mission by Captain Maxfield.
Assuming these points as correct, the line of coast intermediate to
them has been laid down from my own surveys in Cutch; while that of
Sinde rests on observations of the sun’s altitude at noon and the
boats’ daily progress, determined by heaving the log hourly. We sailed
only during the day, and at all times along shore, often in a small
boat, and were attended by six or eight pilots, who had passed their
lives in the navigation of those parts.
The great difference in the topography of the mouths of the Indus, from
what is shown in all other maps, will no doubt arrest attention; but
it is to be remarked, that I call in question no former survey, since
the river has been hitherto laid down in this part of its course from
_native information_; and I can bear testimony to the correctness of
such portions of the Indus as were actually traversed by the mission
of 1809. From the jealousy of the Government of Sinde, we had to
pass up and down the coast no less than five times, which gave ample
opportunities to observe it; and I have a strong fact to adduce in
verification of the chart as it now exists. On the third voyage we
ran down so low as the latitude of 20° 30´ N., and were out of sight
of land for six days. At noon, on the last day (17th of March), while
standing on a due northerly course, I found our latitude to be 23°
50´, or a few miles below that mouth of the river which I had resolved
to enter. I immediately desired the pilots to steer a north-easterly
course for the land. We closed with it at sunset, a couple of miles
above Hujamree, the very mouth of the Indus I wished to make. At
daylight we had had no soundings in fifty fathoms, at seven A.M. we had
bottom at forty-two fathoms, and at eleven in thirty-four. By two in
the afternoon we were in twenty-one fathoms, and at dusk anchored in
twelve feet of water, off Reechel, having sighted the land at half past
four.
In delineating the Delta of the Indus below Tatta, I have not only
had the advantage of sailing by a branch to that city, but approached
it on land by one route, and returned by another. I also ascended the
Pittee, or western mouth of the Indus, for thirty miles. The opposition
experienced from the Sinde Government gave rise to these variations
of route: they long tried to impede our progress; but the result of
their vacillation has happily added to our knowledge of their country,
in a degree which the most sanguine could not have anticipated. In
addition to my own track, I have added that of the Sinde mission, from
Curachee to Hydrabad, and thence to Lueput in Cutch. My own surveys in
Cutch, which extend high up the Koree, or eastern branch of the Indus,
together with every information, compel me to place the Goonee or
Phurraun River (which is the name for the Koree above Ali bunder), in
a more westerly longitude than in the maps hitherto published. Sindree
and Ali bunder lie north of Nurra in Cutch, so that the river cannot
extend so far into the desert as has been represented.
From Hydrabad upwards, and, I may add, in all parts of the map, the
different towns rest on the latitudes as determined by the sextant.
Most of them are in a higher parallel than in the maps, but it was
satisfactory to find, on reaching Ooch, that the longitude of that
place, as taken from my own protraction, coincides pretty well with
that which has been assigned to it by Mr. Elphinstone’s surveyors, who
must have fixed it from Bhawulpoor. This was not the case with Bukkur;
but, as the latitude of that place was twenty-two minutes below the
true parallel, I have reason to be satisfied with the result above
stated. I likewise found that the Indus receives the Punjab rivers at
Mittun, in the latitude of 28° 55´, instead of 28° 20´ north, as given
in the map of the Cabool mission: but no one can examine that document
without acknowledging the unwearied zeal of its constructor, and
wondering that he erred so little when he visited few of the places,
and had his information from such sources.
The Punjab rivers have been laid down on the same principle as the
Indus. The Chenab (Acesines), which has been erroneously styled
Punjnud, after it has gathered the other rivers, is very direct in its
course; but the Ravee (Hydräotes), on the other hand, is most tortuous,
and appears in its present shape after incredible labour for twenty
days spent in its navigation. The latitude of its junction with the
Chenab, and that of the city of Lahore, which stands in 31° 35´ 30´´
north, and in 70° 20´ east longitude, have materially assisted me in
the task. I have also placed the confluence of the Jelum, or Behut
(Hydaspes), with the Chenab, twelve miles above the latitude in which
it has hitherto stood. The survey eastward terminates on the left bank
of the Sutledge (Hesudrus), with the British cantonment of Lodiana,
which I find stands in 30° 55´ 30´´ north latitude. I have used the
longitude of the latest and best map, and placed it in 75° 54´ east.
With the Indus and Punjab Rivers, I have embodied a survey of the
Jaysulmeer country, which was finished in the year 1830, when I visited
Southern Rajpootana with Lieut. James Holland. The province of Cutch,
with the configuration of the Run, rests on my own surveys made in the
years 1825, 1826, 1827, and 1828.[15]
FOOTNOTE:
[15] Instead of giving separate maps of the Indus and Central Asia, I
have now combined the whole of the geographical matter in one map, as
has already been explained.
MEMOIR OF THE INDUS.
CHAPTER I.
A GENERAL VIEW OF THE INDUS.
~Inland navigation to Lahore.~
There is an uninterrupted navigation from the sea to Lahore. The
distance, by the course of the river, amounts to about a thousand
British miles: the following papers detail its practicability with
minuteness, but not more so, I trust, than the great importance of the
subject deserves. They also describe the state of the countries and
people.
~Depth of water.~
The Indus, when joined by the Punjab rivers, never shallows, in the
dry season, to less than fifteen feet, and seldom preserves so great
a breadth as half a mile. The Chenab, or Acesines, has a medium depth
of twelve feet, and the Ravee, or Hydräotes, is about half the size
of that river. These are the minima of soundings on the voyage; but
the usual depth of the three rivers cannot be rated at less than four,
three, and two fathoms. The soundings of each day’s voyage are shown by
the figures on the map.[16]
~Boats.~
This extensive inland navigation, open as I have stated it to be, can
_only_ be considered traversable to the boats of the country, which
are flat bottomed, and do not draw more than four feet of water, when
heavily laden. The largest of these carry about seventy-five tons
English: science and capital might improve the build of these vessels;
but in extending our commerce, or in setting on foot a flotilla, the
present model would ever be found most convenient. Vessels of a sharp
build are liable to upset when they run aground on the sand-banks.
Steam-boats could ply, if constructed after the manner of the country,
but no vessel with a keel could be safely navigated.
~Period of a voyage to Lahore.~
The voyage from the sea to Lahore occupied exactly sixty days; but
the season was most favourable, as the south-westerly winds had set
in, while the stronger inundations of the periodical swell had not
commenced. We reached Mooltan on the fortieth day, and the remaining
time was expended in navigating the Ravee, which is a most crooked
river. The boats sailed from sunrise to sunset, and, when the wind was
unfavourable, were dragged by ropes through the water.
~Steam most available for the Indus.~
There are no rocks or rapids to obstruct the ascent, and the current
does not exceed two miles and a half an hour. Our daily progress
sometimes averaged twenty miles, by the course of the river; for a
vessel can be haled against the current at the rate of one mile and a
half an hour. With light breezes we advanced two miles an hour, and in
strong gales we could stem the river at the rate of three miles. Steam
would obviate the inconveniences of this slow and tedious navigation;
and I do not doubt but Mooltan might be reached in ten, instead of
forty days. From that city a commercial communication could best be
opened with the neighbouring countries.
~Return voyage.~
A boat may drop down from Lahore to the sea in fifteen days, as
follows:--to Mooltan in six, to Bukkur in four, to Hydrabad in three,
and to the seaports in two. This is, of course, the very quickest
period of descent; and I may add, that it has never been of late tried,
for there is no trade between Sinde and the Punjab by water.
~Political obstacles to trading on the Indus.~
There are political obstacles to using the Indus as a channel of
commerce. The people and princes are ignorant and barbarous: the former
plunder the trader, and the latter over-tax the merchant, so that goods
are sent by land, and by circuitous routes: this absence of trade
arises from no physical obstacles, and is to be chiefly traced to the
erroneous policy of the Sinde government. There are about 700 boats
between the sea and Lahore; and this number suffices for ferrying, and
all other purposes.
~Military importance of the Indus.~
The defence of the Indus, the grand boundary of British India on
the West, is nowise affected by these trifling impediments, and we
can command its navigation without obstruction from both Cutch and
the Sutledge. The military advantages of the Indus are great: it is
navigable for a fleet from Attok to the sea. The insulated fortress of
Bukkur is a most important position.
FOOTNOTE:
[16] These have been necessarily omitted in the reduced map.
CHAP. II.
A COMPARISON OF THE INDUS AND GANGES.
I have recorded with care and attention the information which I have
collected regarding the Indus and its tributaries; yet the magnitude
of that river must be decided by a comparison with the other great
rivers of the world. An European, in the East, may appropriately narrow
his field, and confine such a comparison to its great twin river, the
Ganges, which, with the Indus, folds, as it were, in the embrace our
mighty empire of British India. At this time, too, in a publication
which has appeared at Calcutta, by Mr. G. A. Prinsep, regarding the
introduction of steam navigation into India, we have late and valuable
matter, both of an interesting and scientific nature, regarding the
peculiarities of the Ganges; which, with the previous papers of Rennell
and Colebrooke, afford very precise information regarding that river.
I have ventured, therefore, however incompetent, to lay down the
observations that have occurred to me regarding the Indus, that the
requisite comparison might be instituted.
The Ganges and Indus, rising in the same mountains, traverse, with
an unequal length of course, the same latitudes: both rivers, though
nearly excluded from the tropics, are yet subject to be annually
flooded at a stated and the same period. The quantity of water,
therefore, which these rivers respectively discharge, will determine
their relative size; and we shall afterwards consider the slope or
fall by which they descend to the ocean. Sicriguli, on the Ganges,
and Tatta, on the Indus, seem to be the preferable sites for drawing
a comparison, since both places are situated at a point _before_ the
rivers have subdivided to form a delta, and _after_ they have each
received the whole of their tributary streams. The Indus certainly
throws off two branches above Tatta, the Fulailee and Pinyaree; but
they are only considerable rivers in the rainy season.
It appears, then, from Mr. G. A. Prinsep’s essay, that in the month of
April the Ganges discharges, at Sicriguli, about 21,500 cubic feet of
water in a second. The average breadth of the river at that place is
given at 5000 feet, which is also the velocity in a second of time;
while its average depth does not exceed three feet. That in this result
we form a pretty correct estimate of the magnitude of the Ganges, is
further proved by the state of the river at Benares in the same month
(April), where, though contracted to a breadth of 1400 feet, the depth
exceeds thirty-four feet, and the discharge amounts to 20,000 cubic
feet per second, which differs in but a trifling degree from that at
Sicriguli.
In the middle of April, I found the Indus at Tatta to have a breadth
of 670 yards, and to be running with a velocity of two miles and a
half an hour. It happens that the banks are steep on both sides of the
river in this part of its course; so that the soundings, which amount
to fifteen feet, are regular from shore to shore, if we except a few
yards on either side, where the water is still. This data would give
a discharge of 110,500 cubic feet per second; but by Buat’s equations
for the diminished velocity of the stream near the bed, compared with
that of the surface, it would be decreased to 93,465 cubic feet. Some
further deduction should be made for the diminished depth towards the
shores; and 80,000 cubic feet per second may be taken as a fair rate
of discharge of the Indus in the month of April.[17] It is a source of
regret to me that I am unable to extend my observations to the river
during the rainy season; but I had not an opportunity of seeing it
at that period, and do not desire to place opinion in opposition to
fact. I may mention, however, that at Sehwun, where the Indus is 500
yards wide, and thirty-six feet deep, and sweeping with great velocity
the base of a rocky buttress that juts in upon the stream, there is a
mark on the precipice which indicates a rise of twelve feet during the
inundation. This gives a depth of eight fathoms to this part of the
Indus in the rainy season. If I could add the increase of width on as
sound data as I have given the perpendicular rise or depth of water,
we should be able to determine the ratio between its discharge at the
opposite seasons; but I have only the vague testimony of the natives to
guide me, and dismiss the subject.
From what has been above stated, it will be seen that the Indus, in
discharging the enormous volume, of 80,000 cubic feet of water in a
second, exceeds by _four times_ the size of the Ganges in the dry
season, and nearly equals the great American river, the Mississippi.
The much greater length of course in the Indus and its tributaries,
among towering and snowy mountains near its source, that must always
contribute vast quantities of water, might have prepared us for the
result; and it is not extraordinary, when we reflect on the wide area
embraced by some of these minor rivers, and the lofty and elevated
position from which they take their rise: the Sutledge, in particular,
flows from the sacred Lake of Mansurour, in Tibet, 17,000 feet above
the sea. The Indus traverses, too, a comparatively barren and deserted
country, thinly peopled and poorly cultivated; while the Ganges expends
its waters in irrigation, and blesses the inhabitants of its banks with
rich and exuberant crops. The Indus, even in the season of inundation,
is confined to its bed by steeper and more consistent banks than the
other river; and, as I have stated, seldom exceeds half a mile in
width: the Ganges, on the other hand, is described as an inland sea in
some parts of its course; so that, at times, the one bank is scarcely
visible from the other,--a circumstance which must greatly increase
the evaporation. The arid and sandy nature of the countries that
border the Indus soon swallow up the overflowing waters, and make the
river more speedily retire to its bed. Moreover, the Ganges and its
subsidiary rivers derive their supply from the southern face of the
great Himalaya; while the Indus receives the torrents of either side
of that massy chain, and is further swollen by the showers of Cabool
and the rains and snow of Chinese Tartary. Its waters are augmented
long before the rainy season has arrived; and, when we look at the
distant source of the river, to what cause can we attribute this early
inundation but to melting snow and ice?
The slope on which the Indus descends to the ocean would appear to be
gentle, like that of most great rivers. The average rate of its current
does not exceed two miles and a half an hour; while the whole of the
Punjab rivers, which we navigated on the voyage at Lahore, were found
to be one full mile in excess of the Indus. We readily account for
this increased velocity by their proximity to the mountains; and it
will serve as a guide in estimating the fall of the river. The city of
Lahore stands at a distance of about 1000 British miles from the sea,
by the course of the river; and I am indebted to Dr. J. G. Gerard, for
a series of barometrical observations, made some years ago at Umritsir,
a city about thirty miles eastward of Lahore.
The mean of eighteen of these observations
gives us the height of the
barometer at 28,861·3
The corresponding observations at Calcutta
give 29,711·5
--------
Making a difference of 850·2
--------
I am informed that the height of the instrument registered in Calcutta
may be twenty-five feet above the level of the sea; and as the city of
Umritsir is about the same level as Lahore (since both stand on the
plains of the Punjab), it must have an elevation of about 900 feet from
the sea.
Having now stated the sum of our knowledge regarding this subject,
it remains to be considered in what, and how great a proportion, the
slope is to be distributed among the rivers from Lahore downwards. By
a comparison with the Ganges in Rennell’s work, and the late treatise
to which I have alluded, and assisted by the same scientific gentleman,
to whom I have before expressed my obligations, we cannot give a
greater fall downwards from Mittun, where the Indus receives the Punjab
rivers, than six, or perhaps five, inches per mile: nor can we allow
more than one fourth of 900 feet as the height of that place above the
level of the sea; for the river has not increased here in velocity of
current, though we have neared the mountains. Mittun is half way to
Lahore, about 500 miles from the sea, and nearly 220 feet above it.
The remaining 680 feet we may fairly apportion to the Punjab rivers,
from their greater rapidity of course; which would give them a fall of
twelve inches per mile.
In these facts, we have additional proof of the greater bulk of the
Indus, as compared with the Ganges; when at the lowest, it retains a
velocity of two and a half miles, with a medial depth of fifteen feet,
and though running on as great, if not a greater slope than that river,
never empties itself in an equal degree, though much more straight in
its course. The Indus has none of those ledges, which have been lately
discovered as a peculiarity of the Ganges, and which are described
in Mr. Prinsep’s work as “making the bed of that river consist of a
series of pools, separated by shallows or sand-bars, at the crossing
of every reach.” Were the Indus as scantily supplied with water as the
Ganges, we should, doubtless, find a similar state of things; and,
though the bed of the one river would appear to far exceed in magnitude
that of the other, we find the Ganges partaking much of the nature of
a hill-torrent, overflowing at one season, insignificant at another;
while the Indus rolls on throughout the year, in one majestic body, to
the Ocean.
Before bringing these remarks on the Indus to a close, I wish to add
a few words regarding the effect of the tide on the two rivers. In
the Ganges it runs considerably above Calcutta, while no impression
of it is perceptible in the Indus twenty-five miles below Tatta, or
about seventy-five miles from the sea. We are either to attribute
this occurrence to the greater column of water resisting the approach
of the sea, “whose vanquished tide, recoiling from the shock, yields
to the liquid weight;” or to the descent of the delta of the one river
being greater than that of the other. The tide in the Indus certainly
runs off with incredible velocity, which increases as we near the sea.
It would appear that the greatest mean rise of tide in the Ganges is
twelve feet: I found that of the Indus to be only nine feet at full
moon; but I had, of course, no opportunity of determining the _mean_
rise of the tide as in the Ganges. The tides of Western India are known
to exceed those in the Bay of Bengal, as the construction of docks in
Bombay testifies; and I should be disposed to consider the rise at the
mouths of the Indus and Ganges to be much the same. Both rivers, from
the direction they fall into the ocean, must be alike subject to an
extraordinary rise of tide from gales and winds; and, with respect to
the whole coast of Sinde, the south-west monsoon blows so violently,
even in March, as to break the water at a depth of three or four
fathoms from the land, and long before its depressed shore is visible
to the navigator.
FOOTNOTE:
[17] In this part of my subject, I have to express my fullest
acknowledgments to Mr. James Prinsep, Secretary to the Asiatic Society
of Calcutta, who has kindly afforded me his valuable assistance.
CHAP. III.
ON SINDE.
~Sinde; its extent.~
The first territory which we meet in ascending the Indus is Sinde. The
subversion of the Cabool monarchy has greatly raised the political
importance of this country; and, while it has freed the rulers of it
from the payment of a yearly tribute, has enabled them to extend widely
the limits of their once circumscribed dominion. The principality is at
present in the zenith of its power, and comprises no less than 100,000
square miles, extending from the longitude of 69° to 71° east, and from
the latitude of 23° to 29° north. The Indian Ocean washes it on the
south, and a diagonal line of 400 miles is terminated a short distance
below the junction of the waters of the Punjab with the Indus. The
eastern portion of this fine territory is sterile and unproductive; but
the Indus fertilises its banks by the periodical swell, and the waters
are conducted by canals far beyond the limits of inundation.
~Its chiefs and revenue.~
The territory is divided among three different branches of the Belooche
tribe of Talpoor, who are nearly independent of one another. The
principal family resides at Hydrabad, at the head of which is Meer
Moorad Ali Khan, and, since the death of his three elder brothers, its
sole representative.[18] The next family of importance consists of the
descendants of Meer Sohrab Khan of Khyrpoor, whose son, Meer Roostum
Khan, is the reigning Ameer, and holds the fortress of Bukkur, with
the northern portion of Sinde. The third family, descended of Meer
Thara Khan, at the head of which is Ali Morad, resides at Meerpoor, and
possesses the country south-east of the capital. These three chiefs
are, properly speaking, the “Ameers of Sinde,” a name which has been
sometimes applied to the members of the Hydrabad family. The relative
importance of the Ameers is pointed out in their revenues: fifteen,
ten, and five lacs of rupees are the receipts of the different chiefs;
and their aggregate amount, thirty lacs of rupees, shows the annual
revenue of Sinde. The treasure, it is said, amounts to about twenty
millions sterling, thirteen of which are in money, and the remainder in
jewels. The greater portion of this cash lies deposited in the fort of
Hydrabad, and is divided between Moorad Ali and the wives of his late
brother, Kurm Ali.
~Its power and conquests.~
If we except the Seiks, the Ameers are more powerful than any of the
native princes to whose dominions the territories of Sinde adjoin; for
on every side they have seized and maintained by force the lands of
their neighbours. To the westward they hold Curachee as a conquest from
the chief of Lus, and are at present meditating an extension of their
boundary towards Sonmeeanee, that they may keep the trade to Candahar
entirely within their own dominions. To the north-west they seized
the fort of Bukkur, and the fertile territory of Shikarpoor, from
the Afghans; and, though it latterly belonged to the powerful family
of Barakzye (who now hold Cabool, Candahar, and Peshawur), they have
hitherto engaged in annual but fruitless attempts to retake it. A force
of 6000 men were encamped at Sewee, in the plains of Cutch Gundava,
when we passed Shikarpoor; but they were unable to meet the Sindians
in the field. On the north-east the Ameers hold Subzulcote and a large
portion of the Daoodpootra country. To the eastward, they captured the
fortress of Omercote, in 1813, from the Joodpoor Raja, and have since
pushed their troops far into that Prince’s territories. If we exclude a
portion of that country which belongs to Jaysulmeer, they now possess
the whole country south of that capital to the Runn of Cutch, Parkur
included. On the side of Cutch alone their progress has been arrested
by the British Government.
~Its military strength.~
The value of these conquests is greatly enhanced by the trifling
increase of expense which they have entailed on the government; for,
except in the forts of the Desert, neither garrisons nor troops are
kept in pay to protect them, while every attack endangering their
security has been hitherto successfully resisted. The conduct of the
Sindian in the field is brave; and if we are to judge by results,
he is superior to his neighbours. They parried off an inroad of one
formidable army from Cabool by a retreat to the Desert; and they
defeated a second with great slaughter in the vicinity of Shikarpoor.
Destitute as they are of discipline, and unable, assuredly, to cope
with regular troops, we must admit that they excel in the art of war
as practised by themselves and the adjacent nations. The Sindians,
unlike other Asiatics, pride themselves on being foot soldiers, and
they prefer the sword to the matchlock: their artillery, formidable in
number, is contemptible in strength; their cavalry does not deserve
the name: horses are scarce, and of a very diminutive breed. Various
surmises have been made regarding the strength of their army, but they
seem to me vague and indefinite; for every native who has attained the
years of manhood, the mercantile classes alone excepted, becomes a
soldier by the constitution of the government; and he derives his food
and support in time of peace from being pledged to give his services
in war. The host to be encountered is therefore a rabble, and, as
infantry, their swords would avail them but little in modern warfare
with an European nation. On an attack from the British Government, it
is probable that the rulers of Sinde, after a feeble resistance, would
betake themselves, with their riches, as of yore, to the Desert, a
retreat which would cost them, in this instance, their country. They
might foment for a while conspiracy and rebellion, but the misfortunes
of the house of Talpoor would excite compassion nowhere; for their
government is unpopular with their subjects, and dreaded, if not hated,
by the neighbouring nations.
In the decline of other Mahommedan states, the prosperity of Sinde has
exalted it in the eyes of foreigners.
~Its external policy.~
Of the princes bordering on Sinde, the Ameers have most intercourse
with Mehrab Khan, the Brahooee chief of Kelat and Gundava, who, like
themselves, was formerly a tributary of Cabool. By this alliance they
have skilfully interposed a courageous people together, with a strong
country between their territories and that kingdom. The Afghans have
endeavoured by bribes and promises to bring over the Kelat chief to
their interests, but he has not been hitherto persuaded, and professes
himself, on all occasions, ready to assist the Ameers in the protection
of that part of their frontier adjoining his dominions. He is related
by marriage to the Hydrabad Ameer; and the Brahooees and Beloochees,
considering themselves to be originally descended from one stock, may
be therefore supposed to have one common interest. With the Seiks at
Lahore there is no cordiality, and but little intercourse: they dread,
and with reason, Runjeet Sing’s power, and they are likewise anxious
to avoid giving offence to any of the Cabool family by a show of
friendship. They owe the Maharaja no allegiance, nor has he hitherto
exacted any; but it has not escaped their observation, that, of all the
countries which adjoin the Sindian dominions, there are none from which
an invasion can be so easily made as from the Punjab, and it is very
doubtful if they could withstand an attack conducted by the Seiks from
that quarter. With the Rajpoot chiefs on their eastern frontier their
intercourse is confined to the exchange of presents.
~Its internal state.~
The internal resources of Sinde are considerable; nor must we look to
the confined revenues of her rulers for an index to that wealth, as in
their struggle for supremacy, the Ameers received many favours from
their Belooch brethren, which have been repaid by large and numerous
grants of land. By deteriorating the value of what remained as their
own share, they hope to allay the cupidity of their neighbours. Trade
and agriculture languish in this land. The duties exacted on goods
forwarded by the Indus are so exorbitant that there is no merchandise
transported by that river, and yet some of the manufactures of Europe
were to be purchased as cheap at Shikarpoor as in Bombay. We are
informed in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea, that the traffic of
Sinde, when ruled by a powerful prince in the second century of the
Christian era, was most extensive, and it is even said to have been
considerable so late as the reign of Aurungzebe. The present rulers,
possessing as they do such unlimited authority over so wide a space,
might raise up a wealthy and commercial kingdom; but the river Indus
is badly situated for the trader, and has no mouth like the Ganges
accessible to large ships: it is separated, too, from India by an
inhospitable tract; and a very vigorous and energetic government could
alone protect commerce from being plundered by the Boordees, Moozarees,
and other hill tribes to the westward. The Indus can only become a
channel for commerce when the chiefs possessing it shall entertain more
enlightened notions. At present much of the fertile banks of this
river, so admirably adapted for agriculture, are only used for pasture.
Flocks and herds may be driven from the invader; but the productions of
the soil can only be reaped in due season, after care and attention.
I now proceed to describe the state of parties at present existing in
Sinde.
~The Hydrabad family.~
The Hydrabad family, from having been visited by several British
missions, is better known than any of the others. It includes the
southern portion, or what is called “Lower Sinde.” Since its first
establishment, in 1786, it has undergone great change; and the reins
of government, from being wielded by four brothers, have been left
without bloodshed in the hands of the last survivor. But the struggle
for dominion, so long warded off, has been bequeathed to a numerous
progeny; and on the death of Moorad Ali Khan, who has attained his
sixtieth year, the evil consequences of the founder of the family,
raising his brothers to an equality with himself, will be felt in a
disputed succession, and perhaps in civil war.[19] One Ameer died
without issue; two of them left sons who have now attained to manhood,
and the remaining Ameer has a family of five children, two of whom,
Noor Mahommed and Nusseer Khan, have for years past sat in durbar on an
equality with their cousins, Sobdar and Mahommed. The different parties
of these four young princes form so many separate factions in the court
of Sinde, and each uses that influence and policy which seems best
suited to advance its ends. Three of them, as the eldest descendants of
Ameers, might claim a right of sharing as their fathers; but the second
son of Moorad Ali Khan has greater weight than any of them, and the
government of the Ameers of Sinde could never, as it first stood, be
considered an hereditary one.
~Meer Nusseer Khan, and Meer Mahommed.~
Meer Nusseer Khan, to whose influence I have just alluded, has been
brought forward by his father in the intercourse with the British, and
though fourth in rank below the Ameer himself: he is the only person
who, with his father, addresses, on all occasions, and is addressed
by, the British Government. He openly professes his attachment to the
English, and informed me by letters, and in two public durbars, that
he had been the means of procuring a passage for the mission by the
Indus to Lahore. Strange as it may appear, it is said that his parent,
otherwise so jealous of the British, had strenuously advised this line
of procedure in his son; nor was it disguised from me by many who had
opportunities of knowing, that the Prince acted under the hope of
assistance from our Government when the hour of difficulty arrived.
Nusseer Khan maintains likewise a friendly intercourse with several
members of the fallen monarchy of Cabool; and while we were at Hydrabad
he was despatching presents to Kamran at Herat. This prince is a mild
and engaging man, much attached to the sports of the field. He has
more liberality than talent, and less prudence than becomes one in the
difficult part which he will shortly have to perform. His success will
depend on the possession of his father’s wealth, for money is the sinew
of war; and the good will of a venal people like the Sindians is not to
be retained by one who has spent his inheritance. Noor Mahommed, the
eldest brother of Nusseer Khan, cultivates a closer friendship with
the Seiks than any other of the Talpoor family, but he has neither
partisans nor ability to achieve an enterprise. He is, besides,
addicted to the grossest debauchery and the most odious vices; but it
is always to be remembered that he is the eldest son of the reigning
chief.
~Mahommed and Sobdar.~
Meer Mahommed seems to hope, and not without cause, that the services
of his father, Gholam Ali, will secure to him his rights. He sent a
messenger to me privately with an offer to enter into a secret treaty
with the British Government, which I declined for obvious reasons.
Sobdar is the rightful heir of Moorad Ali, being the eldest son of the
founder of the house. He is no favourite with the Ameers; but, besides
a treasure of three millions sterling, and lands which yield him three
lacs of rupees annually, he has many chiefs and partisans, who cling
to him from a remembrance of his father’s virtues. He is, too, the
ablest “scion of the stock,” and by one rebellion has already asserted
his rights. The contest will probably lie between Sobdar and Nusseer
Khan; and if these two choose to govern as those who preceded them,
they may revive the title and retain the power of the Ameers of Sinde.
At present, Meer Sobdar conceals his plans and intentions from dread
of his uncle; and I may mention, as a specimen of Sindian jealousy,
that because I asked several times after his health (according to the
formality of this court), seeing him seated on the right hand of the
Ameer, he was displaced at our second interview to make room for Meer
Nusseer Khan. Should Moorad Ali attain “a good old age” these opinions
may prove fallacious, as the stage will then be occupied by other
competitors, who are at present in their childhood, and from among whom
some one, more daring than his relations, may meet with success and
power.
~The Khyrpoor family.~
The Khyrpoor chief, Meer Roostum Khan, succeeded to his father, who
was killed in 1830 by a fall from a balcony. He is about fifty years
of age, and has five sons and two brothers. This family is so numerous
that there are at present forty male members of it alive, descended in
a right line from Meer Sohrab Khan. The chief maintains greater state
than the Hydrabad family. The territory is extensive and productive,
extending on the east bank from a short distance above Sehwun to the
latitude of 28° 30´ north, and on the west bank from Shikarpoor to
within fifteen miles of Mittun, on the verge of the Punjab, skirting
to the westward the mountain of Gendaree and the plains of Cutch
Gundava. There is little cordiality existing between the Khyrpoor and
Hydrabad Ameers; and the breach has been lately increased by some
disputes relative to the duties on opium, of which the former have
hitherto, and in vain, claimed a share. The whole family expressed
themselves cordially attached to the British Government; and evinced,
by a continual succession of kindness, and even munificence towards
our party, that they were sincere in their sentiments: none of them
had ever before seen an European. The treasure, which amounts to three
millions of money, is held by Ali Moorad, the youngest brother of Meer
Roostum Khan, who having access to it, as the favourite son, seized
it on Sohrab’s death, and still retains it. With this exception, the
family are united, and have no subject of dissension.
The influence of the chief of Khyrpoor in the affairs of Sinde is
considerable. No undertaking which has reference to the well-being
of the country is planned without his being consulted; and hitherto
no operations have been carried on without his sanction. The refusal
of Meer Sohrab to enter into a war to protect the Daoodpootras, and
prevent encroachment by the Seiks, defeated the plans of the Ameers;
for though the families are independent of one another, they will only
act when united. Meer Roostum Khan is on much better terms with his
neighbours than the Hydrabad family: he has agents from the Jaysulmeer
and Beecaneer Rajas, and from the Daoodpootras, resident at his court,
and has more intercourse with the Seiks at Lahore. Meer Roostum is
prepared, however, on all occasions with his troops to protect from
invasion the boundaries of Sinde as they at present exist; and has
readily furnished his quota of troops when the Afghans have endeavoured
to retake Shikarpoor from the Hydrabad chief.
~Meerpoor family.~
The Meerpoor family, at the head of which is Ali Moorad, has the least
influence of the Sinde Ameers. His immediate vicinity to Hydrabad, and
his less fertile and more circumscribed boundary, have kept it more
under the subjection of the principal Ameer. The territory, however, is
exactly situated on the line of invasion for an army from Cutch; and
this Ameer might render material service to any expedition. The family
is allied to Sobdar; and will, in all probability, follow that prince’s
fortunes on a change of government.
~Condition of the people.~
With reference to the condition of the people in these different
chiefships, much has been said by various writers; and I would have
willingly passed it unnoticed, did not the means of observation, which
I enjoyed for so many months, lead me to dissent from some of their
opinions. The Sindians are passionate and proud; and all of them would
be considered deceitful, in so far as they praise and promise without
sincerity. Their passion proceeds from their savage ignorance, and
their pride from jealousy: their deceit does not deceive each other,
and, consequently, ought not to deceive a stranger. I found those
in my employ most honest and faithful servants, and passed from one
extremity of Sinde to another without any other guard than the natives
of the country, and without losing a trifle, though our boats were
boarded by crowds daily. The Sindians are governed by their princes,
after the spirit of the country; and if they could discern how much
the advantages of civil life, and the encouragement of industry and
art, rise superior to despotic barbarism, we might look upon Sinde and
her people in a different light: but these rulers, who seized it by
the sword, must be excused for so maintaining it. Where the principles
of honour are not understood (as has ever been too much the case in
Asiatic governments), men must be ruled by fear; and it is only as
the subject gets liberal and civilised, that he can appreciate the
advantages of free institutions, and deserves such or any share in
the government of his country. The inhabitants of Sinde are miserably
poor, both in the towns and villages; for when we except a few Belooche
chiefs, and some religious families, who are attached to the court,
there is no distributed wealth in the land but among a few Hindoo
merchants. The people of that tribe share no greater evils than their
Mahommedan brethren, and enjoy as much toleration and happiness as in
other Moslem governments. If they were formerly treated with rigour,
the age of fanaticism has passed; and the Hindoo Dewans of Sinde now
transact the entire pecuniary concerns of the state, while the Shroffs
and Banians, who are also Hindoos, pursue their vocations without
interruption, marry off their children, when they attain the prescribed
age, to inherit, after their demise, the substance which had been
realised by commerce.
~Its extent of population.~
It is difficult to fix the population of Sinde, and I bear in mind that
I have seen the fairest portion of the country in my progress through
it by the Indus. The large towns are neither numerous nor extensive:
Hydrabad, the capital, has about 20,000 people, but it is exceeded by
Shikarpoor: Tatta, Currachee, and Khyrpoor have 15,000 each; Meerpoor,
Hala, Sehwun, Larkhana, and Roree (with Sukkur), have each about
10,000; Muttaree, Ulyartando, and Subzul, with five or six others, have
5000 each; which gives a population of nearly 200,000 souls. The number
of people in the delta does not exceed 30,000; and the parts away from
the river, both to the east and west, are thinly peopled, for pastoral
countries are not populous. The villages within reach of the inundation
are, however, large and numerous; and, including the whole face of
the country, there cannot be less than a million of human beings. One
fourth of this number may be Hindoos; and the greater portion of the
Mahommedans are descended from converts to that religion.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] As this work is passing through the press, intelligence has
reached England of the death of this Ameer, which has been followed by
a civil war.
[19] The death of the last Ameer has amply verified such a supposition.
CHAP. IV.
ON THE MOUTHS OF THE INDUS.
~The Indus.~
The Indus, like the Nile and the Ganges, reaches the ocean by many
mouths, which, diverging from the parent stream, form a delta of rich
alluvium. At a distance of sixty miles from the sea, and about five
miles below the city of Tatta, this river divides into two branches.
The right arm is named Buggaur, and the left Sata. This separation is
as ancient as the days of the Greeks, and mentioned by the historians
of Alexander the Great.
~Two great branches forming its delta.~
Of these two branches, the left one, or Sata, pursues nearly a southern
course to the ocean, following the direction of the great river from
which it is supplied; while the right, or Buggaur, deviates at once
from the general track of the Indus, and reaches the sea, by a westerly
course, almost at right angles to its twin river.
~The Sata.~
The eastern branch, or Sata, is the larger of the two, and below the
point of division is one thousand yards wide: it now affords egress to
the principal body of the water; and though it divides and subdivides
itself into numerous channels, and precipitates its water into the sea
by no less than seven mouths within the space of thirty-five miles,
yet such is the violence of the stream, that it throws up sand banks or
bars, and only one of this many-mouthed arm is ever entered by vessels
of fifty tons. The water sent out to sea from them during the swell of
the river is fresh for four miles; and the Gora, or largest mouth, has
cast up a dangerous sand bank, which projects directly from the land
for fifteen miles.
~The Buggaur.~
The western arm, which is called Buggaur, on the other hand, flows
into one stream past Peer Putta, Bohaur, and Darajee, to within five
or six miles of the sea, when it divides into two navigable branches,
the Pittee and Pieteanee, which fall into the ocean about twenty-five
miles apart from each other. These are considered the two great mouths
of the Indus, and were frequented till lately by the largest native
boats. They are yet accessible, but for three years past the channel of
the Buggaur has been deserted by the river; and though it contains two
fathoms of water as high as Darajee, it shallows above that town. In
the dry season it is in some places but knee-deep, and its bed, which
continues nearly half a mile broad, has at that time but a breadth
of 100 yards. The name of Buggaur signifies “destroy.” While this
alteration has diverted the trade from Darajee to the banks of the
Sata, the country near the Buggaur is as rich as it was previously; and
though the branch itself is not navigated, yet there are frequently
two fathoms in its bed, and every where a sufficiency of water for
flat-bottomed boats. During the swell it is a fine river, and will in
all probability shortly regain its former pre-eminence.
~Delta; its size.~
The land embraced by both these arms of the delta extends, at the
junction of the rivers with the sea, to about seventy British miles;
and so much, correctly speaking, is the existing delta of this
river. The direction of the sea-coast along this line of rivers is
north-north-west.
~Delta may be considered longer.~
But the Indus covers with its waters a wider space than that now
described, and has two other mouths still further to the eastward than
those thrown out by the Sata, the Seer, and Koree, the latter the
boundary line which divides Cutch from Sinde, though the rulers of that
country have diverted the waters of both these branches by canals for
irrigation, so that none of them reach the sea. With the addition of
these forsaken branches, the Indus presents a face of about 125 British
miles to the sea, which it may be said to enter by eleven mouths. The
latitude of the most western embouchure is about 24° 40´ N., that of
the eastern below 28° 30´, so that in actual latitude there is an
extent of about eighty statute miles.[20]
~Dangers of navigating the delta.~
The inconstancy of the Indus through the delta is proverbial, and there
is here both difficulty and danger in its navigation. It has in these
days, among the people of Sinde, as bad a character as has been left
to it by the Greek historians. The water is cast with such impetuosity
from one bank to another, that the soil is constantly falling in upon
the river; and huge masses of clay hourly tumble into the stream, often
with a tremendous crash. In some places the water, when resisted by a
firm bank, forms eddies and gulfs of great depth, which contain a kind
of whirlpool, in which the vessels heel round, and require every care
to prevent accident. The current in such places is really terrific, and
in a high wind the waves dash as in the ocean. To avoid these eddies,
and the rotten parts of the bank, seemed the chief objects of care in
the boatmen.
~Peculiarities of navigation.~
It is a fact worthy of record, that those mouths of the Indus, which
are least favoured by the fresh water, are most accessible to large
vessels from the sea; for they are more free from sand banks, which
the river water, rushing with violence, never fails to raise. Thus the
Buggaur, which I have just represented as full of shallows, has a deep
and clear stream below Darajee to the sea. The Hoogly branch of the
Ganges is, I believe, navigable from a similar cause.
~Individual mouths.~
I shall now proceed to describe the several mouths with their harbours,
depth of water, together with such other facts as have fallen under
notice.
~The Pittee.~
Beginning from the westward, we have the Pittee mouth, an embouchure of
the Buggaur, that falls into what may be called the bay of Curachee.
It has no bar; but a large sand bank, together with an island outside,
prevent a direct passage into it from the sea, and narrow the channel
to about half a mile at its mouth. At low water its width is even
less than 500 yards: proceeding upwards, it contracts to 160, but the
general width is 300. At the shallowest part of the Pittee there was a
depth of nine feet at low water, and the tide rose nine feet more at
full moon. At high water there is every where a depth of two fathoms to
Darajee, and more frequently five and six, sometimes seven and eight.
Where two branches meet, the water is invariably deep. At a distance of
six miles up the Pittee there is a rock stretching across the river:
it has nine feet of water on it at low tide. The general course of the
Pittee for the last thirty miles is W.N.W., but it enters the sea by a
channel due south. The Pittee is exceedingly crooked, and consists of
a succession of short turnings, in the most opposite directions; even
from south to north the water from one angle is thrust upon another,
which leaves this river alternately deep on both sides. Where the banks
are steep, there will the channel be found; and, again, where they
gradually meet the water, shallows invariably exist. This, however, may
be remarked of all rivers which flow over a flat country. There is no
fresh water in the Pittee nearer than thirty miles from the sea: the
brushwood on its banks is very dense, and for fifteen miles up presses
close in upon the river. We navigated this branch to that extent, and
crossed it in two places higher up, at Darajee and Bohaur, where it had
two fathoms’ water.
~Pieteeanee.~
The Pieteeanee quits the Pittee about twenty miles from the sea,
which it enters below the latitude of 24° 20´. It is narrower than the
Pittee, and in every respect an inferior branch; for there are sand
banks in its mouth, which overlap each other, and render the navigation
intricate and dangerous. We found it to have a depth of six feet on its
bar at low tide, and fifteen at full; but when once in its channel,
there were three fathoms’ water. At its mouth it is but 300 yards
wide, and higher up it contracts even to fifty; but it has the same
depth of water every where till it joins the Pittee. The Pieteeanee
runs north-easterly into the land, and from its shorter course the
tide makes sooner than in the Pittee, which presented the singular
circumstance of one branch running up, and the other down, at the same
time.
~Inferior creeks.~
Connected with these two mouths of the Indus, there are three inferior
creeks, called Koodee, Khow, and Dubboo. The two first join the Pittee;
and the Koodee was in former years one of the great entrances to
Darajee, but its place has been usurped by the Pieteeanee, and it is
now choked. Dubboo is only another entrance to the Pieteeanee.
~Indus navigated by flat-bottomed boats.~
However accessible these two branches have been found, neither of them
are navigated by any other than flat-bottomed boats, which carry the
entire cargo to and from the mouth of the river, inside which the sea
vessels anchor. It was an unheard-of occurrence for boats like the four
that conveyed us (none of them twenty-five tons in burden) to ascend so
high up the Pittee as we did, a distance of thirty miles; but assuredly
we encountered no obstacles.
~Jooa, Reechel, and Hujamree.~
Of the seven mouths that give egress to the waters of the Sata, or
eastern branch, below Tatta, the Jooa, Reechel, and Hujamree, lie
within ten miles of each other. One of these mouths has been at all
times more or less navigable; and while they are the estuaries of the
waters of the Sata, still a portion of those thrown off by the Buggaur,
or other grand arm, reach them by inferior creeks during the swell,
forming an admirable inland navigation through all parts of the delta.
The mouths of the Jooa and Reechel are choked; but the latter was at a
late period the most frequented of all the branches of the Indus. It
was formerly marked by a minaret, which has, I suppose, fallen down,
as this fact is particularly mentioned by our early navigators. There
is yet a village, near its mouth, called Moonara, or minaret. The
Hujamree is now accessible to boats of fifty tons. Its port is Vikkur,
twenty-five miles from the sea, which, with Shah-bunder (still further
eastward), seems alternately to share the trade of the delta. This
season Shah-bunder is scarcely to be approached, and the next season
Vikkur will perhaps be deserted. We entered the Indus by the Hujamree
mouth, and disembarked at Vikkur. At the bar we had fifteen feet of
water at high tide, and a depth of four fathoms all the way to Vikkur,
even when the tide was out.
~Khedywaree.~
The Khedywaree is the next mouth eastward of Hujamree, with which it is
connected by small creeks; it is shallow, and not much frequented by
boats but to cut firewood.
~Gora, or Wanyanee.~
Of the remaining mouths of the left arm, the next is Gora, the largest
of all the mouths. It derives its supply of water direct from the Sata,
which near the sea feeds numerous small creeks, and is named Wanyanee.
From the Hujamree we passed by a narrow creek into this mouth of the
Indus. The Gora (or, as it is also called towards the sea, Wanyanee,)
has every where a depth of four fathoms. It is not more than 500 yards
wide, and runs with great velocity. Its course is somewhat crooked,
but it pursues a southerly line to the sea, and passes by a fine
village on the left bank called Kelaun. Though the Gora possesses such
facilities for navigation, yet it is not to be entered from the sea
by the smallest boats, from a dangerous sand bank, to which I have
before alluded. It is clear that such sand banks are thrown up by the
impetuosity of the stream; for the Reechel, till it was deserted by the
great body of the Indus, had as large a bar as is now opposite Gora,
which has entirely disappeared with the absence of the fresh water.
This branch of the Indus in the last century was open to large boats;
and a square-rigged vessel of 70 tons now lies near it on dry land,
where it has been left by the caprice of the river.
~Khaeer and Mull.~
Below the Gora we have the Khaeer and Mull, mouths communicating with
it. All three disembogue within twelve miles of each other. The Khaeer,
like the Gora, is unnavigable. The Mull is safe for boats of 25 tons;
and being the only entrance now open to Shah-bunder, is therefore
frequented. The boats anchor in an artificial creek four miles up it,
called Lipta, and await the flat-bottomed craft from the port, distant
about twenty miles north-east.
~The Seer.~
About five-and-twenty miles below Mull we meet the Seer mouth of the
Indus, but have salt instead of fresh water. There are several minor
creeks that intervene, but they do not form any communication. The Seer
is one of the destroyed branches of the Indus. A dam has been thrown
across it below Mughribee, fifty miles from its mouth; and though it
ceases to be a running stream on that account, the superfluity of fresh
water from above forces for itself a passage by small creeks till it
regains the Seer, which thus contains fresh water twenty miles from its
mouth, though it is but a creek of the sea. The river immediately below
Mughribee is named Goongra; higher up it is called Pinyaree, and leaves
the parent stream between Hydrabad and Tatta. The Seer is accessible
to boats of 150 candies (38 tons) to a place called Gunda, where they
load from the flat-bottomed boats of Mughribee. With some extra labour,
these same boats could reach the dam of Mughribee; and from that town
the inland navigation for flat-bottomed boats is uninterrupted to the
main Indus, though it becomes more difficult in the dry season. The
dam of Mughribee is forty feet broad. The Seer at its mouth is about
two miles wide, but it gets very narrow in ascending; within, it has
a depth of four and six fathoms, but below Gunda there is a sand bank
with but one fathom water on it. There is a considerable trade carried
on from this branch of the Indus with the neighbouring countries of
Cutch and Kattywar; for rice, the staple of Sinde, is to be had in
abundance at Mughribee.
~The Koree, or eastern mouth.~
The Koree, or eastern branch of the Indus, completes the eleven mouths
of the river. It once discharged a portion of the waters of the
Fulailee that passes Hydrabad, as also of a branch that quits the
Indus near Bukkur, and traverses the desert _during the swell_; but
it has been closed against both these since the year 1762, when the
Sindians threw up bunds, or dams, to inflict injury on their rivals,
the inhabitants of Cutch.[21] Of all the mouths of the Indus the Koree
gives the grandest notion of a mighty river. A little below Lucput
it opens like a funnel, and at Cotasir is about seven miles wide,
and continues to increase till the coasts of Cutch and Sinde are not
visible from one another. When the water here was fresh it must have
been a noble stream. The depth of this arm of the sea (for it can be
called by no other name) is considerable. We had twenty feet of water
as high as Cotasir, and it continues equally deep to Busta, which is
but eight miles from Lucput. A Company’s cruiser once ascended as high
as Cotasir; but it is considered dangerous, for there is an extensive
sand bank at the mouth called Adheearee, on which the water at low
tide is only knee deep. There are also several sand banks between it
and Cotasir, and a large one opposite that place. The Koree does not
communicate with the Seer or any other mouth of the Indus, but it sends
off a back water to Cutch, and affords a safe inland navigation to
small craft from Lucput to Juckow on the Indian Ocean, at the mouth of
the gulf of Cutch.
~Advantages of these to Sinde.~
The Sindians, it will therefore appear, have choked both eastern
branches. There being no communication by the Indus and the Koree, the
trade of Sinde is not exported by it. It finds a vent by the Seer; but
this has not given rise to any new town being built on its banks. Such,
indeed, is the humidity, that this country is only tenable for a part
of the year.
~The sea outside the Indus; its dangers.~
We here complete the enumeration and description of the mouths of the
Indus. Out from them the sea is shallow; but the soundings are regular,
and a vessel will have from twelve to fifteen feet of water a mile
and a half off shore. The Gora bank presents the only difficulty to
the navigation of these coasts, from Mandivee, in Cutch, to Curachee.
Breakers are to be traced along it for twelve miles. The sailors clear
it by stretching at once out of sight of land, and keeping in twelve
fathoms’ water till the danger is over: they even state that a vessel
of twenty-five tons would be wrecked on a course where the depth is
ten fathoms. This bank is much resorted to by fishermen; and it may
generally be distinguished by their boats and nets.
~Coast of Sinde exposed.~
The coast of Sinde, from its entire exposure to the Indian ocean, is
so little protected against storms, that the navigation is much sooner
suspended than in the neighbouring countries. Few vessels approach
it after March; for the south-west monsoon, which then partially
commences, so raises the sea that the waves break in three and four
fathoms water, while the coast is not discernible from its lowness till
close upon it, and there is a great risk of missing the port, and no
shelter at hand, in such an event.
~Tides of the Indus.~
The tides rise in the mouths of the Indus about nine feet at full moon:
they flow and ebb with great violence, particularly near the sea, where
they flood and abandon the banks with equal and incredible velocity.
It is dangerous to drop the anchor but at low water, as the channel is
frequently obscured, and the vessel may be left dry. The tides in the
Indus are only perceptible seventy-five miles from the sea, that is,
about twenty-five miles below Tatta.
~Country at the mouths of the Indus.~
There is not a more miserable country in the world than the low tract
at the mouths of the Indus. The tide overflows their banks, and recedes
to leave a desert dreary waste, overgrown with shrubs, but without a
single tree. If a vessel be unfortunately cast on this coast, she
is buried in two tides; and the greatest despatch can hardly save a
cargo. We had proof of this in an unfortunate boat which stranded
near us; and, to add to the miseries of this land, the rulers of it,
by a barbarous law, demand every thing which is cast on shore, and
confiscate any vessel which, from stress of weather, may enter their
ports.
~Curachee, why preferred to the Indus.~
The principal sea-port of Sinde is Curachee, which appears remarkable,
when its rulers are in possession of all the mouths of the Indus;
but it is easily explained. Curachee is only fourteen miles from the
Pittee, or western mouth of the Indus; and there is less labour in
shipping and unshipping goods at it, than to carry them by the river
from Darajee or Shahbunder in flat-bottomed boats. Curachee can also
throw its imports into the peopled part of Sinde without difficulty, by
following a frequented and good level road to Tatta. The unshipment,
too, at that port, supersedes the necessity of shifting the cargo into
flat-bottomed boats; and the actual distance between Curachee and Tatta
(about sixty miles) is half exceeded by following the windings of the
stream to any of the harbours in the Delta. As the ports in the river
and Curachee are both subject to Sinde, it is conclusive that that
sea-port has advantages over those of the river, which have led to
their being forsaken by the navigator. In former years, before Curachee
was seized by the Sindians, the exports from the Delta were more
considerable; since then all articles of value are brought to Curachee
by land, and there shipped. The opium from Marwar is never put into a
boat but to cross the Indus on its way to Curachee.
~The sea boats of Sinde.~
The boats of the Indus claim attention. Including Curachee and all the
ports of the country, there are not, perhaps, a hundred dingees, or
sea vessels, belonging to the dominions of the Ameer. These boats are
of a peculiar construction--of a sharp build, with a very lofty poop;
the large ones never ascend the rivers, and are principally used at
the port of Curachee, and sail from thence to Muscat, Bombay, and the
Malabar coast: they carry no guns. A smaller dingee is used at the
mouths of the Indus, chiefly for fishing: they are good sea-boats,
and sail very quickly. The fisheries in the mouths of the Indus being
extensive, and forming a source of commerce, these craft abound.
~Flat-bottomed boats.~
The traffic on the Indus, commencing from its very mouth, is carried on
in flat-bottomed boats, called doondees. They are large and unwieldy,
and never exceed 100 kurwars (fifty tons) in burthen, and, when laden,
draw only four feet of water. They have two masts, the larger in
front; they hoist their sails behind them, to prevent accident, by
giving less play to the canvass. The foresail is of a lateen shape;
that aft is square, and very large. With these set, they can stem the
current, in a good wind, at the rate of three miles an hour. We came
from the sea to Hydrabad in five days. When the wind fails, these boats
are dragged, or pushed up by spars against the stream. With ropes, they
can be pulled a mile and a half in the hour; and they attach these to
the mast-head, to have a better purchase. The helm is shaped like the
letter P, and in the larger vessels is managed by ropes from each side;
at a distance, it seems quite detached from the doondee. These vessels
are also furnished with a long supple oar astern, which they work
backwards and forwards, the steersman moving with it on an elevated
frame. It is possible to impel the doondee with this oar alone, and
nothing else is used in crossing the different ferries. When coming
down with the stream, this oar, too, is again in requisition, they work
it to and fro, to keep the broadside of the vessel to the current. In
descending the river, the masts are invariably struck, and the helm
even is stowed away. I can compare these boats to nothing so correctly
as the drawing of Chinese junks; the largest are about eighty feet
long and eighteen broad, shaped something like a ship high astern and
low in front, with the hull slanted off at both ends, so as to present
less resistance to the water. They are floating houses; for the people
who navigate them take their families, and even their herds and fowls,
along with them. All the boats on the river, large and small, are of
the above description. In navigating the doondees, the boatmen always
choose the shallow water, and avoid the rapids of the river.
~Indus navigable for steam vessels.~
From the account of the River Indus at its mouths, which is above
given, it will appear that it would be accessible to steam-boats of
a certain size and build; but I am thoroughly satisfied that no boat
_with a keel_ could ever navigate this river with any hopes of safety.
The flat-bottomed boats are constantly grounding, but they sustain no
injury; while boats differently constructed would be at once upset by
the violence of the stream, and destroyed. It is not to be doubted,
however, that steam-vessels could be adapted to this navigation as well
as the existing boats on the river; and had not coal been found both at
the head and mouth of the Indus, fuel could be supplied from the great
abundance of wood which the banks of this river every where furnish.
The Americans use wood for this purpose; and the supply of brushwood on
the Lower Indus is abundant.
~Military remarks on the Indus.~
I make allusion to the navigation of this river by steam, because I am
aware it is an object of interest; but, in conducting any expedition
against Sinde, I feel satisfied, from what I have seen, that there
would be little advantage, in a military point of view, derived from
the river Indus below Tatta. It would be impracticable to march a force
through the Delta, from the number of rivers; and it would be equally
impossible to embark it in flat-bottomed boats, for there are not 100
of them below Hydrabad; few are of burthen, and the very largest would
not contain a company of infantry. The vulnerable point of Sinde is
Curachee, and a landing might be effected on either side of the town
without difficulty. The Creek of Gisry, to the south-east, has been
pointed out[22] as a favourable place, and I can add my concurrence
in the opinion; but a force would easily effect its disembarkation
anywhere in that neighbourhood. For a land expedition, the route from
Cutch to Ballyaree, by the Thurr, seems to me the most feasible. While
I represent the mouths of the Indus as unfavourable for conducting an
attack from India on Sinde, I do not wish to be understood as hazarding
at this time any opinion on like obstacles presenting themselves in an
attack from its banks on India.
~Supplies of the Delta.~
With regard to the supplies which an army is to expect in the lower
parts of Sinde, my report will be more favourable. Grain, that is, rice
and bajree, will be found in great abundance. Horned cattle and sheep
are numerous. The pasturage is not good, but near the sea abundant.
Almost all the villages are mere hamlets; for Darajee, Lahory, and
Shahbunder, which figure on the map as places of importance, have
none of them a population of 2000 souls. The two first, indeed, have
not that between them; and there are not ten other places that have a
hundred souls below Tatta. Camels would be found in great abundance,
as also horses: these are of a small and diminutive breed, but the
camels are very superior. From the number of buffaloes, milk and ghee
are to be had in great abundance, and all the rivers abound in fish.
The country is peopled to the sea-shore; but the inhabitants are
thinly scattered over its surface in temporary villages; and near many
of the mouths experience great inconvenience from the want of fresh
water, which they bring from a distance for themselves and cattle: the
banks of the Gora form the only exception. The people consist chiefly
of erratic and pastoral tribes; for though the Indus presents such
facilities to the cultivator, there is not a fourth of the cultivable
land below Tatta brought under tillage; it lies neglected and overgrown
with tamarisk.
FOOTNOTES:
[20] This limited extent of the delta of the Indus is quite
inconsistent with the dimensions assigned to it by the Greeks. Arrian
informs us that the two great branches below Pattala are about 1800
stadia distant from each other, “and so much is the extent of the
island Pattala along the sea coast.” The distance of 125 British miles,
the face of the modern delta, does not amount to 1125 stadia, or little
more than one half the assigned distance of Arrian. On this point the
Greeks had not personal observation to guide them, since Nearchus
sailed out of the western branch of the Indus, and Alexander made but
a three days’ journey between the two branches of the river, and could
not have entered Cutch, as has been surmised by Dr. Vincent.
[21] See “A Memoir” regarding this mouth, at the end of the volume,
which contains an account of some singular alterations in physical
geography, as well as a notice of the Run of Cutch.
[22] By Mr. Crow.
CHAP. V.
ON THE DELTA OF THE INDUS.
~Delta of the Indus.~
Herodotus said of Egypt, that it was the “gift of the Nile;” the same
may be said of the country at the mouths of the Indus. A section of
the banks of the river shows a continued succession of earth, clay and
sand in layers, parallel to one another; and deposited, without doubt,
at different periods. It would be perhaps hazarding too much to state,
that the whole of the Delta has been gradually acquired from the sea;
but it is clear that the land must have greatly encroached on the
ocean. Nothing is more corroborative of this fact than the shallowness
of the sea out from the mouths of the Indus, and the clayey bottom and
tinge of the water.
~Inundation.~
The country from Tatta, which stands at the head of the Delta, to the
sea downwards, is in most parts influenced by the periodical swell
of the Indus: the great branches of this river are of themselves so
numerous, and throw off such an incredible number of arms, that the
inundation is general; and in those places which are denied this
advantage by fortuitous circumstances, artificial drains, about four
feet wide and three deep, conduct the waters through the fields. The
swell commences in the latter end of April, and continues to increase
till July, disappearing altogether in September: a northerly wind is
supposed to accelerate it. It begins with the melting of the snow in
the Himalaya mountains, before the rainy season. At other times the
land is irrigated with the Persian wheel, which is turned by a camel or
bullock, and in general use every where. One eighth of the Delta may
be occupied by beds of rivers and inferior streams. Ten miles from the
sea, the country is so thickly covered with furze and bushes, that it
is incapable of being brought under tillage. Close upon the sea coast,
however, there is abundance of green forage, which furnishes pasture
to large herds of buffaloes. These animals reward the herdsmen with an
abundant supply of ghee; but his labour is incessant, for he must bring
fresh water from the interior for himself and his herd.
~Towns.~
In a tract peopled by a pastoral race, there are few permanent towns or
villages. When we except Darajee, Vikkur, Shahbunder, Mughribee, and
one or two others, the inhabitants reside in temporary villages called
“raj,” which they remove at pleasure; their huts are constructed of
reeds and mats made from rice straw; each house is surrounded by a
grass “tatty” or fence, to exclude the cold wind and humid vapours
which prevail in this low country, and are considered noxious. These
are the houses of which Nearchus speaks, and are, I believe, peculiar
to the river Indus. They very much resemble the huts of tumblers in
India.
~Population.~
It becomes a difficult matter to form any correct opinion as to the
number of inhabitants in such a country, where the body of the people
are wanderers, and not confined to narrow limits: huts are, however, to
be seen every where, and, excluding the city of Tatta, the population
of the Delta cannot be rated at less than 30,000 souls; of this
estimate, one third may be composed of those who reside in the fixed
towns. This census gives seven and a half to the square mile.
~Tribes.~
The erratic tribe, in the Delta of the Indus, is called Jut; these
people are the aborigines of the country; they are a superstitious
race of Mahommedans, and exceedingly ignorant. The different banks of
the rivers are peopled by watermen of the tribe of Mooana; they are
emigrants from the Punjab, and are employed in navigating the boats,
or fishing in the sea or river. There is also another tribe from the
same country, called Seik Lobana, whose occupation it is to make
reeds and mats. They also kill wild animals and game, but are held
in no estimation by the rest of the people. Jookeas or Jukreeas, an
aboriginal race from the mountains over Curachee, are to be found,
but they are not numerous. Some of their chiefs have land assigned to
them. There are also a few Beloochees. On the fixed population there is
little to remark; it is chiefly composed of Hindoos, of the mercantile
caste, who carry on the foreign and internal commerce of Sinde. They do
not differ from their brethren in India.
~Jokeea tribe.~
The only tribe which calls for further comment, is that of Jokeea.
These people are the descendants of the Suma Rajpoots, who governed
Sinde in former years. They became converts to the Mahommedan faith
when the Hindoo dynasty was subverted, and still retain the Hindoo name
of their tribe, and claim consanguinity with the Jhareja Rajpoots of
Cutch. They are mountaineers from the west bank of the Indus, not very
numerous, and little favoured by the government. They can bring 2000
men into the field.
~Fisheries.~
The fisheries in the river, and out from its different mouths, are
extensive. They are chiefly carried on by hooks, and some of the fish
caught are of enormous dimensions. One species called “Kujjooree” is
killed for its sound, which, with the fins of small sharks that abound
near the Indus, form an article of export to China. The river fish are
likewise abundant; of these, the most remarkable is the “Pulla,” a kind
of carp, delicious in flavour, and only found in the four months that
precede the swell of the river. Another species, called the “Singalee,”
and about the size of a small haddock, likewise abounds. On the
approach of the tide, they make a noise under the ship, louder than a
bull frog. They have a large head, and are very bony. They exist in all
the rivers of Western India, and are not peculiar to the Indus.
~Animals.~
I am not aware that there are any animals peculiar to the Delta of the
Indus. Otters abound; camels are numerous, and superior; buffaloes are
reared in great numbers; horned cattle and sheep are plentiful. The
dog, too, is here elevated to his proper situation, and is an attendant
on man. They watch the flocks, and are of a ferocious description, and
will not allow a stranger to approach a “raj” or village; they swim the
rivers with great dexterity.
~Productions.~
The staple production of the Delta of the Indus is rice: it is to be
had of many different kinds, but its value seems to depend chiefly on
its preparation for the market. Bajree and all other Indian grains are
raised. From extensive plantations of cane, “goor,” a coarse kind of
sugar, is produced; which, with wheat, barley, and moong, are reared by
irrigating the fields from cuts to the river, some months before the
periodical swell, and form what may be called a second crop. Saltpetre
is found in the Delta, but it is not exported, though formerly an
object of commerce to the East India Company.
~Climate.~
The climate of Lower Sinde is sultry and disagreeable. The thermometer
ranges as high as 90° in March, and though the soil is a rich alluvium,
the dust blows incessantly. The dews are very heavy and dangerous.
It is in every respect a trying country to the human constitution,
and this was observable in the premature old age of the inhabitants.
I could not hear of their being subject to any marsh fever, or other
evil effect from the inundation; they confined their complaints to
the inconvenience and annoyance which they suffered from insects and
musquitoes generated in the mud.
CHAP. VI.
THE INDUS FROM TATTA TO HYDRABAD.
~Indus from Tatta to Hydrabad.~
From the city of Tatta, which stands at a distance of three miles from
the river, we cease to have the Indus separated into many channels.
On the right bank it is confined by low rocky hillocks of limestone
formation; and on the left there is but one narrow branch, the
Pinyaree, which is accessible to boats from the town of Mughribee, when
the superfluous water of the floods follows its course to the sea. Yet
the general width of the channel is less than half a mile; at Hydrabad
it is but 830 yards, at Tatta less than 700, and below the village
Hilaya, fifteen miles from that town, it does not indeed exceed 600.
The greatest depth of water lies opposite the capital, and is five
fathoms; the least at Tatta, where it is but fifteen feet; generally,
there is a depth of twenty feet.
~Its sand-banks.~
The Delta of the Indus is free from sand-banks; from Tatta to Hydrabad,
they occur every where, and, as the sides of the river are here more
frequently shelving than steep, it is difficult to discover the deep
channel, which perplexes the navigator. Many of these sand-banks
are but knee deep in the water, and are constantly shifting their
position; the current being less rapid than near the sea, they are
not easily swept away. In several places they have become islands,
and divide the stream into two channels, one of which will _always_
be found navigable. This subdivision of the river has occasioned many
of these branches being given as separate rivers in our maps, but, as
I have before stated, none such exist, excepting the Pinyaree. In the
floods there is a narrow channel above Triccul, communicating with the
Fulailee branch, which insulates Hydrabad at that season.
~Course and extent.~
The distance by land from Tatta to Hydrabad is less than fifty miles,
nor do the windings of the stream increase it, even by water, to
sixty-five. Its course is south-west by south, and rather direct, with
one decided turn, below Jurruk, where it throws off the river leading
to Mughribee. We made the voyage against the stream in two days.
~Towns, &c.~
There are not a dozen places between Tatta and the capital; the only
one of note is Jurruk, situated near some low rocky hillocks, nor does
it boast a population of 1500 souls: none of them are fortified.
~Country.~
This country, which might be one of the richest and most productive
in the world, is devoted to sterility. Hunting preserves, or, as they
are called, “shikargahs,” follow one another in such succession,
as to leave no land for tillage; and the fences which confine the
game approach within a few yards of the Indus. The interior of these
preserves forms a dense thicket, composed of tamarisk, saline shrubs,
and other underwood, with stunted trees of bramble, which are not
allowed to be pruned or cut; so that the banks of the Indus, if in the
hands of a formidable enemy, afford cover from which an expedition
conducted by water might be constantly and grievously harassed. The
roads through this tract are equally close and strong.
Neglected as is this portion of Sinde, it is not destitute of supply;
grain is cheap and plentiful everywhere. Tatta and Hydrabad are the
ancient and modern capitals of the country.
~Productions.~
The productions of the soil in the gardens of Tatta exhibit the
fertility of this land: the vine is successfully reared, as also the
fig and the pomegranate. There are apple-trees in abundance, and though
the fruit is small, it increases in size about Hydrabad. In the few
patches of cultivation may be seen indigo, tobacco, sugar-cane, with
wheat, barley, and all the other Indian grains; but it is the policy
of the rulers of Sinde to keep every thing in a state of nature, that
their territories may not excite the cupidity of surrounding states.
Agriculture and commerce are alike depressed.
~Trade.~
With regard to the trade of this country, it may be said there is
little or none anywhere but at Curachee. The Indus is as if it existed
not; and, though grain is sent by it to the delta, no advantage is
taken of the river to convey goods to Hydrabad. The imports are landed
at Curachee, and the most valuable export, which is Malwa opium, is
shipped from the same port. The merchants, in prosecuting their journey
to Candahar, and the upper provinces of the Indus, quit the Sindian
territories with all dispatch. The only encouragement which the chiefs
give to trade is in opium, yet they levy the exorbitant duty of 250
rupees for a camel-load. The revenue from this article alone amounted
last year it is said to seven lacs of rupees; a sum equal to the land
revenue of the Hydrabad Ameer.
~Means of improving it.~
Nor do there exist any hopes of improving or increasing commercial
intercourse by this river, till the rulers of it have more just
notions of policy, and some one of them, more enlightened than the
rest, discovers that the true riches of a country are to be found
by encouraging the people in industry and art. At present there is
no wealth in Sinde but what is possessed by its rulers; and had the
people the inclination, they have not the means of purchasing the
manufactures of Europe. The case was otherwise in the beginning of this
century, when the East India Company traded at Tatta by a factory, and
the rulers, intimidated by their lord paramount in Cabool, did not
object to the transit of goods to that and other countries. Sinde must
follow the fate of that portion of Asia; and, if any of the Dooranee
tribes be yet able to seize the crown of Cabool, we may expect a change
for the better in the dependent provinces at the mouths of the Indus.
~Boats, deficiency thereof.~
At present there are not vessels sufficient for any considerable trade:
between the capital and Tatta they do not exceed fifty, many of them
small and used for fishing, others old and worn out, that cross the
stream in certain places as ferry-boats. Encouragement would soon
remedy what may be considered a defect in a military, as well as a
commercial point of view. Sinde has no wood for ship building, that
which is used being imported from Malabar.
CHAP. VII.
FROM HYDRABAD TO SEHWUN.
~Sehwun, its position.~
The town of Sehwun stands at a distance of two miles from the west bank
of the Indus, and is exactly 1° of latitude north of Hydrabad, for it
is crossed by the parallel of 26° 22´. The voyage is performed in eight
days, against the stream, and the distance is 105 miles.
~Indus, its course and depth.~
The river, in this part of its course, is named “Lar,” which, in the
Belooch language, means south: it flows about S. S. E., being resisted
at Sehwun by rocky mountains, which change the direction of the stream.
Its banks are very low, and the country bordering on them frequently
overflowed, particularly on the eastern side: the western bank is more
firm, but seldom exceeds eight feet in height. This expansion of the
river diminishes its general depth to eighteen feet: during the swell
the increase is twelve feet additional; the width is frequently 1000
yards and upwards. About six miles above Hydrabad, the Indus divides
into two channels, one of which is fordable, and the other but 400
yards wide, which points to this as the place for crossing an army.
At Sehwun the rocky buttress of the Lukkee hills hems the waters into
a channel of 500 yards; but the depth is nearly forty feet, and the
current rapid.
~Fulailee River.~
The river throws off no branches, in this part of its course, save
the Fulailee, which leaves the Indus twelve miles above Hydrabad, and
passes eastward of that city: it is only a stream during the swell.
It was dry at Hydrabad when we were at that city, and but a 100 yards
wide, and knee-deep where it separated from the Indus; yet it is a very
considerable river in the wet season, and fertilises a vast portion of
Sinde by its water, which it may be said to exhaust between Hydrabad
and Cutch. The maps give most erroneous ideas of the Indus, for the
numerous branches which appear to leave the river are only water
courses for the periodical swell, many of them artificial, dug for the
purposes of irrigation. The river for nine months runs in one trunk to
Tatta.
~Current, and effects of it.~
The current never exceeds three miles an hour in this part of the
Indus, unless at some places where it is confined, when its rapidity
undermines its banks, and carries villages along with it. The towns of
Majindu and Amree, on the right bank, have both been swept away, the
former no less than eight or ten times within the last twelve years;
but the people retire a few hundred yards, and again erect their
habitations. Hala, on the eastern side, has shared a like fate; but
the channel of the river lies to the westward, where the banks are
more steep, and the left bank of the river, though consisting of a
flat field of sand, is only inundated in the swell. At that period,
for eight miles eastward of the Indus, it is not possible to travel
from the number of shoots the river casts off. The Indus itself is here
pretty constant in its course; and, though the country eastward would,
as I have observed, favour the escape of the water in that direction,
it clings for some time to the Lukkee mountains.
~Its military importance.~
This section of the river is of great importance: about two miles below
Sehwun these mountains run in upon the Indus, leaving two practicable
passes over them. The one leads across a depressed part of the range,
called Buggotora, westward of the village of Lukkee (which signifies
a pass), and might be obstinately defended: it is not a gun-road. The
other passes between the river and the mountains, and is a cart-road,
running in a valley among the lower rocks, at the base of the Lukkee
mountains. The ground is very strong for about two miles.
~Crossing the Indus.~
I have before mentioned that the river near Sehwun is confined to a
narrow bed. The right bank is very remarkable, consisting of a natural
buttress of solid rock, about fifty feet high, which extends for 400
yards along the river, and, slanting upwards, is barely accessible to
a foot passenger. The Indus passes with such a sweep under the base of
this rampart, that, though but 500 yards wide, I question if a bridge
could be thrown across it. There is a more favourable place immediately
north of this precipice, where the breadth is but 100 yards greater,
and the water more still. Thirty or forty flat-bottomed boats would
always be found at Sehwun: they lie on the left bank, which is flat and
sandy. There are good roads from Sehwun to Hydrabad on both sides of
the Indus; and there is a footpath along the base of the mountains to
Curachee.
~Navigation of the Indus.~
The river can only be navigated by dragging the boat against the
stream, for there is very little wind in the upper parts of Sinde: the
progress by this method is sure, and averages from fifteen to twenty
miles a day. It would be impossible, without steam, to conduct any
military expedition against the stream of the Indus, for the labour of
dragging the boats would be great, from constant accidents, by ropes
breaking, and the vessels being hurried into the stream. The case would
be very different in an army descending the Indus. Trading vessels,
however, would not be liable to any such impediments. We only counted
180 boats in our progress from Hydrabad to Sehwun.
~Towns, country.~
Of the country and towns which intervene between Sehwun and the
capital, a few words will suffice. There are none of any size but
Sehwun itself: Muttaree, sixteen miles from Hydrabad, contains 4000
people; and Hala, Beyan, Majindu, and Sen about 2000 each. The other
places are few, and thinly peopled: three or four of them have
frequently one name. The country is much neglected, the banks of the
river are, in most places, covered with tamarisk, towards the hills
it is open. Cotton, indigo, wheat, barley, sugar, tobacco, &c. are
produced by irrigation in the dry season; but the limited extent of the
cultivation may be discovered, by their being but 194 wells, or cuts,
from the river on one side of the Indus, between Hydrabad and Sehwun, a
distance of 100 miles, where the greater part of the soil is rich and
cultivable. In a few places the land is salt and sterile. Rice is only
produced during the swell, and yet provisions are dearer here than in
the neighbouring and less favoured country of Marwar. The people live
chiefly on fish and milk.
~Sehwun.~
The town of Sehwun bears alone the marks of opulence in this portion of
Sinde; and it is indebted for its prosperity to the shrine of a holy
saint from Khorasan, by name Lal Shah baz, whose tomb is a place of
pilgrimage from afar to Hindoo and Mussulman. A branch of the Indus,
called Arrul, runs immediately past the town, in its course from
Larkhana; but this will be described in the next chapter. Four years
since, the Indus passed close under Sehwun; but it has retired, and
left a swamp on all sides of the town. About Sehwun the country is
rich and productive, and the bazar is well supplied. Looking north,
the eye rests on a verdant plain, highly cultivated, which extends to
the base of the mountains: mulberries, apples, melons, and cucumbers
grow here; the grain crops are luxuriant, and, for the first time, we
saw gram. The melons are tasteless, I presume from the richness of the
soil: cucumbers grow in Sinde only at Sehwun. The climate is sultry,
oppressive, and disagreeable.
~Lukkee mountains. Runna.~
The Lukkee mountains run in upon the Indus at Sehwun, extending from
near the seaport of Curachee, and gradually encroaching upon the
river, till they meet in a bold buttress. The elevation of this range
does not, I think, exceed 2000 feet; their formation is limestone;
the summits are flat and rounded, never conical: they are bare of
vegetation, and much furrowed by watercourses, all of which present a
concave turn towards the Indus. There is a hot spring near Sehwun,
at the village of Lukkee, situated at the base of these mountains,
adjoining one of a cold description: the hot spring is a place of
Hindoo pilgrimage, and considered salutary in cutaneous disorders.
There is a spring of the same kind in the neighbourhood of Curachee, at
the other extremity of the same range, so that similar springs would
probably be found in the intervening parts. On this range, and about
sixteen miles westward of Majindu, on the Indus, stands the fortified
hill of Runna, a place of strength in by-gone years, but, till lately,
neglected. The Ameer of Sinde has repaired it at considerable expense;
but, from what I could learn, Runna owes its chief strength to the
absence of water from the bleak mountains which surround it, and the
copious supply within its walls.
CHAP. VIII.
THE INDUS, FROM SEHWUN TO BUKKUR.
~Bukkur, its position.~
The insulated fortress of Bukkur is situated on a rock in the Indus,
between the towns of Roree and Sukkur. It is a degree and twenty
minutes north of Sehwun, being in latitude 27° 4´; and in longitude it
is 56 miles eastward of that town. The distance by the river amounts to
160 miles, and we voyaged it in nine days.
~Indus.~
Between these points the Indus flows in a zigzag course, nearly
south-west, till it is impeded by the Lukkee mountains, below Sehwun.
The intervening country is richly watered by its meanderings, and,
from the lowness of the banks, the tract is disputed by the river and
its ramifications, and formed into numerous islets of the richest
pasture. On the least approach of the swell, both banks are inundated
and irrigated: the superfluous water often forces for itself a passage
into the desert by Omercote, and joins the eastern mouth of the Indus
or Koree, which passes Cutch. The channel of this watercourse commences
above Bukkur, and passes four miles eastward of that place, the
ancient city of Alore.
~Fertility of the country.~
About twenty-five miles below Bukkur, the Indus sends to the westward
a branch called Nara, that washes the base of the Hala, or mountains
of Beloochistan, and, after pursuing a parallel course of many miles,
rejoins the river at Sehwun. Its waters are courted, and distributed
by canals, which add to the blessings bestowed by nature on this flat
and fertile land. The eastern bank, though less favoured than the
opposite one, is highly cultivated, and most of the towns and villages
stand on the verge of canals, which bounteously distribute the waters
of the periodical swell, and attest the industry and assiduity of the
inhabitants.
~Current, depth, &c.~
The river but rarely flows here in one undivided stream; with a width
of three quarters of a mile, in some places, it preserves a depth of
fifteen feet in its shallowest bed. There is nothing approaching to a
ford in any part of its course: two hundred boats would be found at
the various villages in this part of the river. The declivity on which
the Indus runs to the ocean must be gentle, for above the delta it
glides sluggishly along at less than two miles and a half in the hour.
From Sehwun upwards, the Indus is called “Sira,” which means north,
in contradistinction to the southern portion, which is called “Lar.”
Mehran is a foreign term, with which the natives of the country are not
acquainted.
~Eastern bank of the Indus.~
The immediate vicinity of the Indus is alike destitute of beauty and
inhabitants. It is overgrown with tamarisk shrubs, and the villages
are purposely raised at the distance of two or three miles, to avoid
the calamities of inundation; yet there were an hundred wheels at
work on the verge of the river. The eastern bank, from Sehwun to
Bukkur, is by far the best peopled portion of Sinde; but the inhabited
places which do occur are rather numerous and thriving than large and
wealthy: many of them have 500 houses. This territory is subject to
the chief of Khyrpoor, and is enriched by a canal forty feet broad,
called “Meerwah,” which conducts, by a southerly course, the waters
of the Indus from the neighbourhood of Bukkur to a distance of ninety
miles, where they are lost in sands, or deposited in the fields. There
are numerous other canals beside the one which I have now described;
and, while their banks are fringed with villages and agriculture, they
likewise afford the means of transporting, by boats, the produce of the
soil. In the fair season, when dry, they become the beaten footpaths
of the people, and are excellent cart-roads, preferred at all times to
the common pathway, which, from the exuberance of vegetation in this
country, is generally impeded by bushes.
~Western bank of the Indus.~
The western bank of the Indus, which is intersected by the Nara, is
called Chandkoh, from a Belooche tribe of that name, and yields the
greater portion of the land revenue of the Hydrabad Ameers. This
branch, which leaves the Indus below Bukkur, in the latitude of
Larkhana, in its passage to the main stream, forms a small lake, called
Munchur, which abounds in fish. Further down, it changes the name of
Nara into that of Arrul, before falling into the Indus; it is a narrow
river, about 100 yards broad, and only navigable during the inundation.
Numerous cuts, the chief of which is the Larkhana canal, extend the
cultivation beyond its banks; and, in addition to the swell of the
Indus, this district is watered by rills from the lofty mountains to
the westward. The lake of Munchur is environed by fields of wheat in
the dry season: its waters then partially subside, and leave a rich
mould on which good crops are reared.
~Fort of Bukkur.~
The fortress of Bukkur is constructed of brick, on a low rocky island
of flint, at a distance of 400 yards from the left bank of the Indus,
and about fifty less from the eastern side of the river. Its walls are
loop-holed, and flanked with towers, that slope to the water’s edge:
they do not exceed twenty feet in height. There is a gateway on each
side of the fortification facing Roree and Sukkur, and likewise two
wickets. The interior of the works is crowded with houses and mosques,
many of which, as well as parts of the rock itself, appear above
the wall. In shape it approaches to an oval, and is about 800 yards
long, and 300 in diameter. At some places the rock has been pared and
scraped; but Bukkur has no strength in its works, and is formidable
only from its position. The garrison consists of 100 men of the
Khyrpoor Ameer: there are fifteen pieces of artillery, few of which are
serviceable. The walls enclose the entire island, with the exception
of a small date grove on the northern side, where a landing might be
effected without difficulty, from the right bank, and the place would
fall by escalade; or it might be previously breached from the bank
of the river. There is a depth of four fathoms on both sides of the
island; but the eastern channel becomes shallow in the dry season, and
is said to have been once forded. The navigation of the Indus at Bukkur
is dangerous, from eddies formed under the fortress itself; and several
other rocky islets below it; but the watermen are considered the most
experienced in Sinde, and, as a boat never attempts to pass up or down
without a pilot, there are but few accidents.
~Roree and Sukkur.~
The town of Roree, which faces Bukkur, stands close on the bank of
the Indus, on a flinty precipice forty feet in height, over which the
houses tower. A road cut in the rock, down to the edge of the river,
at a place where it does not approach the precipice, is the point
of embarkation for those passing to Bukkur; but a landing would be
difficult and dangerous when the river is high. The town of Roree has
about 8000 inhabitants, chiefly Hindoos. To the eastward of it, several
detached hillocks of flint present a most bleak and barren appearance,
but add to the strength of the country; beyond their limits a grove
of date trees extends for three or four miles to the southward of the
town, shading numerous orchards and gardens. Sukkur, which stands
opposite Roree, is about half the size of that town: both have been
considerable places in former years, and the ruins of minarets and
mosques remain. The bank of the river at Sukkur is not precipitous, and
the town runs in from it, instead of extending, like Roree, along its
banks. These two towns doubtless owe their position to Bukkur, which,
as a protection in troubled times, added to the courage and hopes of
the inhabitants.
~Khyrpoor and Larkhana.~
The only modern towns of note which require remark, are Khyrpoor and
Larkhana, on the left and right banks of the river, nearly under the
same parallel of latitude, both distant from it about fourteen miles,
and watered by canals from the Indus. Khyrpoor is a modern town, built
by the Talpoor chief, Sohrab, who seized on the northern part of Sinde,
after the subversion of the Caloras. It contains a population of about
15,000 souls, but is merely a collection of mud hovels heaped together
in narrow lanes. It is destitute of fort or defence, unless a mud wall
about a foot thick, which surrounds the house of the Ameer and his
family, can be considered in that light. The country near it is flat
and bushy, and a low dyke has been drawn round the town, to keep the
inundations of the river at a distance. Larkhanu, which stands on the
western bank, is the capital of the Pergunna of Chandkoh: it has about
10,000 people, and is the head quarters and rallying point of the
Sinde Ameers on their N. W. frontier. It has a small mud fort; and an
inefficient train of artillery, about twenty in number, frightens the
refractory in the neighbouring mountains, and maintains the peace of
Sinde. It is governed by a Nuwab, the individual next in rank to the
rulers of the land.
~Productions.~
The productions of Sinde are very similar in different parts of the
country, and the same kinds of grain are produced here as at Sehwun.
There is a shrub very like the wall-flower called “syar,” that
grows in this tract, and the juice of which is considered a valuable
medicine for the diseases of children. The wheat-fields are invariably
surrounded by a low dyke, like rice ground: tobacco grows very
luxuriantly near Roree. The greatest want in Sinde is grass, which is
choked by the tamarisk; to which the people set fire, and derive, by
such means, an abundant crop. There are but few trees in Sinde; the
babool[23], even, does not attain any considerable size; the neem[24]
and sirs, so abundant in India, are rarely seen, and the banian[25]
tree is a stranger. The shrubs of the thurr, the kejra, khair, bair,
akra (swallow-wort), and tamarisk, grow every where. I have already
alluded to the date grove of Roree.
FOOTNOTES:
[23] Mimosa Arabica.
[24] Melia Azadarachta.
[25] Ficus religiosa.
CHAP. IX.
THE INDUS FROM BUKKUR, TILL JOINED BY THE PUNJAB RIVERS.
~The Indus.~
The waters of the Punjab, united in one stream, fall into the Indus at
Mittun, in the latitude of 28° 55´ north. From this point to Bukkur,
the river pursues a south-westerly course, is direct in its channel,
but frequently divided by sand banks. Various narrow, crooked branches
also diverge from the parent stream, retaining a depth from eight to
fifteen feet of water, which are navigated by boats ascending the
Indus, in preference to the great river itself. They extend throughout
the whole intervening space which I have now under review.
~Its breadth and depth.~
The Indus is widely spread in many parts of its course above Bukkur. It
often exceeds a thousand yards in breadth, and at Mittun was found to
be even double that width. The depth was not proportionally diminished:
in some places it exceeded sixteen fathoms, and four fathoms were to be
found every where; which, it is to be recollected, was at a season when
the waters are lowest. There was no greater acceleration of current
than in the lower parts of the river, and the serpentine course of the
narrows just mentioned proves the great flatness of this country.
~Boats of the Indus.~
From Bukkur the Indus is navigated by a different description of
boat from the Doondee, called “zohruk,” and admirably adapted to the
transport of troops, both horse and foot, from being as roomy before as
astern: they are not numerous, but we met ninety-five of them in our
voyage to Mittun. We made the passage in these boats from Bukkur to
Mittun in nine days, a distance of 170 miles by the river.
~Country on its banks.~
The country which this portion of the Indus traverses is of the richest
nature, particularly on the eastern bank, where it is flooded from
innumerable channels, which are generally cut in those parts of the
river running east and west, that the water may be thrown south into
the interior. On the right bank, about twenty-six miles above Bukkur, a
navigable canal called the “Sinde,” the work of the emperors, conducts
a great body of water to Shikarpoor and Noushera, and joins that of
Larkhanu. On that side of the river the cultivation is limited, as the
districts of Boordgah, Ken, and Moozarka, which succeed each other,
are peopled by wandering and unsettled Belooche tribes, who lead a
pastoral and plundering life. The territory on both sides chiefly
belongs to Sinde, for the boundary line stretches, on the right bank,
to within fifteen miles of Mittun, and adjoining the dominions of the
Seik; but it overlaps that on the left, which terminates lower down in
the latitude of 28° 33´, twenty-five miles above Subzul. This stripe
of land on the left bank forms a portion of the territories of the
Daoodpootra chief, Bhawul Khan; and the district immediately below that
chief’s territory in Sinde is named Oobaro, and inhabited by the Duhrs
and Muhrs, who are the aborigines of the country, and known by the name
of Sindees.
~Shikarpoor, Subzul, and other places.~
The town of Shikarpoor, which stands thirty-two miles from Bukkur,
is by far the largest in this tract, indeed in Sinde, for in size
it exceeds the capital, Hydrabad. The country around it is very
productive, but in the change of masters, from the Afghans to the
Sindians, its revenue has deteriorated to half a lac of rupees
annually: the government is oppressive. It still carries on an
extensive inland trade, for the greater portion of its merchants and
people are Hindoos, and have agents in the surrounding countries.
Shikarpoor is surrounded by a mud wall, and the governor of the place
holds an important post, and with it the title of Nuwab. This town and
district fell into the hands of the Sindians about eight years ago, and
is the only unsettled portion of their country, the Afghan family to
whom it belonged making frequent attempts to recover it. The frontier
town of Subzul on the left bank of the Indus, and twelve miles inland,
is about one fifth the size of Shikarpoor: it contains a population of
5000 souls, and like it is surrounded by a mud wall. There are no other
places of note but these which I have mentioned. Mittun, or, as it is
sometimes called, Mittun Kote, has not a population of 1500 people, and
its fort has been demolished.
~Swell of the Indus.~
It will be observed in this part of its course, as well as elsewhere,
that there are no towns or places of size in the immediate vicinity of
the Indus; which is owing to the annual swell of the river rendering it
impossible to cultivate or raise a crop within its reach. This leads to
the waters being conducted inland by canals, the banks of which being
frequently overflowed render the country untenable. The neighbourhood
of Subzul Kote has been deserted on this account, and the great
quantity of water forces for itself a channel from this direction upon
the watercourse at Alore. The Indus is very variable in its rise in
different years, and for these two by-gone seasons has not attained its
usual height.
~Cattle, animals, &c.~
The number of horned cattle to be seen in this part of the Indus is
exceedingly numerous. Buffaloes are so plentiful as to be only a
fourth the value of those lower down the river, and the very best may
be purchased for ten rupees each. Deer, hog, and partridge abound, and
the water-fowl above Bukkur are numerous, even in this season (May).
~Tribes bordering on the Indus.~
I have mentioned the districts lying westward of the Indus, and the
predatory habits of the inhabitants. The Boordees occupy all the
plains north of Shikarpoor, to the borders of the Brahooee country,
or Cutch Gundava. They are emigrants from Kej and Mekran, and of the
Belooche family of Rind. They are a fair and handsome race of men, more
like Afghans than Beloochees: they do not wear the costume of Sinde,
but roll a cloth in folds loosely round their brows, and allow their
hair in long tresses to hang suspended, which gives them a savage
appearance. They took the name of Boordee, from a noted individual in
the tribe, according to the Belooche custom, for the various tribes
are nothing more than descendants of some person of note. The chief
place of the Boordees is Duree, but they have no large towns. The whole
“Oolooss,” or tribe, is rated at 10,000 fighting men, and till their
chiefs were taken into the service of the Ameers, they were constantly
marauding: petty robberies are yet committed. Their language is a
corrupted Persian: of the other tribes, the Juttooees, Moozarees,
Boogtees, and Kulphurs, with many more, they differ from the Boordees
only in name. The Juttooees are to be found in Boordgah: the Moozarees,
whose chief town is Rozan, extend as far as Dera Ghazee Khan, but their
power is now broken, though they plundered in former times the armies
of Cabool. The Kulphurs and Boogtees occupy the hills called Gendaree,
which commence below the latitude of Mittun, and run parallel with the
Indus.
CHAP. X.
THE INDUS FROM MITTUN TO ATTOK.
~The Indus above Mittun.~
While on our progress to Mooltan, by the Chenab or Acesines, I made
various enquiries, and sent different people to acquire precise
information, regarding the Indus above Mittun. The Cabool mission in
1809 came upon that river, at Oodoo da Kote, about 100 miles north of
the point in question; and I was desirous of connecting my own surveys
with that place, and thus complete our knowledge of the Indus from the
sea to Attok.
~Description of it.~
The river runs, in this part of its course, nearly due south, and is
free from danger and difficulty in navigation. It is here generally
known by the name of Sinde or Attok, and traverses a country much the
same as I have described near Mittun, being often widely spread from
the lowness of its banks. Its breadth is considerably diminished; for
at Kaheree, when Mr. Elphinstone crossed it in January, the soundings
did not exceed twelve feet, with a breadth of 1000 yards, while the
Indus, after it has received the Punjab rivers, rolls past Mittun with
a width exactly twofold. On the left bank, too, the soundings were
found to be four fathoms deep.
~Province of Dera Ghazee Khan.~
On the right bank of the river the province of Dera Ghazee Khan
occupies the country as far as the mountains. It is a fertile
territory, and the capital which bears its name is one of the largest
towns on the Indus. It is surrounded by gardens and date groves,
and stands in a very rich country: it has been long numbered among
the conquests of the Seiks, who farmed it, till lately, to the Khan
of Bhawulpoor at an annual rent of six lacs of rupees; but as the
district originally produced but four, every species of extortion was
practised which led to its late resumption. The tract being remote from
Runjeet Sing’s dominions, he is anxious to hold it without requiring
the services of his troops; and the Maharajah has given Dajil and
some portion of the territory to the Brahooees, its former owners, on
condition of military service.
~Commerce, in line of route.~
The productions of Demaun, and the countries westward of the Indus, are
sometimes brought by Dera Ghazee Khan, and crossed to Ooch; but the
more frequented route lies higher up, and passing the ferry at Kaheree
leads to Mooltan. The river is not used in the transport of any portion
of the trade, for the hire of boats is exorbitant, and it is sent on
camels or bullocks. Madder (called munjoot) is an article of export
from this part of the Indus, and used to dye the fabrics of Bhawulpoor.
~Expeditions, why they avoided the Indus.~
It is a remarkable fact that the various expeditions that have been
conducted from the upper provinces of the Indus, to the countries
lower down, have taken the rivers of the Punjab, as far as they went,
in preference to the Indus itself; but we are certainly not to infer
therefrom that the greater river is shut against navigation. The
conquests of Alexander led him beyond the neighbourhood of the Indus,
and in the case of the emperors their capital was long fixed at Lahore,
and several of their fleets against lower Sinde were fitted out at
Mooltan, always a city of great importance in the empire, and on a
river as accessible to the boats of the country as the Indus itself.
~Bridge of boats at Attok.~
The Indus has been crossed at Attok, and an account of it, and that
fortress, will be found in Mr. Elphinstone’s work; but the means which
the ruler of Lahore has used of late years to transport his army to
the right bank of the river, and which I heard from his officers,
and afterwards had confirmed on the spot, deserve mention. Runjeet
Sing retains a fleet of thirty-seven boats, for the construction of a
bridge at Attok, where the river is only 260 yards wide. The boats
are anchored in the stream, a short distance from one another, and the
communication is completed by planks, and covered with mud: immediately
below the fortress of Attok, twenty-four boats are only required, but
at other places in the neighbourhood, so many as thirty-seven are used.
Such a bridge can only be thrown across the Indus from November to
April, on account of the velocity of the stream being comparatively
diminished at that season, and even then the manner of fixing the boats
seems incredible. Skeleton frame-works of wood, filled with stones, to
the weight of 250 maunds (25,000 lbs.), and bound strongly by ropes,
are let down from each boat, to the number of four or six, though the
depth exceeds thirty fathoms, and these are constantly strengthened
by others to prevent accident. Such a bridge has been completed in
three days, but six is a more usual period. We are struck with the
singular coincidence between this manner of throwing up a bridge, and
that described by Arrian[26], when Alexander crossed the Indus. He
mentions his belief regarding Alexander’s bridge at Attok, and except
that the skeleton frame-works are described as “huge wicker-baskets,”
the modern and ancient manner of crossing the river appears to have
been the same. The Afghans farmed the construction of a bridge at Attok
for the sum of 14,000 rupees; but the Seik has put a stop to the ruin
of habitations and houses which it invariably caused, and keeps up
an efficient supply of materials. An army which does not exceed 5000
men is crossed at Attok by the ferry boats with less labour than by a
bridge.
FOOTNOTE:
[26] Vide lib. v. c. 7.
CHAP. XI.
THE CHENAB OR ACESINES JOINED BY THE SUTLEGE OR HESUDRUS.
~Chenab or Acesines.~
The Acesines of the Greeks, or the modern Chenab, is lost in the Indus
at Mittun, having previously gathered the waters of the Punjab rivers.
The junction is formed without noise or violence, for the banks are
depressed on both sides, and the river is expanded: an eddy is cast
to the eastern side, which sinks the water below the usual level, but
it does not occasion danger. The Euphrates and Tigris, when joined,
pass to the ocean under the name of the “river of the Arabs,” and the
appellation of Punjnud, or “the five rivers,” has been bestowed on
this portion of the Chenab; but it is a designation unknown to the
people living on its banks, and adopted, I conclude, for geographical
convenience.
~Joined by the Sutlege.~
Under the parallel of 29° 20´ north latitude, and five miles above
Ooch, the Chenab receives the Garra, or joint stream of the Beas and
Sutlege (Hyphasis and Hesudrus of antiquity). This junction is also
formed without violence, and the low banks of both rivers lead to
constant alteration in the point of the union, which, but a year ago,
was two miles higher up. This circumstance renders it difficult to
decide on the relative size of these rivers at their junction; both are
about 500 yards wide, but the Chenab is more rapid. Immediately below
the confluence, the united stream exceeds 800 yards; but in its course
to the Indus, though it expands sometimes to a greater size, the Chenab
rarely widens to 600 yards. In this part of its course it is likewise
subject to change. The depth is greatest near its confluence with the
Indus, exceeding twenty feet, but it decreases in ascending the river
to about fifteen. The current is swifter than the Indus, running at
the rate of three and a half miles an hour. The Chenab has some sand
banks, but they do not interrupt its navigation by the “zohruks,” or
flat-bottomed boats, forty of which will be found between Ooch and
Mittun, a distance of forty miles, and a five days’ voyage.
~Banks of the Chenab.~
The banks of the Chenab seldom rise three feet above the water’s edge,
and they are more open and free from thick tamarisk than the Indus.
Near the river there are green reeds, not unlike sugar-cane, and a
shrub called “wahun,” with leaves like the beech-tree, but the country
is highly cultivated, and intersected by various canals. The soil is
slimy, and most productive: the crops are rich, and the cattle large
and abundant; the villages are exceedingly numerous, and shaded by
lofty trees. Some of these are the temporary habitations of pastoral
tribes, who remove from one place to another, but there are many of a
permanent description on both banks. Their safety is nowise affected by
the inundations of the river or those of the Indus, for the expansion
of these has been exaggerated, and it rarely extends two miles from the
banks of either river.
~Ooch, its productions, &c.~
The only place of note on the Chenab, below its junction by the Garra,
is Ooch. It stands four miles westward of the river, and no doubt owes
its site to the junction of two navigable streams in the vicinity.
The country around it is highly cultivated: the tobacco plant in
particular grows most luxuriantly; and after the season of inundation,
the tract is one sheet of green fields and verdure. The productions
of the gardens are various; the fig, vine, apple, and mulberry, with
the “falsa,” which produces an acid berry, may be seen, also the
“bedee mishk” (odoriferous willow). Roses, balsams, and the lily of
the valley, excite a pleasing remembrance, and there are many plants
foreign to India. A sensitive shrub, called “shurmoo,” or “the modest,”
particularly struck me: its leaves, when touched, close and fall down
upon the stalk, as if broken. The mango does not attain perfection in
this soil or climate, and seems to deteriorate as we advance north.
Indigo is reared successfully. Wheat and other grains are cultivated in
preference to rice, which does not form here, as in Sinde and the lower
provinces of the Indus, the food of the people, though it may be had in
great quantities.
CHAP. XII.
ON BHAWUL KHAN’S COUNTRY.
~Its extent.~
The small territory eastward of the Indus, which lies between the
confines of the chief of Lahore and the Ameers of Sinde, belongs to
Bhawul Khan Daoodpootra. His frontier to the north may be loosely
said to be bounded by the Sutlege, or Garra, but at Bhawulpoor it
crosses that river, and, running westward to a place called Julalpoor,
comprises a portion of the country between the Sutlege and Acesines,
the Acesines and the Indus. The Rajpoot principality of Beecaneer
bounds it to the east. It has Jaysulmeer to the south, and, on that
part where it approaches Sinde, a tract of four miles in either country
is left without tillage, to prevent dispute on the marches.
~Its nature.~
The greater part of this country is a barren waste of sand-hills. In
the vicinity of the rivers, the tract is rich and fertile, watered,
like the other banks of the Indus, by the annual swell. The towns are
few in number, and scantily distributed, but there are numerous hamlets
on the Acesines. Bhawulpoor, which stands on the left bank of the
Sutlege, has a population of about twenty thousand people, and is the
mercantile capital; the walled town of Ahmedpoor, further south, and
about half the size, is the residence of the chief, as it lies closer
to Durawul, an ancient fort in the desert (without a town), and the
only place of strength in the country. Durawul is mentioned in the
histories of Sinde as a fortress worthy of Alexander: it was taken by
Mirza Shah Hoosein, in the year of the Hejira 931; but an account of
the siege proves its position to have been more formidable than its
strength: it is built of brick.
~Power and importance.~
The influence of the chief of Bhawulpoor is as limited as his
territory, his power having been crushed by the Seiks, and only saved
from entire overthrow by a treaty, which prevents Runjeet Sing from
crossing the Sutlege. The revenues do not exceed ten lacs annually
(excluding Dera Ghazee Khan; which, properly, belongs to the Seik),
three of which are demanded in tribute by the Lahore chief, for his
lands north of the Sutlege; yet Bhawul Khan maintains some state, and
has about two thousand regular troops (such as they are), with a train
of artillery, to second the efforts of his feudatories in the field;
and his forces collected would exceed twenty thousand men. The present
chief inherited a large patrimony in treasure.
~Daoodpootras, their descent.~
The Daoodpootras are a tribe of Mahommedans from the district of
Shikarpoor, on the right bank of the Indus, which they held in the
earlier part of Aurungzebe’s reign. They crossed the river, and
achieved, by daring acts of bravery, the conquest of the lands now held
by them, from the Duhrs, Muhrs, and other Sindee tribes, and have been
settled in Bhawulpoor for five generations. As the name Daoodpootra
implies, they are descendants of one Daood or David; but the chiefs
claim a lineage from the holy line of Abbas, the uncle of Mahommed. The
chiefs of the tribe are named Peerjanee, and the common people Kihranee.
The community are not allowed to assert their right to the same holy
descent as their masters, which casts some doubt on the lustre of their
parentage. The whole tribe does not exceed fifty thousand souls. They
are a fair and handsome race of people, but disfigured by long bushy
tresses of hair, which they allow to hang over their shoulders.
~The reigning family.~
Bhawulpoor was tributary to Cabool as long as that kingdom lasted; and
the chief had the title of Nawab, but was nearly independent. The three
last rulers have taken the name of Bhawul Khan, from a saint of great
repute in Mooltan; and the designation of Nawab has been changed to
that of Khan, by which title he is familiarly known to his subjects.
The present Bhawul Khan is about thirty years old, and much beloved by
his people: he has a turn for mechanics, and gives great encouragement
to trade and agriculture. He succeeded, about five years ago, to the
prejudice of his elder brother, who now holds an office under him; his
power is firmly fixed, and he has a family of three sons. The form of
government is despotic, and there is no chief of any great importance
in the country but the Khan himself; and the style and formality of his
court keep even these humble, and at a respectful distance.
~Trade of Bhawulpoor.~
The manufactures of Bhawulpoor consist of loongees, which are
celebrated for the fineness of their texture. The weavers are Hindoos,
a numerous class in this country, and who enjoy more toleration in
their trade than their religion. The merchants of Bhawulpoor deal
extensively in goods of European manufacture, which they receive from
Pallee, in Marwar, by way of Beecaneer and the desert, and send into
the Dooranee country by the route of Mooltan and Leia, crossing the
Indus at Kaheree. The Hindoos of Bhawulpoor, and, indeed, of all this
country, are a most enterprising race of men: they often travel to
Balkh and Bokhara, and sometimes to Astracan, for purposes of commerce:
they take the route of Peshawur, Cabool, and Bamean, and, crossing the
Oxus, exchange at Bokhara the productions of India, for that quarter
of Asia and Russia, which are annually brought by the merchants of
that country. They spoke highly of the Uzbek King, and praised Dost
Mahommed, of Cabool, for the protection he afforded to trade. The
Sutlege, or, rather, the joint stream of it and the Beas, called Garra,
on which Bhawulpoor stands, is a navigable river, though not used in
the transport of its merchandise. It does not lie, however, on any
available line of route, except that of Sinde; from which country, as
I have before repeated, there is no trade with the upper provinces of
the Indus. Of the name of this river, the Beas, I may add, that it is
a contraction of Bypasa, in which we have nearly all the letters of
Hyphasis, the designation of it found in the ancient authors.
CHAP. XIII.
THE PUNJAB.
~Extent of Runjeet Sing’s territory.~
The territories of Maha Rajah Runjeet Sing stretch from the Sutlege
to the Indus, from Cashmere to Mooltan, and comprise the whole of the
countries watered by the Punjab, or five tributary rivers, eastward
of the Indus. The power of the Maha Rajah over this tract of country
is consolidated: he commands the fastnesses of the mountains, and
its alluvial plains. So entirely has the Seik nation altered its
constitution, under this chief, that, within a period of twenty years,
it has passed from a pure republic to an absolute monarchy. The genius
of one man has effected this change, though contending with powerful
opposition, from a religion, that inculcates, above every other,
democracy and the equality of all.
~Changes in the Seik government.~
This change of habits has been general, and the fortunate prince who
achieved it, is not more pre-eminent among his nobles, than they are
among their followers; from whom they receive a respect bordering
on veneration. We have now no convocations at Umritsir, the sacred
city of the Seiks, where the affairs of the state were discussed and
settled, and none of the liberty which the followers of Gooroo Govind
proudly claimed as the feature of distinction in their tribe. It is
evident that the change will affect the energies of the Seik nation,
for they sprang from a religion which was free from the worn-out dogmas
of Hindooism, and the deteriorated Mahommedanism of their neighbours,
the Euzoofzyees: their bravery was coeval with that religion, and based
upon it; their political greatness sprang from their change of faith,
and though that has been changed, the Seiks are yet left with peculiar
tenets, and continue to all intents and purposes a distinct people.
~Policy of Runjeet Sing, and state of his army.~
The power which Runjeet Sing acquired has been preserved by his policy:
he has a disciplined army of infantry, with a due proportion of cavalry
and artillery. The system is unpopular in the country, and the Seik
Sirdars view with distrust the innovation, and the innovators. The
French officers, when deprived of their patron, would find it necessary
to stand aloof, from motives of personal safety; and, if they left
the country, the wreck of their labours would soon perish in the
general tumult. At present their battalions manœuvre with regularity
and precision: they are well accoutred and dressed, but destitute of
the most essential quality of a soldier,--discipline. Their payment
is irregular: they undergo cheerfully the mechanical duties of the
soldier, and have shown their gallantry on service; but there is no tie
between the army and the government, and the greater and more glorious
victories of the Maha Rajah were achieved before he had regular troops.
~Seik Sirdars, or chiefs.~
The Sirdars of the Seik nation lose their power in their own feuds.
Runjeet has not failed to foment these, and turn them to advantage;
and, as a mediator of differences, he has always despoiled both parties
to aggrandise himself: he considers it justifiable to profit by the
vices and bad qualities of human nature, and cares not how much he
promises, and how little he fulfils. The Maha Rajah, however, has
portioned out, with a liberal hand, the lands and conquests among his
Sirdars, and conciliated them by this means; few of them place any
reliance on his character: they are aware of his power, and dread to
give him offence.
~Revenues of the Punjab.~
The revenues of the Punjab and its dependencies amount to about two
and a half crores of rupees annually: the principal item in this sum
is derived from Cashmere, which furnishes thirty-six lacs of rupees.
I may add, that all the jagheers and revenues of religious persons
are included in the net sum I have named. The revenue is collected by
arbitrary exactions, at the will of the collector, as in other native
governments. They are presumed, at the outset, to be dishonest, and,
aware of the fact, rifle the peasant, and are prepared to be rifled in
return. The exactions, as regulated by Runjeet himself, are mild, and
his late acquisitions about Mooltan are in a most prosperous condition.
Cashmere, on the other hand, is described as the very essence of bad
government: the people are oppressed, and the Maha Rajah is afraid to
trust other but menial servants with that valuable ornament of his
crown.
~Revenues might be increased.~
The revenues of the Punjab might be increased by annexing to it the
provinces _immediately_ westward of the Indus, some of which have been
subdued by Runjeet Sing; but he has shown, in this instance, his usual
foresight and discrimination. Across the Indus, he would encounter a
most fanatical people, the Euzoofzyees, who would occupy the time of
his army; he contents himself, therefore, with an annual tribute of
some horses and rice from Peshawur. Lower down the Indus, he farms the
province of Dera Ghazee Khan to the Khan of Bhawulpoor.
~Military resources.~
The military resources of the Punjab are great: it yields more grain
than is sufficient for the consumption of its inhabitants; but the
scarcity of population prevents the full measure of its production.
Camels, mules, horses, and cattle abound, and all of them, except the
cattle, which are small, are of a superior description. The roads, from
one extremity of the country to the other, admit of wheeled carriages,
except among the mountains: the Indus, and all the other rivers are
navigable, though not navigated. They have ferry-boats in abundance,
and there are also materials for their further construction; these
rivers are frequently passed on skins, but these are more in use among
the mountains than the plains.
The paucity of Seiks, in a country ruled and governed by them, is
remarkable. The mother earth of the tribe is the “doab,” between the
Ravee and Sutlege; but there are few of them to be found thirty miles
below Lahore. There are no Seiks westward of the Hydaspes; and to
the eastward of Lahore, where they are said to predominate, they do
not certainly compose a third of the population. The Punjab, indeed,
is a poorly peopled country, in proportion to its fertility, though
it is probable that it has increased in population under the present
ruler.[27]
FOOTNOTE:
[27] A more full account of the Punjab has been given in Vol. II.,
which was drawn up after my last visit to that country.
CHAP. XIV.
THE CHENAB, OR ACESINES, JOINED BY THE RAVEE, OR HYDRAOTES.
~The Chenab described.~
The Acesines is the largest of the Punjab rivers, but its size has
been exaggerated. Ptolemy informs us that it is fifteen furlongs wide
in the upper part of its course; and Arrian states that it surpasses
the Nile when it has received the waters of the Punjab falling into
the Indus by a mouth of thirty stadia. Alexander warred in the rainy
reason, when these rivers are much swollen, and when the inundation
had set in for two months. We have already exposed the latter part of
this amplification, in confining the Chenab to a breadth of 600 yards,
and a depth of twenty feet. There is no perceptible diminution in the
size of this stream, from the Sutlege upwards, for that river increases
the depth without adding to the breadth; and the Chenab, south of the
Ravee, will be found, as I have before described it, only with the
shallow soundings of twelve feet. Its banks are so low, that it is
in some places spread as much as 1200 yards, and looks as large as
the Indus. At Mooltan ferry it was 1000 yards across, and below its
junction with the Ravee, above three quarters of a mile; but these are
exceptions to the general feature of the stream.
~Its banks, &c.~
The Chenab receives the Ravee, or Hydraotes, below Fazilpoor, under
the parallel of 30° 40´ north latitude, nearly 180 miles from Ooch, by
the windings of the river, and upwards of 53 miles from Mooltan; in
the neighbourhood of which city it passes on its course to the Indus,
by a direction about south-west.[28] The redness of its water has
already been mentioned, and that of the Ravee has even a deeper tinge.
It runs quicker than the Indus, or any of the Punjab rivers, and its
banks on both sides are open and richly irrigated by larger canals of
running water, dug with great labour; on the right bank, from Mooltan
upwards, there is a desert of low sand-hills, which does not admit
of cultivation, and presses in upon the cultivated land at the short
distance of two miles from the river. It is a mistake to believe that
this desert commences so low as Ooch, and occupies the “doab” of the
Indus and Acesines; for that tract has many large villages, and is rich
and fertile across from one river bank to the other. The distance
between the two rivers is about twenty-five miles, nor does it become
desert till it widens beyond that space below Mooltan.
~Boats of the Acesines.~
~Wood, &c.~
At Mooltan the Acesines is navigated by the “zohruk;” but the vessel
differs in some degree from that used in the Daoodpootra country: the
waist is little more than a foot above water; they are much smaller,
and hoist a mat-sail on a small mast. As there is no trade, ferry-boats
are only to be had, if we except the few which bring down salt from
the Jelum or Hydaspes. We embarked in a fleet of ten boats, while such
an additional number are not to be procured on this part of the river.
These vessels are built of the dyar, or cedar wood from the mountains
in which the Punjab rivers have their source: the supply which the
inundation roots up and floats down, is sufficient for all purposes,
without any one carrying on a professed trade in it. While the boats
here are constructed of this wood, they are repaired with the “talee”
tree, which may be found near every village; and, though this country
is not well wooded, an army might soon procure a supply by cutting
trees from the villages near the river, and floating them down to any
place of rendezvous.
~Crossing the river.~
The natives of this country cross the rivers without boats, on skins
or bundles of reeds; and whole families may be seen passing in this
apparently insecure mode. I have observed a man, with his wife and
three children, in the middle of the stream, the father on a skin
dragging his wife and children, who were seated on reeds, and one of
them an infant at the breast: goods, clothes and chattels form a bundle
for the head; and though alligators do certainly exist, they are not
numerous, or such as to deter the people from repeating an experiment,
to say the least of it, not free from danger.
~District of Mooltan.~
The greater part of the country bordering on this part of the Acesines
is included in the district of Mooltan, which, besides the city of that
name, contains the modern town of Shoojurabad. The government, when
tributary to Cabool, has been described in the worst terms; but Runjeet
Sing has recruited its population, repaired the canals, and added to
their number, raising it to a state of opulence and prosperity to which
it had been long a stranger. The soil amply repays the labour, for such
is its strength, that a crop of wheat, before yielding its grain, is
twice mowed down as fodder for cattle, and then ears, and produces an
abundant harvest. The indigo and sugar crops are likewise rich, and
one small strip of land five miles long, which we passed, afforded a
revenue of 75,000 rupees. The total revenue amounts to about ten lacs
of rupees a year, or double the sum it produced in 1809. The tobacco
of Mooltan is celebrated; but, for an Indian province, the date-tree
is its most singular production. It yields a great abundance of fruit,
which is hardly inferior to that of Arabia; for the trees are not
weakened by extracting a liquor from them, as in Lower India. I imagine
that they owe their maturity to the great heat of Mooltan; for dates
seldom ripen in India. The mangoes of Mooltan are the best of Upper
India, and their good qualities seem also to arise from the same cause,
as the mango is usually but an indifferent fruit beyond the tropics.
FOOTNOTE:
[28] We performed the voyage from one junction to the other, in six
days, against the stream.
CHAP. XV.
THE RAVEE, OR HYDRAOTES, BELOW LAHORE.
~The Ravee.~
The Ravee is the smallest of the five Punjab rivers, but, in connection
with them and the Indus, forms a navigable channel from the sea to
Lahore. It joins the Chenab in the latitude of 30° 40´ north, near the
small village of Fazil Shah, by three different mouths, all of which
have eight feet of water. From Lahore downwards, the Ravee preserves
a breadth of about 150 yards, and, as its banks are high and firm,
there are but few places where it is more expanded. This river is so
winding, that sails cannot be hoisted, and a day’s voyage often gives
but a direct progress of three or four miles, when the turnings of the
river have been sixfold. Lahore is only 175 miles from the mouth of the
Ravee, but, by the river, the distance exceeds 380 British miles.
~Its navigation.~
The Ravee is fordable in many places during eight months in the year,
but its general depth is about twelve feet, and I am satisfied that a
vessel drawing four or five feet of water could navigate this river.
The boats of the country do not draw more than two or three, but they
are the common flat-bottomed craft already described. There is no
obstruction to these vessels in any season of the year, yet the Ravee
is not used by the merchants, and the boats are only built for purposes
of ferrying. Below Lahore there are fifty-two of them, we ascended
in these vessels, none others being procurable. The voyage occupied
twenty-one days, and was exceedingly tedious. I am disposed to think
that it is the extreme crookedness of the river which prevents its
being navigated.
~Peculiarities of the Ravee.~
The Ravee is a foul river, much studded with sand banks, many of which
are dangerous quicksands. The zigzag course it pursues, bespeaks the
flat nature of the country it traverses; its banks are more firm and
decided than those of the Indus, or any other of the Punjab rivers.
Near Lahore, they rise sometimes to a perpendicular height of forty
feet; in many places they attain half that elevation, and give to the
river much the appearance of a canal. The country bordering on the
Ravee is little liable to be flooded; and it is worthy of remark, that
there are no cuts from this river, for the purposes of agriculture,
below Lahore. Its current is something less than three miles an hour.
The water is of a reddish colour, like the Chenab; but it is liable to
change, as we remarked in our voyage, from the fall of rain in the
mountains. This river is sometimes called Iräoty, in which we recognise
the Hydraotes of the Greeks.
~Towns, and their inhabitants.~
The banks of the Ravee are open, and peopled from its mouth upwards;
but the villages, for half the distance to the capital, are of a
temporary description, the moveable hamlets of the pastoral tribe
before mentioned, called Jun or Kattia. From Futtipoor they are
numerous, and the country is cultivated; but the space below that town
is uncultivated. The tract between the Ravee and Sutlege is of the same
sterile and unproductive description as on the northern side of the
river towards the Hydaspes. Saltpetre is manufactured in considerable
quantities on both sides of the Ravee.
~Lahore.~
Lahore is the only town of note on the banks of the Ravee, but the
river has lately forsaken its immediate vicinity, and this ancient
capital now stands on a small branch. The position of Lahore is good,
in a military and commercial point of view. It is equidistant from
Mooltan, Peshawur, Cashmeer, and I may also add Delhi. It stands in
a most fertile country; and an army of 80,000 men has been supported
on the resources of its neighbourhood, while the people assert that
provisions have not increased with the increased demand. The city now
contains about 80,000 inhabitants. It is surrounded by a strong brick
wall and ditch, that may be flooded from the river. There are twelve
gates, and as many semicircular outworks. It could not withstand a
siege, from the density of its population; but might afford security
against irregular troops. Umritsir is superior in size and strength to
Lahore: it is a mud fortification of great thickness, and about seven
miles in circumference, and also protected by the strong citadel of
Govindghur. It has a population of about 100,000 souls. Tolumba is a
small town near the estuary of the Ravee, with a population of about
1500 people. It has a weak brick fort of a circular shape, and stands
in a thick grove of date trees two miles south of the river.
[Illustration:
Drawn by W. Purser. Engraved by E. Finden.
_Sindree on the Eastern branch of the Indus._
SINCE SUBMERGED BY THE EARTHQUAKE OF 1819.
_From a sketch taken on the spot by Capt. Grindlay in 1808._]
CHAP. XVI.
A MEMOIR ON THE EASTERN BRANCH OF THE INDUS, AND THE RUN OF CUTCH,
CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE ALTERATIONS PRODUCED ON THEM BY AN
EARTHQUAKE IN 1819, ALSO A DESCRIPTION OF THE RUN.
[I cannot introduce more appropriately than on the present occasion,
the following paper, which was drawn up some time since. It is
necessary to mention this circumstance, as a few of the facts
communicated are already before the public, and have been noticed by
Professor Lyell.[29] Of the Run of Cutch I am not aware of any other
account having been published, though it is a tract without parallel
on the globe.]
~Cutch, its position.~
In the north-western extremity of our Indian possessions, and under the
tropic, is situated the small and sterile territory of Cutch, important
to the British from its advanced position, but of more attraction
to the student of history, from its western shore being washed by
the waters of the classic Indus. Cutch is a country peculiarly
situated.--To the west, it has the inconstant and ever-varying Indus;
to the north and east, the tract called Run, which is alternately a dry
sandy desert and a muddy inland lake; to the south, it has the Gulf of
Cutch and the Indian Ocean, with waters receding yearly from its shores.
~Alterations in its western coast by an earthquake.~
~Former fertility.~
The physical geography of such a province is full of interest; for,
besides the alteration in its fluctuating boundaries, it is subject
to earthquakes, one of which has lately produced some unlooked for
changes in the eastern branch of the Indus. To particularly detail and
explain these, is the object of the present memoir. Cutch at present
labours under disadvantages inflicted on it by the vindictive hatred of
a jealous and cruel neighbouring Government. Previous to the battle of
Jarra, in the year 1762[30], the eastern branch of the Indus, commonly
called the Phurraun, emptied itself into the sea by passing the western
shores of Cutch; and the country on its banks participated in the
advantages which this river bestows throughout its course. Its annual
inundations watered the soil, and afforded a plentiful supply of rice;
the country on its banks being then known by the name of “Sayra.”
~Sindians destroy it, by damming the eastern branch of the Indus.~
These blessings, which nature had bestowed on this otherwise barren
region, perished with the battle of Jarra; for the Sindian chief,
irritated at the unsuccessful result of his expedition, returned to
his country full of vengeance, and inflicted the deepest injury on the
country which he had failed to humble. At the village of Mora he threw
up a mound of earth, or, as it is called, a “bund,” across that branch
of the Indus which fertilised Cutch, and by thus turning the stream,
which so much benefited its inhabitants, to flow into other branches of
the river, and by leading it through canals to desert portions of his
own dominions, he at once destroyed a large and rich tract of irrigated
land, and converted a productive rice country, which had belonged to
Cutch, into a sandy desert.
~Injury of the “bund” or dam, on the tract near.~
The mound which had been raised, did not entirely exclude the water of
the Indus from Cutch; but so impeded the progress of the main stream,
that all agriculture depending on irrigation ceased. In process of
time this trivial remnant of prosperity disappeared, and the Talpoors,
who succeeded the Kaloras in the government of Sinde, threw up other
mounds; and about the year 1802, the erection of one at Ali Bunder
excluded the waters of the Indus, even at the period of inundation,
from the channel which had once conveyed them past Cutch to the sea.
Since then, the stripe of land which once formed the fertile district
of Sayra ceased to yield a blade of vegetation, and became a part of
the Run of Cutch, on which it had formerly bordered. The channel of the
river at the town of Lucput shallowed[31]; and, above Sindree, filled
with mud, and dried up. Lower down it changed into an arm of the sea,
and was flooded at every tide.
The Raos, or Princes of Cutch, possessed at one time military
stations in three different places of Sinde,--Budeenu, Ballyaree, and
Raomaka-bazar,--yet they submissively bore these indignities, as well
to their own detriment as that of their subjects. They used no exertion
to recover that which nature had bestowed on their country, or to wipe
off those injuries which had been offered, at variance, as they no
doubt were, with the law of nations, which requires “that different
nations ought, in time of peace, to do one another all the good they
can, and in time of war, as little harm as possible, without prejudice
to their own real interests.”[32]
~Earthquake of 1819 overwhelms Sindree: forms a lake.~
In this state of indifference, there occurred, in June, 1819, a severe
shock of an earthquake, by which some hundreds of the inhabitants of
Cutch perished, and every fortified stronghold in the country was
shaken to its foundations. Wells and rivulets without number changed
from fresh to salt water; but these were trifling alterations, compared
with those which took place in the eastern branch of the Indus, and
the adjacent country. At sunset, the shock was felt at Sindree, the
station at which the Cutch Government levied their customs, situated on
the high road from Cutch to Sinde, and on the banks of what had been
once the eastern branch of the Indus. The little brick fort of 150 feet
square, which had been built there for the protection of merchandise,
was overwhelmed by an inundating torrent of water from the ocean, which
spread on every side, and, in the course of a few hours, converted the
tract, which had before been hard and dry, into an inland lake, which
extended for sixteen miles on either side of Sindree. The houses within
the walls filled with water, and eight years afterwards I found fish
in the pools among them. The only dry spot was the place on which the
bricks had fallen upon one another. One of four towers only remained,
and the custom-house officers had saved their lives by ascending it,
and were eventually transported to dry land by boats on the following
day.[33]
~Raises up a mound called “Ullah bund.”~
But it was soon discovered that this was not the only alteration in
this memorable convulsion of nature; as the inhabitants of Sindree
observed, at a distance of five miles northward, a mound of earth
or sand, in a place where the soil was previously low and level.
It extended east and west for a considerable distance, and passed
immediately across the channel of the Indus, separating as it were for
ever the Phurraun river from the sea. The natives called this mound
by the name of “Ullah bund,” or the mound of God, in allusion to its
not being, like the other dams of the Indus, a work of man, but a dam
thrown up by nature.
These wonderful events passed unheeded by the inhabitants; for the deep
injury which had been inflicted on Cutch in 1762 had so thoroughly
ruined that part of the country, that it was a matter of indifference
whether it continued a desert, or became an inland lake. A feeble and
unsuccessful attempt was made by Cutch to establish a Custom-house
on the newly raised dam of “Ullah bund,” but to this the Ameers of
Sinde objected, and Sindree being no longer tenable, the officers were
withdrawn to the mainland of Cutch.
~An overflow of the Indus destroys it in 1826.~
~Actual state of the river.~
Matters continued in this state till the month of November, 1826, when
information was received that the Indus had burst its banks in Upper
Sinde, and that an immense volume of water had spread over the desert
which bounds that country to the eastward, had likewise burst every
artificial dam in the river, as well as the “Ullah bund,” and forced
for itself a passage to the Run of Cutch. In March, 1827, I proceeded
to investigate the truth of what I have stated, to examine the natural
mound, and to endeavour to account for these constant alterations in
physical geography. I journeyed from Bhooj, the capital of Cutch, to
Lucput, a town on the north-western extremity of the province, situated
on the Koree, or eastern branch of the Indus. Here I embarked in a
small flat-bottomed boat, and sailed up the river. At Lucput, and for
twelve miles up, it was about 300 yards wide, and from two to three
fathoms deep, retaining all the appearance of a river. At Sundo, a sand
bank so called, which is about four leagues distant from that town,
the channel shallowed to four or five feet, for two miles; but then
regaining its depth, I entered on a vast inland lake that bounded the
horizon on all sides, amid which the remaining tower of Sindree stood,
like a rock in the ocean. At Sundo the water was brackish, at Sindree
it was quite fresh. Hence I proceeded to “Ullah bund,” which I found to
be composed of soft clay and shells, elevated about ten feet from the
surface of the water, and cut through like a canal, with perpendicular
banks on either side. The channel was about _thirty-five yards_ broad,
and _three fathoms_ deep; and a body of fresh water, a portion of the
real Indus, rolled down it into the lake which I had traversed, below
“Ullah bund.” Here the stream took on once more the appearance of a
river, and I found several boats laden with “ghee” (clarified butter),
which had descended it from Wunga, and thus corroborated all which I
had heard, that the bunds of the Indus had been burst, and that the
communication between the great river and its eastern and long-forsaken
branch was once more restored. I learned likewise that the far-famed
fortress of Omercote had been partially overwhelmed in this inundation;
for instead of _being an öasis in the desert_, as had long been
supposed, this birthplace of the great Acbar is a small brick fort only
three or four miles distant from the Indus, and between which and
Lucput, so late as May, 1829, there was a communication by water.
~Ullah bund described.~
The “Ullah bund,” which I now examined with attention, was, however,
the most singular consequence of this great earthquake. To the eye
it did not appear more elevated in one place than another, and could
be traced both east and west as far as it could reach; the natives
assigned to it a total length of fifty miles. It must not, however, be
supposed to be a narrow stripe like an artificial dam, as it extends
inland to Raomaka-bazar, perhaps to a breadth of sixteen miles, and
appeared to be a great upheaving of nature. Its surface was covered
with saline soil, and I have already stated that it consisted of clay,
shells, and sand. The people universally attributed this bund to the
influence of the earthquake, and also assigned the shallowness of the
river at Sundo to the same cause.
~Opinions regarding the effects of the earthquake.~
The inland lake which had been thus formed, extended for about 2000
square miles, and its limits were well defined, since the roads from
Cutch to Sinde passed on either side of it. The one led from Nurra to
Loonee and Raomaka-bazar, and the other from Lucput to Kotree Garee
and the Jattee. I am disposed to believe that this sheet of water has
collected from a depression of the country round Sindree; for the
earthquake had an immediate influence on the channel of the river below
“Ullah bund,” which became deep enough to be navigable for boats of 100
tons from the sea to Lucput, which had never been the case since 1762.
While the basin of Sindree, as I may call it, was depressed, it is
evident that the mound of “Ullah bund” was raised at the same time, as
the description already given will have satisfactorily shown.
~Subsequent alterations in the Indus.~
In the month of August, in the year 1827, I proceeded a second time
to the eastern branch of the Indus, to make further investigations
regarding a subject on which many individuals, as well as myself, had
taken an interest. Great alterations had taken place in this changeable
country; the river and lake were deeper in all places by two feet, the
channel through “Ullah bund” was much widened, and the sheet of water
was now entirely and every where salt. The stream which passed “Ullah
bund” was fresh, but greatly diminished in size: in the time that had
intervened between my visits, the south-westerly winds had prevailed,
and blown the sea water in upon the fresh, which, appeared to account
for the change that had taken place.
Besides the facts which have been recorded, it appears clear that a
portion of the waters of the Indus have a tendency to escape by Lucput
and Cutch. We find an inundation of the river seeking an old channel
which had been deserted by them for sixty-five years.[34]
THE RUN.
~Run of Cutch.~
In the course of my observations on the Indus, I found myself drawn
into many inquiries regarding the Run of Cutch, to which that river
adjoins; for if the alterations in the river afforded room for remark,
there was also much to be said on the Run, which is a tract, I believe,
without a counterpart in the globe. In length, the Run extends from
the Indus to the western confines of Guzerat, a distance of about 200
British miles. In breadth, it is about thirty-five miles; but there
are, besides, various belts and ramifications, which give it an extent
of about 7000 square miles. It is accurately delineated in the map.
The whole tract may truly be said to be a “terra hospitibus ferox;”
fresh water is never to be had any where but on islands, and there it
is scarce; it has no herbage, and vegetable life is only discernible
in the shape of a stunted tamarisk bush, which thrives by its suction
of the rain water that falls near it. It differs as widely from what
is termed the sandy desert, as it differs from the cultivated plain;
neither does it resemble the Steppes of Russia; but may be justly
considered of a nature peculiar to itself. It has been denominated
a marsh by geographers, which has given rise to many erroneous
impressions regarding it. It has none of the characteristics of one: it
is not covered or saturated with water, but at certain periods; it has
neither weeds nor grass in its bed, which, instead of being slimy, is
hard, dry, and sandy, of such a consistency as never to become clayey,
unless from a long continuance of water on an individual spot; nor is
it otherwise fenny or swampy. It is a vast expanse of flat, hardened,
sand, encrusted with salt sometimes an inch deep (the water having
been evaporated by the sun), and at others, beautifully crystallized
in large lumps. So much is the whole surrounding country corrupted
by this exuberance of salt, that all the wells dug on a level with
the Run become salt. The depression of the Run below the level of the
surrounding country at once suggests the probability of its being a
dried up lake or sea.
~Mirage of the Run.~
Nowhere is that singular phenomenon, the _mirage or surab_ of the
desert, seen with greater advantage than in the Run. The natives
aptly term it smoke[35]; the smallest shrubs at a distance assume
the appearance of forests; and on a nearer approach, sometimes that
of ships in full sail, at others that of breakers on a rock. In one
instance I observed a cluster of bushes, which looked like a pier,
with tall-masted vessels lying close to it; and on approaching, not
a bank was near the shrubs to account for the deception. From the
Run, the hills of Cutch appear more lofty, and to have merged into
the clouds, their bases being obscured by vapour. The wild ass[36]
is the only inhabitant of this desolate region; they roam about in
flocks, “scorning the multitude of the city, and make the wilderness
and barren lands their dwelling.” Their size does not much exceed that
of the common ass, but, at a short distance, they sometimes appear as
large as elephants. While the sun shines, the whole surrounding space
of Run resembles a vast expanse of water--the appearance it commonly
assumes--and which is only to be distinguished from real water by those
who are long habituated to such visionary illusions. When the sun is
not shining, the Run appears higher at a distance; but this has been
remarked of the sea, and other extensive sheets of water, and is also
to be accounted for in the deception of vision.
~Traditions regarding the Run.~
The natives of Cutch, Mahommedans as well as Hindoos, believe that
the Run was formerly a sea; and a tradition is in the mouth of every
one, that a Hindoo saint, by name Dhoorumnath, a Jogee[37], underwent
penance by standing on his head for twelve years on the summit of
Denodur, one of the highest hills in Cutch, which overlooks the Run.
When his penance terminated, God became visible to him, the hill on
which he stood split in two, and the adjacent sea (the present Run)
dried up; the ships and boats which then navigated it were overturned,
its harbours destroyed, and many wonderful events happened. There is
no race of people who have recourse to supernatural agency in their
chronicles, more than the natives of India; and, to those accustomed
to enquire into them, the circumstances just recorded will appear as
the graft of one of their tales on some real event which has actually
occurred, and is thus transmitted to posterity. Considering the
frequent occurrence of earthquakes in Cutch, the volcanic appearance
of’ its hills, and the lava which covers the face of the country,
it is to a convulsion of nature, in all probability, that we are to
attribute the foundation of such a tradition.
~Concurring traditions.~
The natives, however, carry their traditions beyond the vague legends
of a saint, and point out at this day different positions, said to have
been harbours, in the Run of Cutch. At Nerona, which is a village about
twenty miles NNW. of Bhooj the capital, and close to the Run, there is
said to have been a sea-port, which is thus described in the poesy of
the country:--
“Nerona nuggartur
Judhee Goontree Chitrano.”
In other words, that Nerona was a sea-port (tur), when Goontree (an
ancient city in Cutch) flourished in the neighbouring district of
Chitrano. At Charee, a village westward of Nerona, and on the Run,
there is also a like tradition. The people of the Puchum, the largest
island on the Run, have similar traditions, and speak of boats
having been wrecked on the hills of the island; also that there were
considerable harbours near them, called Dorut, Doh or Dohee, and
Phangwuro, which are yet pointed out to the westward of Puchum. Bitaro,
a small place on the high road to Sinde, between Cutch and “Ullah
Bund,” is also said to have been a sea-port, and I could point out
several others. Nor are the traditions less concurrent on the Sinde,
or northern side of the Run: Veego-gud, near “Ullah Bund,” is said to
have been the principal sea-port, and its brick ruins are yet visible.
Vingur and Ballyaree, which lie eastward, claim likewise the same
privileges. This sea had the name of “Kiln;” nor do I believe that
the testimony of so many people, regarding it, can be discredited,
informed as I was of these traditions by different persons, who had no
communication with one another.
~Effects of a late earthquake on the Run.~
The effects of the earthquake of 1819 have been already mentioned, in
so far as relates to the country adjoining the Indus; but occurrences
of an equally singular nature happened farther eastward. It made
numerous cracks or fissures in the Run; and I state, on the authority
of eye-witnesses, that immense quantities of black, muddy water were
ejected from these openings for a period of three days, and that the
water bubbled out of the wells of the tract bordering on the Run,
called Bunnee, till it overwhelmed the country in some place with
six, and even ten feet of water. The shepherds with difficulty saved
themselves and their flocks. During this time numerous pieces of
iron and ship-nails were thrown up at Phangwuro, the sea-port before
mentioned; and similar things have been since found in the same
neighbourhood while digging tanks. I give this fact on the authority of
respectable men at Nurra, who also assured me that nothing of the kind
had ever been discovered before the earthquake of 1819.
~Flooding of the Run.~
The grand Run of Cutch is that part which lies between Sinde and the
islands of Puchum and Khureer, the other parts being but ramifications
of it. It has a communication with the sea both on the east and west,
by means of the Gulf of Cutch and a branch of the Indus, and it is
flooded from both these openings as soon as the south-westerly winds
set in, about April each year. When local rain falls and moistens the
Run, the sea enters with great rapidity, and insulates the province of
Cutch for some months; but even without rain the greater portion of the
Run is annually flooded. The level of the Run is obviously higher than
the sea, since it requires strong winds to blow the waters of the ocean
over it.
~Configuration of the Run borders.~
We must now attend to the configuration of the Run. In the
north-eastern extremity of Cutch, it will be observed that a chain of
hills overhangs the Run at Bheyla: they are about 300 feet high, and
terminate abruptly. The islands of Khureer and Puchum lie due west of
this range, and are not only composed of the same sort of ironstone
as the Bheyla hills, but have similar ranges running through their
northern extremities, which terminate, particularly at Khureer, in a
bluff and abrupt outline towards the Run. Khureer is six miles westward
of Cutch, and Puchum is about sixteen from Khureer; westward of Puchum
there are a few low and sandy islets on the Run, and south of it lies
the Bunnee, an extensive tract of grassland, of greater elevation than
the Run, but not sufficiently so to yield grain. It has many wells,
and is inhabited by a pastoral race. South of Khureer there are also
many islands, the largest of which is Gangta, and covered with rocky
hills. Between Guzerat and Cutch the Run is narrow; at Addysir it
is but a mile and a half wide to the island of Chorar. Here there
is a deposit of shells and marine matter, a carbonate of lime mixed
with other substances; it has a red and yellow petrified appearance,
takes on a tolerably good polish, and from which some members of the
faithful pretend to read Arabic words, or letters of the Koran. It was
used in the mosaic works of all the Moghul emperors, and is commonly
called Dookur-warra marble by Europeans. North of the Bheyla hills lies
Parkur, a district peninsulated by the Run, having the lofty hills of
Kalinjur, of a formation differing from Cutch, where they are almost
all sandstone. They are primitive rocks, rising in small cones one
upon another, as if they had dropped from the clouds; the summit is
composed of trap, which extends for about a third of the way down,
and the base is red granite, which rings when struck. These hills are
separated from Cutch by a low tract of the Run, upwards of thirty miles
broad, without an intervening bush. The whole northern face of Cutch,
from Bheyla on the east to Lucput on the west, presents, with a few
exceptions, either a rocky or an elevated bank. From Nurra to Lucput
the rocks terminate abruptly, and form what would be called capes,
cliffs, and promontories, if the water washed under them. When the
immediate vicinity of the Run is not of this description, it stretches
inland, exactly as water would do when not resisted.
~Run supposed to have been an inland sea.~
The sea is receding from the southern shores of Cutch; and I believe it
is a generally received conclusion, that there is a depression of its
level throughout the globe, though in some places it has risen. We may,
therefore, suppose the ocean to have receded from the Run of Cutch,
and that that tract was at one time a navigable sea. That the natives
should attribute so great a change in a part of their country to the
influence of a Jogee, is not wonderful. A body of these persons has
been long settled in Cutch. They are a philanthropic and hospitable
body of men, who permit no one of any persuasion to leave their door
hungry, and they are blessed with plenty. Like the monks in Europe in
former days, these Jogees are the repository of history and traditions,
and it may be their careful preservation of them, which has given rise
to the belief that the alterations in the Run were accomplished in the
time of Dhoorumnath, the founder of their order. In proof of this, they
have a tradition that the ancestors of the present rulers of Cutch
were once a class of poor shepherds from Samee (Tatta), in Sinde, and
fed their flocks, till patronised by the Denodur Jogees, who raised
them to be Rajahs of the country. So far is this true, the Rajpoots
of Cutch did come from Tatta, and did tend herds of cattle in Cutch;
but they were certainly not raised to their present elevation by the
intercession of some Hindoo monks; yet such is the alteration which a
story undergoes, in the course of four hundred years.[38]
NOTE ON SINDREE.
I annex the following extract, describing a journey from Lucput in
Cutch, to Hydrabad in Sinde, by way of Sindree, from the MS. of Captain
R. M. Grindlay, written in the year 1808, when with a mission to the
Ameers of Sinde, and which has been kindly furnished to me. It will be
seen that the neighbourhood of Sindree, which I have described to be
under water, was then dry, and that the fort of Sindree existed at that
time, as an outpost of the Cutch Government.
“We embarked on the creek at Lucput Bender, which is about three
quarters of a mile broad, and runs between east and north, for six or
eight miles, when it begins to narrow very much: the shore on each
side is a wet marsh, covered with short bushes.
“In the evening we anchored at the turn of the tide, and at twelve
o’clock next day we passed Sindree, which is about thirty miles from
Lucput, and dependent on it, with a small garrison of sepoys: it is
a small fort, with a few huts outside, and one well: the creek here
is about a mile and a quarter broad, and has a ferry across. The
travellers who take this route to Sinde are not numerous, and leave no
vestige of a road in the light sand, of which the dry part of the Run
is composed. The heat of the meridian sun is said to be so intense,
that they generally travel in the night. From Sindree, by land, the
next stage is about twenty-four miles to Baura, after which the Run
ends, and water becomes tolerably plentiful.
“We passed Sindree, and observed several inferior branches leading
through the Run, among which we saw a few straggling men and women;
about twenty miles beyond Sindree, we reached Aly Bunder, at eight
o’clock at night, and came to anchor close to the mound which
confines the fresh water: when the day appeared, we observed it
to be a poor mud village, of about fifty huts, and a tower of the
same unsubstantial materials. Here we encamped for the purpose of
collecting the boats from the freshwater side of the mound, and not
finding a sufficient number, several of those we brought with us were
dragged over: this, however, was a work of three days; and, during
that time, from the nature of the soil, we were annoyed by the dust
in such a manner as would scarcely be believed by those who had not
been in a similar situation: the sun was completely obscured by
it, an object at the distance of 100 yards was invisible; and the
natives moving about were so disguised, that their colour was not
distinguishable. The soil of the Run is a mixture of fine sand and the
salt deposited by the inundation. This, dried by several months’ sun,
becomes a most impalpable powder. The Run, which ceases about a line
with Aly Bunder, from north-east and north, is covered with aquatic
bushes and a few shells: the sand entangled amongst these bushes forms
hillocks of various heights, from five to fifteen feet, according to
the size of the bush. It does not appear that any of the side channels
lead beyond the Run, or that any of them are navigated by boats,
except those which again join the main stream: that by which we came
is certainly by far the most considerable.
“On the 10th we embarked again on the freshwater river, which is there
about 400 yards broad, and soon after widens very much, with high
sand-hills on the banks, and a few huts with a little cultivation. The
river here takes the name of Goonee.
“At the distance of about twelve miles from Aly Bunder, the river
divides, and soon after becomes so narrow, that our boats, though
not large, had difficulty in passing through the large bushes which
overhang the bank, and has great appearance of a cut canal, or at
least of a channel cleared out and deepened; the banks are irregular
in their height, and the land immediately beyond them low, and in
several places swampy. We passed the mouth of a creek on the west,
said to lead to Tatta, besides several other inferior streams which
run through the country, and are cut into a variety of channels, for
the purposes of cultivation.
“About ten miles beyond Aly Bunder, on the west bank, is Chuttee Thur
(or ferry), opposite to which is the mouth of a considerable stream,
with a dam across, which we understood to be the Phoran. This was
formerly a very large branch of the Indus, and ran past Nusserpoor,
which I learn is to the south-east. Many of the inhabitants of that
place recollect a remarkable change in the river: the inundation
swallowed up a great part of the town, and altered the course of
the river, which since then has had much less water in it. The
whole of Sinde, from the nature of its soil, is subject to these
alterations by the annual floods, many striking instances of which the
inhabitants are well acquainted with, particularly that which I have
already mentioned, and the great alterations in the branches below
Tatta.”--_See Captain Grindley’s Journal in MS._
THE END.
LONDON:
Printed by A. SPOTTISWOODE,
New-Street-Square.
FOOTNOTES:
[29] See “Principles of Geology,” by Charles Lyell, Esq., F.R.S.
London, vol. ii. 1832.
[30] This battle was fought near a small village of that name. The
inhabitants of Cutch made a brave stand for their independence against
a Sindian army led by Ghoolam Shah Kulora.
[31] Captain (now Lieut.-Col.) D. Wilson, of the Bombay army, found a
ford here in 1820, in a part of the river 500 yards wide. In 1826, I
found a depth of fifteen feet in the same place.
[32] Blackstone.
[33] Since my return to England, I have been so fortunate as to procure
a view of Sindree, as it existed in the year 1808, from a sketch by
Captain Grindlay, who visited it at that time. It has been engraved
for this work, and faces Chap. XVI. Captain Grindlay’s observations on
Sindree follow in a note.
[34] I have suppressed various opinions which I had formed on the
causes of these constant changes, deeming them of small value. The
paper has been also published at length by the Royal Asiatic Society of
London.
[35] Dhooan.
[36] Called “Khur-gudha” by the natives.
[37] This class of people are yet numerous in Cutch: it is among
them that the horrid custom called “traga” prevails. It consists in
sacrificing one of their number when any injury or oppression is
offered to their community, under a belief that the blood so shed rests
on the head of those who oppress them.
[38] I have since found, in some manuscript papers of the late lamented
Captain M‘Murdo, written as long since as 1815, that he formed similar
conclusions with myself regarding the Run of Cutch. He is treating of
that part of it near Kattywar, of which I have not spoken, and the
following extract is both curious and satisfactory:---
“The Runn has every appearance of the sea having shortly withdrawn
from it. This is supported by the semblance and production of the
neighbouring country, and large stones are found on the shore several
miles from the present Runn, of a description similar to those used as
anchors; they have holes bored through for the cable. On the shore, at
different places, are shown small ancient buildings, called Dan Derees,
or houses where the dan or customs were collected; and, in short, it
is a tradition in the country, that Khor, a village two miles east of
Teekir, was a sea-port town. About fifty years since, the wreck of a
vessel, of a size far beyond that of any of the craft now in use in the
Gulf of Cutch, was discovered at Wawania, sunk in the mud about fifteen
feet deep.”--_Captain M‘Murdo’s MS. Memoir on Kattywar, August, 1815._
Transcriber's Note
The following apparent errors have been corrected:
p. x "and, the Indus" changed to "and the Indus"
p. xv "Advance so Lahore" changed to "Advance to Lahore"
p. xix "Umritsirr" changed to "Umritsir"
p. 22 "voyage to Labore" changed to "voyage to Lahore"
p. 33 "ridge near it," changed to "ridge near it."
p. 34 "India,” that" changed to ""India,” that"
p. 83 "various Beloche" changed to "various Beloochee"
p. 113 "been throughly" changed to "been thoroughly"
p. 115 (sidenote) "of Mooltan" changed to "of Mooltan."
pp. 117-8 "was as fol" changed to "was as follows"
p. 122 "branch from it," changed to "branch from it."
p. 144 "royal foostool" changed to "royal footstool"
p. 201 "The are about 700" changed to "There are about 700"
p. 267 "Bukkur, it" changed to "Bukkur, its"
p. 308 "Umritoir is superior" changed to "Umritsir is superior"
p. 316 "at Sundree it was" changed to "at Sindree it was"
Inconsistent or archaic spelling and punctuation have otherwise been
kept as printed.
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