The Project Gutenberg eBook, Recollections with the Third Iowa Regiment,
by Seymour D. (Seymour Dwight) Thompson
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Title: Recollections with the Third Iowa Regiment
Author: Seymour D. (Seymour Dwight) Thompson
Release Date: December 27, 2014 [eBook #47795]
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)
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RECOLLECTIONS WITH THE THIRD IOWA REGIMENT:
by
LIEUT. S. D. THOMPSON.
Cincinnati:
Published for the Author.
1864.
Entered according to Act of Congress,
in the year eighteen hundred and sixty-four, by
Lieut. S. D. Thompson
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the U. S.
for the Southern District of Ohio.
PREFACE.
At the solicitation of some of my comrades, the pages of this book
were for the most part compiled from a diary which I kept during most
of the two years I served with them, and which was written amid the
scenes it attempts to describe. To furnish them a faithful account of
the principal scenes through which they passed during this period,
including sketches of the operations in which they were engaged,
and of which our Regiment formed a part; a record of what they saw,
and did, and suffered, such as I thought they would like to read
in future days, has been my object in presenting it in this shape.
As it was written for my comrades, to them I dedicate it; and in
giving it to the public, I have only to say that if it suits them, it
suits me. With regard to facts which have since become history, to
which I have had occasion to refer, I may have committed some errors
and inaccuracies; my book was not written in the library of the
historian, but in the tent of the soldier, and with few exceptions
without other information than such as observation and report could
supply. In speaking of prominent officers under whom we served, I
have not forgotten that some of them are still my superior officers,
and that it in nowise comports with my duties as a soldier to assume
to be their historian or critic. But the time has come when the
conduct of those who have passed into civil life may be criticized
by those who were their inferiors in the military service. Of such
I have endeavored to speak honestly but _plainly_, remembering that
they dealt plainly with us.
I am under obligations to Col. Scott, 32d Iowa, Lieut. Chas. P.
Brown, A. A. Q. M., Fort Pickering, W. B. Lakin, Esq., College Hill,
Ohio, for valuable favors and assistance. I trust that time will
afford me opportunities of paying them in a better manner than by
this public acknowledgment.
And now I give these pages to the public, with the single regret that
the deeds of men who have so many titles to honor and gratitude could
not have been better recorded and by a more worthy hand.
S. D. THOMPSON,
FORT PICKERING, Memphis, Tenn., March, 1864.
CONTENTS.
Page.
Preface 3
CHAPTER I.
The "uprising" in Iowa--Patriotism of the people--The
Third Regiment--Its character and composition--Spirit and
ideas of its members--Our colonel--Our visit to Camp Ellsworth
and the First Iowa--The Second and First Iowa advance into
Missouri--Our quarters--Our ideas of our treatment--Poor
fare, and what some of us "did about it"--Our duties--Complaints
about pay--Our arms--We go into camp--Our first
camp experience--We chafe exceedingly under the yoke of
discipline--Marching orders 13
CHAPTER II.
We break up camp at Keokuk--The parting occasion--The
last lingering look--A pleasant steamboat ride--Two nights
and a day at Hannibal--We advance by rail into the interior
of Missouri--Dangers attending the movement--We halt at
Chillicothe, Grand River bridge and Utica--Leaving the cars
and camping for the night--Condition of the country--Our
first night alarm--How we celebrated the Fourth of July--Our
uniform--Our rations--Our discipline--Colonel Williams
arrives and assumes command--Colonel Smith visits
and consults with him--Another false alarm 29
CHAPTER III.
Operations of the rebel general Harris--Three companies
of our regiment detailed to join an expedition against him--We
are allowed ten minutes for preparation--We join a portion
of the Sixteenth Illinois at Palmyra, and with them
return to Monroe--The movement delayed by a storm--Consultation
of officers--The column moves--Skirmish of Hager's
Woods--We delay and finally camp for the night--And in the
morning begin to retreat--Our train burned and the enemy
in our rear--A threatened skirmish--He cuts off our communications
and surrounds in large force--Cool conduct of Colonel
Smith--We begin to fortify--A night of expectation--Details
of our situation--The enemy opens with artillery--And
begins to draw in his lines--We lie in our trenches and
reserve our fire--Aid in the right time--The enemy quits the
field in panic--An accident--Col. Williams arrives with a
portion of the Third Iowa 43
CHAPTER IV.
We prepare to march from Monroe--Arrival of Governor
Wood with cavalry and artillery; and of the Fourteenth
Illinois--How Mr. Dugan speaks of this in his book--A change
of counsels--The Third Iowa moves west on a train--Circumstances
of the ride--Failure of an attempt to burn the Chariton
River bridge--A few details--How young soldiers originate
false alarms--Our camp at Chillicothe--General Hurlbut
assumes command of the troops on the Hannibal and St. Joseph
Railroad--We draw our accoutrements at last--We leave
Chillicothe and go into camp at Brookfield 61
CHAPTER V.
Activity of the rebels--Colonel Martin Green--We are
ordered against him--Details and incidents of the march
from Mason City to Kirksville--Character of the Home
Guards--Condition of the country--Our situation at
Kirksville--Details of our occupation of that place--Arrival
of reinforcements under Gen. Hurlbut--Our complaints and
expectations 73
CHAPTER VI.
Lieut. Call reconnoiters and reports the enemy's position--Colonel
Scott desires to attack him with the Third Iowa, the Home Guarda
and the artillery--Gen. Hurlbut declines his consent--Dangers
of such a movement--Disappointment of the men--The General
reviews the troops--And issues a proclamation--He
sends it by a flag of truce to Green's camp--Green
don't see the point, but takes the hint and gets ready
to leave--The General issues an order against plundering--Further
details of our condition--A detachment goes to Lancaster
after supplies--Escape and pursuit of Green--Details
of the march--Suffering, straggling and plundering--Night
at Wilsonsville--night at Bear Creek--Scouts from Moore--Junction
with Moore at Bethel--Appearance of the place--Character
and hospitality of the inhabitants--Change of plans--Moore
and Smith pursue the enemy--Hurlbut and Scott move directly
toward the railroad--Noon at Shelbyville--Another
proclamation--A man straggles ahead of the column and is
shot by the bushwhackers--Night at Shelbina--The
situation--We proceed to Brookfield 89
CHAPTER VII.
The expedition to Paris--The forces engaged in it--Details
of the movement to that place--Conduct of Colonel Williams
and Lieut. Col. Blair while there--They return speedily to
Shelbina--Green pursues and confronts them with a large
force--Details of the affair at Shelbina--Colonel Williams
retreats to Hudson where he meets General Hurlbut with
reinforcements--The propriety of the retreat discussed--The
account of the Rebellion Record 104
CHAPTER VIII.
We break up camp at Brookfield and proceed toward
Shelbina--Junction with Smith and Moore--Gen. Pope assumes
command--Hurlbut and Williams proceed to St. Louis in
arrest--Pope leads a night march against Green at Florida--Feelings
of the troops--Circumstances of that affair--Report
of General Fremont concerning it--We return to the railroad
and proceed to Macon--Arrival of Generals Pope and Sturgis
at that point--Prospect of active movements 112
CHAPTER IX.
Col. Smith with his own regiment and five companies of
the Thirty-ninth Ohio, proceed to Platte River bridge and
commence repairing it--Col. Scott is ordered to co-operate
with him against the rebels in that vicinity--We proceed to
Cameron by railroad, impress transportation and march
toward Liberty--The first night--Second day's march--Second
night at Centerville--Cannonading in the distance--Our
feelings--Lieut. Call reconnoiters as far as Liberty--We
move at 3 A. M.--At sunrise drive back the enemy's pickets
and camp at Liberty--No tidings from Smith--Cannonading
in the direction of Independence and probabilities of an
engagement across the river--Col. Scott resolves to
attack--BATTLE OF BLUE MILLS LANDING 120
CHAPTER X.
Arrival of Smith--His march from the railroad--Why he
arrived too late--Our feelings on his arrival--The situation
the morning after the battle--What should have been done--Smith
starts for St. Joseph--Burying the dead and caring for the
wounded--Scott's official report--Comments on the same--Gallantry
of Scott and Lakin--Official report of the enemy--Estimate
of his force--Account in the Missouri Republican--Account
in Pollard's "First Year of the War"--The necessity
and merits of the battle 135
CHAPTER XI.
We start for the railroad--Arrival at Centerville--Arrival
of a courier from Sturgis--March to Plattsburg--Orders from
Sturgis--Turn toward Kansas City--Night at Smithville--March
resumed toward Liberty--Sturgis retreats three days
from an enemy who does not pursue--We think his pursuers
turn against us, and turn to the west to elude them--Strike
the Missouri at Parkville and prepare to cross on a flatboat--A
steamboat arrives and conveys us to Leavenworth--We
return next day to Wyandotte--Our stay at Wyandotte--Move
to Kansas City--Arrival of Lane's Brigade--Comparison
between Lane and Sturgis--They quarrel about precedence
in rank--Lane moves out of town--Hospitality of the
citizens 152
CHAPTER XII.
The troops leave Kansas City--We are not in a condition
to march South--Rumored removal of the regiment to
Quincy--Proceed by steamboat and railroad to Quincy--Our
arrival and situation there--We are paid and prepare to
leave--The citizens give a ball in our honor--Incidents
of that night--We proceed to Benton Barracks--Col. Williams,
his release, conduct, and re-arrest--Changes--Our sanitary
condition--We are ordered to the North Missouri
Railroad--Disgraceful conduct of certain captains 165
CHAPTER XIII.
Preparations--We move North by railroad--Details of the
ride--March from the railroad--Night on the frozen ground--Feelings
and conduct of the soldiers toward the citizens--Night
at Martinsburg--March to Mexico--Character of the
citizens--Bad conduct of certain of the men--What the
Major did about it--His speech--Its effect--An excess of
quinine and lack of bread--Return march to Martinsburg--The
New Year--March to Wellsville--Sickness--Conduct and
character of Surgeon Edwards--Foraging and plundering--Movement
of troops to the front--Anxiety to go with them--Fort
Donelson--Discontent at being left in the rear--Trial
and release of Col. Williams--He assumes command and
begins reforms--Marching orders 175
CHAPTER XIV.
Leave Mexico for St Louis--Conduct of some of the men
and officers--Journey from St. Louis to Savannah, Tenn.--Scenes
on the passage--Captain Albert Hobbs--Loyalty of the
people on the Tennessee river--Move to Pittsburg Landing--The
situation--Criticism, &c. 189
CHAPTER XV.
The enemy's reconnoissance April 4th--The alarm 5th
April--THE BATTLE OF SHILOH--The soldier's impression of a
battle--Stragglers and their shameful conduct--The different
movements and positions of our division and brigade in the
battle--Appearance of General Grant--Gallant charge and
repulse of a rebel brigade 206
CHAPTER XVI.
The enemy massing against the left--Our successful stand--Retreat
and our successive positions therein--We form the
left of Prentiss--His gallant conduct and capture--Capture
of Major Stone--He and Prentiss vindicated--Scene on the
bluff--Night and Buell--The cannonade--The night 221
CHAPTER XVII.
The battle on Monday--Defeat of the enemy's right wing--Firmness
of the left--Gallant conduct of Gen. Hurlbut--Col. Johnson in
command of a part of our divided brigade--Victory--Flight
of the enemy and failure to pursue 233
CHAPTER XVIII.
A survey of the field--Plundering the dead--Civilians and
relic-seekers--Congratulatory orders--Camp on a field of
graves 243
CHAPTER XIX.
Preparations to advance on Corinth--Morale of army and
sanitary condition--Advance to Shiloh Springs--Inspection by
General J----Advance to Pea Ridge--Gov. Yates--Picket
skirmishing--Battle of Russellville House--Arrival of Col.
Scott--A night on picket in face of the enemy--THE EVACUATION
AND OCCUPATION OF CORINTH 257
CHAPTER XX.
Resume of the movements of our regiment--Sherman's
movements towards Memphis--Camp on the Heights of
Hatchie--Camp on Spring Creek and Wolf River--Colonel
Williams again--Incidents of the march from LaGrange,
Tenn., to Holly Springs, Mississippi--Return--Resignation
of Lieut. Col. Scott--Arrival in Memphis--Gen. Sherman as
a military man--Marching orders 278
CHAPTER XXI.
Lieut. Col. Trumbull--Leave Memphis--Night on Wolf
River--House burning--Reach and bridge the Hatchie--Hardships
and murmurs--March toward Bolivar--Arrival at Bolivar--A
reconnoissance towards Grand Junction--Attempt of the enemy
to get in our rear--Return to Bolivar--Reinforcements 291
CHAPTER XXII.
A day's march toward Corinth--Arrival of Gen. Ord--Situation
and movements of the enemy--BATTLE OF MATAMORA--Carrying
the bridge of the Hatchie--Disastrous situation--Reserves
ordered into action--Hurlbut saves the day--Carrying
the Heights--Retreat of the enemy--Bivouac on the
field--Reconnoissance, details, etc.--Return to Bolivar--Fruits
of the victory--Losses 303
CHAPTER XXIII.
Col. Trumbull's official report--General Hurlbut's parting
review--His parting orders--How they were received--Congratulatory
orders of Gen. Grant--Telegram from the President 317
CHAPTER XXIV.
Reorganization and changes--Reconnoissance by General
Ross--Disposition of the Hatchie prisoners--The State election
in our regiment--Effects of the news of the northern
elections upon the troops--Wild reports of the enemy's
advance--Fortifying--Preparations for a general advance--Arrival
of Gen. Grant--Grand review--Arrival of new regiments--General
marching orders--First day's march--Condition of the
troops--Our camp at LaGrange--Position of the enemy--Arrival
of Col. Williams--Resignation of Lieut. Col. Trumbull--The
Somerville march--Reviews and marching orders 329
CHAPTER XXV.
The army in motion to the South--Character and scenes of
the first days march--Bivouac at Holly Springs--An earthquake--The
cavalry division and the enemy's rear guard--Cannonading--Camp
Lumkin's Mills--A storm--Movement of Sherman, retreat of the
enemy and advance of troops--Our division left behind--We
advance--Rebel works on the Tallahatchie--Scenes and scenery
of the march--Oxford--Join the army at Yockona Creek--The
Thirty-third Wisconsin--The situation and movements--Raid
of Van Dorn--Movements to open the communications 345
CHAPTER XXVI.
Retreat of the army--Commendable spirit of the troops--March
to the Tallahatchie--Ridiculous rumors--Christmas--We
We go into camp--Return of Dickey's raid--Our condition as
to supplies--The New Year--March to Holly Springs--We go
into camp--March of Denver's division--Our situation--Burning
of Holly Springs--March again to the north--Bivouac
at Cold Water--Reviewing and speculating over the
campaign--Arrival at Moscow 358
CHAPTER XXVII.
Reorganization of Grant's army--How our division was
posted--Descent of guerrillas upon our forage train--We
march to Memphis and go into camp--A glance at the officers
of our regiment--Gen. Lauman's regimental drills--Review of
the Fourth division--Col. Bryant's movement against Chalmers--Our
division ordered to Vicksburg--Parting with my
comrades--Their journey down the river and affair with the
guerrillas near Greenville--Arrival at Young's Point--Their
view of Porter and Steele engaging the enemy--Proceed up
the Yazoo and occupy Haines' Bluff--The captures--Blowing
up the magazines--The 22d of May--They move to take position
in the investing lines--Their position and operations south
of the city--Their subsequent position and operations 373
CHAPTER XXVIII.
SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG--Our division moves with Sherman
against Johnson--March to Jackson--The place besieged--DISASTROUS
CHARGE OF COLONEL PUGH'S BRIGADE--The blame imputed to Gen.
Lauman--He is relieved of command--His parting orders--The
feeling in regard to him--Our losses--Subsequent movements
of the Third Iowa--CONCLUSION 386
RECOLLECTIONS.
CHAPTER I.
THE "UPRISING" IN IOWA--PATRIOTISM OF THE PEOPLE--THE
THIRD REGIMENT, ITS CHARACTER AND COMPOSITION--SPIRIT
AND IDEAS OF ITS MEMBERS--OUR COLONEL--OUR VISIT TO
CAMP ELLSWORTH, AND THE FIRST IOWA--THE SECOND AND
FIRST IOWA ADVANCE INTO MISSOURI--OUR QUARTERS--OUR
IDEAS OF OUR TREATMENT--POOR FARE, AND WHAT SOME OF US
"DID ABOUT IT"--OUR DUTIES--COMPLAINTS ABOUT PAY--OUR
ARMS--WE GO INTO CAMP--OUR FIRST EXPERIENCE--WE CHAFE
EXCEEDINGLY UNDER THE YOKE OF DISCIPLINE--MARCHING
ORDERS.
When at the commencement of the war the loyal States vied with
each other in offers of men and money to the Government, Iowa, in
proportion to her population and resources, was not behind any of
her sisters. The First Regiment of Infantry, the quota of the State
under the call for three months men, was promptly formed, and sent
to the designated rendezvous. But the people wanted to do more than
this. Companies were formed in all parts of the State. Thousands of
names were enrolled. It was not the question who should be permitted
to stay at home, but who should have the privilege of going. The
eagerness with which the claims to acceptance of so many different
companies were pressed upon the Governor, must have been a source of
great embarrassment to him.
The interval between the first and second call for troops was to
many who had tendered their services, unsuccessfully, a period
of unpleasant and unprofitable suspense; for it was a matter of
uncertainty to all, whether the services of any more troops would be
required. And who could tell? The rebellion was so entirely without
a precedent in our history, that the most far-seeing could not say
whether it was a short-lived insurrection that could be frightened
to death by military preparation, or a movement strong in its
organization and formidable in its proportions.
But this period was, nevertheless, one of preparation. Men were
settling their affairs, and preparing for the contingency which
might call them from their homes. At length, a call was made for an
additional number of troops to serve for three years, unless sooner
discharged. This altered the plans of many who thought to enlist
merely for honor and a little adventure. The prospect was now that
they would have decidedly too much of both. Nevertheless, the supply
of men greatly exceeded the demand. None who had enlisted with worthy
motives were disposed to shrink from the prospect.
Under this call the Second Regiment was organized; and the
unsuccessful candidates still waited in hope and doubt. Finally, in
the last days of May, the companies which were to compose the Third
Regiment received orders, to their great joy, to repair to the
designated rendezvous, and by the close of the first week in June,
they were assembled in Keokuk.
Though comrades now, its members were, for the most part, strangers
to each other. It belonged to no section, but rather to the State at
large. The northern, central and southern portions were represented.
In point of material it was a mixture of such elements as a border
State would be likely to furnish. There were among us men of almost
every State in the Union, and of almost every civilized country.
Nearly all, however, were Western men either by birth or long
residence, and were (is it boasting to say it?) tempered with that
hardy, resolute spirit which is characteristic of Western men,
especially of those who dwell on the frontier. The greater portion
were from the rural districts, and trained to active, out-door
pursuits. Those who were from the towns were for the most part
river men. If there were among us any of "the drooping city's pale
abortions," they soon learned to imitate the rough virtues of their
comrades.
In point of ideas, there was as great a difference as of birth or
nationality. It is claiming nothing to say that money had not entered
into the calculations of those who first tendered their services to
their country. The one great thought was the preservation of the
Union. But such was the constitution of our ideas, that we saw in
the accomplishment of this object ulterior results widely different.
Each loved the Union for what it was to him. To the Irishman, it was
an asylum where he could enjoy that civil liberty, and exemption
from the oppression of an established church, which had been denied
him at home. He proposed to fight now for the preservation of that
liberty. He saw in the destruction of the Union an invitation to the
ambitious monarchs of Europe to fetter us with such chains as bound
his own unhappy country. This was why he had enlisted.
To the Englishman in our ranks, America was now his country. It was
to be the dwelling-place of his children. It promised more than any
other to promote the peace and happiness of its people, and the
progress of civilization. It was a branch of that great Saxon tree,
which, continually spreading, already overshadowed the earth. Should
it fall into the whirlpool of Gallic anarchy? Should it degenerate
into a contemptible Mexican civilization? God forbid. He was ready to
defend it with his blood.
We had among us the poetical, Heaven-ascending German. He proposed
to fight for an ideal. That ideal was liberty. It was to him the
symbol of progress, the talisman which was to lift man from earth to
Heaven. He saw in the rebellion a reactionary movement, a tendency
from democracy to aristocracy--from the power of the people to the
one man power; a repudiation of the doctrine on which the Republic
was founded;--nay, more, an attempt to found a Government on a maxim
of absolute injustice, the assumption that one man has the right to
own another. Could such a movement succeed? Was progress baffled? Had
the age begun to retreat? He proposed to fight, not for the unity of
the nation alone, not alone because it was now his country, but for
that principle of liberty which he saw, more fully than anywhere
else embodied in her institutions,--that democratic principle which
is destined one day to be the foundation of all human government.
But the great majority were native Americans, coming, immediately
or remotely, from every section of the Union, with various ties and
various ideas. They combined all these motives and ideas, and more.
To vindicate the national honor; to avenge the insults done the
flag; to overthrow all traitors and bring them to swift punishment;
to save the nation from disintegration and ruin;--this was why they
proposed to fight. Their country was too dear an inheritance to be
easily given up. Had the Fathers fought in vain? Had Washington,
Madison and Jefferson lived to organize anarchy and confound the
world? Had it taken the wisdom and blood of a generation to found
and build a temple which treason could tear down in an hour? Was the
reason of the ages to be contradicted? Was justice to be overthrown?
Was Progress to stop here? Must the Lamp of Liberty which had been
lighted to guide the footsteps of the nations go out in the gloom
which was gathering around us? Such were the questions we asked
ourselves. As far as we could do, our deeds have answered them.
Thus of whatever section, of whatever country, with whatever ideas,
we had now joined hands and were comrades,--all moving toward one
grand, patriotic holy object, the preservation of our country and of
liberty.
And now looking around us, we saw everywhere matter for
encouragement. Every omen seemed propitious. Every circumstance
argued success. The North was united. There was no party now. At
worst, we could but suppose the South likewise united against us.
In that case we were twenty millions; they eight millions. We had a
navy; they had none. We could blockade their ports, and cut off their
supplies from foreign nations. We possessed manufactures, and means
of keeping up our material. In this respect they were almost entirely
deficient. We possessed a variety of resources which rendered our
government self-sustaining in the most adverse events. They depended
solely upon cotton, which now they would not be able to sell. And
then their servile population, we supposed, instead of being a help,
would be a great embarrassment. Besides, were we not engaged in a
just cause? and would not, then, this great disparity in our favor
enable us speedily to overcome them? With such strength, fortified
in right, it seemed impossible that a single reverse could come upon
us. Our enthusiasm, as yet untempered by disappointment or disaster,
was unbounded. The future seemed full of glorious events, and we
longed to be hurried into it. We had but one desire--to be uniformed,
equipped and led on.
For a leader we wanted a man, who, while possessing some knowledge
of military affairs, should have none of the exclusive spirit we
understood to exist among the officers of the regular army. To
suit our tastes, he must be at once commander and comrade. Such a
colonel we were prepared to respect--to idolize. Who was he to
be? It was understood that Captain Herron and Congressman Vandever
were candidates. We disliked the Captain, because he had been to a
military school, and the Congressman, because he had never been to
one; it was evident, we would be hard to suit. But it soon became
apparent that, want whom we would, our wishes would not govern the
appointment. Governor Kirkwood desired to consult only the wishes of
the officers in the matter. There was a man, Nelson G. Williams, of
Delaware county, whose claims to the colonelcy of one of the first
regiments his friends, through the press and otherwise, had urged
with great pertinacity. It was said that he was a military man, and
yet a private citizen, and not a politician. Many had spoken in favor
of him; no one against him. He was the man. It was determined to call
this Cincinnatus from his obscurity. In a caucus of the commissioned
officers he received nineteen votes, and, on the strength of this
nomination, was appointed.
We were mustered into the service of the United States by Lieut.
Alexander Chambers, of the regular army, since colonel of the 16th
Iowa. Before this ceremony took place, the Articles of War were read
to us, and from them we inferred that it was no easy matter to be a
good soldier, and not at all safe to be a poor one. Those who did not
wish to be sworn in after hearing them read, were allowed to decline.
A few did so; and the farewell salutations these "deserters," as we
chose to call them, received from their late comrades were not at all
calculated to make them feel joyful or proud. As our field officers
were not yet announced, Captain Herron, as senior officer, assumed
command of the regiment. He was in every respect a gentleman; but his
discipline, though wholesome and correct, was such as our democratic
ideas enabled us poorly to appreciate.
On the 10th of June, we, for the first time, saw ourselves as
a regiment. The regiment was formed in the proper order of the
companies, and marched in column of sections, through the principal
streets of the city. We had no arms; and every company had its own
style of uniform. Nevertheless, as we marched along, we caught, from
the admiring glances of the citizens, an idea of our importance, and
that such a sight as we presented was not to be seen every day, and
that we were destined to play no unimportant part in the war for the
Union.
On the 11th of June the people of Keokuk celebrated the obsequies
of Senator Douglas. Of course the "military" had to take part in
it. The three regiments were assembled, and following each other in
their appropriate order, marched in column of platoons, to slow time,
through the principal streets, and then through clouds of dust, and
under a melting sun, away up the Mississippi to a point somewhere
between Keokuk and Fort Madison. Here for the first time we got sight
of a hearse, magnificently trimmed in black, into which a number of
verdants were seen to peek, doubtless in expectation of getting a
sight of Douglas. We were allowed to break ranks which was a great
relief to us, as we expected to be compelled to stand in our places
and undergo the infliction of an oration. The whole being over, the
battalions were again formed and marched back to their quarters to
quick time. The citizens, who rode in carriages, or walked on the
green sward, pronounced this military display a grand affair; but the
soldiers who had been compelled to keep the dusty road, going and
coming, pronounced it an intolerable bore. Some went so far as to
express the profane wish that the great senator had never been born.
At this time, the First Iowa was in camp near the city. The name of
their camp was Ellsworth. Their mode of life was a great novelty to
us, and the fact that such was soon to be ours, gave it an additional
interest. Those sentinels, marching to and fro, so stern, so mute,
lent to their little city an inhospitable air, which we were not at
all pleased to see. All within ten feet of their beat was forbidden
ground. Why could we not trespass upon it? At least we thought there
could be no harm in allowing their own men to pass out and in when
they pleased. The sentinel could not explain this. He wanted to see
the boys have all the privileges they wished, but he must obey his
orders. Then, with a shake of the head, he would hint that it was
contrary to orders for a sentinel to talk on his beat, and pass on.
What did all this signify? Their officers were "putting on style," we
said, and the men were learning to be soldiers pretty easily. Well,
we could not blame the boys. It was their duty to obey their orders,
at all events.
Then there was the gate where stood Sentinel No. 1. Through this,
all who went in or out were compelled to pass. And there stood the
officer of the guard. How magnificently attired! If men's merits were
to be judged by their appearance, we would have supposed him a hero
of twenty battles. That Zouave cap, with the gold lace and bugle on
it; that scarlet sash; those monstrous epaulettes;--how they dazzled!
And then the neat fitting coat and pants. And what a full chest he
had! "He must be a long-winded fellow," said we. And that we thought
would help him if he should have any running to do, which was among
the possibilities of war. And couldn't he swim though. Well, if such
a bellows would not float a man, what would? A regiment of such
fellows would float a bridge across the Mississippi. Perhaps the coat
had something to do with it--who knew?
But we forgot to salute him. What daggers he looked at us! We
asked him to let us pass in. "Where do you belong?" "To the Third
Regiment." "What do you want here?" "To see some friends." "Sentinel,
pass them in, Sir!"
It was indeed a novelty to most of us. The men and officers lived
in square, white tents, slept on hay, and cooked their rations on
fires built in holes dug in the ground. Most of the men were very
communicative. A few would hold up their heads as if to say, "We
have seen service; you are greenies." Of course some of us must have
appeared very verdant to them. We plied all manner of questions,
in reply to which they told us prodigious stories of what they had
already seen, and suffered, for their country's sake. If we were to
believe them, they were suffering greatly now. They had been in the
service a month and a half, and the Government had furnished them no
clothing and not a cent of pay! Besides, they were half-starved, and
the rations provided them were not fit for a dog! And their officers
treated them shamefully, too. We began to think so; for yonder was a
captain drilling his men. They obeyed promptly; and, yet, at every
command, he called them "devils-of-hell."
Their officers all dressed wondrous fine. If all officers wore such
epaulettes, such bugles and such lace, we did not wonder that there
was an advance in American gold. And when we saw that they were all
exceedingly full-chested, like the stern lieutenant at the gate, we
concluded that the coat did have something to do with it.
And when we went away, it was under the impression that those
soldiers would fight, and that they could tell a few things which we
did not know. We concluded, too, that their officers put on a good
deal of style; and indeed, we said, ours were beginning to pattern
after them. A soldier did not have many rights that a white man was
bound to respect, any way. We were very willing, very patriotic then,
but we had not learned to be contented with what we could neither
prevent nor improve.
About two o'clock on the morning of June 12th, we heard a great
tumult in the streets. It was the Second Regiment preparing to
leave. They had received orders to advance into Missouri and take
possession of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad which the rebels
were attempting to destroy. All seemed to be greatly elated at the
prospect before them. But amid the hurry of preparation, there was no
time to talk.
The following afternoon the First Regiment left for the same
destination. Their boys, like those of the Second, were jubilant in
spirit. They went about the boat which was to take them away, singing
a parody on "Dixie;" and the boat moved out amid enthusiastic cheers
of a large throng of citizens. It would be our turn to leave next. We
hoped it would be soon.
And now the Third Iowa were the only military occupants of Keokuk.
Our quarters were in commodious and comfortable buildings. We were
provided with blankets, warm enough, but of a very inferior quality,
and plenty of clean hay to sleep on. For subsistence, we were turned
over to the tender mercies of contractors whom Government paid for
boarding men at the rate of two dollars and ten cents per week. It
may be surmised that it was the chief ambition of some of these men
to board us as cheaply as possible. At least we thought so.
We began to see a great and unpleasant difference between the state
of things now and a month ago. Then the time passed like a holiday.
We were preparing to leave for the war, and the people seemed to
think they could not do too much to encourage and assist us. They
idolized us as patriots, almost as heroes. We had hazarded all we
possessed, they said, for our country's sake. We hence belonged to
them. The stripling of seventeen by enlisting gave himself to the
public. Everybody talked of him; admired, encouraged, praised. He
was a noble lad; he had the brave heart of a man. More likely than
not, half a dozen fair misses were ready to quarrel with each other
on his account. Indeed, the ladies seemed to be unanimous in the
opinion that "none but the brave deserve the fair." A young man who
had not joined some company, without he had a very plain excuse,
was nowhere among them. The soldier was "all in all;" the proud
recipient of every favor, whether of money, advice, flattery, smiles
or sighs. It would be surprising if these attentions did not lead us
to form a very exalted opinion of our deserts. So it was. The people
had humored us until when they handed us over to the Government, we
were like spoiled children. We wanted to be humored still. At least,
we looked upon ourselves as gentlemen, and thought the contractors
should treat us as such. This they certainly did not do. It was bad
enough, we thought, to compel us to eat on greasy tin plates and to
drink our coffee out of cups of the same material; but to serve hair
and brick-dust up to us in our soup, seemed decidedly out of place.
At first we contented ourselves with dropping hints to the waiters
that a reform in this matter would be agreeable; but seeing our hints
unheeded we threw out admonitions, which were likewise a waste of
words. Finally, two companies, D and F, indicated their displeasure,
at their boarding houses, by turning up the tables, and pelting the
waiters with beef bones. It seemed to some of our young ideas a
glorious manifestation of the old Saxon spirit of liberty. At least,
its results were salutary. In both cases it secured us a _magna
charta_ in the shape of a new boarding place with earthen dishes and
palatable food.
It is doubtless true that under the impression that we were suffering
useless hardships, our complaints were at times very unreasonable.
Young soldiers, like young children, sometimes act very foolishly.
And as a person in manhood generally sees the folly of his early
days, so we subsequently had many a hearty laugh at these complaints
about what we had learned to consider luxuries, especially during the
fasts of Kirksville and the Tallahatchie.
Our duties at this time differed in some respects from those of later
days. Of course we had to retire and rise at the tap of the drum; but
we had less fatigue and guard duty and more drill. We were required
to drill six hours a day, a very irksome duty, as some had sore feet,
and the weather was quite warm.
It is now a matter of ludicrous astonishment to us that before we
had been in the United States service a week, we began to grumble
about our pay. The State owed us for the three weeks we had passed
in its service. Why did it not pay us? It was not such treatment as
we had expected to receive; but now they had got us in their power,
they would do with us as they pleased. But why did we not think of
that before? And who did we mean by that indefinite _they_? It is a
monster that has inflicted upon us untold wrongs, but could any one
give his locality?
At length, on the 24th of June, we received pay for the time we had
spent in the State service. It was a small sum, less than seven
dollars to each man; but many of us had been out of money for some
time, and it may be imagined it was highly appreciated. Indeed,
before night, some of us grew quite rich over it.
The same day we received our arms. Instead of the Springfield
or Enfield rifle of which we had had so many dreams, we were
disappointed in finding them a plain, bright musket, marked,
"Springfield, 1848." But we did not know as much about these muskets
then as we do now. There are some graves on a cotton field near
Pittsburg Landing that have a tale to tell about them to any ordnance
officer that will pass that way.
The following day we went into camp on the site of the late Camp
Ellsworth. We received commodious quarters in the shape of fourteen
wall tents to the company. The business of getting into camp consumed
the entire day. We were beginners then. A strong line of sentinels
was established around us. We did not like it. No, nor have we ever
learned to like to be thus imprisoned.
The name of our camp was Kirkwood. It was a beautiful situation. The
ground was a gently rolling greensward, over which were scattered
trees in pleasant variety, and, near by, swept between his bold banks
the majestic "Father of Waters."
It may be presumed that for the first few days of our camp
experience, we got along poorly. But we could adapt ourselves more
readily to our new mode of life than the members of some regiments
in the field; for we had among us many whose frontier life had
taught them the mysteries of "camping out." Of course we cooked our
food badly. But the ladies who daily visited our camp gave us many
important hints on this subject. As yet we had no surgeon; and our
officers, either from want of knowledge, or not appreciating the
importance of the matter, paid very little attention to it. It was a
long time before we learned to cook our food so as not seriously to
impair health.
At this time a circumstance occurred which showed that our "Saxon
spirit of Liberty" was not unconquerable. The quartermaster had
furnished us no cups, plates, knives, forks nor spoons. We were told
that we would have to buy them with our own money. This we were
determined not to do. We declared that the Government should furnish
them. The quartermaster we believed was swindling us, and putting
the money in his own pocket. We said all manner of hard things about
him and about our officers generally. Well, after we had been two
or three days in camp, it was noticed that most of us were provided
with the articles in question. Where or how did we get them? The
quartermaster did not furnish them, nor did any one give them to us;
we must have bought them. Thus military discipline and hunger are
great eagle-tamers.
But the Third Iowa was not allowed that period of discipline and
drill with which some regiments are favored before going into active
service. Almost from the very outset, we were destined to receive
our training in the face of the enemy. On the 28th of June it was
rumored that we were to advance into Missouri. That evening crowds
of citizens visited our camp and paid us great respect and many
kindnesses. Instead of a dress parade, as usual, we underwent the
display of a review before Colonel Curtis of the Second Regiment,
who commanded the "North Missouri Expedition." Before tattoo it was
definitely announced that we would leave the following morning, and
orders were issued for reveille at three o'clock.
CHAPTER II.
WE BREAK UP CAMP AT KEOKUK--THE PARTING OCCASION--THE
LAST LINGERING LOOK--A PLEASANT STEAMBOAT RIDE--TWO
NIGHTS AND A DAY AT HANNIBAL--WE ADVANCE BY RAIL
INTO THE INTERIOR OF MISSOURI--DANGERS ATTENDING
THE MOVEMENT--WE HALT AT CHILLICOTHE, GRAND RIVER
BRIDGE, AND UTICA--LEAVING THE CARS AND CAMPING FOR
THE NIGHT--CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY--OUR FIRST NIGHT
ALARM--HOW WE CELEBRATED THE FOURTH OF JULY--OUR
UNIFORM--OUR RATIONS--OUR DISCIPLINE--COL. WILLIAMS
ARRIVES AND ASSUMES COMMAND--COL. SMITH VISITS AND
CONSULTS WITH HIM--ANOTHER FALSE ALARM.
Reveille sounded at the appointed hour. We pulled down our tents,
packed our baggage and camp equipage in boxes (for as yet we had
no knapsacks), and by daylight were ready to move. But it took
considerable time to convey the baggage to the boats, and we passed
the interval in singing patriotic songs and listening to speeches
which were delivered by a number of comrades amid the greatest
applause. Brilliant was the prospect before us. It looked like a
march of victory. Price had been defeated at Booneville, and had fled
with a few followers to the borders of Arkansas. There was nothing
before us, we thought, but to occupy a conquered country, and while
preparing for a general advance, to wipe out the irregular parties
which straggled in his wake. A vain delusion! A single fortnight
would undeceive.
At length we formed battalion, and marched through the city to the
levee, where the two steam ferry boats, "Gate City" and "Hamilton
Belle," lashed together, lay waiting to receive us. We went aboard,
amid displays of the greatest enthusiasm on the part of the citizens,
to which our hearts, overflowing with pride and patriotism, and, as
yet, unchilled by the realities we were to encounter, sent up a long
response. At length the boats moved out amid a storm of cheers from
citizens on shore and soldiers on board, as loud as a young battle,
and when, by reason of the distance, our mutual voices could no
longer be heard, we saw the vast throng waving their adieus, and as
we sped down the willing waters, we watched with a lingering look
the brick city crowning the bold hills, recede through the driving
mist till it vanished. It was like taking the last look at homes and
firesides. To many it was the last look indeed.
And now, as if to dispel the sad thoughts which filled our minds, we
instinctively turned our looks southward whither we were going.
The day was gloomy; but it could not destroy the pleasant effect
of the scenery through which we passed. The banks on either side
rising majestically under their weight of forest, or gently receding
in green fields, with many a little cottage quietly stowed away in
their shady nooks; the beautiful towns with their fine residences
and shady walks, where, as we passed, the people waved their little
flags and white handkerchiefs in applause; the islands--like visions
of paradise upon the peaceful waters--fled past us--a panorama of
enchanting beauty.
Toward evening we arrived at the beautiful city of Hannibal, and were
quartered in two large railroad freight houses, the gravel floors of
which constituted our hard beds. The work of unloading and unpacking
our baggage furnished a scene of indescribable confusion. It was
impossible for every one to find what belonged to him; and what one
lost out of his own, he generally endeavored to make up from his
neighbor's pile,--a game in which some succeeded much better than
others. In this situation we passed the following day, which was a
beautiful one, waiting for the train to arrive which was to take us
westward over the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad.
We formed the acquaintance of several members of the Sixteenth
Illinois, two companies of which were stationed here. They doted
largely on the good times they were having, and how much they enjoyed
the hospitality of the good Union people of Hannibal. Toward evening
our regiment marched through the city and had a dress parade, which
was witnessed by a large crowd of citizens.
The following morning, July 1st, we got on board a long passenger
train with our effects, and, at ten o'clock, the whistle sounded
and we moved on. Passing out of the city, and all along the route,
the citizens greeted us with many demonstrations of enthusiasm. But
we already began to get tired of this. We began to do less cheering
and waving of hats, and more sober thinking about our situation and
the realities we were about to encounter. We were moving into the
enemy's country without a knapsack, haversack, or canteen,--without
a mule or wagon of transportation,--without a cartridge box or
a cartridge,--nothing but empty muskets with bright bayonets.
The country was on fire with treason. The people were everywhere
organizing to resist the Federal forces. The Union people received
us joyfully; but according to their own statements, they were in a
minority, hesitating, purposeless, powerless. It is true, that at
Hannibal they had organized three companies of home guards who had
one piece of artillery. Such was the condition of things when, almost
totally unequipped, we moved into the interior of Missouri. The risk
was enormous. It was alike a risk of safety and of reputation. The
railroad led directly through the country where Brigadier General
Thomas Harris was organizing his rebel forces. A hundred determined
men could have thrown our train off the track and captured all of
us. It is scarcely possible to conceive of greater stupidity than to
take troops into such a country in this condition. We were perfectly
helpless. We could not have withstood fifty armed men. The ignorance
of the enemy alone was our good fortune.
But we dismissed apprehensions, and occupied our minds with
contemplating the beautiful landscape on either side of us. There was
an indescribable charm in this railroad ride. It was moving upon the
enemy at a rate we had never dreamed of. The forests were full of
wild flowers and song birds whose notes we could not hear; the level
prairie sometimes stretching away in endless distance, sometimes
bounded by long stretches of forest that looked like infantry arrayed
for battle; the lofty hills and wide green bottoms--a dissolving
view, ever vanishing and reappearing. We were without rations; but
the train made frequent halts at the stations, during which we would
rush to the stores and buy whatever we wanted.
At dark the train arrived, when two companies under Captain Stone
were left as a garrison. Four miles beyond, at the bridge over Grand
River, Captain Sladden was left, with his company, C.
A mile further, the train discharged the remaining seven companies
at the little village of Utica. It was now nine o'clock at night.
Our baggage had to be brought from the cars, (and in those days we
carried as much baggage as a division does now), wood and water had
to be got, and no one knew where to get it; every thing was to be
done; the night was quite dark, and the roads full of ditches. It
was a scene, had it been possible to see any thing, of exquisite
confusion. No one, unless he has been with them, can appreciate the
inconvenience a regiment of young troops experience in camping for
the night for the first time under such circumstances. But we managed
to get through it all by midnight, and, then, lying down upon the wet
ground, without a picket posted or a cartridge at hand, we slept.
The following day we established our camp near the town on a
beautiful greensward, surrounded for the most part by young timber.
We found the water in its vicinity poor and unwholesome. It was here
that our quartermaster treated us for the first time to the luxury of
pilot bread, then known by the name of crackers, but since vulgarly
called "hard tack"--a luxury we have seldom wanted since. At night
we received four rounds of ammunition to the man, and were admonished
to be prepared for a sudden attack. Again we had no pickets posted.
A vigorous attack by a small party of men would have utterly
disorganized us. Let us thank the combination of accidents, which, in
spite of the carelessness of our commanding officers, saved us from
such a misfortune.
Before the arrival of Federal troops in this section, the rebels had
everything their own way. They had organized bands or companies at
different points, and by threats and acts of violence had terrified
the Union people into silence. But when the troops arrived, these
bands precipitately fled, and it became the turn of the Union people
to rule and rejoice. On our arrival at Utica two or three rebels
showed the cloven foot by endeavoring to escape by flight; but,
they were captured, and, after being confined two or three days in
our guard tent, they were released on taking the oath, to the great
astonishment and indignation of the boys, who proposed various
punishments instead, among which hanging figured conspicuously.
On the trip hither it had been announced that Captain John Scott, of
Company E, had been appointed Lieutenant Colonel, and Captain William
M. Stone, of Company B, Major. Lieut. Col. Scott accordingly assumed
command the day after our arrival at this point.
The Fourth of July, 1861, was a day which we shall long remember. It
was ushered in by a false alarm about three o'clock in the morning.
Two or three shots were fired by the sentinels, and the long roll
began to beat at a great rate. We had never heard it before; but we
knew well enough what it meant. We jumped out of bed quicker than if
a tornado had burst upon us. It took, of course, two or three seconds
to get awake. Where were we, and what was to pay? Suddenly the whole
thing flashed upon us. We were soldiers and in Missouri, and last
night our officer had told us to be ready for a surprise. Imagine a
soldier in this predicament! He springs first for his gun, then for
his shoes. Where are they? Some one has got them on. It is vain to
inquire after them. There is a universal clamor of voices, and no one
hears anything except what he says himself. A cool listener outside
might distinguish such expressions as these: "Where the devil's my
hat?" "Who's got my boots?" "They're right on us; didn't you hear the
guards fire?" "Hold up your gun there! You'll jab somebody with your
bayonet." "I don't load till I get orders." "There! I've lost my last
cartridge." "Fall in! Fall in."
At length he blunders upon a pair of shoes. They are not his; for
they do not fit him at all. But he gets one of them on, and suddenly
discovers that his pants should come on first. Off come the shoe and
on the pants. By this time his head and the tent begin to get clear.
He gets on his pants, then his shoes, seizes his gun and falls into
the ranks.
On this occasion our companies were promptly formed and dressed. Then
there was some shivering, some grumbling and a good deal of standing
still and waiting. Strange, thought we, that the rebels had not
charged upon us immediately. But perhaps there was none to charge.
At length amid hoarse grumblings and suppressed cursings, it was
announced that we had been victimized by a false alarm. Accordingly
we broke ranks and again went to bed. What was the cause of this
alarm? Some said the sentinels had got scared and fired at a hog;
others that the commanding officer had gotten it up to exercise the
men.
As the morning dawned, a couple of anvils (for we had no cannon)
were fired to usher in the consecrated day. It was decided that it
should be duly celebrated. After breakfast the battalion was formed
and marched to a grove near the village where the exercises were
appointed to take place. Here we were joined by a goodly number
of citizens. It was an impressive scene. On the soil of our own
country, and yet in an enemy's land, citizens and soldiers mingled
together--fair faces and gray hairs by the side of glittering
bayonets--to celebrate the birthday of our beloved country, now
bleeding and almost in the struggle of death. The Declaration of
Independence was read in an impressive manner by Lieut. Col. Scott;
patriotic songs were sung in which Lieut. Mullarky of our regiment
took the lead, and the ladies joined; an appropriate and eloquent
oration was delivered by Capt. Newcomb; martial airs were played by
the band, and a series of regular toasts were responded to with music
and cheers. We then returned to camp.
After dinner it was announced that Major Stone had invited a portion
of Col. Scott's people to join him and his in a celebration at
Chillicothe. Four companies were allowed the privilege of going.
A train of cars conveyed them thither, and from the depot they
marched to the place of meeting near the town. The exercises were the
same as those of the forenoon, except there was, if possible, more
enthusiasm. The Declaration was read by a citizen, Lieut. Col. Scott
followed with a speech which was characteristic of the man, generous,
honest, and outspoken. He was followed by several citizens who spoke
amid frequent and loud applause. Mr. Woolfolk, a young member of the
bar, was particularly eloquent. The language and manner in which he
referred to the past glory and present distress of our country was
sufficient to have touched the heart of the most remorseless traitor.
And when he appealed to the patriotism of the people of Missouri, and
pointed to the glories won by her sons under Doniphan, the applause
was beyond description. When he sat down there was a universal outcry
from the soldiers for "Major Stone," "our Presbyterian Major." The
Major mounted the stand and held for a few minutes the attention of
the assemblage. His commanding figure, his rapid and nervous style
of speaking, and his ready wit made a marked impression upon all. He
spoke with his usual invective and sarcasm, which was now happily
directed against Claib. Jackson, General Price, and their unfortunate
followers. Before he closed, the boys asked his permission to have
a dance, to which he replied that his religious scruples would not
allow him to participate in anything of the kind, but he would watch
the gap while they had the fun. He closed amid rapturous applause.
We were especially delighted with the patriotic songs sung by a
glee club of citizens, most of whom were ladies. But what pleased us
almost as well was a tangible manifestation of the hospitality of
the Union people of Chillicothe, in the shape of a substantial table
of victuals, from which no soldier was allowed to go away hungry.
We did not stay to see whether the Major's boys had their proposed
dance, nor did we greatly care to; since the boys of Company C had
this afternoon sported their new uniforms (our's had not yet been
issued to us); and the ladies had appeared quite exclusive in their
attentions to them. We returned to our camps, having experienced a
revivification of patriotism under circumstances which we shall never
forget.
The following day our long desired uniform was issued to us. It
consisted of pants and dress coat of fine and substantial gray cloth,
trimmed with blue. The pants had the blue cord down the outer seams,
and the coat had three buttons on the sleeves instead of two, marks
which on the regulation uniform indicate the rank of a commissioned
officer. In this some of the boys were disposed to think the State
designed conferring an especial mark of honor. In connection with
the coat and pants, we received the usual complement of drawers and
shirts, two pairs of each. Adding to this the hats and shoes already
drawn at Keokuk, we now had a complete uniform, unsurpassed, it was
said, by that of any regiment in the service. It was emphatically a
dress parade uniform. We prized it highly, and to preserve it, many
continued to wear their old clothing as the Colonel had directed.
But the advantage of being clothed well and in uniform was in our
case not without disadvantages. We were of course compelled to
appear on dress parade in full uniform, and with coat buttoned to
the chin. Our coats were of wool, and heavily padded, and hence in
the hot days of summer this was exceedingly uncomfortable. It is
not surprising, then, that, on one of our first dress parades after
wearing them, five men fainted and fell from the ranks. It was a
winter uniform, heavier than is ever furnished by the Government, and
totally unfit to wear on the long marches we were destined to make
during the hottest days of the summer. But the chief objection to
it was its color. It was the same as that adopted by the enemy. And
as we had heard that in one or two instances Federal regiments had
committed the blunder of firing into each other, our apprehensions
on this point were not very pleasant. This indeed proved to be an
insurmountable objection; for after the battle of Blue Mills it was
condemned, orders were issued against wearing it, _and then we were
compelled to pay for it_. But the commissioned officers drew a suit
apiece, for which, by some "hocus pocus" unknown to privates, they
got rid of paying anything. At this time, however, we had not the
slightest apprehension that it would be charged to us; and, as we now
contrasted our condition with some of the ragged troops we had seen,
we could not but feel a sense of gratitude toward the State by whose
generosity we supposed it furnished.
This feeling was in decided contrast with the feelings we entertained
toward those who managed the department of subsistence. The quantity
of rations which we drew, though perhaps as much as the Regulations
at that time allowed, was totally inadequate to satisfy our hunger.
Of unsubstantials, such as salt, vinegar, soap, and candles, we had
plenty. Our supply of meat was also more than we could consume. But
of bread, the staff of life, each man received the poor pittance
of three hard crackers a day, and of beans, the other article of
vegetable diet issued to us, each man got about a pint in eight days.
These rations were evidently insufficient for healthy, strong men,
who were drilling forenoon and afternoon, and otherwise in constant
exercise.
But we found some relief in trading with citizens who daily visited
our camp. Butter, milk and vegetables they readily exchanged with us
for bacon and coffee. And, thus, with the help of a little money, we
managed to live.
To our credit be it said, we had not yet begun to practice the
"vandalism," which, in subsequent days, called forth so many General
Orders. Hogs and sheep, great and small, ran through our camps
unmolested. Gardens grew unpillaged, and fowls roosted unharmed. Our
conduct did not give the lie to our professions, and the people had
every reason to believe that in estimating us as "vandals," seeking
spoils rather than anything else, they had been grossly deceived.
While we were camped at Utica, Col. Williams arrived and assumed
command. Of course all watched his conduct with great scrutiny. He
was the man who, more than any other, held in his hand our destiny.
His proper care would give us supplies, health, discipline, and, in
every way, promote our efficiency, good appearance and good name. His
conduct in battle would greatly influence the chances of victory and
glory on the one hand, and of defeat and disgrace on the other. It
is needless to say, that his first acts disappointed us. His efforts
to preserve good discipline were certainly commendable; but his
decisions were rash and hasty. His temper was quick and ungovernable,
and his judgment part of the time under the control of his temper.
The least mistake of a soldier was sufficient to put him into a
violent fit of rage. Of course such manifestations tended to create
a feeling of hatred and contempt toward him on the part of his men;
and so frequently did these occur that they soon came to despise,
at once, the man, his rank and authority. A state of things more
unfortunate to our regiment, and to many of its individual members,
could scarcely have occurred.
On Sunday, July 7th, our camp was visited by Col. Smith, of the
Sixteenth Illinois, which was then stationed in two detachments,
one at Hannibal, and one at Palmyra. It was rumored that he came to
concert measures with Col. Williams for a movement against the enemy.
But of course whatever was determined on, was kept a secret from us;
for which reason some of us thought that the Colonel was acting very
ungenerously toward us, and betraying a great lack of confidence in
us. Ah, we had something to learn yet.
The same night we were victimized by another false alarm, which was
got up by Colonel Williams to exercise us in forming line of battle
by night. On this occasion line of battle was formed without much
delay, when the Colonel endeavored, but with poor success, to put us
through one or two battalion manoeuvers, and then allowed us to go to
quarters.
CHAPTER III.
OPERATIONS OF THE REBEL GENERAL HARRIS--THREE COMPANIES
OF OUR REGIMENT DETAILED TO JOIN AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
HIM--WE ARE ALLOWED TEN MINUTES FOR PREPARATION--WE
JOIN A PORTION OF THE SIXTEENTH ILLINOIS AT
PALMYRA--AND WITH THEM RETURN TO MONROE--THE MOVEMENT
IS DELAYED BY A STORM--CONSULTATION OF OFFICERS--THE
COLUMN MOVES--SKIRMISH OF HAGER'S WOODS--WE DELAY AND
FINALLY CAMP FOR THE NIGHT--AND IN THE MORNING BEGIN TO
RETREAT--OUR TRAIN BURNED AND THE ENEMY IN OUR REAR--A
THREATENED SKIRMISH--HE CUTS OFF OUR COMMUNICATION
AND SURROUNDS US IN LARGE FORCE--COOL CONDUCT OF
COLONEL SMITH--WE BEGIN TO FORTIFY--A NIGHT OF
EXPECTATION--DETAILS OF OUR SITUATION--THE ENEMY OPENS
WITH ARTILLERY AND BEGINS TO DRAW IN HIS LINES--WE
LIE IN OUR TRENCHES AND RESERVE OUR FIRE--AID IN THE
RIGHT TIME--THE ENEMY QUITS THE FIELD IN PANIC--AN
ACCIDENT--COL. WILLIAMS ARRIVES WITH A PORTION OF THE
THIRD IOWA.
We were now to learn that we had not been called into the field to
wear fine uniforms and make imposing parades. We were to learn that
soldiering has some higher realities than guard duty, drill and pilot
bread. We were to learn that our prediction of the total defeat
of the rebel cause in Missouri had been the wildest mistake, and,
that in times of war it is folly to make any predictions whatever.
In short, we were to learn what it was to see the enemy, to be
surrounded by him, and to be shot at by him.
It appears that Thomas Harris, a citizen of Hannibal, one who had
been a member of Congress from Missouri a West Point graduate, and
a man of tact and shrewdness, as those who knew him averred, was
recruiting and concentrating, in Monroe county, south of the Hannibal
and St. Joseph Railroad, a large force of mounted infantry, with
what designs was then unknown to the Union authorities. It is known,
however, that he gave infinite trouble to the Federal forces in
northeastern Missouri; that he baffled all efforts to capture him,
crossed the Missouri with a large force, joined Price at Lexington,
and under him commanded a division. On the Sunday alluded to in
the last chapter, Colonel Smith and Colonel Williams agreed upon a
plan for a movement against his accumulating forces. To this end,
the Third Iowa was to furnish three companies. That evening Colonel
Williams assembled his captains, and they cast lots for the privilege
of joining in the coveted movement. Herron, Newcomb and Warren were
the lucky men, and their companies A, F and H were thus designated to
take part in it. Thus our first expedition was concocted on Sunday,
perhaps by accident; but who knows that the venerable colonel of the
Sixteenth did not think it well to devote the Sabbath to so good a
work?
Notwithstanding the companies which were to take part in it, were
thus designated, orders for preparation were not issued to them that
evening; no, nor at reveille in the morning. It was not till after
breakfast that we received this order, and then we were allowed but
ten minutes for preparation; and what was still more astonishing, we
were not told whether to take any rations, or what baggage to take,
and what to leave behind. We must do in ten minutes no one could
tell what, or else leave every thing undone. We, however, undertook
the job of packing up our private effects, and getting them in shape
to leave behind. But the matter on which the colonel had rested all
night so easily, had now become suddenly and dreadfully urgent.
While we were hurrying together our things with the utmost haste, he
appeared among us in a great rage because we were not in ranks. We
were compelled to leave our property, some of it packed, and some of
it scattered about in our tents. It was three weeks before we saw
any of it again, and some of us lost all we had. It may be imagined
that this circumstance was calculated to exalt our opinion of Col.
Williams, and to enhance our affection for him.
We got aboard a train of freight cars, and after a short delay, moved
to the east. The time consumed in our ride was passed in singing
patriotic songs, and speculating as to our destination. All that we
knew of what was before us was, that the enemy was concentrating a
large force somewhere, that he was supposed to have artillery, and
that we were to attack him.
About 4 P. M. we arrived at Palmyra, where we were joined by two
companies of the Sixteenth and one of the Hannibal Home Guards.
The men of the Sixteenth had the advantage over us of being fully
equipped and supplied with twenty rounds of ammunition. So also the
Home Guards, who had with them their cannon, an iron six pounder. The
chief of this piece was a soldier of the Sixteenth, who had been a
non-commissioned officer in the British artillery service in India.
The manner in which he handled it in the face of the enemy, showed
that he was as familiar with a cannon as an old hunter with his
rifle. But it was unfortunate that the only ammunition with which it
was supplied was solid shot.
With this force we went aboard another train, and as soon as the
cannon and some commissary stores could be got aboard, it proceeded
back to Monroe, a station eighteen miles distant. Here we got off and
formed battalion for a night march. Just at this time a heavy rain
storm came up and raged with violence during the fore part of the
night. It would be folly to attempt to advance fourteen miles over
unknown roads in the blackness of such a night, especially as the men
of our regiment had to carry their total supply of cartridges, twelve
rounds, in their side coat pockets, where the rain would render them
unfit for use. So Col. Smith, who was in command, seemed to have
concluded; but he gave us no orders during the whole night, whether
to go to sleep or to keep awake and await orders to take up the
march. We however availed ourselves of shelter as best we could in
the case, in a few vacant buildings; and notwithstanding we had not a
picket watching, slept soundly.
The morning dawned clear and beautiful. The prairie birds sung
sweetly and the air was full of fragrance. But the cheer which
pervaded nature illy accorded with our feelings. Wet, hungry and
unrefreshed, we arose and set ourselves to work to prepare something
to eat. The town afforded one hotel which accommodated with warm
meals the officers and many of the men. With the aid of this, and
the scant rations we had drawn, we managed to appease our hunger, and
as far as we, the men, were concerned, were ready to move.
But Colonel Smith was in a dilemma. It had been his intention to
make a night march and surprise the enemy. In this the storm had
disappointed him. And now that the enemy must be aware of his
presence, he did not know whether it were best to advance and attack
him or not. Nor is it strange that he hesitated. His force consisted
of not more than 450 men, and their supply of ammunition was not more
than sufficient to last them through a heavy skirmish. The lowest
reports of the citizens placed the enemy's force at 900, and all
represented that the whole country was rushing to join him. It was
said that he had three pieces of cannon. He was encamped in a dense
forest from which it would be hard to dislodge him, and where he
would have the advantage of knowing the ground in case of attack. In
addition to this, most of his force was mounted, while we were wholly
destitute of cavalry. This would enable him unopposed to keep a
network of scouts around us, who, from eminences in the open country,
would reconnoiter, ascertain our numbers and watch our movements
unmolested. Moreover, knowing our position at all times, he would be
able to draw us into ambuscades, or in the timber to move rapidly and
suddenly upon our flanks and rear.
Colonel Smith called a council of officers, and introduced the
subject to them in that unrestrained, simple manner for which he was
so peculiar: "Well, Captain, So-and-so, what had we better do?" This
was the way in which he asked each officer for his opinion. The
council was not unanimous; but it was decided to march against the
enemy.
Meanwhile several horses had been impressed and mounted with expert
and daring men. This force succeeded in running down and bringing
in several of the enemy's scouts, who appeared, at different times,
watching our movements. Of course, it was impossible to obtain any
reliable information from them.
At ten o'clock, we took up the march, leaving the train of cars
behind without a guard. In the order of column the two companies of
the Sixteenth had the advance, followed by the Third Iowa battalion,
under command of Captain Herron, to whom Williams had given the
command, allowing Lieut. Col. Scott to go along as a spectator! The
enlisted men did not, at the time, understand this shameful trick,
but wondered to see Capt. Herron giving orders to the battalion in
the presence of Lt. Col. Scott. The cannon, followed by the Home
Guards, was in our rear. Of course so small a column did not present
a very imposing appearance; but as we thus moved toward the enemy
with measured and united tread, we felt a glow of spirits which can
not be described. Having proceeded about four miles, we halted and
partook of refreshments to the amount of a single hard cracker to the
man, without grease, water or salt.
Our road led through alternate woods and prairies, and over one
or two small, muddy streams. The day was intensely hot, and being
without canteens we suffered greatly from thirst. The country through
which we passed was almost entirely deserted by the inhabitants. We
did not see half a dozen male citizens during the whole day's march.
While marching through the open country, horsemen appeared, from
time to time, on our flanks, but kept beyond the range of our guns,
and reconnoitered us apparently with great coolness. In one instance
the column halted and Fishbeem unlimbered his gun and sent one or
two shots after these curious gentlemen, which made them disappear
in a hurry. This was, in reality, a very foolish performance; but it
demonstrated to our admiring eyes the ability of Fishbeem to handle a
cannon just as we thought it ought to be done. From that time until
the battle of Blue Mills, we put an immense amount of confidence in
artillery, and would scarcely consider ourselves safe away from it.
In marching through the woods, Col. Smith invariably kept a line
of skirmishers deployed on either flank. This was almost a useless
precaution; for the line, never in advance of the column, afforded
no protection against a concealed enemy in front. For all the good
this did us, the enemy might have concealed himself ahead of us,
and allowed us to march unsuspectingly to within twenty rods of his
cannon before firing. Colonel Smith was very kind and fatherly to us;
but it is plain he was not a military man. He should have kept at
least a platoon moving ahead of us as an advanced guard.
About two P. M. we came in sight of a party posted in the edge of
a wood. Adjutant Sessions, somewhat excited, cried, "We have met
the enemy and they are ours, boys!" Some of the privates, equally
excited, perhaps, failed to see the point. The rebels had a fair
field for a footrace; hence the adjutant's mistake. The cannon
galloped forward, the old driver keeping up an unearthly screeching
for joy. We were put on the double quick. Many of the boys threw away
their blankets, and even then, before the end of the race, got quite
out of breath. But we kept our places in ranks pretty well. Verily we
were going to have a fight. No, not quite so soon. The rebels kicked
the bottom out of it by skedaddling as fast as they could. It was
probably a small picket force.
About 4 P. M., while we were marching through a long lane which led
into a dense growth of young timber, and while the renowned "Dutch
Company" of the Sixteenth, a company of German rifles, was deployed
as skirmishers on either flank, the head of the column was fired
into by a party of the enemy concealed immediately in advance of us.
They fired about fifty shots, and perhaps a less number were fired
in reply; for the rebels immediately fled, leaving several horses
tied to the trees and one man mortally wounded. The Colonel at this
moment happened to be riding in the rear of the column, and in his
absence every captain seemed to make such dispositions as he saw fit.
Some companies climbed the fence to the left, some to the right, and
some continued to advance along the road. Soon Colonel Smith rode up,
appearing greatly surprised at all that had taken place, and pointing
over to the left where no one dreamed of there being either foe or
friend, said to Captain Newcomb, "Captain, any firing over in that
direction?" But the Colonel was by no means excited. Indeed we never
saw him excited. If ever he appreciated the magnitude of danger, he
never manifested it. So far he was a soldier.
Suddenly Fishbeem galloped up with his cannon, and fired two or three
shots with it into an old barn, greatly to our encouragement and
doubtless to the huge merriment of our flying foe. Thus ended our
first rencounter with the enemy, known in official papers as "Hager's
Woods."
In this little affair Captain McAllister, of the Sixteenth, who was
riding in advance on horseback, was wounded in five places. "Kansas
Jack," a soldier of the Sixteenth, who had already distinguished
himself as a scout, was wounded in the arm, and a teamster was
slightly wounded. The injury done to the enemy, beyond the wounding
mortally of one man, is not known. It must have been inconsiderable.
Well, what did we do next? We stood still in ranks for two hours,
waiting for--nobody knows what. Night at length came. Between us
and the enemy there was said to be five miles of unbroken wood. If
he could draw us into ambuscade by daylight, it would be folly to
advance now. So Colonel Smith wisely concluded to turn back and go
into camp. We countermarched a mile and halted for the night in a
field of newly harvested rye.
As soon as we had stacked arms, there was a general rush to the
wagons for blankets. Some found their own, some appropriated the
first they came to, and some were compelled to pass the night without
any at all. A picket guard composed wholly of privates was posted by
Adjutant Sessions around the camp, two men in a place, so as to form
a line a quarter of a mile from it either way. This guard was simply
a chain of videttes without a commanding officer, and not relieved
during the night. The only instruction given to the men was to fire
and retreat to camp if an enemy should appear. To their credit be it
said, there was not a gun fired on the picket line that night.
Day again dawned beautifully. Colonel Smith, after consulting his
officers, considered it prudent to return to Monroe. Accordingly, at
eight o'clock, the column began to move in retreat. About ten o'clock
we came upon a small party of the enemy, at whom Fishbeem fired a few
shots, which caused them to disappear hastily. All day the "Dutch
Company" kept the flanks, and moved abreast of the column over fences
and through thick woods in a manner that excited our admiration. Our
stock of horses received some additions by levies on rebel citizens,
and an additional number of scouts were mounted.
About eleven o'clock we came in sight of Monroe, and what was our
surprise to see the railroad depot and the train of cars we had left
behind in flames! On reaching a more commanding view, we saw a long
line of rebel cavalry drawn up to receive us. We immediately formed
line, the cannon on the left. Fishbeem bade them good morning with a
six pound ball which struck full in their midst. They did not wait
for another salute, but broke over the hill and disappeared in the
greatest precipitation. Then additional shots were fired, but they
probably took no effect, as the enemy were already behind the hill.
Colonel Smith then gave the command to move forward. Captain Herron
asked, "Shall we advance in line, Colonel?" To which the old Colonel
replied characteristically, "Why, no; the devils are gone."
We now advanced toward the town, where we arrived about noon and took
a position as much concealed as possible, the better to watch the
movements of the enemy. The scouts reported that they found one horse
with his leg shot off where Fishbeem's shot had first fallen among
the cavalry. They now began to appear in large numbers on our left
and right. A passenger train coming from the west got within half a
league of us, when a body of horsemen galloped rapidly toward it.
Perceiving this, and the track torn up in front of it, it halted and
escaped by beating a hasty retreat. We now took a position in a three
story brick seminary north of the town, which it was Colonel Smith's
intention to make his point of defense. For instead of attacking the
enemy, as we had come to do, it was evident that he was now preparing
to attack us. All the afternoon columns of cavalry continued to
debouch from the woods on the southwest whence we had retreated,
now forming long lines in front, now separating and appearing again
on all sides of us. It required more military experience than we
possessed to divine what all this meant. Meanwhile columns of smoke
rising in the distance to the east and west, told us that they
were destroying the railroad, with the design of preventing succor
from reaching us. Two Union men, who had escaped from their lines,
confirmed the report that they had cannon. It needed no statement of
theirs to convince us that this force was immensely superior to our
own; for before night we were completely surrounded.
Well, what preparations did Colonel Smith make in the meantime
to meet them? None at all. He walked around and smoked his pipe
apparently with the greatest unconcern at all that was going on.
His appearance was entirely calculated to inspire confidence in our
situation; but that of the enemy produced decidedly the opposite
sensation. Colonel Smith made no preparations; but the officers of
the Third Iowa took it upon themselves to erect works for defense.
Captain Newcomb and Lieutenant Brown took the lead in the matter;
the rest followed, and soon all the men were vigorously at work.
It was commenced by tearing down some interior fences and tightly
boarding the one which enclosed the seminary square, so as to conceal
us completely from the view of the enemy. Then, seizing all the
intrenching tools the town afforded, we worked until dark, throwing
up embankments of dirt on both sides of this wooden wall, the enemy
all the while coolly surveying our operations. That night, we slept
on our arms behind our works.
Thursday, July 11. When the day dawned, parties of the enemy were in
sight. During the forenoon they continued to appear until we were
again completely surrounded. By noon we had thrown up a tolerable
breastwork, perhaps as strong as ordinary rifle-pits. Continuing to
work leisurely upon them, we waited the movements of the enemy.
Such was our first picture of war. However it may appear
now, it did not make us feel at all buoyant then. We were
surrounded--beleaguered. Our ammunition would not average fifteen
rounds to the man, while our cannon had but forty rounds. The
ammunition of Captain Herron's men, from being carried in their
pockets was knocked to pieces, and much of it rendered unfit for use.
Our supply of subsistence was nearly exhausted. We had corralled in
our works a number of cattle, which would be a great help to us; but
the rebels had shrewdly driven off all the rest. Our only supply of
water was drawn from the cistern of the seminary which two or three
days at most would exhaust. Had the rebels attacked us vigorously,
we could have made a desperate resistance, but it must have been a
short one. It was doubtless well for us that they did not know our
situation, as it would have emboldened them to an attack. As it was,
their movements exhibited unmistakable signs of fear.
About two o'clock in the afternoon, an officer stationed on the
housetop with a glass informed Colonel Smith that the enemy was
planting a cannon in the edge of the woods about three-fourths of a
mile to the north. Another minute verified the statement. A flash
was seen, a shock was heard, and a solid shot came whistling through
the air. The first three or four shots were from a six pounder and
fell short of us. But they commenced using a nine pounder, and
their shots tore through the air unpleasantly close to our heads.
At first they fired high and their shots struck in the middle of
the town, or on the railroad track. But their aim soon became more
accurate. One shot struck our gun carriage and came near dismounting
the piece. Another struck the parapet behind which Company A of
the Third Iowa lay concealed, and threw two or three bushels of
dirt over them, to the infinite merriment of all who saw it at a
pleasant distance. Most of the time during this cannonade, we rested
behind our intrenchments. A man in the building watched the enemy's
artillery from a window, and when he would see the flash of their
gun he would cry, "down!" a command which we obeyed by dropping into
the ditches, and hugging the earth most willingly. In Company H of
our regiment, a gun went off by accident, killing one man as he lay
in the trench. Colonel Smith walked about the enclosure, surveying
things very coolly and giving orders. The enemy's cavalry closed
in, principally from the east, but their movements were slow and
hesitating, and nothing could induce them to come within range of our
muskets. We entertained a great contempt for such cavalry, and felt
assured that we need not apprehend any harm from them as long as they
kept mounted. Our cannon only replied twice to theirs, Colonel Smith
deeming it prudent to save his ammunition for a greater emergency.
At length a train of cars was seen approaching slowly from the east.
It gave us joy, mingled with apprehensions; for we had heard that the
enemy had captured Palmyra, and did not know but that he might have
captured the rolling stock at that point, and was in this way sending
reinforcements against us. We could not but observe that it came
very slowly, and we were at a loss to conjecture the cause of this.
Finally, it approached sufficiently near for us to discern a flag
upon it. Colonel Smith ordered Captain Smith who stood in the window
with a glass, to direct it upon that flag. He did so; and when he
announced, "Colonel, it is the Stars and Stripes," there went up from
every throat a shout of unfeigned joy.
Fishbeem now dragged his gun into the middle of the enclosure, and
opened upon the rebels with fine effect, stampeding them in all
directions. They got their artillery away as quick as possible, and
then began to retreat, first to the south and then to the east,
Fishbeem, all the while, visiting them with his hard favors. Their
retreat soon assumed the character of a rout. We never saw the like
in all our soldiering. There was nothing to run from that could
possibly overtake them, and yet those men of chivalry ran--well,
old trappers said their flight looked more like a herd of buffalo
stampeding, than any thing to which they could liken it.
Our reinforcements consisted of four companies of the Sixteenth with
one piece of cannon. They had been all day coming from Palmyra, a
distance of eighteen miles, having been compelled to repair the track
where the enemy had torn it up. The engine was backing its train, and
as it approached, the boys on board became so jubilant, that they
neglected to keep a strict watch ahead of them. There was a place
where the rebels had torn up a rail; the train ran on to it, and the
first two cars tumbled down the bank. The train was running slow, and
fortunately no one was seriously hurt.
The coming friend, the flying foe, gave to us as we beheld them a
feeling of indescribable joy. Aid had reached us in the moment when
most needed. We might have been able to hold out without assistance;
but there would have been a limit to our endurance. He had fired in
all twenty-two shots, nine of which had struck within our works,
three of them passing through the building; but no one was hurt. It
is easy to calculate the chances of an assault. The rebels could
not have carried our works by storm, until our ammunition had been
exhausted. This he might have done by false attacks by night. They
could not have done it in the daytime without great loss. As it was,
had they possessed ordinary courage our situation would have been
critical. On the other hand, Colonel Smith could have thrown his men
into a square, and marched over the prairie to Palmyra, which by
the wagon road was only fourteen miles distant, without being much
disturbed. What are men on horseback with shotguns against infantry
with bayonets? So we talked encouragingly behind our works while
the enemy was approaching. And now, when we saw him flying from
nothing in such magnificent rout, we were more than convinced of the
correctness of our conclusions.
That night, as we had done the night before, we lay on our arms in
the trenches. About three o'clock in the morning, the mounted pickets
fired their pieces, and reported an enemy approaching in force.
Our little garrison was thoroughly alarmed, and we made immediate
disposition to receive him. The force proved to be most of the
remaining portion of our regiment, approaching from the west under
Col. Williams. The arrival of these comrades coming to our assistance
gave us an additional joy, although they were too late to relieve us
from our supposed peril. They had heard, through rebel sources, many
reports of fighting near Monroe resulting disastrously to us, and
had been all the while they were coming most impatient to reach us,
and afford us relief. They complained loudly of Col. Williams for
tardiness and hesitancy, in bringing them forward. Much blame has
ever since been attached to that officer for not reinforcing sooner.
It was said that he made a useless delay of several hours at Hudson.
Some even went so far as to attribute this delay to cowardice. Others
assert that the delay was made to procure ammunition. The Colonel
himself has been heard to boast of the energy and promptness he
displayed in this operation. It is not my purpose, nor is it pleasant
for me, to discuss personal matters. I can only say, that on this, as
on most other questions, the general verdict of the officers and men
was against him.
CHAPTER IV.
WE PREPARE TO MARCH FROM MONROE--ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR
WOOD WITH CAVALRY AND ARTILLERY; AND OF THE FOURTEENTH
ILLINOIS--HOW MR. DUGAN SPEAKS OF THIS IN HIS BOOK--A
CHANGE OF COUNCILS--THE THIRD IOWA MOVES WEST ON A
TRAIN--CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE RIDE--FAILURE OF AN ATTEMPT
TO BURN THE CHARITON RIVER BRIDGE--A FEW DETAILS--HOW
YOUNG SOLDIERS SOMETIMES ORIGINATE FALSE ALARMS--OUR
CAMP AT CHILLICOTHE--GENERAL HURLBUT ASSUMES COMMAND OF
THE TROOPS ON THE HANNIBAL AND ST. JOSEPH RAILROAD--WE
DRAW OUR ACCOUTREMENTS AT LAST--WE LEAVE CHILLICOTHE
AND GO INTO CAMP AT BROOKFIELD.
The morning after the affair at Monroe, our regiment prepared to
march. But the arrival of additional reinforcements changed the
complexion of affairs. We were reinforced by a squadron of cavalry
and a section of light artillery under Ex-Governor Wood, of Illinois,
and by the Fourteenth Illinois Infantry, which came by rail. The
Governor had come through from Quincy with a rush, burning the houses
and confiscating the animals of guerrilla leaders, besides making
prisoners of thirty or forty noted secessionists.
An account of the arrival of these reinforcements is given by Mr.
Dugan in his book entitled "History of the Fighting Fourth Division."
After detailing the circumstances of the journey of the Fourteenth
from Monticello to Monroe, the grave "historian" goes on to say:
"When about two miles of town we left the cars and formed a line
of battle, and supported Gov. Wood (who had accompanied us with
five companies of independent cavalry from Quincy, Ill.), in a most
brilliant charge upon the rebel columns, which resulted in their
complete discomfiture. When the enemy's lines were broken by the
impetuous charge of the Governor and his compatriots, and as they
were flying in the wildest disorder, the Sixteenth sallied forth
from their hastily constructed entrenchments, and poured a most
destructive volley into the enemy's ranks, which emptied many a
saddle, and sent not a few traitors to their final account."
My comrades, who were present on this occasion, will at once remark
with what scrupulousness our author has detailed this occurrence.
The Governor's "brilliant" and "impetuous" "charge" upon the "rebel
columns," which had fled twenty hours before, reminds us strongly
of Don Quixote's charge upon the army of Alifanfaron. The first
intimation we had of the coming of the Fourteenth, was, when seeing
them march up, stack arms in column, and cook their dinners as
quietly as Sancho Panza at the saddlebags.
The old Governor seemed well pleased with the situation, and withal
very affable to the boys. When we complained of having suffered on
account of rations, he told us, with a shrewd wink, that it was
good enough for us; we had no business to take prisoners with whom
to divide our rations. Judging from his retinue of butternuts, his
preaching did not at all harmonize with his practice.
The councils were now changed--why, we did not know. Our regiment
went aboard a train of cars, and about two o'clock in the afternoon
moved westward toward our former camp at Utica. About four o'clock,
we reached Salt River Bridge, which the rebels had burned. Here we
left this train, and with much trouble and fatigue got our baggage
across the bridge and on board another train which was waiting to
receive us.
On this train we were crammed so closely together that it was
impossible to lie down. Jolted and jammed by the motion of the cars,
we passed the night somehow, and most of us got some sleep. Annoyed
by these inconveniences, we little thought of the dangers of this
nocturnal ride. The removal of a single rail by a mischievous citizen
would have precipitated many of us into eternity.
Daylight found us at Macon city, where the train had halted for some
reason to pass the latter part of the night. We were exceedingly
hungry, having eaten nothing since yesterday's breakfast. Colonel
Williams, knowing the difficulties of restraining men, and especially
hungry men, in a town, posted guards and would allow no one to
leave the train. He, however, took some of the officers with him
and breakfasted at a hotel--an act which created, and justly, great
indignation. An officer that will not share with brave men their
hardships, as they share with him the perils from which he reaps
glory, deserves universal execration.
About ten o'clock we reached Chariton Bridge, and Company F was
detached to guard it. An incident had occurred here, a couple of
hours previous to our arrival, not a little exciting. A party of a
dozen men of the Second Iowa had come from the west to guard this
bridge. Arriving early in the morning, they had gone into a log
house close by to get breakfast, when a party of rebels suddenly
appeared and began preparations to set the bridge on fire. The Iowa
boys sprung to their guns and rushed upon them. The rebels fled in
confusion; but Lieutenant McKinney, the commander of the guard,
attacked their leader, a young school teacher and law student, by
the name of Marmaduke. He fell upon his knees and begged for mercy.
But the lieutenant told him a bridge burner had no claims to mercy,
and shot him through the head with his revolver. His dead body lay
upon the railroad embankment near where Company F encamped. We buried
him decently, giving him a soldier's grave. Subsequently some Union
people of Callao came in behalf of his friends and disinterred the
body and took it away.
The situation of Company F was not at all enviable. As soon as we
had got off the train with our few effects it moved on. Since the
previous morning, we had had nothing to eat, and for several days
our rations had been scant. Our hunger was intense, a few rations of
flour and bacon had been left for us; but we had no cooking utensils
except a few mess pans which we had procured, no one knew how. We
kindled a fire, kneaded some dough in these mess pans, wrapped it
around sticks, and baked it in the blaze. We had scarcely had time
to commence cooking dinner in this way, when half the company were
ordered on picket. This, we thought, was seeing service. During the
eight days we were here we were on guard half the time and suffered
all these inconveniences. Contrary to the endeavors of our officers,
none of our camp equipage was sent to us,--another circumstance which
tended to increase our affection for Colonel Williams.
Having left Company F at Chariton Bridge, the train proceeded five
miles further to Brush Creek Bridge, which the rebels had burned.
Here the regiment halted till the following night, when having
repaired the bridge, Colonel Williams left Company C to guard it,
and sent Company E back to Chariton Bridge to reinforce Company F.
He then proceeded with the remainder of the regiment to Chillicothe,
where he arrived the following forenoon. A detail was immediately
made to go to Utica to bring hither our tents, baggage, and camp
equipage. The whole mass was thrown together without respect of
companies, and brought to Chillicothe. A regimental camp was
established, which the officers united in naming Camp Williams.
The regiment was now disposed as follows: In the regimental camp at
Chillicothe, Companies A, B, H, I and K; at Grand River Bridge, four
miles west of Chillicothe, Companies D and G; at Brush Creek Bridge,
forty miles east of Chillicothe, Company C; at Chariton Bridge,
forty-five miles east of Chillicothe, Companies E and F.
These detached companies were continually threatened more or less
seriously by the enemy. They were expected to protect the bridges and
the railroad track in their vicinity. Reports frequently came in to
them from the surrounding country, that the rebels were organizing
to attack them. But their instructions did not allow them to send out
scouting parties to ascertain the truth of these reports. Indeed,
the military knowledge we had expected on the part of our Colonel,
he had as yet failed to exhibit. He did not even recommend these
detached companies to construct stockades, nor were they provided
with tools to do so, should it become necessary. None of these
companies constructed works except Company F. We built of logs and
sawdust a small square work around an old steam saw-mill, and named
it Fort Brown after its projector, Lieut. Brown. Company A, which was
subsequently detailed to guard Medicine Creek Bridge, built a small
work near it of earth and logs.
On the evening of July 20th, Companies E and F, after having passed
a week of almost constant fasting and watching, sleeping what little
they were allowed to sleep in the open air, harassed by day by
continual reports of the enemy approaching in force, and by night
by clouds of famished mosquitoes, were, to their great joy taken
aboard a train of cars, and expected to be conveyed immediately to
Chillicothe. Imagine, then, the surprise and rage of Company F, at
being awakened about midnight and ordered to get off at another
railroad bridge in a timbered swamp. Company C was served in the same
way. Company F relieved them at Locust Creek; but instead of being
taken through to Chillicothe, they were left at Medicine Creek. The
following day, however, these companies were relieved, the former by
Company H, and the latter by Company A, and joined the regiment at
Chillicothe. Subsequently Company D was recalled from Grand River
Bridge; but no companies were relieved after this, till the regiment
changed camp to Brookfield.
The time spent in guarding these bridges was a period of constant,
and sometimes harassing watchfulness. We were constantly on the
lookout for the enemy. We had an unusual number of reports of
enormous forces advancing against us, and night was prolific of false
alarms. For in those days when the enemy were "bushwhackers," and
videttes did not go to sleep on post, it was not hard for one of
them, straining his eyes in the darkness, to convert an approaching
horse or cow into a man; and, as dumb beasts do not understand the
meaning of the word _halt_, it is readily converted into an enemy.
It was easy for him to hear "the tramp of armed feet" in the rustle
of the wind among the leaves or in the walking of a few swine. And
in the "wee sma' hours," when the mind in spite of all its efforts
to keep awake, is in a half-waking, half-sleeping state; when
imagination plays such tricks with reason as to weave a thousand airy
images, and make us think they are real, it would require no great
effort amid these noises, for the sentinel to see in the darkness
forms of assassins moving from tree to tree, or lines of skirmishers
approaching through the gloom. And, seeing this, of course he must
fire, and the report of his piece would alarm the neighboring
sentinels, and they, too, would see images and fire. Thus the camp
would be alarmed, and the men would be compelled to stand in ranks
until the matter could be thoroughly investigated.
Our regimental camp at Chillicothe was situated on the north side
of the railroad, and within the limits of the town. The ground was
an excellent greensward, and the camp was systematically laid out.
Our duty was camp guard, picket guard and drill. The camp guard
generally required the heaviest detail. A strong line of sentinels
extended around the camp, and no persons could pass them except in
squads under a non-commissioned officer for water, without a written
pass from the regimental commander. And, under Colonel Williams,
it was a serious thing to disobey orders; and breaking guard was
a risk which very few were willing to run. Whatever may be said
against the Colonel, the discipline we attained under him while at
Chillicothe, was highly creditable to him. It was in consequence of
this discipline that our regiment had a good name among the citizens
of Missouri, such as volunteer troops seldom gain among strangers
or enemies. Their streets were not trodden by drunken soldiers;
their property was safe; they no longer looked upon us as outlaws
and monsters. They began to have confidence in us, and to take a
more unprejudiced view of our cause. And who knows that our conduct
did not make many friends of enemies? But it was doubtless the
confinement to which we were thus subjected in our hot, close tents,
that increased our sick lists so greatly. The restraint imposed upon
us was excessive and unreasonable.
At Chillicothe our camp guard was managed according to the
regulations, and the men learned the duties of the sentinel. But
the manner in which our outpost duty was done was horrible. As if
to invite a surprise or a raid through our camp, Colonel Williams
never had out pickets in the daytime. Nor did he ever send out a
scouting party to ascertain the movements which were going on around
him. Did he rely on Providence alone, or on accidental reports from
citizens? Or did he unbosom his camp to his foes and trust to their
magnanimity? In the night--did the Colonel think the enemy so foolish
as to attack him in the night in the summer season when there was
so much daylight to operate in? Or was he afraid of wolves? In the
night before "tattoo," the officer of the day would string around the
town a short distance from camp, twenty men, two in a place, without
an officer, or even a non-commissioned officer over them. These men
were not relieved till morning, when they would come in, according
to instructions, of their own accord. If there was any military
knowledge displayed in this arrangement, we were never able to see it.
Is it surprising then, that the rebels should have organized a
company of cavalry within nine miles of us? Colonel Williams heard of
this when it was too late, and sent a detachment of men in the night
to look after them. This detachment was provided with ammunition at
the rate of ten rounds to seven men, or 1-3/7 rounds to the man! But
the foolish fellows got wind of our coming and ran off.
In this connection, Colonel Williams' attempt at fortifying deserves
mention. He commenced throwing up a small work around the Union
Hotel, where he had his headquarters, the flanks of it resting on the
railroad, which here runs in a moderate cut. What it was intended
for we can guess: to be garrisoned by a small force when we should
leave. What it was good for, no one but Colonel Williams could tell.
Charley Kostman constructed it; as far as his part was concerned,
it was good. It was evidently intended for about a hundred men.
Was it intended to resist artillery? Why, then, was the parapet so
weak? Was it intended to contain artillery? Why, then, were there no
embrasures? Was it intended to protect infantry? The houses of the
town on all sides of it could be filled with sharpshooters who would
render it untenable. Was it intended for any thing? A party of men
could run up the railroad track and get into it easily. It was in all
respects a humbug; unless it be that it enabled the Colonel to sleep
more soundly than before it was built. And there it doubtless stands
to this time--a sublime monument to the genius of him who was chosen
colonel of the Third Iowa, because he was a _military_ man.
If Colonel Williams wanted to put up a small work against infantry,
why did he not cut timber and make a stockade? If he wanted to make a
fort which would resist artillery, why did he not select an eligible
spot, and make one which would answer the purpose? No: he had a
grander and sublimer object. It was to put the Union Hotel in a state
of defense. And for this purpose he kept heavy details working, day
after day, digging the baked earth in the hot sun,--which was an
outrage, and so we regarded it.
In the meantime, Brigadier General Hurlbut arrived at Quincy,
Illinois, and assumed command of the forces on the Hannibal and St.
Joseph railroad. Of this general we knew nothing, except that we
had understood he was without military experience,--a circumstance
not calculated to give us much confidence in him, especially when
we thought of the disasters of Big Bethel and Bull Run. On assuming
command, he issued a proclamation to the citizens of Missouri, which
was about what they would have expected from a Federal general. He
adopted General Pope's plan of making the citizens responsible for
damages done the railroad in their vicinity. This was correct; for
hitherto citizens had been mainly instrumental in these depredations.
He also issued an order announcing the daily routine for the troops.
By this order we were compelled to drill in the schools of the
soldier, company and battalion,--in all, seven hours a day.
Few of my comrades have pleasant recollections of these long drills
of Chillicothe. The heat was intense and relaxing, and the health
of the regiment extremely bad. At one time, more than half of some
of the companies were on the sick list, and few of us were entirely
well. And yet the water we obtained from the wells of citizens was
excellent, and our camp was a model of order and cleanliness.
On our battalion drills, Colonel Williams generally commanded. He
taught us to execute several movements after the manner of Scott,
and once or twice confessed that it was hard for him to get used to
Hardee. He paid particular attention to instructing the battalion to
form lines of battle rapidly and in various ways. As a drill-master
he was rigid even to severity. It must be allowed, that it was one
of Colonel Williams' first objects of desire to see the regiment well
drilled.
It was not till the 4th of August that we drew our accoutrements.
Let us look back: up to this time, we had been in an insurrectionary
district, filled with irregular forces of the enemy. From Calloway
county, which Harris held with two or three thousand men, a two days
ride would have brought an enemy to our camp. I can not see any
excuse for this criminal carelessness. We ought to have been supplied
with accoutrements and ammunition, or kept at home. If Colonel
Williams had cartridges, he ought to have issued a supply to his
men. If he did not have any, he ought to have seized powder and lead
from the citizens, of which they had plenty. Singular good fortune,
that we were not all captured! Were the gods propitious, or were our
enemies too chivalrous to assail us, defenseless as we were?
Thus, with hard crackers and hard discipline; with constant drills
and heavy fatigues; with full guard houses and frequent courts
martial; in heat, dust, sickness and discomfort, we passed an irksome
month at Chillicothe.
On the 7th of August we packed our baggage, struck tents at the tap
of the drum, got aboard a train of cars and proceeded to Brookfield,
the midway station between Hannibal and St. Joseph. We passed the
first night without anything to eat, which naturally gave us pleasant
feelings towards certain officers who looked out for their own
comfort by supping at the hotel. The following day we established our
regimental camp on a beautiful hill on the prairie, about a half
mile east of the town and near the railroad track. We were compelled
to dig wells to procure water. Our duties were much the same as at
Chillicothe, except that we did no nocturnal picketing, a squadron
of the Second Illinois Cavalry, and Colonel Morgan's regiment of
Missouri Cavalry, which was organizing at this place, doing this duty
in our stead.
The only incident worthy of note during our stay at Brookfield was,
that the feeling against Colonel Williams was on one occasion so
aggravated by his conduct and that of Surgeon Edwards, that it broke
out in an act of open mutiny. It was quieted, however, without any
serious consequences. Let us draw the veil of forgetfulness over
an occurrence so unfortunate, and, when viewed at a distance by
those unacquainted with the circumstances, so discreditable to our
regiment.
CHAPTER V.
ACTIVITY OF THE REBELS--COLONEL MARTIN GREEN--WE
ARE ORDERED AGAINST HIM--DETAILS AND INCIDENTS OF
THE MARCH FROM MACON CITY TO KIRKSVILLE--CHARACTER
OF THE HOME GUARDS--CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY--OUR
SITUATION AT KIRKSVILLE--DETAILS OF OUR OCCUPATION OF
THAT PLACE--ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS UNDER GENERAL
HURLBUT--OUR COMPLAINTS AND EXPECTATIONS.
It could not be expected that an enemy as active as the one we were
attempting to suppress would allow us nothing to do. While we were
busily engaged disciplining, he was energetically organizing. Price
had been defeated at Booneville, and driven almost out of the State;
but the secessionists seemed everywhere to have confidence in him.
Some of them had followed him in New Mexico, and under him had one
of the greatest of leaders. He had now joined McCullough on the
borders of Arkansas, and, having greatly augmented his forces, was
undertaking no one knew how grand an object--perhaps the conquest
of Missouri. Already he had put our army in the southwest on the
defensive. Nay, the rebel sympathizers were at this time exulting
over the reported disaster at Springfield, which was a two fold
disaster, on account of the death of the gallant Lyon.
For some time, one Martin Green, a citizen of Canton, Missouri,
a brother of the well known ex-senator Green, acting under the
authority of General Price, had been organizing in northeast
Missouri, and principally north of the Hannibal and St. Joseph
railroad, a force of mounted men. Having been badly whipped near
Athens, Missouri, by Colonel Moore, then commanding a regiment of
home guards, but since the gallant Colonel of the Twenty-first
Missouri, he had adopted the wise policy of shunning his enemies and
employing his time in recruiting his force and collecting supplies.
He was now said to be near Kirksville, about forty miles north of
the railroad, and General Hurlbut projected an expedition against
him. For this purpose he ordered Colonel Williams to detach from our
regiment a force of five hundred men under Lt. Col. Scott.
On the 15th of August, at 1 P. M., orders were issued to us to
prepare immediately for a march. The whole regiment, with the
exception of the sick and convalescent, were assembled in line, and,
after detailing from the several companies a guard of fifty men to
be left behind with the camp, the force was reduced to the requisite
number. Forty rounds of ammunition were issued to us. This we
considered an omen of something to do; for we had heretofore carried
but ten rounds. We took three days rations in our haversacks. For
want of knapsacks we twisted or rolled our blankets, tied the ends
together and slung them over our shoulders. This mode of carrying a
blanket on light marches, where no additional clothing is necessary,
is preferable to carrying a knapsack. Colonel Williams remained at
Brookfield in command of the camp.
At 5 P. M. we got aboard a train of cars, and dark found us in Macon
City. General Hurlbut appearing on horseback as we got off the cars,
led us to believe he was going to command the expedition in person.
In this we were disappointed. We marched to the camp of a detachment
of the Sixteenth Illinois which was stationed at this place, and
having eaten a supper of pilot bread and raw meat, lay down on our
arms and went to sleep. While we were sleeping, a train of cars
arrived, having on board Capt. Madison's artillery company, with two
guns and a good supply of ammunition. This force was increased by the
addition of Fishbeem and squad with his unfailing six pounder. We
were also joined by some mounted men.
At midnight we were aroused and ordered to fall in. The column was
soon in motion. The night was dark, and we stumbled along in a most
disagreeable manner over the roots of trees that crossed the road in
all directions.
It was amusing to listen to the various conjectures as to our
destination. Most of them, however, as is seldom the case, were in
the main correct. The principal error consisted in supposing the
enemy's force greater than it really was.
Colonel Scott rode or walked along, sometimes giving his horse to a
lame soldier, or perhaps taking his gun, and talking all the while
in that genial, unaffected manner which made him so great a favorite
among the men. We were not sorry that the command of the expedition
had been given to him.
About sunrise we arrived at the little village of Atlanta, where
we halted in a shady grove to rest. About 2 P. M. the march was
resumed. The day was warm and the roads very dusty. There was plenty
of water in the wells along the route, but all the men could not
procure it without much straggling, and we suffered considerably from
thirst. An advanced guard commanded by Lieutenant Call preceded the
column half a mile, with a few mounted Home Guards as far in advance
of them.
While marching through the little village of Laplata, an incident
occurred which excited a good deal of merriment. Lieut. Call had
been informed by a citizen who had joined us, that, at a certain
house, a hotel in that place, they kept, and frequently displayed,
a rebel flag. This the lieutenant resolved to have. He drew up his
guard before the house, and went in, followed by his two sergeants,
and demanded it. The landlord, a wretched looking creature, avowed
his secession sympathies openly, saying, at the same time, that it
was honorable to do so, which the lieutenant could not deny. But the
lady (here was the rub--easier to capture the colors of a regiment)
said the flag had been given to her to make into dresses for the
children, that it was private property, and we could not have it.
But the lieutenant insisted that a treasonable emblem was contraband
of war, and that he _must_ have it. Still she refused; whereupon the
lieutenant pointed to the man and said, "Sergeants, take him out."
The sergeants clapped their hands on his back, and said, "Come with
us, sir!" The children began to shriek, and the old lady cried, "You
may have the flag! You may have the flag!" The lieutenant attached it
to a lance and presented it to the battalion as it marched up, amid
a most furious intermingling of cheers, yells and groans. Thus did
the redoubtable advanced guard carry the enemy's town and capture a
stand of colors before the arrival of the main force.
In the afternoon, a joke occurred, and it is doubtful whether it
rested harder upon Lieutenant Call or the Home Guards in advance.
While the lieutenant was marching leisurely along with his guard, a
party of the former came riding back, frantic with excitement, and
reported having seen the enemy's camp fires not far beyond in the
edge of a wood. He put his men on the double quick, and sure enough
they soon came in sight of a smoke. It was no humbug, thought they.
The Home Guards had seen the enemy. When they had arrived within a
convenient distance, the guard was halted, and the lieutenant rode
forward at the head of the home guards to reconnoiter. We watched
them, breathless with expectation. They rode full on to the enemy's
entire force. It consisted of two women washing! Major Stone had just
rode up, and when the lieutenant reported his discovery, he indulged
in some remarks at his expense, which sounded more appropriate than
they would now.
We halted for the night about three miles north of Laplata, near
the residence of a Union man, who had an excellent well of water,
sufficient to supply the whole force. Mounted pickets were posted
on the approaches to our position. We could only account for this
unusual precaution on the ground that the man who now had command
possessed some common sense. Having refreshed ourselves on such a
supper as our haversacks afforded, we spread down our blankets and
slept.
At seven o'clock in the morning we again moved. All along the route,
home guards continued to join us in squads, large and small, mounted
on such horses as they had, and armed with squirrel rifles and
shot guns. These men, though patriotic and brave, were without any
experience in the business of war, and, for the most part, without
organization. On this account we were not supposed to put great
reliance on them. They were under the obligation of an oath, and
could go and come at pleasure. But they had incentives to action to
which we were strangers. They had seen the treason with which we were
at war, and dwelt among it. It had assailed our country only; it had
not only assailed their country, but their firesides. They had seen
its monstrous representatives, robbers, murderers, incendiaries.
They had met it on their doorsteps. It had murdered and robbed their
friends, and threatened them with like treatment for loving their
country. This, now, was their hour of deliverance. They had come to
assist strangers against a common enemy. Their homes and possessions
appealed to them. Their dear helpless ones stretched their arms
imploringly, and seemed to say to them, "We trust in you; save us: be
men." They had come to fight without pay, and if necessary, to board
themselves. They reported to Colonel Scott, and obeyed his orders
without murmuring or hesitation. The strong motives which impelled
them to take up arms, and the knowledge that discipline is the
strength of an army, made them willing, if not skillful soldiers.
But another fact made them a great auxiliary to us. They knew who
among the citizens were friends, and who enemies. They were able
to give us valuable information concerning the enemy. Besides they
hailed from all sections of the country, and on this account made
valuable scouts. But they absolutely knew not what to do; they wanted
some one to show them. Jim Call was exactly the man. His every
characteristic admirably fitted him to command them. Cool, daring,
audacious, always taking the lead and commanding his men to follow,
Colonel Scott placed him in this position. Whole companies reported
to him, and captains obeyed him with most undoubting confidence.
Our line of march was through lanes, bordered on both sides by
cultivated fields, most of the land being planted with corn. The
country was a convenient apportionment of timber and prairie, fertile
and inviting. The inhabitants seemed well to do, and almost every
dwelling had an air of comfort about it, if not of refinement.
Indeed, in our subsequent marches in Missouri, we saw few places
where this was not the case. We noticed few negroes; and every thing
indicated that the labor was carried on by the more willing and
skillful hands of free laborers. What could so attach this people
to slavery, a system in which they could have little interest, as
to induce them to take up arms against their country for its sake,
will be a wonder to history as it was to us. As if out of punishment
for the wrong done its unfortunate victims, this system is a source
of infinite evil to the white man,--a noxious vapor that spreads
pestilence in society. Could there be a greater evidence of this
than the deplorable state of things in this section of country? The
operation of civil law had ceased, justice had no sway, magistrates
no authority. Arraigned for offenses against traitors, bands of
marauders and assassins were the citizens' only tribunal. Calling
themselves soldiers, and under pretense of military necessity, they
availed themselves of every opportunity to satiate private malice in
theft and robbery, and settle feuds of long standing, perhaps, in
blood. As a natural consequence, neighbors were in arms against each
other; friends became enemies, and brothers are known to have joined
the opposing forces and sought each other's life. An old citizen of
Kirksville had a son in the camp of the rebel Green, and another in
St. Louis endeavoring to procure arms for a Federal regiment then
organizing, and of which he was to be the colonel.
The American people are not stoics. They realize quickly and feel
keenly what is transpiring around them, or coming upon them. The
people of this section had too much on their minds to allow them
to pursue quietly their usual avocations. The younger and the more
resolute were rushing, as feeling or choice impelled them, to the
camp of the insurgents or the standard of the country. The rest were
awaiting the course of events, or watching, each his neighbor, with
trembling and hesitation. On the whole day's march we saw but one
man at work in the fields. He was loading hay close by the road, and
scarcely seemed to notice us as we marched along. His appearance
excited the admiration of the boys, some of whom cried out, "bully
for you!" Most of the people who showed themselves to us were
friends. The women and children saluted us with waving flags, and,
in some cases, the men stood armed waiting to join us. One old negro
stared at us curiously as we marched along, and cried out, "Gorry
mighty! de've got lightnin' rods on der guns! De secesh no stan' dat!"
As we approached Kirksville, we heard all manner of reports
concerning the enemy. It was said that he was not far beyond the town
and would give us a fight. His force was estimated at from 1,500 to
3,000, with three pieces of cannon. These reports greatly hightened
the enthusiasm of the boys, and served to divert their minds from the
pain of their blistered feet and the excessive heat and dust of the
day.
About noon, we halted three miles from the town, and after a short
rest resumed the march. When nearly arrived there, Colonel Scott
halted the battalion, brought it to a front, and made some well-timed
remarks which were received with great attention. He exhorted us
to patient endurance of whatever we would be called on to suffer,
and not to let any breach of discipline sully our name. He ended
by telling us that we would doubtless soon have an opportunity
of meeting the enemy, which raised a great shout, showing the
willingness of the men to fight, and their confidence in their
commander. Major Stone followed with a few remarks, which excited
much enthusiasm. We then entered Kirksville with flags flying, and
drums beating Yankee Doodle.
Here we halted and stacked arms. Green was on Salt River, seven miles
to the east. Why did we not push on? The reason is this: Colonel
Scott's orders were to march to Kirksville and _hold the place_.
He was also to co-operate with Colonel Moore. This officer with
his command was somewhere in the vicinity of Athens, and Green was
between him and us. Co-operation between two forces with the enemy
between them is something unusual in war. If Colonel Scott's force
was not sufficient to attack the enemy singly, he certainly should
not have been compelled to remain here, exposed to an attack from
him. Moreover, we had no subsistence beyond what we had brought in
our haversacks, and the rebels had stripped the country of almost
everything which could be converted into rations. It is impossible to
see the design of this movement.
Our first operation was to establish a guard-house, and arrest a
number of disloyal citizens. But these traitors were dismissed on
taking the oath of allegiance. We took quarters for the night in
vacant buildings belonging to rebel citizens.
The following day we were visited by many citizens; some coming to
declare their friendship, some out of curiosity, while some were
doubtless spies of the enemy. A few also were refugees from the reign
of terror which Green had inaugurated wherever he held sway. About 4
P. M., a report came to Colonel Scott which induced him to send out
scouting parties in different directions. Considerable excitement
ensued in camp, but nothing transpired. That night, Lieut. Call
reconnoitered the enemy's position, and captured two of his mounted
pickets. He did this by passing through their lines, and coming upon
them from the direction of their camp. He answered their challenge
as friends, and then riding up closely with his party at his back,
pointed his revolver at them and told them to put down their guns,
which they did. They were armed with good looking squirrel rifles,
without bayonets, and had curious contrivances for carrying their
ammunition. The boys visited the guard house next day, and gazed upon
them with much curiosity. They did not look like bad men, said they
had been deceived, and seemed very penitent.
"What shall be done with them?" was asked. "Shoot them," said
one. "No," said another, "they are traitors, and do not deserve a
soldier's death; hang them." Others said, "treat them as prisoners
of war. They are ignorant men and believe they are right. Hang
the leaders. They are intelligent men, and know they are wrong."
Few of the enlisted men were in favor of the policy which was
adopted,--though it was at that time in general practice throughout
Missouri, viz.: allowing them to take the oath and go.
Lieut. Call found the enemy camped on Salt River bottom, nine miles
east of Kirksville. From this time until we left Kirksville, he, at
the head of scouting parties composed of Home Guards and volunteers
from our regiment, watched the enemy constantly, and kept Colonel
Scott advised of his position and movements.
We had no clothing, tents nor camp equipage; but we accommodated
ourselves to our situation somehow, and endeavored so far to
disregard the presence of the enemy as to renew the routine of camp
duty.
But in this we failed; for though we had a short battalion drill on
the forenoon of the 19th, something transpired to induce the belief
that the enemy was advancing, and we were ordered to be ready to
form line of battle at 2 P. M. We swallowed a hasty dinner, when the
battalion was formed, and took position in rear (to the west) of
the town, behind a rail fence and in the edge of a growth of young
timber, behind which stretched for several miles toward Grand River
an uninterrupted forest. If this position had the disadvantage of
the town before it, which would obstruct our fire and afford shelter
to the enemy, it had what was perhaps an advantage, the forest
behind it, which would afford cover in case we should be compelled
to retreat. We cut brush and piled it against the fence before
us, so as effectually to conceal ourselves from view. Behind this
breastwork of leaves and boughs we waited. Some thought they could
see a column of horsemen moving in the distance past our left. This
was probably imagination. We soon gave up all expectation of a fight,
and scattered ourselves in knots and groups under the shade trees.
The boys were amusing themselves playing cards and telling anecdotes,
when a report came in that cast a gloom over many countenances.
Corporal Dix, of Company C, was killed. He was leading a small
scouting party, and had stopped at the house of a citizen four miles
from camp to get dinner, when he was surprised by a small party of
the enemy, and after a short, hand to hand fight, was himself killed
and his party put to flight. They inflicted some injury upon the
rebels; but amid the conflicting statements no definite conclusion
on this point could be formed.
Corporal Dix was the first man in our regiment that fell by the hand
of the enemy. He was an excellent comrade, and, like every good
soldier, desired a name. For this he became a scout, and almost
immediately won the admiration of the regiment. It was a misfortune
to lose so promising a soldier. There were many commissioned officers
in the service worth infinitely less to the country than he. Thus the
first sacrifice of our regiment was one of its best and noblest men.
A flag of truce brought in his body, and the next evening at sunset,
it was buried with military honors.
We remained in this position the following day. This day Captain
Hawks' company of Home Guards was organized. It amused our boys
greatly to witness this ceremony. The first sergeant commanded the
men to "fall in in two rows like the Regulars." The Home Guards
called us Regulars. This expression afterwards became a byword in
our regiment. The same day a report was brought in by four scouts
that Lieut. Call had been cut off by the enemy with his whole party,
and that they would be captured. This was true; but by riding a
circuit of about twenty miles they escaped, and arrived in camp about
midnight.
The following afternoon, the camp was again thrown into a state of
excitement by the reported approach of the enemy. The long roll was
beaten, and the men fell in under arms. The camp guard, which was a
strong one, was dismissed, and the men reported to their respective
companies. A party of men appeared in a corn field in front of our
position, and approached sufficiently near to draw the fire of our
artillery. Four shells sufficed to drive them away. This time we
thought there would surely be a fight. The enemy had been seen and
shot at. But we soon concluded that it was only a reconnoitering
party that had disturbed us, and relapsed into our usual quiet.
The following day a drizzling rain drove us into the town for
shelter. The different companies occupied such vacant buildings
as suited them best. As we were retiring for the night, we were
alarmed by the discharge of a cannon. A party of Home Guards had
some cattle in a field, and riding in reported the enemy advancing!
Fishbeem, who had been among the first to hear the report, had taken
the responsibility of a little artillery practice. The regiment
immediately turned out. Battalion was not formed; but the companies
were so disposed as to support the cannon which were stationed
at the cross streets on the corners of the public square, a part
being held in reserve. Captain Madison threw several shells in the
direction in which the rebels were supposed to be advancing. It was
very foolish thus to waste ammunition, shooting at darkness and air.
Fishbeem took the more satisfactory course of firing solid shot at
the house of one Purcel, a member of the State Legislature, and a
notorious secessionist. This operation had the effect of making a
small hole through the upper part of his mansion, and of scaring his
negroes nearly out of their wits. Scouts were sent out and searched
thoroughly, but found no enemy. Having stood till midnight in a
cold, drenching rain, we were allowed to go to our quarters.
The next morning a citizen brought a report that Colonel Smith,
coming to reinforce us, had been attacked at Laplata. Several
companies and a piece of cannon were immediately got ready to
reinforce him, when another arrival contradicted this report, and
stated that General Hurlbut was coming to join us with a large
force. This proved to be true. His force consisted of the Sixteenth
Illinois, and a two pounder cannon named "Old Abe." Our regiment was
formed in line, and as our General approached at the head of his
little column, we received him with presented arms, the artillery at
the same time firing a salute.
We now had hopes that the assurance Colonel Scott had given us
before marching into Kirksville would shortly be realized. The
arrival of reinforcements sufficient to double our present force,
together with the commanding general, we looked upon as an earnest
of immediate action. We did not now stop to inquire into the policy
which had kept us a week in the presence of a superior force of the
enemy without support, and in a destitute condition. We thought we
understood why we had not attacked the enemy: because we had not been
allowed to do so. But we did not understand why we had received no
supplies. We only knew that when the expedition was getting ready
to start from Brookfield, Colonel Williams had said that we were
only to be gone three days. He would not allow Quartermaster Clark
to accompany it; and it was only at the urgent request of Colonel
Scott, Quartermaster Sergeant Mix was allowed to do so. In procuring
subsistence from the country, the services of the latter were
invaluable.
As it was evident to us that so far the whole thing had been
badly managed by some one higher in command than Colonel Scott;
our complaints would now have entirely ceased, had it not been
for the fact that the only things which had come to us with these
reinforcements in the way of supplies, were a few camp utensils. Thus
we were almost as destitute as before. But we were willing to endure
anything, if it would result in victory.
The enlisted men now expected nothing else than to be led against the
rebels. Not one of us doubted the result. The same evening our force
was augmented by the arrival of 150 Home Guards from the northern
border of the State. It now consisted of 400 Home Guards, 1,200
Infantry, and four pieces of cannon. Surely there would be no delay
now. We almost felt the exultation of victory. Let us see how we were
disappointed.
CHAPTER VI.
LIEUT. CALL RECONNOITERS AND REPORTS THE ENEMY'S
POSITION--COL. SCOTT DESIRES TO ATTACK HIM WITH THE
THIRD IOWA, THE HOME GUARDS, AND THE ARTILLERY--GENERAL
HURLBUT DECLINES HIS CONSENT--DANGERS OF SUCH A
MOVEMENT--DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE MEN--THE GENERAL
REVIEWS THE TROOPS--AND ISSUES A PROCLAMATION--HE
SENDS IT BY FLAG OF TRUCE TO GREEN'S CAMP--GREEN
DON'T SEE THE POINT, BUT TAKES THE HINT AND GETS
READY TO LEAVE--THE GENERAL ISSUES AN ORDER AGAINST
PLUNDERING--FURTHER DETAILS OF OUR CONDITION--A
DETACHMENT GOES TO LANCASTER AFTER SUPPLIES--ESCAPE
AND PURSUIT OF GREEN--DETAILS OF THE MARCH--SUFFERING,
STRAGGLING AND PLUNDERING--NIGHT AT WILSONSVILLE--NIGHT
AT BEAR CREEK--SCOUTS FROM MOORE--JUNCTION WITH
MOORE AT BETHEL--APPEARANCE OF THAT PLACE--CHARACTER
AND HOSPITALITY OF THE INHABITANTS--CHANGE OF
PLANS--MOORE AND SMITH PURSUE THE ENEMY; HURLBUT AND
SCOTT MOVE DIRECTLY TOWARD THE RAILROAD--NOON AT
SHELBYVILLE--ANOTHER PROCLAMATION--A MAN STRAGGLES
AHEAD OF THE COLUMN AND IS SHOT BY BUSHWHACKERS--NIGHT
AT SHELBINA--THE SITUATION--WE PROCEED TO BROOKFIELD.
On the evening of General Hurlbut's arrival at Kirksville, Lieut.
Call reconnoitered Green's camp and the approaches to it. Since our
arrival at this place, he had changed his camp to another point on
Salt River bottom, several miles south. One main road, crossing
this stream in an east and west direction, ran through it. Thus
it could be approached from front and rear. It was about fourteen
miles distant. The road approaching it from the rear could be gained
by performing a detour of seven or eight miles. His camp was
surrounded by a high range of hills over which he could not retreat
without the loss of his baggage and artillery. Hence, in case of
his defeat, if these two roads were held with sufficient force,
his entire _materiel_ would fall into our hands. It would require
only a simultaneous attack on these two roads to insure a speedy
and decisive victory. It was ten o'clock at night when Lieut. Call
reported the result of his reconnoissance. Colonel Scott immediately
requested General Hurlbut to allow him to march that night and
attack the enemy with his own regiment, the mounted Missourians and
Madison's artillery. The news of this proposal spread quickly among
the men. We expected nothing else than an immediate night march upon
the enemy. The enthusiasm was unbounded. Meanwhile the General was
consulting with Col. Scott and one or two other officers. Most of the
officers of our regiment were in favor of Col. Scott's proposition.
Whatever doubts they may have entertained of our ability to cope with
the large force Green had gathered, they knew that nothing less than
a victory would quiet the murmurs of their men, and repay them for
the needless sufferings they had undergone. But General Hurlbut was
of a different mind. He thought that the Sixteenth having marched
sixteen miles that day, would not be in a condition to fight after
marching sixteen more. There was much truth in this, although its
importance might not have been appreciated at that time. To Colonel
Scott's request to be allowed to march and attack the enemy with his
own force, the mounted Missourians and Madison's artillery, he at
first assented. But soon after, a lieutenant of the artillery came
in with a groundless report that Green had received reinforcements.
This determined the General not to run the risk of dividing his
command. Besides, he is said to have made a remark which induced the
belief that he expected aid from General Pope. It may be that the
consideration of co-operation from Col. Moore had some influence on
this decision.
At all events, it is doubtful whether it would have been safe to
allow Col. Scott to move as he desired. Night is a poor time to fight
battles. A single mistake, caused by the darkness, might bring about
the heaviest disasters. To attack an enemy in the night, unless
the attacking party is thoroughly acquainted with his situation,
is exchanging probability for chance. Our enemy was constantly
on the alert, and Colonel Scott could not hope to surprise him.
His force was camped in a dense forest, and Colonel Scott did not
know the ground. To attack him in the rear, he would be compelled
to make a circuit of more than twenty miles before gaining the
required position. This would place Green between him and Hurlbut at
Kirksville, in a central position between two forces which united
were numerically inferior to his own. Colonel Scott would not have
attempted to divide so small a force to attack Green at once in
front and rear. Had he moved at all, he would have moved in but one
way--directly upon the enemy, with his force united and Hurlbut at
Kirksville at his back. This plan might have succeeded, but the risk
would have been great. But there is no doubt that if General Hurlbut
had moved in the morning with his now united force, he would have
compelled the enemy's retreat or beaten him badly if he had stood.
When his decision not to allow Colonel Scott to move that night was
known, we were ordered to stack arms and go to sleep. The order was
sulkily given and as sulkily obeyed. But we went to sleep in the hope
that an advance would take place next day.
Instead of fulfilling our expectations, next day Gen. Hurlbut did
two things, both of which were generally considered out of place. He
reviewed the troops, and issued a proclamation to the insurgents. The
review would have been well enough, if it had not been so near the
enemy. I have no desire to comment on the proclamation more than to
say that we were at a loss to conjecture the motives which dictated
it. In it he proposed to visit every county seat in his district with
an armed force, and there establish a committee of citizens of both
parties, and make them responsible for the preservation of the peace
in their counties. As far as we could learn, this proposition was
not less obnoxious to the Union men than to the rebels. He concluded
by offering all armed bands of the enemy five days in which to lay
down their arms, and should they fail to do so in that time, he would
convince them of the perils of pursuing this irregular warfare.
There was a printing office in town, that of the _Kirksville
Democrat_, a rebel sheet, whose editor had fled at our approach.
This had been taken possession of by some members of the Third Iowa,
who proposed issuing a sheet of a different character. This was
fortunate for the General, as it afforded him means of publishing
his proclamation. A number of copies were sent by flag of truce to
the insurgents! Green doubtless chuckled over this, while General
Hurlbut's officers and men gnashed their teeth with rage. Those five
days were days of grace to Green. He believed General Hurlbut would
not move against him till the expiration of that time. He employed
it in completing his preparations to get away. Meanwhile, we lay
at Kirksville doing nothing, the General probably waiting for his
proclamation to ferment.
The Sixteenth on their march hither, if we may believe their own
accounts, had been pretty free in the use of property belonging
to citizens. After their arrival at Kirksville, a store had been
broken open and robbed. This called forth an order from the General,
announcing that any soldier of his command who should break open a
private house or store for the purpose of robbery, should be "shot at
once." There was doubtless a demand for an order of this kind, but we
thought that a threat less violent would have answered the purpose
equally well.
On the 25th, we attended religious exercises in the open air, and
heard an army chaplain preach for the first time since entering the
service. The meeting took place in the grove where we were then
bivouacked, behind our breastworks of brush. The sermon was preached
by the chaplain of the Sixteenth. It seemed strange, indeed, to see
men with weapons of death by their sides, mingling their voices
with the aged and innocent, in praise to the same God. It seemed a
monstrous inconsistency. But nature is full of inconsistencies. The
God that gives joy to innocence, swallows up cities with earthquakes.
As has been said, we were compelled to subsist on the country.
Sergeant Mix was careful to impress nothing except from enemies. A
bakery was taken possession of, and men detailed to run it. This
furnished us with an insufficient supply of corn bread. The Union
people of Kirksville treated us with great hospitality, and did all
they could to promote our comfort. But they could not furnish us with
shoes in place of those we had worn out, or with shirts in place of
those we had left behind. These things must be taken from the enemy.
Accordingly, an expedition, consisting of Companies I and B, of our
regiment, under Major Stone, proceeded to the town of Lancaster,
about thirty miles to the north, near the Iowa State line, and
impressed from rebel citizens several wagon-loads of boots, shoes and
the like, which were distributed among those who needed them most.
General Hurlbut issued his proclamation on the 26th. On the 30th,
Green began to retreat toward the south. The same morning orders
were issued to the troops at Kirksville to be ready to move. We were
ready to all appearance to take up the march at an early hour; but,
for some reason, the departure of the column was delayed till nearly
noon. Meanwhile a rumor circulated through the ranks that Green had
gone; and, in our mortification and rage, we could assign but one
reason for this delay; we said that the General wished to make an
outward show of courage by pursuing, but did not wish to overtake the
enemy. There seemed to be an universal murmur against him. No one
spoke in defense of him or attempted to justify his measures. Who
would then have believed that under this same man we were destined to
be led to honor and glory? We can not but suppose that he was either
trammeled by his orders, or laboring like Bonaparte at Borodino,
under some strange spell of mental lassitude. Nothing less could have
made such a failure of him who was to be the honored General of the
Fourth Division and Sixteenth Army Corps.
At 11 A. M., the column moved; the direction was southeast toward
the late camp of Green. The most unpleasant feature of the day's
march was, that we had nothing to eat. The day was quite hot, and the
roads dusty. The country through which we passed was not as thickly
settled as between Macon and Kirksville, and it was consequently
difficult for the men to procure water. They straggled from the
ranks in great numbers, and ran to the wells, at every one of which
would take place a scene of indescribable greediness and confusion.
A bucket of water would be drawn, and a hundred men would endeavor
to get their canteens into it. A score of hungry wolves wrangling
over one carcass, would scarcely be an adequate comparison. Hunger
oppressed as much as thirst, and from the wells crowds would rush
into the houses. What could be procured by asking, was taken. But
the column was moving on. There was scarcely time to ask; and,
in many cases, the people were too much frightened to answer, or
to keep track of the confusion of questions with which they were
assailed. In such cases the soldier seized whatever he could see
that he could eat, and hurried on. As the day wore away, these
matters grew worse. Taking advantage of these circumstances, acts of
unlicensed plundering took place, which would disgrace troops under
any circumstances. Many gave out and fell behind the column without
the hope (and sometimes with little expectation) of overtaking it,
till it should halt for the night. Some of these were most dangerous
plunderers. No longer under the control of their officers, and
counting every citizen an enemy, they committed acts which they will
be ashamed to remember, and which I have no desire to record.
Under ordinary circumstances, the less revolting acts of this kind
which attended this march would be deserving of no apology. But most
of them in this case were caused by absolute hunger. We had not had
enough to eat since arriving at Kirksville, and now that we had begun
a vigorous march our hunger was almost insufferable. Surely it is not
hard then to understand that we could not resist taking food from
hostile citizens. General Hurlbut used his best endeavors to correct
these irregularities; but, in consequence of a hurt he had received
on the day of the review, he was compelled to ride in a buggy, and
was not able to put forth much exertion.
A march of sixteen miles brought us at dark to the little town of
Wilsonsville, where we halted for the night. Some bread that had
been baked at Kirksville and brought along was issued to us. There
was not enough for supper and breakfast, but it helped us greatly.
The quartermaster promised us fresh beef, but it was slow, very slow
in coming. Our patience became exhausted. In place of beef we took
chickens. The town and surrounding country were our commissariat. We
sent in no _returns_. We needed no issuing clerk. We drew from the
henroosts by the _tail_. A strong camp guard was established with
orders to let no one out except at the gate with vessels for water.
But we found it very easy to go out, with a camp kettle for water,
and to return with chicken soup all ready, except what could be done
by fire and seasoning. Thus we behaved that night at Wilsonsville;
and though we were very quiet about our depredations, and limited
ourselves to supplying our actual wants, the people pronounced us
vandals. But they saw only the outward manifestation; they knew
nothing of the inward cause.
The column moved at daylight, our regiment in advance. A march of
eighteen miles brought us to Bear creek, a tributary of Salt river,
where we bivouacked in a timbered bottom. Again, as last night, we
had nothing in our haversacks to eat. There were but two or three
houses near, and guards were placed over them to prevent plundering,
and we were compelled to wait till something was issued to us. Food
came at last, in the shape of some fresh mutton and musty corn meal.
We stewed the meat, made the meal into mush, and ate them both fresh;
for we had no salt. Many were then suffering from diarrhoea, and were
unable to eat their food at all; but went to sleep without supper
hoping to be able to procure something they could eat at the houses
we should pass, and so endure the march. The dust had filled our
shoes, and there were few among us whose feet were not blistered.
The creek on which we were camped, like all the streams of North
Missouri, was muddy and full of logs. But its waters were cool and
afforded us a bath, which, under the circumstances, was indeed a
luxury.
Several days previous to our departure from Kirksville, we had had
rumors of Colonel Moore marching from Edina to join us. Some may
have supposed that General Hurlbut was waiting for Moore to march
upon Green from the opposite direction, and that his proclamation
was intended to delay the retreat of the latter, till this could
be effected. Events were transpiring which tended to make this
supposition probable. Scouts arrived during the night from Colonel
Moore, with the information that he was marching in the direction of
Bethel in pursuit of Green. This news was very cheering, although we
knew that Grant was twenty-five miles ahead of us, and that his force
being mounted, we could not possibly overtake him.
At eight in the morning, we resumed the march, and having proceeded
about thirteen miles arrived at two in the afternoon, at Bethel, a
beautiful free labor village, inhabited entirely by Germans. These
people seemed, indeed, models of good citizens. Every one seemed
comfortable and prosperous. Their town was built of brick, and there
was no air of dilapidation about it such as characterizes nearly
all the interior towns of the South. The reason was obvious--there
were no negro huts adjacent to the comfortable residences. Vice
accompanies indolence whether among rich or poor; virtue is the
companion of industry. There never was a better illustration of this
truth than this little community. They seemed to live in perfect
harmony with themselves and the world around them. Hitherto, they
had taken little or no part in the war. True to the thinking, honest
character of the German, they had sat unmoved, and watched the
strife around them, and smoked their pipes and thought. We call them
phlegmatic; but while thus unmoved, they were moved the most. Every
feature of the struggle must be submitted to the slow scrutiny of
reason, and every motive which the struggle stirred within them, to
the great magistrate, Conscience. This magistrate gave his decisions
with the slowness of Justice. When he had answered all these
questions they would be prepared to act. And when they began to act,
the zeal of self-approbation would quicken them; the "fire of God"
would fill them; nothing could cause them to halt or falter.
They fulfilled the Scriptures in point of obeying "the powers that
be." Yesterday Martin Green was the commanding power; to-day, it was
General Hurlbut. Yesterday Green had passed through their town; his
people, they said, had treated them quite civilly. No wonder; such a
community should be the pride of any people. Brigands would scarcely
have done less. Like sensible people, they knew it was best to submit
with patience to evils they could not resist. Green wanted flour and
meal; he took all they had in their mill, and paid them in rebel
State scrip, to which they knew it was useless to demur. They behaved
towards his men with respect. It was an honest respect, but it was
also that respect which is always inspired by power.
But it was plain to see which party had their sympathies. They heard
of our approach some time before our arrival. They threw open their
doors and spread their boards. Foot-sore, weary and weak with hunger,
we entered their village,--they had enough to eat for all. They came
out to meet us,--men, women and children; and, in that plain, artless
way which tells that the heart speaks and does not deceive, invited
us into their houses to eat and to rest. We halted and stacked arms.
There was no need of a soldier being without an invitation. He could
not walk half way through the town without being asked by a dozen
different persons. And if any one should be so unfortunate as not to
be noticed, he had but to present himself at a door-step, and what
he wanted was known immediately. At least, he would not be long in
divining what was wanted of him; for another plate would make its
appearance on the table as soon as there was room for it. Then there
would be a nod or a motion to him to sit down and eat. Such was the
applause with which they greeted us. It needed no display of flags or
white handkerchiefs to tell us where their hearts were.
We had not been here long when Colonel Moore arrived with seven or
eight hundred men, and bivouacked near the town. This fresh arrival
did not discourage the good citizens, but rather increased their
hospitable efforts. Before night every man of General Hurlbut's
column had received a substantial dinner and supper, and Colonel
Moore's men a supper, and many were likewise furnished with lodgings.
This was no mock hospitality like that of the Slave aristocracy.
There was no pride or pompousness about it,--only a smile of
satisfaction at whatever was accepted,--an evidence that it was good
done for its own sake. The soldier received the same as the officer.
No one stopped to ask him what his rank was. It was sufficient to
know that he was a soldier and that he was hungry.
I believe that our behavior towards these people was in all respects
creditable. We parted as we had met, friends. They taught us a lesson
and gave us something to remember. The recollection is still in our
minds; the lesson still in our hearts.
Soon after Colonel Moore's arrival a new plan of operations was
determined upon. Smith and Moore were to pursue the enemy who had
retreated toward the railroad in the direction of Monroe, while the
General with our regiment, Madison's artillery, and such of the
Sixteenth as were judged unable to further endure the march, were to
proceed directly south and strike the railroad at Shelbina. This plan
of course comprehended the idea of abandoning the pursuit as soon
as we should reach the railroad; for it was evident we should not
overtake Green.
In Smith and Moore General Hurlbut had yoked together two characters
directly opposite. Smith was tardy and irresolute; Moore fiery,
energetic and hopeful. The one would push ahead with might and main;
the other would drag behind. "Come," said Moore to Smith, that night
at the hotel, "a big work is before us; and we have no time to lose."
Smith replied, with two or three whiffs of his pipe, and Moore
dragged him along.
Reveille sounded at an early hour. We breakfasted as we had supped,
with the good people of Bethel. About 8 o'clock our column moved in
the direction of Shelbyville, county seat of Shelby county. This
place, only five miles distant, was reached by ten o'clock, and we
halted, and under the luxuriant shade trees of the court house square
rested, while General Hurlbut got out another proclamation! I need
not say what the officers and men thought of this. If the General did
not know, it was not their fault.
About 2 P. M. we again moved. As we were about to march, we received
the startling intelligence that a member of our regiment who had
straggled ahead had been shot. This proved to be true. Three men had
straggled ahead when the column halted, and when about three miles
from Shelbyville, had been waylaid by citizens, and one of them shot
dead, another slightly wounded, while the third escaped and brought
back the report. This accident induced the precaution of throwing
out skirmishers while passing through the spaces of timber that lay
across our route. This was soon abandoned, it being concluded that
the accident was only the work of malicious citizens. We passed
the body of our unfortunate comrade as we walked along. It was a
visible and solemn lesson to those who were not disposed to respect
discipline and obey orders. It was put in a wagon and brought with
us. We buried it next morning with the usual honors.
About five o'clock a storm came up from the northwest, and the rain
fell in torrents. This only hightened the boys' glee. Our gait was
accelerated, and with loud yells and constant peals of laughter,
we entered Shelbina. It was quite late before we could draw any
rations; and the occurrences of the night at Wilsonsville were
repeated, and perhaps in a more aggravated manner.
The next morning broke misty and lowry. But by nine o'clock it had
cleared off, and the face of nature again looked cheerful. What was
now the situation? Green had crossed the railroad near Monroe and
was continuing his retreat. He had a wide field before him; but if
all the means by which he could have crossed the Missouri had been
seized, and a vigorous pursuit continued, he might have been captured
or his band dispersed. At the same time Colonel Williams was in
the direction of Paris, returning from an expedition which we will
discuss in the next chapter. Nevertheless, we did not stay to support
him; but leaving him to the mercy of Green who, there was every
reason to believe, would proceed in that direction, we got aboard
two trains of cars and moved toward Brookfield. We had proceeded but
two or three miles when the train in advance was fired into by a
concealed enemy. About thirty shots were fired; but no one was hurt.
We halted a short time and made an unsuccessful search for them.
When we arrived at Brookfield we found that our tents had been
occupied in the absence of Colonel Williams, by recruits for Colonel
Morgan's regiment. We were admonished by the sick comrades we found
here to give them a thorough cleansing before going into them. But in
spite of all our efforts in this direction, we soon had the felicity
of making the acquaintance of that charming little insect with whose
habits and instincts every soldier is supposed to be familiar.
CHAPTER VII.
THE EXPEDITION TO PARIS--THE FORCES ENGAGED IN
IT--DETAILS OF THE MOVEMENT TO THAT PLACE--CONDUCT
OF COLONEL WILLIAMS AND LIEUT. COL. BLAIR, WHILE
THERE--THEY RETURN RAPIDLY TO SHELBINA--GREEN PURSUES
AND CONFRONTS THEM WITH A LARGE FORCE--DETAILS OF
THE AFFAIR AT SHELBINA--COLONEL WILLIAMS RETREATS
TO HUDSON, WHERE HE MEETS GENERAL HURLBUT WITH
REINFORCEMENTS--THE PROPRIETY OF THE RETREAT
DISCUSSED--THE ACCOUNT OF THE REBELLION RECORD.
While we were marching from Kirksville to Shelbina, Colonel Williams
received an order, it is said, from General Fremont, the precise
nature of which I am not able to give. However, he collected his
available force, which consisted of the fifty well men left at
Brookfield by Colonel Scott, as many of the sick as had convalesced
during the subsequent two weeks, and sixty men of Company C, who had
been watching the enemy in the vicinity of St. Joseph. With this
force he proceeded to Hannibal, where he was joined by six companies,
or rather by a remnant of six companies of the gallant Second Kansas,
decimated by losses at Springfield and the sufferings of the hard
campaign of the Southwest, and now returning home by this route
to recruit their numbers and rest. This battalion, one company of
which was mounted, together with a company of Missouri cavalry under
Captain Dolan, increased his force to 630 men; with which he returned
as far as Shelbina, where he arrived at nightfall, and leaving
the cars began an immediate night march toward Paris, the county
seat of Monroe county, a flourishing inland town, where he arrived
about daybreak and bivouacked for the day. Learning from reliable
citizens that the enemy was in the vicinity with 1,200 men, he threw
out pickets in the outskirts of town, and sent out the cavalry to
reconnoiter. The latter had an affray with the enemy, and lost an
officer captured.
That night both Colonel Williams and Lieut. Colonel Blair, were too
much under the influence of liquor to be in a condition to command
men. Colonel Williams is said to have behaved most ridiculously. He
had his headquarters in the office of the Clerk of the Circuit Court.
He told his officers that the force was in imminent danger of attack,
and that they must not think of sleeping during the night. As to
himself, he was so worn out with fatigue and anxiety, that it would
be absolutely necessary for him to get a little sleep in order to be
prepared for emergencies that might arise! The officers of the Third
Iowa consulted together and decided that Colonel Williams was not
in a fit condition to continue in command. Whereupon they reported
this fact to Major Cloud, who informed them that Lieut. Col. Blair
was in a like condition, and that he had already assumed command of
the Kansas troops, and would assume command of the whole force; on
which they mutually agreed to obey him should anything occur during
the night. Before morning the camp was alarmed by the firing of the
pickets, and the troops took position for action. Colonel Williams
is said to have rode around the lines and delivered a few drunken
orders, which were not heeded, the officers obeying Major Cloud.
Whatever we may say in justification of Colonel Williams' conduct on
the following day, we do not attempt to justify this night's debauch.
In this, both he and Lieut. Col. Blair committed a fault for which
they should have been dismissed from the service. It was one of those
faults which amount to a high crime. They got drunk in the presence
of a superior enemy, and when they were expecting him to attack the
forces under their command. That was the crime. The situation of this
little force at best was a dangerous one. That very day Green crossed
the railroad in his retreat from Hurlbut. That he united with the
rebel force in the vicinity of Paris, and designed attacking Williams
while in this isolated position, subsequent events place beyond
doubt. Had the latter remained at Paris till noon the following day,
it is certain that Green would have inflicted a heavy disaster upon
him.
As it was, he began to retreat early in the morning toward Shelbina.
The promptness and rapidity of this movement, can not be placed to
his credit; for, though he had reason to believe he was followed, he
had no knowledge of the presence of Green. He arrived at Shelbina
about 2 P. M., and learned, doubtless with regret, of the departure
of Hurlbut and Scott from that place for Brookfield the previous day.
He had not been here half an hour when a heavy cloud of dust made its
appearance in the direction whence he had come; and soon the head of
a column of cavalry began to emerge from the long line of timber
which skirts the prairie of Shelbina about four miles to the south.
This column, lengthening as it emerged, came stretching over the
prairie, devouring, in expectation, the little band that was waiting
to receive it. Through this prairie runs a small brook, in the valley
of which the enemy disappeared in column and then reappeared, a
formidable line of battle a mile in length, stretching to the north
of the road and steadily advancing; at the same time bodies of troops
began to appear to the south of the road, which, when deployed,
extended so far as to reach the railroad to the east. The enemy now
presented, with two or three slight intervals, a line of battle two
miles in length, behind which could be seen, with the aid of a glass,
a line of infantry a half mile in length drawn up as a reserve. Green
then planted two pieces of cannon at different points, and sent to
Colonel Williams by flag of truce a demand for the surrender of his
force, giving him half an hour to decide. "Go to h----l!" is said to
have been the laconic response of the Colonel. He then ordered the
women and children out of the town.
Meanwhile he had been barricading the principal streets with lumber
and rubbish to protect his men from the fire of small arms. At the
expiration of the half hour, all eyes were strained with expectation
in the direction of the enemy. A burst of smoke enveloped one of his
pieces, and a nine pounder shot came screeching through the air.
After several discharges with this, he opened with his second piece,
and his extended flank began to advance, and close slowly toward our
right and left. The cavalry and two light companies of the Kansas
battalion made two or three slight demonstrations toward the enemy.
An engine and a car filled with men went to the east and disturbed
his flank resting upon the railroad. He made a demonstration on the
railroad toward the right; but an engine with two cars filled with
men went out and drove him off.
When the enemy first made his appearance, Colonel Williams
telegraphed to General Hurlbut a statement of his condition, to
which the General replied, telling him to hold out, and promising
to reinforce him before night. Two hours and a half had now elapsed
without tidings of any assistance. The enemy was advancing his pieces
and drawing his lines so as to envelop our flanks, and the situation
was evidently becoming critical. The Colonel called together his
officers and asked their advice. They were unanimously of the opinion
that it was best to move on the cars out of range of the enemy and
await the promised reinforcements. But Lieut. Col. Blair and Major
Cloud expressed their determination to retreat with their battalion
at all events. Col. Williams then said that if he could not induce
the Kansas troops to remain, he would not remain with his own men.
He therefore ordered a retreat. The men got hastily aboard the cars,
leaving behind two or three baggage wagons and a small quantity of
camp equipage. The enemy, before he discovered this movement, got
his artillery quite close behind the screen of a cornfield, and
began to throw grape and canister. The two trains moved rapidly
toward the west, the cavalry galloping along on the side opposite the
enemy. When the trains reached Clarence, the first station west of
Shelbina, and twelve miles distant from it, they halted. But instead
of waiting reinforcements here, the cavalry got hastily aboard the
flat cars, and the retreat was continued with every evidence that
some one was greatly frightened. When Colonel Williams arrived at
Hudson (Macon City), he found General Hurlbut there with about 250
men on the way to reinforce him. General Hurlbut called the Colonel
and his officers to account for their conduct on this occasion, and
his personal conduct greatly increased the feeling against him, both
among the officers and men.
Col. Williams has been greatly censured on account of this retreat
from Shelbina, and there may have been some disposed to attach a
stigma to our regiment in consequence of it. At least the name of
a regiment always suffers more or less with that of its commanding
officer. If the Colonel was to blame, his officers, and particularly
Colonel Blair and Major Cloud were not less so; the former for
advising him to retreat; the two latter for refusing to remain with
him with the troops under their command. That he did not await
General Hurlbut at Clarence is altogether inexplicable. In continuing
the retreat beyond that place in the manner in which it was done,
there is every evidence of panic and fright. Nothing could have been
lost then by waiting the arrival of reinforcements, or the approach
of night or the enemy. This would have supported the confidence of
the men, and given it, in the eyes of the public, the appearance of
an orderly retreat, instead of a disgraceful flight. If he had waited
till night, without the appearance either of reinforcements or of the
enemy, it might have been wiser then to resume the retreat than to
run the risk of waking up in the morning to find himself surrounded,
as Colonel Smith had been at Monroe, with the track torn up and
the wires cut on either side of him. This undoubtedly would have
happened to him, had he held out and remained that night at Shelbina.
In passing judgment on this affair, we have to consider, first,
that to hold out against a superior enemy hightens the _morale_ of
troops; and that it especially discourages men to be compelled to
retreat from troops for whom they have a settled contempt, such as
lawless insurgents, poorly disciplined and armed, and whom they
have come to suppress; and, second, that a successful retreat, from
whatever enemy, discourages them less than a disaster. Finally,
considering the threatening approach of the enemy in such numbers,
the non-arrival of reinforcements, and particularly the refusal of
the Kansas field officers to remain, we can not see wherein Colonel
Williams was to blame in abandoning Shelbina; but the flight from
Clarence demands an explanation which has never been given to the
men of the Third Iowa, who suffered a share in the general disgrace.
A more resolute commander, one whose conduct on this occasion, as
well as previously, had been such as to inspire the respect of all
his subordinates, would not have given up the place without a severe
fight. Before what happened in this case, the example of Sigel at
Carthage or Mulligan at Lexington, would have been far preferable.
The whole thing was badly managed. Hurlbut was to blame for not
remaining at Shelbina the day before to support Williams. Williams
was to blame for drunkenness at Paris, and for the imbecility of
calling a council of officers during the progress of the action. And
again, Hurlbut was to blame for not reinforcing him more promptly and
with a larger force. To show how this affair figures in history, I
give the account found in the _Rebellion Record_, which is also found
in the _N. Y. Commercial_ of September 10, 1861:
"This afternoon, Col. N. G. Williams, with eleven hundred troops,
Kansas and Iowa Third, was attacked at Shelbina, Mo., by Martin
Green, with from fifteen hundred to two thousand troops. Green
commenced firing upon them with two pieces of artillery, and kept up
fire for about one and a half hours. One man, (Federal), had his leg
taken off with a cannon ball. Col. Williams retreated on two trains
to Hudson, Mo., leaving a number of horses and a part of his camp
utensils in the hands of the rebels. Col. Williams had no artillery.
General Hurlbut got as far as Hudson, Mo., from Brookfield, with two
hundred and fifty men, to reinforce Williams. When he arrived there,
Williams was at Clarence on his retreat."
Our only comment on this is that Lieut. Schrader, acting commissary
for the force, stated that he issued rations for 630 men, and that
Green, after receiving the reinforcements which joined him south
of the railroad, not including the riffraff who joined him for the
occasion, could not have had less than 3,000; nor could he have made
so formidable display of numbers with a less force. The casualty
mentioned was that of a captain of the Kansas troops, who had his
foot taken off by a cannon ball while attempting to rally some
Missourians.
CHAPTER VIII.
WE BREAK UP CAMP AT BROOKFIELD AND PROCEED TOWARD
SHELBINA--JUNCTION WITH SMITH AND MOORE--GENERAL POPE
ASSUMES COMMAND--HURLBUT AND WILLIAMS PROCEED TO ST.
LOUIS IN ARREST--POPE LEADS A NIGHT MARCH AGAINST GREEN
AT FLORIDA--FEELINGS OF THE TROOPS--CIRCUMSTANCES OF
THAT AFFAIR--REPORT OF GENERAL FREMONT CONCERNING
IT--WE RETURN TO THE RAILROAD AND PROCEED TO
MACON--ARRIVAL OF GENERALS POPE AND STURGIS AT THAT
POINT--PROSPECTS OF ACTIVE MOVEMENTS.
The men who had been with Scott at Kirksville were not allowed as
much time to rest as they had expected. On the morning of September
6th, we broke up camp at Brookfield, got aboard a train of cars with
our baggage and effects, and moving eastward, arrived at Hudson a
little before sunset. Here we found Colonel Williams and his Shelbina
command, the detachment of the Sixteenth which General Hurlbut had
moved to reinforce him, and the Second Kansas, who had just got
aboard a train of cars, and were about to start for their previous
destination, their homes. The latter told prodigious stories of the
battle of Springfield, and we looked upon them with the respect
usually given to veterans.
The other troops at Hudson were not yet ready to move; but Colonel
Scott pushed on and halted for the night at Clarence. It was quite
dark when we reached that place, and we experienced not a little
difficulty in getting our effects separated properly, and putting
ourselves in a situation to pass the night. The greatest trouble was,
that we had scarcely anything to eat. But the town had plenty of
henroosts, and our ready hands supplied the deficiency. There were
some apprehensions, but no positive tidings of the enemy. Early in
the morning, a construction train went forward with a guard of thirty
men in command of a sergeant.
After Colonel Williams retreated from Shelbina, the enemy had
ventilated his rage upon the innocent railroad by tearing up the
track, burning culverts, and pulling down the wires for several miles
either way from that place. The principal damage done was in the
burning of the Salt river bridge, between Shelbina and Hunnewell.
The day was spent in repairing these damages, and at night, the
forces which had spent the previous night at Clarence and Macon under
Hurlbut, Williams and Scott, formed junction with those of Smith and
Moore, approaching from the opposite direction. Our regiment, again
united, and under Colonel Williams, moved forward early in the night
to Hunnewell.
Meanwhile we learned to our great joy that General Pope had arrived
from the North Missouri Railway and assumed command of the forces
on this road; and it was rumored that he would proceed immediately
against Green, who was encamped in the vicinity of Florida, a day's
march to the southwest. The rumor was correct; and he would have
moved that night, if Colonel Smith had not been too long in getting
back from Shelbina.
As might have been expected, the operations of the Federal forces in
northeast Missouri, which the last two chapters have attempted to
describe, discouraged the Union people and created a general feeling
of disappointment against General Hurlbut, both among citizens and
soldiers. Both the General and Colonel Williams were the following
morning relieved from their commands, and started for St. Louis under
arrest.
Daylight found the whole force assembled at Hunnewell under Pope. We
waited anxiously to see what he would do. He still hoped to surprise
Green. But he knew that the spies of the latter might watch him, and
he accordingly adopted a ruse to deceive them. He laid out his camp
in regular order, established a brigade camp guard, with Major Stone
as officer of the day, and, as far as outward appearances could show,
made preparations to remain at Hunnewell for some time. The ruse
deceived his own soldiers, who shook their heads and did not like the
appearance of things at all. It doubtless likewise deceived the enemy.
All at once, a little before sunset, up came an order to put four
days' rations on the wagons and get ready to march immediately. At
dusk the column took up the march in a splendid manner. Every step
was elastic, and every heart was full of joy and hope. We were about
to do now what we had longed to do at Kirksville. Nothing but some
egregious blunder on our part, or extreme watchfulness on the part of
the enemy, would hinder success.
But General Pope, notwithstanding his skill and energy, had made
one mistake. He had taken too long a train. Two days' rations would
have sufficed instead of four. Should he succeed in surprising the
enemy, the fight would not last long. Should the enemy retreat either
before or after a fight, it would be useless to pursue, unless it
were intended to undertake a general pursuit. The wagons, continually
halting, embarrassed and impeded the march. Had the train been half
as long, we could have moved with much more rapidity and ease.
After keeping the main road two or three hours, we followed by-roads
or moved over fields and rough prairies, which rendered the marching
tiresome in the extreme. About three o'clock in the morning we
crossed Salt river and found ourselves in the streets of Florida.
The different battalions twisted themselves together in all possible
confusion, and the men, heedless of everything, threw themselves down
in all manner of shapes to rest.
But where was Green? He was camped on a wooded bottom three miles
below, and the road leading to his camp was on the opposite (east)
side of the river. Only three miles off and we were halting! Was it
to take rest before falling upon him? or had General Pope missed the
way? Probably the latter; for we soon countermarched, crossed the
bridge and moved rapidly down the river. Was the enemy there? The
citizens said, yes. An old negro, who gazed at us with astonishment,
said they were there last night. Soon we heard the crack of muskets.
They were certainly there; for Lieut. Call was driving in their
pickets. It was our hour of glory. What had we to fear? We were
three regiments and four pieces of cannon besides the Home Guards,
and following a brave and skillful leader. They were a half organized
horde, armed with citizen's rifles and shot guns. Soon we would have
victory for the stigmas and sufferings of the past. Seldom have men
felt more joy.
Suddenly we were in the enemy's camp; but the enemy was not there.
Our feelings experienced a sudden shock of disappointment. Victory,
glory,--a moment ago almost within our possession, now lost. Each
man felt as though he had suddenly lost a fortune. But this is a
tame comparison; for what is money compared with the reward of the
soldier who participates in a successful battle? The enemy was gone;
he had taken everything. Nothing was left but a United States baggage
wagon, about ten bushels of unshelled corn and a broken shot gun. A
few coals smoldered beneath the ashes of his camp-fires. Every thing
indicated that his scouts had informed him of the movements against
him, and that he had evacuated early in the night.
Those who participated in this affair will not recall without a smile
the report of General Fremont to Adjutant General Townsend concerning
it. It represented Pope as having defeated Green, capturing his
baggage, besides recapturing that lost by our forces at Shelbourne
(Shelbina); that his infantry was exhausted but his cavalry pursued.
It is needless to say, that these statements were entirely without
foundation. The only cavalry the General had was a few Home Guards,
armed with muskets and mounted on farm horses. It is true that they
pursued; but they did not overtake the enemy. It is also true that
the infantry pursued; that is, a great many small straggling parties
went out in the direction of the enemy, levied contributions of
warm meals upon the inhabitants, and captured animals of various
sizes, from chickens in pin feathers up to horses. General Pope
observed this conduct on the part of his men with deep regret. But he
doubtless felt a little indulgent toward us, as every good commander
will feel toward his men when they have done something praiseworthy.
His men needed rest. He accordingly posted no infantry guard--only
kept his mounted men on the line of the enemy's retreat. This will
account for an incident which occurred during the afternoon, and
of which my comrades have a vivid recollection. A party of rebels,
probably a detachment of Green's main force, rode leisurely into
our camp. Colonel Moore was the first to discover them, and to
recognize them as enemies. He sprang to the nearest stack of guns,
seized a musket, and fired at the advanced man, giving him a mortal
wound in the breast. A number of soldiers imitated his example, and
another man was wounded; but the remainder fled in amazement and
consternation. Toward night the column marched back to Florida and
camped. Here, also, a number of depredations were committed on the
property of rebel citizens. Consequently for the return march the
following day, General Pope issued an order requiring the commandants
of regiments to ride in the rear of their respective commands,
and allow no soldier to leave the ranks except in case of absolute
necessity; and that whoever should break ranks to plunder should be
shot. This order did not sound at all pleasant to some of us, but it
was nevertheless obeyed. The march was begun early. The day was cool,
and three o'clock found us at Hunnewell. We found that the camp of
our regiment had been removed to the Salt river bridge by the guards
and men left with it, for the better protection of that work. We
joined them, tired and foot-sore enough.
After a fruitless chase that had promised such splendid results, we
could not but have a feeling of disappointment. The enemy had not
out-generaled us; he had out-marched us. We needed cavalry. Of what
avail was it for a man to take his household goods on his back and
endeavor to catch a horse? We must have dragoons to ride down and
saber to pieces the mounted forces. This was the universal opinion
among us. Our campaign against Green had taught us to value cavalry.
At this time it seemed that the whole country was agreeing with us.
"The man on the horse" was the rage, both in the army and out of it.
The War Department was increasing the cavalry force to 75,000. We
had rumors, too, that General Pope proposed to mount two or three
regiments, including ours, and with them clear north Missouri of
all irregular forces. The mere mention of it threw some of us into
ecstacies.
But this expectation was suddenly disappointed, when the following
morning our regiment got aboard a train of cars with all its baggage,
moved westward and camped at Macon City. We did not lay out a regular
camp here. No one expected that we would remain long. It seemed as
though we were only waiting for further orders.
The following day, September 12th, General Sturgis arrived from St.
Louis, by way of the North Missouri Railroad, with four companies
of the Thirty-ninth Ohio. General Pope also arrived from Hunnewell
with the Sixteenth Illinois. These two brigadiers established their
headquarters in the same hotel. It now looked like work. Fremont had
sent two of his best generals to command the forces here. We had seen
enough of Pope to have confidence in him. We knew that Sturgis had
won laurels at Springfield. We had read unbounded praises of him in
the St. Louis papers. His presence gave us great confidence in future
movements.
CHAPTER IX.
COL. SMITH WITH HIS OWN REGIMENT AND FIVE COMPANIES
OF THE THIRTY-NINTH OHIO PROCEEDS WEST TO PLATTE
RIVER BRIDGE, AND COMMENCES REPAIRING IT--COL.
SCOTT IS ORDERED TO CO-OPERATE WITH HIM AGAINST THE
REBELS IN THAT VICINITY--WE PROCEED TO CAMERON BY
RAILROAD, IMPRESS TRANSPORTATION AND MARCH TOWARD
LIBERTY--THE FIRST NIGHT--SECOND DAY'S MARCH--SECOND
NIGHT AT CENTERVILLE--CANNONADING IN THE DISTANCE--OUR
FEELINGS--LIEUT. CALL RECONNOITERS AS FAR AS
LIBERTY--WE MOVE AT 3 A. M.--AT SUNRISE DRIVE BACK THE
ENEMY'S PICKETS AND CAMP AT LIBERTY--NO TIDINGS FROM
SMITH--CANNONADING IN THE DIRECTION OF INDEPENDENCE,
AND PROBABILITIES OF AN ENGAGEMENT ACROSS THE
RIVER--COL. SCOTT RESOLVES TO ATTACK.
BATTLE OF BLUE MILLS LANDING.
We expected that the troops now under these two generals would be
directed in pursuit of Green. In this we were disappointed. There
were now far more important movements on foot, but of which we could
conjecture nothing. Both the Sixteenth Illinois and the detachment
of the Thirty-ninth Ohio were sent west under Smith. This seemed
a little strange; but in reality it was not at all so; for we had
already learned that the enemy had captured St. Joseph, and we had
just received intelligence of the Platte river bridge tragedy with
which the country is familiar. The Twenty-seventh Ohio and the
additional five companies of the Thirty-ninth Ohio arrived by way
of the North Missouri Railroad, and, under Sturgis, proceeded west
as far as Utica, when leaving the railroad, they moved south toward
Lexington. I have been unable to ascertain the orders under which
these columns moved. There is a chaos about the loss of Lexington,
out of which it is scarcely possible to bring any thing tangible or
intelligible. It seems, however, that General Pope had control of
the movements designed to reinforce that garrison from the north,
and that General Sturgis was under his command. Be this as it may,
the dispositions were faulty in the extreme. It seems that the Union
Guards designed reinforcing Mulligan from the line of the Hannibal
and St. Joseph Railroad, and, at the same time, driving out the
rebels from the vicinity of St. Joseph. Col. Smith, whom we supposed
sent to effect the latter purpose, proceeded as far west as Platte
river bridge, nine miles from St. Joseph, and commenced repairing
it. Why he did not proceed against the enemy is inexplicable. If his
force was insufficient, why was our regiment still lying at Macon?
Above all, why were these movements delayed a day when Lexington was
in such peril? Such questions will ever recur to us when we remember
what an annoyance the operations of the western army received in
the surrender of that garrison. The rebels began to retreat from
the vicinity of St. Joseph, and what then? Why, it was now time to
organize pursuit!
For this purpose, the Third Iowa was to go west and co-operate with
Smith. On the morning of September 15th, Colonel Scott received
orders to this effect, and, in less than two hours those of the
regiment who were able to endure a forced march were aboard a
train of cars and proceeding rapidly toward the west. The Colonel
compelled many partially ill or convalescent, who wished to join in
the movement, to remain behind; because he expected to perform rapid
marches, and did not wish to be embarrassed by straggling.
At 1 P. M. we arrived at Cameron, a station about forty miles east
of St. Joseph, and got our effects off the train. Here we heard the
first rumors of Price's movements, and began to have glimpses of what
was before us. Colonel Scott's orders from General Sturgis were to
leave the railroad at Cameron, march upon Liberty, act against the
rebels and co-operate with Smith. The plan seems to have been that
Smith and Scott should unite at Liberty, defeat the St. Joseph rebels
and capture their immense train before they could cross the Missouri;
and then, following them down the north bank of that stream, unite
with Sturgis, who would then be able to appear before Lexington in
such force as to raise the siege. It is easy to see wherein this plan
was defective. It involved, first, a division of our forces in the
presence of an enemy who was numerically our superior; and, secondly,
the accomplishing of two objects almost simultaneously when the whole
force should have been concentrated for the accomplishment of the
main one, the relief of Mulligan. As will be shown in the following
pages, the faults in executing were not less than those in planning,
and the whole thing was a total and disgraceful failure, relieved
only by two bright tints of glory, the heroism of Mulligan at
Lexington and of Scott at Blue Mills. In justice to Colonel Smith,
however, it is proper to state here, that, as will be seen by the
_St. Louis Republican's_ account, given in the next chapter, orders
to proceed to Lexington, after cutting off Boyd and Patton, did not
reach him at all.
We were not long getting our baggage and effects off the cars. But
how were we to move without transportation? Colonel Smith had taken
our wagons from us on a previous occasion, and still had them.
Colonel Scott, with his characteristic energy, set himself to work
to solve this problem. Before the men had got their dinners, he had
put into requisition several teams belonging to citizens, on which we
loaded our subsistence and the few cooking utensils we took along. We
were joined by a detachment of Captain Schwartz's Missouri Battery,
fourteen men and a six pounder, under command of a sergeant.
At three o'clock, we began to move. It had been raining slowly since
noon; but, though the roads were slippery, the mud was not deep, and
the wagons and artillery proceeded without difficulty. After a steady
march of seven miles, we bivouacked on an open meadow. It continued
to drizzle slowly till sunset, and finally the wind rose in the
northwest, damp and raw, which rendered the night very comfortless.
The common ration of food being found insufficient to satisfy our
hunger, Colonel Scott humanely and wisely ordered extra issues to be
made.
The march was resumed at an early hour. The scenery through which we
passed this day was sufficiently pleasing to repay even the toils
of the tiresome march. The day was clear and warm, and by noon the
roads were quite dry. We halted for dinner and rest at the small town
of Hainesville. As will be seen by Colonel Scott's official report,
it was from this point that he sent his first messenger to Smith.
[What became of these messengers? Were they captured by the enemy? Or
were they too timid to go far? To suppose that they were unable to
find Colonel Smith would be preposterous.]
After a short rest, we resumed the march, and arrived at Centerville
at sunset. We had scarcely stacked arms, when we heard toward the
west the firing of cannon. Every pulse beat quicker. There was not
a man who did not listen with interest. Every jar seemed an earnest
of something to come. Each seemed to tell of human passions broke
loose, of men turned demons, of carnage and of death. There was to
us a strange romance in those sounds. We rejoiced; for we knew that
in that direction were both friends and foes. That the latter were
there, gave us a double joy. We would meet them, and wipe out the
unjust reproach of Shelbina. We would show the country, that under
a brave leader, we were no cowards. We would make good our promises
to our friends and loved ones at home. We would earn the right to be
called comrades of the gallant men who fought at Springfield. The
fact that friends were there, gave us the assurance that we should
not meet the enemy alone and without hope of success.
We found Centerville almost entirely deserted. The inhabitants were
rebels. They had heard of our approach and fled. Nothing belonging
to them, however, was disturbed except their henroosts. It requires
no more than the teachings of ordinary experience to show that pilot
bread and fat bacon will not support great fatigue. The country
through which we passed supplied us in a measure with what our
commissariat lacked. No one went beyond the bounds of reason, and
the people were surprised that we took so little. Thus every man
had plenty of good food; his blood flowed vigorously; and what,
under other circumstances, would have cost him great fatigue, he now
endured with comparative ease.
Colonel Scott sent another messenger to Smith, and Lieut. Call
reconnoitered as far as Liberty. He reported the enemy marching
through that place. This was sufficient to determine Scott. The sound
of Madison's guns convinced him that the enemy was closely pursued.
He was determined, that, if decisive results were not attained, it
should not be through any fault of his.
Accordingly the drums beat reveille at two o'clock. We breakfasted
hastily, and at three the column was in motion. There was an
inspiration in this hurried march which the memory loves to recall.
Colonel Scott since said in a private letter, "My impression at this
moment of the proudest conduct of the old Third runs me back to
the morning of Sept. 17th, '61, driving in the rebel pickets, and,
with the eye of an eagle and the tread of a wild stag, closing up
that heavy march and advancing upon Liberty, in the expectation of
meeting thousands of rebels at any moment." At sunrise we came in
sight of Liberty. There were indeed enemies at hand, but no friends.
Lieut. Call drove the whole rebel pickets through the town, and we
bivouacked on the hill overlooking it from the north. But where was
Smith? Colonel Scott could not suppose that his last messenger had
not reached him. He accordingly waited with great impatience for his
arrival. Nine o'clock--ten--twelve; but no tidings from him.
On the other hand, we heard the firing of cannon in the direction
of Independence. This led us to believe that troops from the other
side of the Missouri were engaging the enemy while he was attempting
to cross. Colonel Scott seems to have been convinced on this point;
for it had been his understanding before leaving the railroad, that
troops from Kansas City were to co-operate. There was no mistaking
the sounds. Six discharges were heard, loud and distinct. Besides,
citizens actually reported that a fight was taking place on the other
side of the river. This left it impossible for Colonel Scott to doubt
that such was the case. He was, then, governed by two considerations:
_First_, our friends were engaging the enemy and needed assistance.
To hesitate or delay could not receive too much reproach. _Second_,
if the enemy was not entirely across, he was divided by the river.
Thus it was not only an absolute duty to attack at all hazards;
but, in doing so, it was probable that he would be able to strike
a decisive blow. Nevertheless, it was plain to see, that the
undertaking involved great hazard. The lowest reports of the citizens
placed the enemy's force at 3,000 men, with three pieces of cannon.
Universally hostile to us, and chagrined that their friends had fled
before so small a force, it is reasonable to suppose that they
represented his numbers less than they really were. But Colonel Scott
accepted the hazard and determined to attack without delay. It was a
resolution worthy of our old commander, and every soldier rejoiced to
join in executing it.
This was between the hours of one and two. Colonel Scott started a
messenger to Smith, and ordered the men to fall in. In a few minutes
the regiment was marching through the town, keeping a buoyant tread
to martial notes that had never sounded so sweetly before. The
people, mostly ladies--for there were few men to be seen--gathered
upon the street corners and watched us as we passed. We were marching
to attack their sons and brothers, and yet in our enthusiasm,
we thought we could see a gleam of admiration in their eyes. We
subsequently learned that we were not deceived. We almost fancied we
heard them murmur; "Those are five thousand; these, five hundred. Ah,
how great the odds! Brave men! with what a tread they march forward
to slaughter and defeat! But they are enemies, and it must be so."
I can imagine, too, the feelings of Colonel Scott, as he rode at the
head of these devoted men. I believe he recognized in the coming
hour not only duty but glory. There are moments in men's lives
when a vigorous blow seems to revolutionize their destiny. The man
who watches for these moments, who hails them in the distance, who
recognizes them when they arrive, and who then strikes, may almost be
said to be master of his fortune. It is given to few men to command
a force, acting independently against an enemy, when there is an
opportunity to strike a decisive blow. Colonel Scott, then, doubtless
recognized this as his hour of destiny. And such it was; for though
success might not attend the blow, a failure to strike quickly would
bring upon him the imputation of cowardice, and consign his name to
irreparable disgrace. His force was small; but to each man the hazard
was no less, than if they were a hundred thousand. Besides, it was at
a period of the war when we had not begun to fight great battles; but
when small successes made generals, and gave opportunity for greater
ones. It must have been an anxious hour to Scott. But he was equal to
it, and rode on, cool and firm as a Roman.
Lieut. Call with his mounted Missourians had the advance. They
encountered the enemy's pickets about two miles from Liberty, drove
them in and closely followed them. Anticipating this, his rearguard,
a battalion of cavalry under Colonel Childs, ambushed themselves in
a ravine behind a dense thicket, having previously picketed their
horses in the rear, and awaited their approach. The Lieutenant and
his party rode almost on to the muzzles of their guns, when the
rebels discovered themselves by a simultaneous volley, which emptied
five saddles, killing four men instantly and wounding a fifth. What
was to be done? The enemy was dismounted and posted. The Home Guards
had no sabers, only muskets, and could not charge. It was a trying
moment; but they fully vindicated their courage. Not a man drew rein
to retreat. They returned the fire, and only retired at the command
of Lieut. Call. In this encounter, Capt. Cupp of the Home Guards was
killed. Capt. Hawk was also wounded in such a manner that it seemed
half a miracle that it did not kill him. A ball struck him full on
the corner of the forehead, but by some means glanced, and spared the
gallant Captain's life. This affair won for Lieut. Call's Home Guards
our highest respect; for it taught us that they were brave men.
The four ghastly bodies, as we passed them, were visible presages of
what was to come. Near the scene of this occurrence, Colonel Scott
halted the battalion, and brought it to a front. He ordered us to
inspect our ammunition, and untie the bunches in the lower partition
of our boxes. He then gave the command to load, and rode along the
line cautioning the men to be steady and fire low. He caused the
artillery to take position in the center of the column, and a company
of infantry to be deployed forward as skirmishers. He ordered the
mounted men to bring up the rear as a reserve.
These dispositions being made, the column continued to advance. It
will be remembered that, at this point, we were perhaps half way
between Liberty and Blue Mills Landing; two miles from either place.
We were in a wooded bottom which continued to the river, interrupted
by one or two small corn-fields. The timber was very dense, and the
fallen trees and tangled vines rendered it almost impenetrable. It
would be impossible for a battalion deployed in line to advance
through it with any degree of rapidity or order. This induced Colonel
Scott to keep the battalion marching by the flank in the road, and to
trust to the skirmishers to discover the enemy in time to allow him
to make dispositions to attack him. Thus, making frequent halts to
relieve the skirmishers with fresh companies, we felt our slow way
forward.
That the character of the ground in a manner compelled us to advance
thus, proved to be the chief misfortune of the day. We however
reached a point before finding the enemy, that presented a favorable
opportunity for preventing this. The road on which we advanced led
north and south. We came to a square corn field lying to the left
of the road and bordering upon it. On the south side of this field
came a heavily traveled road from the east, entering the one on
which we were marching at right angles. On the right of the north
and south road and about three rods from it, ran parallel to it a
slough several rods in width, unobstructed save by occasional logs,
and, at this time, dry. We were now not more than a mile from the
river, General Atchison's report to the contrary, notwithstanding.
The enemy was between us and the river, if he had not crossed; and
being so near, it was time to begin to proceed with greater caution.
I have always believed that the Colonel's greatest mistake was in
not forming line here, where the ground presented so favorable an
opportunity, and advancing cautiously thus, the cannon in the road,
and the skirmishers well in advance. But this is only the opinion of
a soldier, given after the battle is over. Probably no one knew what
to do _then_ better than Colonel Scott; and when it was over, no one
knew what should have been done better than he.
As it was, the column halted and the skirmishers now in advance were
relieved by Company B, Captain Long, which was deployed forward
on the left of the road, and by twelve men of Company F, under
First Sergeant Abernethy, who were deployed forward on the right of
the road in the dry slough. Company I was now in the lead of the
battalion, next the artillery, and then Company F, followed by the
other companies. In this order the column again advanced, with no
signs of the enemy until Captain Long is said to have reported from
the line of skirmishers that he could hear the enemy advancing, their
officers giving commands, and the ground shaking with their tread.
For some reason, the Colonel paid no heed to this report, but rode
very coolly on, cautioning the skirmishers not to get too far ahead.
The enemy was indeed advancing, and the skirmishers were not more
than twelve rods beyond the head of the column.
All at once, we heard a few sharp reports, and then a deafening crash
of musketry. It was on the right in front of Sergeant Abernethy's
skirmishers. They had unmasked the enemy and opened fire upon him,
and with what fury he was returning it! Brave comrades! we knew that
they were suffering, but we had scarcely time to think of them before
the firing became general, and the enemy's balls flew thick and fast
along the entire length of the column. The situation was disastrous
in the extreme. It did not require a second thought to comprehend it.
While marching to attack the enemy, he had ambushed us and attacked
us in column. All that we could now do was to make the best of a
desperate situation. The men moved quickly to the right and left
without regard to their positions in ranks, concealed themselves as
best they could, and began to return the enemy's fire.
Colonel Scott immediately ordered the cannon forward. It was brought
forward a short distance, got into position and fired two discharges
of canister, which are said to have done great execution. This is
doubtless the case; for the rebels were almost under its muzzle. But
they opened upon the artillerists with rifles and shot guns--for they
were within buckshot range--and in a few moments disabled several of
their horses and killed and wounded half the squad. Soon after this,
the Colonel is said to have given the order to "fall back a little."
If such an order was given, it was intended only for those who had
got too far in advance, and was heard by few and heeded by none.
The enemy began to push a column past our right; but this proved a
disastrous attempt; for, being exposed to the fire of our entire
column across the slough, it was soon scattered and beaten back.
Company I was particularly prominent in this. Colonel Scott put forth
every effort to bring the companies into line parallel with that of
the enemy; but the men could not be brought out of the confusion,
and in the noise, the commands could not be heard. But he himself
resolutely kept the extreme advance, and his example was almost worth
a battalion of reinforcements.
Every moment matters grew worse. Out of sixteen commissioned officers
ten had fallen. The cannon was totally disabled. The enemy, though
he had been checked in his charges on our front, and in his attempt
to flank our right, had fallen back to his cover, and his bullets
rained as thickly as at first. We began to give back slowly, keeping
up an unabated fire, and carrying off our wounded. Only three
wounded men were left on the field. We, the men, evidently thought
that it was "advisable to fall back." But we had no orders to this
effect,--at least, none that many of us heard, though a dozen might
have been given. We were simply repulsed; driven out of the woods
perforce; compelled to get out of the enemy's ambuscade or stand
where we were and be shot down to no purpose. If orders to retreat
were not given, they should have been. The enemy's long line, masked
in a dry ravine, extended around us in the shape of a crescent, and
we were exposed to a concentrated fire from its center and both
flanks. Under the circumstances, we did the bravest thing possible;
we retired slowly, disputing the enemy's advance. Our caisson had
got clogged between two trees, and, as most of its horses were shot
down, and the enemy pressing upon it, we were compelled to abandon
it. But the cannon must be saved. Captain Trumbull waved his sword,
and called on the men around him to help drag it off. As many seized
hold of it as could, including Lieut. Crosley, Sergeant Abernethy,
and the sergeant who commanded the artillery squad. It was with great
difficulty that it was got away, and three men were shot while hold
of it.
Colonel Scott who had been in the advance during the fight, was still
nearest the enemy in the retreat. Two or three times he endeavored,
but without success, to re-form the regiment before getting out of
the timber. These efforts sadly demonstrated the advantages accruing
in battle from good discipline among troops. We had been too little
accustomed to implicit obedience of orders, and the tyrannical
conduct of Colonel Williams had exerted a bad influence on us in this
respect. Under the Colonel's direction, however, a number of men,
mostly members of Companies E and F, rallied; these to the flag,
their Company's colors, presented to them by the ladies of Fayette
county, Iowa, and now borne by the gallant Lakin, one of their
number; those to their former captain, Scott, who lingered near the
enemy, so loth was he to give up the field. They formed a platoon
across the road and drove back the enemy's cavalry which attempted to
charge our rear in pursuit.
As soon as we reached the open ground, the battalion was again
formed. It was now nearly night. The enemy would not attack us on
open ground, and we would not venture to attack him again in his
ambuscade. Accordingly we began to retire toward Liberty. We soon met
Colonel Smith's advance of mounted men. A brief consultation ensued,
and then the march was resumed, and we soon reached our camp on the
hill, where we had bivouacked in the morning.
CHAPTER X.
ARRIVAL OF SMITH--HIS MARCH FROM THE RAILROAD--WHY HE
ARRIVED TOO LATE--OUR FEELINGS ON HIS ARRIVAL--THE
SITUATION THE MORNING AFTER THE BATTLE--WHAT SHOULD
HAVE BEEN DONE--SMITH STARTS FOR ST. JOSEPH--BURYING
THE DEAD AND CARING FOR THE WOUNDED--SCOTT'S OFFICIAL
REPORT--COMMENTS ON THE SAME--GALLANTRY OF SCOTT AND
LAKIN--OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE ENEMY--ESTIMATE OF HIS
FORCE--ACCOUNT IN THE MISSOURI REPUBLICAN--ACCOUNT IN
POLLARD'S FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR--THE NECESSITY AND
MERITS OF THE BATTLE.
Col. Smith's command arrived a little after sunset. He had left
Platte City at eight in the morning, and had taken a route so
circuitous that his men estimated the distance of the day's march
at twenty-six miles; whereas, it could have been accomplished in
fifteen. He had left Platte river bridge Sunday at nine in the
morning. It was seven miles further from that point to Liberty than
from Cameron. He had six hours the start of Colonel Scott in pursuit
of the rebels. He had plenty of transportation; we had to impress
ours. The roads were no more muddy with him than with us. In fact,
they were not muddy to any degree; only a little slippery, and by
noon of the next day were completely dry. He had twelve companies of
infantry, four pieces of cannon and one company of dragoons of the
regular army. He had left three companies of the Thirty-ninth Ohio to
guard the bridge. With this force he could not hesitate to follow
the enemy closely; but at no time did he get within a day's march of
his main force. He took a circuitous route, and bore so far to the
west that it has even been averred that he retreated from two o'clock
of one day till eight o'clock of the next, expecting that the enemy
was following him. It seems, however, that his system of scouts was
so poor (if indeed he had any at all), that he knew nothing of the
movements of the enemy's main body, and that the rebels' rear guard,
Childs' battalion of three hundred cavalry, led him around over the
country, while their infantry, artillery, and long wagon train of
plunder were making their escape. In this movement, Smith displayed
neither skill nor decision. No sufficient reason can be given why he
did not reach Liberty as soon as we, or, at least, soon enough to
co-operate with us.
It is impossible to tell with what feelings we thought of our being
compelled to fight the battle alone, and to suffer a defeat, which
might entail disgrace, because this officer had been so tardy in
his support. In this state of feeling, we clamored loudly and with
curses, to be led back against the enemy. But Colonel Smith decided
to defer a renewal of the attack till morning, and his exhausted
troops in the meantime took quarters in the court house and other
buildings.
Early in the morning, Lieut. Call and his men went forward to
reconnoiter. The field was abandoned. The enemy had crossed the
river and was out of our reach. But would we pursue to Lexington? We
understood that Price had besieged the garrison there with all his
forces. Smith was now without orders; but reason and duty pointed
to but one course; to march down the river and support Sturgis, who
was endeavoring to succor Mulligan. Had Smith known or acted upon
the simplest principle of defensive warfare, that forces concentrate
when threatened, he would not have hesitated at least in placing
himself in communication with that officer. But he took precisely the
opposite course. After spending most of the following day at Liberty,
his men in the meantime plundering and outraging the citizens, he
took up the march in the evening for St. Joseph, giving Scott an
additional piece of artillery of Schwartz's battery, under command of
a lieutenant, and leaving him under orders to return to Liberty as
soon as he had made dispositions for his wounded, at the same time
refusing him transportation to enable him to do so; thus, as we were
willing to believe, placing us between him and the enemy, while he
was making his shameful flight. Thus, while the enemy was making an
inroad into our territory and threatening all our detachments west of
St. Louis, he divided his small force and commenced the occupation of
the country from which a portion of the rebels had just retreated.
The privates in the ranks saw the stupidity of these movements at the
time; and it is a striking illustration of their patriotism that,
under such leadership, they were not thoroughly demoralized.
Our regiment spent the day after the battle in taking care of our
wounded and burying our dead. Most of the bodies of the dead were
brought from the field and buried in the public cemetery with
military honors. The building of the William Jewell College was
converted into a hospital for the use of our wounded. Dr. Cool, our
assistant surgeon, and Dr. ----, assistant surgeon of the Sixteenth,
were untiring in their efforts in behalf of the sufferers. The three
wounded men left in the hands of the enemy were taken across the
river by them, but procured next day by flag of truce. They reported
the rebel loss very severe, and the captain of the ferry boat
confirmed their statements. Other corroborative statements have since
been made, and all the evidence that can be gathered, including the
studied silence of the rebel official report on this point, tends to
convince us that such was the case.
The following is Colonel Scott's official report:
HEAD QUARTERS, 3d Reg. Iowa Volunteers, }
LIBERTY, Mo., Sept. 18th, 1861. }
S. D. STURGIS, BRIG. GEN. U. S. A.--_Sir_: In relation
to an affair of yesterday which occurred near Blue
Mills Landing, I have the honor to report:
Agreeably to your orders, I left Cameron at 3 o'clock,
P. M. of the 15th instant, and through a heavy rain and
bad roads, made but seven miles that afternoon. By a
very active march on the 16th I reached Centerville,
ten miles north of Liberty, by sunset, when the firing
of cannon was distinctly heard in the direction of
Platte City, which was surmised to be from Colonel
Smith's (Illinois 16th) command. Had sent a messenger
to Col. Smith, from Hainesville, and one from
Centerville, but got no response. On the 17th instant
at 2 A. M. I started from Centerville for Liberty, and
at daylight the advance guard fell in with the enemy's
pickets which they drove in and closely followed. At 7
A. M. my command bivouacked on the hill north of, and
overlooking the town. I dispatched several scouts to
examine the position of the enemy, but could gain no
definite information. They had passed through Liberty
during the afternoon of the 16th to the number of
about four thousand; had taken the road to Blue Mills
Landing, and were reported as having four pieces of
artillery. At 11 A. M., heard firing in the direction
of the Landing, which was reported as a conflict
between the rebels and forces disputing their passage
over the river. At 12 M. moved the command, consisting
of five hundred of the 3d Iowa, a squad of German
artillerists and about twenty Home Guards, in the
direction of Blue Mills Landing. On the route, learned
that a body of our scouts had fallen in with the
enemy's pickets and lost four killed and one wounded.
Before starting, dispatched a courier to Colonel Smith
to hasten his command.
About two miles from Liberty the advance guard drove
in the enemy's pickets, skirmishers closely examined
the dense growth through which our route lay, and at
3 P. M., discovered the enemy in force, concealed on
both sides of the wood, and occupying the dry bed of a
slough, left resting on the river, and right extending
beyond our observation. He opened a heavy fire which
drove back our skirmishers, and made simultaneous
attacks on our front and right. These were well
sustained, and he retired with loss to his position.
In the attack on our front the artillery suffered so
severely that our only piece, a brass six pounder,
was left without sufficient force to man it, and
I was only able to have it discharged twice during
the action. Some of the gunners abandoned the piece,
carrying off the matches and primer, and could not be
found.
The enemy kept up a heavy fire from his position--and
our artillery useless, and many of the officers and men
already disabled--it was deemed advisable to fall back,
which was done slowly, returning the enemy's fire and
completely checking pursuit.
The six pounder was brought off by hand, through the
gallantry of various officers of the Third Iowa, after
it had been completely abandoned by the artillerists.
The ammunition wagon becoming fastened between a
tree and a log in such a manner that it could not be
released without serious loss, was abandoned. The
engagement lasted one hour, and was sustained by my
command with an intrepidity that merits my warmest
approbation.
I have to regret the loss of many brave officers and
men, who fell gallantly fighting at their posts. I
refer to the enclosed list of killed and wounded as a
part of this report.
The heaviest loss was sustained by Company I, Third
Iowa Volunteers, which lost four killed and twenty
wounded, being one-fourth of our total loss. This
company deserves especial mention. Captain Trumbull,
assisted by Lieut. Crosley of Company E, brought off
the gun by hand under a heavy fire. Major Stone,
Captains Warren, Willet and O'Niel were severely
wounded, and also Lieutenants Hobbs, Anderson and
Knight. The latter refused to retire from the field
after being three times wounded, and remained with his
men till the close of the engagement. Among the great
number who deserve my thanks for their gallantry, I
mention Sergeant James H. Lakin of Company F, Third
Iowa, who bore the colors, and carried them through
the fight with all the coolness of a veteran. The loss
of the enemy can not be certainly ascertained; but
from accounts deemed reliable, it is not less than one
hundred and sixty, many of whom were killed. His total
force was about four thousand four hundred.
Your most obedient servant,
(Signed) JOHN SCOTT
Lt. Col. 3d Iowa Volunteers, Comdg.
This report was written the day after the battle, under very
harassing circumstances, and before any written reports of
subordinates could be received. Leaving out some slight inaccuracies
on points which could not be thoroughly investigated then, it
reflects very closely the impression of the affair most of us had at
the time.
I think it was nearly two o'clock when we moved from Liberty to
the attack, and that the action did not commence before four. The
manner in which he mentions the officers is both truthful and just.
Captain Trumbull and Lieutenants Knight and Crosley attracted the
attention of all by their gallantry. Major Stone returned to the
field as soon as his wound was dressed, and kept with us during
the remainder of the action. I think the report should also have
mentioned Sergeant Abernethy, who commanded the twelve skirmishers
that commenced the battle, four of whom were wounded, and who was
one of the first to follow Captain Trumbull in dragging off the
cannon. I am personally knowing to the fact, that the German sergeant
who commanded the gun assisted in dragging it off. I do not believe
that any of the published accounts of this action do justice to those
German artillerists. They were almost recruits, they and their horses
untrained. They were ordered to take the position so far in advance
that they were within buckshot range of the enemy. The road was so
narrow, that with their untamed and fractious horses, it was almost
impossible to get their gun in position at all. It was stated by men
who say they saw it, that the man who had the primer was shot, and
staggering fell dead several yards in advance of the piece. Their
post was in the road where they could not seek shelter. Here they
stood till many of their horses and half their number were shot down.
Who could expect more, or be surprised if, under these circumstances,
some of them were appalled. I only blame some of them, including
their sergeant, for drinking whisky several times out of a pint
bottle on their way from Liberty.
Colonel Scott refrained from mentioning more fully the gallantry of
the enlisted men, from a sense of delicacy in saying too much on a
subject in which he might be supposed to be personally interested.
When the battle was well over, and we began to distribute, comrade to
comrade, his proper meed of praise or blame, two names were mentioned
by every tongue, and with an enthusiasm which amounted almost to
idolatry; Scott, who led his men into the fight and followed them
out, and upon whom, riding nearest the enemy, all eyes were turned
so often with the expectation of seeing him fall; and Lakin, who
bore the colors so bravely; totally heedless of his own safety,
but thinking only of duty; keeping the flag all the while near the
Colonel, and calling upon his comrades to stand by it. Scott's horse
was hit several times, and several balls went through his clothes.
Eight balls went through the flag in the hands of Lakin, and a ninth
one struck the staff. It seemed half a miracle that, while so many
fell in places less exposed, these two, all the while in sight of the
enemy, escaped unhurt.
The following is the official report of the enemy:--
LEXINGTON, Sept. 21st, 1861.
GENERAL PRICE,--_Sir_: In pursuance of your orders
I left this place on the 15th inst., and proceeded
forthwith to Liberty, Clay county, Missouri, where I
met the State Guard on the march from the northwest,
one regiment of infantry under command of Colonel
Saunders, and one regiment of cavalry under command
of Colonel Wilfley of the Fifth District, and one
regiment of infantry under command of Colonel Jeff
Patton, and one battalion of cavalry under command of
Colonel Childs of the Fourth District. I delivered
your orders to the above commands to hasten to this
point (Lexington) with as much dispatch as possible.
They marched forthwith and reached the Missouri river
about four o'clock in the evening, when Colonel Boyd's
artillery and battalion and baggage were crossed to
the south side, where he took position, Captain Kelly
planting his artillery so as completely to command
the river. The crossing continued all night without
interruption, every officer and man using his best
exertions. We received news during the night that the
enemy would be in the town of Liberty, about six miles
from Blue Mills Ferry, at an early hour the ensuing
morning. We were crossing in three small flats, and
much time was necessary to move the large train of a
hundred wagons. Colonel Childs with his command had
taken post for the night about two miles from Liberty
on the road to the ferry. Here he engaged the enemy's
advance or pickets, killing four and wounding one, with
no loss on our side. The enemy then fled, and we heard
no more of them until three or four o'clock, when their
approach was announced in large force, supposed to be
nine hundred men with one piece of artillery, a six
pounder. The men of our command immediately formed,
Colonel Jeff Patton leading the advance, to meet the
enemy. After proceeding about three miles from the
river, they met the advance guard of the enemy and
the fight commenced. But the Federal troops almost
immediately fled, our men pursuing rapidly, shooting
them down until they annihilated the rear of their
army, taking one caisson, killing about sixty men, and
wounding, it is said, about seventy. The Federal troops
attempted two or three times to make a stand, but ran
after delivering one fire. Our men followed them like
hounds in a wolf chase, strewing the road with dead and
wounded, until compelled to give over the chase from
exhaustion, the evening being very warm.
Colonel Saunders, Colonel Patton, Colonel Childs,
Colonel Caudiff, Colonel Wilfley, Major Grease,
Adjutant Shackleford, and all other officers and men
so far as I know or could learn, behaved gallantly.
R. D. ATCHISON.
This report is doubtless a second-hand affair. Prisoners since
captured informed us that General Atchison was not in the battle at
all--but on the south side of the river; that the battle was fought
by Colonel Saunders against his orders, for which this officer was
court martialed, but acquitted. If we accept certain assertions known
to be false, and make due allowance for the bombastic style of this
report, and the border ruffian proclivities of its author, it speaks
louder for us than anything else can. It confesses the rebel force to
have been three regiments, two of infantry under Saunders and Patton,
and one of cavalry under Wilfley; and two battalions, one of cavalry
under Childs, and one (the arm not given) under Boyd, and one battery
under Kelly; which being just recruited and with full ranks, could
not have fallen far short of four thousand men.
The following account of Blue Mills is from the _St. Louis
Republican_:
"The rebel forces under Patton, numbering some four thousand five
hundred, evacuated St. Joseph on the 12th September, and retreated in
the direction of Lexington. On the succeeding Monday, an expedition
under Lieut. Col. Scott, left Cameron on the Hannibal & St. Joseph
Railroad with orders to co-operate with Col. Smith in the pursuit of
the secession soldiers.
"The column of Lieut. Col. Scott was composed of five hundred men
of the Iowa Third Regiment, a small detachment of Home Guards, and
artillerists to work one gun, making five hundred and seventy in the
aggregate. Simultaneously with the movements of these troops from
Cameron, Colonel Smith of the Illinois Sixteenth, with two companies
of Colonel Groesbeck's Thirty-ninth Ohio and four pieces, left St.
Joseph. Both columns were ordered to Liberty, there to effect a
junction and combine their forces. Lieut. Col. Scott, it appears,
reached Liberty on the 17th inst., at 7 o'clock in the morning, and
waited for the arrival of Colonel Smith until one o'clock in the
afternoon. The latter not having got up, Colonel Scott sent back a
messenger, stating that he would push forward after the enemy, whose
camp was about five miles distant, which was accordingly done. Boyd
and Patton with, as we stated, about four thousand five hundred men,
were occupying a position in a thicket near Blue Mills Landing. The
following statement is furnished of what transpired:
"Our skirmishers received a galling fire and slowly retired to the
main body, when the action became general. Our six pounder was
brought to bear on the enemy, and two shots fired which proved
destructive. At this time a heavy fire was opened upon our single
gun, killing one gunner and wounding two others. On this, several
of the remaining gunners (Germans), abandoned their gun, carrying
off the primer and fuses, rendering the piece useless. The action
continued for an hour, when the column was slowly withdrawn, bringing
off the wounded and dragging away the gun by hand--all the horses
having been killed or badly wounded. In addition to the loss of the
Third Iowa, there were six Home Guards and one artillery man killed.
Four of these Home Guards were killed in a skirmish about two hours
before the battle. Three of the missing are supposed to be in the
hands of the enemy and the balance killed.
"It seems that Colonel Smith, owing to the heavy rains and consequent
bad roads, had been greatly delayed on the route, and his failure
to join Lieut. Col. Scott is attributable to these causes. On the
receipt, however, of Col. Scott's message, he immediately ordered
his cavalry and mounted men to the front, and took them forward
at a rapid pace. On his arrival at Liberty after dark, he found
Scott there after having been repulsed by overwhelming numbers of
the enemy. The men were exhausted, and as the enemy were reported
strongly intrenched, it was resolved to postpone an attack until
morning. Lieut. Col. Wilson reached Liberty with the infantry two
hours after Colonel Smith.
"Early on the following morning, the 18th, the combined forces
moved forward; but, on reaching Blue Mills Landing, found that the
rebels had crossed the river and eluded them, the last detachment
having gone over at two o'clock in the morning. They had been two
days taking their baggage and stores across, and with a ferry boat
and three flats found it comparatively easy to take their men over,
especially as the Missouri is quite narrow at that point. Thus
Boyd, Patton, and their army escaped. The loss of the rebels in the
engagement of the 17th is not known. But from the desperation with
which the Iowa boys fought, it must have been considerable. It seems
that these soldiers had been somewhat chagrined at what was termed
their flight at Shelbina, although that retreat was reluctant and
under orders. They determined on the first opportunity to show that
they were not cowards, and this feeling it was, doubtless, that
actuated Lieut. Col. Scott to push forward without waiting for Col.
Smith's column. It was not of course intended that either command was
to attack the vastly superior force of the enemy unsupported; and
in this respect the conduct of Lieut. Col. Scott was unauthorized,
though we do not hear of any disposition to attach any blame to him.
His object, seeing that the enemy was making preparations to cross
the river, was probably to draw him out and retreat before him in
expectation of meeting a timely reinforcement from Col. Smith. It
appears that Col. Smith left St. Joseph previous to the receipt of
the full orders which were for him, after the contemplated cutting
off of Boyd and Patton from Lexington, to move on himself to the
latter place. These directions reaching St. Joseph subsequent to
Col. Smith's departure, were sent after him by a mounted officer,
who returned without having overtaken Col. Smith, and consequently
without having delivered his orders. The reader, therefore, who
has supposed that Col. Smith had moved to join Col. Mulligan, at
Lexington, will be disappointed to learn that in his report to
General Pope, he speaks of being about to return to St. Joseph."
As this book is intended to be an amusement to my comrades, I give
the version of our first battle which I find in a book entitled _The
First Year of the War_, written by one of the most distinguished
men of the South, Edward A. Pollard, of Richmond, author of _Black
Diamonds_, and editor of the _Richmond Examiner_. I give it out of
curiosity, and to illustrate what complete falsehood and nonsense may
sometimes be dignified by the name of history:
"Gen. Price was informed that four thousand men under Lane and
Montgomery were advancing from the direction of St. Joseph on the
north side of the Missouri river, and Gen. Sturgis, with fifteen
hundred cavalry was also advancing from the Hannibal and St. Joseph
Railroad for the purpose of relieving the forces under Mulligan.
About twenty-five hundred Missourians under the immediate command of
Colonel Saunders, were, at the same time hurrying to the aid of Gen.
Price from the same direction with the Lane and Montgomery jayhawks;
and having reached Blue Mills, thirty miles above Lexington, on
the 17th of September, crossed over their force, except some five
hundred men, in a ferry-boat. While the remainder were waiting to
cross over, the jayhawkers attacked the five hundred Missourians on
the north bank of the river. The battle raged fiercely for one hour
on the river bottom, which was heavily timbered and in many places
covered with water. The Missourians were armed with only shotguns and
rifles, and taken by surprise: no time was given them to call back
any portion of their force on the south side of the river; but they
were from the counties contiguous to Kansas, accustomed in the border
wars since 1854 to almost monthly fights with the Kansas jayhawkers
under Lane, and were fired with the most intense hatred of him and
of them. Gen. D. R. Atchison, former President of the United States
Senate, and well known as one of the boldest leaders of the State
Rights party in Missouri, had been sent from Lexington to hasten them
on to his camp. He was with the five hundred, on the north side of
the river when they were attacked, and by his presence and example
cheered them on in the conflict. Charging the jayhawkers with shouts
of almost savage ferocity, and fighting with reckless valor, the
Missourians drove the enemy back ten miles, the conflict becoming a
hand to hand fight between detached parties on both sides. At length,
being unable to support the fearful fire of the Missourians at the
short distance of forty yards, the enemy broke into open flight. The
loss of the jayhawkers was very considerable. Their official report
admitted one hundred and fifty killed and some two hundred wounded.
The entire loss of the Missourians was five killed and twenty
wounded. The intelligence of this brilliant victory of the 'five
hundred' was received with shouts of acclamation by Price's army at
Lexington."
And now, should we approve Blue Mills? I answer unhesitatingly,
yes. Some have pronounced it a piece of unpardonable rashness. But
one more glance at the situation; the enemy crossing the river;
every reason for believing there was a diversion on the other side;
the absolute duty of co-operating with it; the certainty that in
this event his forces would be divided by the river; the almost
certain nearness of support; the consciousness that to attack,
though defeated by overwhelming numbers, would be honorable, and
that to fail to do so on any pretext would be a disgrace; these
were the motives which decided Scott. Who but a coward would have
done differently? But what is more, Scott well knew, as most of his
officers and men afterwards confessed, that, after Kirksville and
Shelbina, to allow this opportunity of a battle to pass, would have
thrown the regiment into a state of demoralization. But I will not
seek further to justify an act of which scarcely a man complained.
All felt that the battle was a necessity, and that the only one to
blame was the hesitating, halting commander who had left us to fight
it without support.
I am not disposed to attempt criticism on the tactical mistakes
committed on our side. It is easy to criticise the best dispositions
when the battle is over. The mistake which drew us into the enemy's
ambuscade in column was owing as much to his skill in removing early
his rear guard and pickets, and posting his men completely out of
observation, as to the fault of Col. Scott in not sooner deploying
the column and keeping his skirmishers farther in advance. When once
there, the situation called forth the highest powers of a commander.
All that Scott could do by word or example, he did. Nothing less
than the conduct he displayed could have induced his men to bear
the disaster so bravely. It is no exaggeration to say that his
resolution, in making the attack, and his conduct during the action,
won for him the devoted admiration of the regiment.
Such was our first battle; undertaken through a lofty sense of
honor and a loftier sense of duty, against eight times our number;
beginning in mistake, sustained with desperation, ending in retreat;
a martyrdom to public opinion, and vindication of character, a
victory under the name of defeat.
CHAPTER XI.
WE START FOR THE RAILROAD--ARRIVE AT
CENTERVILLE--ARRIVAL OF A COURIER FROM STURGIS--MARCH
TO PLATTSBURG--ORDERS FROM STURGIS--TURN TOWARDS
KANSAS CITY--NIGHT AT SMITHVILLE--MARCH RESUMED
TOWARDS LIBERTY--STURGIS RETREATS THREE DAYS FROM AN
ENEMY WHO DOES NOT PURSUE--WE THINK HIS PURSUERS TURN
AGAINST US, AND TURN TO THE WEST TO ELUDE THEM--STRIKE
THE MISSOURI AT PARKVILLE, AND PREPARE TO CROSS ON A
RICKETY FLATBOAT--A STEAMBOAT ARRIVES AND CONVEYS US TO
LEAVENWORTH--WE RETURN NEXT DAY TO WYANDOTT--OUR STAY
AT WYANDOTT--MOVE TO KANSAS CITY--ARRIVAL OF LANE'S
BRIGADE--COMPARISON BETWEEN LANE AND STURGIS--THEY
QUARREL ABOUT PRECEDENCE IN RANK--LANE MOVES OUT OF
TOWN--HOSPITALITY OF THE CITIZENS.
On the morning of the 18th, Colonel Scott sent Lieut. Call, with
most of his command to Cameron as an escort to about fifty wounded
and sick conveyed in wagons. The following day, having succeeded
in impressing an additional number of conveyances, he took up the
march for the same place at 6 P. M., in pursuance of Colonel Smith's
orders, leaving the rest of the wounded, those who were unable to
ride in wagons, to be conveyed by steamboat to Fort Leavenworth, with
Lieutenant Crosley in charge, and Sergeant Moe acting as hospital
steward.
A cool evening march brought us to Centerville, where we halted for
the night. It rained heavily during the forepart of the night;
but most of us found shelter in buildings and rested well. Colonel
Scott's orders from Smith were to take Plattsburg in his route to
Cameron; but as the Colonel wished to send his sick and wounded to
the railroad with as little delay as possible, he chose to come
out of his way with them as far as Centerville; and from this
point in the morning; he sent them forward under a small escort of
convalescents.
While he was preparing to do this, a courier arrived from Sturgis,
with a dispatch for Colonel Smith whom he had expected to find at
Liberty. Not finding him there, he had followed, and mistaking his
route, had overtaken Colonel Scott. His representations induced the
latter to open the dispatch. In it, Sturgis represented himself as
being pressed by overwhelming numbers and without artillery, and
ordered Smith to come to his support. Scott forwarded the dispatch
to Smith who was then flying in all haste to St. Joseph. Not knowing
where to find Sturgis, or what the result would be, he did not feel
authorized to turn back with his small force, now less than four
hundred men. He accordingly sent a dispatch to Sturgis that he would
proceed to Plattsburg, and there await orders from him.
Meanwhile, vague rumors of the arrival and character of this dispatch
spread among the men. Here there was but one voice: "Let us march to
join Sturgis; let us not hesitate while our comrades are in peril."
If any felt otherwise they cloaked their feelings in silence. We
imagined that being under Smith's command, such an order should
govern us as though it came from him. We thought that it should have
been enough to be satisfied that had Sturgis known our situation, a
similar order would have been sent to us, and that to move on the
strength of this dispatch would meet his approbation. We thought we
should not take into consideration our own danger, when it was our
duty to relieve our comrades. Nor could we believe there was much
danger in such a movement. We thought we could march south upon
Sturgis' line of retreat, and join him without interruption from
the enemy. But we did not understand the situation as Colonel Scott
understood it, and knew nothing of the nature of the dispatch; and
for these reasons were unable to appreciate the considerations which
induced the Colonel to continue his march to Plattsburg. But we
know now that his conduct throughout met the approbation of General
Sturgis, and that there always existed between them the kindest
relations.
Nevertheless when we turned our faces toward the northwest, and our
officers assured us that it was the design to reinforce Sturgis, we
could not understand the manner of accomplishing this by marching
directly away from them; and murmurs arose in the ranks which nothing
less than the great confidence we had in our colonel could have
quieted. The day was cloudy and cool, and the roads free from dust on
account of the previous night's rain. The balking of the artillery
horses caused two or three short halts. Otherwise there were no
delays. The columns moved rapidly and steadily. Colonel Scott knew
how to march men. He never got them out of breath. About 9 P. M., we
arrived at Plattsburg, and took quarters in a large college building.
About sunrise next morning Scott received orders from Sturgis to
march to join him at Kansas City, and, at eight o'clock, the column
took up the march southward toward Liberty. Murmurs again rose in
the ranks. To the enlisted men, who knew nothing of the orders under
which Colonel Scott acted, it looked as though he was vacillating or
pursuing unsteady counsels. The sun shone clear, and the roads grew
dusty; but the march was not slackened. When men became too lame or
foot-sore to march, wagons were impressed to haul them. Usually these
impressments were made for a day or for the trip, the owner commonly
sending a driver, who would return with the team when we were through
with it. We halted for dinner on a small stream, and in an hour
resumed the march.
About eight o'clock in the evening we crossed Platte river and
took quarters for the night in the little town of Smithville. Here
Colonel Smith had bivouacked on the night of the 15th, the rebels
he was pursuing having done so the night before. It was less than
twenty-five miles to Liberty. What excuse, then, can he make for
consuming two days in this march? We found an unfinished letter which
represented the rebel force as numbering five thousand, and stating
that Smith's soldiers behaved very badly, outraging the citizens in
many ways. We quartered in houses, and, it is to be regretted that
there was some plundering done, notwithstanding Colonel Scott's
efforts to prevent it. Citizens, however, had little reason to
complain of our presence.
At an early hour the march was resumed in the direction of Liberty,
and pushed at a rapid pace. Toward noon rumor placed us in the
vicinity of a large rebel force.
Here let us pause and look at the situation. While the events
narrated in the two last chapters were transpiring, Price had driven
Mulligan from Warrensburg and besieged him at Lexington. Sturgis,
with his column of fifteen companies, arrived before that place to
find the enemy in possession of the boats on which he had expected to
cross to the relief of the garrison. Price immediately sent Parsons
across the river with a strong force to drive off Sturgis and cover
the siege. The latter retreated precipitately toward Liberty, where
he expected to join Smith, abandoning to the enemy his tents and a
part of his baggage to facilitate his flight. Parsons did not pursue
far with his main force, but kept up such a demonstration as led
Sturgis to believe he was close upon him. After securing the property
Sturgis had thrown away, Parsons was almost immediately recalled. But
the former continued to retreat in haste, camping the first night
at Camden, and reaching Liberty at four o'clock of the next. Here
he dispatched a messenger to Kansas City for a boat, and when this
arrived the following forenoon, so little had his sense of the danger
abated, that he consumed only an hour in moving from the town four
miles to the landing, and in getting his men and baggage aboard. He
moved twelve miles up the river, and landed his troops at Kansas City
on the opposite side.
He was thus embarking this morning, while we, thinking him in
great peril, were hurrying forward to reinforce him. And now, very
reliable information came to Colonel Scott, that the force which
had pursued Sturgis had arrived, and camped in the fair grounds at
Liberty. Thus he supposed his way blocked, and the road, on which he
expected to reach the landing where he would embark for Kansas City,
in possession of the enemy. There was left him but one alternative,
either to retreat or turn to the right and evade them. He boldly
chose the latter; and when about ten miles from Liberty, we turned
to the west, and at 3 P. M., reached the town of Parkville on the
Missouri river, having accomplished since starting nineteen miles.
Here the Colonel expected to find two flatboats on which to cross;
but he found only one, the other having been moved to a point up the
river. He caused the artillery to be planted on a ridge commanding
the approaches to the town, and left Companies F and H to support it,
while, with the remainder of his command, he proceeded to the river,
and prepared to cross on this. The rearguard in the meantime quietly
commenced cooking their dinners. We had thus waited about half an
hour, expecting every moment the enemy, hardly hoping for friends,
when to our great joy, a steamboat hove in sight, rounded the point
and landed. It was the _Majors_, bound for Fort Leavenworth, and had
on board General Sturgis. We were soon aboard, and the boat resumed
its course up the river.
When we awoke the following morning we found ourselves at Fort
Leavenworth. We marched to the barracks and rested till about
noon, sauntering about the grounds, looking at the artillery, and
talking with the regulars. This day, reports came that Mulligan
had surrendered. We took the matter very coolly; for it was what
we had been expecting. Still it was easy to see a gloom on every
countenance. The citizens of Leavenworth were thoroughly aroused, and
a thousand of them were drilling each day.
Toward evening, the _Majors_ again took us aboard and dropped down
to the town three miles below the Fort. After a short while, it
again moved down the river and landed us at Wyandott, Kansas, where
we bivouacked on the river bank for the night. The next day we took
quarters in vacant buildings. Three miles below us, Gen. Sturgis with
his previous force occupied Kansas City. There also was a hospital
containing some of our wounded comrades. A hospital was likewise
established at Wyandott, to which a number of men were removed. The
citizens of Liberty had manifested great kindness to our comrades
while in their hands. Their generosity was really chivalrous. Though
they bitterly hated us and our cause, they forgot for the time
that these were enemies and invaders, but looked upon us only as
unfortunate brave men, cast in a measure upon the hospitalities of
their city. I have the testimony of Sergeant Moe, that the ladies
nursed them night and day, and that they were fed entirely upon
delicacies brought by them to the hospital. Their conduct in this
respect merits our highest regard for them as a people, not less than
our warmest gratitude. The citizens of Wyandott, though friends, and
feeling that they could scarcely do enough, hardly succeeded in
doing more.
And now on the soil of a State made free by the blood of our
brethren; at rest and at peace after some months of watching and
disquietude; after some toilsome marches, retreats and pursuits;
and after a battle which, for the numbers engaged, was by no means
contemptible; breathing once more the air of freedom, and enjoying
the hospitalities of friends, we felt as though we had been
transported to another world.
The citizens of Liberty gave us great praise for our conduct at Blue
Mills, and especially for our modesty(!); since, sulky after our
defeat, we said little. We spent four or five days at Wyandott, doing
what soldiers expressively call, "lying around." But we experienced
no _ennui_. It was the season of ripe fruits, and we spent much time
in rambles through the woods and pleasant intercourse with citizens.
But we did not remain here long. Towards the evening of September
28th, news came that General Sturgis' pickets had been attacked
beyond Kansas City. We moved without delay to reinforce him, and
reached Kansas City at 8 o'clock in the evening. Finding that the
General had dismissed apprehensions of an attack, we took quarters in
vacant buildings.
We remained here about three weeks, without clothing and tents, and
with but a single blanket to the man; and as the season advanced, we
suffered some from cold. But in the midst of these discouragements,
we had much matter for contentment. We had nothing to do but to feed
ourselves and keep clean. The latter was the most difficult task.
In the former the hospitable citizens assisted us in a manner which
merits our warmest remembrance. We had but to carry our rations to
them, and they entertained us free of charge at the best their tables
afforded. We had not been here long, when Colonel Scott managed to
procure from a bank sufficient money to pay the enlisted men ten
dollars each. In the absence of our clothing this was most fortunate.
I need not speak of the feeling such acts of kindness created towards
him.
But the principal event of interest which took place during our stay
here was the arrival of Jim Lane and his celebrated brigade. His
coming was noised before him, and when he was expected to arrive,
all flocked to get a sight of the great "jayhawker," "the Father of
Kansas." At length he appeared at the head of a part of his troops.
The citizens said it was Lane, and we needed their assurance; for
he was the last man we would have taken for a general. He had on
citizen's pants, a soldier's blouse, and a dilapidated white hat. He
rolled under his dark brows a pair of piercing eyes, and between his
jaws a huge quid of tobacco. A general so unostentatious, so like his
men, and yet so terrible to the rebels; the boys were struck with
profound admiration of him.
His men seemed to partake of the character of their general. In such
small matters as dress, every one seemed to consult his own taste.
Few among them wore the prescribed uniform, and many were dressed
entirely in citizen's clothing, who did not ask them where or how
they obtained such articles of dress. But they entertained us with
enormous stories, which we were not displeased to hear, and sold us
rebel caps at ten cents apiece.
In personal appearance there was as much difference between Lane
and Sturgis, as between a wolf and a bear. Everybody knows how Jim
Lane looks; for everybody has seen either the man or his picture, or
some one that has seen him. The eye of an eagle and the visage of a
wolf, thin and lean; this tells it. Gen. Sturgis, in respect to his
_personnel_ was precisely his opposite. He was thick, heavy-set and
muscular. There are no angles in his face; it is broad and round. His
forehead arching and heavy at the brows, retreats in all directions,
and is covered with a mass of jet-black, wavy hair.
There was as much difference between the character of the men as
between their countenances. Sturgis followed the army regulations and
the doctrines of West Point. He kept the business of confiscation
out of the hands of his soldiers, and left it, where it ought to
be, in the hands of the Government. He protected all citizens,
loyal and disloyal. His only line of distinction was drawn between
those who were in arms and those who were not. While marching to
join Lyon in the summer, he ordered some Kansas soldiers tied to a
cannon and flogged for stealing chickens! He followed law and forgot
equity. His rules of warfare had this absurdity, that he treated
traitors in arms and traitorous citizens with the giving them aid
and comfort and plotting the assassination of his soldiers with the
same consideration he would have shown to a rightful enemy. Nothing
can be more ridiculous than to suppose that a nation fighting its
own citizens for its own existence, should pursue the same course of
policy toward them that it would pursue toward an enemy with whom
it was contending on a mere question of international policy. By
pursuing this course, he gave aid to traitors and protected spies.
Though he was doubtless honest in all this, it is no wonder that
his own soldiers denounced him as a secessionist and a friend of
the enemy. I am inclined to think, that his retreat from Lexington
deserves less censure than it may have received; and that it was
owing chiefly to a lack of proper information, and of a proper system
of scouts, and not to any lack of courage.
Lane, on the other hand, recognized military rules only so far
as they were adapted to the present situation. He recognized the
rebels as traitors, not as belligerents. He moreover failed to see
the difference between the traitor whom he met in battle, and the
one who gave him bread and powder, except that the former being the
braver man was entitled to the more consideration. He had no mercy
for bushwhackers, nor for men who to him were for the Government,
and to his back for the enemy. He knew no such thing as neutrality
on the part of citizens. All were for their country or against it.
Those who were for it must give and sacrifice for its support. There
was no such thing with him as enjoying the rights and privileges
of citizenship without supporting its obligations and facing its
liabilities. Those who were against it, must feel or shun his blows.
He did not halt before small obstacles; or delay for decisions from
Washington. When the West Point clique at Leavenworth refused him
supplies, the enemy had to furnish them. He would make the war
support itself. The traitors who were responsible for the contest
must pay for it. Every thing must be done which would paralyze the
enemy and strengthen the government. Whatever opposed the restoration
of our Union must fall, and those who did not like it must stand
from under. True to his friends, his country and Liberty; hating
bitterly and scourging without remorse, his friends', his country's
and Liberty's foes; such was Jim Lane. The doctrines he applied to
the present exigencies could be reduced to the simple maxim: Crush
the rebellion by the quickest method, and in so doing neglect not
to punish the rebels. Whatever may be said of these doctrines, the
soldiers of the army of the west believed in them with a faith
which was enthusiastic, and without reference to previous political
distinctions. Nor did they believe less in the man himself. They
idolized him, as soldiers will idolize only the general, who, they
believe, will surely lead them to success.
It is said that Lane and Sturgis could not agree as to which was
entitled to the command. Of course the soldiers knew little about
this. We only knew that, for a time, citizens going out of town
obtained passes from both Generals, and, that Lane, as soon as he
had drawn his supplies, moved away from the city like a man who is
getting away from the cholera.
Jemison's celebrated mounted infantry regiment, the 7th Kansas
(jayhawkers) was at this time here completing its organization. This
regiment was composed of splendid men, many of whom had come from
other States to join it. Lieut. Colonel Anthony was provost marshal
of the city. No one would have believed, looking into the youthful
countenance of Major Lee, as he sat about the Union Hotel, that a
little over a year would make him a general.
CHAPTER XII.
THE TROOPS LEAVE KANSAS CITY--WE ARE NOT IN A
CONDITION TO MARCH SOUTH--RUMORED REMOVAL OF THE
REGIMENT TO QUINCY--PROCEED BY STEAMBOAT AND RAILROAD
TO QUINCY--OUR ARRIVAL AND SITUATION THERE--WE
ARE PAID AND PREPARE TO LEAVE--THE CITIZENS GIVE
A BALL IN OUR HONOR--INCIDENTS OF THAT NIGHT--WE
PROCEED TO BENTON BARRACKS--DESCRIPTION OF BENTON
BARRACKS--COLONEL WILLIAMS, HIS RELEASE, CONDUCT AND
RE-ARREST--CHANGES--OUR SANITARY CONDITION--WE ARE
ORDERED TO THE NORTH MISSOURI RAILROAD--DISGRACEFUL
CONDUCT OF CERTAIN CAPTAINS.
Lane and Sturgis moved to join the main army under Fremont in the
pursuit of Price. We expected to accompany them; but our supplies
were not at hand, and we were not in a condition to go. It was
without disappointment, but with feelings of regret that we saw
successively Lane's and Sturgis' brigades move out of Kansas City for
the south, and Jennison's cavalry to Fort Leavenworth to prepare for
a winter campaign on the frontier, and we alone remaining, waiting
for transportation to--where? To the Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad,
whence it was rumored the regiment had been ordered to Quincy,
Illinois--for what purpose? To recruit and drill. It seems that some
of our prominent officers had obtained this order by representing
that we had suffered greatly through exposure during the summer and
losses in the recent battle, and that we had not had that period of
drill requisite to secure a reasonable degree of efficiency. Whatever
might have been thought of this then, there can be but one opinion
now. It was humoring us; it was making children of us. Soldiers
acquire most rapidly those qualities which the enemy most dreads,
endurance of hardships and steadiness in danger, in the field and
under his fire. This begging off for us, as it really was, from a
work which others would have to do in our stead, is a matter of which
we certainly have no reason to be proud.
About two o'clock in the morning of October 18th, we were aroused by
the arrival of the boat which was to take us away. We went aboard at
daylight, and soon after were moving up the Missouri. About dark, we
arrived at Iatan and went aboard a train of freight cars. Crowded
together, and jostled about by the motion, we went to sleep and awoke
toward morning in St. Joseph. Soon after sunrise the train moved
over the railroad towards the east. We passed Platte river bridge,
the scene of the rebel massacre of innocent citizens; then Cameron,
where we had left the railroad for Blue Mills; next Utica, the site
of our first camp in Missouri; and then successively, Grand river,
Chillicothe, Locust creek, Brush creek, Chariton river, Brookfield,
Callao, Hudson, Clarence, Shelbina, Monroe,--places around which
clustered many recollections. When night came, we jammed ourselves
together and went to sleep, and awakening at eleven o'clock, a sky
full of stars revealed to us the broad and placid surface of the
Mississippi, and beyond it the glittering lights of Quincy. We
crossed on a steam ferry. There was no noise in the city but our
voices, and the clatter of our unequal steps,--no visible life but
our own and the lighted lamps. After marching three-quarters of a
mile, we reached our camp on the north side of the city. Joyfully
did we greet the comrades we had parted with at Hudson; and before
morning many a social chat was had, and many a thrilling tale was
told around our cheerful camp fires.
Our camp at Quincy was delightfully situated. We had no pickets or
patrols, only a small camp guard. The usual time consumed in the
daily drills was three hours. Colonel Williams was yet under arrest;
Colonel Scott had obtained a leave of absence; and Major Stone was
left in command. Immediately after our arrival we drew supplies of
clothing and blankets, and appeared for the first time in the Federal
uniform. The citizens of Quincy, with a patriotism which knew no
distinction of State or place, seemed to take pride in doing us
honor. They strove to make our stay among them pleasant; and so well
did they succeed that we shall ever look to their beautiful city as
the greenest spot in our whole soldier-life.
A number of furloughs were granted to the enlisted men, and most of
the officers obtained leave of absence ostensibly to recruit for the
regiment. I need not say that very few recruits were obtained in this
way.
Thus we spent three weeks at Quincy; and the monotony of camp life
began to be more irksome than tiresome marches; and we justly feared
that by remaining here, we would become an example of effeminacy,
and fall behind our comrades in glory.
Our regiment having received five months' pay, and, in the opinion
of some one in authority being sufficiently "recruited," we received
orders to repair to Benton Barracks, Missouri. This was on the 7th of
November. That night the citizens gave a grand ball in honor of the
Third Iowa. It was an immense attraction. It attracted sentinels from
their posts; and at 10 P. M., there were not twenty men in our whole
camp including the guard. Those who were not attracted to the ball,
were attracted elsewhere; and a number of little incidents occurred
in Quincy that night which are not reportable. The author of this
book has a vivid recollection of being a member of a patrol guard,
commanded by good old Captain McCall, which saw that night one or
two strange adventures. A castle on an island was besieged and then
carried by storm. The prisoners were treated with a magnanimity which
would have done honor to Fabricius. Does any one recollect it? It was
a night of "riot most uncouth." Money flew, wine ran, and spirits
rose. The temperate men were happy, the "bibbers" were jolly, and
all of us thought we were having the best time in the world. Amid
all this joy, bad as matters were with some, I claim that under the
circumstances we behaved remarkably well. There are few regiments of
our numbers that would not have behaved worse.
The following day, we took down our tents and prepared to leave; but
something was not "ready," and the movement was deferred another day.
Early the morning of the 9th, we got our baggage aboard the _White
Cloud_, and the battalion was formed. We were marched into the city
and halted to hear Colonel Scott make a speech. In the name of his
men he thanked the citizens of Quincy for their hospitality, and
then he thanked his men; all of which suited us exactly, as we well
attested with our cheers. We then shouldered arms and marched to the
levee, where we underwent the interesting ceremony of drumming a
fellow out of the service for robbing a comrade. This likewise met
our approbation. We then went aboard the boat, and the next morning
were in St. Louis. A march of four miles in which we suffered under
our heavy knapsacks (for we had not yet learned the nice art of
"cutting down" our baggage); brought us to Benton Barracks, where we
were assigned quarters, each company occupying a separate apartment.
Benton Barracks, erected as a camp of instruction by General Fremont,
and named after his venerable deceased father-in-law, Colonel Benton,
is an institution which, from its direct association with the war in
the West, will become historical. At some future day, the student
may wonder what sort of a place it was where so many battalions were
quartered and drilled.
Benton Barracks are built on what is known as the Fair Grounds in the
suburbs of the city, and about four miles from the levee. They are
so unconspicuous as scarcely to be seen until you get within a short
distance of them. They are composed of long rows of white-washed
buildings, inclosing a rectangular piece of ground, about three
hundred yards in width by one thousand in length. This ground,
smooth as a floor and almost as level, is used for drills and parade.
Toward the west end of it, the open space is interrupted by an
interior row of barracks, and toward the east end, are the commanding
general's headquarters, a two story building, painted white and over
which floated a large garrison flag. On either flank of this was a
smaller building, occupied by his staff, the whole being surrounded
by a neat paling.
Before the door of one of these offices, a large crowd was seen each
morning between the hours of seven and nine. They were soldiers
waiting for their passes. Only four men a day of each company
were allowed passes. Their names were sent by the 1st sergeant of
companies to the sergeant major of the regiment, and through him to
the Assistant Adjutant General, whose clerk at this hour made out and
issued the passes to the men in person.
The barracks in which the soldiers were quartered were low,
windowless, and ill-ventilated. On either side and at the ends of
each apartment were three rows of berths on which the soldiers slept
on straw, generally in ticks. To the rear of this row of buildings
were hydrants fed by the reservoir which supplies the city. In the
rear of the barracks proper, were sheds, the first row of which
served as dining rooms, the second as kitchens. Here for the first
time we cooked and ate by the company. Our cooking was done upon
brick furnaces with an iron cover. Our simple camp utensils, sheet
iron kettles and mess pans served as cooking vessels here as in camp.
With such utensils, with inexperienced cooks, and with gangs of cold
soldiers crowding continually over the furnaces, it may be supposed
that our food was not always prepared in the most desirable manner.
From _reveille_ till _retreat_ there was a constant hubbub
pervading this little city, and the interior square presented a
scene of splendid confusion. The noises of bugles, drums, and
voices commanding; infantry, cavalry and artillery, drilling by the
multitude, and going through their various evolutions as they could
best divide the ground among themselves. When our regiment marched
into the barracks for the first time, the whole force, infantry,
cavalry and artillery, was marching in review before Generals Curtis
and Strong. It was a splendid sight, so many men, all in the same
uniform, and so neatly aligned, moving with such unity and precision.
In the programme of duties, inspection and review were the order for
Sundays.
The most exciting feature of the exercises was the occasional mimic
battles, fought generally by one regiment against another; sometimes
infantry against infantry and sometimes against cavalry. In one of
these in which our regiment was engaged, Private McMannus of Company
A, was shot dead. The cause of the accident could never be found out.
It was probably done by some one using a ball cartridge instead of a
blank. I believe that after this accident no more mimic battles were
allowed.
Such was Benton Barracks. Without, the pomp of marching battalions,
and galloping squadrons and batteries; within, the discomfort of men,
poorly fed, poorly lodged, and jostled against each other continually
in darkness and foul air. Pomp without and misery within; such is
the world everywhere.
While we were at Benton Barracks, Colonel Williams was released
from arrest. The charges which had been preferred against him had
been mislaid, and when his case came up for trial, he was released,
because nothing appeared against him. Immediately on assuming
command, he arrested a number of officers, his personal enemies,
without the knowledge of the commandant of the post. As soon as these
facts became known to General Strong, the officers were released, and
Colonel Williams was ordered to report in person to General Halleck.
The General informed him that he was under arrest. When this news
reached the regiment, the exultation was very great.
General Sherman succeeded General Strong in the command of the
post. The regulations made by General Curtis, the first commander,
were continued. Besides the usual fatigue and police duty, we were
compelled to drill seven hours a day. As the season advanced,
while our duties grew no less, the inconveniences of the situation
increased. Troops continued to arrive. Two companies were compelled
to occupy a barracks built for one. Among the arrivals was the
gallant Seventh Iowa, or what remained of it after its glorious day
of Belmont. Cheer upon cheer greeted them as they marched in, and the
shout was caught up and borne to the farthest end of the grounds. The
Second Iowa was also here recruiting from the effects of its sojourn
in the sickly swamps of Bird's Point. They were the best drilled
troops in the camp.
It is doubtful whether their change from Bird's Point to Benton
Barracks had been for the better. I do not think our own regiment
would have suffered more in small detachments on the Hannibal & St.
Joseph Railroad, or moving constantly with good tents during the same
season.
Very few were free from colds and coughs, and diseases of the throat
and lungs took down a great many. When our regiment left Benton
Barracks it was as much reduced by disease as it had been at any
previous time since leaving Chillicothe. Company F, more fortunate
than the rest, had been most of the time at the St. Louis Arsenal,
where they had excellent quarters, liberal rations, and as much
liberty as they wanted.
It was now Christmas. We had had three months of drill, discipline,
and rest from the fatigues of the active campaign. Although we were
loth to acknowledge it, many other regiments had been far less
favored in this respect than we. We were heartily tired of this kind
of life, and rejoiced at the opportunity of getting away.
Irregular bands of rebels, acting under the orders of General Price,
had torn up the North Missouri Railroad and rendered necessary the
presence of troops in that vicinity. The Third Iowa was ordered
there. A number of captains of companies without the knowledge of
Colonel Scott, united in a statement to General Sherman of the
bad health of the command, and other circumstances which rendered
it unfit to go. Such a statement, even if it had been forwarded
through the proper channels would have been reprehensible. To plead
disability, to shrink from duty, to ask to be kept in a bandbox
and nursed, argued on the part of these officers a great lack of
soldierly qualities. It had a tendency to disgrace our regiment in
the eyes of the commanding General, and received from him the prompt
rebuke it deserved. He reported the shameful proceeding to Colonel
Scott, who gave the captains a severe reprimand privately at his
headquarters.
CHAPTER XIII.
PREPARATIONS--WE MOVE NORTH BY RAILROAD--DETAILS
OF THE RIDE--MARCH FROM THE RAILROAD--NIGHT ON THE
FROZEN GROUND--FEELINGS AND CONDUCT OF THE SOLDIERS
TOWARD THE CITIZENS--NIGHT AT MARTINSBURG--MARCH TO
MEXICO--CHARACTER OF THE CITIZENS--BAD CONDUCT OF
CERTAIN OF THE MEN--WHAT THE MAJOR "DID ABOUT IT"--HIS
SPEECH--ITS EFFECT--AN EXCESS OF QUININE AND LACK OF
BREAD--RETURN MARCH TO MARTINSBURG--THE NEW YEAR--MARCH
TO WELLSVILLE--SICKNESS--CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF
SURGEON EDWARDS--FORAGING AND PLUNDERING--MOVEMENT OF
TROOPS TO THE FRONT--ANXIETY TO GO WITH THEM--FORT
DONELSON--DISCONTENT AT BEING LEFT IN THE REAR--TRIAL
AND RELEASE OF COL. WILLIAMS--HE ASSUMES COMMAND AND
BEGINS REFORM--MARCHING ORDERS.
General Sherman issued an order that Christmas should be observed in
all respects as the Sabbath. But the Third Iowa could not comply with
it. It was with us a day of preparation, tumult and glee. We expected
to move that day. The order had been read at dress parade the
previous night, that we would be ready to move at a moment's notice
with forty rounds of ammunition. But we were delayed on account of
transportation which had not been issued to us. Those who were unable
to march on account of sickness were left in the barracks we had
occupied under charge of our assistant surgeon, Dr. Cool.
At 7 A. M. on the 26th, our regiment marched to the railroad depot.
Major Stone was in command Col. Scott having been detailed on a
military commission. We waited in the cold till about noon for our
baggage wagons to be brought up and loaded on the train. We had
no rations in our haversacks; for when we left the barracks we
had nothing to cook. Finally, to the great joy of all, the train
moved out, and three o'clock in the afternoon found us opposite St.
Charles. After many delays, seasoned with jokes, curses and cries of
"_bread_," we succeeded in getting across the Missouri and aboard
another train of cars and off. It was worthy of note, that for the
first time but one in our experience as military railroaders, we
were transported in passenger cars. For the consolation of the inner
man, we drew from our quartermaster fifteen loaves of bread to the
company, but no "small fishes." With these we appeased our stomachs,
outraged by famine since Christmas noon. At length night came, and
we could no longer enjoy looking at the scenery through which we
were passing: so we hitched ourselves together as best we could (for
the cars were crowded to their utmost capacity), and went to sleep.
Whenever we awoke, until late in the morning, we could feel the
unsteady motion of the carriages. Morn broke upon us at Warrenton. It
was not a little amusing to view the scene which daylight ushered in.
Some were sleeping on the seats, some between the seats, some in the
aisles; lying on top of each other for pillows; horizontal, inclined
and vertical; sometimes the head highest, sometimes the heels. Loud
were the barkings of incipient consumptives; hoarse the groans of
those whose hunger was not yet appeased, and dire the vengeance
denounced against the bridge-burners who had put us to all this
hardship.
The scenery through which we passed was lovely, even in the gray
shroud of winter.
At 10 A. M. we arrived at Florence, and had scarcely finished our
breakfasts, when six companies, R, E, F, H, I and K, were ordered to
get ready to march. The remaining four companies were left to guard
the place, considered an important one; for it was the farthest point
northward from St. Charles to which the cars could run, the track
being injured and the wires cut beyond it.
We, the battalion that marched, were joined by a company of German
cavalry of the 1st Regiment Missouri Reserve Corps, and immediately
moved toward the west. A march of three miles brought us to the town
of Danville, from which a small column of Union troops, commanded
by Brig. Gen. Henderson of the State Militia, had marched an hour
previous. We followed him, but by a shorter and less traveled road.
The snow which had fallen some days previous, was not yet melted
away in the timber, through which, most of the way, our road led us.
Night found us marching on. The sky was clear and the stars sparkled
brilliantly above us. The keen air quickly congealed the running
snow, and rendered the hills so slippery that it was not without much
difficulty and danger that the wagons could follow us.
We camped for the night on a meadow, bordering on a small stream of
excellent water and surrounded on all sides by timber. It was ten
o'clock before the wagons got up, and we then discovered that our
quartermaster had no bread for us. By some means the supply which
had been furnished for us had been left behind. The quartermaster of
course had to shoulder the blame. We cooked a scanty supply of bacon,
rice and coffee, and slept in battle line away from our camp-fires,
fearing a surprise. Our bed was the frozen ground; our tents the sky.
Our thin woolen blankets furnished little protection against the
keen air. We lay on our backs, and, if our heads were not smothered
in our blankets, watched the stars, but doubtless with different
emotions from those of the devout old Chaldean shepherds; and when we
slept, we dreamed of--Heaven knows what. Some were at Valley Forge;
one retreated all night from Moscow; and many fled to their warm
firesides at home.
As morning streaked the east, we shook the stupor of our cold slumber
from our limbs, and tried to dispel the gloom from our minds. Some of
us had actually been sleeping on four inches of snow. Our breakfast,
the same fare as our previous supper, afforded us little cheer. At
half past seven o'clock we were again on the move. We marched slowly,
doubtless, in order that our bread wagons which were coming could
overtake us. In this we were disappointed.
We camped on a beautiful meadow, having made but nine miles. The
Major had some hogs killed for our benefit; but this was not the
only kind of fresh meat seen in our camp that night. The feeling in
our ranks toward the citizens of this section was one of extreme
bitterness. We believed that they were guilty, at least in part,
of the depredations which had rendered our presence among them
necessary. To take up arms against us; to hide in the brush and
shoot down our stragglers; to crawl up under cover of night and
assassinate our pickets; to prowl about the country in guerrilla
bands, and attack our small detachments; to burn railroad bridges
and cut telegraph wires; to act as spies for the enemy; to give him
shelter, food and cheer; and then, if captured in arms, to claim the
rights of a prisoner of war; if without arms, to claim protection as
a non-combatant, or, what is still worse, as a Union man; such we
knew from experience to be the character of a large portion of the
disloyal citizens of Missouri.
A soldier admires open enemies if they are brave. There is nothing
that he despises as he despises such enemies as these. "Hang them
if they act as spies or bridge-burners. Subsist our armies upon
them. Confiscate their property and put it to the use of war. A
war waged against such traitors ought to support itself. Give us
such a leader as Jim Lane. Nothing short of his policy would do. We
never would end the war until we showed traitors that we considered
treason a crime." Such sentiments were canvassed freely in our ranks
and found no contradictors. But we were only soldiers. We could not
shape the policy of the Government in reference to the traitors.
We were to execute the will of the commanding general. We could
not take a chicken from the premises of an enemy in arms, without
violating orders from our superiors. It is a correct maxim, that
soldiers should not plunder. It is likewise a correct maxim that
an army should not suffer from hunger while marching through the
country of men who by acts of treason have forfeited all right to
the protection of the Government. We reasoned that the commanding
general should authorize impressments of food for our use when we
needed it as we did then. At all events we ought not to suffer from
hunger, and if food could not be obtained properly, _it must at
least be obtained_. Such was the reasoning which prompted the little
nocturnal expeditions which went out from our camp, in spite of the
active measures of the Major to prevent them, and which resulted in
supplying some of the necessities we lacked.
The following day, December 29th, was clear and beautiful. We waited
for the rear wagons till about noon; but they did not arrive and we
took up the march. The ground thawed, and before night, the mud was
deep and the march difficult. We camped for the night on a broad
prairie near Martinsburg Station on the North Missouri Railroad. We
obtained water by cutting holes through the ice of a pond which rests
against the railway embankment and supplies a tank. The ice was about
three inches thick. Most of us pitched tents and pulled grass and
made beds. About 7 P. M. we were rejoiced at the appearance of the
long expected bread wagons.
December 30th broke soft and balmy, the wind blowing from the south.
At ten o'clock we heard dull sounds upon the wind as of a distant
conflict of arms. It was not imagination. Every one heard them, and
we were all curiosity to know their meaning. Soon after, a number of
scouts arrived from Mexico with orders to Major Stone to hurry on to
that place. They at the same time brought reports of an engagement in
that vicinity. We moved without delay. The column kept the railroad
track till within about three miles of Mexico, when it took a wagon
road to the left. The mud was deep, and wagons several times stalled
and men had to be detailed to lift them out. These accidents caused
temporary delays, so that we did not reach Mexico till 9 P. M. We
found here a force under Brig. Gen. Schofield, of the State troops.
Gen. Henderson had just left in pursuit of the enemy. Of the cause of
the firing we had heard, we could learn nothing. It might have been a
skirmish. It was more likely a detachment discharging their pieces to
get the loads out of them.
Our battalion was quartered in a large vacant building. We found the
inhabitants of the place intensely disloyal. A newspaper had just
been issued at the printing office, one side of which was belabored
over with treasonable articles and extracts. This being completed,
the editor had fled on the approach of the Union troops, leaving the
typos to complete the paper, which they did, accommodating the other
side to the views of the new comers. Their unionism was sickeningly
submissive.
During the night and the following morning, a number of excesses were
committed by members of our regiment, among which was breaking into
a liquor shop owned by a secessionist, and emptying seven barrels of
that delectable article into a ditch.
This affair being committed in the presence of a large number of
citizens, greatly and justly incensed the Major, who called out the
battalion, had roll-call in all the companies; when he mounted a box,
and made a speech, in which he denounced such conduct, accusing us of
having prostituted ourselves "and disgraced our State," and reproving
us in unpleasant terms for having railed at our surgeon for giving us
too much quinine, and at our quartermaster for giving us too little
bread. He did not fail, however, to compliment us as having "stood
before the enemy where fire and earthquake led the charge." After
sundry similar compliments, denunciations and threats, he dismissed
us, and allowed us to go to our quarters. Whatever apparent reason
there might have been for this performance, it totally failed in
producing a good effect upon the regiment. The men went away with the
opinion that to make a boisterous speech in the streets of a public
town, and to humiliate his men in the face of their enemies, did not
become a military chieftain. Those who had not been guilty of any
offenses felt the wrong most keenly.
It is true that whenever a halt had been ordered on the march hither,
our quartermaster had been assailed with cries of "bread," our
surgeon with cries of "quinine." In this respect we were undoubtedly
"demoralized." But were these men abusing their superiors without a
cause, or were they replying to abuse? The quartermaster furnished
transportation for vinegar, beans and two negro servants, articles
which are of no use to any army on the march, and the surgeon hauled
his own private effects in the ambulances, while men marched in the
ranks carrying heavy knapsacks and shaking with the ague. It is
better to suffer abuse than to be insubordinate; but men do not
always properly appreciate this doctrine; and to correct his conduct
belongs first to his officer, then to the soldier.
At 4 P. M. General Schofield placed himself at the head of our
battalion, and we moved back in the direction whence we had come.
The troops took the railroad track. For the first three miles our
route lay through timber, and then we reached a level stretch of
prairie ten or twelve miles wide, the rank, dry grass affording
an opportunity of setting a prairie fire, such as we had so often
seen on our own prairies of Iowa. It was a temptation which we
could not resist. Before eight o'clock the whole vault of night
was illuminated. Lines of flame extended as far as the gaze could
reach, sending up immense columns of red smoke. The clouds blazed
like a sea of fire, and shed upon us a strange red light, which made
our march almost as plain as day. We moved at a rapid rate, making
but one or two short halts, and these in consequence of the wagons
sticking in the mud. No one gave out; there was no straggling.
Only a few sick men got aboard the wagons. General Schofield was
surprised at the endurance of the men. He asked Major Stone if his
men generally marched as well; and when the Major told him they did,
he complimented them highly.
At 10 P. M. we reached Martinsburg, a distance of thirteen miles
from Mexico, where we halted to pass the remainder of the night. We
got our baggage unloaded, made our beds on the wet ground, covered
ourselves with blankets and tents and tried to sleep. But the wind
shifted to the northwest, and blew so hard that all our covering
availed us little.
The New Year dawned with a sky overcast with gloomy clouds and with a
boisterous northwest wind. The world without us corresponded exactly
with the world within us. All was gloom. A few New Year's greetings
were exchanged, and many fond thoughts went back to the happy
firesides we had exchanged for the cheerless camp fires, the days of
hunger and fatigue, the weary marches and watches, and the fearful
chances of war.
In the middle of the day we moved five miles further to Wellsville,
where General Schofield established his headquarters.
We took quarters in the vacant buildings and the first night slept on
the cold floors, as crowded as though we had been in cattle cars on
the Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad. That night, or rather the next
morning at two o'clock, three companies of our regiment, and one of
the cavalry, went ten or twelve miles into the country expecting to
surprise a company of guerrillas, but did not find them.
Our quarters were crowded and inadequate; but we accommodated
ourselves to them cheerfully. The exposures of the past week had
reduced many to the sick list. Surgeon Edwards treated our sick
outrageously. I firmly believe that more than one good soldier died
for no other reason than his neglect. Those in his hospital he left
without food and proper nursing for twenty-four hours at a time. He
absolutely refused to hear the complaints of twenty men reported on
one sick list, declaring that they were malingerers, that it was
impossible for such a number to be sick. Two or three of these men
were coughing blood; others had raging fevers.
It affords me especial pleasure to do this man justice. He was one of
the most learned and skillful physicians of our State. His physical
endurance, and capability of long exertion was such as few men
possess; and yet, save when in some particular freak of good humor,
he seemed to give his attentions most grudgingly, and to take a
fiendish delight in abusing sick men of which we can scarcely believe
human nature capable. If he survives this war it will be to receive
the heartfelt execrations of those of my comrades who survive it.
For some time this part of our regiment remained _in statu quo_ at
Wellsville. The other battalion of it still remained at Florence
under Captain Herron. The monotony of our situation at Wellsville
was relieved by bringing in from the surrounding country various
classes of persons as prisoners: sympathizers, bridge-burners,
bushwhackers, blatant traitors and members of Price's old State
Guard. Whatever excesses we may have committed with or without excuse
upon citizen enemies, when they were in our power, we treated them
with the respect due to prisoners of war. At one time our guard house
contained upwards of twenty prisoners, citizens and soldiers. They
were disposed of in various ways. Some were sent to St. Louis for
trial. Some were transferred to Alton. Most were released on giving
bonds to the United States.
For the first time since being in Missouri, we subsisted our animals
entirely upon forage taken from disloyal citizens. For this purpose,
foraging parties went out nearly every day. Notwithstanding the
stringent orders under which their commanders were placed, they were
generally the occasion for carrying off whatever the soldier could
find that would suit his appetite better than bacon and pilot bread.
I never heard, however, of any outrages being committed in houses,
the operations being seldom extended beyond the poultry yard, pig sty
and potato bin.
On the 23d of January, all of our regiment was moved west, and
distributed along the railroad at four different places; Mexico,
Allen, Sturgis and Huntsville. Everything now went well. Our
quarters, surroundings and duties were most pleasant. We were in the
midst of civilization and social cheer. The Union had many friends in
Missouri, and they entertained us generously. We were again seeing
the halcyon days of a soldier's life; but we did not know it. We
wanted glory. When Grant moved up the Tennessee we wanted to be with
him. Many troops went from Missouri to reinforce him; but we were
left behind. Fort Henry was taken, and we were not there. But the
land forces had won no laurels in that operation. We hoped that we
might be sent to take part in the reduction of Fort Donelson. But
no. Train after train went past us loaded with troops from General
Hunter's department, all going to reinforce Grant; but still we were
left behind. Curtis was moving; Grant was moving; Buell was moving;
McClellan was moving; Burnside was moving. The army was advancing at
all points, and we were left behind, guarding railroads and keeping
down guerrillas. At length Fort Donelson fell. A thrill of joy
electrified the nation. A universal burst of praise went up for the
gallant men who there had fought so well. General Halleck telegraphed
to Governor Kirkwood, "The 2d Iowa have proved themselves the bravest
of the brave." And yet we were doing garrison duty in the rear. What
had we done to merit less than these comrades of ours? Had we failed
our country in the hour of trial? Had we done so little, suffered so
little, and complained so much? Since Ft. Donelson, all the little
battles of the war were forgotten. Blue Mills had dwindled into an
insignificant affair. When we read the glowing accounts of these
three days of battle, we almost ceased to be proud of it ourselves.
A soldier would rather die than be behind in honor. We begged for a
chance. We had no fears for the rest. At length we began to despair.
We feared it was the intention of the commanding general to keep us
behind always. We began to be ashamed of ourselves. We were ashamed
to date our letters from Missouri. We would have blushed to look our
friends in the face; for who thought of us now?
Meanwhile the trial of Colonel Williams was taking place at St.
Louis. Witnesses went and came. It was protracted from day to day.
Among the enlisted men of the regiment, the feeling was still strong
and bitter against him. Finally it was announced that he would be
released. It was without much disappointment; for we had watched the
developments of the trial, and expected this event. At length it was
reported that he would join us, and that we should then be taken to
the front. We rejoiced.
On the 25th of February, Colonel Williams arrived at regimental
headquarters, Mexico, Missouri. Companies F and K were stationed
here. The latter received him with some courtesy; the former with
marked disdain. The memories of Chariton bridge still rankled in
their bosoms. Nevertheless, we were disposed to be hopeful. We hoped
that his long arrest had furnished an opportunity for meditation and
repentance, and that he would be more careful of his conduct now.
This was the case. Before his arrival we did every thing slackly. We
almost began to forget that we were soldiers. The first thing he did
was to enforce discipline. He instituted regular roll-calls, drills
twice a day, and daily dress parades. He did nothing that we could
complain of, although we watched him with the eyes of cynics. Day
by day our former prejudices against him began to wear away. Almost
imperceptibly those hitherto antagonistic elements, the colonel and
his men, began to harmonize. Colonel Williams was a wiser officer,
and we were better soldiers.
On the 3d of March, it was announced, amid great rejoicing, that we
would leave for the south as soon as transportation should arrive to
take us away.
CHAPTER XIV.
LEAVE MEXICO FOR ST. LOUIS--CONDUCT OF SOME OF THE
MEN AND OFFICERS--JOURNEY FROM ST. LOUIS TO SAVANNAH,
TENN.--SCENES ON THE PASSAGE DESCRIBED--CAPTAIN
ALBERT HOBBS--LOYALTY OF THE PEOPLE ON THE
TENNESSEE RIVER--MOVE TO PITTSBURG LANDING--THE
SITUATION--CRITICISM, ETC.
The day of preparation for an important movement, is always among
soldiers a busy and a jolly day. It is a day of work and play. Boxing
up camp utensils, packing knapsacks, loading wagons and cooking
rations constitutes the work. Drinking, carousing and building
bonfires constitutes the play. I need not say that those who do the
least work generally do the most play. For this time I can only speak
of the two companies at Mexico. During the day the order was work.
Every thing passed off quietly and in order. By nightfall everything
was ready and we only waited the cars. The troops who relieved
us, a detachment of the Third Iowa Cavalry, had already ensconced
themselves in our quarters.
It was now time to play. Some of my comrades had this failing,
that in an hour of great glee like this, they would drink. There
are a class of soldiers who never drink except on such occasions.
The "riotons" commenced. Bonfires were kindled, bottles emptied,
while cries and cheers and songs and peals of laughter rent the
air. I would not wish to be compelled to swear to all the unmilitary
proceedings that I saw that night, nor to what I think might have
taken place, had Colonel Williams been less vigilant and some of his
men more sober. The Colonel used every exertion, and with partial
success, to keep those who were disposed to be noisy within proper
bounds.
At 11 P. M., we went aboard a train of box cars, and having disposed
ourselves for sleep as best we could, awaited the dawn of day. To
our surprise the bottoms of some of the cars were covered thickly
with sawdust. We raked it up and made our beds upon it, and many were
careful to get their full share. When we woke up in the morning, we
found that we had been sleeping upon--well, the cars had been last
used to transport Government horses.
This train carried but five companies, the remaining portion of the
regiment coming upon another.
Morning found us at St. Charles, where we halted for breakfast, and
smoked ourselves awhile around some ugly fires. The wind blew cold
and raw from the northwest, and made us wish ourselves again in our
moving quarters. We soon crossed the Missouri river and got aboard
a train of passenger cars which brought us to St. Louis. After a
long delay at the depot, we formed battalion, and marched through
the city with all the pomp of which we were capable. At the levee we
went aboard the _Crescent City_, a boat which was waiting to convey
troops. One that has not seen it can scarcely imagine the scene
attendant upon a regiment of volunteers getting aboard a transport.
The violent scrambling for the best places; the shouts of soldiers
for messmates, and the grumbling of malcontents generally, make up a
hubbub which never can be adequately described.
The remainder of the regiment arrived the next day, and the whole
was transferred to the _Iatan_. It was not without the greatest
difficulty that the officers were able to keep the men together. A
number got into the guard-house of the provost guard; many straggled
through the city, and some officers set the example; many became
intoxicated, and before night, I am compelled to state, the scene in
the vicinity of the boat was disgraceful in the extreme. A strong
chain of sentries had to be stationed to keep the men from straggling.
Colonel Williams having procured the release of those in the
guard-house and got the command aboard, the boat moved out at 8 P.
M. The boat was heavily loaded with Government wagons and animals
besides its human freight, and the river being heavy with floating
ice, we moved slowly. In the morning we passed St. Genevieve by a
channel which left it four or five miles to our right. It was a
lovely sight as we viewed it in the distance, its windows throwing
back the red blaze of the rising sun. I will say nothing of the
unwearying beauty of the scenes through which we passed this day. We
arrived at Cairo at 8 P. M., and consumed part of the next day in
getting coal and subsistence on board. Commodore Foote's iron-clad
fleet was lying here at this time, some of the boats undergoing
repairs.
At 3 P. M., March 9th, we moved up the Ohio. It was swollen,
sweeping over its banks, and through the forests on the Kentucky
shore. We went to sleep upon its waters, and in the morning were
steaming up the beautiful Tennessee. We arrived at Fort Henry at ten
o'clock, and spent some time in viewing the work. Most of the troops
in this vicinity were leaving or had left. General Grant was still
here. Since arriving at Cairo, we had had vague rumors that we were
to join an expedition which was to push up the Tennessee as far as
Florence, Alabama. We now learned that the expedition was to be under
Major General C. F. Smith, and that our regiment was to be assigned
to the division of Brigadier General Hurlbut. This latter information
displeased us exceedingly, as we had lost all confidence in that
officer in Missouri.
Leaving Fort Henry, we soon came up with a large fleet of transports
loaded with troops, and at the railroad bridge twelve miles above
were a number more. This river, like the Ohio, was very high, and
swept through the bottoms on either side. The boat did not halt for
night; but when we awoke in the morning, it was tied up and taking
on wood in the shape of a rail fence and a pile of staves. All day
we steamed up the river. The day was bright and beautiful, and the
canebrakes and cedars along the banks had a greenness that reminded
us of spring, and a soft breeze enhanced the pleasure of the ride.
And when we saw all along the shore the citizens greet us with
demonstrations of gladness and applause, we felt that we belonged to
an army of liberation indeed. The way was lined with boats loaded
with troops, we passing them, and they passing us in turn. Before
night, we found ourselves in a mighty transport fleet, numbering from
eighty to ninety vessels, loaded to the water's edge with infantry,
cavalry and artillery, and crowding up the river at full steam.
Sometimes several boats would ride abreast and try their speed in
the strong current, while the applause of thousands of voices would
rend the woods. We will live long without seeing such a sight again.
A grand army, equipped in splendor and exulting in success, moving
far into the enemy's country with the speed of steam. A grand army of
sixty thousand men, moving upon the waters. It was a glorious sight,
and we could not tire of gazing. From it every soldier seemed to
catch a sense of the great moment of the enterprise, and of his own
dignity as an agent in it. As the sun went down, the bands struck up
martial airs, and, in the obscurity of darkness, the scene grew more
sublime. For every boat seemed a monster, its fierce eyes gleaming
through the darkness, one of green and one of red, its dark breath
rolling up against the sky, and the hoarse breathing of its great
labor astonishing the still woods, as it hurried on, bent on some
great purpose of justice or of vengeance. It was a great purpose
indeed!--the preservation of the Republic whose foundation was the
beginning of the "new series of ages."
Was there ever such an assemblage of patriots?--so much unity, so
much courage, so much hope?
But when we retired to our quarters, a far different scene presented
itself. Soldiers crowded together like hogs in a pen; breathing an
atmosphere contaminated by the breath of hundreds of men; sleeping,
sitting and eating upon filthy decks; by day continually jostled and
crowded about; kicked, jammed and trodden upon by night; getting by
day no exercise, by night no rest; living on raw meat and tasteless
pilot bread; and in all this many suffering from sickness;--such was
our condition on these transports.
With our officers, however, the case was different. They ate at the
cabin table and had good fare. They slept in state rooms. They had
the ladies' cabin to themselves, and guards were stationed to keep
the soldiers out of it. This was just. They had a right to what
they paid for. But such a contrast of comfort and misery looked
decidedly bad, especially among men who at home were equals, and
whom mutual hardship and peril should have made friends. To us, the
soldiers, it was a convincing proof that our officers were selfish
and cared little for us. We could not see where they had merited
so much more than we. Had they been braver in battle, or had they
exposed themselves to greater danger? They were superior to us in
rank and emoluments; but this superiority we had conferred with our
votes. Was this sharing the hardships of war as they had promised
to do, while we were yet citizens? Moreover, rank and emolument do
not always answer the question of merit. Allowing that they had
always done their duty in the places assigned them, had they done
it better than we? Had they been more exemplary in morals, or more
attentive to duty, or more patient under suffering? Had they been so
diligent in the acquisition of military knowledge as to be worthy
of exemption from hardship? We could not see it. There was nothing
peculiarly hard in their duties which should create this disparity.
They did no fatigue duty. They did not carry a gun, a cartridge-box
or a knapsack on a march. They did not have to walk the sentinel's
beat in storm. The surgeon did not abuse them when they were sick.
When they said they were not able to do duty, they were believed.
But the Government had conferred on them these privileges. It was
just. We had no right to complain. No, it was not just, for humanity
is no more than justice; and there were men suffering from sickness
who needed these comforts more than they. Generosity at least would
have prompted them to deny themselves some comforts for the sake of
alleviating the distress of others. It would certainly go far to
prevent demoralization in the ranks.
There was an officer who seemed to be actuated by these motives. Let
his name be printed in capitals, CAPTAIN ALBERT HOBBS. He ate with
his men, and, in consequence of this, many of his brother officers
made merry of him, calling him in his absence, "Mother Hobbs." He
merited their opprobrium, simply by being a comrade to his men. This
brave and good man was mortally wounded in the battle of Shiloh, and
was buried near the spot where he fell. His memory will always be
cherished by those who served under him.
Daylight of March 12th, found the great flotilla at anchor opposite
Savannah, Tennessee, a dilapidated village about twenty-five miles
from the Alabama line.
The citizens of Savannah were for the most part favorable to our
cause. The town was full of refugees from rebel conscription,
to whom our presence was really a deliverance. Their stories of
sufferings under the rebel rule would fill volumes. Their patriotism
was genuine and unfeigned. Many of them enlisted on the gunboat
Tyler, and in the 46th Ohio regiment.
The morning after our arrival at Savannah, we heard cannonading
above us. We could only conjecture the cause of it then; but learned
afterwards that it was the gunboats Tyler and Lexington, which
convoyed the fleet, engaging the enemy's batteries at Eastport, Miss.
The same day most of the fleet moved up the river, and our regiment
went ashore to allow our boats to be cleansed, and before we were
allowed to go aboard again, we enjoyed the luxury of being out in a
drizzling rain.
We found at Savannah another illustration of the fact, that the
farther an army gets from railroads and telegraphs, the more news
the country affords. The citizens informed us that a battle had been
fought near Manasses, resulting disastrously to the rebels; that
though losing 10,000 men in killed and wounded, McClellan had taken
60,000 prisoners! We also learned that Beauregard was concentrating a
hundred thousand men a few miles above us,--a report in which there
was more truth than we were willing to believe.
Here, pausing and looking around us, the movements of the enemy
and the designs of our generals began, if possible, to assume a
more tangible shape in our ideas. The army of General Albert Sidney
Johnston had been driven from its defensive line, which stretched
from Columbus to Bowling Green; and now, its right wing in full
retreat before Buell, its left assailed by Pope, and its center
pierced by Grant ascending the Tennessee, it was endeavoring to
concentrate on a new line of defense, that of the Memphis and
Charleston Railroad, at the strategic point of Corinth, having at
that time communication with all parts of the south, east and west,
including the force which was blockading the Mississippi at Island
No. Ten. With this purpose General Beauregard had probably already
arrived at Corinth with a small portion of his troops, whither
General Bragg was hurrying with a division from Mobile and Pensacola;
and if we may credit a letter written about this time from Decatur,
Alabama, by General Johnston to Jeff. Davis, the advance guard of his
army had already reached that point, while the main body was crossing
the Tennessee at Decatur,--a movement which he was executing contrary
to the advice of his staff, and in which he had great apprehensions
of being thwarted by General Grant.
Nothing would have been easier than this, had our fleet pushed on and
landed the troops at a point from which they could have disembarked
and seized the Memphis & Charleston Railroad east of Corinth. We
could have then moved against Corinth, pushing Beauregard toward the
Mississippi and preventing his junction with Johnston; or, in the
event of his retreating southward, isolating him from his troops
at Island No. Ten, as well as from a large portion of his forces
hastening from that direction. Thus it is seen how easily a little
vigor on our part would have disorganized the plans of the rebel
leaders, prevented their concentration on any practicable line of
defense, thrown confusion into their councils and demoralization
into their ranks, disheartened their people just as they were called
upon to furnish new levies, flanked the Mississippi river as far
as Memphis, seized the strategic point of the West from which the
armies of Grant and Buell united could have commenced a new march
of victory, and, in one word, secured without bloodshed or hazard,
fruits which a year of suffering and carnage scarcely sufficed to
gain. These were golden hours of victory to the army of the West.
All that was necessary was to march on. But just as we had reached
the decisive moment, when the events of a year could have been
accomplished in a week, we faltered. Just at the hour when to wait
should have been our farthest thought, we halted.
The enemy had placed batteries at Eastport, Miss., to blockade the
river and cover the movement of General Johnston's troops over
the railroad from Decatur to Corinth. It is also probable that he
had a small land force at that point. The wooden gunboats engaged
the batteries unsuccessfully. But it can not be claimed that they
amounted to an obstacle in the way of General Smith. They could
easily have been captured or driven off by our infantry. This Gen.
Smith did not attempt; whether it was that his orders restricted his
movements, or whether he was unequal to the occasion, is yet to be
made known.
Toward night, March 4th, three days' rations were issued to our
regiment with orders to divide, cook and be ready to march at
daylight. The kitchen furnaces of the boat were taken possession
of for this purpose; and notwithstanding the work was crowded
vigorously, but three companies could get their rations cooked during
the night.
At daylight the boats conveying General Hurlbut's division moved up
the river a few miles under convoy of a gunboat, and halted opposite
the bluffs of Pittsburg Landing, which the enemy had occupied a
few days before. Nine boats tied up on the western bank and two on
the eastern, one of which was our own. We built fires on shore and
proceeded to cook the rations we had not been able to do the previous
evening. The whole expedition was almost at a halt. Most of the fleet
was above us, probably endeavoring to effect a landing at Hamburg,
six miles above. We, the soldiers, knew little of the whereabouts
of the enemy. It was not fair to conjecture that our generals knew
much more. A general generally knows much less of his antagonist than
those who are not generals think he ought to. A few days before, the
enemy had a force with some artillery on Pittsburg Bluffs. A gunboat
had engaged them and driven off their artillery, but they in turn had
repulsed our infantry which landed and attempted to pursue.
Who knew now that the enemy was not in force beyond our observation
ready to dispute our landing? The honor of first setting foot on
this historic soil belongs to the fourth division. To land at all in
the face of the intervening bottom overflowed with water, presented
no ordinary difficulties. The 41st Illinois regiment disembarked in
light order, ascended the bluff and advanced into the woods to cover
the movement. General Sherman at the same time began preparations to
debark. Roads were cut up the sides of the bluffs on which the wagons
and artillery could ascend. These dispositions being made, General
Hurlbut announced the details of the disembarking of his division in
the following order:
HEAD QUARTERS, FOURTH DIVISION, }
March 17, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 4. }
The 1st and 3d Brigades of this Division, now at
Pittsburg Landing, will disembark as rapidly as
possible and form camps by brigades, the 1st Brigade
with the left resting on the road, and the 3d with
the right. In order to establish the lines without
confusion, the 1st Brigade will commence the movement
forming in brigade line right in front on the road.
On reaching the point designated by a staff officer
detailed for that purpose, the brigade will file right
into line perpendicular to the road. Regiments taking
positions according to the rank of their Colonels, from
right to left. The 3d Brigade will be formed on the
same road, left in front, and on reaching their line
will file left into brigade line on the extension of
the line of the 1st Brigade. Full room to the front
will be taken by these brigades so as to permit the
other troops to establish camps in their rear.
Tents will be pitched by the single file by the
companies. After the above line is established,
the brigades will stack arms and break by right of
companies for the 1st Brigade, and by left of companies
for the 3d Brigade to the rear, leaving an interval
of twenty-five paces from the color line to the first
company tent.
Proper details will then be made to bring up the
baggage and trains of the Regiments, and have but the
details allowed to leave the regimental grounds. The
transportation of each brigade will be used for this
purpose without reference to the Regiments under the
orders of the Brigade Quarter Master.
Thirty paces will be allowed between regiments, unless
the nature of the ground compels a wider interval.
Police and Regimental guards will be established before
the Brigades stack arms. Commanding officers will see
that sinks are established for their officers and men
at once.
Burrow's Battery will occupy ground between the two
Brigades, one-half with the 1st, and the other with the
3d. Mann's Battery, on the _Key West_ will drop over
to this side of the river as soon as the landing is
opened, and be assigned to cover the flank of the 3d
Brigade.
As fast as a boat is cleared of troops and baggage, it
will be reported to these Head Quarters and sent to
Savannah. The orders are to hold Pittsburg Landing and
the honorable post of exterior line in front is given
to this Division.
All officers are enjoined to give their strict personal
attention to discipline and drill in their respective
commands. Their attention is especially called to the
49th and 50th Articles of War, and they are notified
that they will be strictly enforced. Each Regiment will
clear its regimental ground for parade and drill, and
as soon as possible a rigid inspection will be made by
Brigade commanders.
The 3d Iowa will establish camp perpendicularly to the
line of the 1st Brigade, the right toward the river
along the brush. The _Empress_ and _Emerald_, having
commissary stores on board, will fix themselves at
some convenient points as soon as the rest of the
transportation is drawn off. The General commanding
will take Head-Quarters on shore as soon as the line is
established.
By order of Brig. Gen. S. A. Hurlbut,
SMITH D. ATKINS, A. A. A. G.
While the work preparatory to disembarking was going on, the men were
allowed to go ashore to cook their rations and wash their clothes.
Much curiosity was exhibited in examining the field of the recent
engagement. The bodies left on the field had been but slightly buried
by the enemy, and the graves were covered over with rails. While an
Illinois regiment was exhuming and reburying the bodies of their
fallen comrades, many soldiers crowded around to get a view of the
marred faces of the dead. And so great was the curiosity of some
young soldiers to see the bodies of men who had been slain in battle,
that a guard had to be placed over the graves of the enemy's dead to
prevent them from being again torn open.
The Fourth Division landed on the 17th, agreeably to General
Hurlbut's order, and the 3d Iowa took position on the bluff in rear
of the line. We drew new Sibley tents, and six were allowed to
the company. The ground was full of water; but our quarters were
commodious and contrasted delightfully with the filthy decks of
the Iatan. But sickness was already becoming alarmingly prevalent
among us. The confinement, bad diet, and bad air to which we had
been subject, had thinned our ranks and filled the hospital as much
as a hard fought battle. The water which we now had to drink was
brackish and sickening. It was furnished by surface springs, and was
the soakings of the roots of all the vegetation of the forest. Camp
diarrhoea was the prevailing malady. We had not been in camp a week
before there was scarcely a man who did not have it.
The Third Iowa was assigned by direction of Major General Grant,
to the 1st Brigade, Fourth Division, and Col. Williams, as ranking
officer, assumed command. The Brigade was composed of the Third Iowa,
the 32d Illinois, Col. John Logan, the 41st Illinois, Col. I. C.
Pugh, the 28th Illinois, Col. E. K. Johnson, and Burrow's Battery of
light guns. It was very fortunate for Col. Williams to be thus placed
in command of a brigade of such excellent troops, and his friends
are confident that if he had not been disabled early in the battle
of Shiloh, he would have silenced the accusations against him. Major
Stone was left in command of our regiment, Col. Scott being absent
on account of sickness. We twice changed our camp previous to the
battle, and when that event occurred, the 1st Brigade was camped
in proper order, the 3d Iowa on the extreme right. Beyond us were
the divisions of Sherman and Prentiss, and to our right those of
McClernand and Smith.
In the confusion of hills, ravines, and cross-roads, it was scarcely
possible for a casual observer to come to a definite conclusion as to
the topography of our camps. But he did not have to look twice at
that city of white tents in the solemn forest to be impressed with
the grandeur of the sight. As far as the eye could reach the hills
were covered with them. By day the roads were choked with baggage
wagons coming and going; the woods teemed with armed men; the air
was full of martial sounds. The noise of artillery firing on drill
with blank cartridges, joined to that of soldiers discharging their
pieces in the woods, at times almost counterfeited a battle. The
field music, bugles and bands were continually playing, and a steam
calliope on one of the transports seemed to catch up their notes and
repeat them to the distant hills.
Our spare tent was mostly occupied with drills and reviews. The
weather was much of the time rainy, and sickness and despondency
continued to increase. We had tidings that our arms were everywhere
successful, and yet we were in gloom. It almost seemed to us that we
were suffering to no purpose. In a week or ten days after our arrival
at Pittsburg Landing, the roads had dried up so as to be quite
passable. Why, then, did we not advance? The reason is obvious now.
Our delay had given the enemy time to concentrate at Corinth, and we
must now wait the arrival of Buell before resuming the offensive.
Ah! how nearly fatal was the delay! Our blunder in failing to deal
the enemy a a decisive blow when we had the opportunity is equaled
by that of allowing him the opportunity of dealing a decisive blow
against us. He was concentrating a large army within a few days'
march of us, with what design we were ignorant, whether merely to
arrest our further advance, or to march upon us and give us battle.
In the latter event our situation was a highly dangerous one. With an
impassable river immediately in our rear, and an impenetrable forest
on either flank, defeat would amount to no less than destruction
and capture. The soldiers themselves were not so stupid as not to
discern the peril to which we were exposed. Nevertheless, not even
the ordinary precautions were taken against it. The troops were not
camped in proper line of battle; reconnoissances were unfrequent and
unsatisfactory; picketing at the time of the attack was done only by
the infantry; and the picket line was but a short distance in front
of the line of advanced camps; and what was well nigh as bad, the
headquarters of the commanding general were at Savannah, eight miles
away. We had rumors that the enemy were evacuating Corinth, and again
that he was marching against us. Whatever we believed, we could not
deny that if the enemy expected to give us a decisive blow, he would
attempt it now. The evening before the battle, I observed a captain
talking with one of his men as they viewed from an eminence near
the Landing the camps of the army. Their observations on the danger
of our situation were very similar to those I have just made. Their
words were almost prophetic. For in twenty-four hours that army whose
camps they saw extending so widely and so beautifully, was rolled
back a broken mass upon the bluff, half of its artillery and most of
its material in the hands of the enemy, and with two hours more of
such disaster, would have been utterly destroyed or captured.
CHAPTER XV.
THE ENEMY'S RECONNOISSANCE, APRIL 4TH--THE ALARM 5TH
APRIL--THE BATTLE OF SHILOH--THE SOLDIER'S IMPRESSION
OF A BATTLE--STRAGGLERS AND THEIR SHAMEFUL CONDUCT--THE
DIFFERENT MOVEMENTS AND POSITIONS OF OUR DIVISION
AND BRIGADE IN THE BATTLE--APPEARANCE OF GENERAL
GRANT--GALLANT CHARGE AND REPULSE OF A REBEL BRIGADE.
On the evening of the 4th of April, while a heavy thunderstorm was
raging, we heard dull sounds in advance like the firing of infantry.
It was the 5th Ohio Cavalry encountering a reconnoitering force
of the enemy. These sounds created little alarm until, when both
they and the storm had ceased, the long-roll began to beat in the
different camps. But for some reason the drums of the Third Iowa were
silent, until General Hurlbut rode through our camp and impatiently
ordered them to beat. When the long-roll had ceased beating, there
arose a noise throughout the camps which sounded more like the ghost
of a battle than any thing to which it can be likened. It was the men
bursting caps to clear out the tubes of their guns. General Hurlbut
hurried his troops forward to the support of Sherman. The regiments
joined one after another in the column as they took the road. The mud
was deep, the artillery wheels sinking nearly to the hubs, and what
made it worse, it was already getting quite dark.
When we had advanced about three-quarters of a mile, General Hurlbut
received orders to turn back. This put the boys in great glee; for
we did not at all relish the idea of sleeping in the mud without
blankets, and we had no expectation of a fight. The dullest soldier
now found occasion to explode a little wit, and numerous and loud
were the jokes and retorts that passed from mouth to mouth, as the
column straggled through the deep mud. The general himself did not
escape being holloaed at ever and anon by some graceless wag. We went
to sleep that night without any apprehensions in consequence of the
alarm, although we had heard General Hurlbut say that the enemy was
either evacuating Corinth or moving against us; and that this cavalry
movement was either a feint to deceive us, or a reconnoissance to
discover our position.
The following day, all was quiet throughout the camps. No one seemed
to think of such a thing as the immediate presence of the enemy.
Several boats arrived loaded with troops, among which were the 16th
Iowa, 18th Wisconsin, and Madison's battery of siege guns. Madison's
men had been with us in Missouri, and we greeted them almost as
friends. These two infantry regiments were undrilled and had just
received their arms. They were sent forward to Prentiss in the
advance.
There were rumors among us that Buell had arrived at Savannah; but no
one seemed to feel certain that it was so. From the front there were
no tidings of any thing unusual--not an intimation of the nearness of
the enemy. Over all was settled a frightful calm. It was that which
indicates the gathering storm. Within an hour's march of us the enemy
was taking his positions for battle. What a whirlwind was preparing
for the morrow!
We have reached a day when history pauses and hesitates. It began in
astonishment and cloud and mystery. It developed into a tempest. It
ended in disaster and wreck. Officers and men alike it blinded. It is
doubtful whether the commanding general, once on the field, succeeded
in comprehending it. The soldier that fights in a battle neither
sees, hears nor understands it. It is a confusion, an infinitude
of noises, an earthquake of jarring multitudes. A man plunges into
it, and the fountains of his emotions are broken up. He endeavors
to hear and see and realize all that is taking place around him;
but his faculties recoil exhausted. The situation masters him. He
yields himself to it, and sees himself drifted on like a grain of
sand in a tornado. A thousand sights and sounds and emotions rush
upon him; but he does not comprehend them. Nevertheless there are
certain bold outlines that imprint themselves on his memory. When
the storm is over, he closes his eyes and senses to see again this
indistinguishable spectral train of terrible images. All reappear
before him,--lines of battle advancing and retreating, infantry
rushing, and batteries galloping to and fro;--over all, the smoke of
battle, as if endeavoring to shut out the gaze of Heaven, and amid
all a deafening crash of sounds, as if it were feared some higher
voice than man's would be heard forbidding.
But there are times in battle when the chaotic whole resolves
itself into definite shapes, some of which we see clearly. What we
see of the great tempest at these times, together with the myriad
rushing shapes of which we form no definite conception, form our
recollections of a great battle. He alone who views it at a distance
can be its historian. Those who participate in it can only contribute
items.
With us the battle of Shiloh was not a battle. It was merely a
resistance--a planless, stubborn resistance. After the first onset
of the enemy, which was to the whole army, if not to General Grant
himself, a complete surprise, the field was contested by our troops
with a heroism which will forever redound to their honor. Divisions,
brigades, regiments, men, fought recklessly, but no one could tell
how; such was the tumult without and within. Such was the obscurity
we can scarcely affirm with certainty what we believe we saw.
Facts confronted each other and became uncertainties; certainties
contradicted each other; impossibilities became certainties. This is
why history hesitates.
I do not undertake a general description of the battle of Shiloh.
I can only tell how the part of the conflict I saw appeared to me;
how my regiment went through it; what it did and what it attempted
to do. Beyond this, I can only sum up the general phases. Surprised
at seven, and our front line broken; reinforced and confident at
ten; stubborn at twelve; desperate at two; our lines crumbling away
at three; broken at four; routed and pulverized at five; at six,
rallying for a last desperate stand; at which time a third army
appears on the field and a new battle properly commences.
At about an hour of sun, while we were eating our breakfasts, vollies
of musketry were heard in advance. We remarked, "they are skirmishing
pretty sharply in front." By degrees the firing grew steadier and
nearer. "If," said we, "it is a reconnoissance of the enemy, it is
a bold one; for he is certainly pushing back our advanced troops."
Suddenly set in the noise of cannon--jar after jar--quicker and
quicker, announcing too truly that the enemy was attacking us in
force. Many instinctively buckled on their accoutrements and took
their guns. Others continued to manifest the utmost indifference,
and some laughed at the vollies which announced the slaughter of
comrades. These manifestations were counterfeits. They lied about
the real feelings within. A man may put on the outward appearance of
indifference or mirth; but when fortune begins to play freaks with
all he has or hopes for, he is seldom mirthful, never indifferent.
And now the long roll began to beat. The soldiers flew to their arms
and canteens, the officers to their swords and men, the wagoners to
their mules and wagons, the surgeons to their tools and ambulances,
the sutlers to their books and goods. Our regiment was promptly
formed and moved to the front and left. Passing the 32d Illinois
in line, we heard a field officer tell them that any one guilty of
straggling from the ranks should be court-martialed for cowardice and
shot. They cheered the announcement, and our voices loudly responded.
Meanwhile stragglers in wagons with wounded men, and in squads with
and without arms, began to pour down the road. To our questions
they answered that they had fought an hour without support(!); that
the enemy was in their camps; that their regiments were all cut to
pieces; to all of which ridiculous stories we paid no attention,
but passed on. About a mile in advance the battle was now raging
with fury. Our regiment moved by the flank, taking direction to the
southwest and diverging to the left from the main road on which we
had marched the previous Friday evening. We moved in this way through
tangled woods for perhaps half a mile, when we filed to the right
and shifted by the left flank into line, in which manner we advanced
perhaps a quarter of a mile. Among so many obstacles of logs, trees
and underbrush, it was impossible to move in line with any degree of
steadiness. Our line wavered, sometimes opening into great gaps, and
sometimes closing so as to crowd the men together into several ranks,
if indeed it can be said that we maintained any ranks at all. Before
leaving our camp we had been ordered to load. As soon as we began to
advance in line we were ordered to fix bayonets. This increased our
confusion, because it increased our expectations, and because it was
much more difficult to march through the thick brush with bayonets
fixed. At the same time, whose fault it was I do not know, we did not
have a skirmisher between us and the enemy.
We had not marched far this way before we met scattered stragglers
pouring through the woods. We at length halted, dressed our line,
and other regiments of the 1st Brigade formed on our left. At this
time a mass of stragglers hurried pell mell past our right, whom
a field officer was trying to rally. It proved to be what was left
of a regiment of Sherman's division, led, or rather followed, by a
lieutenant colonel. By mingled entreaties and threats he succeeded
in inducing a few of them to form and close up the interval between
our regiment and the one on our left. A sergeant of one of our
companies took occasion to speak depreciatingly of their courage; but
Major Stone rebuked him, telling him it was no time for crimination
now. The Major evidently believed as did most of his men, that the
situation was a precarious one, and that we, too, might be likewise
routed.
It is a literal fact that some of the regiments of Sherman's and
Prentiss' divisions were pulverized by the first onset of the enemy.
They fled through the woods in panic, like sheep pursued by wolves.
Neither commands, threats nor entreaties were of any avail to check
them. They could hear behind them the enemy's musketry and his
shout of triumph; but they could not see before them, the revolvers
presented to their breasts by their officers, who demanded of them
to turn back and face the enemy. Idle waste of words! Honor, glory,
country, liberty; defeat, captivity, humiliation, shame;--all were
alike to them. You shouted these words to them, but they did not
understand you. It was no time for them to think of such things now.
They had but one thought, to save themselves from the enemy's balls
and bayonets. Of all their hearts cherished, nothing was so dear to
them as their worthless carcasses. You shouted "coward!" "dastard!"
in their ears. They admitted it and rushed on. They had no colonels,
no captains, no country; no firesides, no honor, no future. What was
more discouraging than all, officers were sometimes seen to lead in
these shameless stampedes.
At this very time regiments and battalions were hurrying forward to
reinforce them and close up the breaches caused by their ignoble
flight. We could look back and see them coming. It was a glorious,
an all-cheering sight, battalion after battalion moving on in
splendid order, stemming the tide of these broken masses; not a man
straggling; regiments seeming to be animated by one soul. These were
the troops of the Fourth Division, and this was the splendid manner
in which their general led them against the enemy.
While in this position, where the First Brigade formed its first line
at half past eight in the morning, the enemy advanced his batteries
and began to shell us vigorously. Before us was a gentle ridge
covered with dense woods and brush. The enemy fired at random. We lay
flat on the ground and laughed at his shells exploding harmlessly in
the tops of the trees above us. Our regiment shifted position two or
three times here; but the whole brigade was soon ordered forward to
take a position in a cotton field where one of our batteries had been
planted. Beyond this field, we for the first time caught sight of the
enemy, his regiments with their red banners flashing in the morning
sun marching proudly and all undisturbed through the abandoned camps
of Prentiss. To him as suddenly appeared the 1st Brigade, widely
deployed upon the open field, the ground sloping toward him and not
a brush to conceal us from his view; a single blue line, compact
and firm, crowned with a hedge of sparkling bayonets, our flags and
banners flapping in the breeze; and in our center a battery of six
guns, whose dark mouths scowled defiance at him. The enemy's infantry
fronted toward us and stood. Ours kneeled and brought their pieces to
the ready. Thus for some moments the antagonists surveyed each other.
He was on the offensive; we on the defensive. We challenged him to
the assault; but he moved not. He was partly masked in the woods and
the smoothbore muskets of our regiment could not reach him. But a
regiment on the left of the brigade opened fire. The others followed,
and the fire was caught up and carried along the entire line. It was
some moments before our officers could make the men desist from the
useless waste of powder. The enemy's infantry did not reply; but
no sooner had our foolish firing ceased than one of his batteries,
completely masked, opened upon ours with canister. His first shots
took effect. Ours replied a few times, when its officers and men
disgracefully fled, leaving two guns in battery on the field.
Having driven off this battery, the enemy turned his guns upon the
infantry. But most of his discharges flew over our heads and rattled
harmlessly through the tops of the dry trees. He soon, however,
obtained our range more perfectly, and we began to suffer from his
fire. We were thus a target for his artillery, and could not at that
range give him an effective return. Major Stone protested against his
men being kept in a position where they were so uselessly exposed;
and soon after the brigade abandoned the field, our regiment taking
position to the right of it in front of the 17th Kentucky.
The other regiments formed in rear of the field. We were soon after
moved to the rear and placed in position in the third reserve line.
In this position we were more exposed to the enemy's artillery, his
shells passing over the advance lines and bursting frequently over
our heads, but generally far in our rear. Soon it was rumored down
the ranks that Colonel Williams was wounded. A solid shot had passed
through his horse in rear of his saddle, killing the animal and
stunning the Colonel so badly that he had to be taken to the rear.
Colonel Pugh, of the 41st Illinois, announced that he assumed command
of the brigade.
Meantime the battle rose with great fury to our right. The firing
grew into a deafening and incessant roar. For an hour we lay in this
position, listening to the exploding shells around us; to the noises
of battle to our right, and to reports that came in from different
parts of the field. The day now seemed to be everywhere going well.
It was ten o'clock. The battle had raged for three hours. But on
the left of the army the enemy was making no serious attempts; the
center, though furiously assailed, held its ground; and it was
reported that on the right we were driving the enemy.
About this time General Grant, with two or three staff officers, rode
up from the rear. We were about to raise a shout, but our officers
ordered us to be silent. An Illinois regiment in front of us cheered
lustily as he passed. The General's countenance wore an anxious look,
yet bore no evidence of excitement or trepidation. He rode leisurely
forward to the front line. We did not see him again till night, and
then he was on the bluffs near the river endeavoring to rally his
dispirited troops, and General Buell was with him.
About 11 o'clock, our regiment moved so far to the left that our
left wing rested behind the cotton field. Looking forward we could
see the two abandoned pieces. Side by side, like faithful comrades,
they faced the foe, as if ashamed to fly like the ignoble men who had
left them to their fate. But why were those guns left thus? We had
remained on the field some time after they were abandoned, and had
suffered little loss. After we had abandoned the field, volunteers
had gone forward and spiked them. Why then could they not have been
brought away? To see our cannon abandoned when the enemy could not
come and take them away, was discouraging enough. It was an enigma
which we did not wish to solve. Beyond the field we could now see the
enemy distinctly, and some of the time his movements were plain to
us. But he was beyond our range, and our officers would not allow us
to fire. This was an excellent position for artillery, the open field
affording free range and a fair view of the enemy to the right and
left as well as to the front. Our duty was now to support the several
batteries which were successively ordered to take position here,
and which were successively either ordered away or disabled by the
superior practice of the enemy. His artillery kept up a most vigorous
fire. The air was full of his screeching missiles, and his shells
burst over our heads continually. His canister reached us spent and
only capable of afflicting with bruises; his ordinary shells did
little mischief; his case shot had the most effect. But rapid as was
his firing, when lying down, we suffered comparatively little.
Meanwhile the battle commenced furiously immediately to the right
of the field and in front of the position from which we had just
moved. A fierce yell of the enemy mingled with the increasing din
of musketry announced the approach of his assailing columns. And
now, as though a thousand angry thunders were joining their voices,
the incessant jar grated horribly upon the ear, drowning all other
sounds. The discharge of our artillery could scarcely be heard. Dense
clouds of smoke lifted themselves above the combatants. We listened
breathless with expectation. Suddenly the firing ceased, and a wild
shout of triumph caught up by listening comrades, borne far along the
line, announced that the assault had been repulsed. And now in the
storm a few moments lull, and the assault was renewed with the same
fury as before and with the same result. And thus, after battering
those lines for two hours with his artillery, the enemy assailed them
for three hours with his infantry, his attacking columns withering
away each time before the well-directed fire of our heroic troops.
Nowhere on all the field of battle did the storm rage so fiercely.
Nowhere did the enemy assail and renew the assault with such rage,
and nowhere did our troops fight with such inspiring valor. Nor was
there a place on the field which after the battle showed so many
marks of conflict. At one point, where the underbrush was heavy,
it was for several rods around literally mowed down with rifle
balls. Saplings no larger than a man's wrist were struck as many as
seven times. The range of the balls seems to have been perfect, few
striking lower than two, or higher than five feet from the ground.
When it is known that this storm must have showered through the
ranks of living multitudes, was anything more needed to account for
the immense number of dead that strewed this part of the field. The
troops that held this part of our line were the 3d Brigade of the
Fourth Division, commanded by Gen. Lauman.
Thus we lay behind this open field silent spectators of the battle.
Mann's Missouri battery was in position on the left of our regiment,
and fired with great rapidity and effect. General Hurlbut twice rode
up and complimented them, and his words moved the gallant Dutchmen
to tears. At times during the conflict around us we could hear its
noise on the more distant parts of the field. As far as we could
hear beyond the 3d Brigade to our right, the firing grew more and
more irregular, and farther and farther to the rear, which told us
too well that our right and center were being crowded back. Men that
came from our regimental camp reported that most of the forenoon the
enemy's shells had been falling there, and that now, at noon, his
infantry was very near. The 2d Brigade of the 4th Division which
had been sent early in the morning to support Sherman near the
center had been broken by overwhelming numbers and driven from its
positions with great loss. Everywhere, except on the left, our line
had crumbled before the enemy. Now, let it be said to the honor of
the 4th Division, he had found his Farm of Hougomont. The 1st and
3d Brigades of Hurlbut and the 2d Brigade of Sherman, commanded by
Colonel Dave Stuart, had held this position unshaken since morning,
and the enemy's assaults had only served to multiply his dead.
At length he lost his reason in his baffled rage; and failing in
his repeated efforts to break the 3d Brigade, and thus propagate
on our left the disorder of the center, he undertook to carry the
cotton field and capture the annoying battalions behind it by direct
assault. A brigade leaped the fence, line after line, and formed
on the opposite side of the field. It was a splendid sight, those
men in the face of death closing and dressing their ranks, hedges
of bayonets gleaming above them, and their proud banners waving in
the breeze; our guns, shotted with canister, made great gaps in
their ranks, which rapidly closed, not a man faltering in his place.
And now their field officers waved their hats. A shout arose, and
that column, splendidly aligned, took the double quick and moved
on magnificently. We could not repress exclamations of admiration.
There is a grandeur in heroism, even when connected with a bad cause.
We could not hate those men. Were they committing a crime? They
had been educated to love what we hated. They could not advance so
splendidly upon death itself, and imagine it was for aught but a
noble cause. Nevertheless, it seemed to us like the wrong assaulting
the right--like the night advancing upon the day; dark and gloomy,
it is true, but with all the majesty of night. We saw the truth; we
pitied the event, but recognized the inexorable necessity of firing
upon those men. Our officers ordered us to reserve our fire and wait
for the word. On, on came their unwavering line. Not a man faltered;
not a gun they fired. Not a gap occurred, save where our canister
went plunging through, and these were speedily closed. Suddenly a
few rifles were heard in the 32d Illinois on our left, and a field
officer was seen to fall. And then all along our regimental line a
crash of muskets maintained in a steady roar, followed by a cloud
of blinding smoke, through which we could see nothing. We knew not
whether they stood or fell, halted, retreated, or advanced. We only
knew that their bullets at times rattled through the fence, and that
some of our men were shot. We continued to load and fire until our
officers ordered us to cease firing, and then it was not without much
difficulty that they could make us understand and obey them. When the
smoke cleared away, we saw what was left of this splendid brigade,
retreating in good order by the right flank, by which movement they
placed a hill between them and us. Singular enough, many muskets
again commenced firing. The enemy's dead and wounded lay so thickly
upon the field where his charge was first checked, that they looked
like a line of troops lying down to receive our fire. It was some
time before we could believe that such was not the case. When we saw
our victory, there went up an exultant shout. It was a moment of
ineffable joy to us. No one who has not felt it knows how a soldier
feels in such a moment of triumph. We had served ten months, and
marched and watched and fought, and suffered, and this was our first
victory. But that single moment was sufficient to compensate us for
all we had endured to gain it.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE ENEMY MASSING AGAINST THE LEFT--OUR SUCCESSFUL
STAND--RETREAT AND OUR SUCCESSIVE POSITIONS THEREIN--WE
FORM THE LEFT OF PRENTISS--HIS GALLANT CONDUCT AND
CAPTURE--CAPTURE OF MAJOR STONE--HE AND PRENTISS
VINDICATED--SCENE ON THE BLUFF--NIGHT AND BUELL--THE
CANNONADE--THE NIGHT.
Our triumph was but the beginning of disaster. From our position we
could see the enemy preparing a storm which was to sweep us from the
field. Regiment after regiment of his infantry filed along our front
beyond the field, and took position in front of Colonel Stuart's
brigade, which formed the extreme left of the line. Once or twice his
cavalry formed as if to charge us, and then disappeared. This was
probably an attempt to mask the movements of his other troops. It did
not succeed. We watched with harrowing expectations this masking of
his battalions on our left. We noticed, too, that toward the right
the firing had grown feeble and irregular. This told us that the
enemy was withdrawing troops from the right and concentrating them
against this part of the line, which was all that remained unbroken.
In the meantime would we be reinforced? We could hardly expect it;
for we knew that our other troops were broken and that there were no
reserves. Turning to ourselves we saw that we had already suffered
heavily. Our remaining guns were well nigh disabled, and much of our
infantry was _hors de combat_. And yet we saw that our only resource
was our own strength and courage. Everything seemed now at stake
and depending upon us,--life, honor, the salvation of the army and
perhaps the success of our cause. We looked the crisis in the face,
and every soldier seemed to resolve to meet it like a man. Most of
the 1st Brigade had been moved to the left to support the expected
point of attack. General Hurlbut was there to command the men in
person, and to inspire them by his brave example as he had already
done. Half of our regiment was moved to the left, but was not taken
beyond the end of the field.
At half past three o'clock, the enemy's infantry in a column of
several lines moved to the attack. From our position we could see
the immense mass sweeping through the half open woods. The spectacle
charmed even the dread it occasioned. At the same time his artillery,
strengthened by the arrival of additional batteries, began to fire
with greatly increased vigor, and his infantry renewed the battle
on the right of the field. Everywhere around us the storm began to
rage; shot, shell, grape, canister came howling and whistling through
our lines. The very trees seemed to protest against it. Missiles
flew everywhere. Lying on our faces we could not escape them. Our
artillery, the 2d Michigan battery, replied feebly but bravely. Their
horses were shot down and their men swept from their guns. We could
not but admire the heroic conduct of these men, and shudder to see
them fall. When we saw them go down before those terrible vollies,
horses, riders and gunners thrown upon each other, we forgot all
feelings but pity, thick as was the danger around us. Their battery
was finally disabled and compelled to withdraw into the woods. It
is impossible to depict this hour of conflict. All the noises of
battle commingled rose in a bewildering roar, and above all we could
hear the cries of the combatants as they joined, and the shouts of
multitudes, announcing a successful or an unsuccessful charge; for
we knew not whether these voices were of friends or foes. It was a
swift, anxious hour.
By four o'clock, the left was flanked and turned. Regiment after
regiment was successively broken from extreme left to right. An
enfilading battery opened upon us with canister. Their cartridges
exhausted in opposing the flanking fire, and mowed down by the
enfilading canister, our troops began to retreat in disorder through
the woods. General Hurlbut rode up to Major Stone, and said in a
calm, low tone, "I look to the 3d Iowa to retrieve the fortunes of
this field." Those who heard those memorable words will never forget
how the general looked then--a calm example of heroism amid those
thickening disasters. It was an occasion which called forth the
highest qualities of our natures, and told us who were men. Before
us the enemy's dead strewed thickly over the field, showed us what
discipline and courage could do. Above us the hissing and screaming
of missiles; around us the roar of battle rising louder and louder;
assailed in front and flank; the enemy to the left crowding our
fugitive troops and pressing furiously on our rear; the troops to
our right swept back; we beheld ourselves the left and the front of
the army--all of those five divisions that remained unshaken; and we
had heard the words of the General committing the fortunes of the
day to us. I would not write boastingly of my own regiment, nor in
the least disparage the conduct of the gallant men who had fought on
other parts of the field. That we still held this position was owing
not more to the fact that it had proven unassailable to the enemy's
infantry, than to the heroic conduct of the troops who had fought
immediately on our right and left. I do not on this account claim
for my comrades a degree of courage which others did not possess. I
merely state the fact, and challenge the successful contradiction of
those who have claimed the same honor for other regiments, that the
3d Iowa was the last regiment of the front line to retreat from the
position it first occupied.
Such was the situation around us at half past four in the afternoon.
Major Stone resolved not to disappoint the General, but to hold
the position at whatever hazard. Our line was withdrawn for better
protection a few rods from the fence. A part of the 2d Michigan
Battery, commanded by the gallant Lieutenant ----, was yet with us.
We were assailed by a concentrated fire of artillery,--a direct
fire from the front, a cross fire from the right, and an enfilading
fire from the left. General Hurlbut again rode up, explained to
Major Stone the situation, that his right was driven back and his
left broken, that it was the enemy's fault that our regiment was
not captured, and ordered the Major to take us to the rear. We
moved back about three hundred yards and again faced toward the
enemy. Here we came in contact with the enemy's infantry, pressing
confusedly on after the fugitive troops behind our left. We availed
ourselves of every shelter the ground afforded without breaking our
line, and engaged him at close range. We were yet almost equal to
a fresh regiment. He had not expected to meet such resistance. The
buckshot from our smoothbore muskets flew too thickly for him, and
he recoiled in astonishment. For a few moments the field was clear.
Looking forward to our old position, we beheld the enemy's hated flag
floating above the house behind which we had rested most of the day.
Meanwhile we replenished our cartridge-boxes with ammunition, which
had been previously brought up from the rear.
The enemy again advanced upon us. This regiment was the 22d Alabama.
We received it as we had done the others, at close range. They raised
their demoniac yell and pressed on at a charging step. They came
so near that our officers used their revolvers against them. But
like the others, they recoiled and retreated before our thick fire,
leaving us masters of the ground. The enemy subsequently acknowledged
that our range was here most perfect, and that this regiment was well
nigh destroyed in this attempt, and did not again participate in the
action either day.
But masses of troops now crowding past our right, forced us to
another retreat. We fell back about three hundred yards and again
faced toward the enemy, and re-formed our line. Major Stone, in
the absence of senior officers, had been for some time gallantly
fighting his own battle. General Prentiss was now to our right with
five regiments of Smith's division, endeavoring to hold the enemy
in check. He rode up to the Major and explained to him what he was
trying to do--to hold the enemy in check, if possible, till the army
could again form in the rear, or till night should put an end to
the battle. He asked the Major to assist him, and that our regiment
should become his left. The Major readily assented, and agreed to
obey his orders.
Here, then, if the spectacle of the field was appalling, it was
sublime. Six regiments disputing the field with the enemy's army, and
delaying his expected triumph. He crowded furiously on, assailing
us in front and flank, his soldiers howling with mingled exultation
and rage, their voices rising even above the din of battle. He no
longer came in lines nor in columns, but in confused masses, broken
in pursuit as our army had been in retreat. His missiles swept the
field in all directions. Our dead fell thickly. Our wounded streamed
to the rear. We no longer had lines of battle, but fought in squads
and clusters. The settling smoke obscured the vision. Comrades knew
not who stood or fell. All was confusion and chaos around us.
A mass of the enemy broke the regiment on our right and separated us
from Prentiss. We were again compelled to retreat. We fell back in
disorder, keeping up a brisk fire upon the enemy, who pressed on.
The Major before ordering the retreat had determined to make another
stand in front of our regimental camp, and make his command a nucleus
on which the broken troops of Prentiss might rally. Reaching this
position, he sent Adjutant Sessions to form the left, while he in
person undertook to form the right. The right was partially sheltered
by a hollow; the left was on high ground and completely exposed. From
the latter point we for the moment discerned the battle around us. To
our right and rear as far as the eye could reach, through the woods
and over the fields--at least a mile, our line of battle in full
retreat,--infantry, artillery, wagons, ambulances, all rushing to the
rear--a scene of confusion and dismay--an army degenerating into a
rout. In front of us, partly obscured in smoke, the enemy's assailing
infantry, while to our left and rear his multitudes were pouring
through the camp of the 41st Illinois, and hurrying to cut off our
retreat. In a few moments he would be full in our rear. It was no
time to hesitate now. We must run the gauntlet he had prepared for us
or be captured. We preferred to take the chances and run. The left
wing gave way and ran in disorder through our camp. Passing through
it, we saw to our late left, masses of the enemy very near, firing
rapidly and rushing towards us with frantic yells. On the other side,
led by a regiment well aligned, he was directing himself so as to cut
off our retreat. Between these two fires we were completely exposed
and suffered our greatest loss. At no time had we been exposed to
so thick a fire. More of our men fell within the lines of our own
regimental camp than anywhere else upon the field. Major Stone,
retreating last with the right wing, crossed the open space between
our camp and drill ground, and coming again into the woods, ran full
against a rebel regiment, and with a few men was captured. With the
exception of those who fell, the rest of our regiment escaped.
Soon after, General Prentiss retreating with the remainder of his
troops, came upon our camp ground, and looking forward, saw the
gap closed through which he had hoped to escape. Exposed to a
concentrated fire from all sides, his regiments completely broken,
there was no alternative but to surrender. The officer who received
the surrender of Major Stone, a major of a Tennessee regiment,
received also that of Gen. Prentiss. The regiments captured here were
the 8th, 12th, and 14th Iowa, and the 58th Illinois.
The capture of General Prentiss affords a most striking example of
the reward the most meritorious conduct may sometimes receive at the
hands of public opinion. Because he held the field with a handful of
troops, regardless of the number against him, and finally retreated,
not to escape danger, but, when he saw the enemy surrounding him, to
escape capture;--because he was thus willing to sacrifice himself,
if necessary, to hold the enemy in check and save the army, the
imputation of cowardice was cast upon him and the brave men who
were captured with him. His fault consisted alone in not knowing
when to retreat; theirs in obeying their general too well. The same
imputation was cast upon Major Stone, and used against him in the
late gubernatorial campaign in Iowa, by his political and personal
enemies. It is vain to say that a man exhibited a lack of courage in
a day of battle at its close, who, through all its storm from early
in the morning, had fought so bravely and so well;--and this, too,
because he was too tardy in retreat! But he has since triumphed
gloriously at Vicksburg, and in the hearts of the people of Iowa.
I have always believed that this effort of General Prentiss delayed
the enemy an hour, and prevented the capture of our army. It was
about five o'clock when he surrendered. A mile behind him, and near
the landing, the army was forming its last line of resistance. Toward
this one point the retreat had converged from all parts of the field.
Here the troops were crowded together in disorderly masses. Men were
separated from their colors, and mixed in inextricable confusion.
There were no longer any regiments, brigades or divisions. All was
an immense mob--a great rout, halting because it could retreat no
further. This was the grand army which yesterday surveyed itself so
proudly! To-night it looked at itself and was appalled. The stoutest
hearts sickened at the sight. Officers called upon their men to
rally, but they did not heed them. Every one seemed to think that
their commands did not apply to him. Men looked blankly into each
other's countenances, and read only their own dismay. But the delay
of the enemy gave time for reflection, and they began to realize
their situation. Behind them was an impassable river staying their
retreat. To plunge into it was ignominious death. Before was a
victorious foe, coming relentlessly on. To face towards him and fight
was, at least, to die with honor. Many began to be seized with this
heroic resolution.
During the day, Captain Madison had with great difficulty succeeded
in getting four of his siege guns into position on the bluffs. The
remnants of the broken regiments had halted and planted their colors
near them. Stragglers came up and joined them, and by degrees a line
of battle grew and extended itself to the right. Under the direction
of Colonel Webster, chief of staff to General Grant, about thirty
pieces of cannon were got into position along this line and opened
upon the enemy.
For some time we had noticed on the opposite side of the river a
signal flag and a battalion of cavalry. We heard a band of music
playing martial airs. A strange general was also seen riding with
Grant. It was he!--It was Buell! The news spread and was rumored
everywhere. "Take courage," our officers said. "We will hold them
till night; to-morrow Buell's army will be on the field, and we will
easily defeat them." Nevertheless, we had the gloomiest doubts. Would
his troops be here in time? It was an unheard-of thing in this war
for our generals to be in time to support each other. We were divided
between hopes and doubts, until Ammon's brigade of Nelson's division
marched up the hill.
But we were astonished beyond measure at the enemy. When there was no
longer anything to oppose him, he had halted. He had delayed an hour
when perseverance alone was necessary to make his victory complete.
When he could have seized the great prize almost without effort,
he declined to take it. He, too, hesitated at the turning point of
his destiny. It was his fatality and our salvation. But we did not
fully understand his situation. His troops had suffered terribly,
as the assailing party always does when the assailed fight bravely.
They had been broken in the pursuit well nigh as badly as we in the
rout. Many of his men had straggled from their colors and begun to
plunder our camps. Besides, General Prentiss had assured him that we
had fortifications near the river. These circumstances decided him to
re-form his lines before making the final assault. Before he could
accomplish this, night began to close upon the scene.
Nevertheless, his right wing was thrown forward to the river, and
moved down against us. But its advance was obstructed by an almost
impassable ravine, at which point the gunboats Tyler and Lexington
attacked it vigorously. At the same time Ammon confronted him
with his full battalions; and beyond him, behind our now blazing
batteries, a long blue line of infantry extended. The enemy halted
and limited himself to keeping up a furious cannonade. As if out of
respect to our brave men in front, his missiles almost invariably
passed over their heads and fell among the disgraceful stragglers in
the rear.
Here the scene was humiliating in the extreme. On the bottom below
the landing and in the ravines leading to it, were thousands of
stragglers belonging mostly to the regiments broken in the morning,
whom no efforts were available to rally. The enemy's shells burst
thick and fast among them. The transports not engaged in crossing
Buell's troops were compelled to anchor in the stream or tie to
the opposite bank, to prevent being loaded down by them and sunk.
Some plunged into the stream and were drowned, endeavoring to swim
across. Others swam the bayou which puts into the river below the
landing, and hid themselves in the woods beyond it.
A furious artillery duel, our gunboats and siege guns joining with
their hoarser voices, was kept up until night cast its welcome
shadows over the scene of horror. The moon rose and threw a ghastly
light upon the field. The roar of battle gave place to the dull
sounds of moving multitudes in front, and to the noise of transports
crossing and recrossing continually in the rear, save, when at
intervals from one of the gunboats, a jar of cannon, the noise of a
flying projectile, and far to the front, the crack of an exploding
shell, announced to the enemy that we were not yet wholly his.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE BATTLE ON MONDAY--DEFEAT OF THE ENEMY'S RIGHT
WING--FIRMNESS OF THE LEFT--GALLANT CONDUCT OF GEN.
HURLBUT--COL. JOHNSON IN COMMAND OF A PART OF OUR
DIVIDED BRIGADE--VICTORY--FLIGHT OF THE ENEMY AND
FAILURE TO PURSUE.
All night the troops of Buell continued to cross. Regiment after
regiment filed up the bluff, took position in line of battle, and
awaited the dawn of day. During the fore part of the night, a moist,
warm breeze blew from the south. About 10 P. M. the sky was overcast,
and there began a drizzling, uncomfortable rain. Nevertheless, the
soldiers, blanketless and weary, lay down and slept.
No one who has not experienced it knows with what a sleep a soldier
sleeps after a great battle. But ours was interrupted at regular
intervals by the jar of the gunboat howitzer, which had been ordered
to throw shells during the night to annoy the enemy. Thus awakened
and closing our eyes again to sleep, we saw in our brain-fever
all the terrible images of the day's battle--hedges of glittering
bayonets; blue masses swaying to and fro; and that last appalling
image, the army in retreat--gigantic even in ruin, sublime in its own
dismay. These images, flitting ghostlike and without effort through
our minds seemed to possess the reality of day. Could I have produced
them on canvas as I saw them in my mind that night, what a panorama
it would have been.
But the generals could not have slept, they were busy with the
preparations for the morning's battle. During the night two divisions
and a part of a third succeeded in getting across. Lines of battle
grew in the darkness and extended themselves over the hills. All
expected victory. The plan was an admirable one--to turn the enemy's
right and get possession of the Pittsburg and Corinth road, his only
line of retreat. But of this of course the men knew nothing. Buell's
men were as weary with marching as we with fighting, and all slept.
The day dawned. Our men arose and awaited the order to advance. The
enemy, too, began to form his lines of battle. To his soldiers,
who knew nothing of our being reinforced, our capture was expected
without difficulty. "We will have them by eight o'clock," said some.
Others thought we would hold out till nine and possibly later. Both
hosts were full of expectation. With what a shock, then, would they
join! Nevertheless the enemy formed his ranks slowly. His officers
had to use curses and threats to induce the men to move with
sufficient alacrity. Weary with yesterday's battle, added to their
previous fatigues, a stupor clung to their limbs which not even a
sense of their situation could dissipate.
Suddenly they heard the reports of rifles. Their pickets driven
in announced the advance of our troops. In a moment our infantry
confronted them. If the earth had sunk under their feet they could
not have been more stupified. Batteries mounted the crests of the
ridges and thundered at them. Lines of skirmishers appeared and
vanished, followed by full battalions advancing at a charge and
shouting victory! victory! It was not possible that the broken host
of yesterday had renewed its strength and were turning upon them. No,
Buell was on the field. They realized it immediately, expected the
worst, and determined to meet the shock like men.
The Fourth Division rested at this time on the bluffs as a reserve.
We listened with great impatience to the noise of battle on the
left, and to the frequent reports that came to us from that part of
the field. The firing rose and continued heavily for two or three
hours, growing the while more and more distant. The end of this
beginning is known. The enemy fought desperately, inflicting upon
us heavy loss, but he was forced back several miles, losing part of
his artillery. By nine o'clock his stragglers began to pace through
the woods towards Corinth, reporting Buell on the field and the day
lost. By twelve o'clock this part of his lines seems to have been
pushed nearly to Shiloh Springs, and crumbling and streaming through
the woods, is said to have left the field in rout. Why Buell did
not get possession of the Corinth road is more than the troops who
subsequently passed over this ground could understand. It must have
been owing to the stubborn resistance our attack met with on the
center and right. Here the battle rose as soon as it was well in
progress on the left, and raged heavily and with varying fortunes
until four o'clock in the afternoon.
About ten o'clock General Hurlbut was ordered to move forward his
division and reinforce the right. "Here," said the General, looking
at his fragments of battalions, "is what I am ordered to march
against the enemy." He then ordered the regiments to be counted. The
3d Iowa numbered one hundred and forty men, and First Lieutenant
George W. Crosley, as ranking officer, was in command. We moved by
the flank, the First Brigade in advance, and General Hurlbut and
Colonel Pugh at the head of the column. Thus this remnant of the
Fourth Division, gallant men whom nothing could dismay, led by a
general whom in one day they had learned to love, again moved forward
into the battle. Having advanced perhaps a mile, we came within range
of the enemy's shells, which fell in the rear of our line in this
part of the field with great rapidity. This firing fortunately did us
no damage. We reached the point we were ordered to support, and the
division was drawn up in front. The battle here raged heavily, and
the line in front of us which was engaged swayed to and fro.
To our right and rear, one of our batteries was engaged with one of
the enemy's, a short distance to our left and front. The duel they
kept up was rapid and revengeful. They fired shot and shell, which
flew directly over our heads and struck and burst behind us and
before us. A soldier in our ranks expressed the wonder whether the
battery on our right was ours or the enemy's. A voice from behind him
answered, "It is ours of course." Looking around us we saw General
Hurlbut, seated on his horse and smoking calmly. Such was the conduct
of this brave man. Whatever the danger, he kept constantly near his
line, inspiring us with his presence, and never omitting a word that
could encourage his meanest soldier.
In front of us we could catch glimpses of the battle. Regiments
advanced, disappeared in the thick woods, and came back in disorder.
It was a succession of successful and unsuccessful attacks. Now
fortune was with us, and now with the enemy. Behind all the Fourth
Division stood firmly, stayed the retreating battalions and held the
line. Through all, the enemy's battery held its position and kept up
its cannonade. Its shells seemed omnipresent. Its projectiles falling
far and near to right and left, scaling the tree tops or crashing
through their boughs, it seemed to overlook the field and talk to the
army's whole right wing.
General Hurlbut several times changed the disposition of his line as
circumstances seemed to dictate. A regiment retreating in confusion
by the flank, broke through it cutting it about the center of our
regiment. At this precise moment, Col. Pugh began to move the brigade
to the left. In the noise and confusion, the command was not heard
by those of the right, and one regiment thus separated from the
rest; nor was the movement known until the left of the brigade had
disappeared. This portion took position in the reserve line and
was not engaged during the day. The right of the brigade, however,
including about forty of our regiment with our colors, were to play a
very different part.
Col. Emory K. Johnson, of the 28th Illinois, assumed command, and
began immediately to advance the line. As it moved into more open
ground and discovered its length, it was evident he had command
of a greater part of the brigade. Having advanced a considerable
distance, the line halted and volunteer skirmishers were called
for. A sufficient number immediately went forward and when about a
hundred and fifty yards to the front, the line again advanced. The
skirmishers soon discovered the enemy moving by the left flank along
our front in the edge of a wide field. At the same time skirmishers
farther to the left reported him massing troops in that direction,
with the apparent design of flanking us. Col. Johnson immediately
took measures to meet this movement. He moved his line to the left
perhaps a quarter of a mile and then changed its direction to the
front.
Suddenly we confronted the enemy, standing in compact line of battle,
as if just dressed to begin an advance. We halted and both lines
began a vigorous and steady fire. On our part there was no swaying
nor straggling. It was a fair stand-up fight, the antagonists exposed
to view, and deliberately shooting each other down. The enemy must
have outnumbered us, for his right extended some distance beyond
our left. It was a splendid test of the _morale_ of the two forces.
Victory was with us. We had expended from twenty to thirty rounds of
ammunition, when the enemy's line gave way and ours followed at a
charge. We pushed him to the edge of a field, over which he fled in
disorder, suffering severely under our fire. A part of a battery fell
into our hands, around which dead men and horses lay thickly, showing
how severely it had suffered. The enemy, escaped across the field,
and began a feeble fire from the opposite side.
All at once our line was ordered to retreat. It fell back rapidly
and not without some disorder, and took position with the other
troops. I have never been able to ascertain why this retreat was
made. At the time it was commanded, the enemy's fire was so slight,
that without its being increased we could have easily crossed the
field. Neither part of our regiment was engaged during the remainder
of the day. Fresh troops went forward to reinforce the right, and
the battle raged with unvarying steadiness all along the line, the
enemy being gradually forced back till about four o'clock, when he
finally disappeared from the field, and the cavalry rode forward with
loud shouts to pursue. We who knew nothing of the ineffectiveness of
cavalry against infantry, and especially untrained cavalry, and on a
timbered field, expected them to perform prodigies in disorganizing
the retreating enemy. But when we learned they had only followed him
a short distance, picking up a few stragglers, "the man on the horse"
sunk profoundly low in our estimation. As it was, they doubtless did
all they could. Breckinridge's division covered the enemy's retreat,
and presented a strong front to them when they approached.
The soldiers now expected the order to pursue. It is now almost
useless to inquire why this was not done; but history will demand
to know why nearly two months of hardship and suffering, including
the recall of the army of the Mississippi from its theater of
successful operations, was required to force the evacuation of
Corinth, which might now have been accomplished by twenty-four
hours vigorous action. General Grant's apology for not pursuing the
enemy is expressed in his official report: "My force was too much
fatigued during two days hard fighting, and exposed in the open
air to a drenching rain during the intervening night, to pursue
immediately. Night closed in cloudy and with heavy rain, making
the roads impracticable for artillery by the next morning." This
statement admits of some qualification. None of Buell's army had been
engaged but one day; and of this but a part of Wood's Division, and
none of Thomas' had been engaged at all. The latter, though greatly
fatigued by the long and hurrying march they had made to reach the
scene of conflict, were eager to participate in the honors of the
occasion, and might have been advantageously used in the pursuit. At
least, were we not as able to pursue as the enemy to retreat? He had
suffered as much in fatigue as we, and proportionally far more in the
losses of the battle. He had marched against us expecting everything,
and had gained nothing but slaughter and defeat. His right wing
had left the field in rout. His whole army, conscious of our now
superior strength and of their utter inability to make a stand
against us, whatever the position they might take, was retreating
demoralized on a single road which defiled for twenty miles through
an almost uninterrupted forest, and which was now almost impassable
for his artillery and train. Before reaching Corinth his retreat
had degenerated into a rout, and his army had dissolved into a
disorganized and straggling multitude. If we may believe the
concurrent accounts of citizens, added to those of his own soldiers
whom we subsequently captured, such was their dismay, that a pursuit
conducted with ordinary skill and vigor, would have resulted in
immense captures of men and _materiel_. The enemy succeeded in
getting his artillery through to Corinth after the night's rain,
which General Grant avers made the road impassable for artillery. But
had this been the case, a successful pursuit could have been made
without doubt by infantry and cavalry alone. Who then shall say,
that, within the utmost scope of endurance, General Grant should not
have pursued as soon as the enemy retreated? The soldiers seemed to
think so, and murmured because it was not attempted.
Nevertheless, whole regiments dissolved into squads and scattered
over the field in search of their dead and wounded; and it was
not long before the entire field was covered with stragglers and
plunderers of the dead. To put a stop to this, the cavalry was
ordered to get up a panic among them. They rode frantically over the
field, circulating the report that the enemy's cavalry was upon them.
The effect was admirable. In a few minutes the panic communicated
itself to all parts of the field, and stragglers without number
poured through the woods toward the river like herds of frightened
brutes. No one could tell what he was running from. Each saw his
fellow straggler run and followed him, seized and mastered by an
indefinable, vague dread. At one point an officer, meeting a gang of
stragglers, advised them to congregate for their safety upon an open
field which was without a fence! The simpletons actually followed his
advice.
General Sherman pursued the enemy a short distance and returned.
The men of our regiment, after collecting their wounded and most of
their dead, assembled at our regimental camp. Through the energy and
prudence of Quartermaster Clark, during the forenoon of Monday, our
tents had been let down to the ground and our baggage hauled to the
landing. Thus the former were saved from being greatly injured by the
missiles of the battle, and the latter from capture by the enemy.
The baggage was not brought up till the next day. We divided and ate
a little food, put up our tents, and without covering lay down to
rest. With blankets for their shrouds our dead comrades lay near us.
Scattered over the field were thousands of wounded whose sufferings
we could not alleviate. Under ordinary circumstances it would seem
that men in this situation would scarcely wish to sleep at all. But
we slept a sound and joyous sleep.
All night it rained heavily and with scarcely a moment's
intermission. Storm, darkness and gloom--a fitting termination of
those two dreadful days.
CHAPTER XVIII.
A SURVEY OF THE FIELD--PLUNDERING THE DEAD--CIVILIANS
AND RELIC-SEEKERS--CONGRATULATORY ORDERS--CAMP ON A
FIELD OF GRAVES.
Drenched by the rain and without covering, the troops of Buell
had lain all night on the advance portions of the field in line
of battle. In the morning many of them began to discharge their
pieces to get the wet loads out of them. These reports caused great
consternation among the stragglers in their rear, who fled toward the
river firing their pieces as if to repeat the alarm. For some time
we did not heed these noises; but soon hosts of stragglers, most of
them armed, began to pour through our camp, reporting that the enemy
was renewing the attack. Our teamsters began to hitch up their mules;
our sutler gathered up his books and commenced a retreat toward the
landing. In a moment our regiment was in line. Captain Smith was
in command. We joined the 32d Illinois on our left and stretched
our line across the road which ran between their camp and ours,
thus intercepting the terror-stricken herd that poured down it, and
compelling them to take positions in our ranks. We stacked arms and
broke ranks as soon as the panic had subsided.
During the afternoon, I yielded to curiosity, and with some comrades
took a stroll over the field. From our extreme front camps to the
river, and for three or four miles to right and left, the dead were
everywhere to be found. Upon the crests of certain hills, in camps
and in open fields they lay more thickly than elsewhere. One could
discern with unmistakable certainty on what parts of the field the
battle had raged with greatest fury. Nowhere did the enemy's dead lay
so thickly as on the open field behind which the First Brigade of the
Fourth Division had fought on Sunday, and nowhere did our own dead
lay so thickly as at certain points to the right and left of it.
Soldiers were scattered everywhere over the field, some prompted by
curiosity, some by a desire to revisit some particular spot where his
regiment had fought and suffered, where some dear comrade had fallen,
or where he had witnessed while it was taking place, some particular
feature of the battle, and some by a desire to plunder the dead.
For ourselves, we paid particular attention to the position our
regiment had held for five hours on Sunday. "Here," said we, "we
repulsed the charge on the field and piled up the enemy's dead. Here
Mann's Battery engaged the enemy; here we supported the steel guns
and here the 2d Michigan. And what a storm was here! And here was our
first, and here our second position in retreat; and here we made our
last stand, and then----".
The dead presented every possible appearance. Some of them looked
calm and natural as if taking a quiet sleep; not a mark of any
emotion; not a distorted line in their features. It did not
seem possible that these men could have fallen in battle. Other
countenances exhibited traces of rage; others of fear. One rebel
lay dead holding a cartridge in his teeth. We noticed that the
countenances of our own dead seemed much more natural than those of
the enemy.
As to the appearance of the wounds which caused death, no general
idea can be given. Some did not seem to be wounded at all, but only
asleep. There were no traces of violence or injury upon them, except,
perhaps, the hair in a particular place would be clotted with blood.
Under it, a buckshot had perhaps penetrated the skull. Many were shot
in the face, and showed a ball hole under the eye or on either cheek,
and a pool of clotted blood under the head. Many were shot in the
chest and abdomen. Their bodies were swelled enormously, and a watery
liquid bubbled and gurgled from their wounds. Some of their eyes
were closed. Others lay on their backs, staring an unearthly stare,
as though the light of a strange world were breaking on them. Some
bore evidences of having expired in great agony, and looked sickening
in the extreme. Their eyes were grim, their faces yellow and their
mouths filled with foam. Other bodies were torn to pieces, as if by
the explosion of a percussion shell. Others were disembowelled by
canister, and beheaded, unlimbed and cut in two with solid shot.
Less than a mile from the landing, five of the enemy's dead lay in a
row behind a tree. They were evidently killed by the same missile.
The skull of the first was torn open on one side; the second was
struck in the neck, the third in the chest, and so on, as though a
descending shell had struck them while standing behind the tree in a
row. Near them were two other bodies which bore evidence of having
been killed by an exploding shell.
After surveying the field and its multitude of dead, I returned,
sickened, depressed, and disgusted with all things. Was it possible
that such masses of corruption had been the dwelling places of
immortal souls? Could spirits inhabit such foul tenements, and then
fly to the stars? Such were the temples in which the images of God
were appointed to dwell,--beautiful, it may be, when whole; but
when broken, how monstrous! I hated myself because I was flesh and
blood. I could have killed myself, had it not been for the thought
of becoming like them. I was equally disgusted with war, with peace,
with life. I hated peace; for looking back upon it, it seemed
cowardly. I hated war; for it was a work of destruction. It was
against life, that is to say, against God. I hated life; because it
was a scene either of war or of peace. For a while it seemed to me as
though men were made only to play a little, worthless game, and then
sink into nothingness. To such an extent were my feelings depressed,
while contemplating this sickening scene of horror.
After the battle came the sad duty of caring for the wounded and
burying the dead. Late as Tuesday evening we saw ambulances bringing
in the wounded; and Thursday night many of the dead were unburied.
It must not be supposed that our army thus neglected its own dead.
It was the first duty with the men of the Third Iowa to bury their
dead comrades. It was done as well as circumstances would permit, and
head-boards were placed at the graves with suitable inscriptions.
How the wounded were cared for, they and their attendants best can
tell. They were placed upon hospital boats, and sent as rapidly as
possible to northern hospitals. Fatigue parties were detailed to bury
the enemy's dead. After the first day after the battle, this duty
was anything but agreeable. Immense pits were dug where the dead
lay thickest, to which the bodies were dragged by means of horses
and then thrown in and buried. Thus were the heroes rewarded with
nameless graves. But as they had been comrades in peril, they were
now comrades in their last resting-place. To some of these graves our
soldiers had placed head-boards. I noticed one with an inscription
like this:--
FOURTEEN DEAD REBELS,
KILLED APRIL 6TH AND 7TH,
1862.
On the cotton field where we had fought on Sunday, it was said that
one hundred and thirty had been buried in one of these pits. Most
of our regiments buried their dead by themselves, thus forming a
little regimental cemetery, around which they built an enclosure. The
tardiness and carelessness with which the enemy's dead were buried
was a disgrace to our army. Wednesday afternoon, I saw putrid corpses
lying upon an open field within ten rods of General Nelson's tent,
and in plain view of it.
There were more men ready to engage in plundering the dead, than
voluntarily to assist in burying them;--hyenas in uniform; vermin
who creep over the field of battle by night and rifle the pockets of
the slain,--who pull the boots from their feet, and cut off their
fingers for the rings that are on them; birds of prey too despicable
to be classed with buzzards,--who are too cowardly to pursue living
game; but who skulk in the rear in battle, and when it is over, go
forth and plunder alike friend and foe, whose arms can no longer
strike, and whose voices can no longer rebuke them. Crawling over
the field by night; skulking through the woods by day; when you meet
them they tell you they are in search of dead or wounded comrades;
they entertain you with tales of their own marvelous exploits in the
battle. But if you watch them, it will not be many days before they
will have "trophies" to exhibit,--swords, money, watches, jewelry.
There is but one way to deal with such persons. To give them trial
by court martial, is to insult discipline and to abuse the service.
Mounted patrols should be detailed to scour the field after a battle,
and should shoot without questioning whoever is caught plundering the
dead. I do not mean to say that valuable property should be buried
with dead men. But the dead should be collected and buried in the
usual way, and their effects retained or disposed of by the proper
officers for the benefit of the Government.
After a lapse of a few days, an army of civilians appeared on the
field;--men who had come in search of missing friends, or to care
for wounded ones,--agents of Sanitary Commissions sent to nurse
the wounded, and having charge of stores for their benefit, who,
according to report, lived upon the stores and spent their time
rambling over the field in search of relics and gratifying curiosity.
They permeated the woods like a host of locusts. It was the especial
delight of the boys to impose upon them. A soldier would cut a small
stick, shoot two or three holes in it from his revolver, and sell
it to one of them for a dollar as a cane cut from the battle-field.
A soldier found an old, rusty, musician's sword, and sold it to a
civilian for ten dollars, stating that he had captured it from a
rebel officer! Many such tricks were practiced both to our amusement
and profit.
The battle changed materially the _morale_ of the army. It had
diminished our inclination to boast. If it had not taught us to
respect ourselves less, it had taught us to respect our enemies more.
It diminished our confidence in General Grant, and greatly increased
it in General Hurlbut. From the former, a general without experience
and an army equally so, it is true we could not reasonably expect
more than tolerable management. But he had allowed an immense army to
march upon him and surprise him, and that surprise had entailed upon
us defeat, and, to a certain degree, dishonor. The conduct of the
latter won our unbounded admiration. We had expected nothing of him;
he had done everything for us. If the country did not know it, we
nevertheless felt it--that the Fourth Division under his leadership
had covered itself with glory.
On Sunday the enemy had beaten us by superiority of numbers, by
having his plans laid and his dispositions for the battle made
without our knowledge, and without any interruption from us, and,
finally, by the advantage gained in the attack being a complete
surprise to us. Of these, his advantage in superiority of numbers is
the only one that has been questioned. The most moderate estimates
from the enemy's side have placed his force at about forty thousand.
No one who knows that our army was so much reduced by sickness and
other causes that not more than half the men borne on its rolls were
available for the line of battle, will believe that we had more
than thirty thousand actually engaged. I have no doubt, that in
the afternoon the enemy opposed us on the left with two to one. We
believed that this battle had demonstrated the superiority of the
enemy's generals; but at least the equal bravery of our own troops.
His prisoners admitted that they had not imagined we would fight so
well. We told them in reply that we were all Americans, the only
difference between us being of ideas and education. If we were to
believe what the newspapers at home said of us, we were both heroes
and cowards. We knew that if we had achieved nothing splendid, we
were at least victors. Though we knew that we had not won much glory,
we felt that we had merited much more than we had won. On the whole,
we were disposed to rejoice, not so much on account of the bare
victory we had gained, as that the army had escaped, though narrowly,
from the utter ruin which hung over it.
Finally, the following orders of thanks and congratulation came, the
two latter of which, and particularly the one of Governor Andrew,
brought tears to the eyes of stout soldiers as they were read on
parade:--
HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI, }
PITTSBURGH, Tenn., April 15th, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 16. }
The Major General commanding the Department thanks
Major Generals Grant and Buell, and the officers and
men of their respective commands, for the bravery and
endurance with which they sustained the general attacks
of the enemy on the sixth, and for the heroic manner
in which, on the seventh, they defeated and routed the
whole rebel army. The soldiers of the West have added
new laurels to those which they had already won on
numerous fields.
While congratulating the troops on their glorious
success, the General commanding desires to enjoin
upon all officers and men the necessity of greater
discipline and order. These are as essential to the
success as to the health of the army, and without them
we can not long expect to be victorious; but with them
we can march forward to new fields of honor and glory,
till this wicked rebellion is completely crushed out,
and peace returned to our country.
By command of Major General Halleck,
(Signed) N. H. MCLEAN, A. A. G.
HEADQUARTERS, DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }
April 10th, 1863. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 34. }
The General commanding congratulates the troops who so
gallantly sustained the attack, repulsed and routed a
numerically superior force of the enemy, composed of
the flower of the Southern army, and fought by them
with all the desperation of despair. In numbers engaged
no such contest ever took place on this continent. In
importance of result, but few such battles have taken
place in the world.
Whilst congratulating the brave and gallant soldiers,
it becomes the especial duty of the General commanding
to make mention of the brave wounded and those
killed on the field. Whilst they leave friends and
relatives to mourn their loss, they have won a nation's
gratitude, and undying laurels, not to be forgotten by
future generations, who shall enjoy the blessings of
the best Government the sun ever shone upon, preserved
by their valor.
By command of Major General Grant,
(Signed) JOHN A. RAWLINS, A. A. G.
HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI, }
CAMP PITTSBURGH LANDING, April 19th, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 17. }
The following General Order of the Governor
and Commander-in Chief of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, has been received and is published to
the Military and Naval forces of this Department:--
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, }
HEADQUARTERS, BOSTON, April 10th, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 6. }
In honor of the most signal victories recently won
by the soldiers of the Union in the Department
commanded by Major General Halleck, under the immediate
leadership of Major Generals Pope, Grant and Buell, and
by the sailors and marines commanded by Flag Officer A.
H. Foote, and as a humble expression of the grateful
joy with which the splendid results of the heroic
valor, energy and good conduct of these commanders,
their officers and men, is received by their brethren
and fellow citizens of Massachusetts, it is ordered
by the Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Militia
of Massachusetts, that a salute of one hundred guns
be fired on Boston Common, to-morrow, the 11th day of
April current at noon.
Not even the cannon's mouth can loudly enough
proclaim the debt which our country, human liberty,
and civilization itself, owe to those noble men of
the West, who have met the angriest torrents of the
rebellion, and rolled its waves back upon its depths.
The heart of every son of Massachusetts leaps to salute
them and do them homage.
Major General Andrew, commanding First Division, is
charged with the execution of this order.
By command of His Excellency John A. Andrew,
Governor and Commander in Chief.
WILLIAM SCHOULDER, Adjutant General.
By command of Major General Halleck,
N. H. MCLEAN, A. A. G.
HEADQUARTERS FOURTH DIVISION, }
PITTSBURGH, Tenn., April 9th, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 20. }
The General commanding tenders his heartfelt gratitude
to the surviving officers and men of this Division, for
their magnificent service during the two days struggle
which under the blessing of God has terminated in
victory.
Let this Division remember that for five hours on
Sunday, it held under the most terrific fire, the key
point of the left of the army, and only fell back when
flanked by overwhelming masses pressing through points
abandoned by our supports. Let them remember that when
they fell back it was in order, and that the last line
of resistance in rear of the heavy guns was formed by
this Division. Let them remember that on the morning
of Monday, without food and without sleep, they were
ordered forward to reinforce the right; and that
where-ever either brigade of this division appeared
on the field, they were in time to support broken
flanks and hold the line. Keep these facts before your
memories to hand down to your children when we conquer
a peace, and let it be the chief pride of every man of
this command, as it is of your General, that he was at
Pittsburgh with the Fighting Fourth Division.
By order of Brigadier General Hurlbut,
SMITH D. ATKINS, A. A. G.
But when we looked through the ranks of our regiment and surveyed
our losses, there was left us little room for joy or congratulation.
Of the four hundred and fifty who had marched into the battle under
our flag on Monday morning, twenty-eight were killed, and over two
hundred were killed, wounded and missing. Of our officers, Stone
was captured; Hobbs was killed; O'Niel, Knight, Merrill and Wayne
were wounded and captured; and Trumbull, Ogg, Weiser, Tullis and
Hammill were wounded. In addition to this, Williams, whom we claimed
was disabled while commanding the brigade, and while doing his duty
bravely and well. Many regiments of the different divisions had
suffered as much, and some perhaps more than ours. It was a poor
satisfaction that the enemy's dead outnumbered our own. The only joy
we could derive from a knowledge of his sufferings was that it would
diminish his strength for the next battle. The field attested that
his killed outnumbered ours by at least one-third. But his prisoners
in our hands asserted that their dead in proportion to their wounded
was unusually large. When both sides of the question shall have been
fully heard in reference to this great battle, it will be believed
that the aggregate losses of the two contending forces were very
nearly equal.[1]
Adding together our own and the enemy's dead, and including those
who died of wounds and disease, at least four thousand men were
buried on the field of Shiloh. And here, breathing a foul atmosphere,
drinking a sickening water, and surrounded by loathsome and gloomy
associations, we remained for three weeks--in camp on a field of
graves.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] I have been unable to obtain the official report of this battle
by our regimental commander, and through fear of making invidious
comparisons, have refrained from mentioning the names of certain
officers and men whose bravery was especially conspicuous. Among
these, Trumbull, Knight, Crossley and Lakin sustained in a splendid
manner on the first day's field, the reputation they had won at
Blue Mills. Lieutenant Crossley was called to command the regiment
late in the afternoon of Sunday, and from that time till Monday,
did his duty with a degree of heroism which merits the life-long,
honored gratitude of every member of our regiment. He rose with every
occasion; and amid the severest shocks, and heaviest disasters, no
one seemed so capable of inspiring men as he. Trumbull acted as field
officer, and was conspicuous for his cool gallantry till in the
afternoon of Sunday, when he was wounded by a shell and compelled to
quit the field. Sergeant Lakin bore the colors the first day with a
bravery nowhere surpassed; but during the night he was taken severely
ill, and was unable to carry them the second day. In his absence
Corporal Anderson Edwards filled his place in a manner which can not
be too highly praised.
CHAPTER XIX.
PREPARATIONS TO ADVANCE ON CORINTH--MORALE OF
ARMY AND SANITARY CONDITION--ADVANCE TO SHILOH
SPRINGS--INSPECTION BY GENERAL J----ADVANCE TO PEA
RIDGE--GOV. YATES--PICKET SKIRMISHING--BATTLE OF
RUSSELLVILLE HOUSE--ARRIVAL OF COL. SCOTT--A NIGHT ON
PICKET IN THE FACE OF THE ENEMY--THE EVACUATION AND
OCCUPATION OF CORINTH.
Meanwhile the enemy entrenched at Corinth; Gen. Halleck arrived at
Pittsburg Landing and assumed command of the army in person, and
preparations were made for an advance. The troops of the two corps
moved out and camped in line, Buell to the left of Grant. The Army
of the Mississippi, called from its operations before Fort Randolph
to reinforce us, disembarked at Hamburg and took post as the left
corps of the army, thus throwing Buell in the center and Grant on
the right. Grant was second, Buell third in command. McClernand and
Wallace's divisions were detached as the reserve of the army under
McClernand. Immense supplies were collected, and large quantities
of clothing were issued to the troops. Those of the sick, who, in
the opinion of the medical officers, would not be fit for duty in
thirty days, were sent to the hospital boats and thence to northern
hospitals. Fatigue parties under commissioned officers were detailed
each day to repair and construct roads in the rear of the army.
The sanitary condition of the army was anything but flattering.
Of our own regiment which, so far as we could hear, was a type of
all the rest, very few were even in tolerable health. Fevers and
camp diarrhoea filled the hospitals to overflowing; the sick lists
increased rapidly; and the great extent to which the army was
weakened in numbers by sickness, became a just source of alarm. It
became painfully evident, too, that its _morale_ was being greatly
impaired by the same cause. For disease weakens the mind as well
as the body; lingering, obtuse pains bring on a state of settled
melancholy; the approaching heats of summer afforded no hope of an
improvement in our sanitary condition; and, besides, we were beyond
the reach of home comforts and the ministrations of bosom friends.
It will not be surprising, then, that many good soldiers were
possessed of a _homesickness_--a desire to be sent home on furlough
or discharged, that amounted almost to a mania.
But if the troops were not buoyant in spirit, they were nevertheless
determined. A beaten enemy was before us; we knew the responsibility
upon us; and with what expectations the country looked to us; we
had no reason to distrust the capacity of our commanding general.
Under such circumstances, cravens would scarcely wish to turn back.
In addition to this, it is plain to all that there was a spirit of
rivalry between the army of the Tennessee and that of the Ohio. The
latter army had come upon the field of Shiloh as a reinforcement,
and had surprised and assisted in defeating an exhausted enemy; and
for this, popular opinion at the North, forgetting Donelson and the
bloody struggle of April 6th, inquiring not into causes, but looking
only at results, had, with a degree of stupidity and injustice to
which the age affords no parallel, awarded to them the greater share
of glory. The army of the Tennessee, from its highest officers to its
meanest soldiers, felt the slight most keenly, and resolved to equal
at Corinth, with their decimated battalions, all that Buell could
do with his full ones. The army of the Tennessee, having suffered
reverses and finally triumphed in two great battles, had learned well
the character of its foes, and that nothing could be achieved over
them except by steady and persistent bravery. They knew their enemy,
and how to fight him. They had already become veterans. The same may
be said to a certain extent of the army of the Ohio. Those of this
army who had not been engaged at Shiloh, together with the army of
the Mississippi, which, without a test of its valor, had accomplished
by endurance and the skill of its leader alone, by far the most
brilliant exploit of the war, longed to win for themselves that which
the other troops of the army possessed, the glory which alone is won
in battle; and hence, though perhaps less reliable and much more
enthusiastic, they welcomed the expected conflict with joy.
Near the middle of April, Grant and Buell moved out and camped in
line. Toward the end of the month the general advance commenced. Let
us now dismiss our observations concerning the army, the great whole
of which, we, the Third Iowa, were but a little part, and turn to our
regiment, brigade and division; for here we were at home and among
comrades, now scarcely less in our regiment than in our division,
where all followed and had faith in a common leader, and had a common
glory won and to win.
Captain Smith was in command of our regiment. The Third Brigade had
been discontinued, and General Lauman was assigned to the command of
the First Brigade.
April 24th, the division broke up camp and moved forward to Shiloh
Springs, where it camped with McClernand on its right, Sherman on
its left, and Wallace in the rear. The camp of our regiment was on a
beautiful open field, a quarter of a mile to the rear of the Springs.
We found here in a block house a rebel hospital, and near our camp
the brush and saplings were cut down so as to form a sort of abattis.
This had been done by the enemy in his retreat. The improvement in
air and water, scenery and associations, rendered our change of camp
highly beneficial.
Here for the first time since landing at Pittsburg we began to do
picket duty. This duty was no unimportant part of the details of the
advance upon Corinth. Each division picketed its own front under a
division picket officer. Our brigade furnished each day for picket
150 men with the proper complement of officers. The picket line was
here about a mile and a half in advance of the camps. Our infantry
picket line, unless circumstances determined otherwise, was aimed to
be disposed as follows: One half in reserve; the other half in a line
composed of squads of six men each under a non-commissioned officer,
one hundred and fifty yards in advance of the reserves. Each of
these squads was divided into three reliefs of two men each, and a
chain of sentries, two at a post, stationary and as much as possible
concealed from view, was kept up still in advance. Beyond all on
the roads were the cavalry videttes. Here, though the picketing was
sometimes badly, and even shamefully performed through the negligence
of officers, we were learning for the first time since being in the
service to do picket duty well. Our picket line thus admirably formed
was a complete safeguard against surprise, and was so strong that
it would have resisted the enemy long enough for the troops in the
rear to form line of battle before being attacked. A similar picket
line before the battle of Shiloh would have done much to prevent
the disastrous surprise of Sunday morning. It was estimated that
throughout the army not less than ten thousand men were detailed for
picket duty each day.
The degree of pleasure we took in this work depended greatly upon
circumstances--the officers in command, the character of the country
where we were posted, the state of the weather, and the degree of
vigilance necessary to be kept up. I have a vivid recollection
of a day on picket in front of Shiloh Springs. Capt. Wright, 53d
Illinois, was picket officer for the brigade that day. He posted
the men admirably; he impressed upon them by words and manner the
responsibility of the position, and maintained throughout the
entire tour a degree of vigilance which it was really a lesson to
contemplate. Not a man even in the brigade reserve was allowed
to take off his accoutrements or sleep day or night. It was a
delightful day, a soft breeze blowing and the sun warm. Nothing of
the offensive effluvia of the camps; but the woods all fragrant and
green and unmangled by the axes of soldiers. None of the constant
and wearisome clamor of voices as in the camps; but a quiet siesta
under the shady oaks, breathing the sweet air, and hearing only the
birds, and the distant bands discoursing martial airs. During the
day the detail from the 3d Iowa was in reserve. We were allowed to
kindle in a hollow a small fire over which to cook our coffee and
fry our bacon. We had long since learned to ask for nothing better
than pilot bread, and that a piece of meat broiled on a stick or in
the ashes, is as sweet as when cooked in a pan. One or two unlucky
porkers strayed close to us, and were covertly put out of the way.
Of course the good old captain was sure not to know how we got the
fresh meat we had for dinner. Could we be blamed for that?--we who
so long had tasted nothing better than salt bacon and hard crackers?
Certainly not. The old captain, whatever his suspicions might have
been, did not object to a slice himself. Toward evening, our good
friend, General Hurlbut, always ready to give us good news when it
came, but never particular about publishing any that was bad, sent
an orderly to read to us a dispatch that Farragut had captured New
Orleans. We were not allowed to cheer, but it seemed as though there
would no end to our rejoicing. So great was our joy that we endured
almost with a gusto the drenching rain that set in about dark, when
we took position in the advanced line. Still we could have rejoiced
full as well in our dry tents. For in Tennessee "when it rains it
pours." The air is full of rain. The clouds break away until you
can see the stars through them, and still it rains. But to-night the
clouds nowhere broke away, but hung over us, the rain pouring down
without interruption till gray morning. Of course we were not allowed
to kindle fires in the night, especially upon the advanced line. We
had no artificial shelters, and were compelled to stand up and--let
it rain. At daylight we were relieved and put in reserve, and at ten
o'clock the new guard marched up, and we returned to camp.
April 27th, the 1st Brigade was reviewed and inspected by Brig. Gen.
J----, Inspector General for the Army of the West. This officer was a
model in his way. His dress and horse equipments looked splendid. He
looked altogether out of place. It was the parade general, gorgeously
dressed, without a speck of dirt upon his horse or uniform. His
almost beardless face white and delicate as though he had been raised
in a bandbox, coming among a host of sunburnt soldiers on active
duty, whose guns were rusty on the outside from exposure in constant
rains, and whose single suit of clothing, greasy from handling and
cooking rations, and dirty from wading and sleeping in the mud, fell
far short of his standard of soldierly appearance. His look, so
imperious and haughty, was sufficient to set us to hating him from
the first. We could not but observe that he never turned his head,
but only his eyes, to look at us, and that when our colors passed
him in review, he did not uncover his head as our own generals were
wont to do, but only slightly lifted his hat. Still he went through
his work with a rapidity and precision which astonished us, and left
upon us the impression that he was a valuable officer to the service,
and an extraordinary man in his way.
April 30th, we had just finished our monthly inspection, when orders
came for the division to advance. Leaving our sick behind and taking
all our baggage, we moved on the main Corinth road about five miles
to the southwest. We passed on the way wagons, caissons, knapsacks,
clothing, and other evidences of the enemy's retreat. We also passed
a dilapidated log building house, and near it a deserted rebel camp,
full of tents, destroyed commissary stores, clothing, and camp
equipage, everything indicating a hasty evacuation. We camped on what
is known as Pea Ridge, a high backbone of country, four miles from
Shiloh Springs and nine from Pittsburg Landing. From this commanding
eminence we could look around us over a wide space of country. The
whole army was advancing in columns, moving upon different roads.
The hour of expected bloody work was drawing nigh. Sherman with the
5th Division had the honor of forming the right of the army. With
twelve regiments of infantry and one of cavalry he had the enormous
complement of nine batteries of artillery. He was now camped on the
Corinth road a short distance beyond us, while McClernand and Wallace
were about two miles in our rear.
Our camp was dry and airy, and the water was passable. We constructed
ovens of clay; for a part of our bread ration was now drawn in flour,
and it took us some time to learn to accommodate ourselves to the
use of the iron bake-kettle of which the deserted camp we had just
passed furnished a goodly supply. These ovens were constructed by
driving four crotches into the ground, and upon these placing two
sticks, upon which was laid a floor of short poles. Upon this we
piled a compact layer of clay mortar eight or ten inches thick. Then
a flour barrel, open at the top and with a hole about six inches
square cut in the side near the other end, was laid upon this with
the hole upward where the chimney would be built, as a support for
the soft clay. As soon as this was completed and the chimney built,
a fire would be kindled in the barrel, and as soon as it had burned
out and the staves fallen in, the clay would be sufficiently dry to
support itself. These ovens subserved their purpose excellently,
and furnished many a meal of warm biscuit and light bread, such
as reminded us of home. We had begun to fix up our tents, too--to
construct hickory bark cots; for here we could get no boards--and to
get ourselves in shape to be comfortable, when up came another order
for the division to advance next morning, May 4th, at 7 o'clock.
Those of the sick who would be unable to do duty in ten days were to
remain behind under charge of a medical officer. But three tents to
the company were to be taken--one for the officers and two for the
men. We were to take three days' cooked rations in haversacks. About
4 P. M. of the 3d, while we were making preparations for the march,
a cannonade commenced three or four miles to the south and continued
for over an hour with rapid and sharp discharges. It was said to be
Pope's Parrott guns shelling the enemy out of Farmington. This seemed
ominous of something to come. But we continued our preparations
undisturbed.
The morning was heavy with clouds, and the column was scarcely in
motion when a drizzling rain set in. We first passed through the
camp of Sherman, just evacuated. We noticed that much commissary and
sutler's stores had been abandoned, which we afterwards learned were
appropriated and made good use of by the sick we had left behind.
Here we left the Corinth way and bore more to the right. Near the
late camp of the 6th Iowa, we noticed a short line of rifle pits
which had been dug by that regiment. It was an insignificant work,
but it was the first we had seen in Tennessee since landing at
Pittsburg. It had been made to protect the right wing of Sherman's
line. It shook our confidence in our efficiency against the enemy we
were to encounter. It almost made us afraid. Still we could not but
regard it as a wise precaution. We moved slowly, constructing bridges
and corduroy roads as we advanced. Late in the afternoon, we passed
through Monterey, a town of one or two houses, dignified by being
built on a hill. About a mile beyond we went into camp. The roads
were almost impassable. Our teams foundered and our wagons sunk to
the hubs in the mud. I could conceive of no situation more unenviable
than that of teamster that day. It was really noon the next day
before our baggage was able to arrive. Wet and fatigued, we made us
beds of leaves, wrapped up in our blankets, and passed without other
covering a night of incessant rain.
The following day we had pitched our tents, dried our clothes, and
commenced building ovens and cooking fresh rations, when an order
came to march that night or in the morning. Next morning at eight
o'clock we loaded our baggage and again moved forward. We passed
Sherman's yesterday camp along the right of which, and fronting to
the west, was a line of rifle pits defended by an abattis. Just as we
had got beyond these works, McLean's division marched up and occupied
them. After proceeding about two miles, the division was deployed in
line facing toward the south, and we thus went into camp.
The single day that we stayed here was marked by two incidents, the
news of the evacuation of Yorktown, which gave us great joy, and the
affectionate farewell of Mr. Fox, our legitimate sutler. This man had
first joined us at Chillicothe, Missouri. He had been allowed by our
different regimental commanders to neglect and abuse the functions
of his office most shamefully. He had never consulted our wants, but
his own profit and convenience. When we had money and he competition,
he sold reasonably; but when we were without money or were where we
could buy of no one but him, he charged exorbitant prices for his
goods. On the march or transport, and after hard marches or long
movements, when we needed a sutler most, we were sure to be without
one. When we had been some days in camp at Pittsburg Landing, he had
joined us with a meager stock, having left most of his goods with his
partner who had established a store at Savannah. When we broke up
camp here and advanced, he found it more convenient to remain behind
and sell to transient customers than to follow us immediately. At
this point, however, he came up with an ox-wagon loaded with goods,
pitched a small tent and opened shop. A party of the boys immediately
gathered about his tent and testified their esteem for him, and their
admiration for the course he had taken, by cutting his tent ropes
and carrying off about a hundred dollars worth of goods, to which
all their comrades said "Amen." Here our benefactor left us, after
exchanging with us the most complimentary adieus. The next time we
heard of him, he was "relieved from duty," and in "close confinement"
among a lot of butternut prisoners near the Landing, for being too
great an admirer of a horse that belonged to one of General Halleck's
orderlies.
This night we slept on our arms, and moved forward in the morning,
May 7th, at eight o'clock. While the division was moving out, the
Third Iowa in lead, Gov. Yates of Illinois rode up with his staff.
General Lauman halted the brigade. Captain Smith announced "Governor
Yates, the man who takes good care of his soldiers," and the Third
Iowa responded with three loud and hearty cheers. General Lauman
then turned to the Governor and addressed him with a few affecting
remarks, telling him how much gratitude the soldiers of Iowa owed the
State of Illinois--how her sanitary agents had ministered to their
wants and comforts, and how, when at Cairo, the 7th Iowa was without
blankets and clothing, the Quartermaster of Illinois generously
supplied them. The Governor responded, that if Illinois had done her
duty in this war, Iowa had also done hers. Side by side they had
stood in the great contest--side by side their soldiers had fought on
numerous fields--and side by side they would continue to stand and
fight, until the national flag should float over the whole national
domain. Whatever Illinois had done for Iowa she had done for the
country and the cause; it was no more than a patriotic duty, and as
such required no thanks. The Governor rode away amid another outburst
of applause. I noticed, among his staff, the familiar countenance
of my old teacher, Professor Pope, of Black River Seminary, now a
paymaster in the army. Having moved forward about two miles and a
half, the division formed line facing to the south, stacked arms and
began rapidly to fell the timber and construct an abattis in front
of our position. Here our pickets first came in contact with those
of the enemy, and a picket skirmish began, which was kept up day
and night until we entered Corinth. It was reported that there was
encamped a short distance ahead of us a detachment of the enemy with
four pieces of cannon. The following afternoon a part of the picket
force belonging to other regiments of the brigade, ran in a panic and
reported the enemy advancing. The enemy's cavalry had indeed attacked
the picket line and a sharp skirmish was taking place. The drummer
sounded the long roll, and the regiments formed line. Generals
Hurlbut and Lauman rode past our regiment as we stood in ranks, and
we presented arms to them. General Hurlbut took off his hat as he
passed our flag, and said to Captain Smith: "Captain, I hope you'll
get another inscription on your flag to-day." The Captain responded,
"There is room for two or three more, General." When the cause of
the alarm was ascertained, we stacked arms, and every man was ordered
out to dig fortifications. Before night our position was covered by a
passable line of rifle pits.
The following day was Sunday. There was a lull in the picket firing
as though both parties respected it as a day of rest. Religious
services were held in the camps of the regiments near us. Fatigue
parties were kept at work on the rifle pits; but as the day was hot
and sultry, little was done besides building before their exterior
slopes a hedgework of brush and fallen tree tops. Each day brought
the expected battle nearer to us. We were ready for it. It was
while here that orders from General Hurlbut announced the capture
of Norfolk Navy Yard, the destruction of the Merrimac, and the
destruction of the rebel flotilla at Fort Pillow. It seemed that
success was crowning our arms everywhere, and that the decisive
victory in the West rested with us and depended upon our valor. We
would achieve it. Such was the spirit of the entire army. Even the
offensive-defensive policy General Halleck was now pursuing did not
discourage us. We were equally ready to dig ditches or to attack the
enemy.
On the 14th we again broke up camp and moved a mile to the front, the
enemy's pickets retiring before us. We reached our new position about
5 P. M., and before ten our position was covered by as good a line of
works as we had left. It was astonishing to see with what alacrity
the soldiers worked. They did not stop to consider the necessity
of fortifying when the enemy's works were more than five miles
from them. The General had taken this way to drive the enemy from
Corinth. Everything depended upon our prompt obedience and vigorous
co-operation.
Next day also we moved a short distance and entrenched abreast of
Sherman. Here the battle of the pickets grew more severe than ever,
and began to be varied by frequent cannonading on different points
of the line. We were kept in constant readiness for a momentary
collision with the enemy--slept on our arms, had reveille at three
o'clock in the morning, and were frequently ordered into line.
May 17th, orders were issued to cook two days' rations and be ready
again to move. The enemy, posted in a block house known as Russell's
House, had annoyed our pickets greatly, and in order to advance the
picket line, it became necessary to dislodge him. For this purpose
our regiment, the 32d Illinois, and a section of Mann's Battery of
Hurlbut's Division, went forward in conjunction with a force from
Sherman's. Mann opened vigorously upon the position for a short time,
when the 8th Missouri, of Sherman's Division, attacked and carried
it at the point of the bayonet, losing a large number in killed and
wounded. By this feat this gallant regiment made itself a name among
us second to none with which we had ever been associated. We returned
to camp about 9 P. M., and in the night received orders to move in
the morning with rations in haversacks; but they were countermanded
and we did not move.
At this camp, Colonel Scott joined us. All welcomed him joyfully,
and regretted that the state of his health would not permit him to
resume command.
May 21st, the right wing of the Army of the Tennessee, commanded by
Major General Thomas, was ordered to move forward. While the Fourth
Division was advancing, General Davies' artillery shelled back the
enemy's outposts in front of his division. Two batteries were said to
be engaged. The discharges were rapid and sharp, and as they broke
upon us so near while we were marching to the front, seemed to have
a grim significance. The First Brigade halted on a commanding ridge
and began to throw up works. By a miscalculation of distance, there
was not room for the 2d Brigade to form between our left and Davies'
right. General Veatch accordingly posted two of his regiments, the
25th Indiana and 15th Illinois, to the right of the 1st Brigade.
Before night, a continuous line of works, capable of resisting
field artillery, protected our division front. In the afternoon, in
addition to the usual picket firing and cannonading, a brisk skirmish
had taken place a short distance to our front. The enemy's cavalry,
as report had it, appeared in Federal uniform and was driven off.
Sherman's line was about half a mile in advance of Hurlbut's, his
left covering our right.
This night I had my first experience of picketing in the face of
the enemy. After working hard all day, my company was detailed
for picket. Captain (then Lieutenant) Swank was in command, and
Lieutenant Lakin was with us. Our division picket line extended
around a very large cotton field of irregular shape, and formed a
sort of semicircle, the center retired and the flanks connecting with
Davies on the left and Sherman on the right. Our position was on the
most retired part of this line, along a little brook, the cotton
field being in front of us. A quarter of a mile in advance of us and
to our right, and joining this field on its southwest corner, was the
left of Sherman's line of works, upon which his men were at work till
nearly midnight, felling trees, dragging together logs, and banking
up the dirt, with the most boisterous sounds of mirth and glee.
Immediately across this field, in a dense thicket, the enemy had a
picket post, which, strange enough, he had been allowed to maintain
very near to Sherman's flank, and from which he had skirmished all
day with his pickets, across the field. Where we were posted, the
line was crowded together and very strong. The posts of eight or ten
men each were but four or five rods apart. A strong reserve was in
our rear. The captain threw out videttes and made dispositions for
the night, and then most of us went to sleep. I had lain by the side
of Lieutenant Jimmy, and endeavoring to derive a little consolation
from the warmth of his body and the flap of his blanket, had gone
to sleep. I was sleeping soundly, when _bang! bang! bang!_ went the
enemy's guns. I sprang to my feet, and by the time I could get my gun
and recollect where I was, I could see around our entire division
line, and away up the left of Davies', like a hundred meteors
starting from the earth, the flash of rifles from every advance
post. The enemy had doubtless taken this measure to ascertain our
positions, or whether we were advancing our lines. The next morning
these rebels were justly chastised for their ungentlemanly conduct
in disturbing our sleep. The detail which relieved us were ordered
by the new officer of the day to deploy as skirmishers and advance
across the field. They obeyed gallantly; and with a brisk skirmish,
but not without some loss, dislodged the enemy and occupied his
position. Company B of our regiment, had the honor of participating
in this little affair.
The 26th of May, was a day full of excitement. About 9 A. M., the
guns of Pope and Buell opened heavily upon our left, and about noon,
Sherman's chimed in on our right. Something was to be done. General
Lauman was in the saddle. We fell into ranks and stood ready. It was
not a battle: but the whole line was advancing.
The next morning the 2d Brigade moved forward and united with the
left of Sherman. Their ambulance corps with white badges tied to
their left arms marched in rear of their respective regiments. They
threw up works connecting Sherman with Davies, and the 1st Brigade
formed a reserve behind them. All day, as yesterday, a vigorous
cannonade was kept up, varied with occasional skirmishing by the
infantry. The work on the fortifications continued briskly, and by
night a heavy line of field works with embrasures for cannon was
completed.
And now the morrow, the thirtieth of May, was to witness the meager
fruits of all this preparation and hardship. At six o'clock in the
morning, we heard a terrible explosion in the direction of Corinth.
Our first impression was, that the enemy had opened with heavy guns;
but when we saw dense columns of smoke rising above the tops of the
forest, we felt certain that he was evacuating and blowing up his
magazines. About eight o'clock, General Lauman ran up to the Third
Iowa, shaking his long beard and clapping his hands, almost frantic
with joy. "Boys," cried he, "get ready to march, we are going into
Corinth right away!" The only response I heard was from the "old
veteran," my comrade: "If the old General says so, we'll do it any
how!" The 8th Missouri had gone forward to reconnoiter, and found the
enemy's works abandoned. There was an evident strife between Sherman
and Hurlbut to see who should be first in Corinth. It was a running
march through suffocating dust and melting heat. The infantry rushed
on without waiting for the artillery. The batteries limbered up and
galloped past the infantry. Three-fourths of a mile brought us to the
enemy's works. They consisted, at the point where we passed through
them, only of a tolerable line of rifle pits, but defended by a heavy
abattis a fourth of a mile in width. All along we met straggling
troopers retiring loaded down with various kinds of plunder, among
which were enormous knives, which looked in shape and size like
the coulters of our Western breaking-plows. Some had their horses
completely loaded down with pikes, shot guns, and bake ovens. We
passed the enemy's late camps and were soon in Corinth. The excessive
heat, the dust of hurrying battalions and galloping squadrons and
batteries, added to the sickening stench of the deserted camps, and
to the smoke of burning houses and cotton, were almost unendurable.
Sherman took the shortest route and reached the town first. His and
Hurlbut's divisions pursued the enemy for several miles on the Ripley
road, but returned to their former camps before night.
The chase of the day was over, and we were again behind our works.
It was a meager consolation that we had dug our last ditch for
the reduction of Corinth. There was an indescribable feeling of
mortification that the enemy with all his stores and ordnance had at
last escaped. We could not but think that beyond the occupation of
a little additional territory and a single strategic point to the
enemy, we had gained nothing. His military organization was still
unbroken. He was as able as before to hurl himself on a weak point,
or to give us battle. We had lost a decisive victory by tardiness and
excess of caution. If Pope had only been in command, or if Halleck
had allowed him to press on as rapidly as he desired, how different,
said we, would have been the result! And why had we not pressed the
retreat of the enemy, while his soldiers were discouraged by being
forced from so strong a position? Had we no generals capable of
following up a victory? These feelings were subsequently in a measure
relieved by the reports that Buell and Pope were pressing the main
column of the enemy with splendid results. Yet nothing transpired
to change the general impression that though we had gained much,
what we had gained was entirely inadequate to the numbers, means and
exertions made use of to gain it. We saw that the enemy had lost much
by being compelled to abandon a position of such advantage to him,
and in the consequent demoralization of his troops; but we harbored
a vague mistrust that his superior generalship would yet convert his
defeat into a victory; and all seemed to feel that the subjugation of
the South lay a long way before us.
CHAPTER XX.
MY OWN SICKNESS--RESUME OF THE MOVEMENTS OF MY
REGIMENT--MOVEMENT OF SHERMAN TOWARD MEMPHIS--THE
CAMP SEVEN MILES FROM CORINTH--MARCH RESUMED--CAMP
ON THE "HEIGHTS OF THE HATCHIE"--ADVANCE TO THE BIG
MUDDY--A HARD MARCH--CAMP AT SPRING CREEK--NEXT
DAY'S MARCH--REACH AND CAMP ON WOLF RIVER--COL.
WILLIAMS AGAIN--LAGRANGE, TENN.--RAILROAD
COMMUNICATIONS--MOVEMENT UPON HOLLY SPRINGS--INCIDENTS
OF THE MARCH--OCCUPATION OF THAT PLACE--RETURN
TO LAGRANGE--RESIGNATION OF LIEUT. COL. SCOTT--A
FORAGING EXPEDITION--FEAT OF GENERAL GRANT--START FOR
MEMPHIS--DETAILS OF THE MARCH--ARRIVAL IN MEMPHIS--GO
INTO CAMP--GEN. SHERMAN AS A MILITARY MAN--THE
NEGRO--OUR SOJOURN AT MEMPHIS--MARCHING ORDERS--LETTER
OF GENERAL SHERMAN.
Among the most interesting recollections of my soldier life, are
those of the period I spent in military hospitals. Though much of the
time my mind was so enfeebled by disease, as not to observe closely
that which transpired around me; yet, long as I may live, I shall
remember most vividly the sufferings I experienced while there,
sometimes relieved by friends, by comrades, and by those appointed
and detailed to take care of the sick and wounded; and sometimes in
part, or entirely, neglected. It was there that I saw, more than
anywhere else, human character divested of its artificial coloring,
and exhibited in its brightest tints and gloomiest shades.
It was there that I contracted a debt of gratitude to some that I
can never repay, and conceived a hatred for others that I can never
forget. Memories born in the heart amid scenes like these can never
be blotted out. But glad as I should be to linger over the names of
those who were kind and gentle to me amid these scenes of sickness
and gloom, I shall hasten to consider those affairs in which my
comrades had a more direct and positive interest.
And here my comrades would have to regret the absence of a link in
the chain of this "grave, interesting and authentic narrative," had
not a comrade who kept a diary of the wanderings of the Third Iowa,
while I was absent from it during this term of sickness, generously
come to my aid. After describing the scenes attending the occupation
of Corinth, this Cid Hamet of my history goes on to tell us, that,
on the afternoon of the 2d of June, orders came to the Third Iowa to
march immediately, and before night the 4th and 5th divisions, under
command of Major General W. T. Sherman, moved out, taking all their
baggage, and, passing through Corinth, camped about a mile to the
west of that place on the south side of the Memphis and Charleston
Railroad. There was no water in this vicinity to relieve the troops
from the effects of the suffocating heat and dust of the day; but
this state of things was somewhat mitigated by a light shower of rain
which fell in the forepart of the night.
The following morning reveille sounded at daylight, and an early
march, the 5th division in advance, brought the troops to a small
stream of water on the south side of the railroad, where they
established a camp, and commenced repairing the road about four
miles to the west, so as to enable them to proceed. For this purpose
the Third Iowa furnished a small detail each day. On the 6th, the
regiment changed camp to the north side of the railroad. This was
about seven miles from Corinth.
On the 10th the troops again moved, and after a toilsome and dusty
march of fifteen miles, both divisions camped on a commanding bluff
that overlooks the Big Hatchie. As the 4th Division rested upon these
hills, little did its soldiers dream that the valley below would one
day be consecrated with the blood of many of its members, and that
the "Heights of the Hatchie" would be forever linked in memory with
its glorious achievements, and the prowess of its commander. It was
the "Field of Matamora!" Two days they rested here, during which
time a bridge was thrown across the Hatchie by the troops of the 5th
Division, in place of the old one which had been burned by the enemy;
and then they moved forward four miles, and camped on a stream known
as the Big Muddy.
Resuming the march the following morning, June 13th, they defiled all
day through a desolate waste of woods, and over dry ridges. The heat
was intense. Save from occasional mudholes, there was no water to
be found. The dust was shoe-top deep and rose in dense, suffocating
clouds, which there was no wind to dispel. The dreariness of the
country was relieved by but two farm houses during the whole day's
march. Notwithstanding the unparalleled fatigue and suffering, the
men kept in the ranks well, and there was little straggling. After
a march of thirteen miles, they camped on Spring Creek, a tributary
of the Hatchie. Here they found excellent water, and moved at four
o'clock in the morning about two miles, and rested for the day in the
vicinity of some clear and cold springs.
At five o'clock the next morning the march was resumed. The men had
no water during the day except what they took in their canteens in
the morning. The march was more fatiguing, if possible, than on
any previous day. They passed through Grand Junction and found an
excellent camping place on Wolf River, having made a distance of
twelve miles.
The following day, the 2d Brigade of the 4th Division made a
reconnoissance towards Ripley; they were gone two days. There was
much straggling from their ranks, and a number were missing when they
returned. For two or three days afterwards, they continued to come up
and report to the pickets.
After the evacuation of Corinth, Colonel Williams resumed command of
the regiment, and during this march had begun to renew his obnoxious
practices. He arrested the quartermaster and reduced Hulbert, the
commissary sergeant. Both, however, were vindicated. The former
resigning, was appointed Colonel of the 34th Iowa, and the latter was
soon after appointed sergeant in his own company in which capacity he
served, no one better or more bravely, and was reappointed commissary
sergeant under Lt. Col. Trumbull.
On the 22d of June, the 4th Division moved to a position near
LaGrange, Tenn., the Third Iowa going into camp on a beautiful wooded
hill overlooking Wolf River. This village, which, in prosperous
times, contained about 2,000 inhabitants, is beautifully situated on
an eminence which commands a view of ten or twelve miles of level
country to the south of the river. It is supplied with excellent
springs of water, is surrounded by wide and well cultivated fields,
and its elegant residences, surrounded with costly evergreens, gave
evidence of the cultivation of its inhabitants. It possessed far
more attraction than any town they had yet seen in Tennessee. It was
pleasant indeed, after so long a sojourn in the gloomy woods, to
pitch tents amid scenes of civilization.
They had advanced slowly from Corinth, had built on the way two
bridges ruined by the rebels, besides repairing the railroad so that
the cars were now running regularly between LaGrange and that place.
The removal of certain obstructions between LaGrange and Moscow, a
station nine miles to the west, was all that now remained to put
the road in working condition between Corinth and Memphis. A train
coming from Memphis had been thrown off the track at Moscow. Part of
the soldiers on board marched through to LaGrange in safety, while
those who remained were captured by guerrillas, who burned the train.
Whether this accident had anything to do with admonishing General
Sherman of the impracticability of holding with so small a force so
long a line of railway parallel to the enemy's front of operations,
my informant does not pretend to judge. At least this line was soon
after abandoned, and that by way of Jackson and Columbus opened in
its stead.
It seems to have been known that the enemy under command of
Breckenridge, were in the vicinity of Holly Springs, Miss., a small
city twenty-six miles to the south. This force probably was merely
one of observation, the enemy's main body having retired upon
Grenada. But there came in exaggerated reports of his immense numbers
there, and preparations to attack us. General Sherman determined
to move against him, the two divisions starting simultaneously the
morning of June 30th, the 4th from LaGrange, the 5th from Moscow. Two
days rations were taken in haversacks. They camped at night near a
brick church, in the neighborhood of the railroad station of Lamar.
There was no water to be procured here except out of one or two wells
and some dirty pools, at which places there was such a rush that each
regiment was compelled to station a guard over them while its own men
took their turn.
The next day, July 1st, was cool and pleasant. A march of seven miles
brought the column to Cold Water River, a small stream, pure and
clear. The only incident of this day's march was that a battalion of
the 4th Illinois had been drawn into an ambuscade, losing four killed
and six wounded.
The following day, the 32d and 53d Illinois regiments went forward to
reconnoiter, but discovered nothing. On their return, they were taken
for rebels, and an alarm throughout the whole force ensued.
The day after this, Lieut. Barnes of General Lauman's staff, went out
with three others to some farm houses to buy provisions, and were
fired upon by bushwhackers, and all of them wounded. The affair
caused considerable excitement, and threw General Lauman into a great
rage.
The next day was the national anniversary. The 4th Division moved
forward and entered without opposition Holly Springs, "the Saratoga
of the South." This delightful little city is situated on the
Mississippi Central Railroad, contains excellent springs of water,
and was celebrated as a Southern watering place. The citizens behaved
toward their new visitors with as much insolence as they dared to
manifest. Little did they then, suppose that they were sowing in
the bosoms of these men the seeds of a hatred, which would one day
lay their beautiful city in ashes! The next day the column started
back, and on the 7th again entered LaGrange and Moscow. During the
fortnight my comrades stayed at the former place few incidents of
note took place. It was here that Lieut. Col. Scott resigned and left
the regiment. There was an universal regret at being compelled to
part with the man who had commanded us so bravely and befriended us
so well. All felt as though they had lost their best field officer,
and turned with gloom to the prospect of being commanded, no one
could tell how long, by a man who, whatever might be his merits or
faults, had, with scarcely an exception, lost the confidence and good
will of his men.
One day a forage train of sixty wagons went out in the direction of
Cold Water, guarded by six companies of the Third Iowa, under Captain
Smith. On their return the escort was menaced by Jackson's cavalry,
who endeavored to capture the train. But the Captain's tactics were
quite equal to those of the rebel Colonel. He chose open ground and
very coolly marched along in plain view of the enemy. They attempted
by demonstrations to draw his fire, but failed, and finally withdrew,
having for once found their match.
About this time General Grant performed the remarkable feat of
riding in one day from Corinth to Memphis, unattended except by one
company of cavalry, his body guard and a few staff officers. It must
be remembered that with the exception of the immediate vicinity of
LaGrange and Moscow, where General Sherman's troops were stationed,
the whole country was in the hands of the enemy. At LaGrange the
party halted an hour for refreshments, and left one of the staff who
had given out. It is said they reached Memphis before night.
Meanwhile General Sherman and staff proceeded to Memphis, leaving
orders behind that it was his intention to select at that place
grounds for the encampment of the two divisions, and that no officer
or soldier should be allowed to follow him to that place ahead of his
corps.
July 17th, at 1 P. M., the 4th Division broke up camp at LaGrange,
and moving along the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, after a
tiresome march of nine miles in which many gave out and fell behind
their regiments, camped for the night at Moscow, from which place the
5th Division had just moved.
Starting at 3 o'clock next morning, and with little improvement on
yesterday's march in respect of straggling, although the weather was
cooler than usual both days, the column arrived at Lafayette Station,
having marched ten miles.
The march was resumed at 2 o'clock in the morning, the 5th Division
still in lead. The forenoon was excessively hot, and marching was
difficult in the extreme. The dust rose in such clouds that a man
in the ranks could scarcely see the comrade ahead of him. Seventeen
miles being accomplished, the column halted for the night at
Germantown.
Next day, the column moved forward six miles to White Station, and
on the day after that, July 21st, a march of nine miles brought it
to Memphis. Foot-sore, ragged and weary, the battalions marched into
the city. The Third Iowa had the honor of being in lead of the 4th
Division. So thick was the dust on men's faces, that it was difficult
to distinguish soldier from contraband--all looked alike. Many had no
shoes, and some even were without pants, and had nothing but drawers
and shirt in way of uniform. But the boys dressed their files and
proudly kept step to the music, while from balconies and windows the
Union ladies waved white handkerchiefs in welcome.
Wallace's division was garrisoning the city, but now relieved by
Sherman, it embarked to reinforce the army of General Curtis at
Helena. General Sherman disposed his troops so as to environ the city
and guard all the approaches to it. Our regiment being on the right
of the line was camped on the south side of the city and near the
river. We had a delightful camping ground, greensward beneath our
feet, and noble shade trees waving over our heads.
The period we spent here was one of rest but not of idleness. It was
a period of discipline and duty. We were still in the presence of an
enterprising enemy, who constantly menaced our extended line with
attack. General Sherman was no less a general in camp than in the
field. There his great bravery, his splendid tactical combinations
in the face of the enemy, his unwearying energy, and his industrious
attention to details, had impressed his soldiers with a kind of
reverence for him as a military commander, which they felt for no
other general. All could see that in genius and in spirit, he was
a complete soldier. Though he could add nothing to the patriotism
and bravery of the men he commanded, he was now to see they were
better supplied, better drilled, better disciplined, and that there
be infused into them more of the _esprit de corps_. Every one will
recollect his fine figure on review--how keenly he scrutinized
every thing; not a man, nor a uniform, nor a gun seemed to escape
his notice. He exercised the closest supervision over the different
departments, punished corruption and saw that justice was meted out
to all. He administered martial law in the city of Memphis with
justice and rigor, but without violence or cruelty. A young soldier
studying the profession and practice of arms might well think himself
fortunate in being under the tuition of such a general.
It was at Memphis that we first were allowed to admit negroes within
our lines. At LaGrange and Moscow and all along the march from
those places hither, they had flocked to join us in great numbers.
General Halleck's celebrated General Orders No. 3 being then in
force, General Sherman was compelled to issue an order forbidding
his soldiers from encouraging negroes in leaving their homes, and
teamsters from giving them transportation. This order was written
by Captain Hammond, his Assistant Adjutant General, and was couched
in poor and undignified terms. As soon, however, as orders from
Washington allowed him to do so, General Sherman issued orders
authorizing the employment of negroes as cooks, teamsters and
laborers in the various departments and on the fortifications. Large
numbers were put to work on Fort Pickering, an important field work
which was projected for the defense of Memphis. Contrabands thronged
the camps in large numbers, and soon became an important element
in the _materiel_ of the army. All that came within our lines were
received and put to work, and supplied with clothing and subsistence.
This policy was viewed by the soldiers with very general approbation.
While we were thus resting, our comrades in the East were struggling,
through prodigious marches, uncommon hardships, and bloody battles
to check the advance of a superior enemy, and his invasion of our
soil. Reports from that quarter of disaster crowding upon disaster,
disturbed in no small degree the quietude of our camp life, and
embittered the sweets of the comparative repose we were enjoying.
In addition to this, the enemy began to make demonstrations in the
neighborhood of Bolivar, Tenn., and we were not surprised to find
our spell of easy soldiering broken, when, on the 5th of September,
orders came to march at 3 o'clock next morning, in what direction we
could only conjecture.
The two divisions which had been so long together were now to be
separated. They who had grown to consider each other comrades, had
marched and fought together perhaps for the last time. General
Sherman expressed his feelings on this separation in the following
letter to General Hurlbut, which, after we had reached Bolivar, was
published to us in General Orders. We esteemed it a great honor to
receive such compliments from such a general:--
HEADQUARTERS, 5TH DIVISION, }
MEMPHIS, Tenn., Sept. 6, 1862. }
_Brigadier General Hurlbut, Commanding 4th Division_,
_Army of the Tennessee_,--
DEAR SIR:--Permit me through you to convey to the
officers and men of your division an expression of my
deep regret that the necessities of the service should
at this time separate our commands. Our divisions were
the first to disembark at Pittsburg Landing, in the
early part of March, and through storm and sunshine,
adverse and prosperous times, we have been side by
side. Not only have social ties arisen between us, but
the habit of acting together has made us one command;
and I feel in parting with you as though my own
division was divided.
I need not express to you my high personal and
official respect; for I hope to have evinced it on
all occasions. I must say that no officers could have
been more zealous, close, and attentive to their
important duties than they have been. I can not recall
an instance of their being absent from their posts for
even an hour. Indeed, with very few exceptions, your
division is composed of a class of steady good men, who
by their behavior in camp, on guard, on the march and
in battle, reflect honor and credit on themselves and
their country.
Be pleased to convey to all my hearty thanks; and
assure them that I will hail the change in events which
will bring us again together.
With sentiments of high respect,
Your friend and servant,
(Signed) W. T. SHERMAN.
CHAPTER XXI.
LT. COL. TRUMBULL--PREPARATIONS TO MARCH--LEAVING
SHERMAN AND MEMPHIS--HEAT, DUST AND STRAGGLING--NIGHT
ON WOLF RIVER--SECOND DAY'S MARCH--HOUSE
BURNING--ANNOYANCES--HALT FOR THE NIGHT AT LAST--NEXT
DAY'S MARCH--REACH THE HATCHIE--BRIDGING THE
STREAM--GUARDING THE WORKING PARTIES--HARDSHIPS AND
MURMURS--MARCH TOWARD BOLIVAR--OUR SITUATION THERE--A
RECONNOISSANCE TOWARD GRAND JUNCTION--ATTEMPT OF THE
ENEMY TO GET IN OUR REAR--MASTERLY RETREAT--MAKE A
STAND AND SHELL BACK HIS ADVANCE GUARD--ARRIVE AT
BOLIVAR--REINFORCEMENTS--VIGILANCE.
At this time Colonel Williams was seriously ill. Capt. M. M.
Trumbull, of Company I., had been recommended by the commissioned
officers of the regiment to Governor Kirkwood as their choice to
fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Col. Scott, and
having received since official notice of his appointment, Colonel
Williams had ordered him to assume command. He accordingly put on the
uniform of Lt. Colonel, and we began to address him by his new title,
rejoiced that, at a time when an encounter with the enemy seemed
probable, we were to be led by an officer of such gallantry and merit.
The sick, who in the opinion of the surgeons were not able to march,
were provided for in the hospitals at Memphis. We replenished our
stock of rations so as to have a ten days' supply on hand, and
busied ourselves in preparations for the morrow's march till late in
the night, when we retired to rest, awaiting the expected reveille at
one o'clock.
The drums, however, did not beat till half past five, and we awoke
to learn that the march had been deferred till 11 A. M. At half past
eleven the regiment moved, leading the column; the other regiments
and the batteries following in their appropriate order. As we passed
the Head Quarters of General Sherman, that officer sat on his charger
watching us with all the scrutiny of an inspection. As we took a last
look at him, we felt a feeling of regret that he was to command us no
longer; but this was in a measure relieved by the thought that our
old division commander, whom in times past we had been so happy and
proud to follow, still led us. But we had still another source of
regret; for, as we looked back upon the spires of Memphis, we could
not but think that for a season, at least, such days of pleasant
soldiering were over.
The road was free from dust on account of a heavy rain which had
fallen the previous day, but the heat was oppressive in the extreme.
Notwithstanding, in the commencement of the march, strict orders
had been issued against straggling, we had scarcely got beyond the
suburbs of the city when men began to give out and leave the ranks,
and several were sun-struck and had to be put in the ambulances.
Although the General took the precaution to halt and rest the column
fifteen minutes each hour, before night the way was lined with men
who were unable to keep up. We halted for the night about eight
miles to the northeast of Memphis, on a deeply wooded bottom of Wolf
River. Owing to some obstruction which the wagons had met, a part of
our train was still some time after dark in getting up, and it was
not till late in the night that all the stragglers rejoined their
commands.
September 7. It was General Hurlbut's plan to reverse each day the
order of march so as to give no preference of place in the column to
any regiment or battery. The 2d Brigade took the lead to-day, and
the 3d Iowa marched in the rear of the 1st Brigade, and hence formed
the rear guard of the column. Gen. Hurlbut was an early riser, and
he announced each night the time of commencing the following day's
march, which was seldom later than four o'clock in the morning.
This morning the troops began to move at an early hour, and about
eight o'clock the 3d Iowa joined in with its train and was in motion.
Owing to the light showers of yesterday evening which had succeeded
the intense heat of the day, the air this morning was cool with
occasional breezes, and consequently the march was less arduous, and
the men kept the ranks without much difficulty. We made no halt for
dinner.
About 3 P. M. we saw a dense smoke rising in advance, and on
approaching discovered that it was a house on fire, and that several
soldiers were applying the torch to other buildings near by. All that
we could learn of the cause of this operation was that a Confederate
flag, an Enfield rifle and a set of accoutrements marked "O. V. M."
had been found secreted in it. This had suggested to those who
made the discovery that its inmates were traitors, and that it was
a matter of duty with them to commit the house and the surrounding
buildings to flames, which they were now doing with the utmost _sang
froid_. General Hurlbut the next day issued an order censuring this
act in severe terms, and warning his troops against similar conduct
in future.
About this time a shower of rain commenced falling, cooling the
atmosphere and rendering the roads quite favorable to marching. As it
began to grow dark, it became evident from the frequent and annoying
halts of the train ahead of us, that the regiments and batteries
in the advance of the column were taking their positions for the
night. Indeed so slow was our march on account of these halts,
that our regiment did not reach its camping ground before eleven
o'clock, having accomplished not more than two miles in the last four
hours. This was by far the most fatiguing part of the day's march.
Notwithstanding we had halted at sundown, dressed our files, loaded
our pieces and received the strictest orders against straggling,
it was impossible for the officers to keep the men in ranks. Many
straggled far ahead and threw themselves down upon the green sward
and went to sleep, to be awakened by their comrades or the rear
guard. Reaching our position for the night, we ate a hasty supper
from our haversacks, and threw ourselves down to sleep. Happy the
lot of most of us compared with that of the few, who, exhausted and
foot-sore, were yet compelled to watch on picket while we slept.
September 8. We rested in camp to-day. The wind was damp with a
drizzling rain, which was most welcome to us, as we expected to
renew the march at an early hour. The enemy's cavalry was said to be
prowling around us, and apprehensions were felt that a large body of
his troops were in the vicinity. We received orders that there was to
be no straggling from our stacks of arms, and, to prevent this, to
have roll call every two hours. During the day we put up tents, and
with the aid of the fresh meat and vegetables we had procured on the
yesterday's march, we made ourselves quite comfortable. Towards night
we had a careful inspection of arms and ammunition, and received the
usual marching orders for the morning.
September 9. The column moved at daylight and continued the march all
day without interruption or seeing any indications of an enemy. We
camped for the night on a creek bottom, rank with growing timber and
abounding in grapes, muscadines, lizards, copperheads, and the like.
September 10. Reveille woke us at 3 o'clock, and an easy march
brought us to the Muddy, a small stream very appropriately named, and
two miles beyond which flows the Hatchie. We did not put up tents for
the night, and a heavy rain which fell towards morning soaked our
blankets and proved to be not as much of a luxury as the previous
ones had been.
September 11. The drums sounded at half past three. The bridge over
the Hatchie in advance of us had been destroyed by a party of Federal
cavalry who had passed through the country early in the summer,
disguised as cotton burners, but had been detected and pursued. In
order to advance, it became necessary to rebuild it. For this purpose
General Hurlbut ordered a pioneer party of soldiers and contrabands
to be detailed, and the 3d Iowa and 41st Illinois to move forward to
protect them while at work. We accordingly moved at 5 A. M. in light
marching order, passed over a road leading through a cane and cypress
swamp, whose rotten and dilapidated bridges indicated that it had not
been used in several years, and reached the river, where we stacked
arms and threw across a picket by means of a dug-out which we found
here. We passed a wet and cheerless day, watching the pioneers who
were busy felling trees, carrying logs into the stream, and laying
the foundations of the proposed bridge. Without blankets and almost
without food, we were compelled to pass the night here as we had
passed the day.
While we thus lay beside our struggling fires, endeavoring to sleep,
it may be imagined that our reflections were anything but pleasant.
Why were we moving so far to the north of Bolivar, and on such an
extraordinary road? Was it to evade, deceive, or surprise the enemy?
Had our forces indeed retreated from Bolivar, or were the rebels
making designs in their rear? Did the country afford no better roads
than this? Or, if it was "strategy" to advance on such a road, would
the advantages counterbalance the delay in constructing bridges?
Rumor supplied twenty different solutions; but the General, and
perhaps a few others, alone knew the correct one.
A party of cavalry arrived during the night from Bolivar with such
intelligence as changed matters entirely. The work on the bridge
was abandoned, and early in the morning, September 12, we returned
to camp and found the column already beginning to move. Loading our
wagons and without waiting to take breakfast, we resumed our places
in the order of march. The day was cloudy and cool and the roads
good. A steady march of thirteen miles brought us to a wooded bottom,
where, out of a few pools, we procured a supply of muddy water.
Monday, September 13. We moved early, and the march was a hard one.
We halted about two hours in the middle of the day by the side of
a mill pond, and took a refreshing bath and a pleasant siesta. The
afternoon was very hot and the dust excessive. It seemed that the
rains, which had made the roads of yesterday so excellent, had
not reached this section. But the men kept their ranks well, and
before night we went into camp in a beautiful situation on Spring
Creek, about two miles to the west of Bolivar. Here we rested the
following day, and on the 16th changed camp to a high and pleasant
locality across the creek. The regiments of the division were
somewhat separated, and the batteries occupied the most commanding
and defensible position. The water was excellent; our supplies were
regular and abundant, and the country around abounded in forage for
our animals. The weather was delightful. We were able to procure
from the inhabitants many luxuries. On the whole the people were
quite friendly toward us. They seemed to have settled down to the
conclusion that their country was to be permanently occupied by
Federals, and inclined to make the best of a state of things they
could not prevent. Our duty was heavy; but Col. Trumbull endeavored
to lighten it as much as possible. Our foraging expeditions furnished
some excitement, and, notwithstanding very stringent orders against
plundering, generally kept us well supplied with fresh vegetables and
meat. Col. Trumbull was an excellent drill master, and under him our
regiment improved rapidly in the evolutions of the battalion.
The 28th Illinois was camped nearest to us, and here there grew
up between the men of the 3d Iowa and of that gallant regiment, a
feeling of friendship which nothing has since served to obliterate.
On the 19th of September, orders came to our regiment to move the
following morning at sunrise, taking all our baggage. It was to be a
reconnoissance in force with a heavy train designed to deceive the
enemy. The force consisted of the 1st Brigade and two battalions of
the gallant 2d Illinois Cavalry, all under command of Brig. Gen.
Lauman. The column started shortly after sunrise and took the road
leading south toward Grand Junction.
Officers and men were equally ignorant of the object of the movement.
We said it could not be a reconnoissance, else we would not have
taken our train. Nor could it be that it was intended to occupy Grand
Junction with so small a force. But we _believed_ in our generals,
and, inexplicable as the movement seemed, it gave us no particular
concern. The day being cool and the roads good, we made a march of
about eighteen miles, but camped in a country destitute of water,
save what was to be found in a few pools, about five miles to the
north of Grand Junction. The pickets were carefully posted and the
men ordered to sleep on their arms, and every precaution was taken
against surprise.
The march was resumed at daylight next morning, and when we had
proceeded to within a mile of Grand Junction, the cavalry reported
the enemy. Let us look at the situation. LaGrange is four miles west
of Grand Junction. A road leading from that place to the north, joins
at Middleburg, about eight miles south of Bolivar, the way on which
we were now marching. On this road the enemy was pushing a strong
column past our right flank and endeavoring to get in our rear. The
cavalry reported it to be a mile and a half in length. When this word
was brought to the General, he saw the danger at a glance, and said
with his usual brevity, "We must get out of this." He dispatched
messengers to General Hurlbut. The wagons began to turn around. The
3d Iowa countermarched, and then was halted and brought to a front.
Every one anticipated the next command, and one or two began to feel
of their cartridge boxes; at sight of which Col. Trumbull called out,
rebuking, "Wait for the word!" He then gave the command, "Load at
will--load!" Soon the column was in motion to the rear, and began to
execute a retreat, such as, in rapidity, order and success is seldom
surpassed. Our regiment, hitherto in advance, was now in the rear,
our battalion of cavalry moved past the column through the fields
and became the new advance guard, while the other remained behind to
cover the retreat. As this battalion let down the fence and rode past
us into the field, the boys greeted each other with such shouts of
good natured raillery as told plainly that no one was afraid. It soon
became apparent that the enemy was also following us in the rear. A
gallant cavalry officer with a few men lingered behind to reconnoiter
until the rebels were within hailing distance of him. They invited
him to come up and have a talk, but he declined, and rode forward to
tell General Lauman of what he had seen. The General sent Beauregard,
his chief of orderlies, to hurry on the train. The old soldier
realized as much as the General himself, that we were in a crisis. He
went storming up and down the road, forbidding the teamsters to lock
going down the steepest hills, and talking to some of them in such
a manner as to secure their lasting gratitude. The manner in which
he discharged this important duty excited the admiration of all. The
column took a road further to the east than the one on which we had
come, so as to make sure of evading the enemy. As we passed through
the little town of Van Buren, the citizens came out to watch us, and
a grin of delight played on their countenances, which made the boys
gnash their teeth.
In three hours, with no loss but that of two horses, we had retreated
twelve miles. The day was quite warm, and the dust began to rise
heavily beneath our feet. The ambulances and wagons were so full of
exhausted men that they could hold no more, and still they continued
to give out. We were fast reaching the limit of endurance. General
Lauman observing this, and at length reaching a tract of high open
fields, he began to wink ominously, "I'll fight them right here,"
said he, "my men would sooner fight than run at any odds." The
next moment we saw the fences tumbling down, and Mann's Battery,
a section on each side of the road, was quickly in position. The
infantry was formed in two lines, two regiments on each side of the
road. The 3d Iowa was on the right of it in the front line, and
supported a section of the guns. Behind us, perhaps a half mile, the
waters of Spring Creek flowed clear and cool, and here the animals
and exhausted men having got water, the train proceeded leisurely
on out of the way. A captain of cavalry, with six men, went back to
reconnoiter. Colonel Trumbull also rode leisurely back alone over the
field. The party met the enemy's cavalry, and were pursued by them.
As the rebels came in sight, kicking up a great cloud of dust, the
two pieces on the right of the road opened with shell upon them, and
a few discharges caused them hastily to disappear.
Meanwhile the two regiments of the second line had moved to the
rear, crossed the creek, and proceeded to form a new line faced to
the south, on a commanding field about three miles to the north. The
enemy making no further demonstrations, the two remaining regiments
and the battery, after a time, formed column and passed through
this new line about dusk, and soon after met reinforcements, three
regiments and a battery under General Hurlbut. Moving leisurely back,
we reached our former camping places about 8 P. M.
But apprehensions of an early attack were entertained. In pursuance
of orders received from General Hurlbut during the night, we were in
line and had our wagons loaded at 3 o'clock next morning, and waited
most of the day, expecting the approach of the enemy. We however
policed our camps, and toward night put up our tents. Reinforcements
were started to us from Jackson, and that evening we had a dress
parade at which an order from General Hurlbut was read, stating that
with reinforcements that had arrived and were about to arrive, he
hoped soon to be able to assume the offensive; also that reveille
would beat at 2 o'clock next morning, and that the baggage would be
loaded at four. The order was obeyed; but the enemy declined battle
and the General did not pursue. We again put up our tents; but at
night a similar order compelled us to take them down again early in
the morning. And thus for several days we were kept in a constant
state of vigilance and of preparation for any emergency.
The troops now here in excess of the 4th Division constituted an
additional division under Brig. Gen. Ross.
CHAPTER XXII.
SUDDEN ORDERS TO MARCH--A DAY'S MARCH TOWARD
CORINTH--BIVOUAC ON THE BIG MUDDY--FIGHT OF THE
CAVALRY--ARRIVAL OF GENERAL ORD--REVEILLE--ADVANCE
OF THE 2D BRIGADE--SITUATION AND MOVEMENTS OF
THE ENEMY--BATTLE OF MATAMORA--OUR POSITIONS IN
RESERVE--PROGRESS OF THE BATTLE--CARRYING THE BRIDGE
OF THE HATCHIE--DISASTROUS SITUATION--RESERVES
ORDERED INTO ACTION--SCENE BEYOND THE BRIDGE--HURLBUT
SAVES THE DAY--CARRYING THE HEIGHTS--PRACTICE OF
THE ARTILLERY--RETREAT OF THE ENEMY--BIVOUAC ON THE
FIELD--ON PICKET--RECONNOISSANCE, DETAILS, ETC.--RETURN
TO BOLIVAR--FRUITS OF THE VICTORY--LOSSES.
Our regiment was on battalion drill on the afternoon of October 3d,
when orders came to be ready to march promptly at three o'clock
in the morning, with three days cooked rations in haversacks. The
evening was spent in preparation, and during the night frequent
orders arrived announcing the details of the march. We were to go
in light order, taking, besides the ambulances, but two wagons to
the regiment, one for ammunition and one for tents, of which each
company was to take one. Those not able to march were exempted by the
surgeons, and for this purpose an examination was had.
Reveille roused us at one o'clock; at two we had breakfasted; and at
three the column formed on the open fields to the west of Bolivar. It
consisted of the 4th Division, and the 68th Ohio and 12th Michigan
of Ross' division. General Hurlbut was in command. General Ross was
to remain to guard the place.
The column began to move without delay. We passed through Bolivar
and took the road leading in a southeast direction toward Corinth.
The full moon shone beautifully, but not enough to light the densely
wooded bottom through which for two miles beyond Bolivar the road
defiles. Besides the frequent mudholes, we had to ford a small creek
that flows through a cypress swamp, by which means the ranks were
much broken and the column greatly lengthened. When the head of the
column gained the bluffs to the east of this, it was halted to wait
for the rear to come up. Day had not yet dawned, but the scene was
enchanting. The moon cast a pure pale light over all the landscape,
which for a long distance lay beneath us to the west. There was not
a breath of air in motion; and the profound silence which pervaded
all nature was broken only by the heavy tread of man and horse, and
the clatter of baggage and artillery wheels. Where and why were we
thus marching? The sudden orders, the nature of the preparations, and
the unexpected direction we were taking, assured us that it was an
uncommon movement, and that there was trouble ahead. All was mystery;
but in it every one could see a battle. Little did we think that at
that very hour the enemy was preparing to storm our works at Corinth.
As soon as the rear battalions had crossed the stream the march was
resumed with energy. The roads were not dusty, and when the day
dawned there arose a cool breeze, which enabled us to maintain the
same speed with which we had led out. Fifteen miles brought us by 11
A. M. to a small stream where we halted till 2 P. M., for dinner and
rest.
In the afternoon the roads were somewhat dustier. At Pocahontas
Station we crossed the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, and, soon
after, the cavalry, two battalions of the 5th Ohio, came upon a
picket of the enemy which they put to flight, losing one man mortally
wounded. The column went into camp for the night on the Big Muddy,
the 1st Brigade beyond it, the 2d behind it. The Third Iowa occupied
precisely the same ground on which it had camped the night of the
13th of June.
The 1st Brigade had just stacked arms, when word came that our
cavalry had engaged that of the enemy about a mile and a half to
the front, and that they were fighting sharply. Listening, we could
hear the indistinct crack of the carbines. Messengers began and
continued to arrive from the scene of action; but it was some time
before General Lauman seemed much concerned about it. At length we
saw an officer ride up excitedly to him. Then the general climbed
his horse, and galloping down to our regiment, cried out: "Third
Iowa! in line!" We sprang to our stacks and took arms; when he
commanded in the same tone: "At will--load!" While we thus stood
in line, expecting every moment to see the cavalry breaking back
upon us, we saw something in the east, flashing back the rays of
the setting sun. It approached us, dancing through the bushes like
two great wheels of fire, and soon discovered itself, an enormous
pair of spectacles, behind which a cavalry officer came riding
frantically up, and with a strange accent cried to Captain Trumbull:
"Kapn-ve-kot-ateenuntert-kafalrie-kiust-uns-atwo-richiments-
ot-ve-to-peet-a-retreat?" The Colonel very coolly referred him to the
General, when he rode off, saying the General knew all about it.
After about an hour's fighting, the contending parties withdrew as
if by mutual consent, and our cavalry as per orders retired upon the
infantry. We again stacked arms, and nothing occurred during the
night to prevent us from sleeping soundly.
About 3 o'clock in the morning, Major General Ord arrived from
Corinth, whence he had come by way of Jackson and Bolivar, from the
latter place on horseback, escorted by a company of the 2d Illinois
Cavalry. He assumed command of all the forces, and approved the plan
of battle General Hurlbut had already made. He brought intelligence
that the rebels had been defeated at Corinth, and were retreating
towards us. Early in the morning, and about the time we heard of his
arrival, this news circulated through our fires merely in the shape
of a vague rumor of a battle at Corinth.
We were aroused at daylight, and ordered to eat our breakfasts
and get ready to move. The cavalry pickets, stationed at a house,
fell back into the edge of a wood to eat their breakfast without
molestation, and when they attempted to return to their former post,
found the house occupied by rebels, and were unable to dislodge them.
About seven o'clock, the 25th Indiana, of Veatch's Brigade, moved
past us to the front, followed by a battery, and their brigade
train. The wagons were parked with our's on the field on which the
1st Brigade still rested. It was not long before we heard the firing
of skirmishers, and soon after, we were startled by discharges of
artillery rapid and near. It was a section of Bolton's Battery
shelling the enemy out of the house. Soon the remainder of Gen.
Veatch's command moved past us, the 28th Illinois followed, and
Generals Ord and Hurlbut, followed by the body-guard of the former,
rode leisurely to the front. General Hurlbut was in full uniform, but
General Ord wore a yellow linen coat.
About this time, and still further to the east, we could hear
a skirmishing fire, now deepening into heavy volleys, and now
slackening into occasional discharges. Suddenly began the noise of
artillery, deep and loud, and for a long time we stood by our stacks
of arms, and listened with great interest to the mingled sounds of
both arms. Orderlies and staff officers rode to and from the field,
but from them we could gather little news of the progress of the
battle. But it was all in our favor. The enemy was being driven at
all points. Retreating from Corinth and encountering our cavalry the
previous night, which after the skirmish had retreated from him, he
thought we were merely a cavalry force sent out to watch him, or to
harass him in the rear, while attacking Corinth. He did not expect a
heavy force was moving to attack him in the rear. He was not looking
for such generalship on the part of Grant. Nor, when at the block
house, he had seen Bolton's artillery and Morgan's skirmishers, was
he willing to give up the delusion which General Hurlbut had so
skillfully prepared for him; but with great boldness he pushed a
heavy column of his troops across the bridge of the Hatchie, when,
to his amazement, he saw General Veatch's infantry deploying before
him, and his batteries taking possession of Matamora heights. The
enemy quickly got his guns in battery, and his infantry deployed
to the right and left. Then a severe artillery duel, and then the
skirmishers again joined, and the 2d Brigade advanced at a charging
step. The enemy withered before their fire, and finally fled before
their approaching bayonets. The charge was gallantly pressed. Most
of the rebels rushed, panic stricken, over the bridge; many threw
away their guns and plunged through the river; some fled through the
woods to the right, and escaped by crossing on logs above the bridge;
and about four hundred surrendered on the west bank. A fine four gun
battery was also captured.
To second these movements, General Lauman had sent forward the 28th
and 53d Illinois regiments of his brigade; the 41st was detailed
to guard the wagon train, and the 32d and 3d Iowa were in reserve.
As soon as General Veatch's battalion commenced, General Lauman
moved forward with these two reserve regiments about two miles, and
deployed us, the 32d on the right, the 3d Iowa on the left of the
road, about a half mile in the rear of Matamora heights, from which
we saw the 2d Brigade move forward to the attack, and heard the noise
of the battle. It was to us an hour of hope and fear. The appearance
of the three generals, Ord, Hurlbut and Lauman, as they now sat in
the road on their horses in advance of us, and received messengers
and dispatched orders, and calmly conversed with each other, tended
to give us confidence. But we had seen enough of battle to know that
its fortunes defy calculation; we knew nothing of the strength of the
enemy, and could not but think, that gallantly as they had advanced
to the attack, our comrades might be driven back in dismay, and we
compelled to interpose between them and a victorious foe.
The generals soon rode forward and found the enemy driven across the
river. General Ord ordered Veatch to throw his regiments across and
deploy them successively to the right and left of the road. Beyond
the river there was about twelve rods of bottom, and then there
arose a very high and steep bluff. Along the brow of this the enemy,
rallying and reinforced, had formed new lines of battle, and planted
artillery which from different points, enfiladed the road and bridge,
and swept the field on both sides of the stream. Following up the
river, just above the bridge it makes an abrupt elbow and comes down
from the east running parallel to the road on the opposite side. In
this elbow and on not more than half an acre of ground, a part of
General Veatch's brigade, according to the orders of General Ord,
would have to deploy. The 53d Indiana crossed first, and, endeavoring
to form on this ground, became crowded together in the narrow space
between the road and the river, when it met a plunging fire of
musketry and canister, and was driven back to the bridge in disorder
and with great loss. Here they met the 25th Indiana, which crossed
bravely and stayed them in their retreat. The 14th and 15th Illinois
followed handsomely and deployed to the left of the road. Then
crossed the 28th and 53d Illinois of Lauman's brigade, which were
ordered to deploy to the right, where, like the 52d Indiana, they
were crowded together and confused; but they held their ground and
bravely returned the fire of the enemy.
Meanwhile the reserves were ordered to the front. General Lauman took
the lead, and we advanced by the flank rapidly down the road. We
crossed the ridge and came to the village. Beyond us the field was
swept by a converging fire of the enemy's batteries. Into this storm
of shot, shell and canister, we ran. Beyond the river the battle was
at its hight. Its noise was one uninterrupted roar. We knew that
our troops were sustaining it bravely; for we met no stragglers as
at Shiloh. The bridge was swept by a random fire directed through
the tops of the trees. Colonel Trumbull ordered us to fix bayonets.
We crossed the bridge on the run, and fixed bayonets, crossing.
Beyond the bridge sat General Lauman and staff. Beauregard, the old
orderly, was wounded and bleeding freely at the mouth; but he still
was able to respond to our cheers, and to call upon us to "give
the rebels hell." Colonel Trumbull riding in lead, pointed to the
hill and ordered us to charge. The regiment obeyed bravely and had
nearly reached the foot of the hill, when it was ordered to file
to the right. Here in a moment we became massed and mingled with
the regiments which had endeavored to form here before us. Through
the dense smoke we could not see the enemy; but we could hear the
rapid jar of his artillery before and above us, and his canister as
it swept through the air in vollies, making inroads into the masses
that swayed to and fro around us. The situation was disastrous in the
extreme. We were massed and crowded together, and completely at the
mercy of the enemy's fire, while we could scarcely hope to injure
him with our's. Behind us an almost impassable barrier, obstructing
retreat. To attempt to withdraw across the narrow bridge would have
insured our destruction. What then were we to do? We could not
advance, we could not retreat, nor could we effectively return the
enemy's fire. The next moment the enemy's masses might pour down
the hill at a charge. We must hold our ground like men, and, if
necessary, die here. This terrible resolution seemed to have seized
all hearts.
At this juncture General Ord was wounded, and the command devolved
upon General Hurlbut, to whom it of right belonged. The day was now
lost, and it was for him to regain it. It was for him to correct the
fatal dispositions of the former, to make new dispositions of the
troops under that appalling fire, and out of shattered and broken
elements to organize victory. He rode across the bridge and into
the thickest of the fire. He ordered the 46th Illinois, and the
68th Ohio, and 12th Michigan, yet on the west bank, to cross the
bridge, and deploy to the left so as to flank the hill. They executed
the movement finely, and in a few moments the enemy saw, with
astonishment, regiments emerging from the field of his concentrated
fire, where he had held us so long, and advancing in good order
upon his right. His firing suddenly ceased; his colors disappeared
from the crest of the hill. He saw his victory snatched from him by
superior skill and courage, and fled in dismay.
At this juncture, having quickly formed our regiment, Colonel
Trumbull took off his hat and said to us, "Men of the Third Iowa,
will you stand by me this day?" All voices responded, "We will!"
"Then," replied he, "here's a man that never retreats this day!"
Could we have asked for a better leader?
In a few moments the whole force, splendidly aligned, advanced up
the hill, and new lines were formed on its crest. The artillery
followed, Mann's battery in lead, the planting of which General
Hurlbut superintended in person. This battery, which won such honors
at Shiloh, now behaved, if possible, more admirably than before.
Leaving their caissons and limbers under the crest of the hill, the
men ran their guns up by hand and opened a fire upon the enemy's
masked battery, directing their aim at its smoke. The other batteries
took position to its left, one of them so as to command the enemy's
battery with a flanking fire. The practice of our artillery was
splendid. As often as one of the enemy's guns would fire, three or
four of ours would reply. Meantime a party of volunteer skirmishers
from the 15th Illinois, crept up behind the crest of a hill in the
open field, between the left of our line and the enemy, and with the
most amusing impudence, picked off his wheel horses and cannoneers.
In a short time his battery was knocked to pieces and compelled to
leave the field. His rear guard then withdrew, and disappeared from
our front. The firing of our cannon had scarcely ceased, when we
heard those of Rosecrans in the direction of Corinth, thundering in
the enemy's rear. This should have been sufficient to determine the
general to press the pursuit. Why this was not done was an enigma to
us then, and it has remained unexplained ever since. It is true, we
were not prepared for a general pursuit. But the enemy twice beaten
was between two victorious armies, and had but one avenue of escape
to the south, and that over a single bridge, where a portion of his
force might have been cut off. But though the enemy's situation was
not realized then, and though, with the knowledge he had, the general
followed the best counsels in resting on the field, it is not doubted
now that the enemy's retreat might have been pressed till night with
splendid results.
We rested in line of battle till nearly night, when the wagons came
up and we bivouacked on the field. The battle had lasted seven hours,
beginning before eight in the morning, and ending before three in
the afternoon. We were fatigued, not so much from the day's fighting
as from the hard march of yesterday. A victory is for a time a great
equalizer of military caste. It obliterates the distinctions of rank;
the officer does not feel above the soldier, and the soldier feels as
good as the officer; all become comrades in the general rejoicing. It
is hard then for the soldier to disobey the officer; it is likewise
hard for the officer to chide the soldier. And when to-night squads
of the boys went to the nearest farm houses, and came back with back
loads of fresh meat, the officers,--the general himself, could not
utter a word of disapproval.
That night three companies of the Third Iowa, A, F and H, were
detailed for picket. Our position was a half mile in advance of the
bluffs, and near where the enemy had formed his last lines of battle.
Before us lay an open valley which looked strangely beautiful in the
light of the moon. Behind us were scattered through the woods the
enemy's dead. Our own were yet unburied. The moon as it looked down
seemed to be pitying the fate of the brave men that lay staring a
death-stare at her serene countenance. The "dim-lit fields" and the
shadowy woods surrounding them, possessed a weird appearance, as
though the ghosts of the slain heroes were flitting over them. And
as we listened to the distant barking of the wakeful dog, and to the
moanings of the night owl, we heard, or thought we heard, the far off
sounds of the enemy's retreating hosts. And there we watched while
our comrades slept. Terrible battle! glorious victory! moonlight
watching on a field of death!--what scenes for future recollection!
Early in the morning, the 41st Illinois with two howitzers of Mann's
battery, went forward to reconnoiter. They met the army of Rosecrans
in pursuit of the enemy, who had retreated to the south, crossing
the Hatchie six miles above us, and thus made good his escape. The
line of the enemy's retreat was strown with abandoned baggage, wagons
and artillery. A large detail under a commissioned officer went
forward to burn them. Many squads of stragglers came in, exhausted,
sick, disheartened, and telling doleful stories of their sufferings.
The day was spent in burying the dead, caring for the wounded and
collecting the arms scattered over the field, abandoned by the enemy
in his retreat.
Our rations were exhausted, but the country supplied us abundantly.
On the morning of the 7th, wagons arrived with rations from Bolivar,
and we replenished our haversacks and began our return march. We had
not proceeded far before we met another train of wagons coming to
take away such of the wounded as had not yet been removed. It was a
matter of much regret to us, as we turned our backs to our field of
glory, that we had not joined Rosecrans in the pursuit. But we were
retiring victorious, and save the thoughts of our dead and wounded
comrades, little served to diminish our joy. We halted for the night
on the creek where we had taken dinner on Saturday, and the next day
at eleven o'clock we reached our camp.
Before dismissing the battalion, Colonel Trumbull addressed us,
saying that General Lauman had complimented our good conduct in the
battle, and that if our Generals were proud of us, we had equal
reason to be proud of our Generals. He therefore proposed three
cheers successively for Generals Ord, Hurlbut, Lauman, and Veatch,
which were given with a will, and three were then spontaneously given
for Colonel Trumbull.
The next day Colonel Trumbull ordered the officers of the regiment,
who had commanded companies in the battle, to make out official
reports, stating who, if any, had behaved in a manner particularly
meritorious, and who, if any, had been guilty of misconduct. Under
the latter head, a few were reported, whom the Colonel promptly
arrested and confined, and reported to brigade headquarters with the
request that they be court-martialed and punished.
Our loss in the whole force engaged did not fall far short of six
hundred in killed and wounded. Our regiment lost two killed and about
sixty wounded. The enemy's loss in killed and wounded must have been
much less than ours. He did not leave many in the field. According to
the most moderate reports, the captures were two batteries, including
fourteen caissons, four hundred prisoners, one thousand stand of
small arms, and about seventy wagons, burned the next day on the line
of his retreat.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE BATTLE OF MATAMORA--COLONEL TRUMBULL'S OFFICIAL
REPORT--GENERAL HURLBUT'S PARTING REVIEW--HIS PARTING
ORDERS--HOW THEY WERE RECEIVED--CONGRATULATORY ORDERS
OF GENERAL GRANT--TELEGRAM FROM THE PRESIDENT.
The following is Colonel Trumbull's official report of the part
taken by the 3d Iowa in the battle of Matamora. I give it as it was
furnished me from regimental head quarters. With all due deference
to the Colonel, who commanded us so bravely, and who had a better
opportunity of knowing our situation during the battle than any one
man among us, I think all will agree with me that in some statements
he has made slight mistakes. It was not so much the enemy's fire,
though that was severe, that threw us into confusion beyond the
bridge, as it was the attempt to form us in line to the right of the
road, on the narrow space already crowded by broken troops. We were
first ordered to charge, and then, by General Lauman, I believe, _to
file to the right_, the general not wishing to advance us into the
fire of our own troops, who in the tumult could not hear the order to
cease firing. The Colonel does not mention that, before any attempt
to re-form the regiment was successful, the enemy had ceased firing
and retired from the crest of the hill. This was due to the manner
in which General Hurlbut had disposed on the left his yet available
troops. The promptness with which the regiment again formed was due
to the Colonel as much as to the men. When once all could hear and
understand the voice of the commander, who through the trying storm
they had seen behaving so bravely, nothing more was needed to bring
them to their places in ranks:
HEAD QUARTERS, 3D IOWA INFANTRY CAMP,}
NEAR BOLIVAR, TENN., Oct. 8, 1862. }
CAPT. H. SCHOFIELD, A. A. G.--_Sir_: I have the honor
to report the part taken by the 3d Iowa Infantry in the
battle of the 5th of October. The 3d Iowa, 300 strong,
was on the right of the 1st Brigade, (Gen. Lauman),
and formed part of the reserve. When the reserve was
ordered into action the 3d Iowa led, crossing the
bridge at a cheer, and at a double quick, under so
severe a fire that about ---- men were shot down in a
few minutes, including over half of the commissioned
officers present. This necessarily threw the regiment
into some confusion, especially as the road was narrow
and encumbered with a good deal of underbrush, and
the men pressing forward got entangled with the men
of other regiments. I saw no way to extricate the
regiment, but by planting the colors in the middle of
the road, and ordering the men to rally to them. This
was promptly done, nearly every man springing instantly
to his place. The regiment then moved forward up the
hill in company with other regiments which had adopted
the same plan, the enemy retiring as we advanced. On
reaching the summit, the 3d Iowa was stationed in the
open plain to the left of the road, and toward the
close of the engagement was moved to the right of the
road near the bend of the river to support the gallant
28th Illinois, (Col. Johnson). The battle was now about
over.
I have to regret the loss of 1st Lieut. W. P. Dodd,
commanding Company H., who was struck by a shell and
instantly killed, just before we crossed the bridge.
He was a brave and faithful officer, and his loss
will fall heavily upon the regiment. I have also to
regret the permanent disability of Capt. E. J. Weiser,
of Company D, and acting 2d Lieut. D. W. Foote, of
Company I, two noble and gallant officers, both of
whom have been wounded in battle before. Capt. C.
Kostman, commanding Company C, and Lieut. W. B. Hamil,
commanding Company K, were both severely wounded
while gallantly pressing forward in the front of
their respective companies. 2d Lieut. C. E. Anderson,
commanding Company G, who had done his whole duty
through the engagement, was severely wounded just at
the close of the battle. 1st Lieut. J. G. Scoby was
especially prominent in rallying the men to the colors.
Lieut. Geary, Company H, deserves especial mention, for
staying in command of his company after the death of
the 1st Lieutenant, all through the battle, and until
we reached Bolivar, though suffering from a painful,
but not a severe wound. Lieutenants McMurtry and
Burdick, of Company D, Lakin and Abernethy, of Company
F, and Moe, of Company C, did their duty bravely and
well. Company A. was not engaged. 2d Lieutenant G. H.
Cushman, acting adjutant, and Sergeant Major, A. W.
Montague, both displayed great coolness and courage,
and rendered me valuable assistance on the field.
The conduct of the rank and file in crossing the
bridge, under the terrific fire of the enemy's
batteries, and in rallying to the flag as promptly as
they did, deserves the highest praise. Several cases
of individual bravery among the men, I shall bring to
the notice of the General commanding the Brigade, as
soon as I have fully investigated the circumstances.
I take pleasure in noticing here the gallantry of
Corporal Anderson Edwards, the color bearer. This is
the third fight in which he has carried the colors of
the regiment, and he deserves the notice of the General
commanding. I am ashamed to say that a few--a very few
cases of misconduct in the presence of the enemy have
been reported to me, which on further investigation I
shall submit to the General commanding the Brigade,
with a request that they may be submitted to a general
court martial.
I herewith enclose a list of the killed and wounded of
the Iowa Third in the action of the 5th. The number
of the killed is very small, considering the terrible
character of the wounds received.
I have the honor to be, sir,
With great respect,
Your obedient servant,
M. M. TRUMBULL,
Captain Commanding 3d Iowa Infantry.
No one can deny the justness and impartiality with which this report
reviews the conduct of the officers and men. It is to be regretted,
however, that more instances of gallant conduct on the part of the
latter, of which there were many, could not have been brought to
light in this document.
Nothing more can be said of the conduct of General Hurlbut, than that
his praise was again upon the lips of every man of the 4th Division.
It received at the hands of the Government the prompt recognition
it deserved. He was appointed to be a Major General and assigned to
the command of the District of Jackson. He took a parting review
of the decimated regiments which had marched so long and fought so
well under his command. It was not like Napoleon taking leave of his
officers at Fontainebleu, nor Washington's farewell to the army at
New York; but it was a parting, where, on both sides, there were far
more regrets than would seem. As the thinned battalions marched past
him, their battered flags saluting, with so many brave, familiar
faces absent, the General gazed upon his men, and the men turned
their eyes toward their general, with an affection which it does not
seem possible could have grown up between soldier and commander in
the short space of seven months. On turning over the command of the
Division to General Lauman, General Hurlbut issued the following
farewell address:
HEAD QUARTERS FOURTH DIVISION, }
DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }
BOLIVAR, Tenn., Oct. 8, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 112. }
_Officers and Soldiers of the Fourth
Division_:--Comrades in battle, partakers of the weary
march and the long watches! By your discipline and
courage the victory has been won, and the title of the
"Fighting Fourth," earned at Shiloh, has been burnished
with additional splendor on the Hatchie.
We were ordered on a forlorn hope to the aid of our
beleaguered brothers in arms at Corinth. The march was
arduous, the undertaking desperate. My orders were to
reach Rosecrans at all hazards, and relieve him or
perish.
By the blessing of the God of our fathers and our
country, the forces which assailed that indomitable
garrison were scattered and broken by their invincible
courage before our turn came. But there was yet work
for the "Old Fourth."
The heavy mass of the enemy were retreating by the
State Line road, when, after crossing the Muddy, we met
them. Each arm of this division gallantly co-operating
with the other--cavalry, infantry and artillery, over
a rough and dangerous country--over hill and through
ravines, forest and thicket--a desperate enemy made no
breach in the serried ranks of this command. Aided by
your brave comrades of the 68th Ohio and 12th Michigan,
from General Ross' command, field after field was
swept, position after position seized and occupied,
until the crowning struggle of the day came for the
occupation of the high grounds east of the Hatchie. The
bridge across that stream was carried at a charging
step; the work of the artillery was done--that of the
infantry commenced in deadly earnest. Major General
Ord, a stranger to you, but to whom the division, by
its well won reputation, was no stranger, and who had
hitherto led the advance, was struck at the bridge
and disabled; the command then devolved upon your old
commander.
By misapprehension of the nature of the country across
the Hatchie, a large portion of the division had been
massed on impracticable ground to the right of the
road, and exposed to a terrific fire of canister at
short range. That you bore it without the possibility
of active return speaks well for your discipline.
Knowing the ground, I immediately determined to throw
out the main force to the left, crown the hill side,
and flank the enemy; and it is among the proudest
moments of my life, when I remember how promptly the
several regiments disengaged themselves from their
temporary confusion and extended to the left; and
with what a will they bent themselves to conquer the
hill. In twenty minutes all was over--the crest was
gained and held, the artillery rapidly in place, and
the field of Matamora was won. The broken fragments
of the Confederate army recoiled before your solid
advance; their main line of retreat was cut off, and
their troops forced over the broken ground east of the
Hatchie.
Our duty was accomplished. Our wounded, the bloody
witnesses to the desperation of the fight, were to be
cared for. Already the victorious column of Rosecrans
was thundering in their rear. It was my duty to bring
in the forces that remained to me.
You have returned to camp. No colors lost; not a man or
a gun missing. It is a triumph; and you, and I for you,
have a right to be proud.
With you in this achievement were associated the
Sixty-eighth Ohio and the Twelfth Michigan regiments.
They were worthy to be with you, and their conduct
receives the praise of their commanding officer.
And now the necessities of the service remove me
from the immediate command of the Fourth Division. A
promotion won by your courage and discipline removes me
to a larger command.
I wish you to understand from these, my parting orders,
that I know full well that no regiment in my old
division desired to be under my command when we met at
Donelson. The reason why, I know well, but care not
to tell now. Your respect I conquered at Shiloh; your
regard I hope to have acquired since.
Give to the officer who may succeed me the same prompt
obedience, the same steady devotion to duty, and
you will make me, wherever I am, proud of the high
reputation of the Fourth Division.
Remember, every man and officer, that I here again
publicly acknowledge, that whatever I may have of
military reputation has been won by you; and that
I wear it only as coming from you; and that any
misconduct or want of discipline on your part, will
grieve your old commander. Remember that I place my
honor as well as your own in your hands, and that if I
find a difficult place that must be held, I shall call
for the Fourth. I have no fears how you will answer.
Our dead--our glorious dead! The joy of victory is
dimmed when we think of them. But they have died as
they would wish--died in defense of the Union and the
Laws--died bravely on the red field of battle, with
their unconquered banner over them. Their comrades will
avenge them.
And when at last our victorious flag shall float over
the national domain, reconquered and united, and the
weary soldier shall forget his toils in the endearments
of home, around your firesides and among your children
and neighbors, you shall recite as a part of your
glorious history, how you swept the rebel hosts, with
every advantage of position, across the Hatchie, and
around the opposing hill, with a wall of fire and steel
that repelled the chosen troops of Van Dorn and Price.
Infantry, artillery and cavalry of the Fourth Division,
and your well-deserving companions of the 68th Ohio and
12th Michigan, you have done your duty, each in his
place, and each at the right time. You have satisfied
your General; and the country in due time shall know
what is due to each of you. I bid you, for a while,
farewell.
Officers and men, continue to deserve your lofty
reputation; and then, as heretofore you will continue
to receive the approbation of your General and
strengthen his hands in the performance of his duties.
S. A. HURLBUT, Major General.
This address was eagerly sought for, and read with the greatest
pride and delight by all the soldiers of the Division. Every copy
that could be supplied was taken and preserved as a choice memento,
or sent home to friends. The boys read and re-read it so often that
some even had it committed to memory. Neither in it nor in its author
could any one see a blemish. Well, who could blame us for rejoicing
in our splendid victory, and in our idol and ideal general? If our
comrades of other corps could not see it as we did, surely they
should have been willing to allow us to believe that there was no
division like the "Fighting Fourth," and no general like "Old Steve."
To them the order may have seemed too eloquent--too boastful, and we,
in the excess of our delight over it, making a ridiculous display of
vain conceit. But was not the theme an eloquent one?--and who had a
better right to boast than _our_ general, and who to be proud than
_we_?
General Grant viewed these battles at a distance, though he
controlled the general movements. His order of thanks was more
temperate, and perhaps more appropriate. It read as follows:
HEAD QUARTERS, DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }
JACKSON, Tenn., October 7th, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 88. }
It is with heartfelt gratitude that the General
commanding congratulates the armies of the West for
another great victory won by them on the 3d, 4th, and
5th instant over the combined forces of Van Dorn and
Lovell.
The enemy chose his own time and place of making the
attack, and knowing the troops of the West as he
does, never would have made the attack, except with
a superior force, numerically. But for the undaunted
bravery of officers and soldiers, who have yet to
learn defeat, the efforts of the enemy would have been
successful.
Whilst one division of the army under Major General
Rosecrans was resisting and repelling the onslaught of
the enemy at Corinth, another from Bolivar under Major
General Hurlbut, was marching upon the enemy's rear,
driving in his pickets and cavalry, and attracting the
attention of a large force of infantry and artillery.
On the following day, under Major General Ord, these
forces advanced with unsurpassed gallantry, driving
the enemy back across the Hatchie, over ground where
it is almost incredible that a superior force should
be driven by an inferior, capturing two batteries
(eight guns), many hundred small arms, and several
hundred prisoners. To these two divisions of the army
all praise is due, and will be awarded by a grateful
country.
Between them there should be, and I trust there is, the
warmest bonds of brotherhood. Each was risking his life
in the same cause, and on this occasion risking it to
save and assist the other. No troops could do more than
these separated armies. Each did all possible for it to
do in the place assigned it.
As in all great battles, so in this, it becomes our
fate to mourn the loss of many brave and faithful
officers and soldiers, who have given up their lives a
sacrifice for a great principle. The nation mourns for
them.
By command of Major General Grant,
JOHN A. RAWLINS, A. A. G.
I must not omit the President's congratulatory letter, written in his
characteristic way, which General Grant published in the following
order:
HEAD QUARTERS, DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, }
JACKSON, Tenn., October 17, 1862. }
GENERAL ORDERS, }
NO. 89. }
The following dispatch from the President of the United
States of America, has been officially received, and is
published to the armies in this District.
WASHINGTON, D. C., Oct. 8, 1862.
MAJOR GENERAL GRANT; I congratulate you and all
concerned in your recent battles and victories. How
does it all sum up? I especially regret the death of
General Hackleman, and am very anxious to know the
condition of General Oglesby, who is a personal and
intimate friend. A. LINCOLN.
By command of Major General Grant,
JOHN A. RAWLINS, A. A. G.
CHAPTER XXIV.
ORGANIZATION AND CHANGES--RECONNOISSANCE BY GENERAL
ROSS--DISPOSITION OF THE HATCHIE PRISONERS--THE STATE
ELECTION IN OUR REGIMENTS--EFFECT OF THE NEWS OF THE
NORTHERN ELECTIONS UPON OUR TROOPS--WILD REPORTS OF
THE ENEMY'S ADVANCE--FORTIFYING--PREPARATIONS FOR
A GENERAL ADVANCE--ARRIVAL OF GENERAL GRANT--GRAND
REVIEW--ARRIVAL OF NEW REGIMENTS--REORGANIZATION
OF OUR DIVISION--GENERAL MARCHING ORDERS--FIRST
DAY'S MARCH--SECOND DAY'S MARCH--VANDALISM OF THE
TROOPS--JUNCTION WITH THE LEFT WING--OUR CAMP AT
LAGRANGE--ORDER AGAINST VANDALISM--POSITION OF THE
ENEMY--PREPARATIONS AND RECONNOISSANCES--DAILY
INSPECTION OF AMMUNITION--ARRIVAL OF COLONEL
WILLIAMS--RESIGNATION OF LIEUT. COL. TRUMBULL--THE
SOMERVILLE MARCH--REVIEWS AND MARCHING ORDERS.
Brigadier Gen. Lauman assumed command of the 4th Division, and
Colonel Pugh again took command of the 1st Brigade, which he
had commanded so well in the battle of Shiloh. Major General
McPherson was put in command of the 2d Division of the District
of Jackson,--embracing the country around Bolivar held by the 4th
Division and the troops of General Ross, the previous command
of General Hurlbut and still included in his command,--with his
headquarters at Bolivar.
On the 9th of October, General Ross went out to reconnoiter in the
direction of Ripley, but returned without meeting anything of
consequence. We again relapsed into the quiet of camp life, and began
our customary drills and reviews. Our wounded were cared for in the
hospitals at Bolivar, but as fast as they were able to be moved, were
sent to Jackson and further north. The prisoners taken in the late
battle were sent under escort of the 28th Illinois to Holly Springs,
and delivered over to be exchanged.
While at this camp we witnessed among ourselves the novel experiment
of soldiers being allowed to vote on matters which pertain to their
State, and to their several communities at home. The commissioner
appointed, in pursuance of the act of the Legislature, to take the
vote of our regiment, P. F. Crane, Esq., of Fayette county, arrived
several days before that of the election, and much of the time
during his stay with us enjoyed the hearty but rough hospitalities
of Company F. No military duty interfering, the election was held
on the usual day for the State, the 14th of the month. That morning
the _minors_ were sent on picket to give all the legal voters a
chance. The polls were opened at the Adjutant's tent. The whole
affair passed off with a marvelous degree of quiet and order. There
was no drunkenness, no wire-pulling, no trickery, no coercion, no
undue persuasion. If some of our fellow citizens at home could have
witnessed the election, characterized by not a single disgraceful
scene, but where every man, like a citizen sovereign, voted
unquestioned the ticket of his choice, they would have been put to
shame at the disgraceful conduct which marks many elections held amid
the restraining influences of society and civilization. And could
they have seen it, how it would have put to shame (if aught could put
to shame), the detested, corrupt, traitorous and cowardly crew, who
advocated the withholding of this just and simple right from the men
who, they would allege, had forfeited it, because they had placed
themselves a voluntary living wall between them and their country's
foes! No event ever did more honor to the patriotism and wisdom of
a legislative body, than did these elections to the Legislature of
Iowa. Most of those who had hitherto voted or sympathized with the
Democratic party, viewing its present workings as tending more to
embarrass the Government than to reform its abuses, the vote for its
candidates was very light--less than forty out of about three hundred
votes cast. (I write from memory and can not give the official
figures.) And what was still more significant, Mahoney, the traitor,
only got two votes!
When the results of the Northern elections became known, it cast a
gloom over the great majority of our regiment, and of the regiments
around us. A crushing defeat of our main armies would not have had
so chilling an effect on the _morale_ of our best troops as this.
Waiving all consideration of the questions involved, it was too
plain to all that these elections indicated a dissatisfaction with
the administration, an opposition to the prosecution of the war, a
sympathy with the common enemy, and in general, a disaffection among
the people, where all should be struggling unitedly for the salvation
of the Republic. Though many good and patriotic men acted with the
party, we could not but see that, with scarcely an exception, every
traitor in the North likewise acted with it, and we heard with
mortification and rage the exultations of the enemy, who proclaimed
its triumph as a triumph of their cause among us. But the most
alarming feature of this indication of disaffection to the Government
was, that it took place at a time when the two main armies of the
enemy were scarcely checked in their marches of victory,--when his
hordes on the Potomac and the Ohio had scarcely begun to recoil from
their attempted invasion of our homes and firesides. That, at a time
when the public danger increased, a portion of the people should have
increased their factious opposition to the Government, was to the
brave soldiers struggling against an all but successful enemy, really
disheartening. In such times as these, it should be the chief lesson
of the citizen to learn, that, however weak or lacking in wisdom the
Chief of the State may be, the only resource of the nation's safety
is for the people to rally around him as one man, and to accomplish
by spontaneous action what he fails to do. Honor and gratitude to
those who stand by their country's Chief when danger thickens; but to
those who desert him and turn against him, let due infamy be accorded.
We still had wild and ridiculous reports of the enemy advancing upon
us in great force. The Memphis _Bulletin_ promulgated them, and many
of the soldiers believed them with a credulity that was disgraceful.
They did not stop to think that the enemy's army was numerically
less than ours; and that his force being manifestly equal to ours
at all other points, could not be superior to it here. Whether the
generals believed these reports or not, it is difficult to say. At
least they began to construct fortifications at Bolivar, and for this
purpose heavy details were made each day, and the work was pressed
vigorously until, under the personal supervision of Major General
McPherson, himself an engineer of the first order, a line of works
were constructed by no means inferior in character, and capable of
protecting the front of a large army.
But in the midst of these defensive operations, preparations for a
general advance began. A six months supply of clothing, camp and
garrison equipage, was issued to the troops; draught animals were
shod, and wagons put in a state of repair; and an immense quantity
of ordnance stores was brought forward. On the 28th of October the
guns of Fort Sanderson announced the arrival of Major General Grant.
In making preparations for a campaign, the first thing a general
wants to know is the number and condition of his effective troops,
and in order to make this investigation in a satisfactory manner,
it is very desirable that he should _see_ them. Accordingly the
following morning was memorable for a grand review. The two divisions
were drawn up in hollow square near Fort Sanderson. The lines thus
formed were nearly three miles in length, exclusive of cavalry and
artillery. The appearance of General Grant was the signal for a
salvo of thirteen guns. He rode at a slow walk along the lines,
eyeing the troops with great scrutiny. Exclusive of numbers, there
was not in this review much of the "pomp and circumstance of war."
At those points of the line where the General was at a distance and
not approaching, the men, excessively fatigued with standing still,
sat down, and in some places the ranks became quite broken. We then
passed in review before the General, and returned to our camp through
suffocating clouds of dust.
Meanwhile new regiments, organized in the summer, began to arrive,
and were distributed among the old brigades. The 4th Division was
re-organized so as to be composed of three brigades, the 1st under
command of Colonel Pugh, the 2d, of Colonel Hall, 14th Illinois, the
3d under command of the gallant E. K. Johnson, of the 28th Illinois.
The 1st Brigade was composed of the 3d Iowa, 53d and 103d Illinois;
the 2d Brigade of the 14th, 15th, 46th and 76th Illinois; the 3d
Brigade of the 28th and 32d Illinois, and the 53d Indiana and 12th
Wisconsin. The latter was a splendid regiment numbering nearly a
thousand men. It had seen much service, but had never been in action.
The 25th Indiana was detached from the division some time after this
at LaGrange. Until then it continued with the 2d Brigade.
On the 1st of November we received marching orders. The recent order
of General Halleck, reducing the transportation of the army, was now
in our cases put into effect. We were to take but six teams to the
regiment. Officers were required to confine their baggage to valises
instead of trunks, and to turn over their surplus baggage, at their
option, to the Depot Quartermaster for storage, who would receipt for
the same. Three days rations were taken in haversacks, and two in the
wagons. Our surplus wagons were detailed to haul the baggage of the
103d.
At daylight the camps had disappeared from the fields, the batteries
were limbered up, long lines of baggage wagons stood where the camps
had been, and dark columns of infantry completed the scene. Before
eight o'clock the column stretched out on the Grand Junction road.
The men were in excellent spirits; for it was generally believed that
we were going this time to stay. The road was somewhat dusty, but the
day was cool and the march easy. We made ten miles and camped south
of Spring Creek, near where General Lauman had halted and shelled
the enemy in his memorable retreat. General McPherson believed in
military discipline; and notwithstanding the men were tired with
carrying their heavy knapsacks, he caused a strong camp guard to be
posted around each regiment, and ordered that the men be confined
strictly to its limits. The arrangement created great displeasure
towards him. It was repeated, though in a milder degree, in all our
subsequent marches under him. Before night, Logan's division came up
and camped near us.
The following day's march was characterized by a degree of vandalism
which was disgraceful to all concerned in it, and even to the army at
large. Fences and buildings were set on fire all along the line of
march, and in some instances almost under the eye of General Grant.
Decent respect to our General should have spared him the sight of
such humiliating occurrences. Most of it was laid to the cavalry in
advance.
Near Grand Junction where the State line road crosses the one on
which we were marching, we found the head of General Hamilton's
column, coming from Corinth, but now at a halt and waiting for our
column to defile past and take the LaGrange road to the right.
The right wing, General McPherson, went into camp around LaGrange,
and the left wing along Wolf River, south of Grand Junction, and near
Davis' Bridge. The 3d Iowa went into camp that night on the precise
ground it had occupied in the summer. General McPherson established
his headquarters in an elegant building near us. The railroad was
repaired from Bolivar, and preparations for a continued advance
immediately began.
The vandalism of both wings of the army in burning fences and
buildings on the march hither, called forth a severe order from
General Grant. This failing to accomplish its purpose, another one
was issued assessing the amount of property destroyed to the smallest
corps to which the act could be traced, whether division, brigade,
regiment, company, detachment, or single man; the amount to be
assessed against them, or him, on their pay rolls, and deducted from
their pay. This had the desired effect for a while, but it was soon
forgotten.
The enemy under Van Dorn and Price were camped south of us, at,
or this side of Holly Springs. The time we lay at this point was
consumed in preparatory reconnoissances, rebuilding the railroad
bridge over Wolf River south of Grand Junction, and otherwise
preparing for a general invasion of Mississippi.
About noon, November 5th, an order came to our regiment to march
immediately in light order, taking one day's rations in haversacks.
It was a reconnoissance of the 1st Brigade with a section of Mann's
Battery, Col. Pugh in command. Captain McCall was in command of the
3d Iowa. We moved south, taking the Holly Springs road, and, when
about eight miles beyond our outposts, those of the enemy came in
sight. Our infantry deployed on either side of the road, and our
artillery commenced throwing shells. The country was open and level,
and afforded a fine view. We could see our shells strike the ground
and burst about three-quarters of a mile from us.
The enemy fled, and we again advanced. About sundown our cavalry came
up with the retreating cavalry of the enemy and repulsed them after a
brief skirmish, in which the rebels lost one killed and two wounded.
Darkness coming on, we retraced our steps and arrived in LaGrange
about 9 o'clock, having made in one afternoon a march of eighteen
miles, besides some skirmishing.
The following evening an order was read to our regiment on parade
that the troops of the division would hold themselves in readiness
to march in the morning on a reconnoissance, in force, with the
exception of two regiments of Gen. Veatch's Brigade, one of which was
to be left to guard Ball's Bridge, and the other as a reserve and for
picket duty, and one regiment of Col. Johnson's Brigade left to guard
the bridge over Wolf River on the Holly Springs road, and one battery
also to be left behind. We were to be provided with two day's rations
in haversacks, and one hundred rounds of ammunition to the man. The
imprudence of reading such an order, on a public parade, is at once
apparent. A single citizen might have conveyed its contents to the
enemy, and he, taking advantage of our folly in thus informing him of
our force and designs, might have punished it severely.
We moved at 9 o'clock, taking the Holly Springs road. Major General
McPherson was in command, and General Lauman was also along. Captain
McCall commanded the 3d Iowa. A steady march without any exciting
incident brought us late in the afternoon to the brick church near
Lamar, where the division had camped previously in the summer, when
under Sherman. We had scarcely stacked arms when a distant noise of
skirmishing began in front. At first we paid little attention to
it; but soon it increased into indistinct vollies. We were ordered
to keep on our accoutrements and to be ready to fall in line at any
moment. Two companies, one of them Company K, of our regiment, under
Lieut. Lakin of Company F, were sent out as skirmishers in a thick
wood on the right. Just as we had got enough grass pulled to sleep
on, we were ordered to take a new position, half a mile in advance.
We had not gone to sleep when various accounts of the skirmishing
we had heard in advance began to come in. It proved to have been an
affair of the cavalry. Ours, three battalions, respectively, of the
1st West Tennessee (mounted infantry), the 7th Kansas Jayhawkers
(mounted infantry), and the 2d Illinois (cavalry), came up with the
enemy's, consisting of two battalions of Jackson's celebrated cavalry
under Col. Montgomery. A ruse was adopted to draw the rebels into
a trap. Our mounted infantry dismounted and concealing themselves
on either side of the road, which ran through a narrow lane, the 2d
Illinois Battalion then advanced, and coming upon the enemy, appeared
to be confounded at his numbers, and began a precipitate retreat.
The enemy pursued with great haste, and when he came between the two
lines of dismounted infantry, they opened a sudden fire upon him.
"Amazement seized the rebel thrones." They whirled about in great
panic and began to retreat. But before they turned, the boys had shot
down several horses in the rear of their column. Upon these poor
animals, plunging and floundering, now rushed the whole mass, pent
up in the narrow lane. The boys closed in on them, and succeeded in
securing one captain and sixty-four men, many of whom were horribly
bruised and mutilated. Besides these, two or three had been killed.
But this impudent trick was soon after surpassed by the ambitious
Jayhawkers. Lying in wait, they saw a large party of the enemy move
up and post themselves as a grand guard. The Jayhawkers waited till
they got well asleep, and then crept up behind them, and woke them up
to tell them they were prisoners. The whole thing was accomplished
without any noise or disturbance. A few minutes after, a sergeant
came up. He, too, was taken. Then came a lieutenant and a private.
They shared the same fate.
I give the accounts of these exploits furnished by men who
participated in them. The prisoners we saw, talked with, and counted.
They numbered a hundred and twelve. They were without uniform,
though not ragged--but a dirty, wo-begone looking set. Many were
horribly bruised and clotted with blood. They said that if Jackson
had been in command their disaster in the lane would never have
happened. But he had been promoted to be a brigadier general, and
Montgomery, his successor, had proven himself incompetent to fill the
place.
Most of the next day, the infantry and artillery remained where they
had spent the night; but the cavalry pushed on as far as Cold Water
River, where it met the enemy in force of infantry and artillery, and
was forced back. We heard the dull booming of his cannon when they
opened upon our cavalry, and guessed correctly what the sounds meant.
Soon after, the 3d Iowa was sent forward to support the cavalry, but
after advancing about two miles was recalled. The cavalry retired
deliberately and the enemy did not pursue.
About four in the afternoon, we took up the return march for
LaGrange. The air was cool, and when once in motion we led out at a
brisk pace. The dust was somewhat annoying, but what was more so, the
troops had set fire to the fields and fences, and we were compelled
to march along burning lanes through intense smoke and heat, between
two lines of fire. We reached our camps about eight o'clock in the
evening.
After this reconnoissance, by order of General McPherson, the
ammunition in the cartridge boxes of the men was inspected each day
on dress parade by a staff officer sent for the purpose. Forty rounds
of cartridge were furnished each man, and whenever a deficiency
was found that the soldier could not account for, he was charged
at the rate of fifty cents for each cartridge. The boys were very
careful never to get caught without their full number. Should they
find their number short, it was easy to borrow for the time of some
comrade who did not go on parade. When the marches again commenced
the arrangement was dispensed with.
About this time General Lauman was succeeded in the command of the
4th Division by Brig. Gen. McKean. Our regiment listened to his
parting orders with extreme regret. I do not know whether this
feeling was common to the whole division; but the soldiers of the 1st
Brigade felt that he was their general, and feared our division would
not get another commander who would be so proud of his trust and
fulfil it so well.
At LaGrange, Col. Williams again joined us. His appearance was
greeted with many demonstrations of disrespect on the part of the
rank and file. Captain Smith, who had been home on recruiting
service, came with him. The Captain was well and warmly received.
Lieutenant Crosley also joined us about that time; but was soon after
detailed as aid on the staff of the brigade. Lieut. Col. Trumbull,
who had been compelled to remain behind on account of sickness,
joined us from Bolivar. He soon after tendered his resignation for
reasons which were well understood and appreciated by his friends.
It was not without much difficulty that he procured its acceptance,
General McPherson at first refusing his concurrence. With scarcely
an exception, he parted from us with the sincere regrets and good
wishes of the whole regiment, both officers and men.[2]
The morning of the 23d of November is memorable for the most
remarkable march ever performed by our regiment. The enemy's cavalry
appeared in our rear in the direction of Somerville, about sixteen
miles northeast of LaGrange. Our cavalry was at the time busy with
the enemy in front. Accordingly, the 3d Iowa, the 41st Illinois and
a section of artillery were sent to look after them. We marched at
six o'clock. Colonel Trumbull stood before his tent as we started.
The tears came into the gallant Colonel's eyes as he looked at the
boys for the last time. We were delayed for some reason near General
McKean's head quarters, and did not leave the town till eight
o'clock. Marching leisurely, and halting for a short rest, at a
small stream seven miles out, we reached Somerville at one o'clock.
The guerrillas were of course gone. After resting till half past
two, we began the return march. Our regiment, which had hitherto
been in the rear, was now in advance. The column at once assumed a
brisk gait. Soon after, a courier arrived with a dispatch from Gen.
McKean to hasten back, as a general movement was on foot. The speed
of the march was now accelerated, so as to keep the artillery horses
much of the time at a trot. The officers must have known that it
was impossible for the men to march at so unreasonable a gait; to
keep in the ranks was out of the question. Many fell behind and some
sank exhausted by the way. It was after dark when we reached the
creek where we had rested in the forenoon. Here about two hundred,
including the stragglers that came up, remained and passed the night
without an officer or a picket posted. It was perhaps well that the
enemy did not know their situation. When we reached the pickets, many
more fell out of the ranks and remained around their fires. Only
about twenty men and two officers reached camp with their colors--a
fitting eulogium on fast marching. Nearly all, however, were present
at morning roll-call, thus showing that they did not leave the ranks
from a disposition not to acquit themselves in the most creditable
manner. This extraordinary march of thirty-two miles in twelve hours
called forth a complimentary order from General McKean.
Meanwhile, Capt. Brown, whose resignation had been accepted at
Bolivar, returned as major, and assumed command of the regiment, Col.
Williams still being sick. The captain had been promoted while home,
at the request of a majority of the officers of the regiment. His
appointment gave very general satisfaction among the men.
General Grant returned from Columbus, whither he had been to consult
with Gen. Sherman. He reviewed the troops by brigades, and caused
orders to be issued for the animals to be shod and subsistence
drawn for an immediate march. The enemy was in force and fortified
at Abbeville, south of Holly Springs, on the Tallahatchie. General
Sherman marched from Memphis on the 26th of November, taking
direction to the right of his position. Orders came on the 27th for
us to march in the morning at 6 o'clock, taking all our baggage,
three days rations in haversacks, and two in wagons. On account of
the limited transportation, we would have to carry our knapsacks, now
containing our winter's supply of clothing, and very heavy. On this
account we promised ourselves anything but an easy march.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] This gallant and high-minded officer joined us with some military
experience, having served in the Mexican war. He was with us in all
our battles, and on all occasions behaved with a degree of courage
and resolution seldom equalled, nowhere surpassed. In camp and on
the march his conduct was no less meritorious. He kept himself
thoroughly acquainted with his duties, and on all occasions commanded
the highest personal and official respect. His generosity knew no
distinction of rank; for a gallant officer or soldier he could not do
too much, and there was but one offense which he could not forgive:
misbehavior in the face of the enemy. To those guilty of this he was
particularly intolerant. In short, he possessed in a high degree the
elements which make up a successful soldier, and his comrades, and
those who served under him, have learned with gratification that he
is again in the service, as colonel of the 9th Iowa Cavalry, with the
gallant Knight, first lieutenant and then captain of his old company
in the 3d Iowa, as lieutenant-colonel.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE ARMY IN MOTION TO THE SOUTH--CHARACTER AND
SCENES OF THE FIRST DAY'S MARCH--A PICTURE OF THE
OLD SOLDIER IN BIVOUAC, AND A GLANCE AT HIS DOMESTIC
ARRANGEMENTS--THE MARCH OF NOV. 29.--BIVOUAC AT
HOLLY SPRINGS--MARCHING THROUGH THE CITY--AN
EARTHQUAKE--THE CAVALRY DIVISION AND THE ENEMY'S
REAR GUARD--CANNONADING--CAMP AT LUMKIN'S MILLS--A
STORM--MOVEMENT OF SHERMAN, RETREAT OF THE ENEMY AND
ADVANCE OF TROOPS--OUR DIVISION LEFT BEHIND--THINGS
TO THE FRONT--WE ADVANCE--REBEL WORKS ON THE
TALLAHATCHIE--SCENES AND SCENERY OF THE DAY'S
MARCH--CAMP AT HURRICANE CREEK--OXFORD--JOIN THE MAIN
ARMY AT YOCKONA CREEK--THE 33D WISCONSIN--THE SITUATION
AND MOVEMENTS--RAID OF VAN DORN--MOVEMENTS TO OPEN THE
COMMUNICATIONS.
Reveille sounded at 4 o'clock. We cooked breakfast, packed knapsacks
and haversacks, filled canteens, loaded wagons and fell into line.
Major Brown was in the saddle. It was cheering to the members of
Company F, to see their former esteemed Captain at the head of the
regiment. The field music struck up the old familiar marching tune,
"The Girl I left behind me," and the regiment marched out and took
its position in the column on the bluffs of the river. Here we
waited for the 2d and 3d Brigades to pass, watching in the meantime
their column of dark infantry mixed with white covered wagons, as
it extended to the south. It was a grand spectacle to see the right
wing of the army stretching over those broad and open fields further
into the land of the enemy. And when each soldier thought, "I am a
part of this grand movement; little as I am, I am helping to make
history," he felt an exultation known only to men in the hour of
great enterprises or of great success.
The left wing was also in motion on the road south from Grand
Junction. Where that road unites with the one on which we were
marching, six miles south of Wolf River, the right wing halted, and
the left wing assumed the advance.
The roads were most favorable for marching, but the sky was overcast
with leaden clouds, and the wind blew cold and raw from the
northwest. During the frequent halts occasioned by the great length
of the trains, the men would tear down the fences and build fires,
around which to warm themselves. So frequent were the halts, and
so great the length of the column, that before night the way was
almost a continuous line of fire. These fires extended through the
dry leaves and stubble, and communicated themselves to the fences,
till at length we seemed to be marching through a perpetual bonfire.
The sun went down, and darkness began to gather around, when, all at
once through a sudden rift in the gloomy clouds, the red twilight
broke gloriously, while to the east whither the wind was blowing,
the flames of burning fences, fields and buildings, lit up the sky,
which glared vengefully upon us as we marched along. It was a scene
worthy a poet or painter. It was the splendor of desolation. A vast
invading army marching through a blaze of the ruin it had made!
Whether it were intentional or accidental, we could not but deplore
such a destruction of property. We knew that the world would consider
such doings intentional, and that they would be a lasting stigma upon
our name. There were some among us that rejoiced at it; but many
shuddered instinctively at seeing ourselves re-enacting the deeds
which have made the name of _vandal_ the execration of all ages.
The advance infantry camped for the night at Cold Water. But our
division, though it marched two hours after night, camped near the
familiar brick church south of Lamar. Here there was no water for the
animals, and scarcely enough for the men. The wagons parked as they
traveled, by brigades. On account of the weight of our knapsacks, the
slowness of the march, and the frequent halts, we were excessively
fatigued, and when the order was given to file to the right, we had
scarcely patience enough left to go through the remaining movement
of halt!--close up--front! center dress! front! fix-bayonets!
shoulder-arms! stack-arms! break ranks--march!
And here a stranger could have observed in all its reality the
habits of the old soldier on the march. His knapsack is packed,
not according to regulations, but to suit his own convenience. His
haversack contains three days rations of bread, sugar and coffee, and
a sure supply of salt. For his meat he trusts chiefly to fortune and
to the enemy's pig-pens and henroosts. Outside his haversack hangs
all that is left of some merry oyster supper,--a small tin can with a
wire bail--his coffee pot. His canteen is never empty when water can
be procured, unless it contains something sweeter or stronger than
water. When the regiment halts for the night and breaks ranks, his
first purpose is to explore the near neighborhood, and espy and seize
whatever he can of fresh meat, which having brought in, he divides
liberally among his comrades, after reserving the best piece to
himself. He then proceeds to improvise a fire, if his comrades have
not a place for him by the side of theirs. And here let me say to all
uninitiated soldiers, that whatever may be said in favor of green
hickory, or dry oak tops, experience has taught me that well-seasoned
rails make decidedly the best camp-fire in Secession Land. When he
has built his fire, by chance he draws his gun from the stack, and
brings his knapsack close to the welcome blaze, and sits down upon
it, with his canteen, haversack and cartridge-box at hand. He fills
his "coffee kettle" and puts it on the coals. He cuts a piece of
meat, salts it, sticks his ramrod into it, and commences broiling it
in the blaze. And then, should the Orderly Sergeant be heard calling
him to go on guard or fatigue,--well, no one will blame me for not
rehearsing word for word the strict manner in which he complains of
the Fates. If he is so fortunate as to escape this, when his supper
is over (relished no where so well), he gathers a heap of dry leaves,
or it may be, breaks a bundle of broom sedge, upon which he spreads
his blankets, and soon, his feet to the fire and his head in the land
of cool air and pleasant dreams, till the morning drum or the night
alarm, he is oblivious to the weary world.
Ranging among the fires, the stranger will perceive that the manner
of this soldier varies greatly among the others. Some, like him,
find it good to be alone. Others, like geese, choose their mates and
go in pairs. Others, gregarious, go in herds of six or eight. These
variations in the size of families, cause as many modifications in
the mode of life, which in all cases has reference to the general
principle of acquiring the most comfort with the least possible labor.
November 29. We were aroused early, and were ready to move at
daylight. But we were to be rear guard to-day, and had to wait for
other troops to move out. The sun rose. Weary and stiff, we slung
knapsacks and moved into the road. Slowly and with much halting the
trains took the road, and by eight o'clock the column was again in
motion. The roads were dusty, and the halts were more frequent and
annoying than yesterday.
At 2 P. M., we reached Cold Water, where the left wing camped last
night. Here we halted to rest and water our animals, and it was
after dark when the march was resumed, and we did not reach Holly
Springs till 11 P. M. Here we halted for the night. We built fires
of the garden fences, and made our beds of forage taken from the
barns of the citizens. Who could blame us? When the alternative was a
cheerless night with no supper but that in our haversacks, and a bed
upon the damp ground, what soldier would have done less?
And now, once more, those of the dwellers of this beautiful city who
had not fled with their retiring army, saw on all sides the camp
fires of "the Invader," and heard upon their sidewalks the tread of
"Vandal" sentinels.
November 30--Sunday. The drums woke us at four o'clock, and though
our short sleep had illy sufficed to refresh us, the admonitions of
our officers, that we were soon to march, forbade any further attempt
at repose. At daylight, the 3d Iowa leading the Division, we marched
through the principal street of the city, with our files neatly
dressed, to the sound of martial music. Vain parade! There were no
citizens to witness it--none to admire it. If we had a terror for our
enemy, we had inspired it in the confusion of battle, not by keeping
step on review to sounds of fife and drum.
The day was cloudy, and the wind blew soft and damp from the
south. For a while we moved rapidly; but soon subsided into a more
reasonable gait. In the forenoon, while taking a short rest, we
experienced a perceptible shock of an earthquake, which was also felt
at Cairo and St. Louis. Reports frequently came that the cavalry
division under Colonel Dickey, were skirmishing with the enemy's rear
guard, and that he had captured two cannon.
As we approached Lumkin's Mills, a sudden burst of artillery saluted
our ears. The sound put Colonel Pugh in ecstacies; and looking
around, he called out in his peculiar tone of voice, "Boys, d'
ye hear that?" The discharges were frequent and the deep valleys
prolonged the sounds into deep echoes such as we had never heard
before. It was the cavalry division engaging the enemy's nearest
troops north of the Tallahatchie. This firing lasted nearly two
hours, and not knowing the cause of it, we took it to be the
beginning of a general engagement. We had been the rearmost
division in the march; and coming up with the troops of the other
divisions, we found them camped on a high, commanding ridge which
rises along the north bank of the stream which turns Lumkin's Mills,
and overlooks a more level tract southward toward the Tallahatchie.
We camped in advance of them, the 1st Brigade on the plain in the
extreme advance.
The cannonade died away with the daylight; and soon after the
artillery of Heaven in louder and longer echoes began to shake the
hills. We hastily put up tents in expectation of a storm. It came
sweeping from the west with loud crashings of thunder--a perfect
tornado. Our tents fell before it, and the water ran in streams under
our blankets. Many of us were compelled to seek warmth around our
re-enkindled fires. And here, though the body suffered, the mind
could not but feel exalted in the presence of such a grand commotion
of the elements. The crashing thunder, the intense darkness, relieved
only by the frequent lightnings and the camp fires of the army
extending far and wide to the north, and the rushing wind, were in
the highest degree sublime. In the morning God had shaken the earth;
in the evening man had shaken the heavens, and now God was shaking
both the heavens and the earth.
December 1st. The day was without rain, but the wind cold and raw,
blew broken masses of clouds from the north. It was reported that
Sherman with a strong column had crossed the Tallahatchie, nine miles
below the enemy's works, flanked him and compelled him to retreat.
That evening McArthur's division hastily advanced, and during the
entire following forenoon, the troops filed through our camps,
advancing to the south. Our division and that now under command of
Gen. Ross were left at this point; for what purpose, officers and men
were alike unable to conjecture.
Trains were sent back to Lamar for rations, and the engineer
troops were busy repairing the railroad southward from that point.
General Sherman returned to Memphis to begin his expedition against
Vicksburg, and General Grant, his column augmented by Denver's
division of Sherman's troops, was pushing forward after the enemy.
The details of his marches we knew only by report. The cavalry
division pushed the enemy's rear guard with splendid results. Many
prisoners passed to the rear, and we listened with thrilling interest
to rehearsals of the gallant conduct of this portion of the army.
The character of the cavalry, so much depreciated since the battle
of Shiloh, now took a sudden rise in our estimation. In the romantic
ideas of some of the young soldiers, "the man on the horse" came
to be all in all. And many were frequently heard, regretting their
misfortune in having enlisted in the infantry.
Meantime General McKean was relieved from active duty at his own
request, and early on the morning of the 11th, started north with his
staff. The division had received marching orders the night before,
and the same morning at six o'clock we took up the march toward the
south.
The weather was soft and delightful, and the roads all that could be
desired. At ten o'clock we reached the enemy's late advance works in
front of the Tallahatchie. They consisted of a single line of rifle
pits with embrasures at three points, sufficient each for a battery
of light guns. They were by no means formidable, and the ground
north of them was higher than that on which they were erected; but
their field of fire was open and level, and they could not have been
carried by direct assault without some loss. They were constructed
to defend the bridge across the Tallahatchie. Beyond the river we
came upon his main fort, its front and lateral faces angling with
the river, and very nearly closing behind. It was a formidable work,
its parapet thick and high, and its ditch wide and deep, with some
interior arrangements which I did not comprehend, and rifle pits
extending from its flanks, the whole buried in an impenetrable forest
of bottom timber. So dense was this timber, that artillery could not
have been brought to bear on them with success, and direct assault
in the presence of the intervening river would have been out of the
question.
As we marched through these works, we said among ourselves, "If
the enemy could not hold such a place as this, where this side of
Vicksburg will he make a stand? Our advance then will be a continued
march of victory." Thus in exultation we pressed on.
Three miles south of the Tallahatchie we passed Abbeville, a small
railroad station garrisoned by a few troops. We camped for the night
on Hurricane Creek, a small stream six miles north of Oxford.
The country through which we passed south of the Tallahatchie was
mountainous and picturesque. Sometimes we would ascend high ranges
of hills which would give us a wide view of the country; whence we
could see other ranges lying blue and dim in the distance, and far to
the right the deep and sleepy looking valley of the Tallahatchie. It
afforded a delightful contrast to the monotonous woods, interrupted
only by sparse plantations, which, on our previous marches in the
South, had bounded to narrow distances the inquiring vision, and rose
round us like a prison wall.
December 12th. We resumed the march early, and at nine o'clock passed
through Oxford, a very pleasant looking little city, but bounded
on all sides by the inevitable oak forest of these regions. It was
chiefly noted as being the site of the University of Mississippi.
This building, built of brick, in the western environs of the
city, rose in stately relief against the dark woods and above the
meaner edifices surrounding it, and was one of the few objects that
commanded our united respect, even in a land of traitors.
A march of twelve miles further, accomplished with much fatigue
and straggling, brought us in sight of the main army camped along
Yockona Creek. Here General Lauman was waiting to assume command of
the division. His return was greeted throughout our regiment with
great joy. That night we enjoyed the luxury of a drizzling Southern
rain, and the next morning we put up tents and laid out our camp in
regular order. The 103d Illinois had been left behind at Waterford,
and now the 33d Wisconsin was attached to the 1st Brigade to supply
its place. This regiment had advanced with Sherman's column from
Memphis, and then countermarched to Waterford, and then again
advanced to join the main army: in consequence of which, their supply
of rations was either so much exhausted or wasted, that they were
reduced to three-fourths of the regular allowance. In addition to
this, the vigilance and energy of the provost marshal had rendered
it impossible for inexperienced soldiers to draw many supplies from
the country. In this situation their complaints, as might have
been expected from young soldiers, were boisterous and perhaps
unreasonable. Indeed, they seemed to us to act very foolishly. They
abused without restraint their quartermaster and other officers, and
accused them of stealing their rations. They would besiege their
colonel's tent in great crowds, clamoring for rations. All day, with
scarcely an interruption, the cry of "_crackers!_" rang from their
camp; and long before reveille, of mornings, the woods would echo to
the cry of "_crackers! crackers!_" And in the middle of the night, if
they said aught, talking in their sleep, it would be to repeat that
inevitable and all-meaning word, crackers. Now we pitied them; and as
far as we were able, shared our rations with them. But we could not
but be amused at the vehement manner in which they expressed their
impatience; for it called to mind ludicrous recollections of the days
when we were young soldiers ourselves.
The army rested in this position, and waited the opening of railroad
communications from Holly Springs. In a week the cars were running
from Yockona Station. The cavalry division had sustained its
first defeat near Coffeeville--a severe repulse at the hands of
the enemy's infantry and artillery. This seemed to indicate his
intention to dispute the occupation of Grenada, where he was said to
be strongly fortified. But this result might have been anticipated
by the cavalry, when, already beyond the reach of support from the
infantry, they had pushed on against a vigilant and skillful enemy.
He had taken advantage of their temerity and punished it severely;
but, to the army in general, the affair was not of a serious
character.
But the enemy's cavalry under Van Dorn, late their commanding general
in Mississippi, was preparing a blow for our campaign, and it fell
suddenly where it was least expected. Most of the cavalry division
was recalled from the front, and part of it under Colonel Dickey was
sent east, to make a raid on the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, while
the other part under Colonel Lee proceeded north to protect the
communications from the designs of Forrest, who was moving on our
railroad lines in Tennessee. About noon of the 19th, the Ohio Brigade
of Ross' division, camped two miles south of Oxford, moved on the
cars toward the north, passed through Holly Springs that evening,
and arrived at Bolivar some time in the night. The same day Colonel
Dickey, on his return, crossed the trail of Van Dorn, who was then
moving to the north on his raid, and apprised General Grant of his
movements, but too late to enable him to take measures to check them.
On the 20th, intimations that Van Dorn had captured Holly Springs
came to the troops, first in the shape of vague rumors, and then of
more definite reports. Immediate dispositions were made to meet the
new danger. McArthur's division was sent to the north to open up
the communications. The same night, orders came to the 4th Division
to be ready to march at an early hour. The noise of preparation was
kept up far into the night. In the midst of this, across the valley
to the north of our regiment, we heard a tumult which sounded like a
thousand watch-dogs, joining all hideously in their midnight orgies.
It was a row between the 14th and 15th Illinois regiments on one
side, and the 16th Illinois on the other. I believe it was confined
entirely to words.
At six o'clock in the morning the division moved, and, passing to the
east, crossed the railroad at Yockona Station, and, after proceeding
about four miles, camped on the ground just abandoned by McArthur's
division. We laid out camps in the regular manner, got up tents, and
in the evening our regiment had dress parade, at which was read an
order from General McPherson that the troops of the right wing would
be put on three-quarter rations. Towards night marching orders came
to the artillery, and late in the night orders came to the infantry
to be ready to march early in the morning.
CHAPTER XXVI.
RETREAT OF THE ARMY--COMMENDABLE SPIRIT OF
THE TROOPS--HURRICANE CREEK--OUR DIVISION
LEFT HERE TO COVER THE RETREAT--MARCH TO THE
TALLAHATCHIE--RIDICULOUS RUMORS--CHRISTMAS--WE GO
INTO CAMP--RETURN OF DICKEY'S RAID--OUR CONDITION
AS TO SUPPLIES--THE NEW YEAR--GOOD NEWS--MARCH
TO HOLLY SPRINGS--ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE CAPTURE OF
VICKSBURG--IT IS CONTRADICTED--WE GO INTO CAMP--MARCH
OF DENVER'S DIVISION--OUR SITUATION--BURNING OF HOLLY
SPRINGS--MARCH AGAIN TO THE NORTH--BIVOUAC AT COLD
WATER--BROODING AND SPECULATING OVER THE RESULT OF THE
CAMPAIGN--ARRIVAL AT MOSCOW.
Reveille beat at 3-1/2 o'clock, and at sunrise we turned our faces to
the north and our backs upon all our dreams of conquest and glory.
We began to retreat. The rubbish of our camps was on fire, and the
mill which had been impressed to grind corn for us, wrapt in flames,
sent a column of dense smoke into the air. The 41st Illinois was
detailed to tear up the railroad. We looked upon all this with blank
astonishment. But it was no fiction; the campaign was abandoned;
the whole army was in retreat! We were bewildered. But out of this
disappointment we endeavored to kindle a glow of hope; and out of
this failure, we endeavored to persuade ourselves that victory would
yet come. All felt the event keenly, and it could not be expected
that there would be no murmurings. But the army of the Tennessee
was too patriotic in spirit and too brave in heart to be demoralized
at this. Each soldier endeavored to put on a cheerful air, and each
sought for hope in the countenances and conversation of his comrades.
I will not endeavor to recount the reasonings and conjectures with
which we endeavored to justify and excuse the retreat; nor the manner
in which others more despondent complained of it. Many, however,
seemed to think that we could have taken Grenada and maintained
ourselves there, subsisting on the country, until communication by
railroad could have been opened with Memphis.
Passing through Oxford, we camped on Hurricane Creek where we had
camped on the night of the 11th. The 41st came up before dark and
reported that they had performed their job quite to their own
satisfaction. We believed them. All night the cars plied rapidly
between Oxford and Abbeville removing cotton and Government stores.
A bright light shone over the city during the entire night, and we
judged that the troops remaining there were setting fire to portions
of it, but never received any direct confirmation of our conjectures.
In the morning, our trains were sent forward under a strong guard,
and during the forenoon, Quimby's Division filed past us. Thus the
4th Division was left to cover and protect the retreat. Orders
were had for the men to remain by their colors in readiness for
anything that might occur. To prevent straggling Major Brown ordered
roll-call in our regiment every two hours, the results to be reported
in writing to him. We remained here another night, and heard the
frequent noise and whistle of the cars--sounds which seemed more in
keeping with a time of peace than of war.
Next morning, the drums beat early, and we received orders to prepare
for action or a march at a moment's notice. We had been exposed all
night to the luxury of a drizzling rain, which still continued, and
made the prospect of the day anything but agreeable. At eight o'clock
we slung knapsacks and fell in, but were kept standing in ranks till
afternoon before commencing the march.
Late in the afternoon we passed Abbeville, and there saw a small
garrison protecting the depot inside of a redoubt of cotton bales. It
looked decidedly aristocratic. Dirt breastworks would not do. It was
too cheap. They must have it made out of something worth fifty cents
a pound. Well, luxuries among soldiers are so rare, who could envy
them that? We camped a short distance from the enemy's rifle pits
north of the Tallahatchie.
Here coming up with our comrades of the train, we found they had balm
for our wounded spirits in the shape of prodigious camp reports of
victories at all points. Burnside had not only defeated the enemy
on the Rappahannock and taken Richmond--Sherman had not only taken
Vicksburg and Banks Port Hudson, but peace was actually declared!
There were men in the 27th Iowa and 33d Wisconsin that would bet
their bounties on it. Of course we did not believe these reports to
their full extent, but, we thought there might be something in them,
and the thought encouraged us greatly.
The following day was Christmas. We ate our 3/4 rations and
celebrated it soberly and seriously. Our example would have been
an excellent one to those Christians, who, under more favorable
circumstances, celebrate the birth of Christ by stimulating
their animal propensities with rich meat and strong wine. We
fasted somewhat; and if yearning is prayer, we prayed--prayed for
deliverance from our gloomy situation, and to be put on a new road of
victory.
We changed camp two miles to the northeast, and camped in line on the
extreme left of the army, looking to the south. We sent out a forage
train which came in abundantly loaded.
The cavalry brigade which had been sent to make a raid on the Mobile
and Ohio Railroad, returned, successful, having torn up several miles
of track, burned a warehouse of rebel stores, and made large captures
of horses. Indeed every soldier of the 4th Illinois Cavalry seemed
to have brought with him at least two horses and one contraband.
The news of this little success, however unimportant, did something
toward mitigating our gloom.
Meanwhile our provisions, "like the lingering sands of an hour
glass," were fast running out. To prolong, if possible, the expected
period of final starvation, Gen. McPherson issued another order
reducing us to half rations. Lumkin's mills, six miles to the north,
were put to grinding corn for our division; but the supply of meal
thus obtained fell far short of furnishing us with bread-stuff, but
we found an excellent substitute in hulled corn and in black peas
which abounded in the corn-fields adjacent to our camp. We had
also a corral which was supplied with beef (?) cattle, picked up in
the surrounding country. And _such cattle_! Some were so poor as to
be almost transparent. The boys actually averred that the butchers
had to prop up one or two old oxen to shoot them! Our forage trains
penetrated the country in all directions to find subsistence for
the animals; in one instance going twenty-two miles from camp, and
being gone two days. Thus the sweets of the enemy's success at Holly
Springs was embittered to the whole country for many miles around,
our army being put under tribute to supply its wants. And it must be
confessed that notwithstanding the vigilance of the provost marshal
who was now getting to be a most unpopular individual, the people
suffered more from unauthorized seizures by soldiers who accompanied
forage trains, or who, impelled by hunger, scouted the vicinity of
the camps in bands, than in any legitimate way.
In the midst of this, we had our full rations of parades, inspections
and reviews, and we more than once wondered if the generals were on
half rations like the men. I do not believe they were.
The new year came; but it brought no rejoicings, no feastings, no
comforts, no news from home. There was nothing to alleviate the
general despondency, if we except an order from General McPherson
announcing General Sullivan's victory at Parker's Cross Roads over
Forest who had been destroying our railroad communications north of
Jackson; also, that he had received a telegram from General Grant at
Holly Springs, announcing a sharp fight near Nashville, with Johnson
badly cut up and falling back. The order closed with the words,
"Bully for New Years, with the compliments of General McPherson."
So far the winter had been mild. We had had but little snow. We had
had none of those cold winds which, at this season of the year, sweep
over our northern prairies. The ground had not been frozen so deep
but that a half day's sun sufficed to thaw it out. We had had spells
of very warm weather, warm as September in the North, followed by
the inevitable soaking rains of the South. And yet, if we except the
traveled roads and level bottoms, the ground had not been muddy. The
clay hills seemed impervious to water, which, flowing from them,
cut immense ditches down which great quantities of soil are yearly
washed away. But it was a question whether this waste of soil was
much of a loss to the fields; for on the surface the soil seemed to
be of the same consistence it was six feet below. They are compelled
to plow around these hills and circle them with ditches to prevent
this wasteful washing. If the climate were not favorable to the
production of cotton, it was the universal verdict of my comrades
that they would not give a dollar an acre for the uplands of northern
Mississippi. But it is not surprising that we should be unfavorably
impressed with a country that afforded us such meager hospitalities.
Our picket duty was quite heavy. The details were made by regiments.
For instance, on a given day the 3d Iowa would be required to
furnish 300 men, embracing a specified proportion of officers and
non-commissioned officers. Other regiments would furnish a similar
number, and so the detail would go round the division.
On the 3d of January we received a meager mail from home, and the
following day papers arrived announcing for the first time that
General Burnside had been defeated at Fredericksburg. We also learned
to our mortification that Vicksburg was not taken. But this news had
a transient compensation in reports, coming from no one knows what
source, that Burnside had again crossed the Rappahannock and gained
a great victory, and that Sherman was only waiting the arrival of
Banks, when Vicksburg would certainly fall. At any rate we were
always in luck or about to be. But what was still more agreeable
was the arrival of a day's full rations, and news that our railroad
communications were open to Memphis by way of LaGrange.
On the 5th of January, our division broke up camp on the
Tallahatchie, and again took up the northward march. When the column
had formed on the main road, General Lauman rode along and the boys
of our regiment cheered him lustily. The country through which we
passed, particularly in the vicinity of Waterford and Lumkin's Mills
was putrid with the offal of slaughtered animals and the _debris_ of
deserted camps. The animals in our beef corral were driven along with
us. They were the most motley looking herd we ever beheld; oxen that
could not make a shadow; cows of the most lilliputian dimensions;
embryo calves (for indeed they seemed intended for calves); and sheep
that would not make a meal for a rat terrier. These, we were told
were a fair specimen of Mississippi cattle! The herd would have made
a menagerie worth a northern man's fifty cents in the hardest times.
Before we reached Holly Springs, Gen. McPherson received a dispatch
from General Grant stating that Sherman had captured Vicksburg with
20,000 prisoners. The report was circulated along the column and
caused great rejoicing. Reaching Holly Springs we found conflicting
reports among the troops; and though the latest dispatches did not
warrant the belief that Vicksburg was taken, we clung to the pleasant
delusion, and for a long time would not believe that Sherman had been
defeated.
We found Denver's Division here. The 109th Illinois was also here,
and, with the exception of Company K, was in confinement for mutiny.
The case of these traitors has become a matter of history. As
regiment after regiment of the division passed their guard house, the
boys growled and hooted at them in the most decisive manner.
We camped on the beautiful level ground north of the city. Gen.
Grant still had his head quarters at Holly Springs, and our regiment
furnished his head quarter guard.
At two o'clock the following morning, reveille began to beat in
the camps of Denver's Division, and we knew they were preparing to
march. No sooner had they evacuated their camps than our boys rushed
to them, bearing away tables, bunks, boards, everything that could
assist in furnishing our tents, or making them more comfortable.
All the troops except the 4th Division were withdrawn to the line of
the Memphis and Charleston Railroad. Our division was left to cover
the evacuation of the country and protect the removal of property.
The 1st and 2d brigades occupying Holly Springs; the 3d yet remaining
at Lumkin's Mills. On the 7th, a guard was sent to the latter place
to bring forward a wagon train. It returned without molestation.
The next day, the 3d Brigade joined us, which was quite a relief,
as hitherto our picket duty had been very heavy. The cars were busy
night and day removing stores, cotton, and negro women and children.
The same day, January 8th, the cavalry, which had been watching the
front, moved to the rear, and all felt confident the infantry and
artillery would go the next day. And now we were to witness a tragedy
which reflects infamy upon its perpetrators, and a dishonor upon the
4th Division.
Under the belief that we would move in the morning, a number of
soldiers of the different regiments met and concerted a scheme
for firing the city. Shortly after dark, the flames broke out in
its eastern limits, and did not spread, but soon rose in another
quarter. We saw it from our camp with little amazement; for we could
not but expect that there would be found some reckless enough to
undertake to execute the threats of vengeance made by exasperated
soldiers against the citizens, on account of their conduct towards
our prisoners captured by Van Dorn in his raid. The provost guards
in some instances did their duty, arresting the incendiaries; but
generally they connived at their operations. The flames spread and
broke out in new directions. Two additional regiments were ordered
on duty as provost guards. Generals McPherson and Lauman rode through
the city with their escorts and endeavored to arrest the work of
barbarism. But their efforts were unavailing. Men, seizing their guns
and accoutrements, ran into the city from all the camps, and filled
the streets with bogus guards, whose purpose was to counteract the
operations of the real ones. By 9 o'clock the confusion was at its
hight--hideous and indescribable. The fiendish yells of the assassins
and their accomplices, the shrieks of women and children, the shouts
of the swaying crowds, applauding or rebuking, the commands of
officers, the rushing sounds of the devouring flames, and the crash
of falling timbers, mingled all their noises together. Citizens
assisted by soldiers vainly endeavored to arrest the flames. The rich
and the poor; the friendly and the unfriendly were served alike. The
most stately residences and the meanest hovels were alike consumed.
Not even the negro quarters were spared. To whatever could make a
blaze, the incendiaries applied the torch. In the midst of it all,
but few collisions took place, and but one casualty was reported, the
wounding of a member of the 41st Illinois by a provost guard.
From our camp, the spectacle was grand in the extreme. The flames
illuminated the heavens far around, and sent up huge columns of red
smoke, which, driven by the south wind, rolled over our heads in
clouds reflecting the yellow light and shutting out the dark storm
clouds above. We saw from our camp the splendid sight; but we did not
hear the cries of the helpless around the flames and over the ashes
of their once happy homes.
The conflagration raged unabated till midnight, when the long roll
beat in all the camps. The men sprang from their sleep, gathered
their arms and accoutrements and fell in line. Presently an orderly
came along with an order for roll-call to be had in each company, and
the absentees noted and reported to head quarters. It is due to the
good name of our regiment, to say that but two men were found absent
at this time. Indeed, it would be an unusual thing, when camped in
the vicinity of a large city, for a sudden midnight roll-call to find
all the men in their quarters.
Comrades, I have pictured this scene as we saw and heard it. If it
was right for soldiers to behave thus, let no one be ashamed that
those who did so belonged to the 4th Division. If it was wrong, as
the guilty ones are unknown, the disgrace falls upon us in common.
That many justified it who did not participate in it, can not be
denied. It is equally true, that many denounced it.
Let us give both sides a fair hearing. Those who justified it said,
that when the place was captured on the 20th by Van Dorn, the women
insulted our comrades who had surrendered, firing pistols and
throwing bricks at them. There was not a Union man in the city. It
had been in the past, and if not destroyed, would be in the future, a
rendezvous for the enemy. Every family would give him aid; every roof
would give him comfort. We had tried the kid glove policy and it had
failed. Our enemies were traitors to a Government, the noblest in the
world, and which had never wronged them. They were neither legitimate
nor honorable enemies. We must teach them that we looked upon their
treason as a crime. Had we left our homes and all the comforts of
life, and come here to guard rebel property? If the contrary policy
were adopted, the rebels would soon yield. They would not endure to
see their property destroyed and their families brought to distress.
Desertion would soon disorganize their armies, and leave us no more
fighting to do.
On the other hand, it was said the war should be conducted honorably
and according to the rules of warfare among civilized nations. War
had its reciprocal justice; and we should not do to our enemies what
we would not expect them to do to us, under like circumstances. The
enemy was a traitor; that was true; but he was also a formidable
power; and if we were to carry on the war with violence and outrage,
he could and would retaliate. Until we had shown ourselves able
to destroy the rebel hosts in the field, we should not direct our
warfare against the women and children. All the advantages we had
gained over the enemy had been gained by bravery in battle; not by
cruelty elsewhere. Violence was not vigor. Energy in prosecuting the
war, did not imply cruelty toward those whom its fortunes had placed
in our hands. Let us march against the enemy's armies; defeat, pursue
and destroy them. Then would the world applaud our valor. And, if we
protected the unarmed, the helpless and innocent, it would applaud
our magnanimity. If the contrary policy were adopted,--if we burned
down over their heads the homes of women and children; if we left
them shelterless in mid-winter and without food;--if we thus turned
a deaf ear to the common appeals of humanity, what sympathy could we
expect from civilized nations? How, under such circumstances, could
we expect neutrality from them, to say nothing of friendship? It
would exasperate our enemies in arms to new vigor as well as to new
cruelty; it would cause non-combatants to take up arms, and bring
against us foreign powers. Thus would we be overwhelmed with our own
wickedness and folly.
But, more than this, respect for our duties as soldiers,--respect for
the oath we had taken, should restrain us from violating the positive
and repeated orders of our commanding generals. If the Government
chose to inaugurate the policy of burning and laying waste, and we
were commanded to execute it, we would obey; the responsibility
would not be ours. We had enlisted, not to be the Government, but to
serve it; and until we were commanded to commit such acts, our moral
instincts should teach us to refrain from committing them. That our
generals had been compelled to issue orders admonishing us against
such conduct, was itself a humiliation. Every soldier in our ranks
should understand the dignity of his mission, and feel that the cause
of civilization needs not the weapons of barbarism for its defense.
When the morning came the conflagration had not ceased; but, from
hour, to hour the flames continued to break out in different places
in the suburbs of the city. At 10 A. M., we received orders to
prepare to march immediately. Our wagons were soon loaded and sent
forward, and the troops were called into line. But trains of cars
continued to arrive and depart, loaded to their utmost capacity with
negro women and children. Still we were kept in line, doubtless with
the object of preventing a further destruction of the city. It was
not till eight o'clock at night that we began to move. The roads were
slippery and deep with mud. There was no moon in the early part of
the night, and our only light was the conflagration, still raging
behind us, and the blaze of burning fences and buildings on either
hand. It was nearly midnight, when we reached Cold Water, and halted
for rest and sleep.
Early in the morning, we took up the march on the Moscow road.
We passed a camp of cavalry north of the stream as we crossed
it,--all that now remained of the invading army fronting the
enemy in Mississippi. And here we could not help but contrast our
present feelings with those with which we had entered upon the
campaign. Then in Virginia, in Middle Tennessee, and with us in
Mississippi,--everywhere victory seemed preparing. Now, looking
around us, we saw how our dream of victory and peace had vanished.
Defeated at Fredericksburg; repulsed at Vicksburg; a hard earned,
fruitless victory at Murfreesborough,--checked everywhere except in
Mississippi, and here we had retreated.
But when we began to look at the chief difficulties of the
campaign,--that of keeping open two to three hundred miles of
railroad communication in the face of a bold and enterprising enemy,
it was not so much a surprise to us that it had proved a failure,
as that it had been undertaken at all. Our only source of hope now
was, that Grant would undertake the capture of Vicksburg by the more
practicable route of the Mississippi.
The road was well beaten by previous columns of troops, and a
vigorous march brought us to Wolf River, where we passed the night.
In the morning we crossed the river and went into camp around Moscow,
relieving a part of Logan's division.
CHAPTER XXVII.
REORGANIZATION OF GRANT'S ARMY--HOW OUR DIVISION WAS
POSTED--DESCENT OF GUERRILLAS UPON OUR FORAGE TRAIN--WE
MARCH TO MEMPHIS AND GO INTO CAMP--A GLANCE AT THE
OFFICERS OF OUR REGIMENT--GENERAL LAUMAN'S REGIMENTAL
DRILLS--REVIEW OF THE FOURTH DIVISION--COLONEL BRYANT'S
MOVEMENT AGAINST CHALMERS--OUR DIVISION ORDERED TO
VICKSBURG--PARTING WITH MY COMRADES--THEIR JOURNEY
DOWN THE RIVER AND AFFAIR WITH THE GUERRILLAS NEAR
GREENVILLE--ARRIVAL AT YOUNG'S POINT--THEIR VIEW OF
PORTER AND STEELE ENGAGING THE ENEMY--PROCEED UP THE
YAZOO AND OCCUPY HAINES' BLUFF--THE CAPTURES--BLOWING
UP THE MAGAZINES--THE 22D OF MAY--THEY MOVE TO TAKE
POSITION IN THE INVESTING LINES--THEIR POSITION AND
OPERATIONS SOUTH OF THE CITY--THEIR SUBSEQUENT POSITION
AND OPERATIONS.
The troops, lately constituting the 13th Army Corps, were
re-organized into four corps, the 13th, 15th, 16th and 17th,
commanded respectively by Major Generals McClernand, Sherman, Hurlbut
and McPherson. The Fourth Division, at first attached to the 17th,
was soon transferred to the 16th Corps, and thus it was again under
its old commander. It was distributed in detachments of different
sizes along the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, from Moscow on
the east, to Colliersville on the west. General Lauman had his
headquarters at the former place. For a short period, during his
temporary absence, Colonel Pugh was in command of the division, and
Colonel Moore, of the 33d Wisconsin, in command of the 1st Brigade.
The eight weeks our regiment passed at Moscow, transpired without any
occurrence of importance. The line of railroad guarded in part by
our division ran parallel to the enemy's late front of operations;
but the winter rains soon put the roads in an execrable condition,
and besides, he was too much attracted in the direction of Vicksburg
by Grant, who, with McPherson's corps, had gone thither to join
McClernand and Sherman, and renew in person operations for the
reduction of that stronghold, to make any demonstrations against us.
But we were not without the usual number of rumors and reports of
the enemy's approach, and of actual alarms by night and day. I have
described similar occurrences so often, that it would be superfluous
to mention them here.
One little occurrence, however, as it was the first of the kind that
has ever happened to our regiment, must not be passed over. We still
supplied our animals with forage from the country, and for this
purpose were accustomed to send out expeditions in all directions,
frequently ten or twelve miles, and with great boldness. On one
occasion, a brigade train was out with an escort commanded by Major
Long, of the 41st Illinois. They were returning with loaded wagons,
a part of the guard with the Major marching in lead of the train,
while the remainder, under Lieut. Hall, of the 3d Iowa, brought up
the rear. Some of the wagons got stuck in the mud, and the rear
guard, halting to help them out, was left about half a mile behind
the main portion of the train, when, about two miles from the picket
lines, a band of Richardson's guerrillas dashed down a narrow lane
into the main road, and with fiendish yells attacked the center of
the train, and before the rear guard could get up, succeeded in
getting away about fifty mules and a dozen teamsters. They shot and
mortally wounded one teamster, who refused to unhitch his mules. The
rear guard fired several volleys at them with but little effect. The
guerrillas traveled through fields, woods, and over by-roads to their
place of rendezvous somewhere to the north. Here they paroled the
boys, who found their way to Fort Pillow, and thence back again to
Moscow.
On the 11th of March, we were relieved at Moscow by a part of
Denver's division, and took up the march toward Memphis. We
bivouacked the first night at Colliersville. Before we could get
up our tents, it began to rain heavily and continued with little
intermission till morning. We had to lay exposed to it all the while,
with whatever patience we could summon for the occasion. When the
morning broke, an abundance of dry rails afforded fires, from which
we derived a little comfort, until, at 9 o'clock, the march was
resumed.
Soon after starting, it again began to rain, and continued, till
nearly night, cold and heavy from the northwest. With great fatigue
and immense straggling we reached White's Station, where, in the
deep, soft mud, we passed a night, cold, dreary and comfortless
enough.
The next day was cool and pleasant. Starting late, we reached Memphis
in the afternoon, and went into camp on the western environs of the
city.
Two more months of monotonous camp-life. Major Brown had been
promoted Colonel, at Moscow; and now, at the almost unanimous request
of the officers of the regiment, Captain James Tullis, of Company
H, a very brave soldier and proper man, who had been twice wounded
in battle, was appointed Lieut. Colonel, and 1st Lieut. George W.
Crosley, whose gallant conduct at Blue Mills and Shiloh, I have
already mentioned, was appointed Major. These appointments gave very
general satisfaction. The line officers of our regiment were now for
the most part men who had served in the ranks, and who were faithful
to their duties, and loved and respected by their men; and what was
more, they had been tried in the ordeal of battle, and had not been
found wanting. Compared with many regiments in the field, our's was
exceedingly fortunate in this respect.
General Lauman instituted a regulation that two regiments of the
division should meet each evening on the green, in front of his
headquarters, for drill. This excited a spirit of rivalry among
some of the regiments, which, between the 41st Illinois, of Colonel
Pugh's brigade, and the 14th Illinois, of Colonel Hall's brigade,
increased to great bitterness. These regiments drilled twice against
each other, the second time in pursuance of a challenge from Lieut.
Col. Carn of the 14th. The prize of this drill was a silver bugle,
purchased jointly by the officers of both regiments. The judges could
not be accused of partiality in their decision. As in the first trial
the 41st had borne away the palm, so in this it bore away the bugle.
Both regiments went through the various movements in a manner which
excited the highest admiration; and yet few of the spectators, who
were strangers to both, would have awarded the prize differently. I
confess that in this strife, and in the jealousy and bickerings which
grew out of it, the sympathies of the men of our regiment were with
the 41st. We had always belonged to the same brigade, had fought on
the same field in the battle of Shiloh, had been side by side in
prosperous and adverse circumstances, and now that we were camped
close by each other, a singular attachment, which was universal
throughout both regiments, had sprung up between us. General Lauman
understood this, and our regiment never drilled against the 41st.
These drills with our regiment were productive of the most beneficial
results. Captain Smith was, for a while our drill master, and a
model one he was too. When Major Crosley received his appointment
and returned from the brigade staff, he was assigned to this duty.
For the first day or two he put us through the exercises with some
difficulty; but he was too ambitious to allow us to suffer at his
hands, and he soon became proficient in the tactics, and an excellent
drill master.
Perhaps the most memorable event of this period was the review of
the Fourth Division, by its old chief, General Hurlbut. The scene
took place on the fair grounds northeast of the city. It was an
occasion calculated to call up old memories. Hurlbut, Lauman and
Veatch, three generals, under whom we had served through Shiloh,
Corinth and Matamora, were there, and there also, under the tattered
banners they had borne through those storms, were the troops they
had commanded so bravely and so well; generals and men between whom
existed the strongest ties that can bind men together, recollections
of mutual peril and the possession of a common glory. Here we again
met the generals who had been so proud to command us, and whom we had
been so happy and proud to follow. It seemed like a renewal of the
past.
A large concourse of citizens and soldiers were present to witness
it. _The Memphis Bulletin_ thus described it:--
"Yesterday, at about ten o'clock in the morning, the division was
drawn up by Brigadier General Lauman, preparatory to the review by
General Hurlbut. We have seen these splendid reviews so graphically
described by the "Knights of the quill," of the army of the Potomac,
by General McClellan--when that army was in its prime,--but never did
we look upon a body of men presenting a more soldierly appearance
than did the Fourth Division yesterday. The old veterans who had
passed through the fires of Pittsburg Landing, Corinth, Matamora, and
other fields of action, who had scattered the armies under Van Dorn
and Price, reminded us of the soldiers who fought in the Crimea.
As General Hurlbut rode along the line accompanied by his staff,
we thought for the moment that our eyes never rested on a more
captivating picture. It was a glorious sight. The review was what
all anticipated it would be. Not a single manoeuver was at fault.
From "shoulder arms," to the end of the review, all went smoothly,
without a mistake. It is necessary to have educated officers to make
good soldiers; and if any thing was wanting to convince the hundreds
of ladies and gentlemen present at the review, of the falsity of the
report, that the officers of the Fourth Division were not thoroughly
qualified for the position they occupy, it is now entirely dispelled."
On the 17th of April, an expedition was sent into Mississippi against
Chalmers, who held the rebel lines southeast of Memphis. It was
commanded by Colonel Bryant, of the 12th Wisconsin, now in command
of the 3d Brigade. While it was gone, the wildest rumors gained
circulation in the city, and a thousand and one reports of fighting
on the Cold Water, flew through our camps. But after a week it
returned without having met any occurrence of importance.
Early in May, intimations came that we were ordered to Nicksburg, and
these were followed by orders to be ready to move on the shortest
notice. The 3d Brigade moved first; in a few days it was followed by
the 2d, and on the 17th the 1st struck tents and prepared to embark.
And here end my personal recollections with the 3d Iowa. I was at
this time detached from my regiment to remain at Memphis. It was
with no ordinary feelings, on the morning of the 18th, on board of
the Crescent City, I parted with my comrades. I had not supposed
that I had become so attached to those men. And it was with strange
feelings of regret that I stood on the bluffs of Fort Pickering, and
gazed upon their boat as it sped down the noble waters, like a bird
that is flying away. And when it had disappeared, and I could see
it no more, an indescribable vacancy seemed to surround me. Nothing
looked familiar to me; I felt as though I were in a strange land.
Separated from the men with whom for two years I had been associated
in extraordinary circumstances; I left behind, and they gone to
meet unknown hazards and to preserve their past career of glory. I
expected never to join them again, and knew that I had shook hands
with many of them for the last time. I must now turn to the strangers
surrounding me, and among them form new associations and find new
comrades.
If I have succeeded in making this book of interest to any reader,
he will surely be unwilling to pardon me, if I do not go with my
regiment briefly through the scenes which followed--its participation
in what was the crowning glory to the army of the Tennessee, the
siege and capture of Vicksburg, and where at Jackson my comrades
fought for honor and without hope.
The transports conveying the 1st Brigade were convoyed by a gunboat
of the musquito fleet. In the afternoon of the following day the
gunboat had dropped behind and the Crescent City was in lead; while
passing unconcernedly along near the foot of Island 65, a force of
guerrillas opened upon it with two howitzers from a covert of young
timber, throwing canister and shells. The first shots took effect,
wounding thirteen men of the 3d Iowa, one of them mortally. To
protect her machinery, the boat immediately refused her broadside
and presented her stern. From this end of the boat, the boys began
to reply with musketry, when the gunboat coming up, the guerrillas
fled. The gunboat opened fire upon them, and the troops landed.
The 41st and 53d Illinois pursued them two or three miles without
overtaking them. When they returned, the brigade moved down the shore
three miles to the town of Greenwood, which they set fire to and
burned--house and hovel, sparing not even the church.
At noon the next day they arrived at Young's Point, disembarked, and,
after cooking their dinners on the shore, started to march across
the peninsula. After proceeding half a mile, they were halted, and
waited for orders till ten o'clock at night. During the afternoon
the scene around was inexpressibly sublime. They could see the
shells of Porter's fleet from below bursting over the city, and the
enemy's river batteries replying. While on the bluff above it, they
could discern, under a dense cloud of smoke, Steele's infantry and
artillery hotly engaged, as well as the smoke which rose from the
enemy's forts on his front. The gunboat, Choctaw, also dropped down,
for some reason, to draw the enemy's fire. His guns opened upon her
heavily, and, when she had reached a position about half a mile below
the red flags which marked the enemy's furthest range, she halted and
lay in the channel but did not reply. Her guns were not of sufficient
range to reach his batteries. As soon as the enemy saw her object,
he ceased firing. Some of his shots in their flight had crossed the
river, the peninsula and the river again, and lodged above the city
on the Mississippi shore. During the night the scene was still more
sublime. Signal rockets from the gunboats flashing against the sky,
and the shells from the mortar fleet describing in their flight an
immense curve of fire, making the noise of a distant wind storm, and
bursting in fitful flashes over the doomed city. They could likewise
see the flashes of Steele's artillery, and at times the flames
leaping from the mouths of the enemy's responding cannon.
The brigade went aboard the boats in the night, and had all the
baggage they were to take with them got aboard before midnight. The
rest, comprising most of their tents and camp equipage, was left
under a guard detailed for the purpose. That of the 3d Iowa was
commanded by Lieut. Lakin.
At daylight their fleet moved into the mouth of the Yazoo where they
found the Choctaw, which joined the musquito boat that had convoyed
them from Memphis, and the two convoyed them to Haines' Bluff. The
position was found to be evacuated, and Companies G and K of the
3d Iowa landed and occupied it. Here they found a rebel hospital,
containing about 360 patients, who were paroled the following day.
The brigade landed about a mile below to execute the purpose of the
expedition, that of opening communication with Sherman. Meanwhile
the crew of the Choctaw landed and commenced blowing up the enemy's
numerous magazines and bursting the guns he had abandoned. Some of
these magazines were filled with loaded shells, which were thrown
into the air and exploded in all directions. In this way were
destroyed an immense quantity of ordnance and ordnance stores, which
might have been made serviceable to General Grant in the subsequent
operations of the siege. But it was expected that Johnson would move
in this way to attack Grant in the rear, and it was deemed more
prudent to destroy them than to run the risk of their falling into
his hands.
Our boys found here plenty of tents and camp equipage abandoned by
the enemy, and supplied themselves even better than they were before.
Gen. Lauman immediately went back to Young's Point on a dispatch boat
for orders, and soon after the brigade marched from where it lay to a
position on the bluff, where the two companies were, and here spent
the night.
The next day was the memorable 22d of May, on which Grant made his
second assault on the enemy's works. They could hear the sounds of
the battle--on the right the infantry engaging with a continuous
war, and with it the quick jar of the batteries, and above all the
thunders of Porter's fleet. Of the cause of all this they knew
nothing; but conjectured the army was forcing its way into the
beleaguered city. That day the Choctaw and musquito boats went up the
Yazoo as far as Greenwood, but could not pass the batteries there.
The same evening the brigade was relieved by a cavalry division under
command of Major General Washburne.
Next morning it moved toward Vicksburg to take position in the
investing lines. As they advanced they met many supply wagons on
the way to the Yazoo, the teamsters giving dolorous accounts of
yesterday's repulse, and saying frequently, in the most discouraging
tones, "Boys, we can't take 'em; they're too well fortified." As
they approached the lines of the army they saw scattered through
the woods many men who had been wounded in the previous day's fight;
and many more in cotton sheds, crowded together on the soft cotton,
as thick as they could be placed--men who had marched hither from
Bruinsburg, without a change of clothing or a cooking utensil, dirty,
ragged, and clotted with blood, lay under dense clouds of settling
dust, raised by the troops and trains continually crowding past. It
was a spectacle of wretchedness sufficient to appal common men. That
night the 1st Brigade camped south of the Jackson Railroad, and about
a mile and a half from Fort Hill, the rebel work which guarded the
main entrance into the city. They were not allowed fires, and had to
eat their raw bacon and hard crackers with the best relish they could.
On the 30th, they had out a strong force to protect their pioneer
corps in constructing roads on which to bring up gabions to protect
the rifle pits, to be constructed, from the enemy's flanking fire.
That night their pickets advanced and drove those of the enemy from
the hill they occupied. Here they dug their first line of rifle pits,
a straight ditch, and in it inserted the gabions at intervals, with
sufficient room for a single man to pass round them without getting
out of the ditch. At daylight the enemy's artillery opened from What
was known as the sand bag fort on the right, and speedily cleared the
ditch of these obstructions, killing two men of the 41st Illinois. Of
course this experiment was not again repeated.
That day our pickets protected themselves as well as they could.
As soon as it was dark, Capt. Knight, of the 3d Iowa, crawling
between the two picket lines, ours and the enemy's, made a survey
of the ground which enabled them next morning to commence digging
zigzag rifle pits, by which they were enabled to advance their line
steadily, under protection from the enemy's fire, front and flank.
They did not extend these rifle pits through the valleys, but, on
gaining the slope of a hill towards the enemy, would drive him
from his rifle pits on the opposite hill by a night assault, and,
occupying them, change the embankment to the other side, and commence
anew their operations. They deviated from this rule in but one
instance. Thus, until the final surrender, with frequent artillery
duels and sharp engagements of the infantry; laboring and watching
night and day; exposed constantly to an alternation of burning sun
and chilling dew; amid a succession of scenes the most unreal;
where romance itself palled on the sense and became monotonous;
amid hardships which, under ordinary circumstances, few would have
endured, they forced their steady progress toward the enemy.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG--OUR DIVISION MOVES WITH
SHERMAN'S ARMY AGAINST JOHNSON--DISASTROUS CHARGE OF
COLONEL PUGH'S BRIGADE--THE BLAME IMPUTED TO GENERAL
LAUMAN--HIS PARTING ORDERS--OUR LOSSES--CONCLUSION.
The first indication of the enemy's desire to capitulate, was a flag
of truce which was seen to approach our lines from a point near Fort
Hill. The firing immediately ceased at that point, and gradually died
away to the right and left. The enemy's troops became more bold,
and began to appear along their rifle pits. Ours likewise began to
show themselves, and before noon the works of either side were lined
with their respective uniforms, blue and grey. In some cases the
antagonists mingled, and many of the enemy came into our camps, but
General Grant ordered them to be sent back. So thick was the smoke,
that it was not before 11 o'clock that the fleet saw the signal to
cease firing. About one o'clock the flag of truce went back, and the
firing again began at that point, and was soon resumed along the
line, and within an hour the fleet again opened. About three o'clock
another flag of truce came out; the firing again ceased, and the
troops of either side appeared on their works much more readily than
before. Orders soon after came for the firing to be permanently
discontinued. Our troops lay in their rifle pits all night, in the
highest spirits. Daylight found the rebels in plain view all along
their works, and our boys likewise coming out of their holes to see
what they could see. It was the Fourth of July. At eight o'clock a
national salute was fired with blank cartridges from the batteries
along our entire line. About ten o'clock, from the position of our
regiment, with a field glass, the enemy might be seen to take down
his flag from Fort Hill, and hoist a white flag in its stead. Then
two men started, each with a bundle of white flags, and proceeded
either way, hoisting them along the works. As each flag was raised,
the men in front of it would cheer frantically, and all along our
lines the boys from the tops of their works began to sing national
airs, while the rebels from theirs listened in gloomy silence. Soon
the late combatants mingled together, the rebels streaming through
all our camps. Their salutations were characteristic of their
situation. "Boys," they would say, shaking hands, "this is strange;
yesterday we were trying to kill each other, now we are meeting as
friends." For the most part the rebels seemed quite disheartened; and
many of them, speaking of the war, used an expression which seemed to
have become proverbial among them: "This is the rich man's quarrel,
but the poor man's fight." Thus they mingled together, victor and
vanquished,--smoked, played cards, and, over pots of hot coffee,
discussed the war and related their adventures, like old comrades
who, after a long absence, had just met.
But the troops of our division were not allowed the privilege of
mingling long with their late foes. Our division was among the
troops assigned to Sherman by orders from General Grant, with which,
in the event of the success of the proposed assault on the sixth
of July, he was to take the field immediately against Johnson.
He was found in force around Jackson, strongly entrenched. It
was not attempted to carry his works by assault; this was deemed
impracticable, and the operations of a siege commenced.
The line of siege was formed on the eleventh, Hovey and Lauman,
of Ord's corps, being on the extreme right. On the morning of the
12th, the 33d Wisconsin was sent across the Mississippi Central
Railroad to Pearl River, and the 28th Illinois took their places
in the 1st Brigade. Thus it seems as if fate had decreed that this
gallant regiment, which had suffered side by side with ours in the
disastrous bend of the Hatchie, should under the same generals suffer
useless butchery now. In its first battle, the Third Iowa had fought
for honor, but with some hope of victory; and now, in what was
probably to be its last one, it was to fight for honor, but without
hope;--nay, even to advance upon death itself, without the least
encouragement of success.
Having disposed his divisions, General Ord ordered the generals
commanding them to advance their lines. The left of our 1st Brigade
was at that time considerably behind the right of Hovey. The troops
moved forward as steadily as upon review, without hesitating or
swerving, or showing any signs of precipitancy. It was a sight
calculated to captivate the eye of a spectator, and fill with pride
the heart of any general. What wonder? Were they not veterans,
imbrowned by long exposure, and at home amid the elements of battle?
Colonel Pugh's skirmishers soon became hotly engaged. He reported
the fact to General Lauman, who ordered him to continue to advance.
He pushed back the enemy's skirmishers, till he came within sight
of his main works, formidable in appearance, his guns pointing
through embrasures, and his field of fire level and unobstructed
(even the corn-stalks being cut down), affording no possible cover
to an advancing line. The colonel now reported in person his
position to General Lauman; but the general still ordered him to
advance. He returned, and swept with his eye the field. There was
the enemy's long line of works, showing the mouths of his defiant
cannon, and near him the remnant of his gallant brigade, now only
eight hundred strong, which he was ordered to destroy. It must have
been a harrowing moment to him. What was he to do? His order was
imperative, and he was too true a soldier to question, much less to
disobey it. To advance partially and then retreat, would seem to
exhibit cowardice, and would be worse than to refuse to advance at
all. To advance within musket range, and halt and engage the enemy,
would be to court destruction without preserving honor, and without
the possibility of injuring him. Besides, he was not instructed
to halt at all. He gave the order to his men, and the line moved
steadily forward, without support or diversion on the right or left,
or a single shell having been thrown to test the enemy's strength,
or prepare their way. From regimental commanders to the rank and
file--all were astonished. At first they supposed it was to be a
general charge of the line, but their eyes soon undeceived them. A
terrible realization of their situation came over them; but no one
faltered or looked back. They had won too much glory on former fields
to sully that record now. They must preserve honor, though they lost
all else.
The enemy opened with fourteen pieces, and two brigades of infantry
rose from their concealment, and poured a converging fire upon
them. Colonel Pugh gave the command to charge; the men raised the
shout and sprang forward through that thick storm of death. A few
moments, and all was over. The line crumbled into broken bands,
which arrived within pistol-shot of the embrasures, and halted and
staggered and were swept away. Those who escaped had scarcely time
to notice who had fallen. Back in the woods, where the advance had
first commenced, they rallied--all that was left, but less than half
the number that had advanced into that terrific fire. The Third Iowa
had saved both its flag and banner; and now, of the two hundred and
ten that advanced in the charge, but ninety could be rallied around
them. Nearly all who were not there were killed, wounded or captured.
General Lauman wept when he gazed on this remnant of his old brigade.
Gen. Ord immediately relieved him of his command, and ordered him to
report to Gen. Grant, at Vicksburg.[3]
Under the excitement of the moment, most voices were loud in imputing
this disaster to him. No one could believe that he intended that this
handful of men should charge unsupported a portion of the enemy's
works. But all attributed it to his misunderstanding the orders of
General Ord. Thus in common opinion the fault rested with these two
generals. Either the one had communicated his orders unintelligibly,
or the other had culpably misunderstood them. As generals are not apt
to solicit the arbitrament of public opinion upon their conduct, and
commonly keep their own secrets, we are only able to form conjectures
in this matter. Calm reflection, however, can not but allow that
it was unfair to lay the whole blame to a general, who, on all
previous fields, had behaved with the gallantry and merit that had
distinguished General Lauman. It is notable, that after there had
been time for reflection, those of the division loudest in condemning
him did not belong to the 1st Brigade. Nor is there a more striking
instance of the ingratitude of common opinion, than in the case of
those, who, in censuring him for this affair, forgot the general of
Belmont, Fort Donelson, Shiloh and the Hatchie.[4]
The casualties of this affair were deplorable. Each regiment was
literally torn in pieces. In proportion to their numbers the 53d
Illinois suffered most, to say nothing of losing their gallant
Colonel Earle, who was struck by a volley of canister while riding in
advance of his men. Our own regiment lost one hundred and thirteen,
sixteen being killed, fifty-seven wounded, and forty missing and
taken prisoners. A number of the wounds were mortal. Among those who
lost their lives were some of our best names. The Ruckman brothers,
the one Captain, the other 2d Lieutenant of Company B; 1st Lieutenant
Hall, of the same company; and 1st Lieutenant McMurtry of Company
D; 1st Sergeants Woodruff of Company B, and McClure of Company I;
Sergeants Gilmore and Dent of Company E, Follett of Company F, and
many other gallant names were among the sacrifices of this needless
blunder. It would gratify me to mention the whole list of casualties
in full--it would be a _roll of honor_ indeed--but as I could not
obtain those of our other battles, I have refrained from giving this.
Besides, their names deserve better memorial than mere mention in
such a book as this. Among the severely wounded were Colonel Brown,
Captain Geary, and Lieutenant Abernethy,--officers whose conduct here
and on former fields, needs no eulogy from such a pen as mine. But I
will not further dwell upon this affair--the saddest chapter of all
my "recollections."
After the capture of Jackson, our regiment returned with Sherman's
army to Vicksburg, and with the division was soon after ordered to
Natchez, where it was stationed till winter, when it again returned
to Vicksburg, and was stationed for a while in rear of that place, at
Hebron. It has just returned to Vicksburg from Sherman's remarkable
expedition to the Alabama line.
Comrades of the 3d Iowa! Thus far I have endeavored to follow you in
this narrative through your campaigns and battles, to describe, as I
saw them, some of the scenes you saw, and, as I felt and understood
them, some of the hardships you suffered. I am as sensible as you
can be, of how partially I have succeeded. To me, who came among you
curious to see some of the pictures of war, your sufferings have
seemed unreal, your exploits like romance. None but those who have
been soldiers can ever understand these things. I am aware that I
am addressing the 3d Iowa only in name--that I am addressing but
a remnant of the gallant band that assembled under our regimental
flag at Keokuk, nearly three years ago. Of the others, many have
been promoted, and are now serving honorably in other corps; one
who commanded us in our most memorable battle, is Governor of our
State; many have been taken from the service by wounds and disease,
and many have fallen and perished--where? We may ask the cemeteries
of almost every hospital in the West; the fields of Blue Mills,
Shiloh, Matamora, Vicksburg and Jackson; the prairies of Missouri,
and the woods of Tennessee and Mississippi, whose hostile soil has
received them to its bosom; and the soil of their once happy homes
to which the ashes of some of them have been removed. But they are
not dead--we can not call them dead; for they live, and will live in
affectionate remembrance as long as lives a member of the 3d Iowa.
And of those who suffer from wounds received or diseases contracted
while serving with us, let no one say that he has found one who, for
relief from those sufferings, would be willing to give up the grand
memories of the past, and the consciousness of honor merited--though
it be not recorded--by hazard, hardship and gallant service in a
glorious cause.
In taking leave of you, I would I could pay a sufficient tribute
to those of you who have heretofore served and still serve in the
grades of enlisted men. The people do not seem to understand this
matter. They are not convinced that military rank alone is not
an evidence of merit. They seem to have forgotten how many army
officers of different grades, at the outbreak of the rebellion,
betrayed their commands, and rushed to the standard of the traitors,
while the private soldiers--whose services, considered menial, had
neither been honored nor paid--through obloquy, persecution and
imprisonment, remained true to their country and their trust. They
will not believe that preferment comes less by actual merit than
by favoritism, intrigue or accident. They are slow to understand,
that the hardships you suffer the commissioned officer does not
always suffer in common with you. But be assured they will one day
understand these things; and when they come to make a final award
of honors to their gallant defenders, it will not be asked of any,
"Was he a captain or a colonel?" but rather, "Did he do his whole
duty in the place assigned him?" They will count your motives, in
engaging in the war, unimpeachable. You have not served for money;
you have not expected your toils and sufferings to be thus requited.
You have not served for spoils; for you knew that the war would be
conducted on civilized principles, and that there would be no spoils
to divide. You have not served for the "bauble reputation;" for
you well know how poor a chance you have had of gaining that. With
whatever merit you may have served the operations of the war, your
names have seldom been mentioned in official reports; officers alone,
with few exceptions, enjoying the privilege of being able to have
their names thus recorded among the military archives of the country.
No: your motives have been higher and worthier than these. You have
suffered most and have sought and received the fewest rewards. What
you have not achieved in the gaining of money or personal reputation,
you will one day receive in honor. History will dwell with delight
upon the skill and resolution of the generals who have led you to
victory; it will dwell with delight both upon them and you. But
if it admire their conduct as splendid, it will reverence yours as
sublime. Nor think your services will be thankless. Time, which metes
out justice to all, will see your sacrifices acknowledged and your
merits recognized. The hearts of the great people that compose the
Republic will go out in praise and gratitude to you. Public honors
will come to reward your now humble services. Posterity will record
you, as being among those who offered all they had, that the nation
and liberty might live, an "all unclouded glory;" and on your names
will attend, "The tears and praises of all time."
Comrades!--Your friends are gratified to learn, that what remains
of the 3d Iowa has re-enlisted as a veteran regiment. Fields of
honor are yet before you, and it is for you to participate in the
last glorious deeds of the war. This thought should afford you no
ordinary gratification; for to have fought both on its first and last
fields will be counted no common honor. Your past record is one of
glory; there are no fears that you will not continue to deserve it.
Committing this book to you, and assuring you that though absent and
serving in another corps, I am still with you in the memories and
feelings of the past, I bid you an affectionate farewell.
FOOTNOTES:
[3]
HEADQUARTERS, 4TH DIVISION, 16TH ARMY CORPS, }
IN THE FIELD, Near Jackson, Miss., July 12th, 1863. }
FELLOW SOLDIERS:--Having been relieved from the command
of the 4th Division by Major General Ord, the command
is turned over to Brigadier General Hovey.
To say that I part with my old comrades with sorrow and
regret, is simply giving expression to my heartfelt
feelings.
I shall ever remember the toils and hardships we have
endured together, and the glory which the Old Fourth
has won on hard fought fields, and the glory which
clusters around their name like a halo--with pride and
satisfaction.
And now, in parting with you, I ask a last request,
that in consideration of your past fame, you do nothing
in word or deed to mar it, but that you give to your
present or future commander that prompt obedience to
orders which has always characterized the division, and
which has given to it the proud position which it now
enjoys.
Officers and soldiers, I bid you now an affectionate
farewell.
J. G. LAUMAN,
_Brigadier General_.
[4] General Lauman entered the service as Colonel of the 7th Iowa
Infantry. He commanded his regiment in the battle of Belmont, where
it suffered most, and distinguished itself above all others. Its
conduct won special mention in General Grant's official report. In
this action Colonel Lauman was severely wounded. At Fort Donelson
he commanded the brigade of Smith's division, consisting of the 2d,
7th, 12th Iowa, and the 25th Indiana regiments, which performed the
most gallant and successful achievement of that engagement, the
carrying by storm of the enemy's works on our left--which compelled
his surrender the following morning. At Shiloh he commanded the 3d
Brigade of the 4th Division. Since then he has been with us most of
the time in this narrative. His personal courage was of the first
order; and his humanity and kindness towards his men were conspicuous
upon all occasions. Those who complain of such a general do not
deserve to be under so good a one.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Obvious typographical errors were corrected, but valid or consistently
used archaic spellings were retained (for example: "height(s)" was
used for high altitudes, while "highten(ed)" was used for increases
in intensity).
Hyphenation variations were standardized, but "reform" (as in change
or correct) and "re-form" (as in re-position) were retained.
In a few cases, the wording of chapter headings varied between the
Contents list and the actual chapter headings. The differences were
retained.
Variant spellings of "Yockono," "Yockona," "Yacoma," and "Yacomo" were
standardized to "Yockona."
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