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Title: Jewish Immigration to the United States from 1881 to 1910
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, Vol. LIX, No. 4, 1914
Author: Samuel Joseph
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4
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law
Edited by the Faculty of Political Science
of Columbia University
Volume LIX] [Number 4
Whole Number 145
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
FROM 1881 TO 1910
by
SAMUEL JOSEPH
1914
To
MY FATHER AND MY MOTHER
PREFACE
In this survey of Jewish immigration to the United States for the past
thirty years, my purpose has been to present the main features of a
movement of population that is one of the most striking of modern
times. The causes of Jewish emigration from Eastern Europe, the course
of Jewish immigration to the United States and the most important
social qualities of the Jewish immigrants are studied, for the light
they throw upon the character of this movement. The method employed in
this investigation has been largely statistical and comparative, a
fact which is partly due to the kind of material that was available
and partly to the point of view that has been taken. Certain economic
and social factors, having a close bearing upon the past and present
situation of the Jews in Eastern Europe and frequently neglected in
the discussion of the various phases of this movement, have been
emphasized in the examination into the causes of the emigration of the
Jews from Eastern Europe and have been found vital in determining the
specific character of the Jewish immigration to this country.
I desire gratefully to acknowledge my deep indebtedness to Mr. A.S.
Freidus, head of the Jewish department of the New York Public Library,
for his ever-ready assistance in the preparation of this work. Thanks
are due as well to Dr. C.C. Williamson, head of the Economics
department of the library, and to his able and courteous staff; to
Professor Robert E. Chaddock for his many valuable suggestions and
aid in the making of the statistical tables and in the reading of the
proof; and to Professor Edwin R.A. Seligman for his painstaking
reading of the manuscript.
SAMUEL JOSEPH.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART I.--THE CAUSES OF JEWISH EMIGRATION.
PAGE
CHAPTER I
_Introduction._
1. Character of Jewish immigration 21
2. Eastern Europe 22
3. Distribution of Jews in Eastern Europe 22
4. Uniform character of East-European Jews 22
CHAPTER II
EASTERN EUROPE: ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS.
I. _Russia._
1. Medieval past 27
2. Agricultural character 28
3. Emancipation of serfs 29
4. Reminiscences of serfdom 29
5. Changes since the emancipation 30
6. Epoch of transition 31
7. Social orders: classes, the church 31
8. Political order: autocracy, bureaucracy 32
9. Political struggle: Russian liberalism 32
10. Reaction since Alexander III 33
II. _Roumania._
1. Social-economic classes 34
2. Emancipation of the serfs: results 35
3. Development of industry and commerce 36
4. Growth of a middle class 36
III. _Austria-Hungary._
1. Reminiscences of medieval economy 37
2. Transitional nature of economic life 37
3. Organization of industry and commerce 37
4. Politico-economic struggles 38
5. Galicia: economic and social conditions 39
IV. _Summary._
CHAPTER III
THE JEWS IN EASTERN EUROPE: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POSITION
I. _Russia._
1. Economic characteristics 42
a. Occupational distribution of the Jews 42
b. Comparison with the non-Jews 42
c. Participation of the Jews in principal
occupational groups 43
d. Comparison of occupational distribution of Jews
and non-Jews in the Pale 43
e. Economic activities of the Jews 44
2. Social characteristics 46
a. Urban distribution of the Jews 46
b. Comparison with the non-Jews 46
c. Literacy: comparison with the non-Jews 47
d. Liberal professions: comparison with the non-Jews 48
II. _Roumania._
1. Economic characteristics 48
a. The Jews as merchants and entrepreneurs 48
b. The Jewish artisans 49
c. Participation of the Jews in industry and commerce 49
2. Social characteristics 49
a. Urban distribution of the Jews 49
b. Comparison with the non-Jews 49
c. Literacy: comparison with the non-Jews 50
III. _Austria-Hungary._
1. Economic characteristics 50
a. Occupational distribution of the Jews 50
b. Comparison with the non-Jews 51
c. Participation of the Jews in principal
occupational groups 51
Galicia 51
a. Occupational distribution of the Jews 51
b. Comparison with the non-Jews 51
c. Participation of the Jews in principal
occupational groups 51
d. Industrial and commercial position of the Jews
in East and West Galicia 52
2. Social characteristics 52
a. Urban distribution of the Jews 52
b. Comparison with the non-Jews 52
c. Liberal professions: comparison with the non-Jews 52
IV. _Summary._
CHAPTER IV
THIRTY YEARS OF JEWISH HISTORY
I. _Russia._
1. Treatment of the Jews after the partitions of Poland 56
2. Pale of Jewish Settlement: special Jewish laws 57
3. Attitude of Russian government toward the Jews 57
4. Alexander II and liberalism 58
5. Reaction: antagonism to the Jews 59
6. Economic attack: the May Laws 60
7. Effect of the May Laws 61
8. Educational restrictions: the "percentage rule" 62
9. _Pogroms: pogroms of 1881-2_ 63
10. Expulsions from Moscow 64
11. Nicholas II: anti-Jewish agitation: Kishineff 64
12. War and revolution: effect upon the Jews 65
13. _Pogroms_ as counter-revolution 66
14. Results: economic and social pressure 67
15. Jewish policy of reactionary régime 68
II. _Roumania._
1. Early legal status of the Jews 69
2. Convention of Paris 69
3. Anti-Jewish activities of the government: Article VII 70
4. Berlin Congress 70
5. Article 44 of the Berlin Treaty 71
6. The revised Article VII 71
7. Legal status of the Jews fixed 72
8. Campaign of discrimination 73
9. Exclusion of Jews from economic activities 73
10. Educational restrictions: restrictions to
professional service 74
11. Political basis of anti-Jewish policy 75
12. Results: economic and social pressure 76
13. Jewish policy of Roumanian government: Hay's
circular note 76
III. _Austria-Hungary._
1. Early legal status of the Jews: emancipation 77
2. Jews attacked as liberals and capitalists 78
3. Rise of political antisemitism: its triumph: the
clericals 78
Galicia 78
1. Rise of a Polish middle class: displacement of Jews
in industry and commerce 79
2. Economic boycott of Jewish artisans and traders 79
3. Anti-Jewish activity of local authorities 79
4. Over-competition and surplus of Jews in industry and
commerce 80
5. Historical rôle of the Jews: antagonism of peasantry
and clergy 80
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
PART II.--JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
A. ITS MOVEMENT
CHAPTER I
DETERMINATION OF NUMBER OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS
1. Construction of table: difficulties 87
2. Sources utilized: reports of Jewish societies 87
3. Rearrangement of numbers from 1886 to 1898 88
4. Determination of numbers by country of nativity:
methods used 88
5. Determination of numbers from 1881 to 1885: methods
used 90
6. Tendency to magnify numbers of Jewish immigrants 91
7. Results 92
CHAPTER II
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM EASTERN EUROPE
1. Jewish immigration East-European 95
2. Summary by decades of Jewish immigration from Russia,
Roumania and Austria-Hungary 95
3. Annual contributions of Jewish immigration from
Russia, Roumania and Austria-Hungary 96
CHAPTER III
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM RUSSIA
1. Russian Jewish immigration a movement of steady
growth 98
a. Summary by decades 98
b. Annual variations: effect of the Moscow expulsions 98
2. Participation of Jews in the immigration from Russia 101
a. Annual variations 101
b. Summary by decades 102
c. Relative predominance of Jewish in total 102
3. Intensity of Jewish immigration from Russia 103
a. Rate of immigration 103
b. Fluctuations of rate 104
CHAPTER IV
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM ROUMANIA
1. Roumanian Jewish immigration a rising movement 105
a. Summary by decades 105
b. Annual variations 105
2. Participation of Jews in the immigration from
Roumania 107
a. Jewish and total synonymous 107
b. Annual variations 107
3. Intensity of Jewish immigration from Roumania 108
a. Rate of immigration 108
b. Fluctuations of rate 108
CHAPTER V
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
1. Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary a rising
movement 109
a. Summary by decades 109
b. Annual variations 109
c. Comparison of Jewish with total
2. Participation of Jews in the immigration from
Austria-Hungary 110
a. Summary by decades 110
b. Annual variations 111
3. Comparison of immigration of Jews from Austria and
Hungary 111
a. Numbers 111
b. Participation in total 111
4. Immigration of Jews and other peoples from
Austria-Hungary 112
5. Rate of Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary 112
CHAPTER VI
JEWISH IMMIGRATION
1. Total movement one of geometrical progression 113
a. Summary by decades 113
b. Summary by six-year periods 113
c. Annual variations 114
CHAPTER VII
PARTICIPATION OF JEWS IN TOTAL IMMIGRATION
1. Rise in proportion of Jewish to total 117
2. Summary by decades 117
3. Annual variations 117
4. Comparison of annual variations of Jewish and total
immigration 118
5. Rank of Jewish in total immigration 119
6. Rate of immigration 120
CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY
B. ITS CHARACTERISTICS
CHAPTER I
FAMILY MOVEMENT
1. Importance of sex and age distribution 127
2. Proportion of females in Jewish immigration 127
a. Tendency towards increase 127
3. Proportion of children in Jewish immigration 128
4. Proportion of sexes in total and Jewish immigration 129
5. Proportion of children in total and Jewish
immigration 129
6. Comparison of composition by sex of Jews and other
immigrant peoples 130
7. Comparison of composition by age of Jews and other
immigrant peoples 130
8. Comparison of composition by sex and age of Jews and
the Slavic races 131
9. Comparison of composition by sex and age of Jews
from Roumania and Roumanians 131
10. Comparison of composition by sex and age of Jewish
and "old" and "new" immigration 132
11. Conclusion 132
CHAPTER II.
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
1. Emigration of Jews compared with immigration of Jews 133
2. Comparison of return movement of total and Jewish
immigration 134
3. Comparison of return movement of Jews and other
immigrant peoples 134
4. Emigration tendency of Jews from Russia, Roumania
and Austria-Hungary 135
5. Comparison of return movement of Jews and Poles
from Russia and Austria-Hungary 136
6. Comparison of return movement of Jewish and "old"
and "new" immigration 137
7. Comparison of return movement of Jews and other
immigrant peoples, 1908 137
8. Response of Jewish immigration to economic
conditions in the United States 138
9. Comparison of Jews and other immigrant peoples who
have been previously in the United States 138
10. Conclusion 139
CHAPTER III
OCCUPATIONS
1. Occupational distribution of Jewish immigrants 140
2. Jewish immigrants reporting occupations 141
a. Number and percentage of occupational groups 141
3. Skilled laborers 141
a. Garment workers 141
b. Other important groups 142
4. Participation of Jews in occupational distribution
of total immigration 142
5. Comparison of occupational distribution of Jews and
other immigrant peoples 143
6. Comparison of occupational distribution of Jews and
Slavic peoples 144
7. Comparison of occupational distribution of Jewish
and "old" and "new" immigration 144
8. Conclusion 145
CHAPTER IV
ILLITERACY
1. Illiteracy of Jewish immigrants 146
2. Influence of sex upon illiteracy of Jewish
immigrants 146
3. Illiteracy of Jewish male and female immigrants 147
4. Comparison of rate of illiteracy of Jews and other
immigrant peoples 147
5. Comparison of rate of illiteracy of Jewish and
"old" and "new" immigration 147
6. Comparison of rate of illiteracy of Jews and
East-European peoples 148
7. Comparison of rate of illiteracy of each sex among
Jews and East-European peoples 148
8. Conclusion 148
CHAPTER V
DESTINATION
1. Factors influencing destination 149
2. Proportion of Jewish immigrants destined for
divisions 149
3. Proportion of Jewish immigrants destined for
principal states 149
4. Comparison of destination of Jews and other
immigrant peoples 150
5. Participation of Jews in the immigration destined
for divisions 150
6. Final disposition of Jewish immigrants 151
CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
STATISTICAL TABLES
PAGE
IA. Participation of Jews in occupations in the
Russian Empire, 1897 158
IB. Participation of Jews in occupations in the Pale
of Jewish Settlement, 1897 159
II. Jewish immigration at the ports of New York,
Philadelphia and Baltimore, July to June, 1886 to
1898 159
III. Jewish immigration at the port of New York, July,
1885 to June, 1886, by month and country of
nativity 159
IVA. Jewish immigration at the port of Philadelphia,
1886 to 1898, by country of nativity 160
IVB. Jewish immigration at the port of Baltimore, 1891
to 1898, by country of nativity 160
V. Jewish immigration at the ports of New York,
Philadelphia and Baltimore, 1886 to 1898, by
country of nativity 161
VI. Jewish immigration to the United States, 1881 to
1910 93
VII. Percentage of annual Jewish immigration to the
United States, contributed by each country of
nativity, 1881 to 1910 94
VIII. Jewish immigration to the United States, 1881 to
1910, absolute numbers and percentages, by decade
and country of nativity 162
IX. Jewish immigration from Russia, 1881 to 1910, and
percentage of total arriving each year 162
X. Jewish immigration from Russia, 1881 to 1910, by
decade and percentage of total arriving each decade 163
XI. Jewish immigration from Russia at the port of New
York, January 1, 1891 to December 31, 1891, and
January 1, 1892 to December 31, 1892, by month 163
XII. Total immigration from Russia and Jewish immigration
from Russia, 1881 to 1910, and percentage Jewish of
total 164
XIII. Total immigration from Russia and Jewish immigration
from Russia, 1881 to 1910, by decade and percentage
Jewish of total 164
XIV. Immigration to the United States from the Russian
Empire, 1899 to 1910, by annual percentage of
contribution of principal peoples 165
XV. Rate of immigration of peoples predominant in the
immigration from Russia, 1899 to 1910 165
XVI. Rate of Jewish immigration from Russia per 10,000
of Jewish population, 1899 to 1910 166
XVII. Jewish immigration from Roumania, 1881 to 1910, by
decade and percentage of total arriving each decade 166
XVIII. Jewish immigration from Roumania, 1881 to 1910, and
percentage of total arriving each year 167
XIX. Total immigration from Roumania and Jewish
immigration from Roumania, 1899 to 1910, and
percentage Jewish of total 168
XX. Rate of Jewish immigration from Roumania per 10,000
of Jewish population, 1899 to 1910 168
XXI. Jewish immigration from Austria Hungary, 1881 to
1910, by decade and percentage of total arriving
each decade 169
XXII. Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary, 1881 to
1910, and percentage of total arriving each year 169
XXIII. Total and Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary,
1881 to 1910, by decade and percentage Jewish of
total 170
XXIV. Total and Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary,
1881 to 1910, and percentage Jewish of total 170
XXV. Percentage of annual immigration from
Austria-Hungary contributed by principal peoples,
1899 to 1910 171
XXVI. Rate of Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary per
10,000 of Jewish population, 1899 to 1910 171
XXVII. Jewish immigration, 1881 to 1910, by decade 172
XXVIII. Jewish immigration, 1881 to 1910, by six-year
period 172
XXIX. Jewish immigration to the United States, 1881 to
1910 173
XXX. Total immigration and Jewish immigration, 1881 to
1910, by decade and percentage Jewish of total 174
XXXI. Total immigration and Jewish immigration, 1881 to
1910, by year and percentage Jewish of total 174
XXXII. Total and Jewish immigration, 1881 to 1910, by
number and percentage of increase or decrease 175
XXXIII. Sex of Jewish immigrants, 1899 to 1910 176
XXXIV. Sex of Jewish immigrant adults at the port of New
York, 1886 to 1898 176
XXXV. Age of Jewish immigrants, 1809 to 1910 177
XXXVI. Age of Jewish immigrants at the port of New York,
1886 to 1898 177
XXXVII. Sex of total and Jewish immigrants, 1899 to 1910 178
XXXVIII. Sex of European immigrants, 1899 to 1910 179
XXXIX. Age of European immigrants, 1899 to 1909 180
XL. Sex, 1899 to 1910, and age, 1899 to 1909, of Slavic
immigrants 181
XLIA. Sex of Roumanian immigrants, 1899 to 1910, and of
immigrants from Roumania. 1900 to 1910 181
XLIB. Age of Jewish and Roumanian immigrants, 1899 to
1909 181
XLII. Sex and age of "old" and "new" immigration (Jewish
excepted) and of Jewish immigration, 1899 to 1909 182
XLIII. Jewish immigration and emigration, 1908 to 1912 182
XLIV. Total and Jewish emigrant aliens and percentage
Jewish immigrant aliens of total immigrant aliens,
1908 to 1912 183
XLV. European immigrant aliens admitted, and European
emigrant aliens departed, 1908, 1909 and 1910 183
XLVI. Jewish immigration and emigration, Russia,
Austria-Hungary and Roumania, 1908 to 1912 184
XLVII. Polish immigration and emigration, Russia and
Austria-Hungary, 1908 to 1912 184
XLVIII. "Old" and "new" (Jewish excepted) and Jewish
immigration and emigration, 1908 to 1910 185
XLIX. European immigrant aliens, 1907, and European
emigrant aliens, 1908 185
L. Total European immigrants admitted and total of those
admitted during this period in the United States
previously, 1899 to 1910 186
LI. Occupational distribution of Jewish immigrants,
1899 to 1910 186
LII. Jewish immigrants reporting occupations, 1899
to 1910 187
LIII. Jewish immigrants engaged in professional
occupations, 1899 to 1910 187
LIV. Jewish immigrants reporting skilled occupations,
1899 to 1910 188
LV. Occupations of total European and Jewish immigrants,
1899 to 1909, and percentage Jewish of total 189
LVI. Total European immigrants and immigrants without
occupation, 1899 to 1910 189
LVII. Occupations of European immigrants reporting
employment, 1899 to 1910 190
LVIII. Occupations of Slavic and Jewish immigrants
reporting employment, 1890 to 1910 191
LIX. Occupations of "old" and "new" immigration (Jewish
excepted) and of Jewish immigration, 1899 to 1909 191
LX. Illiteracy of Jewish immigrants, 1899 to 1910 192
LXI. Sex of Jewish immigrant illiterates, 1908 to 1912 192
LXII. Illiteracy of European immigrants, 1899 to 1910 193
LXIII. Illiteracy of "old" and "new" immigration (Jewish
excepted) and of Jewish immigration, 1899 to 1909 194
LXIV. Illiteracy of peoples from Eastern Europe, 1899 to
1910 194
LXV. Sex of illiterates of peoples from Eastern Europe,
1908 194
LXVI. Destination of Jewish immigrants, 1899 to 1910, by
principal divisions 195
LXVII. Destination of Jewish immigrants, 1899 to 1910, by
principal states 195
LXVIII. Percentage of Jewish and total immigrants destined
for each division, 1899 to 1910 196
LXIX. Participation of Jewish immigrants in destination of
total immigrants, 1899 to 1910, by principal
divisions 196
APPENDICES
A. President Harrison's Message, 1891 199
B. Article VII of the Constitution of Roumania 200
C. Secretary Hay's Note 201
BIBLIOGRAPHY 207
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Thirty years have elapsed since the Jews began to enter the United
States in numbers sufficiently large to make their immigration
conspicuous in the general movement to this country. A study of Jewish
immigration, in itself and in relation to the general movement,
reveals an interesting phase of this historic and many-sided social
phenomenon and throws light upon a number of important problems
incident to it.
Especially does it become clear that the Jewish immigration, although
in part the result of the same forces as have affected the general
immigration and the separate groups composing it, differs,
nevertheless, in certain marked respects, from the typical
immigration. Some of these differences indeed are fundamental and
far-reaching in their effects and practically stamp the Jewish
immigration as a movement _sui generis_.
Generally speaking, in the forces which are behind the emigration of
the Jews from the countries of the Old World, in the character of
their immigration--its movement and its distinguishing qualities--the
Jewish immigration strikes a distinctly individual note.
Three European countries--Russia, Austria-Hungary and
Roumania--furnish the vast majority of the Jewish immigrants to the
United States.[1] It is to these countries, therefore, that we must
turn for light upon the causes of this movement.
Geographically, these countries are closely connected; they form
practically the whole of the division of Eastern Europe. Here the
Slavonic races so largely predominate that the term Slavonic Europe
has been applied to this section of Europe.
Eastern or Slavonic Europe is a social as well as a geographical fact.
In racial stratification, economic and social institutions, cultural
position and, in part, religious traditions as well, these countries
present strong similarities to one another and equally strong
differences in most of these respects from the countries of Western
Europe.
It is here that the Jews are found concentrated in the greatest
numbers. Nearly seven and a half-million Jews--more than half of the
Jews of the world--live in these countries. Of this number more than
five millions are in Russia, more than two millions in Austria-Hungary,
and a quarter of a million in Roumania. The great majority of these are
massed on the contiguous borders, in a zone which embraces Poland, and
Western Russia, Galicia, and Moldavia. This is the emigration zone. The
relative density of the Jews is greatest in these parts. Every seventh
man in Poland, every ninth man in Western Russia and in Galicia, and
every tenth man in Moldavia, is a Jew. Thus the center of gravity of
the Jewish populations is still the former kingdom of Poland, as it was
constituted before the partitions at the end of the eighteenth century.
United originally in Poland, the Jews of Eastern Europe still retain
the same general characteristics, in spite of the changes that have
been brought about by a century of rule under different governments.
Speaking a common language, Yiddish, and possessing common religious
traditions, as well as similar social and psychological traits, the
East-European Jews present on the whole a striking uniformity of
character.
Through the centuries they have become deeply rooted in the
East-European soil, their economic and social life intimately
connected with the economic and social conditions of these countries
and their history deeply influenced by the transformations that have
been taking place in them for half a century.
As these conditions and transformations furnish the foundation of
Jewish life in Eastern Europe, and contain the explanation of the
situation that has been largely responsible for the recent Jewish
emigration to Western Europe and the United States, a rapid review of
the economic, social and political conditions of Russia, Roumania and
Austria-Hungary will be made.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Cf. infra_, p. 95.
PART I
THE CAUSES OF JEWISH EMIGRATION
CHAPTER II
EASTERN EUROPE: ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
I. RUSSIA
The difficulty of the average American to understand the character of
Russian life, some traits of which have been so vividly brought home
to him in recent years, may be attributed to a general idea that a
country rubbing elbows as it were with Western civilization for
several centuries must perforce itself possess the characteristics of
modern civilization. A closer survey of the economic, social and
political conditions prevailing in Russia to-day, however, reveals
many points of difference from those of the countries of Western
Europe, and presents a remarkable contrast with those prevailing in
the United States. Russia and the United States, indeed, stand, in
Leroy-Beaulieu's phrase, at the two poles of modern civilization. So
far apart are they in the character of their economic, social and
political structures, in the degree in which they utilize the forms
and institutions of modern life, and, in the difference in the mental
make-up of their peoples, that there exist few, if any, points of real
contact.
Up to the middle of the 19th century, Russia was, in nearly all
respects, a medieval state. She was a society, which, in the words of
Kovalevsky, "preserved still of feudalism, not its political spirit
but its economic structure, serfdom, monopoly and the privileges of
the nobility, its immunities in the matter of taxes, its exclusive
right to landed property, and its seignorial rights."[2] Her modern
era dates from the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, when she became,
at least in form, a European state. But, though the Russia of our day
has witnessed great transformations in the direction of modernization,
she still retains many of the conditions and much of the spirit of her
medieval past.
A rapid review of the economic, social and political conditions of
Russia will serve to make clearer this situation, which has an
important bearing upon the exceptional position, legal, economic,
social, of the Jews in the Empire, and upon the fateful events of
their history for a third of a century.
The most striking fact in the economic life of present-day Russia is
that it is overwhelmingly agricultural. More than three-fourths of her
population are engaged in some form of agricultural labor. The vast
majority are peasants living in villages. Towns are relatively few and
sparsely populated. Agricultural products constitute 85 per cent of
the annual exports. What a contrast does this agricultural state, this
"peasant empire", present to the industrially and commercially
developed countries of Western Europe and the United States!
The Russian peasant still practices a primitive system of agriculture.
His method of extensive cultivation, the three-field system in vogue,
his primitive implements, his domestic economy of half a century ago,
with its home production for home consumption, which is still
maintained in many parts of Russia to this day--all these present
conditions not far removed from those of the middle ages of Western
Europe.[3]
The existence to our day of this almost primitive economy finds its
explanation in the fact that serfdom existed in Russia, in all its
unmitigated cruelty, until comparatively recent times. Its abolition
through the Emancipation Act of Alexander II--antedating our own
Emancipation Proclamation by a few years--struck off the chains that
bound twenty millions of peasants to the soil. The emancipation,
however, was not complete. The land the peasants received was
insufficient for their needs. Other conditions co-operated in the
course of time with this primary one, to create a situation of chronic
starvation for the great mass of the Russian peasants. Forced by the
government to pay heavy taxes, in addition to redemption dues for the
land, which they paid until recently, and receiving little help from
either government or the nobility for the improvement of their
position, they are virtually exploited almost as completely as before
the emancipation.
Thus, though freed in person, the peasants are to a great extent bound
by economic ties to their former masters, the nobles. These two
social-economic classes maintain towards each other practically the
same relative position held by them before the emancipation. The manor
still controls the hut.
The former servile relations have persisted psychologically as well.
The Russian peasant is still largely a serf in his mentality, in his
feeling of dependence, in his inertia and lack of individual
enterprise, and, above all, in the smallness of his demands upon
life.[4] This fact permeates, as it serves to explain, many aspects of
contemporary Russian life.
The industrial and commercial stage of Russian economy began with the
emancipation, which set free a great supply of labor. The changes
that have taken place have nevertheless not obliterated many of the
landmarks of the feudal, pre-reformation period. The economic
activities of the last half-century present a curious juxtaposition of
old and new, medieval and modern. Cottage and village industries but
little removed from the natural economy of the earlier period exist by
the side of great factories and industrial establishments employing
thousands of workmen. Fairs and markets still play a large part in
supplying the needs of the peasants, rapidly as they are being
supplanted by the commercial activities of the towns. The industrial
laborers, recruited mainly from the country, retain largely their
peasant interests, relations and characteristics. The payment of wages
in kind, which is still in vogue in many parts, and the right of
inflicting corporal punishment retained by the employers, give
evidence of the strong impress of the servile conditions of the past.
Vast changes have nevertheless taken place since the emancipation.
Capitalism has made rapid, if uneven, progress. Under the fostering
care of the government, industry and commerce have made immense
strides. The factory system has taken firm root and has been
developing a specialized class of industrial laborers. Great
industrial centers have sprung up; towns have grown rapidly. The
middle class, hitherto insignificant, has increased in number, wealth
and influence. Among the peasants as well, freedom has given birth to
the spirit of individualism. The differentiation of the peasantry into
wealthier peasants and landless agricultural laborers, the great mass
of the peasantry occupying the middle ground, and the gradual
dissolution of the two great forces of Russian agricultural life--the
patriarchal family and the village community--have been the most
important results.
Russia is clearly in a state of transition from the agricultural or
medieval to the industrial and commercial or modern economic life.
This transformation of the economic structure is being effected under
great difficulties and the strong opposition of the ruling classes,
whose privileges are threatened by the new order of things.
The Russian social and political order reflects the medieval
background which formed the setting for her entrance upon the modern
stage. The class distinctions, naturally obtaining, are hardened into
rigidity by the law, which divides Russian society into a hierarchy of
five classes or orders--the nobles, the clergy, the merchants, the
townsmen and the peasants--each with separate legal status, rights and
obligations.
The individual is thus not an independent unit, as in the legal codes
of Western Europe or the United States. Accompanying the legal
stratification there is an exceedingly strong, almost caste-like,
sense of difference between the members of the different groups.
This emphasis on the person is characteristic of the medieval social
order. In Russia it finds additional expression in the control of
individual movement by means of the passport, without which document a
Russian may be said to have no legal existence.
Even more striking is the position of the Russian Church, as well as
the religio-national conception which dominates the Russian mind and
according to which orthodoxy and nationality are regarded as one. The
Russian Orthodox is the only true Russian; all others are foreigners.
In the alliance of church and state--which in Russia reaches a degree
of strength not attained in any other European state--in the complete
control exercised by the Church over the lives of the faithful and the
clergy, in secular as in religious matters, in its intolerant attitude
towards other creeds and its unceasing attempts to suppress them--it
presents characteristics strongly reminiscent of the position of the
medieval church in Western Europe.
The one great political fact of Russia has been the autocracy. The
degree of control which the autocratic Czars exercised unopposed over
their subjects marks an important difference between the political
development of Russia and that of the countries of Western Europe. At
an early period the Czars had transformed the nobility into a body of
state officials, thus at a blow depriving them of any real powers,
apart from the will of the Crown, and making them serve the interests
of the state. In this way the nobles, or the landed aristocracy,
became the main source from which the members of the bureaucracy were
recruited. The lack of a middle class of any real size and influence,
which could play a part in the demand for political rights, explains
in a measure the strength of the autocratic powers.[5] The autocracy
in turn has been largely dependent upon its servant, the bureaucracy.
To such an extent has the Russian government been the expression of
the will and interests of this all-powerful body as to justify
Leroy-Beaulieu's designation of Russia as the "Bureaucratic State".
Thus the autocracy, the nobility-bureaucracy and the church have been
the dominating forces in the economic, social and political life of
Russia.
In the light of this analysis, the political struggles that have been
so conspicuous a feature of Russian life during the last half of the
19th century become an accompaniment as well as an expression of the
progressive development of Russia towards modern economic, social and
political institutions.
Russian liberalism,--largely revolutionary because of the denial of
even elementary rights, such as the freedom of person, of speech, of
the press and of meeting,--rights which were secured to Englishmen
through the Magna Charta--has had the serious task not only of
securing these rights but at the same time of creating in Russia the
conditions of modern civilization. For the twenty years in which its
spirit ruled, during the reign of Alexander II, the reforms begun
under its influence amounted to a veritable revolution. The economic,
social, political and juridical reforms of this epoch generated new
forces and began the modernization of Russia. These reforms
encountered the formidable opposition of the nobility and the church
and finally of the autocracy, when the latter felt that its position
was gradually being undermined, especially by the demand for a
constitution. With the assassination of Alexander II, the liberal era
was brought to a close, and a reaction was ushered in which has lasted
to our day.
The classes that came into power with Alexander III and Pobedonostseff
were, from their economic interests, social outlook and political
ideals, essentially medieval and may properly be termed the feudal
party. Guided by its economic interests--which had been seriously
threatened by the emancipation--and swayed by the Slavophilistic
philosophy,[6] this party sought to nullify as far as possible
the reforms of the epoch of emancipation and to carry through a
many-sided program for putting the order of things backward to the
medieval, pre-reform days. Autocracy, Greek Orthodoxy and Russian
Nationalism--the famous Slavophilistic trinity--were glorified,
the first two as peculiarly national institutions, the policy of
russification and the repression of non-orthodox faiths by force
were proclaimed as vital to the social health of Russia, the blind
ignorance and illiteracy of the peasants were extolled as a virtue and
the control over them by the nobility was strengthened in many ways.
Freedom of every form was condemned as an aping of the "rotten"
civilization of the West with its decaying institutions, and as false
to the true Russian national, historical development.
During this period of reaction, however, the liberal movement was kept
alive, largely as revolutionary propaganda. The earlier movement had
been directed by the educated classes, the "_Intelligenzia_" of
Russia. Lately, with the growth of the middle class and a population
of industrial workers in the towns and the factories, and a wealthier
class of peasants, the cry for reform has become more insistent, and
only recently partly successful in results.
Summarizing his impressions of Russian life and institutions obtained
while serving as Ambassador to Russia, Andrew D. White remarked:
"During two centuries Russia has been coming slowly out of the middle
ages--indeed, out of perhaps the most cruel phases of medieval
life."[7] One of the phases of this process has been the bitter
struggle between the feudal and the modern forces that has occupied
Russia for the last third of a century.
II. ROUMANIA
In Roumania,[8] in spite of a liberal constitution modeled upon the
Belgian, granting all rights enjoyed by citizens of a free state, the
underlying economic, social and, in a measure, political conditions
point to a state of things little removed from the medieval forms of
life. The main social-economic classes are the large landed
proprietors, composed chiefly of the old nobility or boyars, and the
peasants, who were formerly serfs. In the hands of the former are
concentrated the greater part of the land. Five thousand large landed
proprietors together owned nearly half of the cultivable land. Nearly
a million of peasants, on the other hand, comprising with their
dependents a great majority of the population, together owned a little
over two-fifths of the cultivable land.[9]
This situation is an inheritance from the servile system which existed
in Roumania until 1864, when it was legally abolished. The freedom
granted to the peasants was, however, more formal than real. The land
given them being insufficient for their needs, and pasture land
especially having been denied them, they were as a rule compelled to
lease land or pasture right from their former masters at ruinous
rates, often paying by labor on their former masters' estates. Thus
the essential feudal services were in the main continued, especially
as the lease and labor contracts, generally drawn up in the interests
of the landed proprietor, were often usurious and extremely
oppressive.[10] In twenty years there was little change from the
previous condition of serfdom, so that a law was necessary, in 1882,
to permit the peasants to work at least two days during the week on
their own land.
Since this period there has been practically little change in this
essentially feudal relation of the peasantry to the landed
proprietors. As the owners of the great estates are a ruling power in
the political life of the country, the greater part of peasants being
disqualified from voting through property and educational
requirements, the former have been enabled to keep the peasantry in
this condition of semi-servitude. The result is a state of ignorance,
misery and degradation on the part of the peasantry that is difficult
to parallel in another European country. That the peasants are not
entirely passive under their wrongs is shown in the repeated uprisings
against their masters and in the two great social revolutions of 1888
and 1907, both of which were put down by military force.
Roumania's advent into industry and commerce may be dated from the
eighties of the last century, and was initiated by the industrial law
of 1887, which sought to create a national industry by means of
subsidies, land grants and other favors to undertakers of large
industrial enterprises. Since then the growth has been sufficiently
rapid to place Roumania as the industrial and commercial leader of the
Balkan States. Relatively, however, it is still very backward. Only 14
per cent of the population is urban. The industrial laborers are
estimated at no more than 40,000. There are only a few cities. Only
the largest--Bucarest--has above 100,000 inhabitants, three other
cities have between fifty and seventy-five thousand inhabitants. The
chief industrial establishments, such as saw mills, flour mills and
distilleries, are concerned mainly in the working up of the raw
materials produced in the country. Nevertheless, industrial progress
has made for the growth of a small but influential middle class, which
divides the control of affairs with the large landed proprietors. Its
influence can be traced in the electoral law, which gives the urban
classes, constituting the backbone of the liberal party, a majority in
the Chamber of Deputies.
III. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
Though relatively far advanced along the road of modern civilization,
Austria-Hungary, through its prevailing mode of economic and social
life, and through its large Slavic populations, belongs rather to
Eastern than to Western Europe. Historically, it began its modern
career about the same time as Russia, when it abolished, in 1867, the
feudal services and dues, survivals of the previous servile
institutions. Nevertheless, in its large agricultural population, in
the primitive system of cultivation generally in vogue, in the
scattered character of the peasant holdings, in the strong contrast
between the great landed estates or _Latifundia_, held chiefly by the
nobility, and the small, even minute, estates of the majority of the
peasant proprietors, and in the natural economy prevailing in many
parts of the Dual Monarchy and constituting the main foundation upon
which the life of the peasants rests--in all these characteristics, is
reflected the almost medieval economy which existed in the empire
before 1848 and which is not yet entirely outgrown.
Industrially and commercially, Austria, far more than Hungary, has
indeed made really remarkable progress. Yet in this respect the
greatest contrast exists between the various Austrian provinces.
Certain of these--Galicia and Bukowina, for instance--are not only the
most backward in these pursuits, but their agricultural population is
even relatively increasing. Even in the industrially advanced
provinces, such as Lower Austria and Bohemia, the transitional nature
of the industrial life is evident in the unspecialized character of a
larger portion of the town laborers, many of whom are peasants
temporarily employed in factories and mines.
The Austrian organization of industry and commerce is a modernized
version of the guilds and crafts of medieval Western Europe. How these
medieval economic forms with their underlying psychologic forces still
live and dominate Austria, especially its Slavic nationalities, is
shown by the revival in 1859 of the Austrian guilds, the direct
descendants of the medieval _Innungen_. These were, in 1883, developed
in the form of _Zwangsgenossenschaften_ or compulsory trade-guilds,
which, in their regulations concerning the _Befähigungsnachweis_ or
certificate of capacity, the three orders of master, journeyman and
apprentice, the principle of compulsory entrance into the local guild,
the workman's passport or _Arbeitsbuch_, unite the methods of
regulating and restricting industry and trade characteristic of the
Middle Ages, with modern methods of combination, arbitration, and
assistance of members. By the side of these compulsory guilds are to
be found the _Gewerkschaften_, or the modern voluntary trade-unions.
The transition to modern economic and social conditions is,
nevertheless, well advanced. This is seen in a decrease of the
agricultural classes and an increase of the industrial and commercial
classes in the thirty years from 1869 to 1900. Another sign is the
fairly strong differentiation of the economic-social classes, in both
the agricultural and the industrial groups, which has advanced quite
rapidly. The middle class, while neither as large nor as influential
as in the countries of Western Europe, has played an important rôle
towards hastening this transition.
Politically, the Dual Monarchy occupies a middle ground between
absolutist Russia and constitutional England. The court, the nobility
and the Roman Church with its strong aristocratic leanings, represent
the dominant power in Austria. The economic and social changes of the
transitional period have been accompanied by politico-economic
struggles which have played a vital part and have cut through and
across the racial, national and religious conflicts of this
much-distracted conglomeration of peoples. Amid the confusion of
parties, with their complexity of programs, may be distinguished the
German-Austrian liberals, representatives of the middle class or
industrialists, whose historic mission was to create a modern state
in Austria, and who carried out, in large measure, their program of
constitutionalism, economic freedom and the secular state. Against
them were arrayed the powerful forces of the agrarian party or the
landed aristocracy--the upholders of the feudal economic-social order
of privilege and class distinction, the clericals--the upholders of
the idea of the Christian State--and the representatives of the lower
middle class, composed chiefly of petty artisans and traders, whose
ideal was the medieval industrial organization, largely co-operative
and regulated, as opposed to the individualistic and competitive
system of the modern era, with its great concentration of wealth,
capital and power in the hands of the middle class. That the present
structure of Austria is so much of a compromise and crosspatch between
modern and medieval economic, social and political forms, and contains
so much that is essentially incongruous, is due largely to the
successful struggle which the chief parties of the medieval order--the
feudal-clericals--the party of the upper classes, and the Christian
Socialists--the party of the lower classes--have waged against the
growing constitutionalization, industrialization and secularization of
Austria--in short, against the transformation of Austria into a modern
state.
It is in Galicia that the conditions obtaining in Russia are largely
duplicated. Geographically, racially and socially, Galicia is a part
of Russia. Galicia is a preponderatingly agricultural land and
possesses the densest agricultural population in Europe. Modern
industry is relatively little developed, its place being held to a
great extent by the domestic system of industry. The contrast between
the large and small estates is sharper here than perhaps in any other
section of Europe. The Polish nobility, in whose hands the large
estates are mostly found, are the ruling social and political, as well
as economic, power in Galicia. The autonomous Galician _Diet_ is
practically the instrument of their interests. A middle class has been
gradually rising and contesting their supremacy. The peasantry is one
of the most illiterate, degraded, and oppressed in all Europe.
IV. SUMMARY
This brief review of the economic and social conditions in Russia,
Roumania and Austria-Hungary has shown that, broadly speaking, these
countries present points of similarity in their situation and their
recent movement. In all of these countries, economic and social
conditions closely resembling those that obtained in the countries of
Western Europe several centuries ago were found until comparatively
recent times. The abolition of serfdom in Russia and in Roumania, and
of feudal dues in Austria-Hungary, paved the way for the entrance of
these states into modern European civilization. The succeeding period
has been marked by a rapid transition from the old domestic economy to
a modern exchange economy, through the growth of industry and
commerce. The medieval conditions of the earlier period have
nevertheless not been entirely obliterated. They exist, in Russia, in
the privileges and powers of the nobility, in the inferior status and
oppressed condition of the peasantry, in the strong class
distinctions, in the restraints upon economic activity and upon
movement. Though in smaller measure, the same conditions are found in
Austria-Hungary, especially in Galicia. In Roumania, so far as the
peasantry is concerned, the pre-emancipation conditions remain
practically, if not legally, in force. Owing to the increase of
population, the minute subdivision of the estates of the peasants, the
backwardness of their agricultural methods, and their over-taxation,
the position of the peasants has been rendered precarious.
Revolutionary uprisings directed chiefly against the landed
proprietors have been a recurring expression of their discontent.
An important consequence has been the rapid evolution of the
industrial and commercial, or the middle class. The growth of the
middle class has been accompanied by a struggle in each of these
countries between the privileged classes of the feudal state and the
middle class, including in the latter the educated classes and the
industrial workers of the towns.
It is in this middle class that the Jews are chiefly to be found.
Owing to this fact, as well as through the action of historical
conditions, the Jews occupy an exceptional position in the economic
activities and the social life of each of the countries of Eastern
Europe. A survey of their economic and social position in each country
will serve to clarify the last thirty years of their history in
Eastern Europe and to give some of the causes underlying their vast
movement from these countries to Western Europe and particularly to
the United States.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] Kovalevsky, _La crise russe_ (Paris, 1906), p. 111.
[3] _Cf._ Witte, _Vorlesungen über Volks- und Staatswirtschaft_
(Stuttgart and Berlin, 1913), p. 40.
Milyoukov, _Russia and its Crisis_ (University of Chicago Press,
1905), p. 439.
[4] _Cf._ Witte, _op. cit._, p. 52.
[5] _Cf._ Milyoukov, _op. cit._, p. 246 _et seq._
[6] An interesting statement of the principles of the Slavophiles may
be obtained from Simkhovitch (_International Quarterly_, Oct., 1904).
[7] White, _Autobiography_ (New York, 1905), vol. ii, p. 35.
[8] Owing to the similarity of conditions in Russia and Roumania,
particularly as regards the Jews, Roumania has been considered,
practically throughout, immediately after Russia.
[9] Kogalniceancu, "Die Agrarfrage in Rumänien" _Archiv für
Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik_, vol. xxxii, p. 804.
[10] _Ibid._, p. 184.
Jorga, _Geschichte des Rumänischen Volkes_ (Gotha, 1905), vol. ii, p.
374.
CHAPTER III
THE JEWS IN EASTERN EUROPE: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POSITION
The economic and social life of the Jews in Eastern Europe has moved
along the familiar channels of commerce, industry and urban life
characteristic of the Jews in all countries during the middle ages. An
examination of the economic position and function and the principal
social characteristics of the Jews reveals the fact that they play an
important part in each of these countries. This we shall see by
tracing their principal economic activities and some significant
phases of their social life.
I. RUSSIA
A review of the occupations of the Jews in the Russian Empire shows
that those engaged in the manufacturing and mechanical pursuits
constituted 39 per cent of the total Jewish population gainfully
employed. This was the largest occupational group. Commerce engaged 32
per cent. Together the industrial and commercial classes comprised
seven-tenths of all Jews engaged in gainful occupations. On the other
hand, only 3 per cent were employed in agricultural pursuits.
It is in comparison with the occupations of the non-Jewish population
in Russia that the significance of this distribution becomes evident.
Of the non-Jews in Russia, agricultural pursuits engaged 61 per cent,
manufacturing and mechanical pursuits 15 per cent, and commerce only 3
per cent. The non-Jews engaged in industry and commerce thus
constituted somewhat less than one-fifth of the total non-Jewish
population gainfully employed. More than twice as many Jews,
relatively, as non-Jews were engaged in industrial pursuits and
practically twelve times as many Jews as non-Jews in commercial
pursuits.[11]
This difference of occupational grouping makes itself felt in the
participation of the Jews in the principal occupational groups. Of the
total Russian population gainfully employed, the Jews were 5 per cent.
They constituted, however, 11 per cent of all engaged in industry, and
36 per cent of all engaged in commerce.[12] Thus, in the Russian
Empire the Jews formed a considerable proportion of the commercial
classes and a large proportion of those engaged in industrial
pursuits.
Properly to gauge the economic function of the Jews in Russia,
comparison should be made not with the population of the Russian
Empire but rather with that of the Pale of Settlement, where nearly 95
per cent of the Jews live. There the contrast was even stronger. Of
the Jews, 70 per cent were employed in industry and commerce as
compared with 13 per cent on the part of the non-Jews. Though the Jews
are only 12 per cent of the total working population of the Pale, they
formed 32 per cent of all engaged in industry and 77 per cent of all
engaged in commerce.[13] This clearly shows that the Jews constituted
the commercial classes and a significant part of the industrial
classes of the Pale. In other words, what is true of the place of the
Jews in the occupational distribution of all Russia is still more true
of the Pale. The Jews are preponderatingly industrial and commercial,
in striking contrast to the rest of the population, which is
preponderatingly agricultural.
What is the nature of their activities and their function in the
industrial and commercial life of Russia? The great majority of Jews
engaged in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits are artisans. In the
present relatively backward stage of Russian industrial development
these are chiefly handicraftsmen, who mainly supply the needs of local
consumers. These artisans, who number more than half a million,[14]
support nearly one-third of the Jewish population.
The most important industry is the manufacture of clothing and wearing
apparel, which employed more than one-third of the Jewish working
population and supported more than one-seventh of the total Jewish
population. It is in effect a Jewish industry: practically all the
tailors and shoemakers in the Pale are Jews. They predominate as well
in the preparation of food products, in the building trades, in the
metal, wood and tobacco industries.[15] Hampered by legal
restrictions, lack of technical education, and lack of capital, they
nevertheless have become an essential part of the economic life of the
Pale, supplying the needs for industrial products not only of the Jews
but of the entire Pale, and, especially of the peasants.
In the development of large-scale industry, the Jews have taken a
smaller part than the Germans or foreigners, owing to the conditions
above referred to. Yet, in 1898, in the fifteen provinces of the Pale,
more than one-third of the factories were in Jewish hands.[16] Jewish
factory workers were estimated at one-fifth of all the factory
workers in the Pale.[17]
Trade and commerce engage Jews chiefly, supporting nearly two-thirds
of the total Jewish population.[18]
As Russia is essentially an agricultural country, trade in
agricultural products, such as grain, cattle, furs and hides, _etc._,
is of prime importance. Nearly half of the Jewish merchants in the
Pale were dealers in these products. Of the dealers in the principal
grain products, Jews formed an overwhelming majority. Relatively
twenty-six times as many Jews as Russians, in the Pale, were grain
dealers.[19] Four-fifths of all the dealers in furs and hides,
three-fourths of all the dealers in cattle were Jews.[20] The Jewish
traders are agents in the movement of the crops, in the various stages
from the direct purchase of the grain from the peasant to its export
for the world markets. In view of the lack of development in Russia of
modern methods for marketing the agricultural produce, and in view of
the fact that the Russian peasant is ignorant of the most elementary
principles of trade, the Jewish merchants, with their knowledge of the
market and their skillful use of credit, play a vital part in the
organization of the Russian grain trade, and control this trade in the
Pale and on the Black Sea.
In other branches of commerce, the Jews are almost as strongly
represented. As sellers to the village and city populations, they
carry on the largest part of the retail trade of the Pale. The great
majority of the merchants, however, are petty traders or
store-keepers. The wholesale merchants enrolled in the guilds, on the
other hand, constitute a large proportion of all the guild merchants.
Thus, through their activity as petty artisans, traders and merchants,
the Jews preponderate in the industrial and commercial life of the
Pale. As manufacturers and wholesale merchants they play a less
important but nevertheless significant part in all Russia.
In general the Jewish merchants are quite strongly distinguished from
the Russian merchants in their employment of the competitive
principles and methods common to the commercial operations of Western
Europe and the United States. Their principle of a quick turnover with
a small profit, and their use of credit, are not in vogue among the
Russian merchants who operate on the basis of customary prices and
long credits.
In their social characteristics as well, the Jews are strongly set off
from the rest of the population. The Jews are essentially urban, the
non-Jews are overwhelmingly rural. In all Russia, 51 per cent of the
Jews lived in incorporated towns, as against only 12 per cent of the
non-Jews. Though the Jews constituted 4 per cent of the total
population, they constituted 16 per cent of the town population.[21]
In the Pale, where they constituted 12 per cent of the total
population, they comprised 38 per cent of the urban population.[22]
Their concentration in the cities of the Pale is striking. In nine out
of the fifteen provinces of the Pale, they constituted a majority of
the urban population. In twenty-four towns, they were from two-fifths
to seven-tenths of the population. In the important cities of Warsaw
and Odessa they were one-third of the population.[23]
The urban and occupational distribution of the Jews places them higher
than the great majority of the non-Jews among the social classes into
which the Russian people are legally divided. Townsmen are of a higher
rank than peasants. Nearly 95 per cent of the Jews belong to this
category and only 7 per cent of the Russians. The vast majority of the
Russians--86 per cent--are peasants. Only 4 per cent of the Jews are
of this class. Again, 2 per cent of the Jews are merchants, as against
only .2 per cent of the Russians. Thus in these two classes of
townsmen and merchants there were twelve times as many Jews,
relatively, as Russians.[24]
The higher cultural standing of the Jews may be partly measured by the
relative literacy of the Jews and of the total population. According
to the census of 1897, in the Jewish population ten years of age or
over there were relatively one and a half times as many literates as
in the total population of the corresponding group. In each of the
age-groups there were relatively more literates among the Jews than
among the total population. In the highest age-group, that of sixty
years of age and over, the Jews had relatively more literates than any
of the age-groups of the total population, indicating that the
educational standing of the Jews half a century ago was higher than
that of the Russian population of to-day.[25]
The fact that the Jews dwell chiefly in towns has considerably to do
with their higher educational standing. If the statistics of relative
literacy of the Jewish and the non-Jewish population in the towns were
obtainable, the chances are strong that they would not show a much
higher rate of literacy on the part of the Jews. At the same time the
difficulties that are put in the way of Jewish attendance in the
elementary schools must be regarded as a considerable factor in
explaining this possibility.[26]
The participation of the Jews in the liberal professions, which
implies the possession of a higher education, is also very large, even
with the great obstacles that have been placed in the way of the
entrance of the Jews into the universities, into the liberal
professions and the state service. Relatively seven times as many Jews
as Russians are found in the liberal professions.[27]
II. ROUMANIA
The economic activities of the Jews in Roumanian industry and commerce
closely resemble those of their Russian brethren.[28] The large part
taken by the Jews in Roumanian commerce may be gathered from the fact
that, in 1904, one-fifth of those who paid the merchant-license tax
were Jews. Equally great is their participation in large-scale
industry, where, as an inquiry in 1901-2 shows, nearly one-fifth of
the large industries were conducted by Jewish entrepreneurs. In some
of the most important ones--the glass industry, the clothing industry,
the wood and furniture industry and the textile industry--from
one-fourth to one-half of the total number of entrepreneurs were Jews.
As in the case of Russia, it is in _Klein-industrie_ or handicraft,
which is more nearly characteristic of the present form of Roumanian
industrial economy, that the Jews are mostly concentrated and where
they participate so largely as to constitute "the backbone of the
young Roumanian industry".
The latest inquiry--that of 1908--shows that the Jews were one-fifth
of all inscribed in the corporations as artisans. They formed more
than one-fourth of the master-workmen and nearly one-sixth of the
laborers. In the five principal industries Jewish master-workmen
formed from nearly one-tenth to nearly one-half. In the following
trades Jews formed between one-fourth and nearly two-thirds of the
entire workers: watchmakers, tinners, modistes, tailors, glazers,
housepainters, coopers and bookbinders. In all the garment industries
nearly one-third of the workers were Jews. The principal trades of the
Jews, in which two-thirds of the Jewish industrial workers were found,
were, in order: tailors, shoemakers, tinners, joiners and planers, and
bakers.[29] The Jews in Roumania were thus more strongly concentrated
in industry and less in commerce than their Russian brethren.
As masters and workmen they play a part in Roumanian large-scale and
small-scale industry nearly four and a half times as large as their
proportion in the total population. Their participation in commerce is
equally large.
The Jews in Roumania present the same social characteristics,
relatively to the surrounding population, as the Jews in Russia. The
Jews were overwhelmingly concentrated in the towns. 80 per cent of the
Jews dwelt in the towns; 84 per cent of the non-Jews dwelt in the
villages. Of the population in the department-capitals the Jews
constituted one-fifth. Of the population of the other towns they
constituted more than one-tenth. In some of the department-capitals,
notably Jassi, the Jews were a majority of the total population. In
six other department-capitals they constituted from one-fourth to
one-half of the population.
That the Jews are of a higher educational standing than the Roumanians
is seen in the fact that they possessed a higher rate of literacy,
having relatively twice as many literates among the males and nearly
twice as many among the females. Confining this comparison to the
cities, however, we find that the Jews had a higher literacy only in
the age-groups above fifteen. The Roumanian urban population between
the ages of seven and fifteen showed a higher literacy than the
corresponding group among the Jews, indicating the influence of the
special restrictions on Jewish education which will later be
discussed.
While the higher literacy of the Jews in Russia and Roumania is due
partly to residence in towns, the restrictions on the Jewish
participation in the educational facilities afforded by the Russian
and Roumanian governments have been so great as to make the higher
educational standing of the Jews practically a product of their own
efforts.
III. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
The economic position of the Jews in Austria-Hungary presents a close
parallel to that in Russia. The largest proportion of the Jews--44 per
cent--were engaged in commerce and in trade, and 29 per cent were
engaged in industry.[30] A significantly large proportion were engaged
in public service and in the liberal professions. A surprisingly large
proportion--11 per cent--were engaged in agriculture and allied
occupations. Thus, a little over seven-tenths of the Jews were
concentrated in commerce and trade, and industry.
The contrast between the Jewish and the non-Jewish population is most
striking in the relative proportions of those engaged in agriculture,
and commerce and trade. 54 per cent of the non-Jews were engaged in
agriculture, or five times as many, relatively, as Jews. On the other
hand, only 8 per cent were engaged in commerce and trade, or
relatively one-fifth as many as Jews.
Of the total population engaged in commerce and trade the Jews
constituted 21 per cent. They constituted, on the other hand, 5 per
cent of all engaged in industry. Thus, the Jews in Austria-Hungary
were concentrated in commerce and trade to a much larger extent than
in all other occupations, constituting an important part of all
engaged in this branch.
It is in Galicia, however, where conditions in general most resemble
those in Russia, that the Jews are seen to occupy relatively the same
position as their brethren in Russia. In Galicia, 29 per cent of the
Jews were engaged in commerce and trade, and 26 per cent in industry.
Together the Jews engaged in these two branches constituted more than
half of the total Jewish working population.
By far the largest part of the non-Jewish population--86 per
cent--were engaged in agriculture. In industry only 4 per cent of the
non-Jews were engaged and in commerce only 1 per cent. Thus the Jews
were largely concentrated in commerce and industry, the non-Jews
preponderatingly concentrated in agriculture.
As compared with the Jews in Russia and Roumania the Galician Jews
engaged in agriculture show a surprising proportion--18 per cent being
so engaged--a larger proportion than in any other country.
The Jews in East Galicia were 13 per cent of the total
population.[31] Of all the "independents" engaged in commerce in East
Galicia 92 per cent were Jews; of all the "independents" engaged in
industry 48 per cent were Jews. The Jews in West Galicia were 8 per
cent of the total population. Of all "independents" engaged in
commerce they constituted 82 per cent; of all "independents" engaged
in industry they constituted 33 per cent. This gives the crux of the
economic position of the Jews in Galicia. They play an overwhelming
part in its commercial life, practically monopolizing it. In industry
their participation is very significant.
Socially the Jews in Austria-Hungary and especially in Galicia,
present characteristics similar to those in Russia and Roumania. In
the forty cities in Galicia with a population above five thousand
there dwelt 34 per cent of the total Jewish population. Only 7 per
cent of the non-Jewish population lived in these cities. Thus,
relatively five times as many Jews as non-Jews were urban. Though the
Jews in Galicia were 11 per cent of the total population, they
constituted 37 per cent of the population in these cities, thus being
represented in the cities by more than three times their proportion in
the total population. In nine of these towns they formed a majority of
the population. They were more than one-third in twelve, and more than
one-fourth in eleven other towns. In the two chief cities in
Galicia--Lemberg and Cracow--they constituted a third of the total
population.
The figures regarding literacy are not available for Austria-Hungary
or Galicia, but there is every reason to believe that essentially the
same situation exists as in Russia and Roumania. In the liberal
professions in Austria-Hungary there were 16 per cent of the Jews so
engaged as compared with 11 per cent of the non-Jews. In Galicia the
contrast is much sharper. Relatively ten times as many Jews as
non-Jews were represented in the liberal professions.[32]
IV. SUMMARY
A review of the occupations, economic function and social
characteristics of the Jews in the countries of Eastern Europe reveals
them in an important and essentially similar rôle in each country.
Pursuing mainly industrial and commercial occupations, the Jews
constitute by far the largest part of the middle classes of each
country. The historical position which they held in the ancient
kingdom of Poland as the middle class has been practically maintained
to this day.
By virtue of their occupations, the Jews are possessed of liquid
wealth to a greater extent than the nobility or the peasantry, and in
the lack of proper credit facilities still serve as bankers and
money-lenders. The Jews have also been conspicuous in Eastern Europe
as stewards or administrators of the estates of the nobility, who are,
as a rule, absentee landlords, distinguished as a class by their
serious lack of interest or ability in the management of their
estates. The Jewish _Hofjuden_, as they were known, were particularly
useful in the utilization of the products of the soil, through
distilleries, mills, trade with agricultural products and exploitation
of the forests.[33] In this way, however, Jews often acted as
intermediaries in the oppression of the peasantry by the nobles. They
were often keepers or lessees of the taverns, the ownership of which
was formerly vested in the nobles as one of their feudal privileges.
It is, however, as artisans, industrial laborers and merchants,
retail and wholesale, that Jews chiefly obtain their living. Their
monopoly of industry and commerce has given them an influence far
above their numerical proportions.
In each of these countries, again, the Jews are essentially town
dwellers in the midst of preponderatingly rural populations. That the
degree of the contrast is due to the artificial workings of
restrictive laws is unquestioned. The chief reason for this, however,
is occupational. The Jews as an industrial and commercial people
constitute one of the main elements out of which the town populations
are recruited. Towns are ordinarily the foci of all the cultural
forces and the movement and enterprise of a country. In Eastern
Europe, where the number of towns is so few, this is much more the
case than in Western Europe. The fact that the Jews are so largely
concentrated in these comparatively few towns serves to give them a
cultural position and influence far out of proportion to their
numbers. Their economic activities and their relatively large
participation in the liberal professions strengthens this position
considerably.
Amidst populations preponderatingly devoted to agricultural
occupations and dwelling in villages, the Jews represent an industrial
and commercial people, strongly concentrated in towns. This economic
and social position of the Jews is of the greatest significance,
especially in the present period of transition in these countries.
Possessed of the characteristics of a modern people in their economic
and social life and in their mentality, they present a sharp contrast
with the peoples among whom they dwell and whose economic and social
life are only now taking on modern forms. It is this that makes the
Jews personify in a large degree the forces of economic enterprise and
of social progress in these countries.
On the other hand, the exceptional economic and social position held
by the Jews among the East-European peoples has made them peculiarly
susceptible to the changes that have been taking place, as their
inferior legal status and sharp differentiation from the mass of the
people have made them favorable objects of attack in the
politico-economic struggles that have largely accompanied the
transition.
A consideration of the legal status of the Jews in each of the
countries of Eastern Europe and of the chief forces that have ruled
their history for more than a third of a century will enable us to see
some of the dynamic aspects of the recent history of the East-European
Jews and the underlying causes of their recent emigration.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] Rubinow, _Economic Condition of the Jews in Russia_ (Washington,
1907), p. 500.
[12] _Cf._ table IA, p. 158.
[13] _Cf._ table IB, p. 158.
Rubinow, _op. cit._, p. 501.
[14] Margolin puts the number at 600,000.
[15] Ruppin, _Die Sozialen Verhältnisse der Juden in Russland_
(Berlin, 1906), p. 59.
[16] Rubinow, _op. cit._, p. 537.
[17] Rubinow, _op. cit._, p. 542.
[18] _Ibid._, p. 553.
[19] Ruppin, _op. cit._, p. 62.
[20] Rubinow, _op. cit._, p. 556.
[21] Ruppin, _op. cit._, p. 100.
[22] Rubinow, _op. cit._, p. 493.
[23] Ruppin, _op. cit._, p. 19.
[24] Ruppin, _op. cit._, p. 65.
[25] Rubinow, _op. cit._, pp. 577-578.
[26] In a personal communication to the writer, Dr. Rubinow gives it
as his opinion that the Jews as a group consisting primarily of
artisans and merchants will show a very much higher rate of literacy
than a group of factory employes, and, we may add, of unskilled
laborers, to which groups the majority of the non-Jews in the towns
belong.
[27] Ruppin, _op. cit._, p. 62.
[28] On the economic activities and social characteristics of the Jews
in Roumania, _cf._ Ruppin, _Die Juden in Rumänien_, p. 27 _et seq._
[29] _Enquête sur les artisans_ (Bucarest, 1909), p. 157 _et seq._
[30] Thon, _Die Juden in Oesterreich_ (Berlin, 1908), p. 112.
[31] Thon, _op. cit._, p. 124.
[32] Thon, _op. cit._, p. 127.
[33] _Grenzboten: Galizische Wirtschaft_, vol. lxii, p. 402.
CHAPTER IV
THIRTY YEARS OF JEWISH HISTORY IN EASTERN EUROPE
I. RUSSIA
Religious intolerance had been the prime motive of Russia's policy of
completely excluding the Jews from her borders. Through the partitions
of Poland from 1772 to 1795, she became the unwilling ruler over the
destinies of millions of Jews living in Lithuania, Western and
Southwestern Russia and Poland proper. The historic medieval principle
by which the Jews were regarded as an alien and heretic race living
among the Christian peoples--a principle that had, with the growth of
modern ideas, been rapidly losing its hold upon the West-European
nations--expressed Russia's attitude towards the Jews and conformed to
her strongly medieval outlook and organization of this period. Thus,
at the time when the emancipation of the Jews had begun to be in
Western Europe a concomitant of social progress, Russia set to work to
recreate almost typically medieval conditions for a vaster Jewish
population than had ever before been assembled in any European
country.
The Jews were placed in the position practically of aliens, whose
activities were regulated by special laws. The first and the most
far-reaching of these laws limited their right of residence to those
provinces in which they lived at the time of the Polish partitions. In
this way originated that reproduction on a vast scale of the medieval
Ghetto--the Pale of Jewish Settlement. The elementary right of free
movement and choice of residence, which was denied to the Jews, has
remained the principal restriction to which they are subjected.
The Pale of Jewish Settlement, continued with but few changes to our
day, includes the fifteen provinces of Western and Southwestern
Russia--Vilna, Kovno, Grodno, Minsk, Vitebsk, Mohileff, Volhynia,
Podolia, Kiev (except the city of Kiev), Chernigov, Poltava,
Bessarabia, Kherson, Jekaterinoslav, Taurida (except the city of
Yalta), and the ten provinces into which Poland is divided--Warsaw,
Kalisz, Kielce, Lomza, Lublin, Petrikow, Plock, Radom, Suvalk and
Siedlec. From the rest of the eighty-nine provinces and
territories--constituting nearly 95 per cent of the total territory of
the Russian Empire--the Jews were excluded.
In the course of a century the special laws relating to the Jews have
multiplied greatly until they now consist of more than a thousand
articles, regulating their religious and communal life, economic
activities and occupations, military service, property rights,
education, _etc._, and imposing special taxes over and above those
borne by all other Russian subjects. The direct consequence of these
laws was to mark the status of the Jews as the lowest in the Empire,
placing them in the position of aliens as to rights and citizens as to
obligations.[34]
The policy of the Russian government throughout the 19th century has
been full of contrasts and contradictions. Attempts at forcible
russification and assimilation, which with Nicholas I practically
spelled conversion, have alternated with methods of repression which
sought to prevent closer contact between the Jewish and the native
populations.
It was the liberal epoch of Alexander II that gave the first real
promise of emancipation to Russian Jewry. The great reforms of this
era benefited the Jews along with the other subjects of the Empire.
With the influence of the liberals over the government there came a
new attitude regarding the Jews and their value as economic and
cultural forces. Partly to relieve the intense competition in the
Pale, harmful both to the Christian and the Jewish populations, but
chiefly to give the provinces of interior Russia the benefit of the
superior industrial and commercial, and professional abilities of the
Jews, laws were enacted allowing certain classes of Jews to live
outside of the Pale. These were, chiefly, master-artisans, merchants
of the first guild, students and graduates of universities and higher
educational institutions, and members of the liberal professions.
With these laws and with the opening of the high schools and
universities to the Jews, the movement for Russianization received a
mighty impetus. Though these reforms, hedged about and limited by
onerous conditions, affected comparatively few and hardly touched the
life of the Jewish masses in a radical way, nevertheless, the impulse
which even these relatively slight reforms gave to the current of
Jewish life in Russia was far out of proportion to the relief they
afforded. Jewish hopes for a final emancipation soared high: it seemed
as if the walls of the Pale needed but little more to be broken down.
The reaction that followed the assassination of Alexander II fell upon
the Jews as a national calamity. To the feudal party which now came
into control, the Jews seemed the very embodiment of the forces in the
Empire whose progress they were seeking to stem. No other nationality
in the Russian Empire concentrated in itself so many characteristics
and tendencies opposed to the ideals and interests of the Russian
ruling classes. To the Church, dominated by a religio-national point
of view, they were the very opposite of her ideal type of Russian
orthodox, their very existence in Russia being regarded as an anomaly
and as an actual and possible influence in disintegrating the
religious faith of the orthodox peasants. To the nationalists they
were an alien people racially and religiously, whose assimilation with
the Russian people was neither possible nor desirable. To the
autocracy and the bureaucracy there was the added fear from their
intellectual superiority and their zeal for education of their playing
a powerful part among the liberal forces seeking political freedom.
Indeed, the Jews, whose economic and cultural activities and interests
bound them closely to Western Europe and were in themselves
modernizing and liberalizing influences, growing all the stronger
through the greater freedom offered them during the liberal epoch,
excited the deep repugnance of the feudal forces now directing the
destinies of the state. To them the Jews spelled anathema. Separated
from the great masses of the Russian people by race, nationality,
religion, occupations and other social and psychological
characteristics, they offered an unusually favorable object of attack.
It soon became clear that the new régime had determined upon making
the Jews a central feature in their policy of reaction. At once a
many-sided campaign against the Jews was begun. A powerful machinery
of persecution was at hand in the existing Jewish laws. All that was
necessary was to revive them, to interpret them rigorously, to tighten
the legislative screws which had become loosened during the preceding
liberal régime. This, however, seemed insufficient. It was determined
that a powerful and definitive blow must be struck at the roots of
their very existence in Russia.
The main attack was economic. The industrial and commercial activities
of the Jews, especially in the Pale, make them, as we have seen, among
the chief industrial producers for the peasants, as well as the chief
buyers of their agricultural produce. This contact between the Jews
and the peasants was a vital need in the economic life of both. The
familiar charge that the Jews were exploiters of the peasantry was
revived. Behind this charge lay the medieval economic prejudice, which
attributes no really useful rôle to the merchant or trader.[35] In a
custom-ridden economic order, the competitive methods of the Jewish
traders smacked of commercial deceit. Principally, however, this
charge served for a convenient explanation of the change of policy
towards the Jews.
In this wise were introduced the "Temporary Regulations" of May, 1882,
or the May Laws, the main clauses of which are the following:
1. As a temporary measure and until a general revision is made
of the legal status of the Jews, they are forbidden to settle
anew outside of towns and townlets (boroughs), an exception
being made only in the case of existing Jewish agricultural
colonies.
2. Until further orders, the execution of deeds of sale and
mortgage in the names of Jews is forbidden, as well as the
registration of Jews as lessees of real estate situated outside
of towns and townlets, and also the issuing to Jews of powers of
stewardship or attorney to manage and dispose of such real
property.
The May Laws may be regarded as an extension of the general principle
underlying the creation of the Pale. Through the first clause they
were now to be forbidden free movement even within the Pale. As far as
possible, their contact with the peasantry was to be cut off. The
second clause aimed to put an end to the ownership by Jews of land in
rural districts and the employment of Jews as stewards or managers of
estates. A further construction of this clause forbade Jews to be
connected with any business directly or indirectly depending upon the
purchase of landed property outside of the towns of the Pale, thus
debarring them from the utilization of land for industrial and
commercial, as well as for agricultural purposes.
In the actual execution of these laws, and in the legal
interpretations given them by the highest courts, the effect was far
greater. A series of wholesale expulsions from the villages into the
towns of the Pale began, on the ground of illegal residence. This was
increased by the device, which became normal, of renaming towns as
villages--easily possible in Russia where towns are frequently only
administrative units--the resident Jews then being expelled as illegal
settlers. Again, movement within the villages even on the part of Jews
who had the right to live in villages was prohibited.
A further effect of this change in policy was upon the position of the
Jews outside of the Pale, who enjoyed the right of residence in the
interior of Russia, through the laws of the preceding régime. A
stricter interpretation of these laws, added to a change in the
administrative policy, had the effect not only of stopping the
comparatively slight current of Jewish artisans into the interior of
Russia, but also of starting a never-ending series of expulsions from
the interior to the Pale. These expulsions have since continued, with
individuals, families and whole groups, until they have become a
constant phenomenon of Jewish life in Russia and a familiar item of
world news.
While the May Laws thus touched to the quick the economic life of the
Russian Jews, another series of laws sought to break down their
cultural life by barring them from the higher educational and
professional institutions. The contrast with the policy of the
preceding régime was here as complete as possible. The principle of
liberal assimilation with regard to the Jews had dictated the policy
of opening wide to them the doors of the secondary schools and
universities, and the liberal professions. The new régime, however,
not only opposed education generally, and higher education
particularly, as the means by which the reform and westernization of
Russia was being accomplished, but it regarded the russification of
the Jews as a special evil. Culturally as well, the Jews were to be
separated from the Russian people.
Hence the introduction of the "percentage rule" in 1886 and 1887,
restricting the proportion of Jewish students admitted to the
secondary and high schools, and universities, within the Pale, to 10
per cent of the total number of students admitted. Outside of the
Pale, the proportion was 5 per cent, except in St. Petersburg and
Moscow, where it was placed at 3 per cent. In addition, the Jews were
completely barred from a number of these institutions. As the Jews
constituted so large a part of the populations in the towns of the
Pale and had distinguished themselves in Russia as elsewhere by the
eagerness with which they grasped the educational and professional
opportunities offered them, the introduction of the "percentage rule"
meant that the vast majority of the Jewish youth were to be deprived
of the normal chances for education. Thus the "percentage rule", which
was extended to institutions founded by the Jews themselves, was
almost as great a blow as the May Laws. It threatened the cultural
ruin of Russian Jewry. Bound up as the admission to these schools was
with the liberal professions and with the opportunity of escaping from
the limits of the Pale, it meant that one of the main highways to
freedom in Russia had been closed to the Jews.
The most striking method of repression introduced by the new régime
and its feudal supporters was that combination of murder, outrage and
pillage--the _pogrom_. The revival of this characteristic expression
of the antisemitism of the middle ages was not the result of
spontaneous outbreaks of fury on the part of the Russian masses, but a
deliberate and calculated awakening of latent racial and religious
prejudices, evoked as powerful aids to inflame against the Jews the
Russian masses, who are, religiously speaking, a tolerant people and
whose relations to the Jews had been marked, on the whole, with
friendliness.
The first _pogroms_ began a month after the accession of Alexander III
to the throne, and extended in the course of a year to 160 places in
Southern Russia. Though the connivance of the local authorities was
clearly established, the originators of the _pogroms_ were never
found.[36] However, moral support was lent by the government in the
promulgation of the May Laws which closely followed. The doctrine that
the misery of the peasants was due to their exploitation by the Jews,
and that the _pogroms_ were the instinctive expression of the fury of
the peasants, was officially sanctioned. The _pogroms_ of 1881-2
served as notice to all Russia and particularly to Russian Jewry, that
the old order had given place to the new. Apart from the loss of life
and damage to property they left the Russian Jews in a state of
stupefaction and horror, with the sense of living on the brink of a
precipice.
The first decade of Alexander III's reign had opened with these
_pogroms_. The second decade opened with the wholesale expulsions from
Moscow. Within six months, more than ten thousand Jews were expelled
from the city on the ground of illegal residence. So vast a number of
Jewish families was affected and so summary was the manner of
executing the decree of expulsion, that several governments, among
them our own, protested to the Russian government. President Harrison,
discussing this protest in his message to Congress, frankly stated
that
the banishment, whether by direct decree or by not less certain
indirect methods, of so large a number of men and women is not a
local question. A decree to leave one country is in the nature
of things an order to enter another--some other. This
consideration, as well as the suggestion of humanity, furnishes
ample ground for the remonstrances which we have presented to
Russia.[37]
The expulsions were preceded by a year of ominous rumors of a program
of new restrictions beside which the May Laws would pale into
insignificance. An offer of ten million dollars for the cause of
Jewish education made by Baron de Hirsch to the Russian government was
refused. His scheme, however, for the organization of a
mass-emigration of Jews to Argentine was sanctioned. All these facts
lent strength to the feeling of the Jews that they had nothing to hope
for under the existing régime. Thus closed the reign of Alexander III
and a memorable chapter in Russian Jewish history.
The early years of Nicholas II were marked by a relaxation in the
strict administration and interpretation of the existing restrictive
laws. Hopes for the amelioration of the Jewish situation began to be
entertained. These hopes were destined shortly to be shattered.
The first decade of the twentieth century opened with threatening
unrest. Economic depression began and was accompanied by revolutionary
attacks. For the Jews, the most alarming symptom was the rise and
uninterrupted progress of a group of antisemitic agitators and Russian
loyalists, who sought to counteract the revolutionary movement by
denouncing the Jews as the leaders of the revolution and the enemies
of the autocracy and the Orthodox religion. Thus was sown the seed of
the Kishineff massacre of April, 1903, which lasted three days. Before
the echoes of Kishineff had died away, the massacre at Gomel followed.
But Kishineff proved to be merely a bloody prelude. The air was
surcharged with explosives. The outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war and
of the first organized revolution created a dangerous combination of
events for the Jews. To the discontent of the peasants, forced to go
to the front in a war for which they had no enthusiasm, and sore with
the reverses of the Russian army, was added the increased activity of
the agitators who declared that the war with Japan had been forced
upon Russia by the Jews, eager to profit through its ruin, and who
called upon their followers and the peasants through propaganda and
proclamations to revenge themselves upon the Jews. The government at
bay, on the verge of breakdown under the revolutionary attacks, and
anxious to excuse its incompetency and failure in the conduct of the
war, sought a means of diverting the peasants from the uprisings
against the landed proprietors spreading over the land, and, above
all, of stifling the revolution, which had met with such opportune
and unlooked-for success among all classes. This was a situation
alive with danger for the Jews, whose proletarians in the cities had
taken an active part in the revolution. The organization of Jewish
massacres by responsible agents of the government became the central
feature of its program of counter-revolution.[38] A veritable
holocaust ensued in nearly every province of the Empire for two years,
only the climaxes of which became known to the world in Zhitomir,
Odessa, Bialystok, and Siedlec.
The rôle of the bureaucracy in the creation of the _pogroms_,
especially in 1906, in which year there took place hundreds of
_pogroms_, was made abundantly clear by the Russian press, by Prince
Urussov's disclosures in the Duma, and by the report of the Duma
Commission appointed to investigate the causes of the Bialystok
_pogrom_ of 1906. As announced in their official report, an
investigation had shown that the relations between the Jews and the
Christians of Bialystok previous to the bloodshed had been amicable,
and that preparations for a _pogrom_ had been deliberately and
carefully made by agents of the bureaucracy and carried out with the
aid of the local authorities.
Both periods of _pogroms_ in these thirty years were periods of
revolution. In both the government had felt the ground shaking under
its feet from terroristic attacks and from peasant uprisings. In the
first period Jews had taken only slight part. In the late revolution,
however, the participation of the Jews of the Pale, through the Jewish
labor organization, the _Bund_, was quite strong. The earlier
_pogroms_ gave a hint as to the policy of the new régime. The later
ones occurred at the end of years of repression and persecution, and
were a culminating point in the fury of the reactionary forces at
their failure to stem the tide of liberalism in the struggle for
parliamentary institutions and for the rights of citizens in a modern
state.
The results of these thirty years of reaction remain to be considered.
Though the effects of the _pogroms_ upon the Russian Jews can hardly
be overestimated, the less evident, because less spectacular, methods
of restrictive law and administrative action have in the long run left
a far more enduring impress.
The introduction of the May Laws at the very beginning of the eighties
awakened the Jews to the realization that their future in Russia was
threatened. The May Laws and the laws that were developed from them,
the obstacles that were placed in the way of Jewish education and, in
general, the administrative difficulties that were created, have
affected every movement of their life.
Freedom of movement of the individual is the very essence of the life
of modern states and the basis of their economic, social and political
institutions. The lack of this freedom, especially to the extent
created by the May Laws, bars the Jews from the possibilities of
normal economic growth and progress. The Jewish manufacturers and
capitalists are prevented from participating in the industrial and
commercial development of Russia, which is so rapidly proceeding and
to which, owing to their economic position and capacities, they could
powerfully contribute. Legal interference with economic activities, so
frequently the rule in Russia, is emphasized in the case of the Jews.
A far more serious situation confronts the great mass of the Jewish
artisans, petty merchants and factory workers, to which the vast
majority of the Jews belong. Largely prevented access to their natural
customers, the peasants, by the prohibition of rural residence, and
confined to the relatively few towns of the Pale, where over-crowding
and over-competition are the necessary and unavoidable results, the
Jewish artisans and petty merchants have a bitter struggle to maintain
a position of economic independence.
Added to this, there is the social pressure to which the Jews have
been subjected. Not until this period has the century-long position of
the Jews as the "pariahs of the Empire" been so sharply emphasized.
Enmeshed in a net of special laws and regulations, at the mercy of
ministerial decree, secret circular, arbitrary administrative act, law
has lost all meaning for the Jews. In this atmosphere they exist
mainly through bribery, at once their bane and their salvation.
The unusual economic and social pressure exerted by the reactionary
régime upon its Jewish subjects, through the new restrictive laws that
were put into operation during the last thirty years, the
administrative harrying that became the order of the day and the
introduction of the hitherto unused method of physical repression, the
_pogrom_, becomes clear in the light of its policy. Beginning as a
movement to suppress the Jews in their economic and cultural
activities, and to separate them as far as possible from their Russian
neighbors, the anti-Jewish program became in its final form the
expulsion and extermination of the Jews from Russia. The historic
sentence of Count Ignatiev, author of the May Laws, at the very
beginning of this period, "the Western borders are open to you Jews",
strikes the keynote of this policy. And, in fact, for practically the
first time in its history, the Russian government relaxed in 1892 its
rigorous rules forbidding emigration, and gave its sanction to Baron
de Hirsch's plan of organizing a vast emigration of Jews from Russia,
which its author hoped would, at the end of a quarter of a century,
result in the complete transplantation of the Jews from Russia. The
famous principle of the Russian government, "once a Russian always a
Russian", was for once put aside in favor of the Jews. They were given
one right not enjoyed by other Russians, that of leaving Russia under
the obligation of abandoning Russian citizenship forever.[39]
II. ROUMANIA
Up to very recent years, the history of the Jews in Roumania centers
about those resident in Moldavia. Its proximity to ancient Poland and
close association with Bessarabia, naturally made for a back-and-forth
movement of the Polish and Russian Jews, whose settlement was invited
by the boyars or landed nobility because of resulting industrial and
commercial advantages.
The position of the Jews in Moldavia up to the middle of the
nineteenth century did not differ to any extent from that of their
brethren in Russia. Moldavia, as a Christian state, denied civil and
political rights to all non-Christians. The Jews in Moldavia were
regarded as aliens, whose activities were subject to special
regulation. The beginning of the last century witnessed the first
special Jewish laws. The Jews were forbidden to buy the products of
the soil, to acquire real property; non-resident Jews were debarred
unless they could prove an occupation and show the possession of
property. Definite restrictions as to occupation, residence in the
villages, the ownership, in villages, of houses, land, vineyards,
_etc._, existed. As vagabonds they could be expelled from the country
by administrative decree. Thus was their legal status fixed.
The emancipation of Jews was first demanded by the liberal party
during the revolutionary days of 1848. But no practical change
resulted until the Convention of Paris in 1856, which, in granting
autonomy to the two provinces, guaranteed civil rights to all
Moldavians, regardless of creed. Though political rights were granted
only to Christian Moldo-Wallachians, the provision was made that, by
legislative arrangements, the enjoyment of political rights could be
extended to other creeds. Thus was established the possibility of a
gradual emancipation of the Jews, foreshadowed in the communal law of
1864, which granted the right of naturalization to certain classes of
native Roumanian Jews. Those who had passed through college or had a
recognized foreign degree, or who had founded a factory in the land
employing at least fifty workmen were among the favored classes.
Shortly afterwards, this section was abrogated, and, with the
abdication of the liberal Couza and the accession of Charles
Hohenzollern, the present king, to the throne, the situation changed.
Article VII of the constitution of the newly-created kingdom read that
foreigners not of the Christian faith could not be naturalized. As
within the term foreigner the great mass of the Jews residing in the
land was included, this was a denial of the conditions laid down in
the Treaty of Paris. At the same time, old laws against the Jews which
had fallen into abeyance were revived, expulsions of the Jews from the
villages into the towns began to take place with great frequency, laws
requiring all sellers of liquor in rural communes to be naturalized
Roumanians deprived many Jewish families of a livelihood--in short,
the usual symptoms of anti-Jewish activity became the order of the
day.
It was at the famous Berlin Congress, convened to decide questions
created by the Russo-Turkish war of 1877, that the subject of the
Jewish disabilities in Roumania was brought up, in connection with the
demand of Roumania for recognition as an independent state. The chief
objection made especially by the representatives of three of the
European powers--France, England and Germany--was Roumania's treatment
of the Jews. It was finally decided by the Congress to recognize her
independence on the condition that she grant civil and political
equality to all her citizens without distinction of race or creed.
This was expressed in Article 44 of the historic Berlin Treaty, which
read as follows:
Article 44. In Roumania, difference in religious beliefs and
confessions shall not be brought against anyone as a ground for
exclusion or unfitness as regards the enjoyment of civil and
political rights, admission to public offices, functions, and
honors, or the exercise of various professions and industries in
any place whatever. Freedom in outward observance of all creeds
will be assured to all subjects of the Roumanian state, as well
as to strangers, and no obstacle will be raised either to the
ecclesiastical organization of different bodies, or to their
intercourse with their spiritual heads.
The citizens of all states, whether merchants or others, shall
be dealt with, in Roumania, without distinction of religion, on
the basis of perfect equality.
In the _constituante_ which was convoked soon after to discuss the
question of giving the Jews equal political rights, an interesting
picture is obtained of the sentiment of the upper and middle classes
of Roumania.[40] An overwhelming majority was opposed to the granting
of political rights to the Jews on the ground that Roumania was a
Christian-Latin State, or on the purely nationalistic ground that the
Jews were an alien and utterly unassimilable element of the
population. To meet the demands of the Powers the principle of
individual naturalization was adopted, by which an alien could be
granted naturalization individually and only by a special vote of the
Chamber of Deputies. Other onerous conditions, such as the
requirement of a ten years' residence in the country for citizenship,
and the prohibition of the purchase by aliens of rural estates, showed
conclusively that Roumania was prepared to give only formal assent to
the demand of the Powers.[41] After a year of negotiations, the three
Powers agreed to the recognition of her independence, expressing the
hope that the Roumanian government would recognize the inadequacy of
the revised article and especially of the principle of individual
naturalization as meeting the conditions of the Berlin Treaty, and
would aim towards a complete emancipation of all her subjects.[42]
The situation at the beginning of the eighties presented but little
hope of improvement in the political condition of the Jews. Eight
hundred and eighty-three Jews who had fought in the war for
independence had been naturalized _en masse_. With the exception of
this small number, the Jews were legally classed as foreigners.[43]
Shortly after, owing to the fact that Austria-Hungary had withdrawn
its protection from several thousands of its Jewish citizens resident
in Roumania, the entire body of Jews received a new legal status, that
of "foreigners not subject to any foreign Power". In other words, they
were stateless, though subject to all the obligations of Roumanian
citizens, including military service and the payment of taxes. This
legal status of the Jews has received the attention of the world and
marks a condition of things which according to Bluntschli is "a denial
of the entire development of European states".[44]
Freed from the control of the Powers, Roumania now entered on a new
campaign of discrimination against the Jews. The first decade of the
eighties saw this begun in a series of laws which for completeness
finds no parallel even in Russia. At the very beginning, a law giving
the police the right of domiciliary visitation and of expelling under
the vagabond law anyone in the rural districts, was employed against
the Jews, resulting in their frequent expulsions into the towns. The
enforcement of the law against rural residence was so strict as to
create practically the same situation as exists in the Russian Pale.
The law of 1883, prohibiting lotteries, and in the following year the
law prohibiting hawking or any form of sale from house to house or on
the streets deprived several thousands of Jewish families of their
livelihood.
It was in 1886 and 1887, however, when the laws which were to create a
national industry and commerce were introduced, that a serious step
was taken to exclude the Jews from economic activity. On the
assumption that occupations were a civil right to which aliens could
or could not be admitted, the Jews were systematically deprived even
of the civil rights which had been theirs, to a great extent, before
the Berlin Congress sought to make them politically free. As
foreigners, the Jews were prohibited the right of choosing electors
for the newly-created Chambers of Commerce and Trade, or of becoming
members of these chambers although they formed a large majority of the
merchants and manufacturers represented in these important bodies. A
still more serious provision was that which decreed that five years
after the foundation of a factory two-thirds of the workingmen
employed therein must be Roumanians. Jews were also partly excluded
from the administrative positions in joint-stock companies. They were
completely excluded from employment in the financial institutions of
the state, from the state railway service, and, by a provision that
two-thirds of the employes on private railways must be Roumanians,
were practically excluded from these as well. The sharpest blow,
however, was struck in 1902, when a new law for the organization of
trades, popularly known as the Artisans' Bill, was passed. In this law
there is to be seen a revival of the guild organizations of the Middle
Ages. To pursue his occupation every artisan was required to obtain a
certificate from a guild. Jewish master artisans and workmen were hit
by the requirement that aliens in order to have the right of working
in accordance with this law must prove that in their own country
reciprocal rights existed for Roumanians, or obtain an authorization
from a Chamber of Commerce or Industry. Whatever value this
requirement may have had for the protection of Roumanian workmen in
foreign countries, its chief effect was to place in a position of
economic helplessness the majority of the Jewish workmen as "aliens
not subject to any foreign Power", and largely unable to secure
authorization from such chambers controlled by competitors. Other
clauses, requiring that all workingmen belong to a guild, and that
fifty workmen possessing civil and political rights are empowered to
form a guild, put the control of trades into the hands of non-Jews,
although the majority of the artisans in many of the trades were Jews.
A similar policy was pursued with reference to the cultural activities
of the Jews. A circular of the minister of public instruction, issued
in 1887, ordered that preference should be given to Roumanian
children, in cases where there was not enough room in the elementary
schools for all. This began the gradual exclusion of Jewish children
from the Roumanian elementary schools. The formal treatment of the
Jews as aliens in the educational system was introduced in 1893, when
all aliens were required to pay fees for entrance into the public
schools, and were admitted only in case there was enough room for
them. The effect of these laws was seen in the diminished proportion
of Jewish children in the elementary schools. Similar provisions for
the secondary and high schools and universities largely closed the
doors of these institutions to the Jews. From schools of agriculture
and forestry, and of commerce they were completely excluded.
To the educational restrictions were added restrictions to
professional service. As aliens, they were forbidden to be employed in
the public sanitary service and health department as physicians,
pharmacists, _etc._, from owning as well as working in private
pharmacies, and from entering other professional fields.
The almost complete agreement of the two principal parties--liberal
and conservative--explains the thoroughness and uninterrupted progress
of this process of piling up disability upon disability. The
explanation is partly to be found in the constitution of Roumania, the
electoral law of which places the political powers in the hands of two
classes--the landed aristocracy and the urban, or middle class. The
vast majority of the peasants are excluded by educational and property
qualifications, obtaining only indirect representation. Had the Jews
been granted political rights, they would have shared political power
with the other two classes. It is through the second electoral
college, of both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, that the
middle class is represented politically. As manufacturers and
merchants, as urban dwellers, as members of the liberal professions
and as graduates of the elementary schools, the Jews would have become
the most important part of this electoral college.
Again, the creation of an industry and commerce along national lines
was largely a course of action in the interests of this middle class
of Roumanian merchants, artisans and laborers. It was in favor of this
class that the laws were passed debarring Jews from various
occupations and seeking essentially to wrest the industrial and
commercial monopoly from their hands.
In this course of action, powerful aid was extended by the
bureaucracy, recruited mainly from the lower nobility and the middle
classes. Depending for their support upon the urbans, and seeking to
prevent the entrance of Jews into state service, which would have
resulted from the granting of political rights to the Jews, the
bureaucracy have acted in harmony with the middle classes in the
attempt to make the Jews politically, economically, and culturally
powerless.
Thus the situation that the Jews in Roumania have been facing for
thirty years is abnormal, from every standpoint. At no time within
thirty years has there been any serious question of giving to the Jews
the political rights, the granting of which had been made the
condition of the recognition of Roumania's independence by the Powers.
The history of the succeeding thirty years has been one of gradual,
steady and systematic deprivation of one civil right after another. To
the prohibition of freedom of movement has been added that of work;
one occupation after another has been prohibited to Jews under the
mask of foreigners. From all the branches of state service Jews have
been almost completely debarred. Participation in important private
and public enterprises has similarly been limited. The schools have
been largely closed to them. The effect has been partly registered in
a rate of illiteracy higher in the cities among the Jewish children
between seven and fifteen than among the non-Jewish children of the
same age.
Thus the conscious policy of Roumania has been that of oppression,
political, economic and social, with the deliberate aim of making it
impossible for the Jews to live in Roumania. This method of indirect
expulsion is the essence of her policy of thirty years. As such it was
recognized and openly stated in the only formal protest against her
manner of fulfilling the conditions of the Berlin Treaty, made by the
United States, through its Secretary of State, John Hay, whose
circular to the Powers signatory to the Treaty demanded that Roumania
be called to account for her treatment of the Jews, and her dishonesty
in violating the pledges given by her to the Powers.[45]
III. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
Until the middle of the nineteenth century, the legal position of the
Jews in Austria-Hungary differed from that of their brethren in Russia
and Roumania only in degree. Prohibited the free exercise of their
religion, the right to hold real property, and to enter certain
occupations, and burdened by special Jewish taxes, the Jews remained a
class apart and governed in all their activities by special laws.
Their legal emancipation, begun in 1848, was definitely established by
the promulgation in each division of the Empire of the Fundamental Law
of 1867, declaring that religion should not be a ground for
discrimination in civil and political rights.
The civil and political equality of the Jews was a cardinal principle
of the creed of German-Austrian liberalism and one of a number of its
victories embodied in the Constitution of 1867. Austrian economic and
social life at this period was, however, too saturated with
medievalism to allow for a complete revolution in the attitude toward
the Jews. On the other hand, the influential part played by the Jews
in the liberal movement and the fact that a group of wealthy Jews
were powerful factors in the _haute finance_ and in the commercial
life of the country were made the basis of an attack by the
feudal-clericals upon the Jews.
The great financial crash of 1873, in which several Jewish financial
houses were concerned, was the starting-point of political
antisemitism in Austria. The Jews were denounced as the
representatives of the capitalist order of society, with its
overwhelming concentration of wealth and its exploitation of the
industrial and the agricultural proletariat. The Christian-Socialist
movement began with antisemitism as the corner-stone of its economic
and social doctrines. Its opposition to the Jews and to capitalism was
largely due to medieval prejudices in favor of the Christian-feudal
state and the medieval industrial organization. In the early eighties
it began to triumph when the "small man" or petty industrialist
received political power through an extension of the suffrage.
It reached its height in the nineties, when, under the combined
influence of feudal-clerical nobles, the clergy and the lower middle
class, a period of reaction set in. In Vienna, in 1895, the antisemite
Lueger was elected mayor. Powerless though they were to change the
legal status of the Jews, the antisemites succeeded in creating in
both upper and lower circles of Austrian society an atmosphere of
antagonism to the Jews which has prevented the complete fulfillment of
the principle of equality as set forth in the constitution.
The clericals have fanned the flames of religious hatred especially
among the peasantry by ritual-murder accusations, which have been rife
and have played a large part in strengthening the sentiment of
hostility toward the Jews.
In Galicia, the position of the Jews became unsettled, owing to a
variety of causes.[46] Although one of the least advanced among the
Austrian crown lands, Galicia has experienced within the last
half-century an industrial and commercial development along with the
rest of the Empire. This resulted in the growth of a middle class
particularly among the Poles, which began to compete for supremacy
with the Jews. The improvements in transportation and communication,
the organization of agricultural syndicates, for the purpose of
directly purchasing and selling the produce of the peasants, and the
creation of rural credit societies, helped considerably to displace
the Jewish middlemen and traders as well as the Jewish money-lenders,
who dealt largely with the peasantry. The movement to develop Galicia
industrially was fostered on national lines by these Polish
organizations, which carried on an extensive propaganda and
systematically organized economic boycotts against the Jews. "Do not
buy of Jews", "Do not patronize Jewish artisans", became familiar
cries in Galicia as in other parts of Austria.
The process of wrestling the monopoly of industry, trade and commerce
from the Jews in favor of the Polish petty merchants and artisans was
considerably accelerated by the official bodies, the autonomous
Galician _Diet_ and the municipal boards, controlled chiefly by the
Polish-Catholic nobility, who saw in the national-industry movement a
means of capturing the votes of the middle class and of thus retaining
their position as leaders of the Polish people. Communal funds were
used to establish Poles in business. Attempts were made to take away
from the Jews the small-salt and tobacco trades. The taxes on the
taverns were increased. In the public financial institutions organized
for various purposes Jews were not given representation. In nearly all
the activities designed to promote the interest of the urban
population and the peasantry, the Jews were systematically excluded by
the local authorities.
Added to this, the increasing distress of the Galician peasants has
reacted strongly upon the Jews, who depend so largely upon their
buying power. The poverty of the peasantry, the competition for the
control of the rural market created by public and private agencies,
added to the increasing competition in the towns from other sections
of the population, have all co-operated to create a great surplus, in
proportion to the population, of petty merchants and artisans among
the Jews. This had its effect in an over-competition from the side of
the Jews themselves.
The Jews have suffered as well from their historical rôle of
intermediaries between a most avaricious nobility and a bitterly
exploited peasantry. Acting as stewards and as tavern keepers for the
Polish nobles, who are mainly absentee landlords, and who, until very
recently, enjoyed the right of keeping taverns as one of their feudal
privileges, the Jews have become the buffers of the deep-seated
antagonism between the two chief classes of Galicia.
Agrarian uprisings have been frequent of late, particularly after the
failure of the crops, which here as in Russia and Roumania spells a
crisis. These, chiefly directed against the nobles, have frequently
been diverted toward the Jews, to whom the peasants are largely
indebted, and in whom they see the visible instruments of the
oppression of their lords.
Economic antagonism has been intensified by the religious hatred which
has been fostered by the Polish clergy and which has been the basis of
numerous ritual-murder charges.
FOOTNOTES:
[34] Leroy-Beaulieu, _The Empire of the Tsars_ (New York, 1894), vol.
iii, p. 558.
[35] For an example of typically medieval economic notions regarding
trade and commerce prevalent among the feudal classes of Eastern
Europe, _cf._ Carmen Sylva's criticism on the economic activities of
the Jews in Roumania in _Century_, March, 1906.
[36] The part played by the authorities in these _pogroms_ is
discussed by A. Linden in _Die Judenpogromen_, vol. i, pp. 12-96.
[37] President Harrison's Message is given in Appendix A, page 199.
[38] Séménoff, _The Russian Government and the Jewish Massacres_
(London, 1907), pp. 147-167.
[39] Immigration Commission: _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, pp.
261-262.
[40] The discussions are presented in _La question juive_.
[41] Article VII is given in Appendix B, p. 200.
[42] _Cf. English Parliamentary Papers_, 1880, vol. lxxix,
Correspondence relative to the recognition of Roumania.
[43] In the following twenty years only 85 Jews were granted
citizenship.
[44] Bluntschli's pamphlet is a valuable statement of the situation.
For title _cf._ Bibliography.
[45] The Hay note is given in Appendix C, pp. 201-206.
[46] _Jüdische Statistik_, p. 208 et seq.
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
An intimate connection has thus been established between the present
state of economic and social transition through which the countries of
Eastern Europe are passing and the situation which has confronted the
Jews in each of these countries and has profoundly influenced their
position and their history for the last third of a century. What the
forces are behind the emigration of the Jews from these countries to
Western Europe and the United States during this period now become
clear.
The industrial and commercial development of the recent decades
brought about changes in themselves unfavorable to the economic
activities of the Jews. The improvements in communication and
transportation through the extension of railroads, the building of
roads, and the creation of credit facilities especially for the
peasantry served partly to displace the Jews, whose economic position
had been largely based upon the services they rendered in a relatively
backward industrial and commercial civilization. The rise of a middle
class among the Christian populations, chiefly engaged in industry,
added an element of competition not before present. Not the least
important in its effects was the increasing poverty of the peasantry,
which seriously affected the Jews, as the principal buyers of their
produce and sellers of finished products. Agricultural crises, so
frequent in recent years in Eastern Europe, have often involved the
Jews in financial ruin.[47]
These purely economic factors served to weaken the position of the
Jews and to cause an over-concentration in trade and industry, to
their detriment. The gradual readjustment that would have followed
naturally was, however, prevented by the existence of other forces, in
the action of which we find the key to the situation faced by the Jews
and the impelling forces of Jewish emigration.
One of these was the economic antisemitism that rose partly from the
competition of the middle classes of both populations. This
competitive jealousy awakened racial and religious prejudices and
found particularly in Galicia an active expression in the organization
of economic boycotts, and in the co-operative agencies that were
created to foster the growth of the Christian artisans and merchants.
The sufferings of the agricultural population, again, were charged to
the Jews, with whom the peasants were in close business relations and
to whom they were deeply indebted. Preached from platform, press and
pulpit, the doctrine of Jewish exploitation of the peasantry found a
ready acceptance among all classes.
Economic and social hostility was furthered by the feudal ruling
classes whose antagonism to the Jews was deep-seated and many-sided.
As these formed the ruling economic, social and political power in
Eastern Europe, they were the chief instrument in creating a situation
that was full of danger for the Jews. In the politico-economic
struggles between these privileged classes and the liberal middle
classes that accompanied the transition, the Jews were found,
consciously or unconsciously, on the side of the liberals, who sought
to introduce the economic, social and political conditions of modern
civilization. Thus they served as a convenient object of attack. In
Russia, where, since the reaction, the control of the feudal classes
over the government was complete, the new laws restricting residence,
movement, occupations and economic activity in general, checked the
economic growth of the Jews and put them at a great disadvantage in
the struggle for existence. This situation was created to an even
greater degree in Roumania, where the economic interests of the
Roumanian middle class were furthered at the expense of the Jews.
Economic helplessness was essentially the condition created for the
Jews, so narrow was the margin left for the exercise of their powers.
The social pressure that was added, through laws limiting the entrance
of Jews to the educational institutions and the liberal professions,
seeking to limit their cultural influence, was part and parcel of the
same policy. In the case of Russia, repression reached the form of
massacres of Jews, when these were found politically useful.
Governmental oppression was thus the chief force in unsettling the
economic and social position of the Jews. Throughout the course of
thirty years the leading motive of the Russian and Roumanian
governments was the reduction, through every possible means, of the
number of their Jewish populations.
This governmental pressure which began to be applied at the beginning
of the eighties became equivalent in the course of time to an
expulsive force. The only outlet to the intolerable conditions that
had been created by the forces of governmental repression and
oppression was emigration. This was sensed by the Jews at the very
beginning of the period. How eagerly it has been seized upon the
following pages will show. It is enough for the moment to point out
that the vast and steadily increasing stream of Russian Jewish
immigrants to the United States alone, has risen to such proportions
that its average for the past decade has approached the estimated
annual increase of the Jews in Russia. In other words, emigration has
begun to mean the decline, not only relatively, but even absolutely,
of the Jewish population in Russia.
The fact that the persecution of the Jews in the case of Russia and
Roumania amounts to a force of rejection has been widely recognized
during the course of the emigration of the Jews from Eastern Europe.
In England, where the number of Jewish immigrants increased rapidly,
it found expression in the official reports, and in the United States,
it became a subject of direct diplomatic correspondence in the formal
protest to Russia in 1891 by President Harrison, and in 1902 in the
circular note to the Powers by Secretary Hay, regarding Roumania's
treatment of the Jews.
A still more significant recognition of the exceptional forces behind
the Jewish immigration was given by the Jews of Western Europe and the
United States, living in a state of freedom, security and comparative
wealth, to whom the oncoming of thousands of Jewish refugees at all
the critical periods, and the steady stream of Jewish immigrants at
other times has meant a taking-up of onerous burdens and a sharing of
the hardships of the situation thus suddenly thrust upon them. The
attempt to organize and regulate Jewish emigration from Eastern Europe
was a task early undertaken by the _Alliance Israélite Universelle_.
The Jewish Colonization Association was expressly founded by Baron de
Hirsch to open up, in various countries, new paths for the Jewish
emigrants. At all periods of exceptional emigration, national and
international committees met to consider the problems of the
immigrants thrown upon their responsibility.
The vast majority of the emigrants made the United States their goal.
In their movement and their economic and social characteristics we
shall find a striking reflection of the impelling forces of their
emigration.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] _Cf. Hersch_, chap. v. He gives to this factor far more
importance than it deserves. For criticism of his method, _cf._ p. 92,
note I.
PART II
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
A. ITS MOVEMENT
CHAPTER I
DETERMINATION OF NUMBER OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS
In a study of Jewish immigration to the United States the first
problem is to determine the number of Jews who entered this country
during the thirty years from 1881 to 1910, and their nationality, or
their countries of nativity. The determination of these figures meets
with the difficulty that prior to 1899, immigrants were classified in
the official statistics by country of nativity or residence, and not
by race or nationality. Thus the figures regarding Jewish immigration
are obtainable from official sources only from 1899. Those relating to
previous years have to be sought for elsewhere.
The main sources that have been used to obtain the figures before 1899
are the reports of three Jewish societies which were concerned with
the care of the Jewish immigrants arriving at the principal ports of
New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. These were the United Hebrew
Charities, of New York; the Association for the Protection of Jewish
Immigrants, of Philadelphia; and the Hebrew Benevolent Society, of
Baltimore. Each of these maintained an agent who, besides his other
duties, collected statistical information concerning the sex, age,
country of nativity, occupation, destination, etc., of the Jewish
immigrants, partly from the ships' manifests and partly through
personal inquiry. The statistical information thus obtained was
regularly included in the annual reports of these societies. These
records were begun by the New York and Philadelphia societies, in
1884, and by the Baltimore society, in 1891.
As the yearly statistical tables of these reports were made to
correspond with the annual meeting of these societies,[48] it was
found advisable to rearrange them from July to June, in order to have
them correspond with the fiscal year, and thus allow for a proper
comparison with the official data furnished by the immigration
authorities.
As rearranged, the tables presented the number of Jewish immigrants
entering the ports of New York and Philadelphia from July 1, 1886, to
June 30, 1898, and the number of Jewish immigrants entering the port
of Baltimore from July 1, 1891, to June 30, 1898.[49] As these three
ports were, up to recent years, the places of entry of all but a very
small number of Jewish immigrants, the figures thus obtained represent
practically the total Jewish immigration to the United States from
1886 to 1898.
To ascertain the nationality or country of nativity of the Jewish
immigrants from 1886 to 1898, it was necessary to redistribute in
accordance with the fiscal year the monthly arrivals found in the
tables of the United Hebrew Charities, which contain the figures for
each nationality.[50] As the reports of the Philadelphia society gave
only the totals of arrivals of each nationality for each year but not
distributed by months, the following method was employed. The
percentage the immigration of each nativity constituted of the total
immigration from November to October (the society's year) was used as
the basis for calculating the annual immigration of each nativity
from July to June.[51] There being no essential difference between
Baltimore and Philadelphia, so far as Jewish immigrants of each
nationality are concerned, the same percentages were used as for
Philadelphia.[52]
The discrepancy between the official figures of the total immigration
from Roumania from 1886 to 1898 and those of the Jewish societies for
the Jewish immigrants from Roumania for the same period is worthy of
note. In each of four years the number of Jewish immigrants from
Roumania as reported by the Jewish societies exceeded the total
immigration from Roumania as reported in the official statistics. For
two years, 1892 and 1893, the official statistics do not report any
immigrants from Roumania, whereas the Jewish societies report,[53]
respectively, 740 and 555 Jewish immigrants from Roumania, which
represented a normal number from this country, as the other years
indicate.[54]
The total number of immigrants of each nationality arriving from July
1, 1886, to June 30, 1898, was thus obtained. The total number of
Jewish immigrants arriving from Russia, Austria-Hungary and Roumania,
at each of the principal ports, for each year from 1886 to 1898, are
summarized in table V.[55]
The figures of Jewish immigration before 1886 were not obtainable
either from the official or the Jewish sources, there being only an
estimate of the number of the Jewish immigrants from 1881 to 1884 in
the _American Jewish Year Book_ of 1899-1900 (as 74,310), and in the
_Jewish Encyclopedia_ (as 62,022), without any indications as to how
these were obtained. To secure a fairly accurate statement, the
proportion the Russian Jewish immigration from 1886 to 1898 bore to
the total Russian immigration was used as the basis for calculating
the total number of Russian Jewish immigrants from 1881 to 1885.[56]
This was distributed yearly according to the proportion of each year's
contribution to the five years' total. By a similar calculation the
number of Jewish immigrants from Austria-Hungary was obtained.[57] For
Roumania, the proportion of Jews being more than ninety per cent, and
at this period practically the entire Roumanian immigration being
Jewish, the figures were taken _in toto_. The results for each year
added together constituted the total Jewish immigration for the year.
The general tendency among writers on the subject of Jewish
immigration has been to exaggerate the magnitude of this movement. In
a discussion in the _Jewish Encyclopedia_ regarding the dimensions of
the Jewish immigration before 1899, exact figures were given that are
on their face erroneous.[58] The inaccuracy of these figures is
explained by the fact that the writer committed a gross error in
making his table. The total Russian immigration to the United States
from 1880 to 1898 was designated as the Jewish immigration from
Russia, though it should have been evident that the number of other
peoples coming from Russia and included in these figures must have
been very large. Another column gave as Jewish immigrants coming from
countries other than Russia, the totals of the Jewish immigrants
entering the United States from 1885 to 1898, as reported in the
_American Jewish Year Book_ of 1899 (the latter figures of which
included Russian Jews as well as those of other nativities), thereby
doubling the number of Russian Jewish immigrants for this period. The
result has been to more than triple the numbers of the Jewish
immigrants. These figures have been widely used and quoted, and have
generally created the impression of a Jewish immigration larger by
several hundred thousands than is really the case.[59]
The results of the foregoing are summarized in Table VI, which gives
the number of Jewish immigrants arriving in each of the thirty years
from 1881 to 1910, and the principal countries of nativity of these
immigrants. We are thus in a position closely to study the movement of
Jewish immigration for practically the entire period since it became a
significant part of the recent immigration to the United States, and
thereby to throw light upon the character of this movement, in itself
and as a part of the general immigration.
TABLE VI
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES, 1881 TO 1910
Year Austria- United
Russia Hungary Roumania Kingdom Germany
1881 3125 2537 30 -- --
1882 10489 2648 65 -- --
1883 6144 2510 77 -- --
1884 7867 3340 238 -- --
1885 10648 3938 803 -- 1473
1886 14092 5326 518 -- 983
1887 23103 6898 2063 -- 780
1888 20216 5985 1653 -- 727
1889 18338 4998 1058 -- 758
1890 20981 6439 462 -- 633
1891 43457 5890 854 -- 636
1892 64253 8643 740 -- 1787
1893 25161 6363 555 -- 1814
1894 20747 5916 616 -- 1109
1895 16727 6047 518 -- 1028
1896 20168 9831 744 -- 829
1897 13063 5672 516 -- 586
1898 14949 7367 720 -- 296
1899 24275 11071 1343 174 405
1900 37011 16920 6183 133 337
1901 37660 13006 6827 110 272
1902 37846 12848 6589 55 182
1903 47689 18759 8562 420 477
1904 77544 20211 6446 817 669
1905 92388 17352 3854 14299 734
1906 125234 14884 3872 6113 979
1907 114937 18885 3605 7032 734
1908 71978 15293 4455 6260 869
1909 39150 8431 1390 3385 652
1910 59824 13142 1701 4098 705
----------------------------------------------------------------
Total 1119059 281150 67057 42896 20454
Year Brit. All
N.A. Turkey France Others Total
1881 -- -- -- -- 5692
1882 -- -- -- -- 13202
1883 -- -- -- -- 8731
1884 -- -- -- -- 11445
1885 -- -- -- -- 16862
1886 -- -- -- 254 21173
1887 -- -- -- 200 33044
1888 -- -- -- 300 28881
1889 -- -- -- 200 25352
1890 -- -- -- 124 28639
1891 -- -- -- 561 51398
1892 -- -- -- 950 76373
1893 -- -- -- 429 35322
1894 -- -- -- 791 29179
1895 -- -- -- 871 26191
1896 -- -- -- 276 32848
1897 -- -- -- 535 20372
1898 -- -- -- 322 23654
1899 5 81 9 52 37415
1900 -- 114 17 49 60764
1901 -- 154 20 49 58098
1902 -- 138 9 21 57688
1903 -- 211 11 74 76203
1904 8 313 32 196 106236
1905 11 173 327 772 129910
1906 429 461 479 1297 153748
1907 1818 918 306 952 149182
1908 2393 635 425 1079 103387*
1909 2780 690 325 748 57551*
1910 2262 1388 339 801 84260*
-----------------------------------------------------------
Total 9706 5276 2299 14903 1562800
* From 1908 immigrants were classified in the reports of the
Commissioner-General of Immigration as "immigrant aliens," those
intending to reside permanently in the United States and
"non-immigrant aliens," those making a temporary trip to the
United States. In the figures of 1908, 1909 and 1910, only the
"immigrant aliens" are considered.
TABLE VII
PERCENTAGE OF ANNUAL JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
CONTRIBUTED BY EACH COUNTRY OF NATIVITY, 1881 TO 1910
Austria- United
Year Russia Hungary Roumania Kingdom Germany
1881 54.8 44.7 0.5 -- --
1882 79.5 20.1 0.4 -- --
1883 70.4 28.7 0.9 -- --
1884 68.7 29.2 2.1 -- --
1885 63.1 23.4 4.8 -- 8.7
1886 66.6 25.2 2.4 -- 4.6
1887 69.9 20.8 6.3 -- 2.4
1888 70.0 20.7 5.7 -- 2.5
1889 72.3 19.7 4.2 -- 3.0
1890 73.3 22.5 1.6 -- 2.2
1891 84.6 11.5 1.6 -- 1.2
1892 84.1 11.3 1.1 -- 2.2
1893 71.2 18.0 1.6 -- 5.1
1894 71.1 20.3 2.1 -- 3.8
1895 63.9 23.1 2.0 -- 3.9
1896 61.4 29.9 2.3 -- 2.5
1897 64.1 27.9 2.5 -- 2.9
1898 63.2 31.1 3.0 -- 1.3
1899 64.9 29.5 3.6 .5 1.1
1900 60.9 27.8 10.2 .2 .6
1901 64.8 22.4 11.8 .2 .5
1902 65.6 22.3 11.4 .1 .3
1903 62.6 24.6 11.2 .6 .6
1904 73.0 19.0 6.1 .8 .6
1905 71.1 13.4 3.0 11.0 .6
1906 81.5 9.7 2.5 4.0 .6
1907 77.1 12.7 2.4 4.7 .5
1908 69.6 14.8 4.3 6.1 .8
1909 68.0 14.7 2.4 5.9 1.2
1910 71.1 15.6 2.0 4.9 .8
--------------------------------------------------------
Total 71.6 17.9 4.3 2.8 1.3
Year Brit. All
N.A. Turkey France Others Total
1881 -- -- -- -- 100.0
1882 -- -- -- -- 100.0
1883 -- -- -- -- 100.0
1884 -- -- -- -- 100.0
1885 -- -- -- -- 100.0
1886 -- -- -- 1.2 100.0
1887 -- -- -- .6 100.0
1888 -- -- -- 1.1 100.0
1889 -- -- -- .8 100.0
1890 -- -- -- .4 100.0
1891 -- -- -- 1.1 100.0
1892 -- -- -- 1.3 100.0
1893 -- -- -- 4.1 100.0
1894 -- -- -- 2.7 100.0
1895 -- -- -- 7.1 100.0
1896 -- -- -- 3.9 100.0
1897 -- -- -- 2.6 100.0
1898 -- -- -- 1.4 100.0
1899 -- -- -- .4 100.0
1900 -- -- -- .3 100.0
1901 -- .2 -- .1 100.0
1902 -- .2 -- .1 100.0
1903 -- .3 -- .1 100.0
1904 -- .3 -- .2 100.0
1905 -- .1 .2 .6 100.0
1906 .3 .3 .3 .8 100.0
1907 1.2 .6 .2 .6 100.0
1908 2.3 .6 .4 1.1 100.0
1909 4.7 1.2 .6 1.3 100.0
1910 2.7 1.6 .4 .9 100.0
------------------------------------------------------
Total 0.6 0.3 0.2 1.0 100.0
FOOTNOTES:
[48] The year of the United Hebrew Charities is from October to
September, that of the Philadelphia society is from November to
October, that of the Baltimore society is from July to June.
[49] _Cf._ table II, p. 159. The figures for Baltimore were furnished
by the Baron de Hirsch Fund.
[50] For an example of this distribution _cf._ table III, p. 159.
[51] _Cf._ table IVA, p. 160. Thus, from November 1885 to October 1886
there entered the port of Philadelphia 2165 Jews, of whom 1624 or 75
per cent were from Russia, 260 or 12 per cent were from
Austria-Hungary, 43 or 2 per cent were from Roumania, and 238 or 11
per cent were from all other countries. From July 1, 1885 to June 30,
1886, there entered the port of Philadelphia 1625 Jews. To ascertain
the numbers of each nationality for this fiscal year, we may use the
percentages given above for each nationality. Calculating these, we
find that in the fiscal year 1886 of the 1625 Jews entering the port
of Philadelphia, 1218 were from Russia, 196 were from Austria-Hungary,
33 were from Roumania, and 178 were from all other countries. In like
manner, the numbers of each nationality for the other years were
obtained.
[52] _Cf._ table IVB, p. 160.
[53] As corrected by the methods described.
[54] For the four years mentioned, the figures are as follows, those
reported by the Jewish societies preceding those from official
sources: in 1886, 518, 494; in 1887, 2063, 2045; in 1888, 1653, 1188;
in 1889, 1058, 893. For the official figures _cf._ Immigration
Commission: _Statistical Review of Immigration_, pp. 40-44.
[55] _Cf._ table V, p. 161.
[56] Out of a total of 505,078 Russian immigrants from 1886 to 1898,
the Russian Jewish immigrants constituted 315,355, or 62 per cent.
[57] In calculating the number of Jewish immigrants from
Austria-Hungary the percentage the Jewish immigration was of the total
immigration from Austria-Hungary from 1886 to 1910 and not, as in the
case with the Jewish immigration from Russia, from 1886 to 1898, was
used through an oversight as the basis for calculation. As the
immigration of Jews from Austria-Hungary for 1885 at the port of New
York alone constituted 14 per cent of the total immigration from
Austria-Hungary, this figure was put down _in toto_, being a higher
number than the one obtained by calculation. As the Jewish immigration
from 1886 to 1910 constituted 9 per cent of the total immigration from
Austria-Hungary and the immigration from 1886 to 1898 constituted 14
per cent of the total immigration, the difference is not large.
Following is the table indicating the difference for each year from
1881 to 1884.
Year. Total Jewish immigration. Difference.
immigration. at 14 at 9
per cent per cent
1881 27935 3882 2537 1345
1882 29150 4051 2648 1403
1883 27625 3840 2510 1330
1884 36571 5083 3340 1743
The increased numbers from the higher percentage involve no change in
the relative position of Jewish immigration from the three principal
countries of emigration, except in 1881, when the Jewish immigration
from Austria-Hungary would have exceeded that from Russia.
[58] _Jewish Encyclopedia_: "Migration," vol. viii, p. 584. _Ibid._,
"Russia"--Emigration, vol. x, p. 547.
[59] Ruppin uses these figures in _Die Sozialen Verhältnisse der Juden
in Russland_, p. 11.
Hersch, (_Le juif errant d'aujourd'hui_), subjects the figures given
in the _Jewish Encyclopedia_ to a thorough analysis and shows their
absurdity. Unaware, however, of the nature of the error committed by
the writer and of the existence of authoritative sources for the
figures of Jewish immigration, he drew the conclusion that it is
impossible to obtain any really accurate figures of Jewish immigration
before 1899. This leads him into serious errors owing to the fact that
he discusses the movement of Jewish immigration from the basis of the
twelve years from 1899 to 1910, representing the height of the
movement, instead of for the entire period of thirty years. This
vitiates his principal conclusions regarding the character of the
Jewish movement to this country. Particularly noticeable is his
neglect of the phenomena presented by the Russian and Roumanian
movements and his elevation of the movement from Austria-Hungary as
the type of Jewish immigration to this country.
CHAPTER II
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM EASTERN EUROPE
In the thirty years between 1881 and 1910, 1,562,800 Jews entered the
United States. An examination of Tables VI and VII reveals the fact
that the great majority of the immigrants came from Russia,
Austria-Hungary and Roumania. Of the total number, Russia contributed
1,119,059 immigrants, or 71.6 percent; Austria-Hungary 281,150
immigrants, or 17.9 per cent, and Roumania 67,057 immigrants, or 4.3
per cent. Together these three countries contributed 93.8 per cent of
the total for the thirty years. The great majority of the Jewish
immigrants from the United Kingdom and British North America are not
English or Canadian Jews but transmigrants or transient East-European
Jews, to whom England and Canada were a halfway house from the
countries of Eastern Europe to the United States.[60] If we included
these immigrants, the Jewish immigration from these three countries of
Eastern Europe would be considerably above 95 per cent. The Jewish
immigration of the last third of a century is thus practically wholly
from Eastern Europe.
Summarizing the results for the three decades,[61] we find that the
Jewish immigrants from Russia maintained a fairly constant proportion
to the total Jewish immigration, contributing 135,003, in the decade
between 1881 and 1890 or 69.9 per cent of the total for the decade,
279,811 or 71.1 per cent in the decade between 1891 and 1900, and
704,245, or 72.1 per cent, in the decade between 1901 and 1910.
Roumanian Jewish immigration was relatively smaller in the earlier
decades, numbering 6,967 in the first, 12,789 in the second decade,
comprising 3.2 per cent and 3.6 per cent, respectively, of the total,
and in the last decade, numbering 47,301 and constituting 4.8 per cent
of the total immigration of the decade.
The Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary bore a proportion to the
total higher in the first two decades, contributing 44,619 immigrants
in the first decade and 83,720 immigrants in the second decade, or
23.1 per cent and 21.3 per cent, respectively, of the total, and
152,810 immigrants, or 15.7 per cent, in the last decade.
The Jewish immigrants from the United Kingdom and British North
America, which, in the first two decades constituting less than one
per cent of the total of each decade, were included in the rubric "all
others", rose in the last decade to 42,589, constituting 4.4 per cent,
and to 9,701, constituting one per cent, of the total of this decade.
An examination of the yearly contributions made by the Jews of the
principal countries[62] shows that the immigrants from Russia formed
the majority of the immigrants for each year of the entire period, and
as a rule, did not deviate far from the general proportion established
for the thirty years. The greatest increases occurred during the years
of maximum Jewish immigration, in 1882, 1891, 1892 and 1906, when the
Russian Jewish immigrants constituted four-fifths or more of the total
for the year.
The immigrants from Roumania showed higher percentages than their
average in 1887 and in 1888, and a remarkable increase of their
contribution from 1900 to 1903, in which years they constituted more
than a tenth of the total number of immigrants.
The immigrants from Austria-Hungary formed, on the average, less than
one-fifth of the total, but varied considerably in their proportions.
In general, they maintained a rate higher than their average during
the earlier years of their movement. In the later years they showed a
relative decline, especially during the last decade, owing to the
greater relative increase of the Jewish immigration from Russia and
Roumania, though their absolute numbers increased greatly during this
period. Their highest ratios of contribution were made from 1883 to
1886 and from 1896 to 1900, the latter period marking their maximum
relative contributions.
The influence of the Russian Jewish immigration is thus paramount. It
dominates and controls the entire movement, owing to its great
preponderance of numbers. To a closer consideration of its movement we
shall now turn.
FOOTNOTES:
[60] Landa, _The Alien Problem and its Remedy_, pp. 54-57.
[61] _Cf._ table VIII, p. 162.
[62] _Cf._ tables VI and VII, pp. 93-94.
CHAPTER III
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM RUSSIA
The mass-movement of the Russian Jews to the United States began in
the first year of Alexander III's reign. Though in this year the
number of Russian Jews entering this country amounted to a little over
three thousand, the immigration grew so rapidly and in such
proportions that at the end of thirty years, more than a million
Russian Jews had been admitted to the United States.
An examination of the figures of the Russian Jewish immigration for
the thirty years[63] reveals that it is a movement of steady growth.
The Russian Jewish immigration falls practically into two periods; the
first culminating in 1892, the second culminating in 1906. Considering
it by decades,[64] we find that the movement is one of geometrical
progression. In the first decade, from 1881 to 1890, 135,003 Russian
Jews entered the country, 12.1 per cent of the total Russian Jewish
immigrants. Between 1891 and 1900, 279,811 Russian Jews entered,
constituting 25.0 per cent of the total. In the last decade, from 1901
to 1910, there entered 704,245 Russian Jews, or 62.9 per cent of the
total.
The annual variations are, nevertheless, considerable and largely
explainable by the special conditions in Russia that have influenced
the lives of the Jews throughout this period. At the beginning of this
period, in 1881, the immigration of Russian Jews was small. The
_pogroms_ of 1881-2 were reflected in the sudden rise in 1882 to
10,489 immigrants, more than three times the number of the preceding
year. The immigration of this year was rather a flight than a normal
movement. The great majority of the immigrants were refugees, fleeing
from massacre and pillage.[65]
In this year Russian Jewish immigration began its upward course.
Another high point was reached in 1887 with 23,103 immigrants, when
the educational restrictions and the expulsions that followed a strict
application of the May Laws indicated a renewal of the policy of the
Russian government.
The rumors of new restrictions that marked the beginning of the
nineties, and the opening of the second decade of Alexander III's
reign, were followed by the wholesale expulsions from Moscow. The
immigration in 1891 of 43,457 and in 1892 of 64,253 Russian Jews--the
latter the highest number reached in two decades--reflects this
situation. Nearly a tenth of the total immigration entered in these
two years.
The direct effect of the administrative activity of this year and
especially of the Moscow expulsions upon the Russian Jewish
immigration is seen in the number of Russian Jews who entered New York
during the months closely following these expulsions.[66] For the
first five months of 1891, the immigration averaged approximately
2,300, evidently a normal figure for this decade. It reached its
lowest in May, when 1,225 Jews entered the country. In June, two
months after the order of expulsion, the number of immigrants jumped
to 8,667--a six-fold increase--which up to this year was the largest
number of Russian Jews entering this country in one month. This
figure was surpassed in the immigration of August and September. Out
of a total of 60,261 Russian Jews who entered in 1891, 11,449 came the
first five months from January to May, and 40,706, or more than three
times the previous immigration, came the next five months from June to
October. The following five months there came only 16,832, less than
half the number of immigrants of the months of June to October. And,
finally, taking the year as a whole, there came over 60,261 Russian
Jews in 1891, the year of the Moscow expulsions, as compared with the
28,834 Russian Jews who entered in 1892, when no exceptional
circumstances occurred to affect their immigration tendency.
The six years from 1893 to 1898 were relatively mild years for the
Russian Jews. The change of rulers in Russia and the comparatively
lenient attitude shown by Nicholas II toward the Jews in the beginning
of his reign resulted in a less stringent administration of the
special Jewish laws. The financial depression in the United States
which began in 1893 and embraced this period, was an additional
influence in diminishing the flow of Russian Jewish immigrants. The
fall, however, was not as large as the existence of unfavorable
economic conditions in this country might lead one to expect. For in
spite of it, Russian Jewish immigration resumed the rate it maintained
in the years before 1891. From 1893 to 1898 there entered this country
110,815 Russian Jews as against the 107,378 Russian Jews who entered
in the six years from 1885 to 1890.
Another rise began in 1899. Economic depression, revolutionary
terrorism and anti-Jewish propaganda paved the way for a great
inpouring of Russian Jews to the United States. The Kishineff massacre
of 1903 sent thousands of Jews in veritable flight to the United
States, a fact which is reflected in an immigration of 77,544 Russian
Jews in 1904, the greatest number up to this year. With the beginning
of the Russo-Japanese war, the outbreak of the revolution and, above
all, of the Jewish massacres the immigration rose in 1905 to 92,388.
In 1906, a year of _pogroms_, it reached the number of 125,234, the
highest in the entire period--and in 1907, 114,932, the second largest
immigration. The diminution in the numbers in 1908 reflects largely
the relative change for the better that took place in the situation in
Russia, with the beginning of parliamentary government, as well as the
panic conditions in the United States of the preceding year. How great
still was the impulse to leave is shown by the fact that in spite of
the panic of 1907, the number of immigrants for 1908 was 71,978. The
great rise of the immigration from the United Kingdom during these
years was also due to the number of Russian Jews that came to the
United States by way of England. In all, during these five years which
form an epoch in contemporary Russian Jewish history, there streamed
into the United States half a million Russian Jews, constituting more
than two-fifths of the total immigration for the entire thirty years.
Of special significance is the part the Jewish immigrants play in the
total Russian immigration to the United States.[67] By far the largest
group of immigrants coming from Russia are Jews. For the entire thirty
years they constituted 48.3 per cent of the total Russian immigration.
As a general rule, the proportion of the Jewish in the total Russian
immigration rises during the critical periods of these thirty years.
Thus in 1891, the year of the Moscow expulsions, the Jewish immigrants
constituted 91.6 per cent of the total immigration from Russia, and in
the following year, under the same influences, 78.8 per cent. The
years 1886 and 1887 are also signalized by the great proportion of the
Jewish immigrants, who formed 79.2 per cent and 75.1 per cent,
respectively, of the total Russian immigration for these years. In the
last decade, when the Jewish participation in the total immigration
had become relatively lessened, the three years which represented the
climax of the movement, 1904, 1905 and 1906, show a higher relative
proportion, 53.4 per cent, 50 per cent and 58.1 per cent,
respectively, than the average for the decade or for the entire
period.
Considering the proportions by decades,[68] we find that of the total
of 213,282 Russian immigrants entering in the decade from 1881 to
1890, the Jewish immigrants contributed 135,003, or 63.3 per cent. Of
a total of 505,280 Russian immigrants in the decade from 1891 to 1900,
the Jewish immigrants numbered 279,811, or 55.4 per cent. In the last
decade, from 1901 to 1910, of a total of 1,597,306 Russian immigrants,
the Jewish immigrants were 704,245, or 44.1 per cent. The diminishing
importance of the Jewish in the total Russian immigration, in spite of
the fact that the former shows so great an increase, is due to the
rapid growth of the immigration tendency among the other races in
Russia, especially in the last decade.
Nevertheless, a closer examination of the relative participation by
the various peoples of Russia in the immigration from that country
from 1899 to 1910[69] shows that the Jews maintain their position of
predominance, contributing a larger proportion to the total Russian
immigration than any other people throughout this period, except in
1910, when the Poles contributed a slightly higher proportion to the
immigration of that year. The Polish contribution is next to that of
the Jews, attaining its maximum at a point where the Jewish
immigration is at its lowest, relatively, in the twelve years.
The preceding sufficiently indicates the abnormal extent of the
Russian Jewish immigration but its intensity may be judged further
from the fact that though the Jews in Russia were less than
one-twentieth of the total Russian population, they formed nearly half
of the Russian immigrants to the United States. In other words, they
were represented in the Russian immigration by more than eleven times
their proportion in the Russian population. As, however, the
emigration movement of the Russians proper is directed chiefly to
Siberia, we may limit the comparison to the Pale, where the Jews are
overwhelmingly concentrated, and where they constitute more than a
tenth of the total population. Even with this limitation they were
represented in the immigration to the United States by more than four
times their proportion of the population.
Another method of judging the degree of intensity of the Russian
Jewish movement is to compare the proportion the number of Jewish
immigrants for a period bears to the total Jewish population in
Russia--their rate of immigration--with that of the other Russian
peoples represented in the immigration to the United States. The rate
of immigration of the Jews is by far the highest among the peoples of
Russia. From 1899 to 1910 the Jewish immigrants to the United States
constituted on the average one out of every 79 of the Jewish
population in Russia.[70] The Finnish immigrants constituted one out
of every 191 Finns, the Polish immigrants one out of every 200 Poles,
and the Russian immigrants proper one out of every 11,552 of the
Russian population. The relative position of the Jews is thus
strikingly indicated. The rate of immigration truly becomes an index
of the economic and social pressure to which the Jews have been
subjected for a third of a century. This rate of immigration for the
Jews, moreover, shows large fluctuations in the twelve years from 1899
to 1910.[71] Of every 10,000 Jews in Russia there came to this country
on the average for the twelve years from 1899 to 1910, 125 Jews. From
1899 to 1903 the annual rate of immigration was much lower than the
average. In 1904, with the beginning of the critical years, the annual
rate rose to 152, and in 1905, to 181. It reached its climax in 1906,
with 246, almost twice as large as the average for the entire period.
It fell slightly below this in 1907 with 226. In 1908, there was a
great fall to 141, though the rate was still above the average for the
period.
The movement of the Russian Jews to this country in the last thirty
years is seen to be steadily rising and to reach enormous dimensions
in the last decade. The Jews are more largely represented in the
movement from Russia than any other people, and predominate
practically for the entire thirty years. The rate of immigration is
abnormally high, as compared with that of any other of the immigrant
races from Russia. For the most part the Russian Jewish immigration
reflects the unusual situation confronting the Jews in Russia.
FOOTNOTES:
[63] _Cf._ table IX, p. 162.
[64] _Cf._ table X, p. 163.
[65] Sulzberger, _The Beginnings of Russo-Jewish Immigration to
Philadelphia_ (Philadelphia, 1910), pp. 125-150.
[66] _Cf._ table XI, p. 163.
[67] _Cf._ table XII, p. 164.
[68] _Cf._ table XIII, p. 164.
[69] _Cf._ table XIV, p. 165.
[70] _Cf._ table XV, p. 165.
[71] _Cf._ table XVI, p. 166.
CHAPTER IV
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM ROUMANIA
The immigration of Roumanian Jews to the United States began as a
small stream at the end of the sixties, and assumed significant
dimensions in the eighties. Two important periods of rising
immigration are clearly distinguishable. The first period attains its
maximum between 1885 and 1889. The second attains its maximum and that
of the entire movement between 1900 and 1904.
In the thirty years between 1881 and 1910, 67,057 immigrants entered
the United States.[72] In the first decade, 6,967 immigrants, or 10.4
per cent of the total, arrived. In the second decade, 12,789
immigrants arrived, or 19.1 per cent of the total. The great majority,
47,301 immigrants, or 70.5 per cent of the total, arrived in the last
decade, more than twice as many as had arrived in the two preceding
decades. The Roumanian Jews thus began to take a significant part in
the Jewish movement only within the last decade.
The annual variations are closely connected with the conditions in
Roumania which have been previously discussed.[73] The rise in 1885 to
803 immigrants, the first number of any consequence, reflects the
measures taken in Roumania to restrict the economic activity of the
Jews, chiefly through the hawkers' law of 1884. The continuation of
the administrative activities against the Jews, the expulsion of many
from the villages, and particularly the beginning in earnest of the
attempt to drive them from industry and commerce, by the law of 1887,
are responsible for the wholesale exodus in that and the following two
years. In these three years more than 7 per cent of the total
Roumanian Jewish immigration entered the country.
After 1889 and for nearly a decade the immigration of Jews from
Roumania subsided, resuming the proportions established before 1887.
Another rise began in 1899. In 1900, the Roumanian Jewish immigration
reached the relatively great number of 6,183, around which point it
stood for the next two years. In 1903, it reached its maximum with an
immigration of 8,562 Jews, one-eighth of the entire Roumanian Jewish
immigration for the thirty years. In the following year the
immigration still held to the high numbers reached before 1903. The
years following 1904 show a fall to less than 4,000, which was
interrupted in 1908, when the immigration rose to 4,455. In 1909, a
sharp fall ensued to 1,390, and in 1910 to 1,701.
The great rise from 1900 to 1904, during which period there came more
than half of the total number of Jewish immigrants from Roumania, was
largely due to the resumption of the government program against the
Jews. The chief form of restriction was the passing of the Artisans'
Law in 1902, preceded by some years of agitation and administrative
activity directed against the Jews, which aimed to make it impossible
for the Jewish artisans to secure work. The feeling that the Jews had
nothing to hope from the government, as much as the actual distress
occasioned, was largely responsible for the unprecedented
immigration.[74]
The Jewish forms so large a part of the Roumanian immigration as to be
practically synonymous with it. As we have before noted, the figures
obtained from the Jewish sources indicate a larger immigration from
1886 to 1898 on the part of the Jews alone than the official figures
give for the entire immigration from Roumania for this period.
Confining our attention to the figures of immigration from 1899 to
1910,[75] we find that, from 1899 to 1910, of the 61,073 immigrants
from Roumania who entered the United States, 54,827, or 89.8 per cent,
were Jews. Thus practically nine-tenths of the immigrants from
Roumania are Jews. In the five years in which the Jewish movement was
at its height, the Jews constituted from 91 per cent to 95.7 per cent
of the Roumanian immigration. The immigration of other peoples from
Roumania is insignificant. The highest number entering in any of the
twelve years amounted to less than 800.
Still more significant is the intensity of immigration of the
Roumanian Jews, especially in view of the negligible number of
immigrants from Roumania other than Jews. The rate of immigration of
the Roumanian Jews is far higher than that even of their Russian
brethren.[76] The average annual immigration of Roumanian Jews, for
the twelve years, from 1899 to 1910, amounted to 4,569, which
represented an average rate of immigration for the Roumanian Jews of
175 per 10,000 of the Jewish population in Roumania. In the five years
of maximum immigration, from 1900 to 1904, the rate was considerably
higher, reaching in 1903 the enormous proportion of 329 immigrants to
every 10,000 Jews in Roumania. The lowest rate during this period,
that of 1900, was only slightly smaller than the maximum rate
approached by the Jewish immigrants from Russia. However, in the three
years which represented the highest point of the rate of immigration
of the Jews from Russia, from 1905 to 1907, the rate of immigration
for the corresponding years in Roumania was considerably smaller.
The Jewish immigration from Roumania is thus a product chiefly of the
last decade. The rise in the first decade and the relatively
tremendous rise in the last decade are a result largely of the
activities of the Roumanian government. The vast majority of the
immigrants from Roumania are Jews, whose rate of immigration is
unprecedented.
FOOTNOTES:
[72] _Cf._ table XVII, p. 166.
[73] _Cf._ table XVIII, p. 167.
[74] In the _Century_ of Nov., 1913, Professor Ross, writing on "The
Old World in the New," remarks (p. 28) that "the emigration of 50,000
Roumanian Jews between January and August, 1900, was brought about by
steamship agents who created great excitement in Roumania by
distributing glowing circulars about America."
It is remarkable that with so large an emigration of Roumanian Jews
during these eight months, ostensibly directed to America, only 6183
Roumanian Jews were recorded as arriving in the United States in 1900,
and only 6,827 in 1901. In the twelve years from 1899 to 1910,
Professor Ross's figure is approached; for the entire period 54,827
Roumanian Jews are officially recorded as entering the United States.
Even of the relatively large immigration of Jews from Roumania in
1900, the cause clearly was not the activity of steamship agents.
Compare the report of the president of the United Hebrew Charities,
keenly alive to the problems presented to the American Jews by the
Jewish immigration:
"The last few months have been noteworthy in the history of the Jewish
race for an outbreak of Anti-Semitism in a far-away country, the
far-reaching effects of which have been keenly felt in this city. I
refer of course, to the persecutions of the Jews in Roumania. A small
group of Jewish philanthropists of this city (under the direction of
the IOOB) has taken up the task of providing for the newcomers." Such
a response is not usually given to immigrants lured to this country by
promises of gain.
_United Hebrew Charities of New York City_, Oct., 1900, p. 19.
[75] _Cf._ table XIX, p. 168.
[76] _Cf._ table XX, p. 168.
CHAPTER V
IMMIGRATION OF JEWS FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
The immigration of Jews from Austria-Hungary began before the eighties
of the last century, becoming at the beginning of the nineties a
relatively strong and steady current. Until recently, this immigration
was almost exclusively from Galicia.[77]
Summarizing the movement by decades,[78] we find that 44,619 Jews, or
15.9 per cent of the total, came during the decade from 1881 to 1890;
83,720 immigrants, or 29.8 per cent of the total, came during the
decade from 1891 to 1900. In the last decade, from 1901 to 1910, there
entered 152,811 immigrants, or 54.3 per cent of the total. Thus there
is a nearly steady rise of the movement, though it is not as great as
that found in the Jewish immigration from Russia.
The annual variations are also not as large as are found in the
Russian Jewish movement.[79] The greatest number that came in any year
in the first decade was in 1887, when 6,898 immigrants arrived,
contributing 2.4 per cent of the total for the year. The highest
number that came in the second decade was in 1899, when 11,071
immigrants arrived, contributing 3.9 per cent of the total. From this
year there began a great rise which reached its maximum in 1904 with
an immigration of 20,211 Jews, constituting 7.2 per cent of the
total--the highest point attained in the entire movement.
A comparison of the fluctuations of the Jewish with those of the total
Austro-Hungarian immigration shows that the former follows the general
movement quite closely, though there are minor differences and the
maximum periods of both movements do not coincide.[80]
An examination of the part the Jewish played in the general
immigration from Austria-Hungary shows that during the entire period
of thirty years there entered into the United States from
Austria-Hungary 3,091,692 immigrants, to which the Jews contributed
281,150 immigrants, or 9.1 per cent.[81] That the Jewish movement was
relatively stronger in the earlier period than the general movement
from Austria-Hungary is indicated by the fact that the Jews
participate to a much larger extent in the movement of the first
decades than in that of the last. In the first decade, from 1881 to
1890, of the 353,719 immigrants from Austria-Hungary, the Jews were
44,619, or 12.6 per cent of the total for the decade. In the decade
from 1891 to 1900, of the 592,707 immigrants they were 83,720, or 14.1
per cent of the total. In the last decade, of 2,145,266 immigrants,
they were 158,811, or 7.4 per cent of the entire movement. The Jewish
movement is thus seen to be relatively the strongest in the second
decade. Its fall in the last decade to almost half the proportion of
the preceding decade was due to the tremendous growth in the
immigration of the other races from Austria-Hungary. Whereas the
general movement nearly quadrupled its numbers in the last decade, the
Jewish movement did not quite double its numbers.
The largest part in the movement from Austria-Hungary was taken by
the Jews during the earlier years.[82] The highest point was reached
in 1886, when the Jews constituted 18.6 per cent of the total
movement. In the following year the Jewish immigrants constituted 17.1
per cent. Other years in which the Jews participated strongly were
1895, and from 1897 to 1899. In 1898 the second highest point was
reached, the Jews constituting 18.5 per cent of the movement. From
1904 a great fall ensued. The lowest point was reached in 1909, when
the Jews constituted only 5 per cent of the total movement.
A clearer idea of the situation would be obtained if the figures for
the years and decades could be ascertained for Austria and Hungary
separately, as the Jews in each of the divisions of the Dual Monarchy
differ considerably in their immigration tendency. Austria and Hungary
are distinguished in the immigration statistics only since 1910.
Nevertheless, the three years from 1910 to 1912 serve to show that the
Jews from Austria immigrate to the United States in much larger
numbers than their brethren in Hungary. From 1910 to 1912, out of a
total of 36,684 Jewish immigrants from Austria-Hungary, 29,340, or
fully four-fifths, came from Austria. The participation of the
Austrian Jews in the general movement is also correspondingly larger.
From 1910 to 1912, the Jewish immigrants from Austria numbered 29,340
out of a total of 303,776, constituting 9.7 per cent of the total
Austrian immigration. For the same period the Jewish immigrants from
Hungary numbered only 7,344 out of a total of 292,900, constituting
2.5 per cent of the total. Thus the Jews participate in the movement
from Austria practically four times as much as in the movement from
Hungary.
The relative position of the Jews among the peoples immigrating from
Austria is of interest in this connection. The peoples with which
comparison must be maintained are those concentrated in Galicia, the
chief source of the Jewish, Polish and Ruthenian immigration.[83] For
the seven years between 1899 and 1905, the Jewish immigrants
constituted the second largest group. From 1906, they fell into the
third position (excepting in 1908), owing to the rapid increase of
immigration among the Ruthenians.
The average rate of immigration of the Jews of Austria-Hungary for the
twelve-year period from 1899 to 1910, is 74 for every 10,000 Jews in
the Empire.[84] The maximum rate was 97, which was reached in the
immigration of 1904. In comparison with the Russian and Roumanian
Jewish immigrants, those from Austria-Hungary have a far lower rate of
immigration. This is true for the average as well as for the single
years. However, in the first two years, 1899 and 1900, the rate of
immigration was higher among the Jewish immigrants from
Austria-Hungary. In comparison with the rate of immigration of the
Poles and the Ruthenians, the Jews occupy an intermediate position,
having a lower rate than the Poles and a higher rate than the
Ruthenians.[85]
The Jewish movement from Austria-Hungary thus shows a fairly steady
rise, but neither in its yearly variations nor its rate of immigration
does it give evidence of any exceptional characteristics.
FOOTNOTES:
[77] Buzek, "Das Auswanderungsproblem in Oesterreich," _Zeitschrift
für Volkswirtschaft, Sozialpolitik und Verwaltung_, p. 458.
[78] _Cf._ table XXI, p. 169.
[79] _Cf._ table XXII, p. 169.
[80] _Cf._ table XXIII, p. 170.
[81] _Cf._ table XXIV, p. 170.
[82] _Cf._ table XXIV, p. 170.
[83] _Cf._ table XXV, p. 171.
[84] _Cf._ table XXVI, p. 171.
[85] _Cf._ Hersch, _op. cit._, p. 43. This comparison gives a lower
rate of immigration to the Jews than they really possess, owing to the
fact that it is based upon the total Jewish population of
Austria-Hungary, and not upon that of Galicia, from which province the
great majority of the Jewish immigrants come.
CHAPTER VI
TOTAL JEWISH IMMIGRATION
The movement of the total Jewish immigration for the thirty years
becomes clear in the light of the preceding pages. It is a rising
movement, divided into two parts, the first culminating in 1892 and the
second culminating in 1906. Like the Russian Jewish immigration which
underlies it, the movement is one of geometrical progression.[86] From
1881 to 1890, 193,021 Jewish immigrants entered this country, 12.3 per
cent of the total Jewish immigration. From 1891 to 1900, 393,516 Jewish
immigrants, or 25.2 per cent entered. In the last decade there entered
the enormous number of 976,263 Jewish immigrants, representing 62.5 per
cent of the total Jewish immigration for the thirty years. This was
more than twice as many as had entered the preceding decade, and more
than five times the number of those who had entered the first decade.
The Jewish immigration is in its largest part a product of the last
decade.
The rise has not, however, been uniformly steady, as a division of the
entire period into five six-year periods shows.[87] In the period from
1893 to 1898, there was a fall in the Jewish immigration. This period
coincides with the years of depression in the United States following
the panic of 1893. The fall was chiefly due to that in the Russian
Jewish immigration. The Jewish immigration from Austria-Hungary on the
contrary showed a relative rise. For this period, as well as for a
few years before, the Roumanian Jewish immigration contributed smaller
numbers than in the previous decade. As in the case of the Russian
Jewish movement, if we compare the immigration of the six-year period
from 1885 to 1890, with that from 1893 to 1898, omitting the years
1891 and 1892 which are influenced in their great rise by the
exceptional circumstances occurring within these two years, we find
that the Jewish immigration was higher during the latter period of
depression in the United States than during the earlier period, the
total number of immigrants being 167,567 for the latter period, and
153,951 for the former.
In the period from 1899 to 1904 there was a great rise. A quarter of
the entire immigration came in this period. The largest number of
immigrants--more than two-fifths of the total of thirty years--came in
the period from 1905 to 1910. If we included the immigration of 1904,
which properly belongs to the later movement, we find that half of the
entire Jewish immigration came within the seven years from 1904 to
1910.
The yearly variations of the total Jewish immigration correspond
closely in the main to those of the Russian Jewish movement.[88] The
influence of the other movements is, however, felt, at times quite
strongly. Before 1885 the total Jewish immigration was quite small;
less than 10,000 (except in 1882) or less than 1 per cent of the
total, arrived each year. The rise of the immigration in 1882 to
13,202 was wholly due to the increase in the number of Russian Jewish
immigrants. The second half of this decade was marked by a rising tide
in the Jewish immigration from all the countries of Eastern Europe,
which reached a height in 1887, with an immigration of 33,044,
constituting more than 2 per cent of the total number. This was but a
prelude to the great rise at the opening of the second decade which in
1892 reached the number of 76,373 Jewish immigrants, the highest
number attained in the first two decades. The immigration for this
year alone constituted nearly one-twentieth of the total Jewish
immigration. The increase of these years is due solely to the increase
in the Russian Jewish immigration. From this point a fall ensued,
which lasted until 1899. The fall was strongest in the Russian and the
Roumanian movements. The absolute numbers and the relative proportions
in the Jewish movement from Austria-Hungary increased. The tremendous
rise of the last decade began in 1899. In 1900 the number of Jewish
arrivals rose to 60,764. This increase was general, though it reached
unusual proportions in the immigration from Roumania.
The fall in the next two years was due to a decrease in the number of
immigrants from Austria-Hungary. That from Russia remained the same as
in 1900, and the Roumanian Jewish immigration maintained the high
level established in that year.
The immigration of 1903 surpassed the great numbers attained in 1892.
The rise of nearly 20,000 of this year was general, though relatively
greatest in the Jewish immigrants from Austria-Hungary.
The next three years marks the heights of the movement. In 1904, the
30,000 immigrants which represented the increase from the preceding
year were Russian Jews. This is equally true of the large increase of
1905. In this year a fall took place both in the Austrian and
Roumanian Jewish immigration. The Jewish immigration from the United
Kingdom rose tremendously from 817 of the preceding year to
14,299,[89] an increase which reflects the influences of the Russian
Jewish movement for this year, and indicates that this movement from
the United Kingdom must be considered as largely Russian Jewish.
The year 1906 marked the high-water mark of Jewish immigration for
thirty years. 153,748 immigrants, practically one-tenth of the total
movement, came in this year. As in the preceding year, the increase in
the immigration from Russia (including the numbers from the United
Kingdom) was the basis of the increase in the total.
From this point on we have a decline. The decline in 1907 to 149,182
immigrants reflected the decline in the numbers of the Russian Jewish
immigrants, those from Austria-Hungary increasing. In this year the
number of immigrants from British North America became conspicuous. In
1908 the immigration fell to 103,387, reflecting almost wholly the
fall in the numbers of the Russian Jewish immigrants. The year 1909
marked a tremendous decline of the Jewish immigration to 57,551
immigrants. This decline was general, though relatively the greatest
in the Austro-Hungarian and the Roumanian immigration.
A speedy recovery in numbers was shown in 1910 when the immigration
rose to 84,260, recurring to the numbers at the beginning of the
recent great rise, and higher than the immigration of any year before
1904. The rise was felt equally in the Russian and Austro-Hungarian
immigration, relatively little in the Roumanian.
Thus by far the chief influence in the movement of the Jewish
immigration for these thirty years has been the Russian Jewish
immigration. In its growth of numbers, and in its rise and fall, the
total Jewish immigration of the last thirty years is a reflection of
the movement of the Russian Jews to this country.
FOOTNOTES:
[86] _Cf._ table XXVII, p. 172.
[87] _Cf._ table XXVIII, p. 172.
[88] _Cf._ table XXIX, p. 173.
[89] _Cf._ table VI, p. 93.
CHAPTER VII
PARTICIPATION OF JEWS IN TOTAL IMMIGRATION
We turn now to a consideration of the part played by the Jewish
immigration in the total immigration to this country for these thirty
years.[90] A general rise is revealed in the proportions the Jewish
bore to the total immigration. In the decade between 1881 and 1890, of
the 5,246,613 immigrants, the Jewish immigrants were 193,021, or 3.7
per cent of the total. In the decade between 1891 and 1900, of the
3,687,564 immigrants, the Jewish immigrants numbered 393,516. The
Jewish proportion of the total rose to 10.7 per cent. This really
tremendous rise was due to the fact that while the total number of
immigrants fell off one-third in this decade, the Jewish immigrants
doubled their numbers. It is from this decade that the Jewish
immigrants become conspicuous in the immigration to the United States.
In the decade between 1901 and 1910, of the 8,795,386 immigrants, the
Jewish immigrants numbered 976,263. The proportion of the Jewish
immigrants to the total rose to 11.1 per cent. Even in this decade of
tremendous increase in the general immigration, the Jewish immigration
rose at a still greater rate.
For the entire period the Jewish immigration was 8.8 per cent of the
total immigration.[91] This proportion was not reached before 1891.
The maximum in the first decade was in 1887, when the Jewish
immigration constituted 6.7 per cent of the total for the year. In
1891, this proportion rose to 9.2 per cent. It reached its highest
point during nineteen years, in 1892, when the Jewish immigrants
constituted 13.2 per cent of the total for the year. Throughout the
period of depression, from 1893 to 1898, the contribution of the
Jewish to the total immigration was, with two exceptions, above its
average for the thirty years. In 1893, when the number of Jewish
immigrants fell to half of that of the preceding year, its
contribution to the total was 8 per cent. In 1897, a year of lowest
Jewish as well as general immigration, its proportion was the same as
the average. In the following years the contribution of the Jewish
immigration rose proportionately, and in 1900 it reached the maximum
for thirty years, constituting 13.5 per cent of the total for the
year. The next highest proportion was reached in the year of maximum
Jewish immigration, 1906, when the Jewish immigrants represented 13.4
per cent of the total for the year. Throughout the years from 1904 to
1908, the Jewish immigrants contributed above their average for the
period. In 1908, when the numbers both of the Jewish and the total
immigration had been greatly reduced, the Jewish immigrants
contributed 13.2 per cent of the total, one of the highest proportions
in the entire period, a fact which indicates that the Jewish immigrant
tide recedes more slowly than that of the total immigration. In 1909,
the year in which the effect of the panic of 1907 was registered in
the Jewish immigration, the proportion of the Jewish immigrants to the
total fell to 7.7 per cent. A slight relative rise took place in 1910
to 8.1 per cent.
A comparison of the annual fluctuations of the Jewish and the total
immigration enables us to distinguish some points of difference.[92]
Though, on the whole, the Jewish corresponds with the total
immigration in its rise and fall, there are significant differences.
Thus, 1882 represents a year of high immigration in each, but the rise
is in the case of the total immigration one of 17.9 per cent over that
of the preceding year, but in the case of the Jewish, it represents a
rise of 131.9 per cent over that of the preceding year,
proportionately more than seven times as great. Another period of
rising movement is in 1891 and 1892. Where, however, in 1891 the total
immigration rose 20.9 per cent, the Jewish rose 79.5 per cent. In
1892, the total rose 3.4 per cent, the Jewish rose 48.6 per cent. In
all these cases the difference is so great as to indicate the working
of special influences in the Jewish movement.
The existence of these special influences is again evident in the last
decade. In 1904, the total immigration fell off 5.2 per cent, but the
Jewish immigration rose 39.4 per cent. In 1906, in spite of the great
total immigration of that year, and its increase of 7.2 per cent over
the preceding year, the increase of the Jewish was 18.2 per cent--more
than double that of the total. Again, the maximum periods of the two
movements do not coincide. The total immigration reached its highest
point for the thirty years in 1907. The maximum of the Jewish movement
was in 1906.
The panic of 1907 also appears to have influenced the Jewish
immigration more slowly than the total. The greatest fall in the
latter took place in 1908, immediately after the panic. The greatest
fall of the Jewish immigration took place in 1909. This is another
indication of the slowness of the response of the Jewish immigration
to business conditions in this country, as compared with the rapid
response of the general body of immigrants.
As the racial classification was introduced only in 1899, it is
impossible to determine for the entire thirty years the exact place
the Jews occupy in the movement of peoples from the Old World to the
New. During the twelve years from 1899 to 1910, there entered the
United States a total of 1,074,442 Jewish immigrants, an annual
average of nearly ninety thousand. This was the second largest body of
immigrants, constituting more than a tenth of the total immigration
for this period. In this regard the Jews were surpassed only by the
South Italians.[93]
This is an immense volume of immigration, both relatively and
absolutely, and indicates to what an extent the immigration tendency
has seized the Jews. In this tendency, however, the Jews from the
different countries of Europe differ very strongly. As practically
only three countries of Eastern Europe--Russia, Roumania and
Austria-Hungary--are represented in the recent Jewish immigration, a
rate of immigration established for the Jews should be based upon the
population of these countries rather than upon the total Jewish
population in Europe. Thus established, the Jews have the highest rate
of immigration of any immigrant peoples. In 1906, during the maximum
period of Jewish immigration, the rate of immigration of the
East-European Jews was twenty out of every thousand. In 1907, the rate
of the Jewish immigration was nineteen out of every thousand. The Jews
are approached in this respect only by the Slovaks, who, in 1907, had
a rate of immigration of eighteen per thousand. In this respect, the
Jewish immigration is seen to occupy an exceptional position in the
recent movement of peoples from Europe to this country.
FOOTNOTES:
[90] _Cf._ table XXX, p. 174.
[91] _Cf._ table XXXI, p. 174.
[92] _Cf._ table XXXII, p. 175.
[93] This average and the same relative position is maintained if we
take the fifteen years from 1899 to 1913, in which period there
entered 1,347,590 Jewish immigrants.
CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY
The preceding analysis of the movement of the Jewish immigration to
the United States and that of its Russian, Roumanian and
Austro-Hungarian tributaries, from 1881 to 1910, has revealed certain
facts of importance.
The progressive nature of the Jewish movement has been disclosed. The
greatest numbers have come within the last decade. This is
particularly true of the movement from Roumania, and to a less extent
of the movement from Russia. On the other hand, a larger relative
proportion of the Jews from Austria-Hungary came during the first two
decades. Throughout, the Jews from Russia have predominated in the
total movement, governing its course for practically the entire
period.
In the total movement from the three countries of Eastern Europe, the
Jews have participated most strongly in the Roumanian immigration,
constituting nine-tenths of this immigration. The Jews are nearly a
half of the immigrants from Russia. Their participation in the
immigration from Austria-Hungary is relatively much smaller, being
less than a tenth of the total immigration. In the immigration of the
two latter countries, the Jews show a lessening participation, due to
the great growth of the immigration of the other peoples. In the
movements from Russia and Roumania, the participation of the Jewish
immigrants rises greatly in all periods significant in the situation
of the Jews in these countries. The influence of the unusual
conditions facing the Jews in Russia and Roumania and of the
principal events in their history for these thirty years is reflected
in the annual fluctuations of the Jewish immigration of each of these
countries to the United States. The economic and social pressure
exerted upon the Jews in Russia and Roumania is reflected in the
degree emigration is utilized by them. The Jews from Russia have a
much higher rate of immigration than any other people immigrating from
Russia. The rate of immigration of the Jews from Roumania is the
highest among the Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. In both
annual fluctuations and rate of immigration the movement of the Jews
from Austria-Hungary does not indicate the existence of special
influences.
The participation of the Jews in the total immigration to the United
States is large and increasing in importance. For the last fifteen
years they formed the second largest body of immigrants. Their fate of
immigration is also higher than that of any other immigrant people. Of
note, too, is the slow response of their immigration to unfavorable
economic conditions in this country. When these facts are joined to
those which have shown the striking relative participation of the Jews
in the movements from Russia and Roumania, and the existence of
special causes operating in these countries and indicating their
influence in the yearly variations and in an extraordinary rate of
immigration, it becomes clear that for the largest part of this period
of thirty years Jewish immigration is controlled mainly by the
conditions and events affecting the fate of the Jews in the countries
of Eastern Europe.
That the conditions in the United States exercise an influence,
favorable or unfavorable, upon the immigration of Jews is undoubted.
The influences, however, exerted by the conditions abroad are far
stronger and steadier, and, on the whole, override the latter.
The conclusion previously reached that the Jewish immigration is for
the largest part the result of the expulsive and rejective forces of
governmental persecution is thus strengthened by this examination into
the situation as presented by the figures of the Jewish immigration to
the United States. With it as a guiding principle, some of the main
characteristics peculiar to the Jewish immigration are explained. To
these we now turn.
PART II
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES
B. ITS CHARACTERISTICS
CHAPTER I
FAMILY MOVEMENT
Vital aspects of an immigrant people are revealed in its sex and age
distribution. Generally speaking, whether an immigration is composed
of individuals or of families is shown in the relative proportion of
males and females, and of adults and children, of which it is
composed.
That the Jewish movement is essentially a family movement is shown by
the great proportion of females and children found in it.[94] From
1899 to 1910, out of a total immigration of 1,074,442 Jews, 607,822,
or 56.6 per cent were males, and 466,620, or 43.4 per cent, were
females. These proportions have varied but slightly throughout the
period. The greatest departures were in the years 1904 and 1905. The
increase of the immigration of males in these years is explained by
the unusual conditions existing in Russia at this time--economic
unrest, revolution--which had the effect of sending over the men as an
_avantgarde_ to prepare the way for their families. Young men fleeing
to escape conscription also swelled the numbers. In 1906, however, the
number of males decreased by 2,000, but that of females increased by
more than 25,000. In this tremendous increase of females is registered
the effect of the _pogroms_ of 1905-6, in which years the movement
became a veritable flight.
The general tendency has been towards an increase in the proportion of
females. For the thirteen years preceding, from 1886 to 1898,[95] out
of a total immigration at the port of New York of 251,623 Jewish
adults, 147,053, or 58.4 per cent, were males, and 104,570, or 41.6
per cent, were females. The proportion of males is here somewhat
higher than that for the period from 1899 to 1910. The difference is,
however, relatively small. The tendency, previously noted, towards the
increase in the proportion of females is found here. The greater
relative diminution of the males in the later years--in 1894 reaching
the point where there were more females--is even striking.
Turning to a consideration of the ages of the Jewish immigrants, we
learn that, between 1899 and 1910, 267,656, or practically one-fourth
of all the Jewish immigrants, were children under fourteen years.[96]
The large part that is taken in the Jewish immigration by the children
is apparent.
Here, again, 1904 and 1905 represent periods of great increase in the
immigration of those between fourteen and forty-four years. As was the
case with the females, the proportion of children in the immigration
is at its greatest in the year 1906, by far the largest part of the
increase for this year being children, thus giving a significant
indication of the extent and literalness of the flight from Russia in
this year of _pogroms_.[97] In the thirteen years preceding, from 1886
to 1898, of the 380,278 Jewish immigrants that entered the port of New
York for this period, 128,655, or 33.8 per cent, were children under
sixteen years of age.[98] A steady increase in the latter years is
noted in the proportion of children, which harmonizes with a similar
tendency noted of the females for the same period.
That these facts reveal a family movement of considerable size, there
is no question. They become truly significant when comparison is made
with the proportions of the females and the children in the general
immigration and with those of the peoples of which it is composed.
A comparison of the proportion of males and females in the total and
the Jewish immigration from 1899 to 1910 shows that for the entire
period the percentage of females in the Jewish was much higher than in
the total immigration, 43.4 per cent of the Jewish immigration being
females as compared with 30.5 per cent of the total.[99] The
percentage of females in the Jewish immigration was higher for every
year from 1899 to 1910.
While the percentage of males in the total immigration was above 70
per cent in five years, the percentage of males in the Jewish
immigration was less than 60 per cent in all but two years, 1904 and
1905, when it rose to 61.2 per cent and 63.2 per cent. The latter,
which represents the highest point in the percentage of males in the
Jewish immigration, was smaller than the percentage of males in the
total immigration for every year but 1899. In other words the maximum
percentage of males in the Jewish and the minimum percentage in the
total immigration practically coincide.
In the period between 1899 and 1909 the proportion of children under
fourteen years of age in the Jewish immigration was 24.8 per cent,
while that in the total immigration was only 12.3 per cent.[100] The
Jewish thus had proportionately twice as many children as the total
immigration.
The exceptional position of the Jews in regard to their family
movement is most strikingly shown when the composition of the Jewish
immigration by sex and age is compared with that of the other
immigrant peoples.[101] In a comparison with immigrant races which
contributed more than 100,000 to the total immigration from 1899 to
1910, the Jews are seen to have a higher proportion of females than
any other people except the Irish. The Irish present in this regard an
anomaly, in that they have more females than males in their
immigration. That it is not in the main a family movement is shown by
reference to the proportion of children under fourteen in the Irish
immigration, which is only 5 per cent, one of the lowest in the entire
series. The anomaly is easily explained by the well-known fact that
their females for the most part are single, who come to the United
States to work as servants.[102]
Only one other people, the Bohemian and Moravian, approached the
Jewish in its high proportion of females. On the other hand, the one
people with a larger immigration than the Jewish, the South Italian,
presents a striking contrast to the Jewish immigration, in that its
proportion of females was about half that of the Jews. Although its
immigrants numbered twice as many as the Jewish, the females in the
Italian movement were only 408,965, as compared with 466,620 females
in the Jewish immigration.
A comparison of the immigrant peoples with reference to their
composition by age shows that the Jewish movement contains without any
exception the largest proportion of children.[103] Out of a total of
990,182 Jewish immigrants from 1899 to 1909, 245,787, or 24.8 per
cent, were children under fourteen. In this regard, again, the
Bohemian and Moravian approach the Jewish, though not as closely as
in the proportion of females. The contrast with the South Italians
obtains here as well. As the Jewish immigration, during the twelve
years from 1899 to 1910, was the second highest in numbers,
contributing more than a million to the total, the number of females
and children found in its movement was higher than that of any other
immigrant race, not only relatively but absolutely as well.
Most striking, indeed, is the contrast in these respects between the
Jewish immigrants and the other races coming from the countries of
Eastern Europe, particularly the Slavic immigrant races with whom the
Jews have been associated in the official statistics.[104] An
examination of the proportion of females in the immigration of the
eight races composing the Slavic group, shows that, with the exception
of the Bohemians and Moravians (whose movement presents strong
similarities to that of the Jews), the percentage of females was less
than a third of the total immigration of each race, the highest being
that of the Poles, which was 30.5 per cent. The contrast is even more
striking in respect to children under fourteen. Here, again, excluding
the Bohemians and Moravians, the highest percentage in the group was
that of the Poles, 9.5 per cent. In this respect, therefore, the
association of the Jewish immigrants with the other immigrants from
Eastern Europe, under the rubric "Slavic races", is seen to be
untenable.
Strongest of all is the contrast between the Jewish immigration and
that of the Roumanian people.[105] The Roumanian movement is seen to
be composed practically wholly of individuals, only 9 per cent being
females, while that of the people from Roumania (nine-tenths of whom
are Jews[106]) is seen to have a proportion of females higher even
than that in the total Jewish immigration. Even greater is the
contrast with respect to age, only 2.2 per cent of the Roumanians
being children under fourteen.
The division of the peoples represented in the immigration to the
United States into "old" and "new", the former consisting of the
peoples from Northern and Western Europe, the latter of the peoples
from Southern and Eastern Europe, is a convenient classification
essentially of two periods of immigration coinciding largely with
changes in the economic conditions in the United States.
A comparison of the proportion of females and children in the "old"
and the "new" immigration with that in the Jewish shows that the
Jewish immigration has proportionately almost twice as many females as
the "new" immigration (Jews excepted), and surpasses even the "old"
immigration in this regard.[107] Of children under fourteen the Jewish
movement has proportionately more than two and one-half times as many
as the "new" immigration (Jews excepted), and nearly twice as many as
the "old" immigration.
This analysis shows conclusively that the Jewish immigration is
essentially a family movement; that it is approached by no other
immigrant people in this regard; that it not only cannot be classed
with the "new" immigration, but shows a tendency towards family
movement far stronger than that of the peoples composing the "old"
immigration.
The significance of this characteristic of the Jewish immigration is
obvious. Their unequaled family movement gives one of the clearest
indications that the Jewish immigrants are essentially composed of
permanent settlers.
FOOTNOTES:
[94] _Cf._ table XXXIII, p. 176.
[95] _Cf._ table XXXIV, p. 176.
[96] _Cf._ table XXXV, p. 177.
[97] _Cf._ Hersch, _op. cit._, p. 76.
[98] _Cf._ table XXXVI, p. 177.
[99] _Cf._ table XXXVII, p. 178.
[100] _Cf. Abstract of Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 14. See
Bibliography.
[101] _Cf._ table XXXVIII, p. 179.
[102] _Cf. Abstract of Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 15, for
the high proportion of servants among the Irish immigrants.
[103] _Cf._ table XXXIX, p. 180.
[104] _Cf._ table XL, p. 181.
[105] _Cf._ table XLI, p. 181. The Roumanian immigrants come
principally from Austria-Hungary, and only slightly from Roumania.
[106] _Cf. supra_, p. 131, note 2.
[107] _Cf._ table XLII, p. 182.
CHAPTER II
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
Our studies of the sex and age distribution of the Jewish immigrants
have shown a family movement unsurpassed in degree. This in itself is
sufficient indication that the Jews are essentially permanent settlers
in this country and not transients, "who have no intention of
permanently changing their residence and whose only purpose in coming
to America is temporarily to take advantage of greater wages paid for
industrial labor in this country."[108]
Equally convincing evidence is afforded by a survey of the facts
regarding the outward movement of Jews from this country.[109] The
figures of Jewish immigration are obtainable only from 1908, the law
of 1907 having required all steamship companies to furnish information
regarding their emigrant passengers.
The relative stability of an immigration may be determined by
contrasting the departure of the aliens composing the immigration with
the arriving immigrants of this group for the same period. From 1908
to 1912, 33,315 Jews left the United States--an average annual
emigration of 6,660 Jews. This is a strikingly low number, especially
when compared with the large Jewish immigration for the same period,
which numbered 417,016, and averaged annually 83,400 Jewish
immigrants. Thus, for every hundred Jews admitted, only eight Jews
left the country. This average proportion was largely exceeded only in
1909, not, however, because of any great increase in the absolute
numbers of the Jewish emigrants, but because of the great fall in the
number of Jewish immigrants of this year.
The part that is taken by the Jewish emigrants in the total emigration
is insignificant and is in striking contrast with the great part taken
by the Jewish immigrants in the total immigration.[110] From 1908 to
1912, the Jewish immigrants constituted 9.7 per cent of the total
immigrants. In the same period, the Jewish emigrants constituted only
2.3 per cent of the total emigrants. Moreover, while the proportion
that the Jewish immigrants constituted of the total immigrants
exhibited a considerable and significant variation, fluctuating from
7.7 per cent to 13.2 per cent, the proportion the Jewish emigrants
constituted of the total emigrants remained around 2 per cent and
showed practically no variation. Relatively both to the number of
Jewish immigrants and of total emigrants, therefore, the number of the
Jewish emigrants is exceedingly small and practically negligible.
How great the relative stability of the Jewish immigration is may be
seen when its return movement is compared with that of the total
immigration and of other peoples conspicuous in the immigration to the
United States.[111] Whereas, from 1908 to 1910, for every hundred
admitted in the total immigration, thirty-two departed--the outward
movement thus approximating one-third of the inward--in the case of
the Jewish immigration, only eight departed, an outward movement only
one-quarter as large, relatively, as the total. This was the smallest
outward movement, relatively to the inward, of any immigrant people,
except the Irish, whose outward movement was 6 per cent of the inward.
Relatively to the inward movement, the Jews had an outward movement
one-seventh as large as the South Italians, almost one-fourth as large
as the Poles, and less than one-half as large as the Germans.
In the total immigration for these years, the Jews were the third
largest group with 236,100 immigrants, which constituted 10.2 per cent
of the total immigration. To the outward movement for this period,
however, they contributed 18,543 Jews, which constituted only 2.5 per
cent of the total number of emigrants, one of the smallest
contributions. The Poles, who constituted 11.7 per cent of the
immigration for the three years, contributed practically the same
proportion, 11.4 per cent, to the outward movement. Even more striking
is the contrast with the Italian movement. The Italians contributed
19.8 per cent of the inward movement for the period and 35.7 per cent
of the outward movement for the three years. Though their immigration
for these three years was only twice as large as that of the Jews,
their emigration was more than fourteen times that of the Jews. In
other words, no people combined in an equal degree as the Jews so
small a number of emigrants with so large a number of immigrants.
It is interesting to determine what is the emigration tendency of the
Jews coming from Russia, Roumania and Austria-Hungary. This may be
gathered from the number of emigrants returned for each of these
countries, from 1908 to 1912, as compared with the number
admitted.[112] From 1908 to 1912, 294,813 Jews from Russia entered the
United States and 20,546 Jews departed for Russia; 11,246 Jews from
Roumania entered the United States and 546 Jews departed for Roumania;
60,408 Jews from Austria-Hungary entered the United States, and 8,513
Jews departed for Austria-Hungary. In other words, for every hundred
Jews entering from Russia seven departed, for every hundred Jews
entering from Roumania five Jews departed, for every hundred Jews
entering from Austria-Hungary fourteen departed for their respective
countries. The emigration tendency was thus smaller with the Roumanian
and the Russian Jews than with the Austro-Hungarian Jews. This held
true for each of the five years. Relatively twice as many Jews from
Austria-Hungary as from Russia returned. The Roumanian Jews showed the
smallest tendency to return.
Of importance is the question of the relative stability of the Jewish
movement from Russia and Austria-Hungary and that of their close
neighbors in these countries, the Poles, who contributed almost as
large a current of immigrants to the United States as the Jews, and
who, since they constitute the most important Slavic group, may be
taken as the type of the Slavic movement to this country.
From 1908 to 1912, 265,964 Polish immigrants from Russia were admitted
to the United States and 60,290 Poles departed for Russia, this
constituting an average emigration of twenty-two per hundred
admitted.[113] As, for every hundred Russian Jews admitted in this
period, only seven departed, this constituted a relative emigration
one-third as large as that of the Poles. For the same period, 214,931
Poles were admitted from Austria-Hungary and 88,994 Poles left for
that country, which constituted an average emigration of forty-one per
hundred admitted. The average emigration of the Jews from
Austria-Hungary was fourteen per hundred admitted or practically
one-third as large as that of the Poles. Thus, the Jewish immigrants
from Russia and Austria-Hungary present relatively three times as
stable a movement as the Polish immigrants from these countries.
The fact that the Jewish emigration from Galicia was a movement of
families and was essentially a movement of permanent settlement in
their new home was noted by Buzek as characteristic of this emigration
even in the early eighties, and as strongly contrasted with the
emigration of the Poles from Galicia.[114]
A comparison of the return movement of the "old" and the "new"
immigration with that of the Jewish immigration gives similar
results.[115] For every hundred admitted, there were, in the "new"
immigration, forty-two emigrants, relatively more than five times as
many as among the Jews. Even in the "old" immigration, which is
largely accepted as the type of permanent immigration, for every
hundred admitted, there were thirteen emigrants, about one and a half
times as many relatively as among the Jews. The Jewish immigration
must thus be accorded the place of distinction in American immigration
for permanence of settlement.
An unusual test of this conclusion was afforded by the remarkable
emigration following the crisis of 1907.[116] The general opinion that
"the causes which retard emigration from abroad also accelerate the
exodus from the United States", was considerably strengthened by the
great exodus of 1908. To this rule the Jewish immigration forms,
again, a most striking exception. Although its number in 1907--149,182
immigrants--was only slightly below its maximum for thirty years, and
constituted the second highest immigration for the year, only 7,702
Jews left the country in 1908. This constituted only two per cent of
the total emigration for that year. Relatively to the number admitted
the Jewish emigration was, without exception, the lowest, being only
five departed for every hundred admitted. The remarkable disparity in
this regard with the Poles and the Italian was again shown here. For
every hundred Poles entering in 1907, thirty-three emigrated in 1908.
For every hundred South Italians entering in 1907, sixty emigrated in
1908.
That the business conditions of this country affect Jewish immigration
is unquestioned, but the difference in the degree and the manner of
the response puts it in a class apart. A comparison of the total gain
in population in 1908 and 1909 in the immigration of Italians and Jews
shows that whereas in the Italian inward and outward movement in 1908
there was a net loss to this country of 79,966, but in 1909 a net gain
of 94,806, in the Jewish inward and outward movement in 1908 there was
a net gain of 95,685, and in 1909 a net gain of 50,705.[117] The
Jewish immigration responds in its inward movement much more slowly
and less completely to the pressure of unfavorable conditions in this
country. In its outward movement it shows practically no response.
The conclusion that the Jewish immigrants constitute to an unusual
degree a body of permanent settlers is strengthened by an examination
of the figures concerning immigrants who have been in the United
States previously.[118] Of the total from 1899 to 1910 of 9,220,066
immigrants, 1,108,948, or 12 per cent, had been here before. Of the
1,074,442 Jews who entered the country during this period, only
22,914, or 2.1 per cent, had been previously in the United States. The
proportion of Jews who have been in this country before is by far the
lowest of any immigrant peoples.
As the total Jewish exodus is insignificant as compared both with the
total emigration and the proportion of the Jewish immigration in the
total inward movement; as the Jewish outward movement shows
practically no response to unfavorable economic conditions in this
country, and as the Jewish inward movement presents the phenomenon of
a practically new body of immigrants, we are led to conclude that the
Jewish immigration exhibits a quality of permanence and stability to
so great a degree as to render this fact one of its distinguishing
characteristics.
FOOTNOTES:
[108] Immigration Commission: _Conclusions and Recommendations_, p.
16.
[109] _Cf._ table XLIII, p. 182.
[110] _Cf._ table XLIV, p. 183.
[111] _Cf._ table XLV, p. 183.
[112] _Cf._ table XLVI, p. 134.
[113] _Cf._ table XLVII, p. 184.
[114] Buzek, _op. cit._, p. 467.
[115] _Cf._ table XLVIII, p. 185.
[116] _Cf._ table XLIX, p. 185.
[117] The number of Jewish emigrant aliens in 1908 was deducted from
the number of Jewish immigrant aliens: the combined number of Jewish
emigrant and non-emigrant aliens in 1909 was deducted from the
combined number of Jewish immigrant and non-immigrant aliens. _Cf._
Fairchild, _Immigration_, 1913, p. 361.
[118] _Cf._ table L, p. 186.
CHAPTER III
OCCUPATIONS
The occupations of an immigrant people throw light upon their
industrial equipment and their probable future occupations in this
country. A study of the occupational distribution of the Jewish
immigrants from 1899 to 1910 will serve to illuminate some of the
characteristics of their movement.[119]
The largest group is that classed as having "no occupation". This
group comprises 484,175 immigrants, and is 45.1 per cent of the total.
In the fact that it holds so large a place in the occupational
distribution, there is reflected the great number of women and
children among the Jewish immigrants. The rise in the proportion of
the "no occupation" group in the second half of the twelve years
follows a similar rise in the proportion of women and children in the
Jewish movement, which has been previously noted.[120] These are, in
the main, economically dependent, a fact which is of the highest
importance with reference to the character of this immigration, as
well as in its influence upon the economic and social problems facing
the immigrant Jews in their new home.
Skilled laborers were the second largest group, numbering 395,823
immigrants and comprising 36.8 per cent of the total. Next in order
was the group classed as "miscellaneous", with 186,989 immigrants,
representing 17.4 per cent of the total. This group included common
and farm laborers, servants, merchants and dealers, _etc._ In
professional occupations there were 7,455 immigrants, comprising 7 per
cent of the total.
Omitting the "no occupation" group, and considering the 590,267 Jewish
immigrants reporting occupations, we find that of these the great
majority--67.1 per cent--were skilled laborers.[121] Laborers numbered
69,444 and comprised 11.8 per cent. Next in order of numbers were
servants, 65,532, who comprised 11.1 per cent. A much smaller group
was that composed of merchants and dealers (chiefly petty merchants,
hucksters, and peddlers), who numbered 31,491 and were 5.3 per cent of
the total. Of farm laborers there were 11,460, comprising 1.9 per
cent. The entire professional class comprised 1.3 per cent of the
total. There were 1,000 farmers, who comprised .2 per cent.
In the professional classes the teachers were the largest group,
represented by 2,192, and comprising 29.4 per cent.[122] The next
class were the musicians, who numbered 1,624, comprising 21.8 per cent
of the total. Together these two groups were more than half of the
total.
Thus, by far the most important occupational group was that of the
skilled laborers.[123] An examination of the distribution of this
group shows that they were represented in thirty-five trades. By far
the largest group of the skilled laborers were the tailors, numbering
145,272, and comprising 36.6 per cent. The dressmakers and
seamstresses numbered 39,482, and comprised one-tenth of the total.
Including the closely allied trades such as hat and cap makers,
milliners, _etc._, the garment workers composed practically one-half
of the entire body of skilled laborers. Second in rank were the
carpenters and joiners, who, together with the cabinet makers and
woodworkers (not specified) numbered 40,901, and comprised more than
one-tenth of the total. The fourth highest group were the shoemakers,
with 23,519, or 5.9 per cent of the total. Clerks and accountants, and
painters and glaziers contributed an almost equal number--the former
17,066, the latter 16,387--representing 4.3 per cent and 4.1 per cent
respectively of the total. Of butchers there were 11,413, or 2.9 per
cent, and of bakers 10,925, or 2.8 per cent. There were also 9,385
locksmiths, or 2.4 per cent, and 8,517 blacksmiths, or 2.2 per cent.
Together, these ten groups comprised 318,104, or 80.4 per cent of the
Jews in skilled occupations.
Another skilled occupation represented by more than 5,000 was tinners.
Trade groups of more than 3,000 were watch and clock makers, tobacco
workers, hat and cap makers, barbers and hairdressers, weavers and
spinners, tanners and curriers, furriers and fur workers, and
bookbinders. More than a thousand skilled laborers were found in the
following trades: photographers and upholsterers, mechanics (not
specified), masons, printers, saddlers and harness makers, milliners,
metal workers (other than iron, steel and tin), machinists, jewelers
and millers. Less than a thousand laborers were found in two groups:
iron and steel workers, and textile workers (not specified).
The Jewish immigrants were therefore concentrated in the two groups of
"no occupation" and "skilled laborers", to which belonged more than
four-fifths of the total number.
In the part taken by the Jewish immigrants in the occupational
distribution of the total immigrants from 1899 to 1909, these two
groups are prominent.[124] To the 1,247,674 skilled laborers, the
Jewish immigrants contributed 362,936, or 29.1 per cent. This was
more than twice the proportion of the Jewish immigrants in the total
number of immigrants. They were also represented in the "no
occupation" group by more than one and one-half times their proportion
of the total immigration, contributing to a total of 2,165,287
immigrants, 445,728, or 20.6 per cent. In striking contrast with the
great contribution to these two classes is their insignificant
contributions to the groups of common laborers and farmers, and farm
laborers, to which they contributed respectively 2.9 per cent, 1.1 per
cent, and 0.1 per cent.
It is, however, in comparison with the occupational grouping of the
other races that the peculiarities of the distribution of the Jewish
immigrants are most clearly seen.[125] An examination of the number of
those classed as having "no occupation" of each European immigrant
people and the percentage this group comprised of the total
immigration of each people, shows that the Jews have the highest
proportion, 45.1 per cent, of all immigrants belonging to this group.
The Bohemians and Moravians are next in order, with 39.5 per cent. The
absolute numbers of the Jews belonging to this group are also higher
than those of any other people. The Italians have only 440,274
immigrants in the "no occupation" group, as compared with the 484,175
Jewish immigrants in this group. Even more striking is the contrast
with the Poles, who have only 200,634 immigrants belonging to this
group. This corresponds closely with similar facts as to the relative
proportions of females and children found in the Jewish immigration
and among the other immigrant races.
An even greater contrast exists in the proportions of skilled laborers
between the Jewish and the other immigrant peoples.[126] Of those
reporting occupations the Jews have, by far, the highest proportion of
those in skilled occupations. The nearest approach to their proportion
of skilled laborers is found among the Scotch, with 57.9 per cent. The
next in order are the English, with 48.7 per cent. A much smaller
proportion is found among the Bohemians and Moravians and the Germans.
All these races contribute not only much smaller proportions than the
Jews, but very much smaller absolute numbers to the total body of
skilled laborers.
Of laborers (including farm laborers), the Jews, on the other hand,
have a smaller proportion, 13.7 per cent, than any people, except the
Scotch (who resemble the Jews most strongly in their high proportion
of skilled laborers and their low proportion of common laborers).
The most striking contrast, in occupational distribution, however, is
presented with the Slavic peoples.[127] Of those reporting
occupations, the Slavic peoples, with the exception of the Bohemians
and Moravians, are seen to be overwhelmingly concentrated in the two
related groups of common and farm laborers, whereas the Jews are
mostly to be found in the group of skilled laborers. Relatively ten
times as many Jews as Poles, for instance, are in the skilled
occupations.
That the Jews form a striking exception in their occupational grouping
is evident. A comparison of the occupational distribution of the "old"
and the "new" immigrants with that of the Jewish immigrants, from 1899
to 1909, leads to the same conclusion.[128] The Jewish immigrants have
twice as many in the "no occupation" group as the "new" immigrants,
and a much higher percentage than the "old" immigrants. They have
relatively four times as many skilled laborers as the "new"
immigrants, and more than one and one-half times as many as the "old"
immigrants. Most remarkable is the fact that in spite of the
relatively great proportion of women among the Jewish immigrants, they
have a smaller proportion of servants than the "new" immigrants and
one-third as large a proportion as the "old" immigrants. This
indicates that the Jewish women are, as a rule, not servants, but
either do not engage in work, or, if they do, are employed in skilled
occupations. The latter group is, however, relatively inconspicuous.
In professional occupations the Jews occupy an intermediate position
between the "old" and the "new" immigrants. In common and farm
laborers, the Jews have an exceedingly low proportion as compared with
the "old" and a strikingly low proportion as compared with the "new"
immigrants.
Some distinctive traits in the occupational grouping of the Jewish
immigrants have become evident. They are apart from all the other
immigrant peoples in the great number of those having "no occupation".
In other words, the Jewish immigrants are burdened with a far greater
number of dependents than any other immigrant people, standing apart
in this respect from the peoples of the "old" immigration and to a far
greater extent from the peoples of the "new" immigration. Secondly,
the Jewish immigrants are distinguished by a far greater proportion of
skilled laborers. In this respect again they exceed even the peoples
of the "old" immigration. The fact that the skilled laborers are more
largely represented among the Jewish immigrants than they are in the
occupations of the Jews in the countries of Eastern Europe is
significant as showing an unusual pressure upon these classes abroad.
FOOTNOTES:
[119] _Cf._ table LI, p. 186.
[120] _Cf. supra_, pp. 127-128.
[121] _Cf._ table LII, p. 187.
[122] _Cf._ table LIII, p. 187.
[123] _Cf._ table LIV, p. 188.
[124] _Cf._ table LV, p. 189.
[125] _Cf._ table LVI, p. 189.
[126] _Cf._ table LVII, p. 190.
[127] _Cf._ table LVIII, p. 191.
[128] _Cf._ table LIX, p. 191.
CHAPTER IV
ILLITERACY
The rate of illiteracy has been generally used as a rough standard for
estimating the mental equipment of the immigrants. A consideration of
the rate of illiteracy among the Jewish immigrants dispels the popular
impression that practically every Jew is able to read and write.[129]
Out of a total of 806,786 Jews fourteen years of age and over who
entered this country from 1899 to 1910, 209,507 or 26 per cent, were
unable to read and write. As the average rate of illiteracy among all
the immigrants, from 1899 to 1910, was 26.7 per cent, the rate of
Jewish illiteracy is seen to be only slightly below the average.
A number of considerations enter. One of these is the influence of
sex. It is generally recognized that, as a rule, females are more
usually unlettered than males. This difference of illiteracy between
the sexes is also more pronounced in countries where popular education
is less widely spread than in those where it is the rule. Such is the
case with the countries of Eastern Europe, which are the source of the
recent Jewish immigration. The contrast between male and female
illiteracy is strongest among the East-European Jews, who neglect the
education of their daughters as much as they strive to educate their
sons. This is reflected in the relative illiteracy of males and
females among the Jewish immigrants.[130] Of the 172,718 Jewish males
fourteen years of age and over entering this country from 1908 to
1912, 33,970, or 19.7 per cent, were illiterates. Of the 139,283
females fourteen years of age and over, 51,303, or 36.8 per cent, were
illiterates. The illiteracy of Jewish females is thus almost twice as
high as that of Jewish males. As the proportion of females in the
Jewish immigration is so large, the influence of the sex factor in
increasing the rate of illiteracy among the Jewish immigrants is
considerable. A tendency from a lower to a higher rate of illiteracy
is discernible. The average rate for the first six years was 23.8 per
cent, that for the last six years was 27.2 per cent. This corresponds
with the increase in the latter years in the proportion of females in
the Jewish immigration, which has been previously noted.
A comparison of the rate of illiteracy of the Jewish immigrants with
that of the other immigrant peoples shows that the Jews occupy an
intermediate position.[131] They have a relatively high rate of
illiteracy, as compared with the peoples from Northern and Western
Europe. In comparison with the Slavs, their rate of illiteracy is also
much higher than that of the Bohemians and Moravians, and, higher
also, though to a far less degree, than that of the Slovaks.
The relative position of the Jews is clearly shown in a comparison of
their rate of illiteracy from 1899 to 1910 with that for the same
period of the "old" and the "new" immigration (from the latter of
which the Jews are excepted.)[132] The rate of illiteracy of the "old"
immigration is 2.5 per cent, that of the "new" immigration (Jews
excepted) is 37.2 per cent, that of the Jews is 25.7 per cent. The
Jews occupy a middle ground, yet near enough to the "new" immigration
to be classed with it in this respect.
The conclusion reached in the first part that the educational standing
of the Jews is higher than that of the peoples in Eastern Europe among
whom they live is reflected in the greater relative literacy of their
immigrants.[133] The rate of illiteracy of the Jewish immigrants is
lower than that of the peoples among whom the Jews are found. In the
case of the Lithuanians and the Ruthenians the difference is
considerable. This is seen to hold true for each sex.[134] The
illiterates among the Jewish males constituted 21.9 per cent of the
total number of Jewish males. The illiterates among the Jewish females
constituted 40.0 per cent of the total number of Jewish females. In
both sexes, the proportion of illiterates was lower than that
prevailing among the other immigrant peoples.
Here, again, the fact is noticeable of a wider difference in the case
of the Jews between the illiteracy of their males and females than
exists among any of the other peoples. Owing to the fact that the Jews
have in their immigration a notably higher proportion of females than
any of these peoples, the difference between their rate of illiteracy
and that of these peoples is lessened to some extent.
That the illiteracy of the Jews is due chiefly to their exceptional
status in Russia and Roumania, our review of the conditions affecting
Jewish education in those countries has shown. No more striking
illustration exists of the fact that the literacy of the Jews is
conditioned by their freedom than the degree in which they are taking
advantage of the educational opportunities offered in this country,
remarkable testimony to which is presented in the reports of the
recent Immigration Commission.
FOOTNOTES:
[129] _Cf._ table LX, p. 192.
[130] _Cf._ table LXI, p. 192.
[131] _Cf._ table LXII, p. 193.
[132] _Cf._ table LXIII, p. 194.
[133] _Cf._ table LXIV, p. 194.
[134] _Cf._ table LXV, p. 194.
CHAPTER V
DESTINATION
The destination, or intended future residence, of immigrants is
influenced by certain considerations, such as the place of residence
of friends or relatives, the port arrived at, and the funds at the
disposal of the immigrants.
The most important influence is that exercised by the occupations of
the immigrants. The preponderance of the industrially skilled and
commercial groups among the Jewish immigrants makes for residence in
the industrial and commercial centers. The great majority of the
Jewish immigrants arriving from 1899 to 1910 were destined for the
eastern states.[135] Of the total number of Jewish immigrants from
1889 to 1910, 923,549 immigrants, or 86 per cent, gave the North
Atlantic States as their destination and 110,998 immigrants, or 10.3
per cent, the North Central States. Less than one-twentieth gave all
the other divisions as their destination.
A great proportion of the Jewish immigrants, numbering 690,296, or
64.2 per cent of the total, gave New York as their destination.[136]
Pennsylvania was the destination of the next largest number of
immigrants, 108,534, constituting 10.1 per cent of the total. For
Massachusetts there were destined 66,023 immigrants, or 6.1 per cent
of the total. Four-fifths of the total number of immigrants were
destined for these three states. Other eastern states receiving a
large number of immigrants were New Jersey, for which 34,279 were
destined, and Connecticut, for which 16,254 immigrants were destined.
Of the North Central States, Illinois was the destination of the
largest number, 50,931 immigrants, constituting 4.7 per cent of the
total. Ohio was the destination of the next largest number, 20,531
immigrants, or 1.9 per cent of the total. One state in the South
Central division, Maryland, was given as the destination of 18,700
immigrants, constituting 1.7 per cent of the total, and the largest
number of those destined for this division. The tendency of the Jewish
immigrants towards industrial and commercial centers is here
reflected.
The destination of the Jewish immigrants to the eastern states agrees
with that of the total immigration for the same period.[137] A larger
proportion of the Jewish immigrants than of the total immigrants was
destined for the North Atlantic States, which contain the commercial
and manufacturing centers. Less than one-half as many Jewish
immigrants as total immigrants were destined for the North Central
States. About an equal proportion of each was destined for the South
Atlantic States. A much smaller proportion of the Jewish than of the
total was destined for the Western States. In view of the industrial
equipment of the Jewish immigrants discussed previously, this tendency
is explained.
The Jewish immigrants destined for the eastern states play a
correspondingly large part among the total number destined for these
states.[138] The Jewish immigrants destined for the North Atlantic
States were 14.5 per cent of all the immigrants destined for this
division. Their next highest proportion was of those destined for the
South Central States, of which they constituted 9.9 per cent. They
constituted an almost equal proportion of the immigrants destined for
the North Central and the South Central States, 5.2 per cent, and 5.0
per cent, respectively. Of the immigrants destined for the Western
States they constituted only 1.2 per cent.
The final destination of the immigrants very frequently is different
from the destination stated at the time of landing. An examination of
the disposition of Jewish immigrants landing at the port of New York
from 1886 to 1906 showed that a large part of the immigrants left
within a very short time for other parts.[139] Of the 918,388
immigrants that landed at the port of New York, from 1886 to 1906,
669,453, or 72.9 per cent, remained in New York, and 248,935, or 27.1
per cent, left for other points.
FOOTNOTES:
[135] _Cf._ table LXVI, p. 195.
[136] _Cf._ table LXVII, p. 195.
[137] _Cf._ table LXVIII, p. 196.
[138] _Cf._ table LXIX, p. 196.
[139] _Cf._ reports of the United Hebrew Charities of New York City,
1886 to 1906.
CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Some of the principal characteristics of the Jewish immigration to the
United States have been presented in the preceding pages. The Jewish
immigration has been shown to consist essentially of permanent
settlers. Its family movement is incomparable in degree, and contains
a larger relative proportion as well as absolute number of women and
children, than any other immigrant people. This in turn is reflected
in the greater relative proportion as well as absolute number of those
classified as having "no occupation". The element of dependency thus
predicated is another indication of the family composition of the
Jewish immigration. Its return movement is the smallest of any, as
compared both with its large immigration and the number of total
emigrants. The Jewish immigrants are distinguished as well by a larger
relative proportion and absolute number of skilled laborers, than any
other immigrant people. In these four primary characteristics the
Jewish immigrants stand apart from all the others.
It is with the neighboring Slavic races emigrating from the countries
of Eastern Europe and with whom the Jewish immigrants are closely
associated that the contrasts, in all these respects, are strongest.
The Slavic immigrants are chiefly male adults. Their movement is
largely composed of transients, as evidenced by a relatively large
outward movement and emphasized by the fact that the vast majority of
them are unskilled laborers. An exception, in large measure, must be
made of the Bohemian and Moravian immigrants who present
characteristics strongly similar to those of the Jewish immigrants.
The division into "old" and "new" immigration brings out even more
clearly the exceptional position of the Jews in regard to these
characteristics. Although the Jewish immigration has been
contemporaneous with the "new" immigration from Eastern and
Southeastern Europe, and is furthermore essentially East-European in
origin, its characteristics place it altogether with the "old"
immigration.[140] Most striking, however is the fact that in all of
these respects--family composition, and small return movement (both
indicating permanent settlement) and in the proportion of skilled
laborers--the Jewish immigration stands apart even from the "old"
immigration.
Further confirmation may be obtained, in the study of the
characteristics of the Jewish immigration, of the principle
established in the preceding sections that the rejective forces of
governmental oppression are responsible for the largest part of this
immigration. The large family movement of the Jewish immigration is a
symptom of abnormal conditions and amounts almost to a reversal of the
normal immigration, in which single or married men without families
predominate. Even the family movement of the "old" immigrants may
largely be attributed to the longer residence of their peoples in the
United States as well as to their greater familiarity with the
conditions and customs of the United States. That so large a part of
the Jewish immigrants is composed of dependent females and children
creates a situation of economic disadvantage for the Jewish
immigrants, all the stronger because of their relative unfamiliarity
with the language or the conditions facing them in this country.
Again, the Jews respond slowly and incompletely to the pressure of
unfavorable economic conditions in this country. This was emphasized
by the almost complete lack of response to the panic of 1907, as well
as expressed in the small, practically unchanging return movement of
the Jews to their European homes.
The pressure upon the Jewish artisans, or skilled laborers, in Eastern
Europe is reflected in the predominance of this class among the Jewish
immigrants to this country. That so useful an element in Eastern
Europe with its still relatively backward industrial development--a
fact that was given express recognition by the permission accorded the
Jewish artisans in Alexander II's time to live in the interior of
Russia--should have been compelled to emigrate indicates that the
voyage across the Atlantic was easier for them than the trip into the
interior of Russia, access to which is still legally accorded to them.
That the oppressive conditions created particularly in Russia and
Roumania and operating as a pressure equivalent to an expulsive force
does not explain the entire Jewish immigration to this country is
evident from the preceding pages. In a great measure, the immigration
of Jews from Austria-Hungary is an economic movement. The existence,
however, of a certain degree of pressure created by economic and
political antisemitism has however been recognized. The Jewish
movement from Austria-Hungary shares largely with the movement from
Russia and Roumania the social and economic characteristics of the
Jewish immigration which we have described. A strong family movement
and a relative permanence of settlement, especially as compared with
the Poles, and a movement of skilled laborers must be predicated of
the Jewish immigrants from Austria-Hungary, though undoubtedly not to
the same degree as in the case of the Jewish movements from Russia and
Roumania.
It is also clear that the forces of economic attraction in the United
States do not play an altogether passive part in the Jewish
immigration. The very fact of an immigrant-nucleus formed in this
country and serving as a center of attraction to relatives and friends
abroad--a force which increases in direct and multiple proportion to
the growth of immigration--is an active and positive force in
strengthening the immigration current. This was early understood by
the _Alliance Israélite Universelle_ which had acted upon this
principle in the seventies and had prophetically sought to direct a
healthy movement of Jewish immigrants to this country in the hope of
thereby laying a foundation for future Jewish immigration to this
country. This current, however, once started and growing only by the
force of its increasing attraction, would reflect in its movement
almost wholly the economic conditions in this country. That so large a
part of the Jewish immigration, and so many of the phenomena peculiar
to it, find their explanation, for the largest part of the thirty
years, in the situation and the course of events in the countries of
Eastern Europe leads to the inevitable conclusion that the key to the
Jewish immigration is to be found not in the force of economic
attraction exercised in the United States but rather in the
exceptional economic, social and legal conditions in Eastern Europe
which have been created as a result of governmental persecution.
Reviewing the various phases of the history of Jewish immigration for
these thirty years, we are enabled to see more closely its nature. The
study of the immigration, its movement and its social and economic
characteristics, in comparison with those of other immigrant peoples,
has revealed in it a number of distinguishing traits. In the causes of
the emigration of the Jews, in the pressure exerted upon their
movement as reflected in their rate of immigration, in their family
movement, in the permanence of their settlement, and in their
occupational distribution have been found characteristics which mark
them off from the rest of the immigrant peoples. The number of these
characteristics and the degree in which they are found in the Jewish
immigration, put it in a class by itself.
The facts of governmental pressure amounting to an expulsive force,
and reflected in an extraordinary rate of immigration, in a movement
of families unsurpassed in the American immigration, the largest part
economically dependent, in an occupational grouping of skilled
artisans, able to earn their livelihood under normal conditions, and
in a permanence of settlement in this country incomparable in degree
and indicating that practically all who come stay--all these facts
lead irresistibly to the conclusion that in the Jewish movement we are
dealing, not with an immigration, but with a migration. What we are
witnessing to-day and for these thirty years, is a Jewish migration of
a kind and degree almost without a parallel in the history of the
Jewish people. When speaking of the beginnings of Russian Jewish
immigration to Philadelphia, David Sulzberger said: "In thirty years
the movement of Jews from Russia to the United States has almost
reached the dignity of the migration of a people," he used no literary
phrase. In view of the facts that have developed, this statement is
true without any qualification.
This migration-process explains the remarkable growth of the Jewish
population in the United States, within a relatively short period of
time. In this transplantation, the spirit of social solidarity and
communal responsibility prevalent among the Jews has played a vital
part.
The family rather than the individual thus becomes the unit for the
social life of the Jewish immigrant population in the United States.
In this respect the latter approaches more nearly the native American
population than does the foreign white or immigrant population. One of
the greatest evils incident to and characteristic of the general
immigration to this country is thereby minimized.
Again, the concentration of the Jewish immigrants in certain trades
explains in great measure the peculiarities of the occupational and
the urban distribution of the Jews in the United States. The
development of the garment trades through Jewish agencies is largely
explained by the recruiting of the material for this development
through these laborers.
These primary characteristics of the Jewish immigration of the last
thirty years will serve to explain some of the most important phases
of the economic and social life of the Jews in the United States,
three-fourths of whom are immigrants of this period.
Of all the features of this historic movement of the Jews from Eastern
Europe to the United States, not the least interesting is their
passing from civilizations whose bonds with their medieval past are
still strong to a civilization which began its course unhampered by
tradition and unyoked to the forms and institutions of the past. The
contrast between the broad freedom of this democracy and the
intolerable despotism from whose yoke most of them fled, has given
them a sense of appreciation of American political and social
institutions that is felt in every movement of their mental life.
FOOTNOTES:
[140] So strongly was this the case that the Immigration Commission in
discussing these characteristics was compelled to separate the Jewish
from the "new" immigration, in order to bring out the essential
differences of the latter from the "old" immigration.
STATISTICAL TABLES
TABLE IA
PARTICIPATION OF JEWS IN OCCUPATIONS IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, 1897[1]
------------------------+----------+----------+-------------------
Group of occupation | Total | Jews | Per cent of total
------------------------+----------+----------+-------------------
Agricultural pursuits | 18245287 | 40611 | .2
Professional service | 988813 | 71950 | 7.5
Personal service[2] | 5150012 | 277466 | 5.4
Manufacturing and | | |
mechanical pursuits | 5169919 | 542563 | 10.5
Transportation | 714745 | 45944 | 6.4
Commerce[2] | 1256330 | 452193 | 36.0
------------------------+----------+----------+-------------------
Total | 31525106 | 1430727 | 4.5
------------------------+----------+----------+-------------------
[1] Compiled from Rubinow, p. 500.
[2] _Cf._ Rubinow, note, p. 500.
TABLE IB
PARTICIPATION OF JEWS IN OCCUPATIONS IN THE PALE OF JEWISH SETTLEMENT,
1897[1]
-----------------------+----------+----------+------------------
Group of occupation | Total | Jews |Per cent of total
-----------------------+----------+----------+------------------
Agricultural pursuits | 6071413 | 38538 | .6
Professional service | 317710 | 67238 | 21.1
Personal service[2] | 2139981 | 250078 | 11.6
Manufacturing and | | |
mechanical pursuits | 1573519 | 504844 | 32.1
Transportation | 211983 | 44177 | 20.8
Commerce[2] | 556086 | 426628 | 76.7
-----------------------+----------+----------+------------------
Total | 10870692 | 1331503 | 12.2
-----------------------+----------+----------+------------------
[1] Compiled from Rubinow, p. 501.
[2] _Cf._ Rubinow, note, p. 500.
TABLE II
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AT THE PORTS OF NEW YORK, PHILADELPHIA AND
BALTIMORE, JULY TO JUNE, 1886 to 1898[1]
-------+----------+--------------+-----------+--------
Year | New York | Philadelphia | Baltimore | Total
-------+----------+--------------+-----------+--------
1886 | 19548 | 1625 | -- | 21173
1887 | 30866 | 2178 | -- | 33044
1888 | 26946 | 1935 | -- | 28881
1889 | 23958 | 1394 | -- | 25352
1890 | 26963 | 1676 | -- | 28639
1891 | 47098 | 2719 | 1581[2]| 51398
1892 | 66544 | 4677 | 5152 | 76373
1893 | 29059 | 4322[3] | 1941 | 35322
1894 | 23444 | 3833 | 1902 | 29179
1895 | 21422 | 3672 | 1097 | 26191
1896 | 27846 | 3016 | 1986 | 32848
1897 | 17362 | 1613 | 1397 | 20372
1898 | 19222 | 2121 | 2311 | 23654
-------+----------+--------------+-----------+--------
Total | 380278 | 34781 | 17367 | 432426
-------+----------+--------------+-----------+--------
[1] Table II and all succeeding tables are arranged from July 1st to
June 30th, the fiscal year.
[2] Baltimore statistics begin October.
[3] Philadelphia figures for August missing.
TABLE III
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AT THE PORT OF NEW YORK, JULY, 1885, TO JUNE, 1886,
BY MONTH AND COUNTRY OF NATIVITY[1]
-----------+--------+-----------------+----------+--------+-------
Month | Russia | Austria-Hungary | Roumania | Others | Total
-----------+--------+-----------------+----------+--------+-------
July | 1130 | 354 | 58 | 107 | 1649
August | 1512 | 448 | 33 | 121 | 2114
September | 945 | 185 | 20 | 119 | 1269
October | 785 | 236 | 12 | 216 | 1249
November | 1347 | 589 | 21 | 80 | 2037
December | 574 | 249 | 17 | 62 | 902
January | 565 | 202 | 4 | 26 | 797
February | 492 | 228 | 16 | 44 | 780
March | 1077 | 444 | 35 | 66 | 1622
April | 639 | 309 | 28 | 55 | 1031
May | 791 | 521 | 31 | 70 | 1413
June | 3017 | 1365 | 210 | 93 | 4685
-----------+--------+-----------------+----------+--------+-------
Total | 12874 | 5130 | 485 | 1059 | 19548
-----------+--------+-----------------+----------+--------+-------
[1] Compiled from reports of the United Hebrew Charities of New
York.
TABLE IVA
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AT THE PORT OF PHILADELPHIA, 1886 TO 1898, BY
COUNTRY OF NATIVITY
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
| | Per |Austria-| Per | | Per | | Per |
Year |Russia| cent|Hungary | cent|Roumania| cent|Others| cent|Total
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
1886 | 1218 | 75 | 196 | 12 | 33 | 2 | 178 | 11 | 1625
1887 | 1699 | 78 | 262 | 12 | 86 | 4 | 131 | 6 | 2178
1888 | 1432 | 74 | 232 | 12 | 97 | 5 | 174 | 9 | 1935
1889 | 1129 | 81 | 125 | 9 | 42 | 3 | 98 | 7 | 1394
1890 | 1424 | 85 | 184 | 11 | 34 | 2 | 34 | 2 | 1676
1891 | 2447 | 90 | [1] | -- | [1] | -- | 272 | 10 | 2719
1892 | 3929 | 84 | 561 | 12 | 47 | 1 | 140 | 3 | 4677
1893 | 3025 | 70 | 519 | 12 | 43 | 1 | 735 | 17 | 4322
1894 | 2951 | 77 | 422 | 11 | 77 | 2 | 383 | 10 | 3833
1895 | 1983 | 54 | 624 | 17 | 73 | 2 | 992 | 27 | 3672
1896 | 1538 | 51 | 875 | 29 | 60 | 2 | 543 | 18 | 3016
1897 | 1049 | 65 | 355 | 22 | 32 | 2 | 177 | 11 | 1613
1898 | 1611 | 76 | 382 | 18 | 64 | 3 | 64 | 3 | 2121
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
Total |25435 | 73 | 4737 | 14 | 688 | 2 | 3921 | 11 |34781
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
[1] Immigrants from Austria-Hungary and Roumania were this year
grouped under "all others" in the original tables.
TABLE IVB
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AT THE PORT OF BALTIMORE, 1891 TO 1898, BY COUNTRY
OF NATIVITY
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
| | Per |Austria-| Per | | Per | | Per |
Year |Russia| cent|Hungary | cent|Roumania| cent|Others| cent| Total
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
1891 | 1423 | 90 | [1] | -- | [1] | -- | 158 | 10 | 1581
1892 | 4328 | 84 | 618 | 12 | 52 | 1 | 154 | 3 | 5152
1893 | 1388 | 70 | 232 | 12 | 19 | 1 | 302 | 17 | 1941
1894 | 1465 | 77 | 209 | 11 | 38 | 2 | 190 | 10 | 1902
1895 | 592 | 54 | 187 | 17 | 22 | 2 | 296 | 27 | 1097
1896 | 1013 | 51 | 576 | 29 | 40 | 2 | 357 | 18 | 1986
1897 | 908 | 65 | 307 | 22 | 28 | 2 | 154 | 11 | 1397
1898 | 1757 | 76 | 416 | 18 | 69 | 3 | 69 | 3 | 2311
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
Total |12874 | 74 | 2545 | 15 | 268 | 2 | 1680 | 9 |17367
-------+------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+------+-----+------
[1] Immigrants from Austria-Hungary and Roumania were this year
grouped under "all others" in the original tables.
TABLE V[1]
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AT THE PORTS OF NEW YORK, PHILADELPHIA AND
BALTIMORE, 1886 TO 1898, BY COUNTRY OF NATIVITY
-------+-----------------+-----------------------------------+--------
| | Ports |
Year | Country of |----------+------------+-----------| Total
| nativity | New York |Philadelphia| Baltimore |
-------+-----------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------
1886 | Russia | 12874 | 1218 | -- | 14092
| Austria-Hungary | 5130 | 196 | -- | 5326
| Roumania | 485 | 33 | -- | 518
1887 | Russia | 21404 | 1699 | -- | 23103
| Austria-Hungary | 6636 | 262 | -- | 6898
| Roumania | 1977 | 86 | -- | 2063
1888 | Russia | 18784 | 1432 | -- | 20216
| Austria-Hungary | 5753 | 232 | -- | 5985
| Roumania | 1556 | 97 | -- | 1653
1889 | Russia | 17209 | 1129 | -- | 18338
| Austria-Hungary | 4873 | 125 | -- | 4998
| Roumania | 1016 | 42 | -- | 1058
1890 | Russia | 19557 | 1424 | -- | 20981
| Austria-Hungary | 6255 | 184 | -- | 6439
| Roumania | 428 | 34 | -- | 462
1891 | Russia | 39587 | 2447 | 1423 | 43457
| Austria-Hungary | 5890 | [1] | [1] | 5890
| Roumania | 854 | [1] | [1] | 854
1892 | Russia | 55996 | 3929 | 4328 | 64253
| Austria-Hungary | 7464 | 561 | 618 | 8643
| Roumania | 641 | 47 | 52 | 740
1893 | Russia | 20748 | 3025 | 1388 | 25161
| Austria-Hungary | 5612 | 519 | 232 | 6363
| Roumania | 493 | 43 | 19 | 555
1894 | Russia | 16331 | 2951 | 1465 | 20747
| Austria-Hungary | 5285 | 422 | 209 | 5916
| Roumania | 501 | 77 | 38 | 616
1895 | Russia | 14152 | 1983 | 592 | 16727
| Austria-Hungary | 5236 | 624 | 187 | 6047
| Roumania | 423 | 73 | 22 | 518
1896 | Russia | 17617 | 1538 | 1013 | 20168
| Austria-Hungary | 8380 | 875 | 576 | 9831
| Roumania | 644 | 60 | 40 | 744
1897 | Russia | 11106 | 1049 | 908 | 13063
| Austria-Hungary | 5010 | 355 | 307 | 5672
| Roumania | 456 | 32 | 28 | 516
1898 | Russia | 11581 | 1611 | 1757 | 14949
| Austria-Hungary | 6569 | 382 | 416 | 7367
| Roumania | 587 | 64 | 69 | 720
-------+-----------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------
Total | ------ | 380278 | 34781 | 17367 | 432426
-------+-----------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------
[1] See note to Tables IVa and IVb. For Tables VI and VII, see
pp. 93 and 94.
TABLE VIII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES, 1881 TO 1910, ABSOLUTE
NUMBERS AND PERCENTAGES, BY DECADE AND COUNTRY OF NATIVITY
-------------------+-----------------------+--------------------------
| Absolute numbers | Percentages
Country of +-------+---------------+-------+-----+-----+------
nativity | | 1881- | 1891- | 1901- |1881-|1891-|1901-
| Total | 1890 | 1900 | 1910 |1890 |1900 |1910
-------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------
Russia |1119059| 135003| 279811| 704245| 69.9| 71.1| 72.1
Austria-Hungary | 281150| 44619| 83720| 152811| 23.1| 21.3| 15.7
Roumania | 67057| 6967| 12789| 47301| 3.6| 3.2| 4.8
United Kingdom | 42589| -- | -- | 42589| --| --| 4.4
Germany | 20454| 5354| 8827| 6273| 2.8| 2.3| .7
British North | | | | | | |
America | 9701| -- | -- | 9701| --| --| 1.0
Turkey | 5081| -- | -- | 5081| --| --| .5
France | 2273| -- | -- | 2273| --| --| .2
All others | 15436| 1078| 8369| 5989| .6| 2.1| .6
-------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-----+------------
Total |1562800| 193021| 393516| 976263|100.0|100.0|100.0
-------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-----+------------
TABLE IX
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA, 1881 TO 1910, BY YEAR AND PERCENTAGE
OF TOTAL ARRIVING EACH YEAR
-------+-------------------+-------------------
Year | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-------+-------------------+-------------------
1881 | 3125 | 0.3
1882 | 10489 | 0.9
1883 | 6144 | 0.5
1884 | 7867 | 0.7
1885 | 10648 | 1.0
1886 | 14092 | 1.3
1887 | 23103 | 2.1
1888 | 20216 | 1.8
1889 | 18338 | 1.6
1890 | 20981 | 1.9
1891 | 43457 | 3.9
1892 | 64253 | 5.7
1893 | 25161 | 2.2
1894 | 20747 | 1.9
1895 | 16727 | 1.5
1896 | 20168 | 1.8
1897 | 13063 | 1.2
1898 | 14949 | 1.3
1899 | 24275 | 2.2
1900 | 37011 | 3.3
1901 | 37660 | 3.4
1902 | 37846 | 3.4
1903 | 47689 | 4.3
1904 | 77544 | 6.9
1905 | 92388 | 8.2
1906 | 125234 | 11.2
1907 | 114932 | 10.3
1908 | 71978 | 6.4
1909 | 39150 | 3.5
1910 | 59824 | 5.3
-------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 1119059 | 100.0
-------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE X
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA, 1887 to 1910, BY DECADE AND PERCENTAGE
OF TOTAL ARRIVING EACH DECADE
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Decade | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
1881-1890 | 135003 | 12.1
1891-1900 | 279811 | 25.0
1901-1910 | 704245 | 62.9
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 1119059 | 100.0
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE XI
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA AT THE PORT OF NEW YORK, JANUARY 1,
1891 TO DECEMBER 31, 1891, AND JANUARY 1, 1892 TO DECEMBER 31, 1892,
BY MONTH
(From reports of United Hebrew Charities of New York City, 1891 and
1892)
---------------+-----------------------
| Jewish immigrants
+----------+------------
Month | 1891 | 1892
---------------+----------+------------
January | 2179 | 3276
February | 2185 | 3057
March | 3150 | 2397
April | 2714 | 1468
May | 1225 | 1620
June | 8667 | 4028
July | 8253 | 5673
August | 9109 | 4842
September | 9422 | 1729
October | 5255 | 416
November | 3792 | 121
December | 4310 | 198
---------------+----------+------------
Total | 60261 | 28834
---------------+----------+------------
TABLE XII
TOTAL IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA, 1881
TO 1910, AND PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
--------+------------+------------+-------------
| Total | Jewish | Per cent of
| immigrants | immigrants | total
--------+------------+------------+-------------
1881 | 5041 | 3125 | Est.
1882 | 16918 | 10489 |
1883 | 9909 | 6144 | at
1884 | 12689 | 7867 |
1885 | 17158 | 10648 | 62.0
1886 | 17800 | 14092 | 79.2
1887 | 30766 | 23103 | 75.1
1888 | 33487 | 20316 | 60.4
1889 | 33916 | 18338 | 54.1
1890 | 35598 | 20981 | 58.9
| | |
1891 | 47426 | 43457 | 91.6
1892 | 81511 | 64253 | 78.8
1893 | 42310 | 25161 | 59.5
1894 | 39278 | 20747 | 52.8
1895 | 35907 | 16727 | 43.2
1896 | 51435 | 20168 | 39.2
1897 | 25816 | 13063 | 50.6
1898 | 29828 | 14949 | 50.1
1899 | 60982 | 24275 | 39.8
1900 | 90787 | 37011 | 40.8
| | |
1901 | 85257 | 37660 | 44.2
1902 | 107347 | 37846 | 35.3
1903 | 136093 | 47689 | 35.0
1904 | 145141 | 77544 | 53.4
1905 | 184897 | 92388 | 50.0
1906 | 215665 | 125234 | 58.1
1907 | 258943 | 114932 | 44.4
1908 | 156711 | 71978 | 45.9
1909 | 120460 | 39150 | 32.5
1910 | 186792 | 59824 | 32.1
--------+------------+------------+-------------
Total | 2315868 | 1119059 | 48.3
--------+------------+------------+-------------
TABLE XIII
TOTAL IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA, 1881
TO 1910, BY DECADE, AND PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
------------+------------+------------+-------------
Decade | Total | Jewish | Per cent of
| immigrants | immigrants | total
------------+------------+------------+-------------
1881-1890 | 213282 | 135003 | 63.3
1891-1900 | 505280 | 279811 | 55.4
1901-1910 | 1597306 | 704245 | 44.1
------------+------------+------------+-------------
Total | 2315868 | 1119059 | 48.3
------------+------------+------------+-------------
TABLE XIV
IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES FROM THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, 1899 TO
1910, BY ANNUAL PERCENTAGE OF CONTRIBUTION OF PRINCIPAL PEOPLES[1]
-------+---------+--------+--------+------------+--------+---------
| Finnish | German | Jewish | Lithuanian | Polish | Russian
-------+---------+--------+--------+------------+--------+---------
1899 | 9.9 | 8.8 | 39.8 | 11.2 | 25.4 | 2.7
1900 | 13.8 | 5.9 | 40.8 | 11.3 | 24.8 | 1.3
1901 | 11.7 | 6.6 | 44.2 | 10.0 | 25.2 | .8
1902 | 12.9 | 8.0 | 35.3 | 9.3 | 31.5 | 1.4
1903 | 13.8 | 7.7 | 35.0 | 10.6 | 29.1 | 2.6
1904 | 6.9 | 4.9 | 53.4 | 8.8 | 22.4 | 2.7
1905 | 9.0 | 3.6 | 50.0 | 9.5 | 25.5 | 1.8
1906 | 6.2 | 4.8 | 58.1 | 6.4 | 21.4 | 2.4
1907 | 5.5 | 5.2 | 44.4 | 9.6 | 28.2 | 6.2
1908 | 4.0 | 6.4 | 45.9 | 8.5 | 24.2 | 10.4
1909 | 9.3 | 6.5 | 32.5 | 12.1 | 31.4 | 7.6
1910 | 8.0 | 5.4 | 32.1 | 11.6 | 34.1 | 7.9
-------+---------+--------+--------+------------+--------+---------
Total | 8.5 | 5.8 | 43.8 | 9.6 | 27.0 | 4.4
-------+---------+--------+--------+------------+--------+---------
[1] From Immigration Commission: _Emigration Conditions in
Europe_, p. 338.
TABLE XV
RATE OF IMMIGRATION OF PEOPLES PREDOMINANT IN THE IMMIGRATION FROM
RUSSIA, 1899 TO 1910[1]
------------+--------------------+-------------------+----------------
| |Average annual |
|Population in Russia|immigration to U.S.| Ratio of
People |1897 and in Finland |from Russia and | immigration
| 1900 combined |Finland 1899-1910 | to population
------------+--------------------+-------------------+----------------
Jewish | 5082343[2] | 63794 | 1 to 79
Finnish | 2352990 | 12348 | 1 to 191
Polish | 7865437 | 39282 | 1 to 200
German | 1721387 | 8401 | 1 to 205
Lithuanian | 3077436 | 14062 | 1 to 212
Swedish | 349733 | 1135 | 1 to 308
Russian | 75434753 | 6530 | 1 to 11552
------------+--------------------+-------------------+----------------
[1] Ibid., p. 339.
[2] The figure for the Jewish population in Russia as given in
_Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 339, is incorrect.
See Goldberg, _Jüdische Statistik_, pages 266 and 270.
TABLE XVI
RATE OF JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA, PER 10000 OF JEWISH
POPULATION, 1899 TO 1910
------+----------------------
Year | Ratio of immigration
------+----------------------
1899 | 47
1900 | 72
1901 | 74
1902 | 74
1903 | 93
1904 | 152
1905 | 181
1906 | 246
1907 | 226
1908 | 141
1909 | 77
1910 | 117
------+----------------------
Total | 125
------+----------------------
TABLE XVII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM ROUMANIA, 1881 TO 1910, BY DECADE AND
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL ARRIVING EACH DECADE
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Decade | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
1881-1890 | 6067 | 10.4
1891-1900 | 12789 | 19.1
1901-1910 | 47301 | 70.5
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 67057 | 100.0
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE XVIII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM ROUMANIA, 1881 TO 1910, BY YEAR AND PERCENTAGE
OF TOTAL ARRIVING EACH YEAR
--------+-------------------+-------------------
Year | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
--------+-------------------+-------------------
1881 | 30 | [1]
1882 | 65 | .1
1883 | 77 | .1
1884 | 238 | .3
1885 | 803 | 1.2
1886 | 518 | .8
1887 | 2063 | 3.1
1888 | 1653 | 2.5
1889 | 1058 | 1.6
1890 | 462 | .7
| |
1891 | 854 | 1.3
1892 | 740 | 1.1
1893 | 555 | .8
1894 | 616 | .9
1895 | 518 | .8
1896 | 744 | 1.1
1897 | 516 | .8
1898 | 720 | 1.1
1899 | 1343 | 2.0
1900 | 6183 | 9.2
| |
1901 | 6827 | 10.2
1902 | 6589 | 9.8
1903 | 8562 | 12.8
1904 | 6446 | 9.6
1905 | 3854 | 5.7
1906 | 3872 | 5.8
1907 | 3605 | 5.4
1908 | 4455 | 6.6
1909 | 1390 | 2.1
1910 | 1701 | 2.5
--------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 67057 | 100.0
--------+-------------------+-------------------
[1] Below one-tenth per cent.
TABLE XIX
TOTAL IMMIGRATION FROM ROUMANIA AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM ROUMANIA,
1899 TO 1910, AND PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
--------+----------------+-----------------+-------------------
Year |Total immigrants|Jewish immigrants|Per cent of total
--------+----------------+-----------------+-------------------
1899 | 1606 | 1343 | 83.6
1900 | 6459 | 6183 | 95.7
1901 | 7155 | 6827 | 95.4
1902 | 7196 | 6589 | 91.6
1903 | 9310 | 8562 | 91.9
1904 | 7087 | 6446 | 91.0
1905 | 4437 | 3854 | 86.8
1906 | 4476 | 3872 | 86.5
1907 | 4384 | 3605 | 82.2
1908 | 5228 | 4455 | 85.2
1909 | 1590 | 1390 | 87.4
1910 | 2145 | 1701 | 79.3
--------+----------------+-----------------+-------------------
Total | 61073 | 54827 | 89.8
--------+----------------+-----------------+-------------------
TABLE XX
RATE OF JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM ROUMANIA, PER 10000 OF JEWISH
POPULATION, 1899 TO 1910[1]
--------+-----------------------
Year | Ratio of immigration
--------+-----------------------
1899 | 51
1900 | 238
1901 | 262
1902 | 253
1903 | 329
1904 | 246
1905 | 148
1906 | 149
1907 | 138
1908 | 171
1909 | 53
1910 | 65
--------+-----------------------
Total | 175
--------+-----------------------
[1] For Jewish population in Roumania _cf._ Ruppin, _The Jews of
To-Day_, p. 39.
TABLE XXI
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1881 TO 1910, BY DECADE AND
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL ARRIVING EACH DECADE
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Decade | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
1881-1890 | 44619 | 15.9
1891-1900 | 83720 | 29.8
1901-1910 | 152811 | 54.3
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 281150 | 100.0
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE XXII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1881 TO 1910, BY YEAR, AND
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL ARRIVING EACH YEAR
----------+-------------------+-------------------
Year | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
----------+-------------------+-------------------
1881 | 2537 | .9
1882 | 2648 | .9
1883 | 2510 | .9
1884 | 3340 | 1.2
1885 | 3938 | 1.4
1886 | 5326 | 1.9
1887 | 6898 | 2.4
1888 | 5985 | 2.1
1889 | 4998 | 1.8
1890 | 6439 | 2.3
| |
1891 | 5890 | 2.1
1892 | 8643 | 3.1
1893 | 6363 | 2.3
1894 | 5916 | 2.1
1895 | 6047 | 2.2
1896 | 9831 | 3.5
1897 | 5672 | 2.0
1898 | 7367 | 2.6
1899 | 11071 | 3.9
1900 | 16920 | 6.0
| |
1901 | 13006 | 4.6
1902 | 12848 | 4.6
1903 | 18759 | 6.7
1904 | 20211 | 7.2
1905 | 17352 | 6.2
1906 | 14884 | 5.3
1907 | 18885 | 6.7
1908 | 15293 | 5.4
1909 | 8431 | 3.0
1910 | 13142 | 4.7
----------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 281150 | 100.0
----------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE XXIII
TOTAL AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1881 TO 1910, BY
DECADE AND PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
-----------+----------------+-----------------+------------------
Decade |Total immigrants|Jewish immigrants|Per cent of total
-----------+----------------+-----------------+------------------
1881-1890 | 353719 | 44619 | 12.6
1891-1900 | 592707 | 83720 | 14.1
1901-1910 | 2145266 | 158811 | 7.4
-----------+----------------+-----------------+------------------
Total | 3091692 | 281150 | 9.1
-----------+----------------+-----------------+------------------
TABLE XXIV
TOTAL AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1881 TO 1910, AND
PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
--------------------------------------------------------------------
Year | Total immigrants | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
----------+------------------+-------------------+------------------
1881 | 27935 | 2537 | Est.
1882 | 29150 | 2648 | at
1883 | 27625 | 2510 |
1884 | 36571 | 3340 | 9.0
1885 | 27309 | 3938 | 14.4
1886 | 28680 | 5326 | 18.6
1887 | 40265 | 6898 | 17.1
1888 | 45811 | 5985 | 13.1
1889 | 34174 | 4998 | 14.6
1890 | 56199 | 6439 | 11.5
| | |
1891 | 71042 | 5890 | 8.3
1892 | 76937 | 8643 | 11.2
1893 | 57420 | 6363 | 11.1
1894 | 38638 | 5916 | 15.3
1895 | 33401 | 6047 | 18.1
1896 | 65103 | 9831 | 15.1
1897 | 33031 | 5672 | 17.2
1898 | 39797 | 7367 | 18.5
1899 | 62401 | 11071 | 17.7
1900 | 114847 | 16920 | 14.7
| | |
1901 | 113390 | 13006 | 11.5
1902 | 171989 | 12848 | 7.5
1903 | 206011 | 18759 | 9.1
1904 | 177156 | 20211 | 11.4
1905 | 275693 | 17352 | 6.3
1906 | 265138 | 14884 | 5.6
1907 | 338452 | 18885 | 5.6
1908 | 168509 | 15293 | 9.1
1909 | 170191 | 8431 | 5.0
1910 | 258737 | 13142 | 5.1
----------+------------------+-------------------+------------------
Total | 3091692 | 281150 | 9.1
--------------------------------------------------------------------
TABLE XXV
PERCENTAGE OF ANNUAL IMMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY CONTRIBUTED BY
PRINCIPAL PEOPLES, 1899 TO 1910[1]
--------+--------+--------+-----------
Year | Polish | Jewish | Ruthenian
--------+--------+--------+-----------
1899 | 18.7 | 17.7 | 2.2
1900 | 19.9 | 14.7 | 2.5
1901 | 17.9 | 11.5 | 4.7
1902 | 18.9 | 7.5 | 4.4
1903 | 18.2 | 9.1 | 4.8
1904 | 17.1 | 11.4 | 5.3
1905 | 18.4 | 6.3 | 5.2
1906 | 16.5 | 5.6 | 5.9
1907 | 17.6 | 5.6 | 7.0
1908 | 15.7 | 9.1 | 7.2
1909 | 21.4 | 5.0 | 9.0
1910 | 22.6 | 4.9 | 10.2
--------+--------+--------+-----------
Total | 18.6 | 7.8 | 6.2
--------+--------+--------+-----------
[1] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 373.
TABLE XXVI
RATE OF JEWISH IMMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, PER 10000 OF JEWISH
POPULATION, 1899 TO 1910[1]
--------+----------------------
| Ratio of immigration
--------+----------------------
1899 | 53
1900 | 83
1901 | 63
1902 | 62
1903 | 90
1904 | 97
1905 | 84
1906 | 72
1907 | 91
1908 | 74
1909 | 41
1910 | 63
--------+----------------------
Total | 74
--------+----------------------
[1] For Jewish population in Austria-Hungary _cf._ Ruppin, _The
Jews of To-Day_, pp. 38-39.
TABLE XXVII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1881 TO 1910, BY DECADE
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Decade | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
1881-1890 | 193021 | 12.3
1891-1900 | 393516 | 25.2
1900-1910 | 976263 | 62.5
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 1562800 | 100.0
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE XXVIII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1881 TO 1910, BY SIX-YEAR PERIOD
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Period | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
1881-1886 | 77105 | 4.9
1887-1892 | 243687 | 15.6
1893-1898 | 167566 | 10.7
1899-1904 | 396404 | 25.4
1905-1910 | 678038 | 43.4
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 1562800 | 100.0
-----------+-------------------+-------------------
TABLE XXIX
JEWISH IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES, 1881 TO 1910
-------+-------------------+--------------------
Year | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
-------+-------------------+--------------------
1881 | 5692 | .4
1882 | 13202 | .8
1883 | 8731 | .5
1884 | 11445 | .7
1885 | 16862 | 1.1
1886 | 21173 | 1.3
1887 | 33044 | 2.1
1888 | 28881 | 1.8
1889 | 25352 | 1.6
1890 | 28639 | 1.8
| |
1891 | 51398 | 3.3
1892 | 76373 | 4.9
1893 | 35322 | 2.3
1894 | 29179 | 1.9
1895 | 26191 | 1.7
1896 | 32848 | 2.1
1897 | 20372 | 1.3
1898 | 23654 | 1.5
1899 | 37415 | 2.4
1900 | 60764 | 3.9
| |
1901 | 58008 | 3.7
1902 | 57688 | 3.7
1903 | 76203 | 4.9
1904 | 106236 | 6.8
1905 | 129910 | 8.3
1906 | 153748 | 9.9
1907 | 149182 | 9.6
1908 | 103387 | 6.6
1909 | 57551 | 3.7
1910 | 84260 | 5.4
-------+-------------------+--------------------
Total | 1562800 | 100.0
-------+-------------------+--------------------
TABLE XXX
TOTAL IMMIGRATION AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1881 TO 1910, BY DECADE AND
PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
-----------+------------+------------+----------
Decade | Total | Jewish | Per cent
| immigrants | immigrants | of total
-----------+------------+------------+----------
1881-1890 | 5246613 | 193021 | 3.7
1891-1900 | 3687564 | 393516 | 10.7
1901-1910 | 8795386 | 976263 | 11.1
-----------+------------+------------+----------
Total | 17729563 | 1562800 | 8.8
-----------+------------+------------+----------
TABLE XXXI
TOTAL IMMIGRATION AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1881 TO 1910, BY YEAR AND
PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL
-----------+------------+------------+-----------
Year | Total | Jewish | Per cent
| immigrants | immigrants | of total
-----------+------------+------------+-----------
1881 | 669431 | 5692 | .9
1882 | 788992 | 13202 | 1.7
1883 | 603322 | 8731 | 1.4
1884 | 518592 | 11445 | 2.2
1885 | 395346 | 16862 | 4.3
1886 | 334203 | 21173 | 6.3
1887 | 490109 | 33044 | 6.7
1888 | 546889 | 28881 | 5.3
1889 | 444427 | 25352 | 5.7
1890 | 455302 | 28639 | 6.3
| | |
1891 | 560319 | 51398 | 9.2
1892 | 579663 | 76373 | 13.2
1893 | 439730 | 35322 | 8.0
1894 | 285631 | 29179 | 10.2
1895 | 258536 | 26191 | 10.1
1896 | 343267 | 32848 | 9.6
1897 | 230832 | 20372 | 8.8
1898 | 229229 | 23654 | 10.7
1899 | 311715 | 37415 | 12.0
1900 | 448572 | 60764 | 13.5
| | |
1901 | 487918 | 58098 | 12.1
1902 | 648743 | 57688 | 8.9
1903 | 857046 | 76203 | 8.9
1904 | 812870 | 106236 | 11.8
1905 | 1026499 | 129910 | 12.6
1906 | 1100735 | 153748 | 13.4
1907 | 1285349 | 149182 | 11.6
1908[1] | 782870 | 103387 | 13.2
1909[1] | 751786 | 57551 | 7.7
1910[1] | 1041570 | 84260 | 8.1
-----------+------------+------------+-----------
Total | 17729563 | 1562800 | 8.8
-----------+------------+------------+-----------
[1] Only immigrant aliens taken these years.
TABLE XXXII
TOTAL AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1881 TO 1910, BY NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE
OF INCREASE OR DECREASE
--------+-------------------+-------------------
| Total immigrants | Jewish immigrants
+-------------------+-------------------
Year | Increase (+) | Increase (+)
| or decrease (-) | or decrease (-)
+----------+--------+---------+---------
| Number | Per | Number | Per
| | cent | | cent
--------+----------+--------+---------+---------
1881 | -- | -- | -- | --
1882 | +119561 | +17.9 | + 7509 | +131.9
1883 | -185670 | -23.5 | - 4471 | - 33.9
1884 | - 84730 | -14.0 | + 2714 | + 31.1
1885 | -123246 | -23.8 | + 5417 | + 47.3
1886 | - 61143 | -15.5 | + 4491 | + 26.7
1887 | +155906 | +46.7 | +11871 | + 56.1
1888 | + 56780 | +11.6 | + 4163 | + 12.6
1889 | -102462 | -18.7 | - 3529 | - 12.2
1890 | + 10875 | + 2.4 | + 3287 | + 13.0
| | | |
1891 | +105017 | +20.9 | +22759 | + 79.5
1892 | + 19344 | + 3.4 | +24975 | + 48.6
1893 | -139933 | -24.1 | -39051 | - 51.1
1894 | -154099 | -35.0 | - 6143 | - 17.4
1895 | - 27095 | - 9.5 | - 2988 | - 10.2
1896 | + 84731 | +32.8 | + 6657 | + 25.4
1897 | -112435 | -32.8 | -12476 | - 38.0
1898 | - 1533 | - .7 | + 3282 | + 16.1
1899 | + 82416 | +36.0 | +13761 | + 58.2
1900 | +136857 | +43.9 | +23349 | + 62.4
| | | |
1901 | + 39346 | + 8.8 | - 2666 | - 4.4
1902 | +160825 | +33.0 | - 410 | - .7
1903 | +208303 | +32.1 | +18515 | + 32.1
1904 | - 44176 | - 5.2 | +30033 | + 39.4
1905 | +213629 | +26.3 | +23674 | + 22.1
1906 | + 74236 | + 7.2 | +23838 | + 18.2
1907 | +184614 | +16.8 | - 4566 | - 3.0
1908 | -502479 | -39.1 | -45795 | - 30.7
1909 | - 31084 | - 4.0 | -45836 | - 44.3
1910 | +289784 | +38.5 | +26709 | + 46.4
--------+----------+--------+---------+---------
TABLE XXXIII
SEX OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
-------+---------+-----------------+---------------
| | Number | Per cent
Year | Total +--------+--------+------+--------
| | Male | Female | Male | Female
-------+---------+--------+--------+------+--------
1899 | 37415 | 21153 | 16262 | 56.5 | 43.5
1900 | 60764 | 36330 | 24434 | 59.8 | 40.2
1901 | 58098 | 32345 | 25753 | 55.7 | 44.3
1902 | 57688 | 32737 | 24951 | 56.7 | 44.3
1903 | 76203 | 43985 | 32218 | 57.7 | 42.3
1904 | 106236 | 65040 | 41196 | 61.2 | 38.8
1905 | 129910 | 82076 | 47834 | 63.2 | 36.8
1906 | 153748 | 80086 | 73662 | 52.1 | 47.9
1907 | 149182 | 80530 | 68652 | 54.0 | 46.0
1908 | 103387 | 56277 | 47110 | 54.4 | 45.6
1909 | 57551 | 31057 | 26494 | 54.0 | 46.0
1910 | 84260 | 46206 | 38054 | 54.8 | 45.2
-------+---------+--------+--------+------+--------
Total | 1074442 | 607822 | 466620 | 56.6 | 43.4
-------+---------+--------+--------+------+--------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE XXXIV
SEX OF JEWISH IMMIGRANT ADULTS[1] AT THE PORT OF NEW YORK, 1886 TO
1898[2]
-------+---------+-----------------+---------------
| | Number | Per cent
Year | Total +--------+--------+------+--------
| | Male | Female | Male | Female
-------+---------+--------+--------+------+--------
1886 | 14212 | 9598 | 4614 | 67.5 | 32.5
1887 | 22223 | 13872 | 8351 | 62.4 | 37.6
1888 | 19456 | 11691 | 7765 | 60.1 | 39.9
1889 | 17155 | 9946 | 7209 | 58.0 | 42.0
1890 | 19449 | 11524 | 7925 | 59.3 | 40.7
1891 | 33343 | 20980 | 12363 | 62.9 | 37.1
1892 | 43155 | 25338 | 17817 | 58.7 | 41.3
1893 | 18314 | 9715 | 8599 | 53.0 | 47.0
1894 | 13142 | 6404 | 6738 | 48.7 | 51.3
1895 | 12366 | 6275 | 6091 | 50.7 | 49.3
1896 | 17052 | 9703 | 7349 | 56.9 | 43.1
1897 | 10226 | 5447 | 4779 | 53.3 | 46.7
1898 | 11530 | 6560 | 4970 | 56.9 | 43.1
-------+---------+--------+--------+------+--------
Total | 251623 | 147053 | 104570 | 58.4 | 41.6
-------+---------+--------+--------+------+--------
[1] Sixteen years of age and over.
[2] From _Reports of United Hebrew Charities of N.Y. City_.
TABLE XXXV
AGE OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
------+---------+--------------------------+------------------------
| | Number | Percentage
Year| Total +--------+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------
| | Under | 14 to | 45 and | Under | 14 to | 45 and
| | 14 | 44 | over | 14 | 44 | over
------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------
1899 | 37415 | 8987 | 26019 | 2409 | 24.0 | 69.5 | 6.5
1900 | 60764 | 13092 | 44239 | 3433 | 21.6 | 72.8 | 5.6
1901 | 58098 | 14731 | 39830 | 3537 | 25.4 | 68.6 | 6.0
1902 | 57688 | 15312 | 38937 | 3439 | 26.5 | 67.5 | 6.0
1903 | 76203 | 19044 | 53074 | 4085 | 25.0 | 69.6 | 5.4
1904 | 106236 | 23529 | 77224 | 5483 | 22.1 | 72.7 | 5.2
1905 | 129910 | 28553 | 95964 | 5393 | 22.0 | 73.9 | 4.1
1906 | 153748 | 43620 | 101875 | 8253 | 28.4 | 66.2 | 5.4
1907 | 149182 | 37696 | 103779 | 7707 | 25.3 | 69.5 | 5.2
1908 | 103387 | 26013 | 71388 | 5986 | 25.1 | 69.1 | 5.8
1909 | 57551 | 15210 | 38465 | 3876 | 26.5 | 66.7 | 6.8
1910 | 84260 | 21869 | 57191 | 5200 | 26.0 | 67.9 | 6.1
------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------
Total| 1074442 | 267656 | 747985 | 58801 | 24.9 | 69.6 | 5.5
------+---------+--------+--------+--------+-------+-------+--------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE XXXVI
AGE OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS AT THE PORT OF NEW YORK, 1886 TO 1898[1]
-------+--------+--------------------+---------------------
| | Number | Percentage
Year | Total +--------+-----------+--------+------------
| | Adults |Children[2]| Adults |Children[2]
-------+--------+--------+-----------+--------+------------
1886 | 19548 | 14212 | 5336 | 72.7 | 27.3
1887 | 30866 | 22223 | 8643 | 72.0 | 28.0
1888 | 26946 | 19456 | 7490 | 72.2 | 27.8
1889 | 23958 | 17155 | 6803 | 71.6 | 28.4
1890 | 26963 | 19449 | 7514 | 72.1 | 27.9
1891 | 47098 | 33343 | 13755 | 70.8 | 29.2
1892 | 66544 | 43155 | 23389 | 64.8 | 35.2
1893 | 29059 | 18314 | 10745 | 63.0 | 37.0
1894 | 23444 | 13142 | 10302 | 56.1 | 43.9
1895 | 21422 | 12366 | 9056 | 57.7 | 42.3
1896 | 27846 | 17052 | 10794 | 61.2 | 38.8
1897 | 17362 | 10226 | 7136 | 58.9 | 41.1
1898 | 19222 | 11530 | 7692 | 60.0 | 40.0
-------+--------+--------+-----------+--------+------------
Total | 380278 | 251623 | 128655 | 66.2 | 33.8
-------+--------+--------+-----------+--------+------------
[1] From _Reports of United Hebrew Charities of N.Y. City_.
[2] Children under sixteen.
TABLE XXXVII
SEX OF TOTAL AND JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
-------+-------------------+------------------
| Total immigrants |Jewish immigrants
+-------------------+------------------
Year | Per cent | Per cent
+--------+----------+--------+---------
| Male | Female | Male | Female
-------+--------+----------+--------+---------
1899 | 62.6 | 37.4 | 56.5 | 43.5
1900 | 67.8 | 32.2 | 59.8 | 40.2
1901 | 67.9 | 32.1 | 55.7 | 44.3
1902 | 71.9 | 28.1 | 56.7 | 43.3
1903 | 71.5 | 28.5 | 57.7 | 42.3
1904 | 67.6 | 32.4 | 61.2 | 38.8
1905 | 70.6 | 29.4 | 63.2 | 36.8
1906 | 69.5 | 30.5 | 52.1 | 47.9
1907 | 72.4 | 27.6 | 54.0 | 46.0
1908 | 64.8 | 35.2 | 54.4 | 45.6
1909 | 69.2 | 30.8 | 54.0 | 46.0
1910 | 70.7 | 29.3 | 54.8 | 45.2
-------+--------+----------+--------+---------
Total | 69.5 | 30.5 | 56.6 | 43.4
-------+--------+----------+--------+---------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE XXXVIII
SEX[1] OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS,[2] 1899 TO 1910[3]
------------------------+---------+-------------------+---------------
| | Number | Per cent
People | Total |---------+---------+------+--------
| | Male | Female | Male | Female
------------------------+---------+---------+---------+------+--------
Irish | 439724 | 210686 | 229038 | 47.9 | 52.1
Jewish | 1074442 | 607822 | 466620 | 56.6 | 43.4
Bohemian and Moravian | 100189 | 57111 | 43078 | 57.0 | 43.0
French | 115783 | 67217 | 48566 | 58.1 | 41.9
German | 754375 | 448054 | 306321 | 59.4 | 40.6
English | 408614 | 251421 | 157193 | 61.5 | 38.5
Scandinavian | 586306 | 362467 | 223839 | 61.8 | 38.2
Scotch | 136842 | 86938 | 49904 | 63.5 | 36.5
Finnish | 151774 | 100289 | 51485 | 66.1 | 33.9
Polish | 949064 | 659267 | 289797 | 69.5 | 30.5
Slovak | 377527 | 266262 | 111265 | 70.5 | 29.5
Lithuanian | 175258 | 123777 | 51481 | 70.6 | 29.4
Magyar | 338151 | 244221 | 93930 | 72.2 | 27.8
Ruthenian | 147375 | 109614 | 37761 | 74.4 | 25.6
Italian North | 372668 | 291877 | 80791 | 78.3 | 21.7
Italian South | 1911933 | 1502968 | 408965 | 78.6 | 21.4
Croatian and Slovenian | 355543 | 284866 | 50677 | 84.9 | 15.1
Greek | 216962 | 206306 | 10656 | 95.1 | 4.9
------------------------+---------+---------+---------+------+--------
Total[4] | 9555673 | 6641367 | 2914306 | 69.5 | 30.5
------------------------+---------+---------+---------+------+--------
[1] Arranged in order of percentage of females.
[2] Excluding all races with an immigration below 100,000.
[3] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 49.
[4] Total includes all races.
TABLE XXXIX
AGE[1] OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS,[2] 1899 TO 1909.
----------------+----------------------------------+---------------------
| Number | Per cent
People +--------+--------+--------+-------+------+------+-------
| Total | Under | 14 to | 45 and| Under| 14 to|45 and
| | 14 | 44 | over | 14 | 44 | over
----------------+--------+--------+--------+-------+------+------+-------
Jewish | 990182| 245787 | 690794 | 53601 | 24.8 | 69.8 | 5.4
Bohemian and | | | | | | |
Moravian | 91727| 18965 | 67487 | 5275 | 20.7 | 73.6 | 5.8
German | 682995| 116416 | 520437 | 46142 | 17.0 | 76.2 | 6.8
Scotch | 112230| 17157 | 85123 | 9950 | 15.3 | 75.8 | 8.9
English | 355116| 52459 | 262334 | 40323 | 14.8 | 73.9 | 11.4
Italian, South | 1719260| 201492 |1416075 |101693 | 11.7 | 82.4 | 5.9
Scandinavian | 534269| 51220 | 457306 | 25743 | 9.6 | 85.6 | 4.8
Polish | 820716| 77963 | 723226 | 19527 | 9.5 | 88.1 | 2.4
Slovak | 345111| 32157 | 302399 | 10555 | 9.3 | 87.6 | 3.1
Finnish | 136038| 12623 | 119771 | 3644 | 9.3 | 88.0 | 2.7
Italian, North | 341888| 30645 | 297442 | 13801 | 9.0 | 87.0 | 4.0
Magyar | 310049| 27312 | 270376 | 12361 | 8.8 | 87.2 | 4.0
Lithuanian | 152544| 12004 | 137880 | 2660 | 7.9 | 90.4 | 1.7
Irish | 401342| 20247 | 363797 | 17298 | 5.0 | 90.6 | 4.3
Ruthenian | 119468| 5537 | 110705 | 3226 | 4.6 | 92.7 | 2.7
Croatian and | | | | | | |
Slovenian | 295981| 12711 | 273685 | 9585 | 4.3 | 92.5 | 3.2
Greek | 177827| 7314 | 168250 | 2263 | 4.1 | 94.6 | 1.3
----------------+--------+--------+--------+-------+------+------+-------
Total[3] | 8213034|1013974 |6786506 |412554 | 12.3 | 82.6 | 5.0
----------------+--------+--------+--------+-------+------+------+-------
[1] Arranged in order of highest percentage of children.
[2] Excluding all races with an immigration below 100,000, except the
Bohemian and Moravian.
[3] Total includes all European races.
TABLE XL
SEX,[1] 1899 TO 1910, AND AGE,[2] 1899 TO 1909, OF SLAVIC AND JEWISH
IMMIGRANTS
------------------------+-------------+------------------------------
|Sex--per cent| Age--per cent
Group +------+------+--------+--------+------------
| Male |Female|Under 14|14 to 44|45 and over
------------------------+------+------+--------+--------+------------
Polish | 69.5 | 30.5 | 9.5 | 88.1 | 2.4
Ruthenian | 74.4 | 25.6 | 4.6 | 92.7 | 2.7
Russian | 85.0 | 15.0 | 7.5 | 90.0 | 2.5
Slovak | 70.5 | 29.5 | 9.3 | 87.6 | 3.1
Croatian and Slovenian | 84.9 | 15.1 | 4.3 | 92.5 | 3.2
Bohemian and | | | | |
Moravian | 57.0 | 43.0 | 20.7 | 73.6 | 5.8
Jewish | 56.6 | 43.4 | 24.8 | 69.8 | 5.4
------------------------+------+------+--------+--------+------------
[1] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 49.
[2] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 25.
TABLE XLI
A. SEX OF ROUMANIAN IMMIGRANTS,[1] 1899 TO 1910, AND OF IMMIGRANTS
FROM ROUMANIA,[2] 1900 TO 1910
----------------+------------------------------------------------
| | Number | Per cent
Group | Total +---------+----------+--------+--------
| | Male | Female | Male | Female
----------------+---------+---------+----------+--------+--------
From Roumania | 59467 | 31968 | 27499 | 53.8 | 46.2
Roumanian | 82704 | 75238 | 7466 | 91.0 | 9.0
----------------+---------+---------+----------+--------+--------
B. AGE OF JEWISH AND ROUMANIAN IMMIGRANTS[3] 1899 TO 1909
-----------+--------+--------------------+------------------------
| | Number | Per cent
Race | Total +------+------+------+-------+-------+--------
| Number | Under| 14 to|45 and| Under | 14 to | 45 and
| | 14 | 44 | over | 14 | 44 | over
-----------+--------+------+------+------+-------+-------+--------
Jewish | 990182 |245787|690794| 53601| 24.8 | 69.8 | 5.4
Roumanian | 68505 | 1476| 63997| 3032| 2.2 | 93.4 | 4.4
-----------+--------+------+------+------+-------+-------+--------
[1] From _Statistical Review of Emigration_, pp. 44-48.
[2] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 23.
[3] _Ibid._, p. 25.
TABLE XLII
SEX AND AGE OF "OLD" AND "NEW" IMMIGRATION (JEWISH EXCEPTED), AND OF
JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1899 TO 1909[1]
---------------------+-------+---------------+------------------------
| | Sex--per cent | Age--per cent
Group | +------+--------+-------+-------+--------
| Total | | | Under | 14 to | 45 and
| | Male | Female | 14 | 44 | over
---------------------+-------+------+--------+-------+-------+--------
Old immigration |2273782| 58.5 | 41.5 | 12.8 | 80.4 | 6.8
New immigration | | | | | |
(Jewish excepted) |4949070| 76.3 | 23.7 | 9.7 | 86.2 | 4.1
Jewish immigration | 990182| 56.7 | 43.3 | 24.8 | 69.8 | 5.4
---------------------+-------+------+--------+-------+-------+--------
[1] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, pp. 23-26.
TABLE XLIII
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, 1908 TO 1912[1]
--------+-----------+-----------+---------------
| Jewish | Jewish | Number
Year | immigrant | emigrant | departed per
| aliens[2] | aliens[3] | 100 admitted
--------+-----------+-----------+---------------
1908 | 103387 | 7702 | 7
1909 | 57551 | 6105 | 10
1910 | 84260 | 5689 | 6
1911 | 91223 | 6401 | 7
1912 | 80595 | 7418 | 9
--------+-----------+-----------+---------------
Total | 417016 | 33315 | 8
--------+-----------+-----------+---------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
[2] See note, page 93.
[3] Emigrant aliens are aliens whose permanent residence has been in
the United States and who intend to reside permanently abroad.
TABLE XLIV
TOTAL AND JEWISH EMIGRANT ALIENS AND PERCENTAGE JEWISH IMMIGRANT
ALIENS OF TOTAL IMMIGRANT ALIENS, 1908 TO 1912[1]
-------+---------------------------+------------------------------
| Emigrant aliens | Immigrant aliens
+--------+--------+---------+---------+---------+----------
Year | Total | Jewish |Per cent.| Total | Jewish |Per cent.
|emigrant|emigrant|Jewish of|immigrant|immigrant|Jewish of
| aliens | aliens | total | aliens | aliens | total
-------+--------+--------+---------+---------+---------+----------
1908 | 381044 | 7702 | 2.0 | 782870 | 103387 | 13.2
1909 | 225802 | 6105 | 2.7 | 751876 | 57551 | 7.7
1910 | 202436 | 5689 | 2.8 | 1041570 | 84260 | 8.1
1911 | 295666 | 6401 | 2.1 | 878587 | 91223 | 10.4
1912 | 333262 | 7418 | 2.2 | 838172 | 80595 | 9.5
-------+--------+--------+---------+---------+---------+----------
Total | 1438210| 33315 | 2.3 | 4293075 | 417016 | 9.7
-------+--------+--------+---------+---------+---------+----------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE XLV
EUROPEAN IMMIGRANT ALIENS ADMITTED[1] AND EUROPEAN EMIGRANT ALIENS
DEPARTED, 1908, 1909 AND 1910[2]
-----------------+-----------------+-------------------------------
|Immigrant aliens | Emigrant aliens departed
| admitted |
+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------------
People | |Per cent| |Per cent| Number
| Number |of total| Number |of total| departed
| |admitted| |departed| for every
| | | | |100 admitted
-----------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------------
Jewish | 236100 | 10.2 | 18543 | 2.5 | 8
Croatian and | | | | |
Slovenian | 78658 | 3.4 | 44316 | 5.2 | 56
English | 101611 | 4.4 | 11152 | 1.5 | 11
German | 192644 | 8.3 | 35823 | 5.0 | 19
Greek | 86257 | 3.7 | 21196 | 2.9 | 25
Irish | 93090 | 4.0 | 5728 | .8 | 6
Italian, North | 77661 | 3.3 | 47870 | 6.7 | 62
Italian, South | 457414 | 19.8 | 255188 | 35.7 | 56
Lithuanian | 51129 | 2.2 | 7185 | 1.0 | 14
Magyar | 78910 | 3.4 | 50597 | 7.1 | 64
Polish | 269646 | 11.7 | 82080 | 11.4 | 30
Ruthenian | 55106 | 2.3 | 6681 | .9 | 12
Scandinavian | 113786 | 4.8 | 11193 | 1.5 | 10
Slovak | 70717 | 3.0 | 41383 | 5.8 | 59
-----------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------------
Total[3] |2297338 | | 713356 | | 32
-----------------+--------+--------+--------+--------+-------------
[1] All peoples with an inward movement of less than 50,000 excluded.
[2] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 41.
[3] Total for all races, including Syrians.
TABLE XLVI
JEWISH IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, RUSSIA, AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND
ROUMANIA, 1908 TO 1912[1]
---------+--------------------------------------------+
| Russia |
+-------------+------------+-----------------+
| Immigrant | Emigrant | Number departed |
Year | aliens | aliens | per 100 admitted|
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
1908 | 71978 | 5439 | 7 |
1909 | 39150 | 3989 | 10 |
1910 | 59824 | 3295 | 5 |
1911 | 65472 | 3375 | 5 |
1912 | 58389 | 4448 | 7 |
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
Total | 294813 | 20546 | 7 |
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
---------+--------------------------------------------+
| Austria-Hungary |
+-------------+------------+-----------------+
| Immigrant | Emigrant | Number departed |
Year | aliens | aliens | per 100 admitted|
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
1908 | 15293 | 1758 | 11 |
1909 | 8431 | 1398 | 16 |
1910 | 13142 | 1409 | 10 |
1911 | 12785 | 1827 | 14 |
1912 | 10757 | 2121 | 19 |
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
Total | 60408 | 8513 | 14 |
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
---------+---------------------------------------------
| Roumania
+-------------+------------+-----------------+
| Immigrant | Emigrant | Number departed |
Year | aliens | aliens | per 100 admitted|
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
1908 | 4455 | 158 | 3
1909 | 1390 | 87 | 6
1910 | 1701 | 101 | 6
1911 | 2188 | 78 | 3
1912 | 1512 | 122 | 8
---------+-------------+------------+------------------
Total | 11246 | 546 | 5
---------+-------------+------------+------------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE XLVII
POLISH IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, RUSSIA AND AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1908 TO
1912[1]
---------+--------------------------------------------+
| Russian Poles |
+-------------+------------+-----------------+
| Immigrant | Emigrant | Number departed |
Year | aliens | aliens | per 100 admitted|
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
1908 | 73122 | 18187 | 25 |
1909 | 37770 | 8421 | 22 |
1910 | 63635 | 6705 | 10 |
1911 | 40193 | 12276 | 30 |
1912 | 51244 | 14701 | 28 |
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
Total | 265964 | 60290 | 22 |
---------+-------------+------------+-----------------+
---------+--------------------------------------------+
| Austro-Hungarian Poles
+-------------+------------+------------------
| Immigrant | Emigrant | Number departed
Year | aliens | aliens | per 100 admitted
---------+-------------+------------+------------------
1908 | 59719 | 28048 | 47
1909 | 336483 | 10292 | 28
1910 | 60565 | 9609 | 15
1911 | 27515 | 18499 | 67
1912 | 30649 | 22546 | 73
---------+-------------+------------+------------------
Total | 214931 | 88994 | 41
---------+-------------+------------+------------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE XLVIII
"OLD" AND "NEW" (JEWISH EXCEPTED) AND JEWISH IMMIGRATION AND
EMIGRATION, 1908 TO 1910[1]
---------------------------+-----------+----------+--------------
| Immigrant | Emigrant | Number
Class | aliens | aliens | departed per
| | | 100 admitted
---------------------------+-----------+----------+--------------
Old Immigration | 599732 | 79664 | 13
New immigration (Jewish | | |
excepted) | 1461506 | 615549 | 42
Jewish immigration | 236100 | 18543 | 8
---------------------------+-----------+----------+--------------
Total | 2297338 | 713356 | 32
---------------------------+-----------+----------+--------------
[1] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 42.
TABLE XLIX
EUROPEAN IMMIGRANT ALIENS,[1] 1907, AND EUROPEAN EMIGRANT ALIENS,
1908[2]
-----------------+---------------------+----------------------------
| Immigrant aliens | Emigrant aliens, 1908
| 1907 |
+-----------+---------+--------+---------+--------
People | | | | | Number
| Number |Per cent.| Number |Per cent.|departed
| | of total| | of total| per 100
| | | | |admitted
-----------------+-----------+---------+--------+---------+---------
Jewish | 149182 | 12.1 | 7702 | 2.0 | 5
Bulgarian, | 27174 | 2.2 | 5965 | 1.6 | 22
Servian and | | | | |
Montenegrin | | | | |
Croatian and | | | | |
Slovenian | 47826 | 3.9 | 28584 | 7.5 | 60
English | 51126 | 4.1 | 5320 | 1.4 | 10
German | 92936 | 7.5 | 14418 | 3.8 | 15
Greek | 46283 | 3.7 | 6763 | 1.8 | 14
Irish | 38706 | 3.1 | 2441 | .6 | 6
Italian, North | 1564 | 4.2 | 19507 | 5.1 | 37
Italian, South | 242497 | 19.6 | 147828 | 38.8 | 60
Lithuanian | 25884 | 2.1 | 3388 | .9 | 13
Magyar | 60071 | 4.9 | 29276 | 7.7 | 48
Polish | 138033 | 11.2 | 46727 | 12.3 | 33
Scandinavian | 53425 | 4.3 | 5801 | 1.5 | 11
Slovak | 42041 | 3.4 | 23573 | 6.2 | 56
-----------------+-----------+---------+--------+---------+---------
Total | 1237341[3]| | 381044 | | 32
-----------------+-----------+---------+--------+---------+---------
[1] All peoples with an inward movement of less than 25,000 omitted.
[2] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, pp. 39-40.
[3] All European immigrants, including Syrians.
TABLE L
TOTAL EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS ADMITTED[1] AND TOTAL OF THOSE ADMITTED
DURING THIS PERIOD IN THE UNITED STATES PREVIOUSLY, 1899 TO 1910[2]
--------------------------+----------+-----------------------
| | In United States
| | previously
People | Number |---------+-------------
| admitted | | Per cent of
| | Number | admitted
--------------------------+----------+---------+-------------
Jewish | 1074442 | 22914 | 2.1
Bohemian and Moravian | 100189 | 4066 | 4.1
Croatian and Slovenian | 355542 | 43037 | 12.8
English | 408614 | 103828 | 25.4
Finnish | 151774 | 17189 | 11.3
French | 115783 | 33859 | 29.2
German | 754375 | 86458 | 11.5
Greek | 216962 | 12283 | 5.7
Irish | 439742 | 80636 | 18.3
Italian, North | 372668 | 56738 | 15.2
Italian, South | 1911933 | 262508 | 13.7
Lithuanian | 175258 | 6186 | 3.5
Magyar | 337351 | 39785 | 11.8
Polish | 949064 | 65155 | 6.9
Ruthenian | 147375 | 18492 | 12.5
Scandinavian | 586306 | 86700 | 14.8
Scotch | 136842 | 27684 | 20.2
Slovak | 377527 | 71889 | 19.0
--------------------------+----------+---------+-------------
Total[3] | 9220066 | 1108948 | 12.0
--------------------------+----------+---------+-------------
[1] All peoples with an immigration below 100,000 omitted.
[2] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 51.
[3] Includes all European peoples entered and Syrians.
TABLE LI
OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
-------------------+-----------+------------
Group | Number | Per cent
-------------------+-----------+------------
No occupation | 484175 | 45.1
Skilled laborers | 395823 | 36.8
Professional | 7455 | .7
Miscellaneous | 186989 | 17.4
-------------------+-----------+------------
Total | 1074442 | 100.0
-------------------+-----------+------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE LII
JEWISH IMMIGRANTS REPORTING OCCUPATIONS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
-------------------------+----------+------------
Group | Number | Per cent
-------------------------+----------+------------
Professional | 7455 | 1.3
Skilled laborers | 395823 | 67.1
Laborers | 69444 | 11.8
Merchants and dealers | 31491 | 5.3
Farm laborers | 11460 | 1.9
Farmers | 1008 | .2
Miscellaneous | 8051 | 1.3
-------------------------+----------+------------
Total | 590267 | 100.0
-------------------------+----------+------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE LIII
JEWISH IMMIGRANTS ENGAGED IN PROFESSIONAL OCCUPATIONS[1]
-------------------------------------+---------
Occupation | Number
-------------------------------------+---------
Actors | 232
Architects | 108
Clergymen | 350
Editors | 84
Electricians | 359
Engineers | 484
Lawyers | 34
Literary and scientific persons | 385
Musicians | 1624
Officials (gov.) | 18
Physicians | 290
Sculptors and artists | 357
Teachers | 2192
Others | 938
-------------------------------------+---------
Total | 7455
-------------------------------------+---------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE LIV
JEWISH IMMIGRANTS REPORTING SKILLED OCCUPATIONS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
A. _Principal skilled occupations_
-----------------------------------+----------+------------
| | Per cent
Occupation | Number | of total
| | skilled
-----------------------------------+----------+------------
Tailors | 145272 | 36.6
Carpenters, joiners, etc.[2] | 40901 | 10.3
Dressmakers and seamstresses[2] | 39482 | 10.0
Shoemakers | 23519 | 5.9
Clerks and accountants | 17066 | 4.3
Painters and glaziers | 16387 | 4.1
Butchers | 11413 | 2.9
Bakers | 10925 | 2.8
Locksmiths | 9385 | 2.4
Blacksmiths | 8517 | 2.2
-----------------------------------+----------+------------
Total | 322867 | 81.5
-----------------------------------+----------+------------
B. _Other skilled occupations_
--------------------------------------------------+-----------+--------
Occupation | Number |
--------------------------------------------------+-----------+--------
Tinners | 6967 |
Watch and clockmakers | 4444 |
Tobacco workers | 4350 |
Hat and capmakers | 4070 |
Barbers and hairdressers | 4054 |
Weavers and spinners | 3971 |
Tanners and curriers | 3715 |
Furriers and fur workers | 3144 |
Bookbinders | 3009 |
Masons | 2507 |
Plumbers | 2455 |
Saddlers and harness makers | 2311 |
Milliners | 2291 |
Metal workers (other than iron, steel and tin) | 2231 |
Machinists | 1907 |
Jewelers | 1837 |
Millers | 1390 |
Mechanics (not specified) | 1203 |
Upholsterers | 1109 |
Photographers | 1013 |
Iron and steel workers | 604 |
Textile workers (not specified) | 436 |
Others | 13938 |
--------------------------------------------------+-----------+--------
Total | 72956 |
+-----------+
Grand total | 395823 |
--------------------------------------------------+-----------+--------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
[2] Seamstresses are included with dressmakers; cabinetmakers and
woodworkers (not specified) with carpenters and joiners.
TABLE LV
OCCUPATIONS OF TOTAL EUROPEAN AND JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1909, AND
PERCENTAGE JEWISH OF TOTAL[1]
--------------------+------------+------------+----------
Group | Total | Jewish |Per cent
| immigrants | immigrants |of total
--------------------+------------+------------+----------
Professional | 803222 | 6836 | 8.5
Skilled laborers | 1247674 | 362936 | 29.1
Farm laborers | 1290295 | 9633 | 0.1
Farmers | 841466 | 908 | 1.1
Common laborers | 2282565 | 66311 | 2.9
Servants | 890093 | 61611 | 6.9
No occupation | 2165287 | 445728 | 20.6
Miscellaneous | 172652 | 36219 | 21.0
--------------------+------------+------------+----------
Total | 8213034 | 990182 | 12.1
--------------------+------------+------------+----------
[1] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 27.
TABLE LVI
TOTAL EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS[1] AND IMMIGRANTS WITHOUT OCCUPATION, 1899
TO 1910[2]
--------------------------+-----------+------------------+---------
| Total |Without occupation|Per cent
People |Immigrants | (including women | of
| | and children) | total
--------------------------+-----------+------------------+---------
Jewish | 1074442 | 484175 | 45.1
Bohemian and Moravian | 100189 | 39700 | 39.5
Croatian and Slovenian | 355542 | 37219 | 11.1
English | 408614 | 158616 | 38.8
Finnish | 151774 | 28766 | 18.9
French | 115783 | 45745 | 39.5
German | 745375 | 296082 | 39.7
Greek | 216962 | 19244 | 8.9
Irish | 439724 | 63456 | 14.4
Italian, North | 372668 | 76046 | 20.4
Italian, South | 1911933 | 440274 | 23.0
Lithuanian | 175258 | 33718 | 19.2
Magyar | 338151 | 78875 | 23.3
Polish | 949064 | 200634 | 21.1
Ruthenian | 147375 | 18915 | 12.9
Scandinavian | 586306 | 111212 | 18.9
Scotch | 136842 | 47634 | 34.9
Slovak | 377527 | 87280 | 23.1
--------------------------+-----------+------------------+---------
Total | 9555673[3]| 2506713 | 26.2
--------------------------+-----------+------------------+---------
[1] All races with an immigration below 100,000 omitted.
[2] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 52.
[3] Total includes all races.
TABLE LVII
OCCUPATIONS OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS[1] REPORTING EMPLOYMENT, 1899 TO
1910[2]
----------------+----------+--------------------------------------------
| | Per cent
| +------------+-----------+---------+---------
| | | |Laborers,|
| Number |In | |including|
| reporting|professional|In skilled |farm |Miscell-
People |employment|occupations |occupations|laborers |aneous
----------------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+---------
Jewish | 590267 | 1.3 | 67.1 | 13.7 | 18.0
Bohemian and | | | | |
Moravia | 60489 | 1.3 | 40.8 | 28.5 | 29.4
Bulgarian, | | | | |
Servian and | | | | |
Montenegrin | 90991 | .1 | 3.3 | 92.0 | 4.6
Croatian and | | | | |
Slovenian | 298324 | .1 | 5.0 | 86.4 | 8.5
English | 249908 | 9.0 | 48.7 | 14.1 | 28.1
Finnish | 123008 | .3 | 6.0 | 67.2 | 26.5
French | 70038 | 9.3 | 34.5 | 26.0 | 30.2
German | 458293 | 3.5 | 30.0 | 37.7 | 28.8
Greek | 197718 | .3 | 7.7 | 86.2 | 5.8
Irish | 376268 | 1.3 | 12.6 | 35.2 | 50.9
Italian, North | 296622 | 1.1 | 20.4 | 66.5 | 12.0
Italian, South |1471659 | .4 | 14.6 | 77.0 | 7.9
Lithuanian | 141540 | .1 | 6.7 | 76.1 | 17.2
Magyar | 259276 | .5 | 8.6 | 77.5 | 13.4
Polish | 748430 | .2 | 6.3 | 75.3 | 18.1
Roumanian | 75531 | .2 | 2.7 | 93.8 | 3.3
Russian | 69986 | 1.4 | 9.1 | 82.7 | 6.8
Ruthenian | 128460 | .1 | 2.0 | 80.6 | 17.4
Scandinavian | 475094 | 1.2 | 20.5 | 43.8 | 34.5
Scotch | 89208 | 5.7 | 57.9 | 12.1 | 24.3
Slovak | 290247 | .1 | 4.4 | 80.0 | 15.5
----------------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+---------
Total |7048953[3]| 1.4 | 20.2 | 79.3 | 19.1
----------------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+---------
[1] All races with an immigration below 50,000 omitted.
[2] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 53.
[3] Total includes all races.
TABLE LVIII
OCCUPATIONS OF SLAVIC AND JEWISH IMMIGRANTS REPORTING EMPLOYMENT, 1899
TO 1910[1]
---------------+-----------+--------------------------------------------
| | Per cent
| +------------+-----------+----------+--------
| | | | Common |
People | | | | laborers |Miscel-
| No. |In |In |(including|laneous
| reporting |professional|skilled | farm |
|occupations|occupations |occupations| laborers)|
---------------+-----------+------------+-----------+----------+--------
Jewish | 590267 | 1.3 | 67.1 | 13.7 | 18.0
Bohemian and | | | | |
Moravian | 60489 | 1.3 | 40.8 | 28.5 | 29.4
Bulgarian, | | | | |
Servian and | | | | |
Montenegrin | 90991 | .1 | 3.3 | 92.0 | 4.6
Croatian and | | | | |
Slovenian | 298324 | .1 | 5.0 | 86.4 | 8.5
Polish | 748430 | .2 | 6.3 | 75.3 | 18.1
Russian | 69986 | 1.4 | 9.1 | 82.7 | 6.8
Ruthenian | 128460 | .1 | 2.0 | 80.6 | 17.4
Slovak | 290247 | .1 | 4.4 | 80.0 | 15.5
---------------+-----------+------------+-----------+----------+--------
[1] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 53.
TABLE LIX
OCCUPATIONS OF "OLD" AND "NEW" IMMIGRATION (JEWISH EXCEPTED) AND OF
JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1899 TO 1909[1]
------------------+-----------------+-----------------+-----------------
| |"New" immigration| Jewish
|"Old" immigration|(Jewish excepted)| immigration
Occupations +-------+---------+-------+---------+-------+---------
| Number| Per cent| Number| Per cent| Number| Per cent
------------------+-------+---------+-------+---------+-------+---------
Professional | 56406| 2.5 | 17080| .3 | 6836| .7
Skilled laborers | 442754| 19.5 | 441984| 8.9 | 362936| 36.7
Farm laborers | 138598| 6.1 |1142064| 23.1 | 9633| 1.0
Farmers | 40633| 1.8 | 42605| .9 | 908| .1
Common laborers | 402074| 17.7 |1814180| 36.7 | 66311| 6.7
Servants | 424698| 18.7 | 403784| 8.2 | 61611| 6.2
No occupation | 678510| 29.8 |1041049| 21.0 | 445728| 45.0
Miscellaneous | 90109| 4.0 | 46324| .9 | 36219| 3.7
------------------+-------+---------+-------+---------+-------+---------
Total |2273782| 100.0 |4949070| 100.0 | 990182| 100.0
------------------+-------+---------+-------+---------+-------+---------
[1] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 29.
TABLE LX
ILLITERACY OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1910[1]
---------+-----------------+-----------------------+-----------
|Jewish immigrants| Jewish immigrant | Per cent
Year | 14 years of age |illiterates[2] 14 years|illiterate
| and over | of age and over |
---------+-----------------+-----------------------+-----------
1899 | 28428 | 5637 | 19.5
1900 | 47672 | 10607 | 22.2
1901 | 43367 | 10119 | 23.3
1902 | 42376 | 11921 | 28.1
1903 | 57159 | 14980 | 26.2
1904 | 82707 | 18763 | 22.6
1905 | 101357 | 22770 | 22.4
1906 | 110128 | 29444 | 26.7
1907 | 111486 | 31885 | 28.6
1908 | 77374 | 23217 | 30.3
1909 | 42341 | 12201 | 28.8
1910 | 62391 | 17963 | 28.8
---------+-----------------+-----------------------+-----------
Total | 806786 | 209507 | 26.0
---------+-----------------+-----------------------+-----------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
[2] Those who could neither read nor write.
TABLE LXI
SEX OF JEWISH IMMIGRANT ILLITERATES, 1908 TO 1912[1]
---------+---------------------+-----------------------------------
| | Jewish immigrant illiterates
| Jewish immigrants | 14 years of age and over
| 14 years of age |-----------------+-----------------
Year | and over | Number | Per cent
|----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+--------
| Male | Female | Male | Female | Male | Female
---------+----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+--------
1908 | 43270 | 34104 | 9455 | 13762 | 21.9 | 40.4
1909 | 23452 | 18889 | 4832 | 7369 | 20.6 | 39.0
1910 | 35272 | 27120 | 7593 | 10370 | 21.5 | 38.2
1911 | 38018 | 31370 | 6453 | 10304 | 16.9 | 32.8
1912 | 32706 | 27799 | 5637 | 9498 | 17.2 | 34.2
---------+----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+--------
Total | 172718 | 139282 | 33970 | 51303 | 19.7 | 36.8
---------+----------+----------+--------+--------+--------+--------
[1] In order to ascertain the number of males and females, 14 years
of age and over, the number of Jewish immigrants under 14 years
of age were distributed equally between the sexes. Subtracting
these respectively from the number of males and females, we
obtain the above totals. Cf. _Report of New York State
Commission on Immigration_, 1908, p. 171.
TABLE LXII
ILLITERACY OF EUROPEAN IMMIGRANTS,[1] 1899 to 1910[2]
------------------------+---------------+---------------------------
| | Immigrant illiterates 14
| Immigrants 14 | years of age and over
People | years of age +-------------+-------------
| and over | Number | Per cent
------------------------+---------------+-------------+-------------
Jewish | 806786 | 209507 | 26.0
Bohemian and Moravian | 79721 | 1322 | 1.7
Croatian and Slovenian | 320977 | 115785 | 36.1
English | 347458 | 3647 | 1.0
Finnish | 137916 | 1745 | 1.3
German | 625793 | 32236 | 5.2
Greek | 208608 | 55089 | 26.4
Irish | 416640 | 10721 | 2.6
Italian, North | 339301 | 38897 | 11.5
Italian, South | 1690376 | 911566 | 53.9
Lithuanian | 161441 | 79001 | 48.9
Magyar | 307082 | 35004 | 11.4
Polish | 861303 | 304675 | 35.4
Ruthenian | 140775 | 75165 | 53.4
Scandinavian | 530634 | 2221 | .4
Scotch | 115788 | 767 | .7
Slovak | 342583 | 82216 | 24.0
------------------------+---------------+-------------+-------------
Total[3] | 8398624 | 2238801 | 26.7
------------------------+---------------+-------------+-------------
[1] All peoples with an immigration below 100,000 excluded, except
the Bohemian and Moravian.
[2] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 51.
[3] Total for all races.
TABLE LXIII
ILLITERACY OF "OLD" AND "NEW" IMMIGRATION (JEWISH EXCEPTED) AND OF
JEWISH IMMIGRATION, 1899 TO 1909[1]
---------------------+-----------------+---------------------------
| | Immigrant illiterates 14
| Immigrants 14 | years of age and over
Classed | years of age +------------+--------------
| and over | Number | Per cent
---------------------+-----------------+------------+--------------
Old immigration | 1983618 | 52833 | 2.7
New immigration | | |
(Jewish excepted) | 4471047 | 1667754 | 37.3
Jewish immigration | 744395 | 191544 | 25.7
---------------------+-----------------+------------+--------------
Total | 7199060 | 1912131 | 26.6
---------------------+-----------------+------------+--------------
[1] From _Emigration Conditions in Europe_, p. 30.
TABLE LXIV
ILLITERACY OF PEOPLES FROM EASTERN EUROPE, 1899 TO 1910[1]
---------------------+-----------------+-------------------------
| Immigrants 14 | Illiterates
People | years of age +------------+------------
| and over | Number | Per cent.
---------------------+-----------------+------------+------------
Jewish | 806786 | 209507 | 26.0
Lithuanian | 161441 | 79001 | 48.9
Polish | 861303 | 304675 | 35.4
Russian | 77479 | 29777 | 38.4
Ruthenian | 140775 | 75165 | 63.4
---------------------+-----------------+------------+------------
[1] From _Statistical Review of Immigration_, p. 51.
TABLE LXV
SEX OF ILLITERATES OF PEOPLES FROM EASTERN EUROPE, 1908[1]
---------------+-----------------------+---------------------
| Number illiterates 14 | Per cent.
| years and over |
Race +-----------+-----------+----------+----------
| Male | Female | Male | Female
---------------+-----------+-----------+----------+----------
Jewish | 9455 | 13762 | 21.9 | 40.4
Lithuanian | 4215 | 2897 | 53.4 | 63.4
Polish | 14573 | 8813 | 36.7 | 42.9
Russian | 5820 | 828 | 40.1 | 50.8
Ruthenian | 4203 | 1836 | 49.6 | 57.4
---------------+-----------+-----------+----------+----------
[1] From _Report of New York State Commission on Immigration_,
1908, p. 171.
TABLE LXVI
DESTINATION OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 TO 1910, BY DIVISION[1]
--------------------------+-------------------+----------
Division | Jewish immigrants | Per cent
--------------------------+-------------------+----------
North Atlantic States | 923549 | 86.0
North Central States | 110998 | 10.3
South Atlantic States | 25149 | 2.3
South Central States | 8324 | .8
Western States | 6384 | .6
--------------------------+-------------------+----------
Total | 1074404[2] | 100.0
--------------------------+-------------------+----------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
[2] 27 were destined for Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto Rico, and 11 were
tourists.
TABLE LXVII
DESTINATION OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS, 1899 to 1910, BY PRINCIPAL STATES
----------------+-------------------+-------------------
State | Jewish immigrants | Per cent of total
----------------+-------------------+-------------------
New York | 690296 | 64.2
Pennsylvania | 108534 | 10.1
Massachusetts | 66023 | 6.1
Illinois | 59931 | 4.7
New Jersey | 31279 | 3.2
Ohio | 20531 | 1.9
Maryland | 18700 | 1.7
Connecticut | 16254 | 1.5
Missouri | 12476 | 1.2
Minnesota | 7029 | .7
Wisconsin | 6369 | .6
Michigan | 5970 | .6
Rhode Island | 5023 | .5
All others | 31989 | 3.0
----------------+-------------------+-------------------
Total | 1074404[1] | 100.0
----------------+-------------------+-------------------
[1] _Cf._ note 2 of table LXVI.
TABLE LXVIII
PERCENTAGE OF JEWISH AND TOTAL IMMIGRANTS DESTINED FOR EACH DIVISION,
1899 TO 1910[1]
-----------------------+------------------+-------------------
Division | Per cent of | Per cent of
| total immigrants | Jewish immigrants
-----------------------+------------------+-------------------
South Atlantic States | 67.5 | 86.0
North Central States | 22.4 | 10.3
South Atlantic States | 2.7 | 2.3
South Central States | 1.8 | .8
Western | 5.6 | .6
-----------------------+------------------+-------------------
Total | 100.0 | 100.0
-----------------------+------------------+-------------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
TABLE LXIX
PARTICIPATION OF JEWISH IMMIGRANTS IN DESTINATION OF TOTAL IMMIGRANTS,
1899 TO 1910, BY DIVISION
-----------------+--------------+-------------+-----------------
Division | Total | Jewish | Per cent
| immigrants | immigrants | Jewish of total
-----------------+--------------+-------------+-----------------
North Atlantic | 6368243 | 923549 | 14.5
North Central | 2116327 | 110998 | 5.2
South Atlantic | 254936 | 25149 | 9.9
South Central | 167437 | 8324 | 5.0
Western | 532824 | 6384 | 1.2
-----------------+--------------+-------------+-----------------
Total | 9439757 | 1074404[2] | 11.4
-----------------+--------------+-------------+-----------------
[1] From _Reports of Commissioner-General of Immigration_.
[2] _Cf._ note 2 of table LXVI.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A.
PRESIDENT HARRISON'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 9, 1891.[141]
This Government has found occasion to express in a friendly spirit,
but with much earnestness, to the Government of the Czar its concern
because of the harsh measures now being enforced against the Hebrews
in Russia. By the revival of antisemitic laws, long in abeyance, great
numbers of those unfortunate people have been constrained to abandon
their homes and leave the Empire by reason of the impossibility of
finding subsistence within the pale to which it is sought to confine
them. The immigration of these people to the United States--many other
countries being closed to them--is largely increasing and is likely to
assume proportions which may make it difficult to find homes and
employment for them here and to seriously affect the labor market. It
is estimated that over 1,000,000 will be forced from Russia in a few
years. The Hebrew is never a beggar; he has always kept the law--life
by toil--often under severe and oppressive civil restrictions. It is
also true that no race, set or class has more fully cared for its own
than the Hebrew race. But the sudden transfer of such a multitude
under conditions that tend to strip them of their small accumulations
and to depress their energies and courage is neither good for them nor
for us.
The banishment, whether by direct decree or by not less certain
indirect methods, of so large a number of men and women is not a local
question. A decree to leave one country is in the nature of things an
order to enter another--some other. This consideration, as well as the
suggestion of humanity, furnishes ample ground for the remonstrances
which we have presented to Russia, while our historic friendship for
that government can not fail to give assurance that our
representations are those of a sincere wellwisher.
FOOTNOTES:
[141] (_Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, 1789-1897, vol. ix,
1889-97, p. 188. Washington, 1898).
APPENDIX B.
ARTICLE VII OF THE CONSTITUTION OF ROUMANIA.
Difference in religious beliefs and confessions does not constitute in
Roumania an obstacle to the obtainment of civil and political rights,
nor to the exercise of these rights.
(1) A foreigner without distinction of religion, and whether a subject
or not of a foreign government, can become naturalized under the
following conditions:
(a) He shall address to the government an application for
naturalization, in which he shall indicate the capital he possesses,
the profession or craft which he follows, and his abode in Roumania.
(b) He shall reside, after this application, ten years in the country,
and prove, by action, that he is of service to it.
(2) The following may be exempted from the intermediary stages:
(a) Those who have brought into the country industries, useful
inventions, or talent, or who have founded large establishments of
commerce or industry.
(b) Those who, born and bred in Roumania, of parents established in
the country, have never been subjected, either themselves or their
parents, to any protection by a foreign power.
(c) Those who have served under the colors during the war of
independence; these may be naturalized collectively by government
decree, by a single resolution, and without any further formality.
(3) Naturalization can not be given except by law, and individually.
(4) A special law shall determine the manner in which foreigners may
establish their home on Roumanian territory.
(5) Only Roumanians, and those who have been naturalized Roumanians,
can buy rural estates in Roumania.
APPENDIX C.
SECRETARY HAY'S NOTE.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, }
WASHINGTON, _August 11, 1902_. }
"Excellency:--In the course of an instruction recently sent to the
Minister accredited to the Government of Roumania in regard to the
bases of negotiation begun with that government looking to a
convention of naturalization between the United States and Roumania,
certain considerations were set forth for the Minister's guidance
concerning the character of the emigration from that country, the
causes which constrain it, and the consequences so far as they
adversely affect the United States.
"It has seemed to the President appropriate that these considerations,
relating as they do to the obligations entered into by the signatories
of the Treaty of Berlin, of July 13, 1878, should be brought to the
attention of the Governments concerned, and commended to their
consideration in the hope that, if they are so fortunate as to meet
the approval of the several Powers, such measures as to them may seem
wise may be taken to persuade the Government of Roumania to reconsider
the subject of the grievances in question.
"The United States welcomes now, as it has welcomed from the
foundation of its Government, the voluntary immigration of all aliens
coming hither under conditions fitting them to become merged in the
body politic of this land. Our laws provide the means for them to
become incorporated indistinguishably in the mass of citizens, and
prescribe their absolute equality with the native born, guaranteeing
to them equal civil rights at home and equal protection abroad. The
conditions are few, looking to their coming as free agents, so
circumstanced physically and morally as to supply the healthful and
intelligent material of free citizenhood. The pauper, the criminal,
the contagiously or incurably diseased are excluded from the benefits
of immigration only when they are likely to become a source of danger
or a burden upon the community. The voluntary character of their
coming is essential; hence we shut out all immigration assisted or
constrained by foreign agencies. The purpose of our generous treatment
of the alien immigrant is to benefit us and him alike--not to afford
to another state a field upon which to cast its own objectionable
elements. The alien, coming hither voluntarily and prepared to take
upon himself the preparatory and in due course the definitive
obligations of citizenship, retains thereafter, in domestic and
international relations, the initial character of free agency, in the
full enjoyment of which it is incumbent upon his adoptive State to
protect him.
"The foregoing considerations, whilst pertinent to the examination of
the purpose and scope of a naturalization treaty, have a larger aim.
It behooves the State to scrutinize most jealously the character of
the immigration from a foreign land, and, if it be obnoxious to
objection, to examine the causes which render it so. Should those
causes originate in the act of another sovereign State, to the
detriment of its neighbors, it is the prerogative of an injured State,
to point out the evil and to make remonstrance: for with nations, as
with individuals the social law holds good, that the right of each is
bounded by the right of the neighbor.
"The condition of a large class of the inhabitants of Roumania has for
many years been a source of grave concern to the United States. I
refer to the Roumanian Jews, numbering some 400,000. Long ago, while
the Danubian principalities labored under oppressive conditions, which
only war and a general action of European powers sufficed to end, the
persecution of the indigenous Jews under Turkish rule called forth in
1872 the strong remonstrance of the United States. The Treaty of
Berlin was hailed as a cure for the wrong, in view of the express
provisions of its forty-fourth article, prescribing that "in
Roumania, the difference of religious creeds and confessions shall not
be alleged against any person as ground for exclusion or incapacity in
matters relating to the enjoyment of civil and political rights,
admission to public employments, functions, and honors, or the
exercise of the various professions and industries in any locality
whatsoever," and stipulating freedom in the exercise of all forms of
worship to Roumanian dependents and foreigners alike, as well as
guaranteeing that all foreigners in Roumania shall be treated, without
distinction of creed, on a footing of perfect equality.
"With the lapse of time these just prescriptions have been rendered
nugatory in great part, as regards the native Jews, by the legislation
and municipal regulations of Roumania. Starting from the arbitrary and
controvertible premise that the native Jews of Roumania domiciled
there for centuries are "aliens not subject to foreign protection,"
the ability of the Jew to earn even the scanty means of existence that
suffice for a frugal race has been constricted by degrees, until
nearly every opportunity to win a livelihood is denied; and until the
helpless poverty of the Jew has constrained an exodus of such
proportions as to cause general concern.
"The political disabilities of the Jews in Roumania, their exclusion
from the public service and the learned professions, the limitations
of their civil rights and the imposition upon them of exceptional
taxes, involving as they do wrongs repugnant to the moral sense of
liberal modern peoples, are not so directly in point for my present
purpose as the public acts which attack the inherent right of man as a
breadwinner in the ways of agriculture and trade. The Jews are
prohibited from owning land, or even from cultivating it as common
laborers. They are debarred from residing in the rural districts. Many
branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to them in
the overcrowded cities where they are forced to dwell and engage,
against fearful odds, in the desperate struggle for existence. Even as
ordinary artisans or hired laborers they may only find employment in
proportion of one "unprotected alien" to two "Roumanians" under any
one employer. In short, by the cumulative effect of successive
restrictions, the Jews of Roumania have become reduced to a state of
wretched misery. Shut out from nearly every avenue of self-support
which is open to the poor of other lands, and ground down by poverty
as the natural result of their discriminatory treatment, they are
rendered incapable of lifting themselves from the enforced degradation
they endure. Even were the fields of education, of civil employment
and of commerce open to them as to "Roumanian citizens," their penury
would prevent their rising by individual effort. Human beings so
circumstanced have virtually no alternatives but submissive suffering
or flight to some land less unfavorable to them. Removal under such
conditions is not and cannot be the healthy, intelligent emigration of
a free and self-reliant being. It must be, in most cases, the mere
transplantation of an artificially produced diseased growth to a new
place.
"Granting that, in better and more healthful surroundings, the morbid
conditions will eventually change for good, such emigration is
necessarily for a time a burden to the community upon which the
fugitives may be cast. Self-reliance and the knowledge and ability
that evolve the power of self-support must be developed, and, at the
same time, avenues of employment must be opened in quarters where
competition is already keen and opportunities scarce. The teachings of
history and the experience of our own nation show that the Jews
possess in a high degree the mental and moral qualifications of
conscientious citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to
our shores, when coming equipped in mind and body for entrance upon
the struggle for bread, and inspired with the high purpose to give the
best service of heart and brain to the land they adopt of their own
free will. But when they come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by
physical and moral oppression in their native land, and thrown upon
the long-suffering generosity of a more favored community, their
migration lacks the essential conditions which make alien immigration
either acceptable or beneficial. So well is this appreciated on the
Continent that, even in the countries where anti-Semitism has no
foothold, it is difficult for these fleeing Jews to obtain any
lodgment. America is their only goal.
"The United States offers asylum to the oppressed of all lands. But
its sympathy with them in no wise impairs its just liberty and right
to weigh the acts of the oppressor in the light of their effects upon
this country and to judge accordingly.
"Putting together the facts now plainly brought home to this
Government during the past few years, that many of the inhabitants of
Roumania are being forced, by artificially adverse discriminations, to
quit their native country; that the hospitable asylum offered by this
country is almost the only refuge left to them; that they come hither
unfitted, by the conditions of their exile, to take part in the new
life of this land under circumstances either profitable to themselves
or beneficial to the community; and that they are objects of charity
from the outset and for a long time--the right of remonstrance against
the acts of the Roumanian Government is clearly established in favor
of this Government. Whether consciously and of purpose or not, these
helpless people, burdened and spurned by their native land, are forced
by the sovereign power of Roumania upon the charity of the United
States. This Government cannot be a tacit party to such an
international wrong. It is constrained to protest against the
treatment to which the Jews of Roumania are subjected, not alone
because it has unimpeachable ground to remonstrate against the
resultant injury to itself, but in the name of humanity. The United
States may not authoritatively appeal to the stipulations of the
Treaty of Berlin to which it was not and cannot become a signatory,
but it does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein
because they are the principles of international law and eternal
justice, advocating the broad toleration which that solemn compact
enjoins and standing ready to lend its moral support to the fulfilment
thereof by its co-signatories, for the act of Roumania itself has
effectively joined the United States to them as an interested party in
this regard.
"You will take an early occasion to read this instruction to the
Minister for Foreign Affairs and, should he request it, leave with him
a copy.
"I have the honor to be,
"Your obedient servant,
"JOHN HAY".
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* * * * *
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
| Typographical errors corrected in text: |
| |
| Page 74: acordance replaced with accordance |
| Page 75: elementay replaced with elementary |
| Page 103: Jewism replaced with Jewish |
| Page 183: Croation replaced with Croatian |
| Page 185: Croation replaced with Croatian |
| Page 187: Commissiomer replaced with Commissioner |
| Page 196: Table LXIX (2nd) North Central replaced with |
| South Central |
| |
| On page 146 the typesetter misplaced four lines of text: |
| "Out of a total |
| this country from 1899 to 1910, 209,507 or 26 per |
| of 806,786 Jews fourteen years of age and over who entered |
| cent, were unable to read and write." |
| This has been changed to read: |
| "Out of a total |
| of 806,786 Jews fourteen years of age and over who entered |
| this country from 1899 to 1910, 209,507 or 26 per |
| cent, were unable to read and write." |
| |
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
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