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Title: The Seventh Manchesters
July 1916 to March 1919
Author: S. J. Wilson
Release Date: June 23, 2006 [eBook #18659]
Language: English
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THE SEVENTH MANCHESTERS
July 1916 to March 1919
By
CAPTAIN S. J. WILSON, M.C.
With a Preface by the Hon. Anthony M. Henley, C.M.G., D.S.O.
(Brigadier-General (retired), late Commanding 127th Infantry Brigade)
And an Introduction by Gerald B. Hurst, T.D., K.C., M.P.
(Lieut.-Col. Commanding the 7th Bn. Manchester Regiment)
Published by the University of Manchester at
The University Press (H. M. Mckechnie, Secretary)
12, Lime Grove, Oxford Road, Manchester
Longmans, Green & Co.
London: 39, Paternoster Row
New York: 443-449, Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street
Chicago: Prairie Avenue and Twenty-fifth Street
Bombay: 8, Hornby Road
Calcutta: 6, Old Court House Street
Madras: 167, Mount Road
[Illustration: The Hon. A. M. HENLEY, C.M.G., D.S.O. Brig.-Gen.
(retired), late Commanding 127th Infantry Brigade]
The Seventh Manchesters
Manchester
at the University Press
Longmans, Green & Co.
London, New York, Bombay, Etc.
1920
Contents.
PAGE
Preface by Brigadier-General A. M. Henley, C.M.G., D.S.O. vii
Introduction by Lieut.-Col. G. B. Hurst, K.C., M.P. xi
List of Illustrations xv
List of Sketch Maps xvi
Chapter I.--Holding up the Turk 1
" II.--Desert Life 16
" III.--For France 30
" IV.--Holding the Line 34
" V.--Belgium 47
" VI.--An Interlude 65
" VII.--Stopping the Hun 75
" VIII.--Worrying the Hun 94
" IX.--Hammering the Hun 113
" X.--Pursuing the Hun 134
" XI.--Aftermath and Home 142
Appendix I.--Honours and Awards to Members of the Battalion 144
" II.--Members of the Battalion Killed in Action,
Died of Wounds, Missing, etc. 148
Index 156
Preface.
I first met the 7th Manchesters early in May, 1917, when they were
gaining new experiences of warfare on the Western front, not far from
Epehy in the north of France. They, with the rest of the 127th Infantry
Brigade, and in fact the whole of the 42nd Division had already had a
long war experience in Gallipoli and Egypt, but they had only recently
been transferred to France. I was taking up the command of an Infantry
Brigade for the first time. I did not know then what a lucky man I was,
but it did not take me long to find out, and we worked together without
a break from that time until the armistice.
The writer of this book passes over with considerable sang froid a
certain operation which took place on a June night in 1917. If the 7th
Manchesters, and not only the 7th, but the 5th, 6th and 8th as well will
allow me to say so, I did not enjoy the same complete confidence as to
the result before and during the night in question. The operation
consisted of digging a complete new front line trench, a mile long, on
the whole Brigade Sector, five hundred yards in advance of the existing
front line, and half way across No Man's Land. June nights are short and
it needed practically the whole brigade to get the job done in time. We
had to find not only the diggers, but the covering troops and strong
parties for carrying and wiring. Now four battalions digging on a bare
hillside within point blank range of the enemy's rifles and machine guns
are not well placed to meet attack or even to avoid fire if they are
caught. So everything possible had to be done to avoid raising any
suspicion of what was on foot in the minds of the watchful Germans. The
troops had to work at high pressure and in absolute silence. The R.E.
who were to lay the tapes were the first to go forward after the
covering troops; then came the wire carriers, and, as soon as the R.E.
had had time to get the tapes into position, out went the diggers, who,
after reaching the line, had to be spaced out at working distances along
the whole front. We who stayed behind spent some anxious hours. However
complete the arrangements and however perfectly executed there was yet a
chance that some enterprising and inquisitive German patrol might find
out what was happening in time to give one of their local commanders an
opportunity of hindering our work. We had to make such arrangements as
would give the appearance that we were doing nothing unusual, that we
were in fact excruciatingly normal. There must be neither more noise nor
less than on an ordinary night, and so the artillery and machine guns
must fire their accustomed bursts into the likely places in the German
lines.
It was a great success. By dawn there was a trench, continuous at least
in appearance along the whole front, at intervals there were rifle and
Lewis gun posts in it; and if there were places where it was preferable
to pass along in the attitude of the serpent after his expulsion from
the Garden of Eden and ever since, there was nothing to show the Germans
which they were. There was wire in front, and the troops got back
without more casualties than averaged as a result of the ordinary
nightly strafes.
Though we took on many tougher jobs later I was never again anxious as
to the result.
Our great days were:--
Stopping the Germans East of BUCQUOY--
March 23rd to 29th, 1918.
The advance West of MIRAUMONT--
21st August, 1918.
The Capture of MIRAUMONT and PYS--
24th August, 1918.
The Capture of VILLERS AU FLOS--
2nd September, 1918.
The Battle of the HINDENBURG LINE--
27th September, 1918.
The Battle of the SELLE RIVER--
20th October, 1918.
In every one of these the 7th Manchesters were called upon to play a
part. Whether their original role in the plan of battle had been to lead
the attack or to act in support they were always in the picture before
the end of the fight. I am not going to pick out this or that as their
finest performances. The reader can choose for himself when he has
finished the book. It is enough for me to say that, whatever task was
given them, they took on cheerfully and carried through magnificently.
Not only that, but they were anxious to go beyond what was demanded of
them, as is well shown by the fighting at La Signy Farm which they
attacked and captured on their own initiative.
I can only wish them individually the same success in peace as they won
as a battalion in war. I think they will have it. For it takes
first-class men to make a first-class fighting unit. Perhaps many of
them will join again under the old colours. I hope so, and I
congratulate in advance any commander whose good luck it may be to lead
them.
A. M. HENLEY, _Brig. Gen. (retired)_
_late Commanding 127th Infantry Brigade._
_21st February; 1920._
Introduction.
Captain Wilson's book continues the story of the 7th (1st 7th)
Manchesters, which is recorded in my own book "With Manchesters in the
East," from July, 1916 until November, 1918. It is written with intimate
knowledge and much understanding, and will be enjoyed by all his
comrades. It was the good fortune of the Manchester Territorials (127th
Brigade) to belong to the first Territorial Division (the 42nd), that
ever left these islands for active service, and this active service
eventually took place on three fronts. The 7th Battalion garrisoned the
Sudan and fought through the Gallipoli campaign. It recruited its
strength at Suez, and then helped to clear the Sinai Peninsula of the
Turks. Finally it served for two and a half years in Flanders. It
translated its motto, "We never sleep" into its daily life.
This volume will be a useful supplement to any general history of the
War. It is based on the diary of a Regimental Officer, who won
considerable distinction in the field, and whose eyes missed little of
consequence. It is of even more value as evidence of what men of
essentially civilian habits and traditions can achieve as soldiers. The
numbers of the 7th Manchesters were never fully up to strength after
April, 1915, and for many months at a time while in the East they fell
to vanishing point. Yet from the day in September, 1914, when the
original first-line Battalion sailed from Southampton for Port Sudan in
the "Grantully Castle," each successive draft was of the same mould. The
men came from the same neighbourhood, were of the same capacity, and had
been bred with the same ideas. Their devotion was founded on a sense of
duty. They were personally utterly remote from what is called
militarism, and saw little fascination in its pomp. The survivors are
now absorbed once more in the undramatic industry of Lancashire. There
is nothing to indicate to an observer that they have ever left it. The
last time you saw your tramway conductor may have been as a bomber in
"the western birdcage" on Cape Helles; your fellow passenger may have
last talked to you as your "runner," when you tramped along the
duckboards from Windy Corner to Givenchy. What such men did for England
will therefore illustrate for all time the potentialities of a
Territorial Force.
Captain Wilson's style of expression and cast of thought are, in my
view, true to type. He is the Lancashire man of action, who affects no
literary arts. These pages are bare of heroics. There is a soldierly
brevity in his account of even of the bravest exploit. There is also
plenty of quiet humour. The reader will search vainly for any "villain
of the piece." The "Hun" is to Captain Wilson, as to the normal British
officer, just a "Boche" and no more; to the rank and file he was simply
"Jerry." If you want adjectives, you will have to look for them in _John
Bull_ or listen to speeches in the House of Commons.
For all who were in authority over him, whether Corps Commanders or
Divisional Generals, Brigadiers or temporary Commanding Officers,
Captain Wilson has a good word. A reader unfamiliar with soldiers'
psychology might deduce that all his superior officers had been
invariably models of judgment and efficiency. He would possibly be quite
wrong; but it is most fitting that this book should be framed on such
lines, for they are the lines which our soldiers have never failed to
accept. The rough is taken with the smooth. If ever there has been
incompetence men have simply blamed the system and cursed the War
Office. If they happened to have been five minutes in France they might
have philosophically added "c'est la guerre." The actual individual
responsible has not been worth worrying about. Thus even with regard to
this mere side issue, the author's story reflects a cardinal attribute
of the national character, and therefore in its essence conveys the
truth.
In my opinion, it is not, however, the whole truth. There is no reason
why England in her reconstruction should forget that want of sympathy
with the Territorials, which far too often marked men, to whose hands
their fortunes were from time to time entrusted. This vice should be
borne in mind not because the memory is bitter; but because by
remembrance we may make its repetition in later wars impossible.
Territorials ought never to be ousted from the command of their own
units, or to be excluded from staff appointments, merely because they
are not Regulars or because they fail to comply with needlessly drastic
and therefore non-essential codes of discipline. Discipline is, in fact,
degraded into servitude when it becomes a mere fetish. How fallaciously
it may be construed could often be seen in the tendency among powerful
martinets to "drive a coach and four" through the law and procedure
which regulate trials by Court Martial. The need for the
"standardisation" of all infantry units in France was quite genuine; but
unimaginative men in authority could make "standardisation" a burden to
the spirit, and the picture of some men of this class, which is painted
in A. P. Herbert's novel. _The Secret Battle_, is founded on the truth.
We have all seen such cases. The grinding necessities of the Western
front ended the joyous amateurism, which a Territorial unit was able to
preserve through all its vicissitudes in Eastern warfare, but they did
not require the prevailing banishment of individuality and of the
exercise of intellect from Regimental life.
After landing in France the 42nd Division had to make a new reputation
by rising from the ruck, and it is very notable that the personnel of
the 7th Manchesters, as of the other units in the Division, although
almost completely changed from the personnel of the Battalion when in
Gallipoli and drawn from a later generation of recruits, achieved equal
distinction and much greater technical efficiency. This fact points to
the wonderful resourcefulness of the English people. Historically it
shows how thoroughly our Army of 1917-18 was professionalised.
The later chapters of Captain Wilson's book detail very brilliant
fighting by our men, which it would be idle and impertinent to praise.
Such "crowded hours" are not, however, and never have been the most
typical of a soldier's life. Infinitely more numerous were the hours of
endurance and privation, which the 7th spent among the broken ravines of
Gallipoli, among the dreary mud flats on either bank of the Yser, among
the desolate craters in front of Cuinchy and Le Plantin. In their
patience and fortitude amid these wastes lies their strongest title to
the gratitude of Christendom.
Peace is already dimming men's memories of the War as effectually as the
grass is covering the ruins of devastated France. The Manchester
Territorial is back at his job. The broken home no longer feels the same
first poignancy of grief. "Man goeth forth unto his work and unto his
labour until the evening," and it is a good thing for the world that he
does. Nevertheless, all men and women who cherish associations with the
7th Manchesters will, I think, read and re-read Captain Wilson's work
for many years to come. From amid all the hardships and miseries of
soldiering which the Englishman readily forgets, the light of
self-sacrifice shines upon the human race with a never fading beauty.
Herein lies the true romance of war. As the reader turns over the
ensuing pages he cannot but realise something of the cumulative drudgery
and hardships which these men endured for their country.
To the 7th Manchesters themselves they mean much more. The very place
names of our warfare recall the memory of the comrades whom we have
loved and lost, the early enthusiasms which we shall never feel
again:--Khartoumn, Gallipoli, Shallufa, Suez, Ashton-in-Sinai, Coxyde,
Nieuport, Aire, Béthune, Ypres, Bucquoy, Havrincourt. When we are very
old, many of us will still conjure up the tune of "Keep the Home Fires
Burning" on the lips of tired men beneath the stars on Geoghegan's
Bluff; the thud of the shovel falling upon the sand ridges of Sinai
while a blazing sun rose over Asia; the refrain of "Annie Laurie" sung
by candle-light in some high roofed barn behind the lines in Belgium.
I hear them now.
GERALD B. HURST.
List of Illustrations.
PAGE
PLATE I. _Frontispiece_
Brigadier-General Anthony M. Henley.
PLATE II. _facing 8_
1. Group of Officers. N.B. Fleur de Lys.
2. Ridge occupied on August 5th, 1916.
3. Issue of Water: Morning of August 5th, 1916.
4. In Katia: August 6th, 1916.
PLATE III. _facing 18_
1. Bivouac Shelters on the Desert.
2. Making the Railway over the Desert.
3. At El Mazar.
4. Digging a Well.
List of Sketch Maps.
PAGE
The Sinai Desert 21
Nieuport and Coast Sector 57
Round about Bapaume 78
Attack on the Hindenburg Line, September 27th, 1918 125
Area covered during advance of 42nd Division, 1918,
_facing_ 143
CHAPTER I.
Holding up the Turk.
In September, 1914, the 7th Bn. Manchester Regiment set out for active
service in the East in goodly company, for they were a part of the 42nd
(East Lancashire) Division, the first territorials to leave these shores
during the Great War. After many interesting days spent on garrison duty
in the Sudan and Lower Egypt they journeyed to Gallipoli soon after the
landing had been effected, and took a continuous part in that ill-fated
campaign until the final evacuation. The beginning of 1916 thus found
them back in Egypt, where they were taking part in General Maxwell's
scheme for the defence of the Suez Canal. The things that befell the
battalion during this long period have been admirably described in Major
Hurst's book _With Manchesters in the East_, and this short history will
attempt to continue the narrative from the point where it left off.
At the end of June, 1916, the 7th Manchesters made a short trip by rail
along the Suez Canal, the last railway journey they were to make as a
battalion for many a long day. The 42nd Division left the defence of the
southern half of the Canal in the able hands of the East Anglian
Territorials, and journeyed north to the Kantara region. It was not
definitely known why we made this move, but there were persistent
rumours that we were destined for France, where events were speeding
towards a big battle. However, the 7th detrained at Kantara and there
met, for the first time since Gallipoli, the 52nd (Lowland Scottish)
Division. We knew very little of this coastal region of the desert.
Occasional stories had floated down to us to supplement the very meagre
official communiqués as to events there, but it was recognised as a
place where opportunities of getting in touch with our invisible enemy
were rather better than in the south. So it was felt that, even if we
did not go to France, life would lose a certain amount of that deadly
monotony which we had experienced for six months.
It transpired that the 127th Brigade were to relieve detachments of the
11th Division, who, it was openly whispered, were definitely to sail for
France to try their luck in the more vigorous scene of this great
adventure. Most interesting to us was the discovery that we were to take
over posts occupied by the 11th Manchesters, the first Kitchener
battalion of our own regiment. Our astonishment and delight can be
imagined when we saw that they wore the good old Fleur de Lys for a
battalion flash on the puggarees of their helmets--just as we wore it,
but yellow instead of green.
The battalion marched east along a good road recently made for military
purposes, and eventually reached Hill 70, where the headquarters were
established. Early next morning, garrisons marched out before the heat
of the day to occupy a series of posts arranged in semi-circular
formation between two inundations about three miles apart. "B" Company
took over Turk Top and No. 1 Post. Capt. Smedley, Capt. Brian Norbury,
2nd-Lt. C. B. Douglas, 2nd-Lt. Pell-Ilderton being at the former, while
Capt. J. R. Creagh, 2nd-Lt. Hacker, and later 2nd-Lt. Gresty took charge
of the latter. "C" Company were divided between Nos. 2 and 3 posts, with
Lt. Nasmith and 2nd-Lt. S. J. Wilson at No. 2, and Lt. Nidd and Lt.
Marshall at No. 3. "A" Company, who were responsible for Hill 70, was
commanded by Capt. Tinker assisted by 2nd-Lt's. Kay, Woodward, Wood and
Wilkinson. The officers comprising headquarters were Lt.-Col. Canning,
C.M.G., Capt. Cyril Norbury (second in command), Major Scott
(Quartermaster), Capt. Farrow, M.C. (Medical Officer), Lt. H. C.
Franklin, M.C., Adjutant and 2nd-Lt. Bateman (Signal Officer), while
2nd-Lt. J. Baker was in charge of the Lewis guns of the battalion. "D"
Company were at Hill 40 in a reserve position under the command of
Capt. Higham supported by Capt. Townson, 2nd-Lt's. Grey Burn, G. W. F.
Franklin, Ross-Bain, Gresty, Morten, and R. J. R. Baker. The work of the
transport was divided between Capt. Ward-Jones, and 2nd-Lt. M. Norbury.
The posts consisted of self-contained redoubts which were capable of
holding out in the matter of food and water for about three days.
They had been constructed at the cost of great labour by the 52nd
Division. Routine was simple, our only duties being to man our posts
before dawn, then improve and maintain the trenches and wire until
about 7 when the sun entered his impossible stage. The same thing
happened in the evening. During the night patrols were executed from
one post to the next. All this carried a certain interest because we
knew that the Turk might come near at any time in the shape of a
flying raiding column to reach the canal. Rumours were frequent of
his proximity, and when Turk Top one night frantically reported
mysterious green lights, out towards the enemy, serious preparations
were made for his reception. The climax came, however, about noon
one day at Hill 70 when those who were not asleep heard, with a
mixed feeling of old familiarity, "s-s-s-sh-sh-SH--flop." Most of
us, after cringing in the usual manner, said, with a relieved air,
"Dud." Then followed commotion. They had arrived and were shelling
the post. The shimmering desert was eagerly scanned by the officers'
field glasses, and all kinds of things were seen and not seen.
Meanwhile someone went to look at the "Dud," and found not a shell
but a large stone, still quite hot. It finally dawned upon everyone
that we were bombarded from the heavens, and not by the Turk. It was
a meteorite, still preserved amongst the battalion's war souvenirs,
which had upset our composure.
Whilst on duty at these posts we had a visit from the Marquis of
Tullibardine, now Duke of Atholl, of the Scottish Horse, who was
responsible for this section of the Canal defences. Lieut.-Gen.
Lawrence, afterwards Chief of Staff in France, who was in command of the
northern section of the Canal defences also paid a visit, and
remembered us as part of the brigade which he had commanded on
Gallipoli. Important changes took place in the battalion at this time.
Lt.-Col. Canning, C.M.G., relinquished the command, and returned home
for duty in the Cork district. His departure was sorely regretted by all
ranks, for during the twelve months he had been with the 7th, his
capabilities as a commander had only been surpassed by his solicitude
for the men's welfare, so that he had made his way into our hearts as a
popular soldier. Major Cronshaw of the 5th Manchesters succeeded him and
was soon afterwards made Lt.-Colonel. Captain Farrow, M.C., R.A.M.C.,
was also invalided home, after having had almost unbroken active service
with the battalion since September, 1914.
About the middle of July a fairly large column of Turks began to make
their way across the desert from El Arish, intending to strike once more
for the possession of the Suez Canal. They moved with surprising
rapidity and wonderful concealment, and some excitement was caused when
a large enemy force was located by air reconnaissance, so near as
Oghratina Hod, within five miles of Romani, then held by the 52nd
Division. A battle seemed imminent, and this at the worst possible time
in the Egyptian year. A Brigade of the 53rd Division, consisting of
Royal Welsh Fusiliers and Herefords, spent a night at Hill 70 on their
way to occupy a defensive line between Romani and Mahamadiyeh on the
coast. There was an obvious increase in aerial activity on both sides,
and camel and other traffic on the Romani road became more feverish.
On July 23rd, the 7th Lancashire Fusiliers relieved the battalion in all
the posts and we marched back to Hill 40, where we found the whole
brigade was concentrating. There was much to be done in equipping the
men, and teaching them the correct method of carrying their belongings
on "Mobile Column," for that was what we were destined to become. The
equipment was worn in the usual "fighting kit" manner, with the
haversack on the back and under the haversack the drill tunic, folded in
four. This also served as a pad to protect the spine from the sun. Near
Hill 40 there was a large patch of hard sand which the Scottish Horse,
who were in the neighbourhood, had converted into a football pitch.
Small wonder then that we challenged the owners to a game, and a great
game it was. The Scotsmen had an unbeaten record in Egypt, which they
maintained, but only after a ding-dong game which the battalion never
forgot.
The next day the Brigade marched forward and made camp at Gilban, about
3-1/2 miles N.E. of Hill 70. An indefinite stay was to be made here, and
defensive precautions were taken, a ring of posts being placed all round
the camp. It was soon found that the principal difficulty was that of
patrolling by night from post to post. On a desert such as this there
were no landmarks of any sort, and as a belt of wire such as we had been
used to at Hill 70 had not been placed between the posts it was by no
means easy to preserve the right direction. As we had reached a
scrub-covered desert, however, this difficulty was easily overcome by
making a sort of track from one post to the next by clearing away the
scrub, and using this to make a clear edge to the track. The battalion
was augmented about this time by drafts from home, and the following
officers rejoined after having been invalided to England in 1915: Lt.
Douglas Norbury, 2nd-Lt. Bryan and 2nd-Lt. L. G. Harris, while a week
previous Major Allan had been posted to us from the 8th Manchesters as
second in command.
In the army coming events often cast their shadow before them; and this
shadow frequently takes the form of a visit by the Higher Command to the
troops who are to go into action. Hence, when the Divisional Commander,
Major-General Sir W. Douglas, had the 127th Brigade paraded for him at
Gilban, and when he complimented Brigadier-General Ormsby upon the fine
turn out, we gathered that our long period of waiting for the Turk was
over. He told us to husband our water, and these words I am sure rang
through many an officer's head in the following days. The 42nd Division,
he said, were expected to make a great coup, and many prisoners were to
be taken. Two days later the preliminary rumbles of the Battle of
Romani were heard, for the Turk had commenced an artillery and bombing
attack upon the garrisons there.
ROMANI AND KATIA.
The Turkish force, estimated at about 16,000, and much better equipped
than the flying column which had made the first attempt to cross the
canal in March the previous year, had been promised that they should
overwhelm the "small" British garrisons before the Feast of Ramadan.
They would then meet with no resistance and would enter victoriously
into Egypt, a sort of promised land after their hardships across the
desert. Many of them did enter Egypt and reached Cairo, but not in the
way they wished. They were marched through the city as prisoners, and
their presence as such undoubtedly created a profound impression upon
disloyal Egyptians.
Inspired by a number of German officers, however, they fought well and
vigorously in the early stages of the attack upon Romani. They had been
told that once they got on the hills in the neighbourhood of the British
positions they would see the Suez Canal stretched out below them, and
this probably urged them on to make almost superhuman efforts. In front
of Romani, in the region of the Katia oasis, mobile outposts furnished
by the Australian Light Horse were driven in after hard fighting, and
they fell back to other positions on the high sand hills to the south of
Romani, covering the right flank of the 52nd Division. Meanwhile a
frontal attack was delivered upon the redoubts occupied by the latter,
and the enemy made many brave attempts to reach the summit of Katib
Gannit, a high hill, in shape similar to the Matterhorn, which dominated
the whole desert. He gained a footing nowhere, however, and exposed to
merciless rifle and machine gun fire from the Scotsmen, suffered heavy
casualties. A similar reception was afforded him by the Welshmen of
158th Brigade further north towards Mahamadiyeh.
It was apparent, however, that the enemy's intention was to force his
way around the southern side and cut the railway and water pipe near
Pelusium behind Romani, and in this part of the battle the Australian
and New Zealand Light Horse, who had had to discard their horses and
fight as infantry, found it difficult to hold their own against repeated
assaults. More terrible than the Turk was the heat and the lack of
water.
Such is a rough outline of the situation when the 7th Manchesters along
with the remainder of the 127th Brigade were suddenly ordered to
concentrate at Pelusium. The morning of August 4th opened quietly for
us, although gunfire could be heard, and bursting shrapnel could be seen
in the direction of Duedar. We had settled down to ordinary routine, one
company setting out for a short march, and others preparing for kit
inspections and other camp duties, when suddenly, "B" Company received
orders to fall in and move off, and in a short space of time they were
entrained during the heat of the day for Pelusium. Before noon the whole
battalion was collected on what was supposed to be a bivouac area at the
new destination. But we had seen General Douglas going along the train
at Gilban and he said: "Well, good luck lads, make a good bag," so we
were not surprised when we found that settling down for bivouac was not
to be our fate.
The 5th Manchesters had arrived with us, and the 8th were following on,
while the 6th were already here, having been sent up the previous day.
Our task was to go to the assistance of the Colonials and attack the
Turk on the flank along with the 5th, the 6th and 8th being in support
and reserve. We marched out about 4 o'clock, moving first south and then
south-east. Meanwhile the battle was obviously increasing in intensity,
and when we halted previous to extending, we could see the Turk shrapnel
severely peppering a high ridge in front where a detachment of the
Australian Light Horse, having resumed their horses, were gradually
massing for a charge.
[Illustration: _PLATE II_
1. Group of Officers. _N.B._--Fleur de Lys
2. Ridge occupied on August 5th, 1916
3. Issue of Water--Morning of August 5th, 1916
4. In Katia, August 6th, 1916]
With the 5th on our right we extended into lines about 2,000 yards from
what appeared to be the Turkish position on a ridge to our front. As we
swept into view the enemy opened fire at long range, but very soon it
was evident that they had no stomach left for a further fight. They were
extremely exhausted with their exertions of the previous days,
particularly of the past twenty-four hours, and the sight of lines of
fresh British Infantry moving steadily toward them was more than their
jaded bodies and nerves could stand. As our men climbed the enemy's
ridge white flags began to appear. They were the long white sandbags
carried by every Turk, and very convenient for their purpose. Large
bodies surrendered and they were collected and sent to the rear.
Meanwhile the Colonials had swept round the hill away to the right, and
in a comparatively short space of time about six hundred Turks were seen
being marched back by a few Australian troopers. The enemy's artillery
had ceased fire and were obviously making attempts to escape eastwards,
so with the exception of a few rifle shots from the direction of the 5th
the battle in our sector was over for the day.
This was the death blow to Turkey's and Germany's hopes of ever getting
within striking distance of the Suez Canal, and a vindication of
Kitchener's principle that British soldiers should get out on the desert
to defend the canal, and not allow the canal to defend them. But more
important still, it was the beginning of that forward move so slow and
weary in its early stages, which later developed into General Allenby's
wonderful sweep through Palestine.
Before nightfall "C" and "D" Companies established themselves in support
to the 5th Manchesters, who had now joined up with the Australians on
the left, but there was very little possibility of the Turk attacking
again that day, so all the troops were rested, in preparation for a
strenuous attack on the morrow. Sentry groups were posted, and the
battalion sat down and made a scanty meal of bread accompanied where
possible with a mouthful of water. This was the first meal most men had
had since breakfast. Numbers of prisoners came in during the night,
each of them carrying a full water bottle. The Turk knew how to preserve
a water supply, and what was of greater interest to us, he knew where to
get it. It speaks well, however, for the chivalry of the British soldier
that none deprived their prisoners of their water, although they were
probably almost without themselves. This sporting attitude towards the
enemy, the spirit of "play the game" whether fighting the clean Turk or
the not so reputable German, I never failed to observe throughout the
war.
Stand to at 3.30 the following morning indicated that work was still to
be done, for in the half light, troops of Light Horse could be seen
collecting behind a hill preparatory to a sweep forward. When they
emerged in the increasing light, the enemy could be seen fleeing from a
trench about 1,200 yards away. Very soon word came through that we were
to go in pursuit, and while we were exercised in mind as to what we
should do for water, we were greatly relieved when we were ordered back
to the ridge to fill our bottles. There the welcome sight of camels
loaded with water fantassies met our eyes and the men eagerly assisted
in the work of distribution. Three-quarters of a bottle and a "buckshee"
drink was the ration, and this obtained, men felt more fit for their
labours. Food, however, there was none, and we had to be content with
what remained of yesterday's rations. But it was felt that food was not
so important if only the water would not fail.
By seven o'clock the whole Brigade were on the move, and in tropical
countries in the hot season, the sun's heat is considerable at this
time. After we had travelled some distance the hardship of desert
marching under these conditions began to really hit us, and undoubtedly
the exertions of the previous day were having their effect. Every moment
the heat increased, the sand seemed to become softer and softer, and the
whole ground sloped gradually upwards. Men dropped and officers had to
use all the powers they possessed to get them on, but many had to be
left behind to struggle along afterwards in their own time. Meanwhile
another long column of prisoners could be seen streaming away towards
Romani, which we were now leaving well to our left rear. The battalion
proceeded over the desert in this manner in artillery formation with
platoons as units, and halting as frequently as possible. After a great
physical effort we reached the base of a hill with a steep soft slope,
and a sort of knife-edge ridge at the top, where an Australian outpost
had been surrounded a few days before. Australian and Turkish dead still
lay as evidence of the fight, and the stench from their bodies produced
by the sweltering heat did not diminish the grimness of the scene.
This ridge was the battalion's position for the day, so after a short
rest we scrambled to the top and surveyed the desert on the other side,
lying thoroughly exhausted under the almost vertical rays of the sun,
for it was now mid-day. The other side of the hill was exceptionally
steep and dropped into a large hod (plantation of date palms), the first
we had met on our desert travels. In this there appeared to be a well,
and the temptation to go down for water was great, but how could one
struggle up again? An occasional trooper visited this place but none
could persuade their horses to drink, which seemed to indicate that the
water was not good. Out over the desert the cavalry could still be seen
pursuing the enemy, and our guns were occasionally flinging shrapnel
amongst them.
Strange sights were seen. A captured convoy of Turkish camel transport
was captured, and they presented a very motley appearance. They were
evidently collected from the desert lands of the Turkish Empire. They
had come to the war dressed as for their more peaceful habits, so that
no two men were alike. Several wore brilliantly coloured garments and
head gear. Occasionally a German officer would be seen amongst the batch
of weary prisoners. The navy's assistance in this fighting was marked by
a monitor, miles away, standing as close to the shore as possible,
although to us she appeared like a tiny toy ship. Suddenly a big flash
belched forth, followed a long time afterwards by a roar, which in turn
was followed by a terrific explosion over the desert to the right where
the shell had arrived in the wake of the retreating Turks. One of these
shots at least had been an O.K. as we afterwards discovered, for it had
destroyed a large part of a Turkish camel convoy. At four in the
afternoon the battalion received orders to move on and occupy another
ridge about one and a half miles in front, and "A" Company immediately
set out, moving round the shoulder of our present hill. "C" Company
dropped down the steep slope and waited in the hod for further
instructions. They found there a batch of wounded Turks waiting to be
carried off by the ambulance. It was with some astonishment that they
heard Major Allan shouting to them from above to get back to their
former position, so they struggled up the hill again with a very ill
grace. However, plans had been changed and it transpired that the
Lancashire Fusiliers had arrived and they were to take over our position
while we went back a few yards to bivouac for the night.
It was now much cooler and men felt disposed to eat their very scanty
meal. Those who had water were fortunate. Just as we were settling down
for the night word came through that Katia was to be taken next day, and
that we should move out at four in the morning. The enemy were believed
to be holding the oasis basin fairly strongly. In our extraordinarily
tired condition, brought about by strenuous exertions and lack of
nourishment, we did not view the prospect with too much confidence, but
hoping that a few hours' sleep might refresh us we rolled into the
shallow scoops we had made in the sand, and lay down to a rather chilly
night, our only extra cover being the khaki drill tunic whose weight we
had roundly cursed during the day.
At 3 a.m. we prepared to move. In the dim light the eternally-blessed
water camels could be seen wending their way towards our bivouac. As
before there was abundance of volunteers for this vital fatigue, but
most hearts drooped when it was found that the ration worked out to a
pint per man! Officers and N.C.O's. sadly but vigorously emphasised the
extreme urgency of preserving the water supply. Some resorted to drastic
action and insisted that no man should drink at all without first
obtaining permission of his officer, and on the day's business I am
inclined to think that these officers obtained the best results. The
Brigadier came to tell us we had done magnificently, but he said we
should have a worse day to-day; water was to be had at Katia--when we
got there. The men were also warned that it would probably be of little
use to drop out, in fact it might be extremely dangerous, for the
chances of being picked up were rather slight.
The cheery soul of the British Tommy, however, is proof against all
things, and he started out on this day's trip in the same spirit with
which he tackled all jobs during the war: "It has to be done, so do your
best and put the best face on it." The Fleur de Lys led out the Brigade
and trudged steadily through the soft sand in artillery formation. The
6th gradually got up into a position on our right, while the 5th and 8th
followed in support. The march forward proceeded monotonously in the
increasing heat, the men becoming more and more taciturn as the sun's
power gathered. Allowance of course had to be made for the weariness of
the men and the heavy going. Then a halt was called and we waited for an
hour. It appeared that the L.F's., who formed the left of the 42nd
Divisional front, had been rather late in starting, and it was necessary
to wait for them. Then the forward movement commenced again, and after
some time another long halt was necessary. Our men were now in a great
hollow in the sand in which there was not a breath of wind, and the sun
now at the height of its fury beat down mercilessly.
There is little doubt that this lying unprotected in the heat simply
sapped our energy, and everyone wished that we could have pushed on
ahead. General Douglas came to cheer the men up, and announced that over
3,000 Turkish prisoners and a large quantity of material had been
captured to date. For the moment, however, men had lost their grip of
interest in such matters, and were chiefly concerned with their own
personal affairs. They behaved splendidly and with great physical effort
resisted the need to drink. Officers were grateful to one or two men in
their platoons who proved a moral support to their comrades by keeping a
cheerful countenance, interposing a ribald remark when things looked
black, and explaining to their weakest pals the rigours of the necessity
in a rougher but more intelligible manner than their leaders could have
done. Such men are invaluable and are always to be found on these
occasions.
Reconnoitring patrols of Australian Light Horse and Yeomanry passed
through, and from remarks dropped by returning troopers it soon became
apparent that little if any resistance would be met with. A detachment
of Ayrshire and Inverness Horse Artillery were keeping pace with our
column and occasionally they opened fire, obviously upon fleeting
targets of retreating Turks. A thick wood of date palms in the distance
indicated Katia, and all men gazed upon this as the Mecca in which water
was to be found. Some eight hundred yards from this, however, was
another hod which had to be traversed by the 127th Brigade, and as we
were leading, it devolved upon us to make quite sure that it was not
occupied. The 6th and 7th therefore extended and assumed attack
formation to pass through the hod. This was a difficult moment and
tested the fibre of men and the battalion as a whole to the utmost. The
extra physical exertion and the loss of companionship which one gets in
the close formation served almost as a breaking point to endurance.
Perhaps the best summary of the psychology of this period is found in
the words from the diary of one of the officers:--
"Then it was that my energy gave out. I moved about along the line
shouting at the men to preserve their dressing and correct
intervals. Much had to be done. We inclined first to the left and
then to the right and it was very trying. Men began to drop and I
could not help them now that I had lost touch with them. Then I
began to lose all interest. I had become purely self-centred--if
the whole platoon had collapsed I am afraid I should not have been
concerned. I had almost got to such a state that if the Turks had
suddenly appeared from the wood I should not have cared what the
consequences were. Yet I was determined not to touch water for I
recognised that that was required for the last extremity. My head
dropped and my knees would not straighten. The load on my shoulders
was ten times its weight. The haversack and tunic on my back seemed
to pull me down, but the greatest weight was an extra haversack
which I had attached to my equipment on the left. It contained all
manner of necessaries and comforts, and ties with home. I was
determined not to part with it, although I confess I was almost
impelled to fling it away. In other words I think I had got to the
limit of my endurance, when a halt was called in the hod. I dropped
under a palm tree with a group of men, slipped off my load, and
then lay quite still for a long time. After a while I had my first
drink of water for that day. We stayed there some time, and one or
two of the men had found a well. But it was brackish and the men
should not have touched it, for it made them worse. Several were
knocked out altogether by it."
Word had come through that Katia was unoccupied by the enemy, and
although it required a tremendous effort the battalion got together and
proceeded to the final destination in column of route. Although not much
over half a mile those last yards seemed interminable, but in course of
time we were all settled in the cool shade of the hod and were
speculating about water; a problem which seemed to be solved by the
arrival of the camels. When it was found that no fantassie was full and
many were empty it required the utmost exertion of a British soldier's
good temper to prevent him from killing some of the Gyppies who had
accompanied them, for it was obvious that they had been selling water to
men who had dropped out of the column. Then we reflected that these poor
devils needed it badly, so it was hard to apportion the blame. We
wondered, nevertheless, why other camels had been detailed to carry on
an occasion like this, flour, fresh meat (once fresh but now unfit for
consumption) and candles, when they might have been better employed
carrying water! Still, we were thankful to have achieved our task and
although we had lost more than seventy men en route, we were proud to
know that we had arrived the strongest battalion, some having left more
than half their effectives on the desert.
The day's work was complete when the battalion had formed an outpost
line well in front of the wood, and had dug short section trenches.
Through the night desultory rifle fire could be heard in front where the
mounted troops were still in touch with the retiring enemy. Next day a
serious conflict took place between the cavalry and the Turkish
rearguard at Oghratina, and rumours were prevalent that we had to
continue the forward movement. We were not sorry, however, when it was
found that we were to remain in Katia. During the succeeding days
hostile aircraft were very busy, and dropped several bombs in the
vicinity of the wood, the 52nd Division, who were north of us, suffering
more severely than ourselves.
Those not on outpost duty took advantage of the rest and made themselves
as comfortable as possible. Stakes sent up by the R.E. were used for
constructing bivouacs, but perhaps the palm trees provided as much
assistance as anything else. Although we had not yet learnt to use the
word "camouflage" we knew its meaning, and whenever we settled down on
the desert we put it into use as a protection against inquisitive
aircraft. At Katia the palm trees gave us all the protection we required
in this way.
CHAPTER II.
Desert Life.
On August 14th the 42nd Division moved back to Romani, a further advance
across the Sinai Desert being deemed inadvisable until the railway and
water pipe, which stopped a few kilometres beyond Romani, had been
pushed further ahead. A system of training was started, but as the men
had not recovered from the fatigue of the Katia operations, and the
weather was very trying, vigorous forms of exercise were given up. A
number of men went to hospital with a weakening form of diarrhoea
almost akin to dysentery, while the medical authorities were in a highly
nervous state about cholera of which a few cases had been reported. It
was presumed that this had been contracted from the Turkish prisoners
and their old camping grounds.
The battalion was augmented slightly at this stage by a draft from
England, while 2nd-Lt's. W. H. Barratt and W. Thorp returned from leave.
Lt. H. C. Franklin, M.C., one-time R.S.M., went into hospital and was
invalided to England, and his place as Adjutant was taken by Capt. J. R.
Creagh, a position he filled admirably for more than two years. Captains
C. Norbury and B. Norbury left the battalion about this time to obtain
appointments in England and France and this entailed a change in Company
Commanders. Captains Tinker and Higham continued to command "A" and "D"
Companies, Lt. H. H. Nidd was given "B" Company, and Captain Chadwick
"C" Company. 2nd-Lt. G. W. Franklin assisted the Adjutant in the Orderly
Room, while 2nd-Lt. F. Grey Burn was employed as "Camel Officer;" new
work brought about by the substitution of camel for wheeled transport.
The bulk of the latter remained at Kantara under 2nd-Lt. M. Norbury,
with Capt. Ward Jones in charge of the Brigade transport; their duties
consisting chiefly in bringing rations, etc., across the canal from the
main station on the E.S.R. and loading them on the trains which ran over
the desert. Wheeled transport could not be employed in the desert
stations as roads had not been constructed.
We came to know the camel fairly well during the succeeding months, and
he proved a study, perhaps more interesting than his caretaker, a member
of the Egyptian Camel Corps' distinctive in his long blue garrabea. When
a company was on duty at a distant outpost the time for the arrival of
the ration camels was also the signal for the ration fatigue to fall in.
Then the string of animals would leisurely wend their way through the
gaps in the barb wire, their noses held high in an aristocratic leer,
each led with a head rope by a blue smocked Gyppie. The Q.M.S. would
appear: "'Tala Henna, Walad. Barrac Henna'" and so forth. A wonderful
flow of British-Arabic, grinningly comprehended by the natives, always
produces the desired result. The camel gets down in a series of bumps
and not without cautious glances at his head, the men unfasten the
complication of ropes and commence the work of unloading. Somebody
shouts: "Mail up!" and this brings out a number of interested faces from
the entrances to "bivvies." After the rations have been sorted out, word
quickly goes round, "Six to a loaf again, and no fresh meat to-day," so
everyone looks gloomily ahead to the prospect of swallowing quantities
of bully beef and biscuits. Other camels have carried up trench and
wiring materials, and when all are off-loaded they get up wearily and
solemnly depart leaving the outpost to its solitary existence. If there
is only one officer he feels his solitude very much, for in spite of the
camaraderie with the men and particularly the senior N.C.O's. there is a
feeling of restraint due to the requirements of military discipline, and
he misses the value of perfectly free intercourse.[1]
[Footnote 1: Quoted from an Officer's Diary]
[Illustration: _PLATE III_
1. Bivouac Shelters on the Desert
2. Making the Railway over the Desert
3. At El Mazar
4. Digging a Well]
It soon became apparent that an advance across the desert in the
direction of El Arish was contemplated, and that the speed of such an
advance would depend upon the rate at which the railway and water pipe
line could be constructed. The function of the troops was to protect it
from raiders so that work could proceed in comfort, a duty shared by the
mounted troops and the 52nd and 42nd Divisions. In September, therefore,
the 7th Manchesters left Romani for garrison duty at Negiliat, about
twenty kilos. further east. About this time Capt. Chadwick, who along
with Lt.-Col. Cronshaw, had been decorated with the Serbian Order of the
White Eagle in long delayed recognition of their magnificent work in
Gallipoli, left the battalion to join the R.F.C. in England and France.
Capt. Townson succeeded him in the command of "C" Company.
As the health of the desert troops was not good after their long strain
under the tropical sun, a system of rest and holiday cure, suggested by
the medical authorities, was begun. Batches of men and officers were
sent off to Alexandria and encamped at Sidi Bishr, just outside the town
for a week, during which time they were free to do more or less as they
pleased, a concession highly relished by everyone. The sight of
civilisation alone was in itself almost a cure, but the change of the
surroundings, the lack of military duties, the sea bathing, and the
enjoyment of everything that dear old "Alex." could offer worked
wonders. Further, the hot season was drawing to a close and men began to
feel more normal, so that by the end of October the troops were as fit
as they had ever been in their lives. The 127th Brigade were withdrawn
to Romani whilst this work of recuperation was in progress, and the
beginning of November saw us back again at Negiliat.
Meanwhile, the mounted troops, closely supported by the infantry, kept
constant touch with the Turk. When the railhead reached the outpost line
it was necessary to move the enemy by force and to this end engagements
were fought at Bir el Abd, and at El Mazar, both of which resulted in
the Turk withdrawing upon El Arish. His aircraft was always busy, but
the bombing was not often effective. Even the natives in the E.L.C.
(Egyptian Labour Corps) began to grow accustomed to these raids and
steadily resisted their impulse to dash back along the line when a taube
was sighted.
The return from hospital of 2nd-Lt. Jimmy Baker and of 2nd-Lt. Joe
Chatterton at this time was greeted with pleasure by the battalion, and
all were interested in the arrival of the new Padre, the Rev. E. C.
Hoskyns. It was not long, however, before he had made himself thoroughly
well-known to every man who wore the Fleur de Lys, and his cheery face
was eagerly welcomed in every "bivvy." During unbroken service with us
until July, 1918, he maintained a proud record of spontaneous popularity
with all ranks, and especially with his brother officers.
On the night of November 3rd the eastern climate displayed a side to its
character not often revealed. During the previous twenty-four hours we
had witnessed extraordinary flashes of lightning, and this was followed
by a distinct coldness and a few showers of rain in the afternoon, a new
experience which caused much amusement amongst the men. In the evening,
however, matters ripened, and after a joyous display of heavenly
pyrotechnics and thunder all round the blackening, heavy sky, we were
subjected to a violent downpour, accompanied by lurid lightning flashes.
Tremendous hailstones came down, smashing through the few remaining
flimsy blanket shelters that were still standing, so that we were left
in our nakedness to bear the full fury of the storm. We felt that God's
spectacular display on the mountains for Elijah's benefit had been at
least emulated, but it was the still, small voice that was best
appreciated again, when it remarked that it was a good job the cooks had
just finished making "gunfire" or we should never have had a dixie of
hot tea to cheer us up in our discomfort. Although the men had to stand
all night on sentry in the outposts in their wet things they took it
very good-humouredly.
A fortnight later the battalion moved forward again a few kilometres and
constructed new outpost positions at Khirba, covering a cavalry post
some distance to the south. This was necessitated by the fact that the
Turk was still holding Nekhl in the heart of the Sinai, from whence a
raiding party could easily strike north to cut our communications, for
the railway Was now well beyond Bir el Abd. When not actually on the
outpost line we did a good deal of training, and a range having been
constructed, some useful field firing was accomplished. An exciting
football competition resulted in "C" Company defeating the Sergeants'
team and carrying off the battalion championship.
A more elaborate forward move commenced about this time, the railway
having reached El Mazar, and when a Brigade of the 53rd Division arrived
to relieve us, we began to gird up our loins and prepare for a stiff
march. We knew, however, that endurance would not be tested as in the
"Katia Stunt" for the weather was so much more favourable. On the
morning of December 3rd, having reduced our stores to mobile column
dimensions, we loaded up the long suffering, but grousing camels, and
marched forth to the cheery strains of a drum and fife band, kindly
provided by the 10th Middlesex. We plugged steadily on through the soft
sand and finally camped for the night inside the outpost line in front
of Bir el Abd. Next day the march continued and we reached Salmana. We
enjoyed nothing better than this new activity, and possibly the most
delightful part of it was the construction of temporary shelters at the
end of the day's work. Perhaps the most trying part was the provision of
the usual protection for a column such as we were, that is the advance,
rear, and flank guards, for this often entailed covering a greater
distance and enjoying less frequent halts. The day following provided a
new interest. We proceeded through a region of sabkhets, which are large
flat stretches of hard ground, the remains of dried up lagoons, for by
this time we were marching almost along the coast. These sabkhets were a
very welcome change from the difficult soft desert sand. Tillul was
our destination and we settled down amongst Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders of the 52nd Division, who had arrived a few days previously.
Next morning they played us out of the camp with their bagpipes and we
had a good stiff march to El Mazar, and there we fell in with elements
of the other two Brigades. After two days' rest we marched out again and
occupied a position just inside the defensive line, which was then being
held by the 6th and 8th.
[Illustration: THE SINAI DESERT.]
The battalion remained a few days in this district, and when not
actually in the outpost line and digging trenches, we were taken out in
front, a company at a time, to act as a protection to the E.L.C. who
were engaged upon railway construction. Whilst on this work we got our
first glimpse of El Arish, the goal to be gained after this heavy
striving across the desert. The Turks were supposed to be holding a
strong position between ourselves and the town, and the idea seemed to
be to push the railway as far as possible, and then eject the enemy so
that work could proceed. Our men were thoroughly impressed with the
wonderful rapidity with which these "Gyppies" accomplished their task.
They were divided up into gangs, each in charge of another native who
had been raised to the dignity of two stripes and a stick. The stick he
used freely on the men who failed to keep up his standard of work. Using
their curious adze-like shovels they pulled the sand into baskets and
ran away with it to where it was required, and whilst they toiled a
simple but noisy refrain was sung to the leadership of the "Ganger." The
whole spectacle presented a seething mass of rapidly-moving, blue
smocked, brown figures, busily working on the bright yellow sand. The
result of four hours of this sort of thing would produce about 500 yards
of good level track including shallow cuttings and embankments. Then the
train would arrive with more sleepers and rails and these would be
carefully but quickly laid in position.
Another job we had to do in this neighbourhood was digging wells. When
"C" Company went off for a couple of days to do this they discovered
what a formidable business it was. It was necessary to go down to a
depth of about twenty feet, and as the well was sited in very soft sand
the task can be imagined. A huge hole, about forty feet square had to be
made to allow for the slope of the sand, and the deeper we went, the
higher grew the mountains of sand all round the hole, so that the men
had to be arranged on tiers above one another. In this way a shovel full
of sand from the bottom travelled up through various pairs of hands
before it was finally thrown clear. This tedious business continued
until water was struck, and then a corrugated iron frame was sunk at the
bottom, and the tall sides of the well built upon it. After this all the
sand that had been so laboriously chucked out, was heaved back again. A
pump was fixed by the R.E. and troughs made along side, to be filled as
often as the well could furnish sufficient water (in this case twice a
day) for the use of camels or horses.
At El Maadan an important railhead was being constructed for the storage
of water, which was kept in large and small canvas tanks. We took a
great personal interest in those tanks with our thoughts resting
securely on Katia. Matters were gradually developing towards an
engagement of some magnitude, and it was now known that the general
scheme was for the mounted troops to make a detour in order to turn the
enemy's left flank, whilst the 42nd and 52nd Divisions would make an
advance parallel to the coast. That is to say in effect the infantry
would deliver a frontal attack upon the Turkish troops covering El
Arish.
It had been further decided that the 127th Brigade together with the 5th
East Lancashires would execute the first shock of the 42nd's effort, so
we had a feeling that once again the Fleur de Lys would be "in the
limelight." During the evening of December 29th there was a rapid and
wonderful concentration of troops of all arms in the hollow ground near
the railhead. The two infantry Divisions were there in force, whilst the
Australian L.H., and N.Z.M.R., together with the Yeomanry were simply
waiting for dusk to move off to their appointed stations. Behind all
this preparation there was a curious feeling that there was no enemy to
fight at all, and betting ran high as to whether we should find any
Turks near El Arish or not. It was suspected in high quarters that the
enemy had got quietly away a few hours before. However, we slept
peacefully until 3 a.m. and then Company Commanders were summoned to a
Conference with the C.O. to receive orders to get ready at once to
march--backwards not forwards! The Anzacs carefully reconnoitring in the
night had finally entered El Arish, and saw no one there except the
native villagers. So "the stunt was a wash-out," the bird had flown.
The 42nd marched back on December 21st to El Mazar, and faint rumours
began to drift about that day that we were to leave Egypt. General
Douglas commiserated with us for not having had the pleasure of a good
scrap! "But," he said, "never mind lads, you will get more than you want
very soon." Now, what did that mean? Profound speculation as to the
probabilities can easily be imagined. France, Salonica, trouble in
India, Mesopotamia and even an advance into Palestine (scouted as absurd
by most people) were freely discussed. The main consideration just at
present, however, was that the Christmas of 1916 was going to be spent
under much pleasanter conditions than the previous one on Gallipoli, and
concurrent with rumours about fighting there were more substantial
rumours about turkeys, plum puddings and beer. I am glad to say all
three materialised, and these together with Christmas Carols by the
divisional band contrived to produce a Yuletide feeling. In fact
everyone had as good a time as could possibly have been expected in the
desert. Luckily the parcels from home, including comforts from various
institutions, etc., also arrived in time. El Mazar was our abode for
more than three weeks, and we heartily wished a cleaner piece of ground
could have been selected to live upon. In past days the Turk had been
stationed here in force, and he, not being of a sanitary disposition,
had bequeathed to us a store of body lice of new and large dimensions. I
don't think the fighting strength of the 7th, including all live stock,
had ever been so large in its history. A delousing apparatus made from
an old engine and truck was sent up on the railway to cope with the
problem, and perhaps it had some little effect--in helping the young
ones to grow quicker. Most men were agreed that there was nothing to
equal the double thumb action for certain results. Another scourge here,
probably also due to the filthy sand, was the alarming development of
septic sores. These unpleasant things did not require a wound or scratch
to start them, but they broke out themselves as a small blister on any
part of the body. In the case of a good many men it took the form of
impetigo, an extremely uncomfortable sore rash on the face, and both
officers and men appeared day after day on parade with appallingly
unshaven sore chins, and bandages visible on arms or knees, etc.
During our stay here the news continued to be good. On Christmas Eve the
mounted troops, not satisfied with the Turkish escape from El Arish,
suddenly pounced upon Maghdaba, about twelve miles further south, up the
Wadi, and after a short fierce fight destroyed the garrison, only a few
making their way out of Africa. A more brilliant affair, however, was
the lightning raid upon Rafa, on the border between Sinai and Palestine,
and about thirty miles beyond El Arish, the starting point of the raid.
In a few hours a large mounted column, consisting chiefly of Anzacs had
covered this distance and had taken the Turk completely by surprise. The
enemy put up a stern fight, however, and after his reinforcements had
been destroyed on the road from Gaza he gave in. The prisoners from
these engagements continued to have the desired effect upon the
dissaffected natives in Cairo on their arrival there.
Less was heard about our leaving Egypt after the New Year, and rumours
received a mortal wound when the Division turned its face to the east
once more and marched up, a Brigade at a time, to El Arish. The 7th
accomplished this march in three easy stages, the first day taking us to
Maadan, and the next to Bitia. A few days' stay here helped us to
appreciate its natural advantages, and as far as the desert went, it
almost had pretensions to beauty. There were glorious palm groves,
bright clean sand to live in, hard flat stretches for football (greatly
appreciated), and a roaring sea close at hand on a wonderful beach for
bathing. If El Arish were in Belgium, Bitia would be "El Arish Bains."
The return of British power to this corner of the earth was epitomised
one day in the sight of a Bedouin caravan pursuing its peaceful purpose.
The old sheik stalked proudly in front, while his family and goods were
disposed on various camels, and a small flock of pretty black goats
pattered along behind in charge of a sturdy brown lad. Surely they at
least had witnessed the Turkish retirement with satisfaction.
EL ARISH AND AFTER.
On January 22nd, 1917, the 7th Manchesters reached their "farthest east"
in the final stage of the march to El Arish. Most of the day's labours
had to be accomplished in a blinding sandstorm, which fortunately had
subsided when we arrived at our destination. As we reached El Arish one
had a curious feeling that the canal zone was being left well behind,
and as far as mileage was concerned it certainly was, since the Suez was
one hundred miles away. Nevertheless, up to now one had felt that really
we were on canal defence, and however far we went out there had been
little change in the country so that one hardly seemed to progress. Now,
all that had been left behind, and we were amongst new scenes.
This growing impression was completed on our arrival. We pitched camp on
a hill north-west of the town and about six hundred yards from it, so
that we had a perfect view of the place, which resembled a picture out
of the Bible, and was not quite like anything seen in Egypt. It was
obvious we were in a new country--in fact we were knocking at the gates
of Palestine, but no one amongst us knew that an entry was to be made
into that country. The affair at Rafa, for instance, had only been a
raid, and the Turks had once more strengthened the place. British
territory had been cleared of the enemy and it was felt that a system of
frontier defence would be constructed, and small garrisons left to
maintain the boundary.
Eight months had passed since the battalion left the vicinity of
peaceful civilisation, so to meet it again, crude though it was amidst
the mud huts of El Arish, filled our men with extreme curiosity. The
town was placed out of bounds because of the fear of cholera, small pox,
etc., but there was much of interest to be seen. Groves of fig trees
surrounded the place on the edge of the Wadi, and it was a matter for
speculation as to where they obtained their sustenance for it was
apparently just bare desert. Vines and date palms were also grown, and I
presume these, with fishing, constitute the main source of life to the
inhabitants. The natives, incidentally, had a most pleasing appearance,
and their older men reminded one forcibly of the patriarchs. They had a
strikingly manly and independent carriage, quite different from the lack
of respectability of the lower class Egyptian. There is probably a good
deal of Arab blood in them, which may account for the fearless manner
with which they look the foreigner straight in the face.
We were not surprised when definite orders arrived to prepare ourselves
for a return to the canal. The transport started first for they were to
trek the distance, while the personnel were to have the pleasure of
riding on a train. The men accepted this statement rather warily for
such a thing had seldom been known during their experience with the
battalion. On January 30th all the animals in the Division assembled
near our camp preparatory to commencing the trek when the aircraft alarm
was sounded. This was immediately followed by eight bombs in quick
succession. One of these unfortunately dropped amidst our transport
column killing two favourite riders, "Bighead" and "Jester" and
destroying two or three mules. Fortunately only one man was injured, and
more luckily still, no bombs dropped in the camp, although they were
near enough to be unpleasant. The day's excitement was later heightened
by a camel going "macknoon" in the middle of the camp. Attacking his
native keeper he broke loose and our men had to "run for it." By an
ingenious manipulation of ropes round his legs, and a well-aimed blow
behind his ear from a tent mallet flung by one of the men, he was
subdued and brought to earth, but not before he had destroyed a "bivvy"
and some tents. Even this did not complete the incidents of the day, for
evening found us clinging with might and main to tent poles, tent
curtains, "bivvy" shelters, etc., while a furious sand storm did its
utmost to fling them down.
The next day something of a sensation was caused by a sudden order to
furnish one officer and two N.C.O's. per company as advance party to
journey at once to Port Said, there to embark on February 2nd for an
unknown destination. Two days later the battalion entrained in "trucks
de luxe," and after a nine hours' extremely lumpy journey we reached
Kantara. There was a feeling that having helped to escort the railway to
its present destination we had really earned that ride. On the journey
down we met elements of the 53rd Division marching up to take our places
at El Arish, and we shouted greetings and expressions of goodwill to
them. At Kantara a draft from England with 2nd-Lt. G. Norbury in command
joined the battalion. A pleasing feature about this draft was that it
was largely composed of old members of the original 7th who had been
wounded or invalided from Gallipoli, such men as C.S.M. Lyth, Sergeant
McHugh, Q.M.S's. Andrews and Houghton, being amongst its numbers.
The 42nd Division crossed the Suez Canal for the last time on February
5th, twelve months to the day after the 7th Manchesters had crossed over
to the east side at Shallufa for the first time. The first days march
ended at El Ferdan, very much to the relief of everyone. We had been,
all the way, on a good hard road--a new experience after the life on the
desert--and this brought into play muscles of the leg, not used on the
soft sand. Everyone suffered badly from aching shins and thighs and
very sore feet, so that next day, when the trek was completed to
Ismailia on hot, dusty roads many men fell out, and we were a weary crew
on arrival at Moascar Camp.
Our three weeks' stay here was occupied chiefly in preparing for our new
scene of activities, now definitely known to be France. Eastern kit was
handed in--helmets, shorts and drill tunics--and the battalion seemed to
have been exchanged for a new one dressed in khaki serge and caps. With
our helmets we lost our flashes, or at least the characteristic Fleur de
Lys, but they were replaced by a divisional flash to be worn on the
upper arm of the sleeve of the jacket. This was a diamond in shape, each
Brigade having its own colour, the Manchesters being orange yellow, with
the number of the battalion indicated on it by a red figure. Being close
to Lake Timsa, we frequently indulged in bathing parades under ideal
conditions, for after all Ismailia is really one of the beauty spots of
Egypt. Complimentary farewell parades were held, one on the occasion of
the visit of General Dobell, and the other a march past the C.-in-C, Sir
Archibald Murray, down the Quai Mehemet Ali in the town. Altogether the
7th enjoyed themselves during these days and made the most of the end of
their long sojourn in the East. We were seasoned troops and were well
conversant with the customs of the country. A few pangs of regret at
leaving these things behind can easily be understood, although an
important consideration, and one that weighed heavily with the men, was
the possibility of getting leave from France, a thing unknown in this
place. Hence it was with mixed feelings that the battalion boarded the
train at Ismailia on the evening of March 1st for a rapid journey to
Alexandria. No time was lost here for we detrained on the quay side and
embarked at once.
CHAPTER III.
For France.
Wearers of the Fleur de Lys gazed their last upon one of the countries
of their toils from the deck of the ship "Kalyan" as they steamed out of
Alexandria harbour on March 3rd, 1917. There were many present who had
accompanied the battalion on their venture from this same harbour nearly
two years before, to try their fortunes upon ill-starred Gallipoli, and
I have no doubt they wondered what these new experiences would bring
them. One thing is certain, however, and that is no one imagined we
should be compelled to continue our wanderings for full two more years
before the last journey home could be made. And yet, so it was. The
Fleur de Lys, for the first time since it had been adopted by the
Manchester Regiment, was borne to the soil of France, the country that
gave it birth, and whose kings wore it proudly for hundreds of years, by
Englishmen who had pledged themselves to fight in and for that fair
land. "Fair Land!" I hear someone scornfully mutter. However much we
were destined in the days to come, when wallowing to our waists amidst
the soil and water of France, to think very much the reverse, it would
be impossible to forget the glory of our Southern entrance to this sad
country.
The battalion made the trip across the Mediterranean in good company,
for the ship was shared by ourselves and the 8th Manchesters (the
Gallant Ardwicks) commanded by Lt.-Col. Morrough. We had an opportunity
of renewing our acquaintance with Malta, so vivid in its intense
colouring, whilst our escort of torpedo boats was changed. Perhaps the
following extract from an officer's diary will suffice to epitomise
whatever incident there was in the journey:--
"... It was more or less boisterous all the way, and on occasion
decidedly so--a vastly different voyage from my journey out. The
much-vaunted German submarine 'blockade' was not conspicuous, for
we neither saw nor heard of a submarine. Undoubtedly, of course,
one is conscious of the menace, and a good deal of what might be
enjoyment of the sea is spoiled by this horror. One thinks not of
the sea as inspiration of sublime thoughts and all things the poets
tell us of, but as a receptacle for submarines ... and for us if we
are hit. It was decidedly disconcerting to contemplate a dip during
the heavy weather. There would be little chance of being picked up
I should imagine. Still, we were able to appreciate the colours of
Malta, the grand snow-capped mountains of Corsica and the
neighbouring islands, while the entrance to Marseilles is a sight I
shall never forget. For colour and form I think it is perfect. In a
sense Plymouth resembles it, but as a cat the tiger. Here the rocks
run down in their limy whiteness sheer to the sea, with chateaux
and churches on impossible peaks, backed by tremendous stern
giants. Why will they not allow us on shore to get a closer
view?... Just above my head the men are concluding a concert with
the 'King,' the 'Marseillaise' (I wonder do they appreciate that
here it was first sung in its grandeur under Rouget de Lisle), and
then with what should be our national song, 'Rule Britannia.' Well
might they sing that with zest after the voyage we have concluded
to-day."
After standing out in the harbour at Marseilles for 24 hours, we first
set foot in France on March 10th. No time was wasted at Marseilles, and
we were soon entrained for a long journey northward. In the first hours
before dark we were able to enjoy the magnificent scenery of the coast
region near Marseilles. At Orange we halted for a meal at midnight. Next
day was a glorious journey up the Rhône Valley, passing through Lyons,
Chalons-sur-Saone and Dijon. Wherever the train stopped crowds of
enthusiastic French people collected to greet us and the news of the
fall of Bagdad made us doubly important to them, for not only were we
British but they knew we had come from somewhere in the East.
The following morning we arrived at the environs of Paris, and after a
stay at Juvissy continued our journey past Versailles and on through
Amiens to our destination at Pont Remy, a few miles from Abbeville. It
was pitch dark and raining. Imagine the shock to troops straight from
Egypt, where they had left a beautiful dry climate, when they jumped out
of the carriages into four inches of squelching mud. Then we were told
we had to march six or seven miles through the cold rain to our
billeting area at Merelissart. However, we were amongst new surroundings
and new modes of doing things, and conditions were vastly different from
those we had just left, so the sooner we became accustomed to them the
better.
Despite the midnight hour everyone found subject for fun in the French
barns and shippons which were to be our temporary homes. Lt. Hodge and
Lt. Taylor who had worked hard allotting the billets for us joined the
battalion here. Lt. Sievewright had rejoined us at Alexandria on the
boat, he having been invalided to England from Gallipoli. Lt. G. Harris
left to take charge of a Divisional Bombing School, and ended his
service with the battalion, although later he became the Brigade
Intelligence Officer, when we saw a good deal of him again.
After three days the battalion moved back to Liercourt and there the
work of refitting commenced. We had much to learn about organisation and
methods of warfare as practised in France, and vigorous training was
commenced at once.
Major-General Sir W. Douglas left the division, and his successor,
Major-General Mitford, lost no time in getting us ready for the line.
Just at this time, and whilst Col. Cronshaw and other officers and
N.C.O's. were up in the line for instruction, the German retirement on
the Somme and the Ancre to the Hindenburg line took place. As soon as
brigades were fitted out they lost no time in moving forward into the
war zone, commencing with the Lancs. Fusiliers. At the end of March the
127th brigade entrained for Chuignes and from there the 7th marched
forward to Dompierre, which had been the scene of such heavy fighting
by the French in 1916. We thus got our first impressions of the
devastated area of France, and I am sure there was not a mind in the
battalion into which these impressions did not sink deep. The misery of
it was by no means diminished when we arrived at our destination, for
accommodation had to be found amidst impossible ruins and in the
scattered half-destroyed dug-outs amongst the trenches which
criss-crossed the village. All this had to be done in pouring rain. When
at last we settled down it was found that our new homes were also shared
by huge rats who capered about in a most homely manner.
Dompierre was our abode for a few days whilst the battalion made daily
excursions through the mud in the direction of Villers Carbonel to
execute road making fatigues. Major Scott concluded his long period of
active service with the battalion about this time, being invalided to
England. His place at the Q.M. Stores was later filled by Lt. Rose of
the R.W.F's. After this period we moved into Peronne, and were installed
in more comfortable dwellings, for although the town had been badly
knocked about, it was possible to find more or less good cover for
troops. The great boon here was the plentiful supply of timber from the
destroyed houses, and every group of men had its roaring fire. The
battalion and indeed the brigade was still on fatigue, repairing roads,
railways, bridges, etc. Meanwhile the division had made its debut in
France, the 125th and 126th brigades having taken over part of the line
during the pursuit of the Hun.
The 7th suffered their first casualty in the new theatre of war at
Peronne in a rather unfortunate manner. Whilst on a fatigue of salving
telephone wire on the battle-swept ground of Biaches, just outside the
town, Pte. Gibson of "C" company was accidentally killed by a bomb,
whose explosive mechanism he had unwittingly set in action when pulling
up the wire.
CHAPTER IV.
Holding the Line.
EPEHY.
On April 27th, our period of fatigues ended, the 7th Manchesters marched
out of Peronne in the full panoply of war, not gaudy, but serviceable
for modern requirements and not lacking the element of weight, with the
certain knowledge that their next deeds would be accomplished "in the
presence of the enemy." The enemy of 1917 and after was not so elusive
as the Turk of the Sinai, so there was no possibility of marching on and
on and never feeling his force! That night was spent at Villers Faucon,
and next day preparations were completed for relieving the 4th East
Lancs. in the front line trenches east of Epehy. An advance party of an
officer and a few N.C.O's. per company had been sent forward to learn
dispositions and other information about the line, and the thousand and
one minute details about rations, tools, Lewis guns, water, guides,
intervals between platoons and sections, etc., etc., had all been dealt
with when we got on the move once more in the early evening.
Everyone expected to take over trenches such as we had in Gallipoli or
had read about, but we were rather staggered to find that the battalion
front was not vastly different from the outpost positions we had made on
the desert. This is explained by the fact that the front was just in
process of solidifying from the liquid state as a result of the German
recent retirement to a safe position. The enemy therefore looked calmly
down upon us from his elaborate Hindenburg system of trenches beyond
Vendhuile whilst we expanded our isolated outposts into organised
continuous lines. He himself, however, was also busy digging a sort of
outpost work in advance of the main line of defence, for he had held up
any further British advance principally from a bulwark of land mass
called the Knoll on the western side of the canal, while his main line
was really on the eastern side.
Because of the disjointed condition of the front there was always a
danger, when going from one company to another, of men wandering into
the Boche lines. This unfortunately did occur one night to a couple of
men of the 7th who had to make their way with L. G. ammunition from the
Quarry to the Diamond (a forward isolated redoubt) for they struck a
wrong direction and walked into a hail of enemy bullets. One was killed
and the other wounded. Pte. (afterwards L.-Cpl.) Summers and Pte. Johns
distinguished themselves on this occasion, for, realising what had
happened, they volunteered to go out and recover the men. After being
away for more than two hours, constantly sniped by an obviously-startled
enemy they found them and were able to bring back the wounded man.
Unfortunately this deed was not recognised by the higher authorities or
they would have been the first to have won distinction for the battalion
in France.
Little Priel Farm came in for a good deal of hatred by the Boche, and
the variations in its contour was a daily source of interest to the
troops in the vicinity. The battalion observers in the innocence of
their hearts and the zeal born of the new opportunities to put their
training into practice, selected the corner of the garden for an O.P.
and just as things were growing interesting in the field of view of the
telescope, the Hun instituted a "certain liveliness" of a different
sort. Repetitions of this sort of thing convinced the observers that no
useful purpose could be served by staying there, so they
left--fortunately without mishap--and they were eager to inform the I.O.
that their new position was infinitely superior to Little Priel Farm! It
was in this vicinity that Pte. Wilbraham was killed by a shell. This
news saddened the whole battalion, for he was our champion lightweight
boxer, and we had been entertained many a time on the desert by his
clever exhibitions.
There was naturally a good deal of digging to be done in this sector,
and although relieved eventually in the front positions by the 5th, the
battalion found itself up in the line each night making continuous
trenches. It was in connection with this work that we lost our
brigadier, General Ormsby. On the night of May 1st, he, with a number of
R.E. officers, was examining the position near Catelet Copse when the
Boche suddenly started a short hurricane bombardment. The trench he was
in was only waist deep, and soldier and leader to the end he disdained
to take full advantage of the scanty shelter, preferring to set an
example of calmness and steadiness under fire to his men. A piece of
shell struck him in the head and he died almost immediately. This was a
great blow to the brigade, just at the commencement of their adventure
in the new warfare. It was sadly remarkable, too, that he himself was
the first officer casualty in his brigade. A few days later, during
which time Lt.-Col. Darlington of the 5th assumed command, the new
brigadier arrived--General Henley, D.S.O.--and we were fortunate to keep
him as our Commander until the end of the war. The brilliant record of
the 127th brigade in France is testimony to his qualities as a leader,
and it was not very long before every man and officer in the Manchesters
was proud of him. General Ormsby always remained, however, as a tender
memory to those who had served under him.
Villers Faucon, which had been the rear H.Q. and transport lines was
invaded by battalion H.Q. and two companies when the battalion moved
back into reserve, but we did not stay long here, because the 126th
brigade required assistance in the completion of their trench system in
front of Templeux, and to do this we had to move into the quarries in
that district. The other two companies carried out similar work in the
vicinity of Lempire and Ronssoy. There was very little of interest
during the succeeding days after which the brigade moved out to Roisel
prior to accompanying the division to the Havrincourt sector of the
front.
HAVRINCOURT.
At the end of May the battalion marched out with the remainder of the
brigade from Roisel and in one day reached their destination behind the
Havrincourt Wood sector. We there remained for a short period in the
region of Ytres and Fins. Little time was lost in the necessary
preliminaries and we relieved a battalion of the Duke of Cornwall's L.I.
of the 21st division in support in the wood. "D" company were early
unfortunate and suffered a number of casualties from heavy shelling on
the shallow trenches which they manned near the western edge of the
Wood. The enemy had noted the continued movement in this vicinity, and
suddenly decided to pay attention to it in the usual manner. This spot
was always remembered afterwards as "Where 'D' Company were shelled."
Conditions at Havrincourt were rather different from those at Epehy,
although the same characteristics due to recent consolidation still
prevailed. It was more interesting, however, and in many senses more
"livable," a word of deep meaning on the Western front! In the British
lines--the canal, the slag-heap (or more correctly slag-heaps) and the
wood dominated all other landmarks. The canal, a portion of the Canal du
Nord, was in course of construction at the outbreak of war, and its
deep, well-laid bed is one of the engineering wonders of this part of
France. At Havrincourt it first runs west to east and then sharply bends
to the north towards Moeuvres past Hermies. The left of the 42nd
divisional front rested on the bend, after running over a huge chalk and
limestone slag-heap which stands at the corner. Going southwards the
line roughly skirted the eastern edge of the wood which lies upon a
slope facing the east.
Before their retirement, the Germans had cut down all trees on this
forward slope, some said in order to make use of the timber, others for
tactical reasons, so as to leave us exposed to view. I should say both
reasons weighed heavily with them, but principally the latter, for it
was noticeable that the woods in their own lines had not been so
denuded. Havrincourt village lay behind the enemy's front line on a
ridge that dominated our own positions. Further beyond were Flesquieres,
Marcoing, Premy Chapel and Ribecourt, where the main line of resistance
of the Hindenburg system could be plainly seen, while further over to
the left on the highest ground was Bourlon Wood, which was to become so
famous in the history of the British army. Every day the battalion
observers watched parties of Germans, large and small, working on these
rear trenches apparently quite unconcerned about the fact that they
could be plainly seen. Periodically our air service issued aeroplane
photographs showing the extraordinary development of these trenches,
their elaborate construction, the concrete dug-outs, and solid rows of
heavy barbed wire, until it almost came to be recognised that an assault
upon them would only be attempted by the maddest of leaders, and the
prospect of having to take part in it took one's breath away.
The chief job of the battalion was to guard by day, and get command of
by night, the large extent of No Man's Land which varied from 400 to
about 1,200 yards across. The day work was easy, but at night it was
fraught with quite interesting possibilities. The Boche was not very
inimical here, and seemed anxious to lull us into a feeling of peace and
security so that, I suppose, he could get safely on with his digging,
for he had still a good deal to do. His outbursts of shelling,
therefore, although at times disagreeable, gave one the impression that
its chief purpose was to remind us of his constant presence. At times,
especially in the evening, it seemed to afford him amusement to dust our
lines indiscriminately with gas shells. Our gunners, however, were not
so lenient and they frequently made excellent use of their good ration
of ammunition, so that we were able to make daily notes of the changes
in the scenery, particularly in Havrincourt village. Considerable
interest was aroused one morning, soon after our arrival, by the sudden
disappearance of Havrincourt Chateau in a cloud of red brick dust and
smoke. This was always a mystery and a frequent source of controversy.
Did the Boche blow it up, and if so, why? Or did it go off as a result
of our shelling, and again, if so, why? Some said they saw
stretcher-bearers moving about amidst the debris afterwards, which
rather indicated the second theory.
We enjoyed the advantages of a continuous front line here, but naturally
a good deal of time had to be spent in perfecting the system, both in
digging and wiring. The brigade was given an opportunity of leaving its
mark on the war-geography of France, two copses in No Man's Land being
dubbed "Wigan Copse" and "Dean Copse" by the 5th, while we were
responsible for "Manchester Trench" and "Cheetham Hill," "Henley Lane"
serving to keep green the memory of the brigadier. Two great chalk
craters showed up in front, "Etna" and "Vesuvius" respectively, and one
of the jobs of the patrol commanders by night was to find out if the
former was occupied by the Hun. We very soon found that it was, and that
he appeared to use this and the two copses as starting points for his
patrols. Thus, when our parties went out at night, the possibility of an
encounter in No Man's Land was never remote, and indeed there were a few
clashes of this sort. It was all a great education for the battalion,
for such work as this had not often come our way in the Gallipoli days,
and there had been no opportunity of practising it since. It was
considered advisable to get as many officers and men as possible out on
patrol at some time or other, for there was a noticeable difference in a
man's morale, and in his attitude towards trench life, once he had
returned from such an adventure. He was conscious of having in a way
asserted his manhood--more than his pal who had not been out--and the
dim uncertainty of what there might be in front of our wire had gone. He
knew now what was there--nothing. He was acquainted with the ground in
such a way that if the enemy did wish to attack he knew exactly where he
could get him with Lewis gun, rifle or bombs. A spirit of confidence was
thus engendered in the whole battalion, as was eventually shown when a
few ventured out on patrol in broad daylight, and obtained some very
useful results.
Realistic gas drill was indulged in occasionally at night because the
enemy had an irritating habit of putting over a few rounds of gas,
either shell or T.M., at irregular intervals. He caught out a few of the
East Lancs. by this trick, which naturally produced a state of "wind" in
the division so that everyone was more than ever "gas alert." After a
few nights of gas alarm, in the middle of one of which the transport
officer had to commandeer a fatigue party (in gas helmets) to extricate
a full water-cart from a shell-hole, most of us became "fed up." Another
night someone imagined he felt the pineapple smell of the type of gas
the Hun then used, and the alarm was passed along the front trench. One
of the officers on duty was determined to make sure this time, and
stopped the passing of the message. He made his way along the trench
where the men by this time had assumed their gas helmets, until he came
to one stolid, oldish man who was on sentry, staring truculently out in
front without his gas protection on. "Jones," said the officer, "can you
smell pineapples?" "What, sir," he grunted, "I could if I had a tin of
'em under my nose!"
One night, while we were in support to the 5th, one of their officers,
in charge of a patrol sent out to investigate the ground around "Wigan
Copse," got into the Copse and discovered a Boche post there. The
startled enemy had apparently made off. The next night the 7th took over
the front line at an unfortunate moment, for the Hun had decided that
"Wigan Copse" must be "retaken" at all costs, and they began the
business with a barrage all over the place but particularly on our front
line, just as we were beginning the relief. It was decidedly unpleasant,
and we had no idea what it was about until we heard the brutes cheering
as they rushed into the empty copse. From a report which we captured
later we found that this was another addition to their long list of
"victories," and I have no doubt that a few iron crosses were doled out
to commemorate the occasion.
After three and a half weeks' continuous duty in and around Havrincourt
Wood the battalion moved out for a week's rest to Ruyaulcourt in brigade
reserve. It was a pleasant diversion and we made the most of the
glorious weather with football matches and very successful sports, the
latter largely taking the form of comic dress contests.
The affair of "Wigan Copse," and the constant patrolling activity
exercised by ourselves and the 5th in that direction had induced a
lively interest in this spot, until finally it was decided to raid it,
and the 7th were selected to do the job. As this was the first effort of
this nature attempted in the division there was naturally a good deal of
anxiety as to the result. The 8th were to co-operate with a diversion on
"Dean Copse," and if possible, of course, they also were to obtain
prisoners. "C" Company (Capt. Townson's) were honoured by the C.O. in
having to supply the raiding party of 40 men, and 2nd-Lt. Hodge was put
in charge. His qualities as a leader, and his expert knowledge in
bayonet fighting left him undisputed as the officer most fitted for the
business. He took his men off to Ruyaulcourt, when we had gone into the
line again, and there trained them vigorously "over the tapes" for the
task in hand. Each time he took them "over" they were inspired to a
fiercer zest for the blood of Boche, so that when they returned to the
Slag Heap on the night of July 2nd every man was primed up like a
fighting cock.
Careful reconnaissance during the preceding nights, and long scrutiny by
day through telescopes and field glasses left no doubt as to the weak
spot in the Hun armour. He had placed low wire in front of the copse but
had no protection on the flanks. A track leading from the front line
showed how his men moved up to occupy this outpost position and also the
probable route taken by patrols. As it also seemed evident that the
copse was held at night only, the plan of the raid was obviously to give
the enemy ample time to settle down in the outpost, and then dispose the
raiding party so as to strike in on an exposed flank. The western side
was selected, because there was little or no danger from the canal, and
it left the 8th a free hand to deal with "Dean Copse." At the appointed
time our men filed quietly along and got into position across the track
without any alarm being raised. Lewis guns were posted at one or two
points to cut off retreating Huns. At 1.8 a.m. exactly, our guns opened
fire, not upon the copse of course, but upon the enemy main lines. A
remarkably good and accurate barrage was put down on the German front
line, which formed a crescent within which lay the two copses,
especially on known M.G. positions; while, by request, the Australian
heavy guns from the next divisional sector northwards joined in with
crumps on strong points behind the front line. Simultaneously the
raiding party leaped up and rushed into the copse like howling
dervishes. Some hours of a deathly, eerie silence, the nerve-racking
quality of which is only known to those who have experienced it, and
made all the more impressive by the fact that it occurred on a front
which is not usually quiet, was followed by a sudden din and an
unexplained mad charge of the hated English. It must have put the fear
of God into the Germans of "Wigan Copse," for they made no effort to
resist and tried to "run for it." In fact one poor devil--a
youngster--who had been lying out in the grass on sentry (but must have
been doing his work rather badly) got up and ran with our men. Hodge
noticing his unusual headgear, seized him by the scruff of the neck and
flung him bodily, rifle and everything, back to his men. No one wanted
him at the moment, for the "fun" in the copse had to be encountered yet,
and he went from hand to hand until one of the covering parties took him
in charge.
Two more prisoners were secured on the edge of the copse. Several other
Germans who offered resistance were bayonetted while Hodge shot one or
two with his revolver. Then it was discovered that the Hun had not left
himself so badly protected as we had thought. Interlaced among the
branches and shrubs at about five feet from the ground were strands of
barbed wire which caused a few nasty cuts and scratches on the faces of
some of our men. It was found to be impossible to go through the copse
because of this, but Hodge had good reason to be satisfied with the
night's work. He had secured his toll of prisoners as ordered, without
sustaining a single casualty, and had inflicted other casualties on the
enemy, for his men had emptied rifles and Lewis guns at the few flying
Boche and into the copse, so he gave the word to withdraw. The men had
crawled out at the beginning like fighting cocks, but they came back
like roaring lions. They were naturally in a great state of excitement,
because it was their first venture of this sort, and it had been
crowned, after a glorious five minutes' rough and tumble, with
unqualified success.
2nd-Lt. Hodge was decorated with the Military Cross for this feat--the
first M.C. in the division in France--and this was really the beginning
of a brilliant career for him as a soldier. He was eventually
transferred as a Company Commander to the 5th East Lancs. with whom he
obtained the D.S.O. From there he progressed to Major with the L.F's.,
and finally finished the war as Commanding Officer of the 8th
Manchesters, leading back the cadre of that battalion to Ardwick Green
in March, 1919. He is unreservedly one of the officers whom the Fleur de
Lys are proud to claim.
Sgt. McHugh and Ptes. McLean and Braithwaite received Military Medals on
this occasion, and they also were glad to know that they opened the long
list of decorations that the battalion was to obtain in France.
I have spent some little time on this "Wigan Copse" raid because it is
an important event in the history of the battalion. The 7th Manchesters
never looked back after that show, and they held up their heads in the
proud consciousness that they had attempted a good thing and had
achieved it. It gave them confidence--for there was a reputation to live
up to, and all felt that they could not possibly fail once a job was
begun. And so it was. Nothing the battalion ever touched in future went
wrong, and there has been no incident in the war which the 7th need look
back upon with remorse or regret.
Another important event in our life at Havrincourt was the digging of a
new front line about 500 yards in advance of the old one along almost
the whole of the divisional front. The 5th, being the collier battalion,
achieved their part of the business on the Slag Heap, while the 7th and
6th worked on their right. The first night was a great success, there
was not a whisper of protest from the Boche, and we had cut through an
almost continuous line, adequately protected by concertina barbed wire,
and particularly strengthened at various points where posts had to be
held during the next day. The enemy must have rubbed his eyes rather
vigorously next morning when he saw what had been accomplished during
one night. However, he soon began to register on the new trench, and
unfortunately an isolated tree (Cauliflower Tree) helped him in this
work. We were not surprised therefore to have our labours frequently
interrupted on the next night's digging by violent displays of wrath
accompanied by pyrotechnics. One of these was particularly spectacular,
eliciting from a digger the remark: "Wouldn't Jennison be damned jealous
if he was here now!"
Rumours increased about going out for Divisional rest, until elements of
the 58th (2nd line London Territorial) division began to appear and make
reconnaissances of the front, from which we augured good. One of their
C.O's. on being told that we had arrived in France in March, was quite
delighted, and said he had been searching the British Army for troops
who had come out after they did. They arrived a month before us--but
from England! Nothing pleased Col. Cronshaw better, and he carefully led
him through the exploits of the 42nd from the day they sailed from
England in September, 1914. The London C.O. left the dug-out with a more
or less chastened countenance, and I presume he still continued his
search.
July 8th was our last day at Havrincourt, and although we were glad at
the time for the promise of a respite from trench duties, we have since
frequently looked back on those sunny days with great pleasure, for by
comparison it was a "bon front," and picturesque withal, which can
hardly be said about any other sector we learned to know. The light
railway was utilised again to take the battalion to Ytres, and after a
night there we marched first to Barastre, and then to Achiet le Petit,
beyond Bapaume.
ACHIET.
The 127th brigade resided under canvas about the battered village of
Achiet le Petit on patches of ground not too incommoded by shell holes.
The war had passed comparatively lightly over this portion of France,
but a short walk westward took one to the battle-scarred fields of the
fierce Somme fighting, and this was useful to us for we could pay visits
to these districts to learn something of modes of battle in those days.
One day, the Brigadier took a number of officers to Thiepval and
recorded his own personal experiences of the fighting around there. On
another occasion a brigade scheme took place on the famous Gommecourt
trenches. We little guessed in those days that we should actually be
fighting for our lives in those same trenches in less than twelve
months. It seemed as though the tide of war had rolled over this ground
for ever, and that the very earth would cry out if it were to hear again
the shrieking and tearing of shells that came to wound it.
Intensive training was the order of the day, and realising that we had
still much to learn the work was seriously taken up. The men came from
Lancashire, the division had been sorely tested by fire in Gallipoli,
and by endurance in the Sinai, so that hard work under able leadership
was all that was required to uphold the flag of achievement which had
yet received no stain. As the days wore on, and we had almost forgotten
our trench activities at Havrincourt, rumours began to float once more
about an early move, and this move was to be connected with a big stunt
coming off soon "up north." At any rate no one disputed the suggestion
that our next contact with the enemy would probably be of a more serious
nature than the last.
Let it not be supposed, however, that these rather sordid thoughts
occupied our minds completely whilst we remained at Achiet. Officers and
men took full advantage of the period of rest, and the weather
fortunately was exactly suited to enjoyable life under canvas. The thing
of the moment only concerned us, and this was more often than not an
important football match with another battalion, a game of cricket, a
sports day, a visit to the divisional concert troupe--"Th' Lads"--who
gave some very good shows about this time. Boxing was a great thing, and
Pte. Finch, who was, poor chap, killed and buried in this spot the
following March, knocked out all comers in the divisional heavyweight.
Some of these events took place in a huge crater, which had been
transformed into a sort of Roman amphitheatre, produced by the blowing
up of a large and deep German heavy ammunition dump. In the divisional
sports also, the officers proved that they were at least the most
able-bodied in the 42nd by winning the Tug-o'-War cup.
On the whole, we look back to the weeks at Achiet as a period of solid
training, plenty of "Spit and Polish," but "lots of fun." On the 1st of
August we got word of the big offensive at Ypres amidst all that
disastrous rain, and we expected to move up there any day. It was not
until three weeks later, however, that we did move, and then it was
known definitely that we were for Flanders. The battalion marched down
to Aveluy, near Albert, on an enervatingly hot day and remained one
night in huts there. The next night they entrained and proceeded to
Poperinghe in Belgium, and so added another country to the list of those
they visited during the war.
CHAPTER V.
Belgium.
YPRES.
Ypres! That wonderful place, the sound of whose name makes the heart of
the Englishman at home glow with pride, but makes the soldier, friend or
foe, shudder at the mere recollection. It was the scene of much stern
work, and if Belgium has been dubbed the Cockpit of Europe, surely the
"Salient" was the cockpit of cockpits. More men lie buried in that small
patch of ground than one cares to think about, and when instances of the
unreasonableness and veritable folly of war are cited from other fronts,
they can always be equalled by experiences at Ypres.
In many respects, however, the 7th were lucky in this sector, for we did
not actually go over the top during our stay. Other units of the
division carried out what would be termed minor operations (which are
anything but minor operations to the people concerned), but the 7th
escaped any such work. So far as we were concerned it was a continuation
of line-holding, but under vastly new conditions. It would be useful,
perhaps, to indicate the nature of these conditions.
As all the world knows the third battle of Ypres commenced on the 31st
July, 1917, preceded by a terrific concentrated bombardment of the Hun
positions lasting about ten days. The effect of this bombardment was to
obliterate all signs of life on that part of the earth, with the
exception of a few horrible, naked, and shattered trees. Nothing green
was visible anywhere. In fact the land looked as though it had been a
very choppy earth-brown sea suddenly frozen to stillness. Everywhere
was shell-holes, shell-holes, shell-holes--large and small. Only by
careful searching could one ascertain where enemy trenches had been.
Dotted about over this terrain were the Hun "pill-boxes," concrete
shelters in which the enemy had made their last machine gun fight.
Whereas at one time they had been skilfully concealed from view, they
were now standing stark above the ground which had been torn away from
them. Some of the pill-boxes, indeed, had been smashed in by direct hits
from the heavies, so deadly had been our gun fire during those ten days.
The opening of the British offensive had brought bad luck with regard to
weather. The men had gone over in a terrific downpour of rain, so that
all the advantage lay with the defences. The tanks had struggled
wonderfully with the appalling conditions, but the ground was against
them, and most of them were "ditched" before they were knocked out. A
few, however, had got well ahead, until they were out of action, and it
hardly required field glasses to be able to distinguish them within the
enemy's lines, now functioning, by the cruelty of fate, as German
pill-boxes and sniper-posts. Such was the salient in the early days of
September when the 42nd went up to take over the "line."
It was ascertained that we were to relieve the 15th division, a most
excellent division consisting chiefly of highlanders of the New Armies.
They had fought over this ground in the first days of the offensive, and
after a short rest had come back again to help to hold the positions
taken and to initiate "minor" operations. They were situated astride the
Potijze Road, due east of Ypres, and that is where the advance parties
from each battalion of the division found them. The first impression
was: "What a contrast with Havrincourt!" It was the exact antithesis in
every respect. This was a country where the desire to kill and destroy
had developed to an unimaginable intensity. Nothing of use was to be
left by either side, and every yard of ground almost was searched by the
gunners to carry out their cruel game.
As evidence of the meaning and determination of the business the
18-pounders were packed axle to axle amongst the mud and shell holes,
ready to bark forth their loud defiance to the Hun. The 4.5 howitzers
were visible in batches at various places. Further back, but still
closely packed were the 6-inch howitzers, the 60-pounders, and the
heavier calibre guns. The huge, ever popular 15-inch and large naval
guns lay beyond Ypres, and were not for the eyes of the ordinary
infantryman, but evidences of their sound work would be found when the
advance continued. It required very little imagination to picture the
German guns similarly placed and in similar numbers, for this offensive
had alarmed the enemy, for did it not threaten the existence of their
submarine bases in Belgium, to say nothing of their hold upon Lille? His
defence was careful, however, as we found to our cost, and, however much
the papers at home kept up the morale of England by sneers at the
"pill-box," the soldier on the spot regarded it with extreme caution and
respect. After all they were the only things that stood the test of this
bashing method of fighting and their very existence, when everything
else was destroyed, was ample proof of the fact. Tacticians from the
highest general to the platoon sergeant tried hard to discover the most
effective and least costly manner of "dealing with a pill-box," and the
highest in the land eagerly snatched at ideas from the man out of the
line if they bore the scent of feasibility about them.
One never knew if it was in pursuit of the solution of these tactical
problems that the higher command persisted during those sad August and
early September days in their policy of "minor" operations. Certainly no
part of the salient was ever at rest. Local attacks were launched here,
there and everywhere, but comparatively few succeeded, or if they did it
was merely a temporary success. While our advance parties were in the
line the Black Watch and the Gordons of the 15th division, executed a
night attack on "Gallipoli" and Hill 35, a job which had been previously
attempted, and very little advance was made. Those who had reached the
foremost position were immediately expelled or captured, or killed where
they stood, by the Boche counter attack next morning. Losses were very
heavy.
The 42nd took over the right portion of this front near the Frezenburg
Ridge, and the 61st division the left. Incidentally, the latter again
attempted Hill 35 but with equal success. The 125th brigade was given
one of these unfortunate tasks, with the 6th Manchesters in support.
They were to take the Iberian, Borry and Beck Farms, now no longer
farms, but strong pill-boxes well defended by a system of outworks. They
carried out the job and suffered heavy casualties, so heavy indeed that
they could not withstand the inevitable Hun counter attack which came in
the evening and was delivered by fresh storm troops brought up for this
purpose from the rear. After they had attained their objective they
realised the peculiarity of the strength of the German defensive system.
They were subjected to heavy cross machine gun fire from the enemy
positions which had not been attacked. It was evident that unless these
latter were taken also they could not hold on. In other words, the
policy of local attacks was suicidal and was, in fact, playing into the
German scheme of defence.
While these things were taking place the 7th had moved from behind
Poperinghe to Toronto Camp near Brandhoek, where it enjoyed its full
share of the evening's excitement from Hun bombing planes. On September
7th, the battalion went by train to Ypres as far as the Asylum, and from
there filed cautiously by platoons through the town, past the ever
famous Cloth Hall, whose scraggy skeleton could be only dimly discerned
in the darkness, and through the Menin Gate. A short distance along the
Menin Road, and then we turned off and eventually got on "J" track--the
interminable length of duck boards that carried generals, privates,
rations, ammunition, runners, artillery observers, and all the other
various persons and impedimenta of war, through the maze of shell holes
up to the forward positions. There were a number of these tracks all
leading out like arteries from the bases of organisation to the front
line. They were labelled at intervals with small boards bearing the
distinctive letter or number of the track painted in white luminous
paint so that they were equally legible by day or by night. These were
the only guides in this desolate waste, and woe betide the man who in
the night came across a spot where shelling had obliterated a good
portion of the track, for it was a difficult job to pick it up again,
and frequently a nerve-racking experience.
With the exception of a few bursts of 4.2's at intervals none of which
came uncomfortably close, the battalion were fortunate in having a
peaceful passage that night, and the relief of the 7th Lancs. Fus.
proceeded without incident. We were in support in old German positions
just in front of Cambridge Road, headquarters being established in the
shafts of a dug-out which had filled with water. Oh--how we longed for
the comfort of Havrincourt! But we never allowed this thought to cause
depression, for it was all in the game and other men had had much worse
things to do.
I think the dominant note of our stay in this sector was shelling. It
was an ever present serious factor, and a most disturbing one. Men were
killed and maimed "for doing nothing" so to speak. They were merely on
the spot, and there was nowhere else to go. Tactical reasons demanded
that they should be there, should scratch a little cover and remain, and
there they cheerfully remained--and waited. Officers moved about and
tried to get their men interested in their surroundings, in their
comfort, in their protection, and in the rigging up of a defensive
battle if necessary. The men understood and worked with a will, and
laughter and song rang out over the torn earth. But every man knew that
in a place like this almost anything might happen; however, the worst
would never happen to _him_--the other fellow perhaps, but not him.
That, I imagine, was one of the secrets of sticking it.
Undoubtedly the Boche was putting up a fight for this bit of ground, and
his guns never ceased, only in the grey hours of dawn was there any
semblance of peace along the front, and then one felt that he had just
temporarily put a hand over the mouth of the guns in a straining
attitude of watching and listening for a movement on our part. A sudden
withdrawal of that hand and they would all bark forth together in a
terrible chorus. It was a strain for all, and faces began to show the
lines of wearing mentality. Our persons lost their spruceness too. There
was mud clinging to us, we were unshaven, equipment hung rather loosely,
but our rifles and ammunition were still as ever, and Lewis guns would
be found in good condition.
After two nights the battalion occupied the front positions, relieving
the 5th Manchesters, and headquarters were established in a good sound
pill-box at Wilde Wood. Another attack was being planned upon Borry and
Beck, to be carried out by the 5th, with ourselves in support. Meanwhile
our job was to dig new trenches out in front as jumping off places for
the attack. They were successfully completed, but when the enemy saw
them he paid his usual attention to them and as a result 2nd-Lt.
Chatterton (C Coy.) was badly wounded, and eventually lost a leg. He was
an extremely popular figure both with officers and men being known to
everyone as "Joe," and his absence was keenly felt, for he had gone out
originally with the battalion in 1914.
Luckily the plan of attack was abandoned, and apart from a feeling of
personal relief everyone felt that a wise thing had been done. There was
little hope of the enterprise proving any more successful than that of
the L.F's., especially as similar attempts had just been made left and
right of us and had failed miserably. It was clear that the only way to
ease the situation was to carry out a big attack on a wide front.
Evidences of the imminence of such an attack showed themselves very
soon, for advance parties from the 9th division came up to learn the
front, and they intimated that they had a "big job on."
One night one of our patrols out in No Man's Land, heard not far from
them, feeble calls for help. Making their way across the shell holes
towards the sound they found a man with a smashed leg and absolutely
exhausted. He was brought in and proved to be an Inniskilling Fusilier
who had taken part in an attack some four or five weeks previously! He
stated that he had kept up his strength by eating the food and iron
rations and drinking the water which he had found upon the dead men
around him. It seemed incredible that such a thing could have happened,
but on making inquiries concerning his division, the number of which I
have forgotten, it proved to be perfectly true. Surely this case
presents physiological and psychical problems worthy of consideration.
We were relieved again by the 5th and went back to our old support
position. After two days the L.F's. came up again to relieve the
brigade, but the bulk of our battalion continued to go up in the evening
to dig in a corps cable which was being laid as far forward as possible.
By the time we completed the last of our journeys to the east of Ypres,
we were a battalion chastened in body and spirit. Many big gaps had been
made in the ranks, and it was when we settled down to the more
comfortable and peaceful existence that these gaps were keenly felt. A
most noticeable absentee was R.S.M. Hartnett. He had been badly hit by a
piece of shell at Bill Cottage, and later died in hospital at Rouen.
Hartnett's work with the 7th Manchesters has nothing but good to show.
He had been a sergeant instructor with the battalion in pre-war days,
being sent to us by the 1st Manchesters, and had gone out in 1914 to the
Soudan. He stayed on through Gallipoli, and became R.S.M. when Franklin
was made adjutant. A keen, regular, disciplinarian and the scourge of
feeble N.C.O's., he was an untiring worker in entertainments. His song
in Gallipoli--"Oh, Achi, Achi Baba," to the tune of the "Absent Minded
Beggar" will never be forgotten, while some of the sketches that he
wrote and had performed were masterpieces of good humour. C.S.M. Clough,
of "D" company, was appointed as his successor and although the post of
R.S.M. is a difficult one to fill, he did some excellent work,
particularly in the line.
Toronto Camp sheltered us again for a night or two after which we moved
nearer to Poperinghe. It was evident by now that we were to leave Ypres
altogether, and no one exhibited any regrets, but there was a peculiar
feeling that the division was rather under a cloud, and apart from a
natural partisanship in the matter, everyone was indignant at the
unfortunate opportunities which had been afforded us to make our
reputation in this country. All were emphatic that had we been given a
sporting chance in a general attack, there would have been nothing
wanting in the final result. However, there was a violent spring clean
through the division. The G.O.C. left us, as well as a number of the
staff. In accordance with an army scheme to move round commanding
officers, Lt.-Col. Cronshaw was exchanged for the C.O. of the 8th
Worcesters--Lt.-Col. Carr, D.S.O.--and bade a sad farewell to the 7th on
September 20th. The men sent a good many regrets after him, for he had
done sound work, and had had a big hand in the creation of the fair name
of the Fleur de Lys. We were pleased later to see his name in the
honours list for a D.S.O. in recognition of his work with the 7th
Manchesters.
On that day the battalion marched to Winizeele and there we were joined
by the new C.O. A sort of kinship sprang up when it was discovered that
he had been wounded at the landing on Gallipoli with the Worcesters of
the famous 29th division.
NIEUPORT.
It was now apparent that our destination was north, one more step in the
direction of Blighty, towards which we had constantly moved since
leaving El Arish. But it was as near as we ever should get until the
final crossing. We were to join that small, isolated batch of the
British Army which had taken over the coastal sector from the French
with such high hopes in the middle of the year. Ever since the first
furious German onslaught in 1914, when the Kaiser had come in person to
see his myrmidons seize the coast road to the Channel Ports, and when
they met the wonderful defence of the Belgian and French troops
culminating in the flooding of the Yser lowlands, the Nieuport sector
had settled down to a quiet front.
The intention was for the British Fourth Army, under General Rawlinson
to steal quietly in, and on an appointed day to startle our friend the
enemy by a quick turning movement along the coast, which, worked in
conjunction with the Ypres offensive would free Ostend and Zeebrugge. A
far-reaching conception, but unfortunately doomed from the first by its
over-importance. The Hun had found out. Someone had told him there were
British soldiers on the coast, so he stampeded--not in the way we should
have liked but in a disastrous manner for ourselves. It had been part of
the scheme to preserve the secrecy of this movement by not bringing up
the guns when the infantry came, for there is nothing like gun positions
for "giving the game away." So soon as the German knew, however, that
the British had arrived, up came his guns very quickly, for he was well
aware that they had not come for a rest, especially in view of other
activity near Ypres.
The 1st division had taken over the Coastal sector with the 32nd
division in front of Nieuport on their right. On the coast the line ran
through the sandhills on the east side of the Yser, while on the right
of this the ground was very low lying and was largely flooded from the
five canals which converge near the town. In July the Huns smashed down
all the bridges over the river with shell fire and then attacked in
overwhelming numbers, with the result that amongst the sand dunes, being
unsupported either by artillery or infantry, the battalions on the east
of the river were completely blotted out. Very little progress, however,
was made against the 32nd division, and their line remained more or less
intact. It was impossible to retake the lost ground, for the wide river
mouth had now to be crossed. This incident altered the whole face of the
situation, for a general advance over the inundated sector alone was out
of the question, and the scheme was given up. A number of guns was
brought up to form an effective background to the infantry and that was
as far as matters developed.
When the 42nd arrived they found, by a curious chance, the 66th division
in charge of the coast sector. This division was composed of the 2nd
line battalions of our own units, so there was a tremendous amount of
interest in each other displayed by both sides. Friends met friends, and
opportunities for these meetings were further afforded by the fact that
most units relieved their own 2nd line battalions.
The 7th, after a novel experience of being carried up to the coast on
motor 'buses from Winizeele, were "debussed" at Coxyde, where they
billeted themselves comfortably in the deserted houses. The Boche had
paid this place some attention prior to his attack in July, and had not
really left it alone, so that the civilians had made a rather hurried
departure. A few had elected to remain, and were to be seen walking
furtively about the streets with that curious strained look that the
war-driven peasantry of France and Belgium always wore. Here we met the
2nd battalion of the Manchesters, and were glad of the opportunity to
make their acquaintance. A 7th officer, then Capt. L. Taylor, was
amongst them and it may be mentioned here that later in the war he added
lustre to the Fleur de Lys by winning, with the 2nd Manchesters, the
Military Cross with two bars, which decorations he fortunately lived to
carry home after the conflict. Whilst here the 2/7th being anxious to
prove their mettle, challenged us to a game of football, from which we
carried off the honours by a comfortable margin. Needless to say, this
match excited considerable enthusiasm.
After a couple of days we took over the brigade support position, where
we were charmed to find ourselves living in huts amongst the sandhills
behind Oost Dunkerque Bains. There was a fly in the ointment, however,
for the enemy knew about this camp, and being in possession of a couple
of high velocity 5.9 guns for which this place was a suitable target, he
pooped them off at us occasionally in the evening time. The night before
we came, indeed, a shell dropped upon a hut occupied by 2/6th Manchester
officers, killing four of them. Although we were worried this way, there
being little feeling of security under a thin wooden or canvas roof,
we fortunately sustained no casualties. On October 2nd we took over the
front line from the 5th, and were now in the unique position of being
the left battalion of the whole Western Front.
[Illustration: NIEUPORT, AND COAST SECTOR.]
It was an extraordinary place to fight in--like having a real war at
Blackpool amongst the houses along the front. Nestling in the corner
made by the mouth of the Yser and the coast, is the seaside resort
ostensibly belonging to the town of Nieuport, for it is called Nieuport
Bains. The war had arrived here suddenly, apparently, for an engine and
trucks still stood in the station, much battered now of course, while
every cellar was filled with most expensive furniture which the people
in their rapid flight had been unable to remove. All the houses had been
of the new and large type, particularly those overlooking the promenade,
but they were now skeletons of their former glory, and to see property
of this kind in such a state only served to bring home still more
forcibly the cruel destruction of modern war. The French had made this
front, and with typical French ingenuity they had connected all the
cellars of the houses and so constructed a perfectly safe communication
trench to the front line. This C.T. was continued backwards as a sort of
tunnel along the beach, but it was really a camouflaged trench, just
covered with a layer of sand. Flash lamps were thus greatly in demand on
this sector. As well as watching the Hun on land we were expected also
to keep a look out to sea for submarines and any other vicious craft,
and the two posts allotted this duty were armed with wonderful pom-pom
guns that no one had the courage to experiment with. Still "the man
behind the gun" had a comfortable feeling of importance so long as there
was nothing to shoot at. In that eventuality one trembles to think what
might have been the effect upon himself and the remainder of the crew.
Patrolling was also a queer business. In warmer weather it was
accomplished in bathing costume and tin hat, with revolver between the
teeth or behind the ear, but cold nights discouraged these efforts, and
we sneaked about on our side of the river wondering what we could do.
We were now at the seaside and there was the usual crop of mad holiday
projects. One of these was to experiment with a new gas to be projected
into the Boche front trench across the river. Then Lt. Morten was to
pilot a boat over, hop into the said trench, and return in possession of
a "gassee" from whom the results would be studied. Morten went down the
line with a sturdy crew of A.B's. from "D" company to practise rowing,
but luckily that was as far as the scheme progressed. Then we had our
sea-serpent. An odd sentry or so had sworn to having seen a boat on
successive nights knocking about the river. A careful look-out was
instituted, but no one in authority caught a glimpse of this "mystery
ship." After six days of this sort of thing we were surprised to find
ourselves relieved by the 20th D.L.I. of the 41st division. They had
just arrived from Ypres and the 42nd were to take over the sector on the
right. The 127th brigade, however, went out into reserve at La Panne and
there we had a splendid time.
It was about this time that the new divisional commander
arrived--Maj.-Gen. Solly-Flood, D.S.O., who was destined to raise the
fair name of the 42nd to rank with the proudest of the British Army. He
had been for a time the director of training at G.H.Q., and this fact
filled us with awe but none the less with pleasure, for every sensible
soldier knows that success in the field is the product of good training.
We expected strafe upon strafe whilst out of the line, but it was a joy
to find that the new commander knew that the best results are obtained
by instructing everyone down to the meanest soldier in his job rather
than by bullying. What could the Manchesters better wish for then, than
to have Generals Henley and Solly-Flood? It was indeed a lucky chance
that had brought us under his command. The 7th were also able to welcome
an old friend in Major Hurst who suddenly rejoined the battalion from
England about this period.
La Panne had not altogether lost its characteristics as a pleasure
resort, for it was the place where the tired officers of the Belgian
Army came for a rest cure. King Albert and the Queen frequently stayed
at their residence here in their usual quiet, simple way. The Belgians
told you with pride how their monarch could at any time be seen walking
by himself about the streets of the town or along the country roads like
any other officer in the army. A story was told how a couple of young,
dashing French flying officers met the Queen on the beach one day but,
not recognising her, started a conversation. She, seeing the possibility
of a good joke, invited them to her home, and they gleefully accepted.
Picture their consternation when they were presented to the King!
Altogether we spent an extremely pleasant fortnight in this place, and
it was by way of a study in contrasts that October 20th found us
installed in the Redan on the opposite side of the river from Nieuport.
This town is a sister in misfortune to Ypres, but the destruction was
even more complete because it was almost in the front line, and shells
of all calibres dropped in it well-nigh continuously day and night.
Peace-time bridges, of course, had been obliterated, but soldiers had
built others to connect up the front line defence, which was east of the
river, with the rear. Who will ever forget Putney Bridge? Lancashire men
who knew nothing of its parent in London, had now perforce to take a
lively personal interest in this wobbly structure. There were two others
but they were not so famous as this because they were not so frequently
used. Many things can be camouflaged to deceive aircraft, but I think a
bridge over a river would tax the most ingenious in this art, hence,
although hidden from direct observation from the enemy lines, the Hun
had the exact position of these bridges, and, what was more
disconcerting, he also had the exact range. So he "dusted" them at
irregular intervals with various calibres, and trips across resembled
the noble game of running the gauntlet. This portion of night reliefs
was naturally particularly exciting. The late Lt.-Col. Marshall, V.C.,
when second in command to the 6th L.F's., provided an amusing story for
the division one day when a couple of officers failed to salute him in
the middle of Putney Bridge, he walking calmly across, and
they--obviously hurrying. He pulled them up and strafed them duly, then,
to force his point, he stood on the bridge and caused them to pass him
two or three times in a dignified manner and salute him correctly.
Luckily the Boche did not interfere in this little humorous interlude.
The Redan was a large triangular redoubt, with the base resting on the
river and having an artificial moat through the middle and on its other
two sides. It had been built many years ago to defend Nieuport and in
this war had played its part. The enemy had paid a good deal of
attention to it with heavy shells so it was considerably knocked about.
Most of the concreted dug-outs, however, were still intact, and they
served to house a good portion of the 7th in their support position.
Headquarters inhabited the ever famous Indiarubber House. This resembled
an innocent barn in appearance, and the Hun had hit it hard many many
times, but his shells had only bounced harmlessly off the solid
concealed concrete--hence its name. The French, in the quiet days, had
"done themselves well" here, and we thanked them for the excellent
supply of electric light which they had handed over.
It was when we took over the front line, however, that the real meaning
of the Nieuport sector was revealed. The ground was torn and devastated
like the Salient, but here the destruction and misery was increased by
floods, ever present in a greater or less degree. It had been impossible
to dig in the low ground, so the defences consisted of breastworks which
had been very much battered since the enemy had established his
superiority here in guns. Over this area the Boche had uninterrupted
observation from the ruins of Lombaertzyde, which lay on slightly higher
ground just within his lines. It was thus practically impossible to move
about by day, for the sight of khaki brought down a hurricane of whizz
bangs, special batteries being apparently told off for sniping of this
nature. Further, as we lay in a very sharp salient just here our men
could be plainly seen behind the breastworks by the enemy on their right
rear, and these people indulged in long range machine gun sniping.
Since our purpose was a "peaceful" one in this sector, we could see no
value in inviting the enemy to indulge in artillery and M.G. target
practice on us, so we lay "doggo" during the day. Everything had to be
done at night, and runners to the companies found this their busiest
time, wading thigh-deep through stretches of water, and picking their
way amongst innumerable shell holes in search of Company Headquarters.
This front also lent itself to heavy trench-mortar work by the Hun, and
"minnies" were constantly stealing over with evil intent to batter down
our flimsy breastworks. Battalion H.Q. and the signallers will probably
not easily forget the morning when they found themselves the objective
in this kind of work. One shot dropped plumb on the H.Q. concrete
shelter, half removing the roof and scattering the contents of the
orderly room in a disrespectful manner, whilst the next one pushed in
the signaller's dug-out, wounding L.-Cpl. Wild. It was the sang-froid of
a/R.S.M. Clough on this occasion, coupled with his sound work generally
in the line, which earned for him the Belgian Croix de Guerre.
Although the casualties were nothing like so numerous, still our men
agreed that for general conditions they preferred the Ypres sector to
this, and it certainly was a most depressing spot. One of the great
troubles was the number of canals, which, owing to the destruction of
the dams and locks, etc., were now affected by the tides, causing them
to overflow and flood our defensive works. This was another source of
glee to the Hun, and he played a most amusing game--to himself--of
allowing us to build up a dam and then promptly knocking it down with
5.9's and 8"s. One night, a new officer to the 7th, 2nd-Lt. J. H. Milne,
was in charge of a working party on one of these jobs when they were
suddenly subjected to heavy shelling. The dam was smashed and Milne
found his party broken up on each side of the canal. Realising that one
or two of the men on the opposite side of the canal to himself had been
hit, he, along with Sgt. Heath and Pte. Titchener, scrambled across,
although the shelling had not ceased, and looked after them, getting
them to places of safety. Milne received recognition for this, while
Sgt. Heath and Pte. Titchener were awarded Military Medals.
On the night of November 1st a most unfortunate incident occurred. We
were out in support again and were to relieve the 5th the following
night in the front line, the usual advance parties having been sent up.
Lt. Sievewright had gone up for "B" company, and whilst there some
scheme had been suddenly formed to go out a short distance to examine
new wire that had been put up. The party had ventured out beyond the
wire, however, and were suddenly assailed with a hurricane of bombs from
what appeared to be an enemy patrol or covering party. Sievewright and
two officers of the 5th were killed and two other ranks wounded. It was
an exceedingly unfortunate event for it was quite an impromptu venture
and it would appear that the usual patrol precautions had not been
considered so seriously as they would ordinarily have been. This was a
strange front, however, and extraordinary things happened, our brigade
not being the only one to suffer from mishaps, for on another night the
commanding officer of the 8th L.F's., whilst visiting his outposts
wandered into a Boche post and was never seen again, while the late
Lt.-Col. Marshall, V.C. (previously mentioned) did the same thing, but
after a short scrap with a Hun he managed to get away.
We had the 2nd Matrosen (Naval) division in front of us, and they were
really an enterprising lot. Undoubtedly our pressure upon Paschendaele
was making the German nervy on this sector, and he was under an
obligation to keep alive and display a vigorous activity. Further, his
morale was considerably heightened by the Teutonic success in Italy
which his wireless sets were busy blazoning forth to all the world. This
will account, therefore, for the sudden arrival of an enemy patrol
outside one of our isolated posts one night. They flung in bombs over
the scanty wire, inflicting casualties, and then rapidly departed. This
was a sting which had to be avenged, and while the 5th were in they
took first toll by meeting a Hun patrol in No Man's Land, and after
fighting it out returned triumphant with two prisoners, who proved to be
Bavarians, thus giving a valuable identification. When we took over, our
chance came very soon for a patrol was met on the same game as before.
The result was discomfiture of the enemy and the capture of a wounded
petty officer of the Matrosens. From these two events we could
approximately deduce the enemy divisional boundary. The next night,
determined to assert our superiority over the Boche, another of our
patrols from "A" company, journeyed forth, got through his wire, located
a post, and then filled it with bombs.
After seventeen days of amphibious soldiering in front of Nieuport we
were relieved by the 125th brigade, and went back for a welcome rest to
huts near Coxyde. Rumours drifted around about accompanying the 41st
division to Italy, but they did not materialise. Bitterly cold weather
suddenly arrived, however, which made us aware of the flimsiness of the
French huts in which we dwelt.
CHAPTER VI.
An Interlude.
The 42nd division added to its list of new experiences when it was
relieved at Nieuport, by a division of French troops. We afterwards
heard that they had demonstrated their capacity for common sense in
warfare by evacuating all the horrible ground in front of the Redan,
which we had clung to with characteristic British bull-dog tenacity.
Lt.-Col. Carr, D.S.O., having proceeded on leave, Major Allan commanded
the battalion during the succeeding days. It was found later, however,
that the C.O. would not return, having been placed on the sick list at
home. The division was destined for Bethune and it was a very pleasant
five days' march that took us to that area. On the first day, Nov. 16th,
passing through Leffinckoucke, near Dunkirk, we reached Teteghem, while
the next day took us to Esquelbec, just outside Wormhoudt. The following
two days required only short distances to the Hazebrouck district, but
the fifth day was longer, and, marching past the divisional commander in
Aire, we arrived at Mazinghem, a small village just off the main Lillers
road.
The battalion spent a few days here, and a really happy time it was. The
villagers had not become blasé to British soldiers, and they gave our
men a hearty welcome in their billets. It was with no small pride that
the curé, with whom the padre and myself were lucky enough to be
billeted, informed us that General Pètain had at one time spent many
happy days in his house, for his uncle had been the curé here. Whilst in
this village we received the news of the wonderful Cambrai attack by
General Byng, and we had a curious feeling that he had no right to do
that without asking the 42nd to help him, for we naturally possessed a
fatherly interest in Havrincourt and all its works. The first flush of
news gave us no details, and we were perplexed to know what had happened
to "Jerry's Wire" which we knew was formidable enough. Then the stories
of tanks upon tanks drifted through, and we began to understand it.
It was here that Lt.-Col. Bromfield, of the Leicestershire Regt. first
saw the 7th and assumed command. He was due for leave, however, and had
just emerged from a trying time at Paschendaele, so Major Allan was soon
left in charge once more. We did not remain long at Mazinghem for our
duty was to relieve the 25th division in the line at Givenchy, before La
Bassee. As everyone knows, this was one of the sectors of the original
British line so that everything connected with it was essentially
English. Since the fighting at Festubert in 1915 comparative peace had
reigned along this front and we were content to allow it to remain so
after our noisy experiences at Ypres and Nieuport.
Givenchy was once a mining village situated on a spur of the Aubers
Ridge, which, running west to east, looks down upon the flat ground,
stretching uninterruptedly northwards through Festubert, Neuve Chapelle
and Laventie towards Armentieres. Someone had facetiously suggested in
the trench diary (a beautifully bound document that had been handed down
from battalion to battalion from early days) that "Givenchy Church be
kept in a state of repair for the Huns to register on," and therein lies
an important fact. Had the church tower been standing, and one could
have got into it, a glorious view of a large part of Northern France
would have been obtained. Looking eastwards one saw La Bassee half
concealed by thick woods while to the northeast were the outskirts of
Lille. Southwards and south-west were the mining villages of the Lens
district with their huge conical fosses. In other words, Givenchy was an
important tactical point and the fiercest efforts of the Boche in 1914
had failed to move British troops from it, although at the end of the
fighting it lay in a very sharp salient, which was only straightened out
after Festubert in 1915.
Since those days typical old-fashioned trench warfare had prevailed.
There were wonderful ramifications of trenches, front line, duplicate
firing line, support trenches, reserve trenches, and numerous
communication saps, all built on the old style with numerous sandbags.
On the flat ground to the north it had been impossible to dig down for
defence, and both sides had built up earthworks on the somewhat marshy
ground, so that sandbags were again the most noticeable feature. Running
behind the breastworks in this portion was a convenient
trench-tramway--for rations, ammunition, etc. To the south of Givenchy
were the famous La Bassee Canal and the brickstacks.
When mankind started to fight each other under the earth, as well as on
it and above it, No Man's Land in front of Givenchy began to be really
churned up. Huge craters had been blown up by both sides in such numbers
that they formed the most distinctive feature of this part of the line.
The whole of the ground across the ridge between the lines presented the
appearance of a model of the Alps on a rather large scale. These craters
had to be carefully represented on all trench maps, and they bore
distinctive names such as Warlington Crater and Red Dragon Crater. Both
sides had pushed forward saps as far as possible through this difficult
ground both for observation and sniping purposes. Great mine shafts
extended under No Man's Land, and the curious could go down these and
listen to the Huns knocking about and digging above.
The great advantage of the quiet nature of this front was the
possibility of daylight reliefs, so it was in the afternoon of November
27th that the 7th dribbled across "Westminster Bridge" over the canal,
and took over the support positions evacuated by the 1st battalion
Wiltshire Regt. in the vicinity of "Windy Corner." We were astonished to
find cottages and rows of houses, very little damaged, within 600 yards
of the front line, and we reposed comfortably on wire beds inside them
instead of in holes in the ground. In fact, across the canal, just
behind Harley Street, and at an equal distance from the front, there
still lived a Frenchman with his wife and kiddie, who dispensed eggs and
chips to hungry Tommies! Surely this must be a "bon front." I am afraid
things looked vastly different after the Hun attempt to smash through
the 55th division here in the following April. It was with the
probability of this attack in view that the 42nd division began to
stiffen the defences, and as well as holding the line we interested
ourselves in digging, concreting and wiring.
G.H.Q. were convinced that Germany would in the Spring make a supreme
effort to break up the Western Front before the American Army became an
effective force in the field. The offensive spirit was to be kept in our
pockets for a short time, and we were to turn our attention to the
defensive idea. They had also decided that a system of "defended
localities," skilfully sited and constructed, would be the most
effective method of breaking up the attacking hordes. That is, the
British front would consist of a series of posts, each self-contained,
but mutually supporting, that would act like a huge breakwater to the
Hun waves. In accordance with this general idea, the line near La Bassee
was reconstructed, and a good deal of hard work was put in during those
winter weeks. Later, when we heard how well the 55th division had
stopped the enemy in the localities that we had done so much to perfect,
we felt a good deal of pride and satisfaction that they had proved a
success, and complimentary messages were exchanged between Maj.-Gen.
Solly-Flood and Maj.-Gen. Jeudwine, commanding the 55th division. A
combination of the work and fighting qualities of Lancashire men had
been too much for the Hun.
It must not be imagined that it was all a bed of roses on this front,
for the enemy had his unpleasant moments, particularly at night. There
was a steady flow of irritating casualties, and when Corporal O'Connell
and Pte. Bowie of the regimental police were killed at headquarters one
night, we felt that old familiar faces might not be so permanent amongst
us as might be supposed. The cruel disruption of war was ever present.
Still we had the satisfaction of knowing that the Boche received as much
and more than he gave. The battalion snipers occasionally registered
hits, and in this type of warfare there was plenty "of good sport" to be
had owing to the short distance across No Man's Land and the large gaps
in the sides of the enemy trenches. Our gunners also indulged in sniping
with good results, and it was exciting to watch the rapidity of the
sequence of two or three grey figures jumping out of a trench and the
bang, bang, bang of an 18 pounder shell or two in their close vicinity.
But our excitement must have been as naught compared with that of the
aforesaid grey figures!
The reliefs in this "model sector" came round like clock-work. A
battalion did four days in the front line, four days in support, four
days in the line, and then four days in brigade reserve. After
thirty-two days of this the brigade went out for sixteen days in
divisional reserve. It was all so beautiful and soothing that it seemed
as though the problem of perpetual motion had been solved and the war
had come for an eternity. The enemy did the same thing, and we knew when
he did it. He left us alone on relief days and we returned the
compliment. Thus on December 9th we effected a peaceful passage into
brigade reserve at Gorre Chateau. In a noisy sector this chateau and all
the village in the vicinity would have been reduced to ruins, but here
the civilians had not been interrupted in their daily work, and the
chateau itself was a wonderful billet for troops, accommodating the
whole battalion comfortably. In fact, nearly twelve months later orderly
room received bills for the use of the electric light in the officers'
mess!
Whilst here Major Allan was sent to hospital, from which he was
eventually invalided to England, and did not return to the battalion
again. He had had a long, useful career with the 127th brigade since the
middle of 1915. Family affairs had caused the regretted departure of
Lt. G. W. Franklin, and his place at the head of the transport was taken
by Lt. Wilkinson, after a brief period of duty by Lt. C. R. Thorpe. Col.
Bromfield returned from leave just after we went into the line again at
Givenchy after the four days' rest. This spell in the line was marked
principally by cold, frosty weather and most of the battalion figured in
the trenches in wonderful fur coats popularly known as leather jerkins.
The Manchester brigade were fortunate again in being out in divisional
reserve for 'Xmas. Excellent fare was provided for the 7th in the shape
of turkeys, pork, 'Xmas pudding, extra vegetables, barrels of beer and
extra rum rations, so that hilarity was the order of the day. There
being a good deal of snow about at this time tactical exercises
frequently took the form of inter company snow-ball fights. To have
Major Hurst with us during this period previous to his departure on
Courts-martial work could not have been more opportune, for he had ever
been most energetic on the social side of the battalion. With
reminiscences of his impromptu concerts and lectures on Gallipoli and in
Egypt we knew we should not look in vain for something from him. His was
the master-mind behind this Yule-tide festivity, while a delightfully
funny sketch written by him in which Gwendoline de Vere of Greenheys
Lane figured prominently, gave the officers and sergeants of the 7th an
opportunity of displaying their dramatic skill. The inhabitants of
Bethune, where most of the brigade were in billets at this time, will
not easily forget the efforts of the 127th brigade to make the most of
its 'Xmas rest. The Boche made unpleasant contributions to the
proceedings by way of long range shelling by day and bombing by night,
but although the 8th and the civilians suffered somewhat by these
displays, the 7th escaped practically unhurt.
In the opening days of the New Year we returned to the line in the
Brickstacks sector south of the canal, and the heavy snow and frost
having been succeeded by a sudden thaw accompanied by rain, the
condition of the trenches in the low ground can be better imagined than
described. Leather jerkins were quickly supplemented by "boots, gum,
thigh," and the British soldier came to assume the appearance of a
Yarmouth fisherman. Runners, etc., arriving at company H.Q., would first
demand from the harbour master permission to navigate their course
through the troubled waters, while facetious notices indicated times
when pleasure boats could be taken out. This amphibious warfare was
extremely unpleasant, and it further delayed the work on the new
defensive positions. Captain Jimmy Baker and Lt. Jack Morten, whilst on
a midnight prowl in No Man's Land almost met with disaster, and the
performance came to an undignified close after they had extricated one
another from deep muddy water to make their way back to dock minus gum
boots. We knew that the Huns must be in a similar predicament, for their
ground was equally low, and we could only laugh when on one occasion
dawn revealed one or two of them jumping about in the open in attempts
to dry their clothes and to restore life to their numbed bodies. It
hardly seemed the game to fire upon them.
Kindness to a German is often misplaced, as we found when his
"travelling Circus" of heavy trench mortars arrived. Having
unobtrusively got these weapons into concentrated positions near his
support line he suddenly loosed them all off one afternoon at an
extremely annoying and rapid rate of fire, peppering all the trenches
that we had spent such time in getting into habitable condition. It was
a nerve-racking experience while it lasted but the 7th stuck to their
posts ready to meet any Hun attack should it develop. What the enemy had
really intended was never quite understood, but a small party of Boche
got across No Man's Land that night. One of "B" company's posts saw
them, however, and attacked them. One German got into our trench and
Pte. Saunderson chased him but failed to get him. Jerry, in his hurried
departure, left behind him his cap and one or two other articles and
these, together with a collection of battered trenches and a few slight
casualties, were the only souvenirs we got out of this "stunt," with the
exception of the M.M. awarded to Pte. Saunderson, for his plucky
conduct. The divisional commander was in the battalion area at the time,
and he afterwards sent us a congratulatory message on the steadiness of
the men, a compliment of which we were justly proud.
On January 22nd we moved out to Le Preol into brigade reserve. The 7th
were particularly fortunate in coming out of the line at this time, for
we did not go in again before the whole division was relieved. After our
allotted period at Le Preol it was the brigade's turn for divisional
reserve, and this was accompanied by another move back to Hingette, near
Locon. One of our functions in this position was to back up the
Portuguese if they should be attacked, for they lay on the left of the
42nd. This entailed a careful reconnaissance of all the ground behind
their positions, and the siting and construction of defended localities
in that area. So the battalion found itself digging and wiring once more
in new soil.
The 55th division, having recovered from the severe handling they had
received in the enemy reply to "Cambrai," eventually took over the line,
and on February 12th the 7th marched back to Burbure, near Lillers. The
end of the 42nd's tour of duty in this sector had been marked the
previous night by a highly successful raid by the 9th Manchesters which
had taken the Boche completely by surprise, and had furnished quite a
number of prisoners and machine guns. The warning rumblings of the
German offensive storm now steadily increased to a marked degree. His
guns were growing in number, range and activity, and what had once been
peaceful back areas were steadily becoming more uncomfortable. This was
displayed all along the front, so that it was impossible to deduce from
that fact alone where his blow would fall. There was a good deal of
suspicion, however, about the Portuguese front, and the duties of the
42nd, as 1st Army reserve, were clear if the attack took place there.
Eventually the division, without having to move again, became G.H.Q.
reserve, which meant that we were liable to be sent to any part of the
British line when Germany commenced to strike. With the aid of motor
buses, parties of officers and men made reconnaissances of the defended
localities behind the Loos and Hulluch sector, so that by now we were
more or less conversant with the larger part of the 1st Army front. The
divisional commander lectured officers and N.C.O's. of all brigades
concerning the work of defence, and it was about this time that he
instituted the divisional motto:--"Go one better"--which was taken up
and acted upon with such popular enthusiasm by everyone connected with
the 42nd. In fact, if a coat of arms of the East Lancashire Division had
been designed in 1918, the following three features would have stood out
clearly:--
[Illustration]
During the month of February the drain upon the manpower of the British
Empire caused by the war made itself apparent. It was found to be
impossible to maintain in the field four battalions per brigade, and a
reduction to three was ordered. Then took place the solution of a most
confusing Chinese puzzle. Some battalions were broken up, and the
fragments sent to others either in the same division or in other
divisions, while in the case of many units, particularly territorials,
there was a transfer of a sort of cadre which was amplified to full
strength in its new division. The 42nd division lost the 6th L.F's., the
4th East Lancashires and the 9th Manchesters, and the 8th Manchesters
were transferred to the 126th brigade, which was now composed of 5th
East Lancs., the 8th and 10th Manchesters, while the 127th brigade was
left with the 5th, 6th and 7th Manchesters. A whole company of seven
officers and 200 men of the 2/10th Manchesters from the 66th division
came to wear the Fleur de Lys, and we were glad to welcome them as
comrades. In the heavy fighting that followed they proved themselves to
be good stuff of the regular Oldham type, while they themselves forgot
their natural initial heart burnings and grew proud of the Cap badge and
flashes that they had adopted.
Our period of rest was divided between Burbure and Busnes, and in both
places the mesdemoiselles and the estaminets were a source of real
delight to the men of the 7th. As might be expected, some good, solid
training was achieved, and this was interspersed by most enjoyable
football competitions and cross-country running. In fact, the middle of
March found the division extremely fit.
CHAPTER VII.
Stopping the Hun.
"Good God! What is the matter with the Boche to-night?" Such were our
ejaculations on the night of March 21st at Busnes. The coming of
darkness had brought with it the long-drawn out, familiar "A-zoom,
a-zoom--CRASH--CRASH--CRASH," of enemy planes but in closer proximity
than ever before. Previously they had confined their attentions to
Bethune each night, but on this particular evening Lillers was the
objective, and plane after plane came over maintaining an almost
continuous bombardment throughout the night. An ammunition train
standing in the station, was hit, and the terrific explosions that
followed at irregular intervals accompanied by huge fires added to the
evening's excitements. Next day, wires from G.H.Q. enlightened us. The
German offensive opened on the morning of March 21st, the fifth and
third armies being engaged. The front line defence had been overwhelmed,
but we were led to suppose that the enemy was being held up amongst the
defended localities.
We afterwards learnt that intensive bombing of back areas and
particularly of railheads and junctions had taken place that night in
the whole of the British area. One of the objects of this was to impede
the movements of reserve divisions, and when it is known that detailed
instructions had been issued for the entrainment of the 42nd at Lillers
in case we should be required at some distance, such a policy as this is
easily understood. But the German had reckoned without the London
omnibus driver, who before the war had served another kind of "General."
Arrangements were rapidly completed in twenty-four hours, so that on
the morning of March 23rd the whole division, in battle order, found a
huge fleet of buses ready to convey them to--"Somewhere in France." The
French villagers smiled confidently at us as we journeyed northwards in
the direction of the Portuguese front, but they did not know, poor
souls, that this was the only way the large convoy could "about turn,"
nor did they know, although perhaps they guessed, that the Portuguese
front would collapse the following month and they would be fleeing for
their lives before the blonde beast. We eventually turned our faces
south and rode the whole of that day without stopping over the dusty
roads of France. The Hun had been extraordinarily lucky in weather,
there having been hardly a drop of rain for more than three weeks, so
that the ground was perfectly dry for his operations.
Nightfall found us still travelling, and the day of 24th March had
almost broken before we "debussed" to find ourselves in the devastated
area of the Somme lands, near the village of Ayette. There was no rest
to be had. Uncertainty as to the situation in front and also as to the
future possibilities necessitated an immediate adoption of tactical
positions, and the 127th brigade took up a defensive line, on an outpost
principle, to cover the ground between Ablainzevelle and Courcelles.
Until this had been achieved no man was able to turn his thoughts to
sleep, in fact the sun had been up some hours before this was possible.
The day produced a complexity of events in the handling of which Col.
Bromfield proved himself to be at once human and masterful. In the first
place, a "battle surplus" had to be decided upon. This was a small group
of officers and men, selected as far as possible from each rank and from
each type of specialists, who remained behind the line whilst the
battalion was in action. In the event of the battalion being obliterated
by casualties, they would form the nucleus of a new unit. Choice
generally fell upon those who were considered due for a rest from the
line. When the necessary officers and men had been abstracted the
Company Commanders were Capt. Tinker, "A," Capt. Nidd, "B," 2nd-Lt.
Harland, "C," and Capt. J. Baker, "D." Headquarters comprised the C.O.,
Capt. J. R. Creagh, Adjutant; Lt. C. S. Wood, Signals; and Lt. S. J.
Wilson, I.O.; while Capt. Philp, the M.O., and Padre Hoskyns were in
confident control of aid post arrangements.
We had now become a part of the third army, and as such we were destined
to remain until the conclusion of the war. General Byng was not a
stranger to the 42nd, for it was as a part of his corps on Gallipoli
that they made their first fight against the Turk. As the reports have
it, "the situation was obscure" on this portion of the third army front.
As far as we were concerned the 40th division had experienced a very
severe handling but were still fighting gamely. They had recaptured Mory
twice and were now expected to be in possession of the greater part of
the village, while the Guards on their left were only yielding ground
inch by inch. What had happened to the right of this was not very clear.
The orders of the 127th brigade were to go up and relieve some fragments
of the 40th division in Mory on the night of the 24th, and when darkness
fell we set out with this object in view, but such plain,
straightforward work as that was not to be achieved in these queer days.
Events moved quickly and a change in the situation was an hourly
occurrence; it therefore devolved upon unit commanders, and as far as
possible commanders of higher formations to act with initiative and
resource.
[Illustration: ROUND ABOUT BAPAUME]
The head of the brigade column had reached Gomiecourt when word was
received that the enemy was attacking again, and there were vague
reports that Behagnies had either been captured or was being hard
pressed. It was considered inadvisable to continue the journey to Mory,
and more important to hold up this possible enveloping movement. We were
therefore deflected to the right, and then those things were done which
we used to practise on the desert, but never expected to put into use in
France. We moved across the open in artillery formation by battalions
and finally deployed into a defensive position. Meanwhile the guns
were hammering away at S.O.S. speed from their hastily improvised
positions either on or near the roads. The difficulty of all this work
was not diminished by the darkness, and it was with some astonishment
that we found the 125th brigade coming through our lines diagonally. One
or two stragglers from other divisions came in and told stories of heavy
enemy attacks, but a gunner major rode back from the front on a white
horse, and said the situation was not so bad as these men's reports had
intimated. Still, there seemed to be a good deal of confusion, and the
7th were somewhat bewildered, not knowing quite what to expect next.
Meanwhile they longed hard for daylight in order to get their
whereabouts and some idea of the lie of the land.
As daylight approached on the 25th it was obvious, from the increasing
proximity of rifle fire on our left, that Mory had fallen and the line
was falling back steadily. Quiet seemed to reign now, however, in the
direction of Behagnies. We later discovered that the L.F's. had received
orders to push on and cover the Behagnies-Sapignies Road, and this they
had successfully achieved in the night. At the same time the 126th
brigade was in touch with the enemy in front of Ervillers, so that on
the morning of the 25th all three brigades were in the front line and
were rigging up an impromptu battle with the Hun. The enemy soon made
his intentions clear and he commenced a vigorous assault. What troops
still remained of the 40th and other divisions, when they found that the
42nd were in position, gradually dribbled through in search of a
long-delayed and well-earned rest. They had been fighting without
respite since the morning of the 21st. The 6th Manchesters were now on
the right of the division in the vicinity of Bihucourt, but they were
uncertain as to the state of affairs on their right. As a matter of
fact, although we were not aware of it at the time, Bapaume had been
taken and a large gap had been left in the line south of our right
flank, through which the Huns were pouring in victorious mass. The New
Zealand division and one brigade of Australians, with the 62nd division
on their left were hurried forward, and after very severe fighting
stopped the enemy rush about Hebuterne, some miles westward of the
position we held on March 25th.
Meanwhile we were in blissful ignorance of our hazardous position and
the Manchesters were preserving strict guard over an exposed right
flank. The 6th came in for a good deal of heavy fighting in the vicinity
of Bihucourt, but they held the village all day. The headquarters of the
7th was in an old shallow dug-out close to the light railway that had
been constructed from Achiet-le-Grand to run eastwards in the direction
of Bullecourt. This railway wound its way through a sort of valley to
the north of which lies Gomiecourt and to the north-east Mory. Due east
on higher ground are Behagnies and Sapignies where the L.F's. were
making such a fine stand. This high ground continues southwards towards
Bihucourt and Bapaume, and it was along this ridge that most of the
day's fighting took place.
During the previous night the 7th had been spread out fanwise in
out-posts covering the shallow valley, and it was not long after
daylight before the enemy began to drop shells indiscriminately about
this ground. "C" and "D" companies were ordered forward to assist the
5th and "A" and "B" were left in support. Tanks came up and they
courageously crawled out over the ridge and did some very sound work
before being knocked out by guns which had been brought up to unwonted
proximity. It was whilst crawling out to rescue a wounded man of the
crew of a tank that Sergeant Heath, M.M., was mortally wounded. The
127th brigade could not be driven from their positions and they dug
themselves in, in small section posts, confidently awaiting nightfall
and the next day's fight. The attacks died down and when darkness came,
digging parties went up to assist in the work of consolidation. Events
as described above, however, had decided otherwise, for about 10 p.m. a
divisional staff officer arrived with orders to fall back to a line of
defence between Logeast Wood and Courcelles.
Casualties had been fairly heavy in this day's work. Capt. J. Baker and
2nd.-Lt. B. Taylor had gone down wounded, while Col. Bromfield, Capt.
Creagh and the M.O. had all been slightly wounded by a shell which
knocked in the entrance to the headquarter's dug-out. They remained at
duty, although the C.O. suffered considerably from an internal bruise in
the stomach which made it impossible for him to walk without assistance.
The arrangements for clearing the wounded became confused when
Gomiecourt was evacuated, for there the Advanced Dressing Station had
been established. Then it was that the Padre displayed his vigour,
courage and resource. He commandeered a hut close to Achiet and had a
large number of wounded from various battalions collected there.
Eventually he was able to get an ambulance which carried many of them
back to the Casualty Clearing Station, but this process suddenly
stopped. All sorts of conveyances were then seized and men were
gradually carried back. When the order to withdraw became known matters
were critical, but the Padre continued his labours. Difficulties were
not diminished when the Hun commenced to drop 5.9's near this spot.
Hoskyns was slightly wounded, but he was bound up and carried on his
self-appointed task until some time after the last of the brigade had
gone by, leaving him with no one in front but the Hun. Not until the
last man had been carried safely off did he leave this place, and then
he collected various stragglers and marched them up as a platoon to join
their own units! This, and his continuous plucky and considerate work in
tending bodily as well as spiritual needs during the next few days
obtained for him a well-earned M.C.
The night of the 25th-26th was even more strenuous than the previous
one. About 11.30 p.m. the withdrawal commenced, and was very skilfully
carried out, so skilfully, in fact, that the German battle outposts
could be heard firing intermittently for hours after our troops had
retired. After steady plugging, man-handling everything, we reached a
system of admirably prepared trenches north of Logeast Wood. The pioneer
battalion 7th Northumberland Fusiliers, who had come to the division in
February, had been working upon them all day, and, excellently sited as
they were, they inspired everyone with a great feeling of confidence.
Men took a lively interest in their posts, and after a considerable
amount of organisation sentries were mounted and the battalion settled
down for a rest until the enemy should arrive. It was now 3 a.m. At this
hour it so happened that the division had received another urgent order
to fall back still further. Staff officers made their way on foot
through the congested roads behind the front and searched dimly for the
various brigades, a most uncertain task in view of the rapidity of
events. We were found eventually and the brigade major aroused us from
slumber to transmit the news.
Once again the 7th rose up, shouldered their burdens, and strode
backwards. "What are we going back for? What does it all mean? We held
up Jerry yesterday--why retire?" It all seemed very unsatisfactory and
we were very tired. Food had naturally been scanty and only obtained in
snatches, but much energy was being consumed. It was a disappointed
battalion that straggled wearily through Logeast Wood. We were only just
in time, however, for advance parties of the enemy were already entering
the east side of the Wood as we emerged from the south-west side. Here
we found some explanation of things. Col. Wedgewood, of the 6th,
reported bodies of the enemy moving forward to strike in on our southern
flank, and this news had the effect of an electric shock amongst us.
Col. Bromfield at once ordered positions to be taken up to face the
enemy who were advancing from the south and south-east. "A" and "D"
companies moved out quickly to seize the high ground and one or two
Lewis guns opened fire at the bodies of grey figures in the distance.
Meanwhile, however, the brigadier had decided to cover the
Bucquoy-Ablainzevelle road, and so touch up with the 62nd division, who
had some hours previously occupied a position from Hebuterne to Bucquoy,
and were at that moment resisting violent efforts on the part of the Hun
to turn our right flank. It was, therefore, in the latter village where
we met the gallant Yorkshiremen of the 2nd line West Riding
Territorials. Gen. Henley personally assisted in getting the platoons of
"B" and "C" companies into position, and then "A" and "D" companies were
ordered to withdraw to their line.
When the withdrawal had been completed the 7th were on the right of the
division, with the flank resting on the edge of Bucquoy village. The
road from Bucquoy to Ayette, which was almost south to north, is an
important one and is marked by a row of trees on each side. As one walks
from Bucquoy along this road, another road branching off to the right
from the edge of the village is seen leading down to Ablainzevelle. The
road junction marks the highest portion of ground in the vicinity, and
there is a long sweep eastwards towards Logeast Wood and
Achiet-le-Petit. It was when we noticed the latter place that the whole
irony of the situation broke upon us. Eight month's ago we had been
enjoying a blissful period of rest on this self-same spot, and such
features as we now gazed upon had merely been used for the purpose of
containing a supposed enemy in the working out of a tactical exercise--a
sham fight. Now--the enemy could not be more real or more alive. He was
here with the sole intent of destroying us by any possible method if we
would not vacate our position. What happened?
The 7th was assured that this was at last the spot where resistance
would be offered. There were no trenches, and the men lay out in the
open on the sloping ground east and south of the Ablainzevelle road,
with intent to dig in as soon as possible. "C" company were on the
right, and they were rather fortunate in being on the site of an old
camp, because in these days of modern war it is necessary to dig a hole
in a tent even, as a safe-guard against bombing. "C" company then
disposed themselves amongst these circular holes, and later found them
useful protection when the heavy shelling commenced. "B" company, in the
centre, were totally exposed, while "A" company on the left, in touch
with the 6th, were almost as bad, although two platoons were able to
make use of the sunk road. "D" company were behind in support and could
occupy portions of an old Boche trench running east and west.
Headquarters lay out in the Ayette road at first until an old Boche
dug-out, not completed, was found farther up the road, and then they got
into it. Platoons had barely been allotted their areas when clumps of
Huns began to appear on the ridge we had just vacated. They proved to be
teams of light machine gunners, and without preliminaries in the matter
of searching for cover, they promptly opened fire, and soon there was a
perfect hail of grazing bullets swishing over the battalion area. German
officers calmly walked about directing operations and the whole scene
resembled a "stunt on the pictures" rather than modern war. They had
made a mistake, though, and if they were seeking dramatic effect it was
only short lived. Our men were delighted at the perfect target they
presented on the skyline, and rat-tat-tatted merrily in reply to the Hun
swish. By this time also "D" company of the Machine Gun battalion had
taken up a position and they also joined in the conversation. The enemy
then considered the advisability of concealment, and he disappeared from
view. Small parties of his infantry meanwhile had dribbled forward,
considerably helped by old systems of trenches which extended down into
the low ground. Our men were ready, however, and met them with a heavy
fusillade whenever they showed themselves.
Between Logeast Wood and Ablainzevelle was a camp of Nisson huts, which
had been protected against bombing, in the usual manner, by thick walls
of earth round each hut. The enemy was now making the fullest possible
use of these, for they afforded him most excellent protection. Luckily
they were on a piece of ground fully exposed to us, and we were able to
get some idea as to his movements in that direction. It was soon evident
that they were to be utilised as a stepping stone to a further advance.
First, light M.G's. and snipers were brought up, and these dribbled out
of the huts into Ablainzevelle, where they established themselves to the
discomfort of our men, for they were well on our left flank and could
take some of our position in enfilade. The battalion suffered a number
of casualties from this cause. Unfortunately also, our guns had not got
a clear conception of the state of affairs, and one battery fairly
peppered the H.Q. road with shrapnel, inflicting about a dozen
casualties, while others covered our own forward positions with the same
kind of shell, and so added to the list. I am convinced that there is
nothing more demoralising to a soldier in defence than to come under the
fire of his own guns, so, to say the least, these moments were very
trying. The difficulty of communicating with the rear caused a further
delay in the correction of this serious blunder, and our men had to
maintain a grip on their positions whilst subjected to fire from both
sides, for by this time the enemy had got his guns up, impudently close
to the front line, evidently with a view to a further advance, and was
using them to advantage. Some of them could be distinctly seen on the
outskirts of Logeast Wood, and it was obvious that most of the others
responsible for our discomfort were in the Wood itself. Further away the
roads from Grevillers, Bapaume, Loupart Wood, etc., could be seen choked
with masses of advancing Germans. If only we had had a few 60-pounders,
what perfect execution we should have accomplished. There were batteries
of guns, companies of infantry, columns of transport, staff-cars, and
all the impedimenta of a moving army. I expect the heart of every Hun of
them swelled with the pride of achievement. They were marching to the
last victory that was going to obliterate the hated English and end the
war. They were not yet aware that just here there was a row of troops,
from right to left, New Zealanders, Australians, Yorkshiremen,
Lancashiremen, and Guards, who did not intend to concede another yard of
ground.
How we longed for the heavy guns during the days that followed, but they
could not, of course, come into action until the infantry line had been
stabilised. Weeks later we heard stories of the doings on those roads
behind the lines, and perhaps we should not judge too harshly, for
traffic control was difficult and there was obviously an excessive
demand upon transport. Add to this the disturbing lack of news and the
peculiar shape of the front, for whereas we were facing east, the 62nd
division with the exception of one battalion in Bucquoy were facing
south, and some explanation may be found for the slight degree of
confusion. The divisional artillery, 18-pounders and 4.5 howitzers,
remained faithful to the infantry, and the 42nd gunners never showed up
to prouder advantage than they did during those stern days. It was not
they who had fired upon us. They were too close to us to make any
mistake in that way, for during the heaviest fighting they had their
guns within 1,600 yards of the front line, and where cover was
unobtainable either for gun or man. Needless to say they suffered very
heavily both in personnel and material, for the enemy aircraft soon
found them, and they were hammered and gassed mercilessly. Their forward
observation officers maintained a liaison with the H.Q. of the infantry
battalions, and in addition to courageous work in searching for targets
and correcting gun fire they showed the greatest consideration for our
needs.
Although the 7th occupied a commanding position it was singularly bare
and exposed so that cover was difficult to find. During the first few
hours "D" company of the M.G's. had all their guns but one put out of
action, and almost all their officers and men became casualties. They
had pluckily worked their weapons in the hastily sited positions until
knocked out--not before, however, they had carried out savage execution
amongst the more venturesome Huns, and they certainly had the effect of
making the remainder hesitate. The nature of the ground made it
difficult also for the battalion observers to work, for it was evident
the enemy F.O.O's. were specially searching for such people, and the
moment they fixed up a telescope down came a hurricane of shelling, the
close proximity of the Boche guns making their fire extremely accurate
and deadly. The result was that after the first day's fighting, of the
observers only two, Cpl. Maguire and Pte. Wilmer, remained. Not to be
daunted by the fate of their comrades they clung to their task, and
when shelled out of one spot immediately found another. They kept the
enemy under close watch and strung together most valuable chains of
evidence as to their movements, gallant work for which both received the
M.M.
The signallers also suffered heavily. Wires were difficult to keep in
repair but the linesmen continued to go out during the heaviest
shelling, while others maintained a system of lamp signalling to the
brigade behind a pile of ammunition boxes until a 5.9 dropped plumb
amongst them with dire results. Other signallers at once found a new
spot and kept communication going. But these were searching days for
everyone, when physical endurance and mental stamina were stretched to
their furthest limit. As the day wore on, the guns that we had seen in
the distance gradually came into action against us until shells were
raining down continuously on all parts of our line. Obviously, the enemy
infantry had given up the hope of further progress, for our men were
like terriers, keenly watching for the slightest sign of a Hun helmet,
and the artillery were left to do their worst upon us. Just before dusk
the M.O., Capt. Philp, was killed by a shell whilst bending over a
wounded man on a stretcher. No cover could be found for an aid-post, and
it had to be established in the open at a convenient spot on the ground.
In fact, the only dug-out in the area was that occupied by H.Q., and it
was shared by Col. Wedgwood of the 6th, so that two battalion H.Q. were
confined in a spot no more than seven feet square, while the entrance
faced the enemy in an exposed part of the road.
Darkness had brought quiet at last, but no rest. Rations had come up and
they had to be distributed. Similarly with ammunition and water. Also
the enemy might attempt a night assault, for it was not to be expected
that he would be satisfied with this very pronounced re-entrant in his
line. The 6th, whose line ran close to the edge of Ablainzevelle, sent a
patrol into the village. The small parties of Boche fled at their
approach and left two M.G's. in their hands. Our patrols searched all
the low ground in front but could not find the enemy.
Next morning, March 27th, about 9 o'clock, the battle re-opened with
redoubled vigour. Fresh enemy troops had been brought up and they made a
determined attempt to push forward. A terrific bouncing barrage came
down upon our positions, but the men stood up to it, in spite of the
heavy casualties, and opened fire upon the groups of Boche who attempted
to get across the open. The main infantry assault took place near
Ablainzevelle, and here the 6th had the work of repelling them, but
after some hand to hand fighting the enemy fell back and confined his
energies to sniping and M.G. work. Meanwhile, the landscape was steadily
changing its appearance in the 7th sector. What had once been good roads
and respectable fields were shell-pitted and strewn with debris, a pile
of S.A.A. boxes that had been left behind had been hit and in the fire
that resulted there was a disturbing display of fireworks from the
exploding cartridges. The trees were losing their accustomed beauty,
many having been smashed down completely. But picture the trepidation of
the aid-post detachment, now in charge of Capt. Greville, for they lay
close to a huge dump of shells that was liable to be hit at any moment.
During the quieter days Bucquoy had evidently been an ammunition park,
and as not much of the stuff had been removed, it was an exciting spot
to fight in.
All day this steady pounding continued, and when the enemy infantry
definitely gave up their efforts to get near our line they supplemented
the shelling by an unceasing hail of traversing M.G. fire. Yet, through
this the runners and stretcher bearers performed their appointed tasks,
and there was no period when perfect touch was not maintained between
the C.O. and any part of the front line and also back to brigade H.Q.,
nor were there cases of wounded men being left unduly exposed after they
had been hit. The constant stream of runners, etc., of both battalions
converging on the H.Q. dug-out, exposed to observation as it was, soon
made the truth of the matter plain to the enemy, and he began to pay
attention to it with 5.9's. An anxious moment came when he hit the
entrance and buried a number of men standing in the improvised steps.
All were extricated, however, and those who were wounded carried away.
The entrance was cleared, steps constructed again, and the work carried
on as usual. "D" company lost its commander again, for Lieut. Morten was
hit, and this left Lieut. Gresty in charge.
Evening again brought a welcome respite, and it was decided to minimise
casualties by reducing the garrisons of the front trenches, for by now a
sort of trench had been made and a little wire had been put out in front
the previous night. One platoon per company was taken out and sent back,
where they were placed under the command of Col. Blatherwick of the 5th,
who remained in brigade support. Daylight of March 28th brought a
resumption of the enemy effort at least to straighten his line and
masses of Huns could be seen gradually collecting in the Nisson huts. In
the previous days the 18-pounders had kept this spot under fire, but
Col. Bromfield decided to call for howitzer assistance to smash down the
earth walls round the huts, a plan which met with great success. Our
shells dropped plumb amongst them, and Huns could be seen dashing about
in all directions in search of more effective cover. Our shrapnel
barrage had been considerably improved also, and the moment the enemy
left their positions it promptly came down and drove them to earth
again. The 7th were worn out, and the men were losing their spruce
appearance, but rifles and L.G's. were kept clean, and amidst the
terrific shelling of that day they asked for nothing better than that
Jerry would try to come across to give them an opportunity for revenge.
The enemy's guns had increased in number, chiefly the heavy variety, and
it was now his obvious intention to blow us off the ridge. The heavy
pounding never ceased. Many gallant deeds were performed by runners,
stretcher-bearers and ammunition-carrying-platoons through this inferno.
Lieut. Bagshaw was awarded the M.C. for his work in leading ammunition
fatigues, but the supreme decoration of all--the seal of death--came to
a large number of the Fleur-de-lys. Amongst the officers--Capt. Tinker,
Lieut. Walter Thorp and Lieut. Ludlam were killed outright, while
Lieuts. Woods and McLaine were mortally wounded.
After a final effort in the late afternoon to advance against our
positions in a line of small sections, which was met with the usual
devastating fire, the enemy gave it up and occupied the remaining hours
of daylight with fierce shelling. Our heavy artillery had at last
returned and got to work and their shelling began to have effect, for it
was noticeable that the Boche shells were now arriving from a greater
distance than formerly. The 6th had an exciting episode that day. A
party of courageous Germans, led by an officer, had pushed forward and
were throwing bombs amongst them. Lieut. Mall decided this must be
stopped, and he led one platoon over in a short sharp charge. Fifteen
Huns were bayonetted, and Mall returned triumphantly with the officer
and one man as prisoners. They proved to be Jaegers, and although the
officer told us nothing the man was very voluble. It was some comfort to
find that of one fresh battalion that had entered Ablainzevelle, about
forty only remained. A couple of packets of Woodbines were found in the
pockets of the officer--loot from the canteen at Achiet-le-Grand. The
soldier told us that this form of German enterprise was reserved for the
officers.
This day, March 28th, marked the end of the heavy fighting. The German
thrust had been checked, and the effort to reach the Coast had failed. A
glance at the map will show that, had the advance continued here the
Arras position would have been seriously threatened, and the Germans
would have been well on their way to Abbeville and the Channel Ports.
That night the 7th were overjoyed to hear that they were to be relieved.
The L.F's. took over the brigade sector, but the relief had been ordered
so suddenly that there was no time for reconnaissance, with the result
that it was almost dawn before the last platoon of the battalion had
struggled over the crest line to the old system of trenches 1,500 yards
further back in dead ground. Heavy rain, during the evening had
converted these neglected trenches into veritable ditches of mud. A few
cubby holes had been constructed by the previous occupants, and filled
with mud though they were, our men dropped into them and fell fast
asleep. It was the first undisturbed sleep they had had for nearly a
week, a period which had seemed more like a month. During the afternoon
the battalion received orders to furnish a billeting party which had to
proceed to Gommecourt. Billeting--this was indeed bliss. They received a
rude shock on arrival however to find that the word was a misnomer. We
were to relieve the 15th Hampshires of the 41st division, who had just
been hurried back from Italy. They occupied trenches on the edge of
Gommecourt village in support to the front line, which was only about
400 yards away. The astonishment of the battalion on arrival about 3
a.m., on March 30th, when they found the nature of their new
headquarters, can be easily imagined. They were indeed "fed up"--back to
the old game, mucking about in a muddy trench, keeping a keen look-out
when on sentry (for owing to a gap in the front line a portion of our
position virtually was front line), and still shell dodging. We were
also becoming rather disreputable for the weather had broken, and mud
became the ruling element. In this manner, Easter Sunday was spent. But
there were cheering rumours about going back for recuperation, and these
kept our spirits up.
April 1st--All Fools Day--we might have known. The brigade went back to
the old spot and thus settled all rumours for the present. Our work was
not yet done. The 7th went to the support trenches they had recently
vacated, but the 41st divisional R.E's. had been busy upon them during
our absence, and a few habitable bivvies had been made. The 5th and 6th
were further back behind Essarts. The Hun had converted Essarts into a
perfect hell, and at irregular intervals he subjected it to tremendous
bombardments with his largest guns, particularly during the night. Our
transport knew something about this, for their road passed through the
village when bringing up rations at night. In this connection Lieut.
Wilkinson distinguished himself by the courageous manner in which he
got his column through during the most anxious moments. His job at this
time was not an enviable one, but we could always rely upon his arrival
each evening, very seldom late, with his store of rations, water, rum
and bundle of letters. After three days in reserve the brigade took over
the front line, in practically the same position as before, but there
had been a readjustment of divisional boundaries, so that we were now on
the left, while the 125th brigade were on the right, and their line ran
in front of Bucquoy. The 7th were in support at first, so we only moved
about 400 yards to trenches vacated by the 8th Manchesters.
At dawn on April 5th the Hun commenced to send over thousands of gas
shells in the direction of Essarts. It was a dull, misty
morning--perfect conditions for this form of devilry--and we could hear
the brutes whistling and whining over our heads for more than three
hours. The intention was, of course, to silence our guns, and the object
of this was to make an attack upon Bucquoy all the easier. He came over
at the L.F's. and there was heavy fighting all the morning, but he did
not progress much. The 8th L.F's. suffered severely, losing all their
officers, including Lt.-Col. Davies (previously of the 6th Manchesters),
who was killed. The enemy's intention had been to take the village and
push on with a view to straightening the line, but he only captured the
eastern portion of the village, and that only after very heavy losses.
Similar progress had previously been made against the division on the
right, and this made the L.F. situation impossible. We afterwards learnt
that a large number of gas casualties had gone down from the Essarts
district. In their solicitude during the bitterest days the division had
called upon the battle surplus of each unit, and had made a composite
battalion of them to act in reserve amongst the trenches N.E. of
Gommecourt. These people, as well as the gunners, came in for the gas
shelling, and it was very disappointing to hear of our own men, like
C.S.M. Shields, Sgt. Tabbron, etc., who had been left behind as battle
surplus, going down gassed. Fortunately, most of them rejoined the
battalion later. During this day's fighting some L.F's. were staggered
to find an old French woman in a cellar in Bucquoy, and they had the
utmost difficulty in persuading her to leave her "home." That was her
abode and she was prepared to live in it whatever the conditions.
The next few days resulted in a complete victory for mud. Rain
continued, and work as we would the conditions could not be conquered.
Men stood in it, and when they could, slept in it. To move about meant
wading through it, in places up to the thighs, and this was steadily
wearing out the last flicker of humanity and grit in our men. Casualties
were also increasing. Lieut. Bateman was wounded in Essarts whilst on
his way back to the battalion from a Course, and in "B" company 2nd-Lt.
Woodworth was hit. Eventually we relieved the 5th in the front line near
Ablainzevelle, where we found the trenches in an even worse condition,
if that were possible. Real joy possessed our souls, although it is
doubtful whether at the time we were capable of appreciating it, when
the news was definite that the division was to go right out for a rest.
On the night of April 7th, the 2nd 7th West Ridings (62nd division) came
up and relieved us, and the Fleur de Lys set their faces joyfully to the
west and marched off in good spirits, although with exhausted bodies,
conscious of having done their duty in stopping the mad rush of the
Huns.
CHAPTER VIII.
Worrying the Hun.
Never since the weary entry into Katia did the 7th Manchesters present
such a sorry appearance as they did when they straggled into Soustre in
the grey hours of April 8th. It was an effort to drag one leg in front
of another, and our feet were sodden and painful. Almost every particle
of clothing and equipment was smothered with red, clayey mud, and thin,
tired faces were covered with a many days' growth of beard. Here we
struggled into a row of lorries and were carried off to Vauchelles to be
housed in huts vacated by some army school. After a good meal and a
sleep we were roused in the middle of the afternoon to be told that
another move had to be accomplished. With imprecations on the staff and
all its works we fell in and marched off to Louvencourt to occupy
billets, and were at last assured that we had settled for a rest.
The next few days we spent in recuperation and cleaning up. The rapidity
with which the men recovered their smart appearance was one of the
striking features of the war, and indicated the wonderful desire for
fitness that the Britisher had acquired in his soldiering days. Col
Bromfield, however, had not been able to withstand the strain, and to
the regret of everyone departed to hospital with pleurisy, a
circumstance made all the more depressing when we learnt that his return
was highly improbable. A more popular C.O. never commanded the 7th, and
we were always proud of his high opinion of us. In his dealings with all
ranks, from the second in command to the lowest private, he had ever
proved himself a perfect gentleman, while his control of matters during
the most anxious times inspired an unswerving confidence. As a gallant
leader and commander his name stands high in the records of the
battalion.
It was by no means certain that the enemy would not open out with
another onslaught on this front, for he was making desperate efforts to
reach Amiens further south, and a break through here would make his task
much easier. With the assistance of Chinese labour lines of trenches had
been dug, and they were speedily wired in by batches of Royal Engineers
and Labour Corps. The first system to be defended if the front line
collapsed was called the Purple Line. Behind that was the Red Line,
while further back still was the Brown Line, protecting Doullens. It was
here during these troubled days that the historic meeting took place
between Sir Douglas Haig and Marshal Foch, when the latter took over
supreme command. As well as regaining lost energy the 42nd division had
to be responsible for a portion of the Red Line in the event of a break
through, so at various times parties of officers and N.C.O's. made trips
to it for reconnaisance purposes, and schemes were evolved for the
possible disposition of companies and the siting of L.G. posts, etc.,
under the leadership of Major Higham, now commanding the battalion.
After a week at Louvencourt we moved up into the line again, the
division relieving the 37th division in the Hebuterne and Rossignol Wood
sector. No one was sorry to get into a fresh part of the line. We felt
that we did not wish to see the Bucquoy-Ablainzevelle road again! For
some time now the 42nd had been one of the divisions of the IV. Corps,
commanded by Lt.-Gen. Harper, the one-time commander of the famous 51st
(Highland Territorial) division, and as such we were to remain until
Germany was defeated. We were in goodly company, for the other divisions
were the New Zealanders, the 37th and eventually the 5th, but we were
never put to shame at any time. Indeed, the spirit of "Go one better"
was always amplified by deeds, and by none more assiduously than the 7th
Manchesters.
Hebuterne and the immediate district was the "happy hunting ground" of
the division until the final grand hunt in August. As in 1914 the
village stood on the high-water mark of the advancing tide of Huns. In
their last effort they had captured it but the Australians had driven
them out again. If a visit be paid to this part of France the reason for
its importance to either side will be seen at once, for it stands near
the northern end of a commanding ridge which runs north and south, and
from which good observation is obtained for many miles in all
directions. This was the ridge over which the Huns had swarmed in March,
to be thrown back again, after a severe dispute, by the newly arrived
Anzacs, so that the present position was good for us but poor for
"Jerry." Hebuterne was the culminating point of a very pronounced Hun
salient, and our line swept round in a noticeable curve from the corner
of Bucquoy to Beaumont Hamel, almost touching the south-eastern edge of
the village. Looking north was the famous ground where Gommecourt had
once stood. In 1917 the French had decided that Gommecourt should be
preserved in its battle-scarred state as a national monument, for the
blood of many brave soldiers had there been shed during the fierce Somme
fighting of 1916. Notices were put up, huge white boards with black
printing in French and English, enjoining no one to interfere with the
trenches and wire, etc., but to leave things just as they were. Oh, the
irony of it! Here was the Hun again pounding, pounding with fierce wrath
and insistent desire to smash his way through. Those self-same notices
were shell-shattered, while in his zeal to destroy the dug-outs which he
knew so well in Gommecourt, for he had made them, he dropped, in one
morning, more than thirty 15-inch shells in the village. To the right of
Gommecourt could be seen the naked stumps of Rossignol Wood, a beautiful
name reminiscent of delightful summer evenings. But the song of the
nightingale was now gone, and the only tunes to be heard were the deadly
rat-tat-tat of Boche machine guns and the fierce hissing of our shrapnel
bullets through the decayed undergrowth, the time for this devil's
music being regularly thundered out by the crash, crash, of heavy
howitzers.
East of our ridge, and parallel to it, was a long gentle valley. In the
old days the Germans had been content to build their trenches half-way
up the eastern slope, and the French had faced them on the opposite
side, but now the Huns in the foolish arrogance of their hearts must
needs swarm over the whole valley, and offer themselves and their works
as targets for our searching gun-fire. On the summit of their ridge and
due east of Hebuterne is Puisieux-au-Mont, in almost the same condition
of devastation as Gommecourt, while further beyond, the trees of Achiet
can be seen. During the summer months those who wished could reckon up
the times of arrival and departure of trains at the German railhead at
Achiet, for the smoke from the engines could be distinctly observed.
Night after night our planes droned heavily over to the accompaniment of
wonderful displays of "flaming onions," parachute flares, searchlights,
and anti-aircraft gun-fire, and bombed these back areas with
demoralising effect. Further along the enemy ridge to the right, and
closer in, was what the trench maps grimly described as "Serre (site
of)." If you want testimony of the complete destructive power of British
shell-fire, go to Serre. The roads round about were marked on these
maps, but ironically labelled "Damaged by shell-fire." I think the word
"obliterated," openly admitted in the case of one or two, would have
applied to all. In other words the whole terrain bore the traces of the
thunderous days of 1916, and nothing of value was left standing. Thus,
when keen observers set their maps and scanned the low ground for Mark
Copse, Luke Copse, Touvent Farm, Observation Wood, or Red Cottage, there
was nothing visible. It was all a myth. Further south the masses of
white chalk thrown up by the historic crater at Beaumont Hamel were
useful for they served as a landmark and helped to locate other points
of interest.
Compared with the enemy we were in a relatively happy position. The
ridge which contained the front line shielded all the immediate back
area from direct observation, so that even the garrisons of the support
trenches could wander about in the open, while if there was "nothing
doing," the men back in reserve could lie out in the long grass and bask
in the sunshine. This was all very comforting and relieved the strain of
war very considerably, but the advantages in the matter of organisation
were illimitable. Rations came up in the middle of the day, and the
limbers and water carts, in singles of course on account of balloon
observation, trundled up the road in the afternoon to a point within
four hundred yards of the front line! As the men put it "We were
laughing"--especially when the enemy once or twice attempted a relief
before darkness over their exposed ground, and were severely knocked
about for their pains.
But to return to Hebuterne and the days of our first acquaintance with
it. Many people were convinced that the Hun would attack again, and our
higher command had found support for this gloomy prospect amongst their
archives, so that we were enjoined to remain on the strictest qui vive.
The first day's work consisted in re-organisation of the line, based
upon the principle of defence "in depth." This meant that a battalion,
for instance, did not expose the whole of its personnel in the front
line to be obliterated in the first shock of attack, but they must be
disposed in the best tactical positions, with a slight garrison in front
and the remainder ranged along behind. Speaking very generally a unit
was made responsible for the defence of an area, and the principle of
defence was to hold it, not by successive lines of defence, but by a
series of mutually supporting posts arranged chequerwise and in depth.
This arrangement was intended to break up the enemy's attack formation,
to stop parts of it and to allow other parts to advance, but to advance
only in such places as would make them most vulnerable to
counter-attack. This principle applied also down to the company and even
the platoon. It is easily seen that a good deal of organisation was
demanded from the battalion commander, while the smallest unit
commander, perhaps a lance-corporal, was left with much responsibility.
In view of the possibly impending attack, Hebuterne was hurriedly put
into a sound state of defence by the untiring energy of Gen. Henley and
his subordinates. Whilst all this was going on our patrolling was
excessively active, and every night No Man's Land fell into our hands
right up to the enemy posts. If possible we were to "Snaffle a Hun" with
a view to identification and information about the supposed attack, and
when it was discovered that the Boche was too alert in spite of
persistent small attempts by the Manchesters and the L.F's. this was
regarded as good proof by the attack theorists. However, nothing
materialised beyond the steady arrival of Boche shells of all calibres,
and we were not sorry.
When the brigade moved out into reserve the 7th had to dig themselves
into the earth near Chateau-de-la-Haie north of Sailly-au-Bois. In less
than twenty-four hours small groups of men had made a hole for
themselves, covered it with an elephant shelter, and camouflaged it with
sods. It was heavy work while it lasted, but it was necessary to work
quickly because of hostile aircraft. A neighbouring battery of
60-pounders were righteously indignant at our invasion, but still the
staff said we were to go there, and there we went. On the other hand it
was by no means comforting to realise that once the Hun spotted the
60-pounders we should be partakers in the unwelcome attention that would
probably follow, so we were quits anyhow. Luckily the enemy did not see
us, or he was displaying a lofty contempt, for after five day's
residence the battalion moved up into the line at Gommecourt, having had
no mishap. During this period our lists of "Bucquoy decorations" came
through, and they were very gratifying. In addition to the M.C's.
already mentioned, Capt. Nidd and 2nd-Lt. Harland were similarly
rewarded for their work as company commanders. Sgt. McHugh, who had
acted as C.S.M. of "C" company, received a bar to his M.M., and Sgt.
Heath, who had died of wounds, was decorated in like manner.
Twenty-four other men received the Military Medal, their names being
recorded in the appendix at the end of the book.
On April 30th the new C.O., Lt.-Col. Manger, of the Durham L.I.,
arrived. A regular soldier of many years' standing, he was pleased to be
sent again to a territorial battalion, for he had learnt the value of
these troops whilst commanding the 2nd 9th King's Liverpool Regiment of
the 57th division. He joined the battalion at Gommecourt and Major
Higham immediately went down for a rest. There was very little of
outside interest during the succeeding days beyond the usual work of
consolidation and keeping the enemy under closest possible observation.
Still, the battalion was glad to be relieved on May 6th, the whole
division coming out for a good period of rest.
The 127th brigade were given camp areas around Henu, divisional
headquarters being at Pas. We made the most of these May weeks, filled
with delightful sunshine, and, as events worked out, it was as well we
did, for it was the last long rest period we were to get until after the
armistice. Important changes took place in the battalion about this
time. Major Higham and Capt. Townson, both pre-war officers of the 7th,
severed their active service connection with us by being invalided to
England, the former's place being taken by Major Rae of the Liverpool
Scottish. Amongst a draft of officers that we received from a division
that had been broken on the fifth army front was Capt. Allen, M.C.,
whose original unit was the 6th Manchesters. He was put in command of
"A" company. R.S.M. Anlezark, of the 1st battalion, was posted to us for
duty, and A/R.S.M. Clough succeeded R.Q.M.S. Ogden, who had returned to
England after a long period of hard and useful work with the 7th. It was
not many weeks after this period of rest that another long-standing and
popular officer was lost to the 7th; this was Capt. Nidd, M.C. We had
always known that his grit and determination exceeded his physical
capacity, but his splendid sense of duty led him to ignore this fact,
although it was common knowledge that had he so wished he could have
been invalided out of the army long before. After severe trials on
Gallipoli, a campaign he went through from June to the evacuation (he
was one of the very few men to whom that evacuation was irksome), he had
had a relapse in hospital in Egypt for some weeks. The Bucquoy fight,
however, had proved too much for him, and he never really recovered from
the ill-effects of it. This was accentuated by the death of two of his
near and dear friends--Lt. W. Thorp for whom, as one of his subalterns,
he had a particular esteem, and Capt. Tinker. The latter was a pre-war
officer of the 7th, while Thorp had gone out to the Sudan in the ranks,
served through Gallipoli with distinction (vide Major Hurst's book) and
then received a commission early in 1916. Capt. Tinker's record with the
battalion was one of steady confidence. After being invalided to England
from a wound received on Gallipoli, he rejoined in Egypt in Feb. 1916,
and was immediately given command of "A" company. From that day he had
always been amongst us, and, except when on leave or on a course, he was
with his company, in the line or out of it. In fact, it was a record of
"full steam ahead" until the day he was killed amongst his men. What
Tinker was to "A" so was Nidd to "B" company, and his greatest regret,
when at last hospital claimed him, was in leaving the men whom he knew
so well. His departure was followed by a long illness, and it was a
great blow to his friends to hear of his death after the armistice in
his own home at Cheadle Hulme. His name can be added to the long list of
victims of the great German offensive in March.
Strict training was indulged in during these weeks, and in addition hot,
laborious days were occupied by rehearsals of the manning of the Red
Line in the neighbourhood of Souastre, to say nothing of skeleton
counter-attacks upon Beer Trench, Rum Trench, and Stout Trench, near
Gommecourt. We never knew the point of these names unless they were to
act as a stimulant to the vigour of our thrusts, the troops labouring
under the delusion that the trenches were filled with the liquids
indicated. At all events they were not there during the rehearsals in
spite of the hot weather. But if these diversions caused us to attain
the boiling point of excitement, the arrival of General Byng on May 21st
to witness a special stunt by the 7th almost burst the thermometer. A
source of some interest was the presence of an American battalion
consisting of raw troops of three weeks' New York training, to which the
127th brigade was acting as godfather. They worked diligently and with a
keen appreciation of any hints supplied to them by their British
friends. Also, not to be outdone by our frequent displays of football,
they regularly utilised our ground for baseball, of which game they
possessed a few brilliant exponents. We soon grew to like our new
allies, and we were rather sorry when they departed to join their own
division.
On June 6th the 42nd division took over the line once more and were not
relieved of responsibility of the front until Sept. 6th, sixteen days
after the big offensive had commenced. The 7th occupied the part of the
front which we knew so well at Hebuterne, relieving a battalion of the
New Zealand Division. The "Diggers" had worked hard upon these trenches
with the result that they were now in excellent condition. A good spell
of weather also assisted in the comfort of the troops. Col. Manger's
policy was to give the Hun no rest, and he began to put his principles
into practice at Hebuterne. As soon as we arrived, a thorough
reconnaissance of the enemy positions was made, and we began to make
preparation for a raid of some magnitude. This was carried out by "B"
company, of which Capt. Grey Burn was now in command, and the officers
selected to go over with the raiders were Lieut. Wender, D.C.M., who had
previously served with the 1st Battalion in Mesopotamia, 2nd-Lt. Milne
and 2nd-Lt. Goodier. Goodier had been a sergeant in "C" company, and for
his excellent services at Bucquoy had been recommended for promotion in
the field to the commissioned ranks, a distinction which came through
while we were at Henu.
It was known that the enemy held his front line in a series of isolated
posts, each armed with light machine guns. Curiously enough, whether
through lack of material or not we never knew, he paid little or no
attention to wiring in these days, except in utilising what old wire lay
about. One of these posts was located within one hundred yards of our
front line in Fusilier Trench, and this, it was decided, should be
raided. At 1 a.m. on the morning of June 16th a three minutes' shrapnel
barrage was opened on the enemy's trench, while a box barrage of H.E.
was placed all round the portion to be raided. At the end of this time
the boys leapt over in four parties, three to make for the trench and
the fourth to act as support and as a covering party for withdrawal.
Then it was found that the shelling had hardly been sufficient for
numerous enemy flares went up, throwing daylight over the whole scene,
and our men were greeted by heavy machine gun fire. Wender, who was on
the right, jumped over first and rapidly dashed off for the Boche
trench, leaving his men well behind. He was never seen or heard of
again, and it must be presumed that he was killed in the trench. Goodier
got his men across on the left and they jumped into the trench, only to
find it filled with concertina barbed wire, so they came out again and
worked their way along the top to the centre, being by this time heavily
bombed. They came to a party of Huns who immediately fled, but Goodier
seized one and he and his now tiny party returned triumphantly with
their prisoner and with fragments of bombs in their bodies. Milne,
having ranged over part of the Boche trench to find no one, covered the
withdrawal and then brought his party in. It was an extraordinary show
in which everyone had displayed considerable pluck, and the taking of
one prisoner had just converted it into a success, but we had sustained
a large number of casualties, most of them, fortunately, only slight. Of
the officers, Goodier was scratched, and Milne had a bullet through his
arm, whilst among those who were not actually with the raiders Lt. C. S.
Wood, the signalling officer, was somewhat badly wounded, his work being
taken over later by 2nd-Lt. Smith, and Lt. S. J. Wilson was slightly
wounded. 2nd-Lt. Goodier was awarded the M.C., Sgt. Fleetwood and Sgt.
Green the D.C.M., while five others received the M.M. for this night's
work. This was the concluding page of our first chapter in the front
line, for we then moved out to Sailly in reserve.
When the brigade went into the line again it was to take over the sector
to the right of Hebuterne on the ridge previously mentioned. The most
important feature about this part of the line was La Signy Farm, which
lay just below the crest on the eastern side of the ridge. The ruins of
the farm building were in Boche hands, but the eastern side of the five
hundred yards square hedge that surrounded the grounds ran along our
front line. North of the grounds our line was echeloned forward and then
ran due north to the corner of Hebuterne. Skeletons of large trees stood
up like tall sentinels over the piles of bricks and stones which had
once made up the farm buildings. At the farthest corner of the hedge was
a shell-pitted patch of ground in a slight depression marked on the map
as Basin Wood. This was known to be honeycombed with deep dug-outs and
galleries and was therefore a frequent target for our heavy howitzers.
Further south the two opposing lines were almost parallel as far as the
vicinity of Watling Street--then a Boche trench. In the dead ground
behind our line was Euston Dump, which had gone up with a tremendous
roar in the early days of the March fighting, leaving a large hole.
Stoke's mortar shells, "footballs," etc., were scattered about in all
directions. Not far away from here was the Sugar Factory, which, from
the attention it received, the Hun regarded as more important than we
did.
The C.O. maintained his policy of worrying the Hun in every possible
manner, the fullest use being made of the artillery liaison officers and
the Stokes and Newton trench mortars for this purpose. Every night
little strafes were planned which must have kept Fritz in a constant
state of speculation as to what might happen next. To assist in these
annoying tactics a special company of R.E., whose particular devilry was
gas, came up and dug in 1,000 gas projectiles behind the support lines.
On two separate nights, after everything had been considered favourable,
they gleefully let them off at La Signy Farm and its environs, and then
disappeared down their dug-outs to gloat over the picture of choking and
writhing Huns. We consoled ourselves with the probability that the enemy
had sustained more casualties than we had.
On July 8th Corps had a sudden recurrence of "attackitis," and,
doubtless at the instigation of a junior intelligence officer, they sent
out a frantic request to "all whom it may concern" to ascertain who the
enemy were in front. They had feared a relief by large German soldiers
who were anxious to smell the blood of the Hated English. This message,
or an adulterated form of it, filtered "through the usual channels" and
so reached the 7th in the late afternoon. Two hours before darkness it
had been answered in the following manner.
Reconnaissance had indicated an enemy post within eighty yards of our
line close to where the Serre road crossed it, but it was protected by
concertina barbed wire. "D" company were holding that part of the line,
and they were asked to furnish a party prepared to go over almost at
once for a Hun. An enterprising artillery liaison officer, Lt. Bates,
obtained permission to make use of a couple of 4.5 howitzers which he
said were new and very accurate, and these, firing graze fuse shells at
his correction would smash the wire. The only place from which
observation on this wire could be obtained was in our front line
directly opposite to it, and here a temporary O.P. with telephonic
communication to the battery was rigged up, the garrison of this part
being moved off left and right for safety. It was a nerve-racking
experience in that O.P., as may be gathered from the fact that we were
trying to hit an object less than 70 yards away! It took over an hour to
get a satisfactory result, and then 2nd-Lt. Gorst, Sgt. Horsfield and
seven other men, in shirt sleeves and armed with revolvers, hopped
quickly over, ran along a shallow trench or ditch, and entered the Hun
post. It was empty with the exception of one dead man who had just been
killed by one of our shells. He was quickly carted back, but with great
difficulty for he was a big heavy fellow, while Gorst and Horsfield
searched along the trench both ways for more Huns. None were to be
found, however--evidently our inexplicable shelling had scared them off
altogether. Still the dead man was good enough for the purpose, for he
furnished the required identification, and his regiment was immediately
wired to H.Q. There had been no relief, so calm reigned once more.
The spirit of "Go one better" inspired Lieut. Wilkinson and a few of his
transport men to perform deeds of "derring do" in the line, for one
night they came up and captured a German G.S. wagon from No Man's Land.
It lay just in front of our line near the Serre Road and had evidently
been abandoned during the New Zealand counter attack in March. A bridge
of duck boards was put over the trench and Wilkinson and his men went
out and skilfully dragged their prize back to safety. Its arrival at the
transport lines next morning was naturally the occasion for great
rejoicing and hero-worship, after the sensation caused by dressing up
the driver in a Boche tin hat and great coat. On another night Sgt.
Aldred with a small party made an exceptionally plucky effort to enter
an enemy post and was afterwards awarded the M.M. After eight days of
such work as this in the front line we moved out to Bus in divisional
reserve to enjoy a most pleasant few days under canvas.
We lost Padre Hoskyns at this period. He had received an order which
filled him with chagrin to report for duty as Senior Chaplin to the 6th
division, so he journeyed at once to the divisional H.Q. and told the
major-general he would sit on his doorstep until he got permission from
him to stay with the battalion. Efforts were made but they were of no
avail, and a more peremptory order than the last was received, so he
took a sorrowful farewell and departed, followed by the regrets of the
whole battalion, and indeed of a good number of the division. "Some have
greatness thrust upon them," was applicable in his case, for he had not
sought promotion but preferred to remain a "parish priest" and live
amongst the men. Much the same remark applied to the C.O. who, in the
absence of General Henley at Divisional Headquarters, was called upon
to take command of the brigade during the succeeding weeks, for he
always expressed his preference for battalion work. Owing to the fact
that Major Rae was in hospital at this time with the "flue," Capt.
Creagh assumed command of the battalion, and Lt. Barratt being on a
month's leave in England, Lt. Wilson was temporarily appointed Adjutant.
Capt. Palmer, an old officer of the 7th, who had been carrying out
important work in England since his recovery from a wound obtained in
Gallipoli on June 4th, returned to us some weeks previous to this and
was put in command of "C" company.
During our period in reserve the 126th brigade had continued our
worrying tactics and had attempted to raid La Signy Farm. They found the
place strongly held, however, and after repeated efforts to get to the
Hun positions had been forced to abandon the attempt. When we took over
the front line from the 10th Manchesters for a continuous spell of
sixteen days, we found that we were expected to co-operate at once in a
forward movement with the New Zealanders, who were in the Hebuterne
sector, and who intended to occupy a shorter line across the valley. The
first day, July 19th, found us making preparations for this operation at
express speed ready for evening. Lieut. Edge, an old second line
officer, was put in charge of a party supplied by "C" company, and they
were expected to capture and hold a Boche post about 500 yards away. It
was decided that the silent method would be the best, so artillery
support was declined. Edge displayed consummate skill and patience in
carrying out this hazardous enterprise, and his difficulties were not
lessened by disturbing events on both flanks. All along the New Zealand
front, from Hebuterne to Rossignol Wood, an advance was taking place,
while immediately on the left the 6th were moving forward and in the
process had met with considerable resistance so that a pitched battle
had arisen. To add to the troubles the Naval Division on our right had
selected this night for a raid near Beaumont Hamel, accompanied with
noise, with the result that the Hun put down his protective barrage all
along our ridge. Our front line was packed with men who were to go over
and dig a communication trench and generally assist in the consolidation
when the post had been captured, and how they escaped casualties from
this shelling was nothing short of a miracle. Meanwhile, Edge and his
men were creeping steadily forward, and were encountering difficulties
amongst huge shell holes, loose tags of wire and a very irregular hedge
which they were trying to follow as a guide. Eventually they reached the
post and took the enemy completely by surprise. A short rush carried
them in and one Boche was captured, but the rest got away in the
darkness, leaving their gear behind them. The consolidating party
followed up quickly, and covered by a protective screen who lay out well
in front in the vicinity of Red Cottage, they dug L.G. positions, fire
steps for riflemen and placed coils of wire out in front and on the
flanks. A good deal of the C.T. was also dug--quite sufficient at any
rate to enable a careful man to crawl down to the new post in daylight.
It was a good night's work, and earned a well-deserved M.C. for Lieut.
Edge and M.M's. for Sgt. Banahan and three others.
Next day, brigade considered the necessity for careful consolidation of
the ground gained by the 6th and 7th, but Capt. Creagh intimated that he
wished to make his position more secure by capturing the Triangle, a
strong triangular redoubt which lay in the grounds of La Signy Farm, and
which dominated the post we had just taken. Permission was granted to
carry out this enterprise, and once more preparations were rushed
forward and orders made out for the operation to be accomplished that
night. This time "D" company, temporarily commanded by Lt. Douglas, was
selected to provide the attackers. They were back in reserve, close to
Batt. H.Q., and on suitable ground for carrying out a quick rehearsal.
Also it was decided that the best method of clearing the Boche would be
by bombing. The battalion bombing officer was Lieut. Gresty, who
belonged to "D" company, and he was put in command of the attacking
party, 2nd-Lt. Gorst, at his own request, being detailed to assist him.
The post captured the previous night was the "jumping off" place, and
the plan was to work along the enemy trench to the right, clear it by
bombing, and so get to the Triangle. The whole operation was a huge
success, and never did the eager fighting qualities of the Fleur de Lys
show up to prouder advantage than in the display given by "D" company
that night. The unexpected direction of approach took the enemy
completely by surprise, for our men had not proceeded far before they
caught a working party out in the open. There was a short scrap, but
most of the poor Jerries had no weapons handy, and they ran off
squealing and chattering like a lot of monkeys, leaving their dead and
wounded behind. Our men pushed on quickly, anxious to make the fullest
possible use of the surprise element, until the northern corner of the
Triangle was reached. Here they split up into two parties, Gresty
continuing the original direction, and Gorst turning along to the right.
The latter party found the trench strongly occupied, but the enemy were
so oblivious of what was happening that they were busy "dishing out
stew" for the evening meal. When they were surprised a few of them
indeed showed plucky fight, hurriedly seizing bombs and throwing them
wildly in the direction of the attackers. Others succeeded in grasping
their rifles, and Gorst received a nasty bullet wound in the shoulder,
but not before he had accounted for one or two Huns with his revolver.
Sgt. Horsfield, who understood perfectly the meaning of "Carry on,
Sergeant!" continued this part of the show, and the Huns were chased
along the trench to the western apex. Here a pitched bombing battle
ensued, and very soon the enemy got out and raced across the open in the
direction of the farm. Meanwhile, Gresty had led his men over a sort of
switch back trench, for it had been so heavily pounded by our Newton
T.M's. that it was difficult to make it out at all in the dark.
Nevertheless they struggled along, and finding the far corner of the
Triangle occupied, quickly bombed the enemy out of it and proceeded to
consolidate. At the same time other parties, each of one N.C.O. and six
men, had been detailed in the work of manning various posts en route,
digging L.G. emplacements, and wiring and constructing of communication
trenches. In fact, in a very short time the whole place, which had been
a Hun strong point, was swarming with British soldiers busily working to
turn round the defences.
Just as dawn was breaking a few Huns effected an entrance into one of
the trenches and commenced to bomb the post at the far corner, whereupon
the late Lce.-Cpl. Lockett of "C" company, who was in charge of the post
at the apex, took a couple of men and promptly counter attacked them.
Their leader, an N.C.O. with the Iron Cross and another man were
captured, while the rest made off again. Lce.-Cpl. Lockett was awarded
the D.C.M. for his sensible and courageous action. A good many
casualties must have been inflicted on the enemy during this night's
work for they left a number of dead and wounded behind, whilst several
others suffering from slighter wounds must have got away. They left
booty in our hands, and the large number of rifles and machine guns
alone indicated the strength of the garrison. Our men obtained plenty of
souvenirs, but they were sensible enough to hand over anything of
military value, which was returned to them after examination by
competent authorities. Useful disposition maps, and intelligence
reports, to say nothing of piles of letters and post-cards were thus
sent up for inspection, while during the next few days when visiting the
area occupied by "D" company one was greeted by the unwonted scent of
cigar smoke, for the Hun was ever a connoisseur on cheap cigars.
Heavy rain during the following days converting our new trenches into a
quagmire, the necessity for digging and cleaning up became all the more
urgent, although it entailed a heavy strain upon the men under most
uncomfortable conditions. As "B," "C" and "D" companies had each "had a
stunt" and covered themselves with glory, it now remained for "A"
company to do likewise. Their turn came on the night of July 27th, when
it was decided to push forward and occupy Cetorix Trench, about 300
yards beyond the Triangle, and so make our position even more secure.
Unfortunately there was very heavy rain in the early evening, but the
party went out, and after a serious dispute with the enemy, in which
2nd-Lt. Goodier, M.C., was wounded again, gained their objective. What
was supposed to be a trench, however, was found to be a sunken road,
frightfully shell-pitted, and in a most appalling condition of mud and
water. It was not considered worth holding and the whole party was
wisely withdrawn.
The La Signy Farm fighting was not yet over, for on the morning of
August 3rd, while "B" company were in the front line, the enemy put down
a heavy barrage on all our positions, particularly on the Triangle.
Then, just as dawn broke, a party of about forty Huns rapidly started
across No Man's Land, but the 7th were too much for them. They stuck to
their posts and rapidly emptied Lewis guns and rifles amongst them, and
when they were sufficiently close greeted them also with bombs. The
Boche became disorganised and scattered, some groping about for gaps in
our hastily constructed wire, but it was a hopeless business and the
remaining plucky ones cleared off in disgust. Then Lt. Pell-Ilderton
followed out with a small party, and finding a couple of dead brought
them in. The Huns had carefully removed all evidences of identification
before the venture, but one man had a black and white cockade in his
cap, which proved him to be a Prussian. As the previous division was
known to be Wurtemburger, we immediately notified this fact to H.Q.
Further proof was afforded by a slightly wounded Boche who, having
apparently got lost, had wandered into a post occupied by the 6th.
That day we were relieved by the L.F's. and went back into divisional
reserve, this time to billets in Louvencourt, and there received
congratulations from various people for our excellent work during the
last long spell in the line. The final incident furnished Col. Manger
with an extra battalion motto: "What we have, we hold." For the attack
on the Triangle, Military Crosses were awarded to Lieut. Gresty and
2nd-Lt. Gorst, while Sgt. Horsfield, who had already earned the D.C.M.
and Belgian Croix de Guerre when with the 9th Manchesters, received a
Military Medal. Five other ranks were similarly decorated.
The battalion was augmented about this time by the arrival of the cadre
of the 2nd 7th Manchesters. The 66th division had suffered severely in
March and as it was undergoing re-organisation, all the second line
units, or what remained of them, were sent to the 42nd division. Capt.
Nelson also returned after a long absence since his wound in May, 1915,
and was given command of "A" company, Capt. Allen, M.C., having been
detailed to take charge of a divisional L.G. school.
CHAPTER IX.
Hammering the Hun.
SERRE RIDGE AND WARLENCOURT.
After a fortnight at Louvencourt the brigade went into the line again on
August 18th, this time on the right of the divisional front. During our
period in reserve important events had taken place south of the Somme. A
lightning stroke, chiefly delivered by the Canadian Corps who had been
suddenly and secretly rushed down from the Lens area, had altered the
whole aspect of the war, for the German Army, which not long before had
entertained such high hopes of reaching the coast and Paris, was driven
to anxiously defending his line. Weak spots in the Hun armour were being
sought out and pierced so that on the whole the enemy was having a bad
time. Anticipating trouble on the third army front he had withdrawn his
outposts to a safer line all along the Ancre and up to Puisieux, and our
men had been able to walk cautiously forward several hundred yards.
Such was the situation when the 7th took over the front line, at the
moment quite unsuspicious of the stirring events in which they were
shortly to take a share. Major Rae commanded the battalion, the C.O.
being away on Paris leave, while Capt. Barratt had resumed the duties of
Adjutant. The Company Commanders for this tour of duty were Lt. C. B.
Douglas, "A," Capt. Grey Burn, "B," Lt. Abbott, "C" and Capt. J. Baker,
"D." Suddenly, without previous warning, operation orders were received
on August 20th for a big attack to commence along the whole army front
the following morning. This was rapid work indeed, and the hurried
state of preparation can be better imagined than described, especially
in view of the extraordinary nature of the barrage which called for most
accurate timing and an elaborate barrage table. The manner in which
Major Rae and Capt. Barratt swiftly dealt with all these details and
communicated their wishes to the people concerned, a task of no small
magnitude under more favourable conditions, calls for the keenest
appreciation from all who took part in that first important battle.
The division expected to cover, in the first day's fighting, the large
mass of high ground which is flanked on its western edge by Serre and
overlooks Miraumont on the eastern side. A Prussian division was known
to be defending this part of the line. The 7th were to take part in the
initial assault in the right brigade sector, while the 125th brigade
were on the left. A thick mist enshrouded the land in the early morning
of August 21st, and doubtless many men on both sides thought of the
similar conditions which prevailed on the 21st of another month when the
Hun attacked with such terrible results. Here was the revenge and it was
to take place, curiously enough, under like circumstances. At 4.50 a.m.
the attack commenced, preceded by a short but destructive barrage over
the enemy position. For the Fleur de Lys "C" and "D" companies led off,
their objective being a part of the sunk road running across the front
from Puisieux to Beaumont Hamel. It was impossible to see more than
forty yards, and this rendered control by the officers practically out
of the question. The section commanders, however, in many cases
Lance-Corporals and even privates, rose magnificently to the occasion,
with the result that touch was maintained and the direction of advance
preserved. Short, sharp struggles took place at various points, but the
Boche were overpowered, and eventually a good line was established on
the objective. "C" company lost 2nd-Lt. Harland, M.C., and Lt.
Lofthouse, both wounded, while "D" company, although keeping their
officers, had Sgt. W. Brown killed.
The next phase of the battle comprised the attack of "A" and "B"
companies who passed through the first objectives and advanced to the
top of the ridge. Lieut. H. N. Kay of "B" company was shot dead at close
range during the clearing of a dug-out in the early stages of this
fight, while later on this company suffered heavy casualties, Sgt.
Green, D.C.M., M.M., being killed and Sgts. Guttery and Gleeson wounded.
On reaching the final objective Lt. Douglas carried out work of the
greatest value in the organisation of his company. In spite of the
strongly increasing enemy shell-fire he moved about amongst his men with
such coolness and disregard for personal danger that his example
inspired the men for the strong counter attacks which later took place.
For his splendid leadership and initiative he was afterwards awarded the
Military Cross. Capt. Grey Burn and his company on the right were having
an awkward time from enemy snipers, but he organised his now small
numbers very carefully, and personally kept the enemy under close
observation. Seeing an enemy concentration in progress, evidently for a
counter-attack, he quickly gave information, and the gunners were able
to disperse the enemy with a very effective barrage.
The conduct of all ranks during the counter-attack, which was launched
early in the afternoon, was so splendid that it broke up the Hun effort.
Later in the day the enemy made another attack with a strong body of
picked storm-troops from another division brought up specially from the
reserves, but the greeting they received from our rifle, Lewis gun, and
machine-gun fire caused enormous casualties, and the attack collapsed.
Capt. Grey Burn was decorated with the M.C. for his share in this
splendid day's work. The ground captured in the first day's fighting,
representing an advance of 5,000 yards, was consolidated and held for
the next two days, during which time the left of the division was
executing a turning movement to encircle Miraumont from the north. The
work of the signallers, under Lt. Smith, cannot be too highly praised
for their contribution to the success of this battle, because
communications throughout the operation were excellent and twice served
to bring down a barrage in short time, so assisting the infantry to
smash the enemy attacks. The stretcher bearers nobly performed their
work under most trying conditions, what with the heavy mist followed
later by intense heat, the badly broken ground and the long distances
they had to carry the wounded under shell fire. Lce-Cpl. Twist, M.M., of
"D" company, performed prodigies of strength and valour in this way,
receiving a bar to his M.M., and Pte. Greer, M.M., of "B" company,
proved an able second to him. Lt. Stanier was badly wounded whilst with
"A" company, losing the sight of one eye.
The next movement was the crossing of the River Ancre in the early hours
of August 23rd. This was well done by "B" company, "A" company, now
under the command of Capt. Nelson, being in support with "C" company.
During the advance, and with the co-operation of the East Lancs. north
of Miraumont, large bodies of prisoners were cut off and rounded up on
the far side of the Ancre. When the ground had been made good and it was
ascertained that the Hun had definitely retired, it was thought that the
day's work was done. This, however, proved to be wrong, as a further
advance to Warlencourt was ordered, and it was to commence as soon as
possible. The 6th moved off about dusk with the 7th in support, and
although the right flank was exposed this did not hinder the advance.
The greater part of the movement was carried out in darkness and over
strange ground, but the leadership was very skilful and the brigade came
in contact with the enemy on the outskirts of Warlencourt about 10.30
p.m. Boche M.G. nests quickly opened a terrific fire, but few casualties
were caused. A rapid deployment took place and positions quickly
occupied in case of a surprise. The enemy fire, however, increased in
intensity, and the cover afforded being of the scantiest, it was decided
to withdraw a short distance to a line of trenches and there await
daylight. Fortunately no serious losses had been incurred, and when dawn
broke it was found that the enemy had retired still further during the
night.
At this point the division was pinched out of the line by the Naval
Division on the right and the N.Z. Division on the left converging
across our front in the next day's advance, and we were enabled to take
advantage of a short respite from the struggle. The vigour and
effectiveness of the 42nd division's attack has been since proved by an
unexpected tribute from the enemy. The following extract from
Ludendorf's "Memoirs of the War, 1914-1918," Vol. II., page 692, refers
to the fighting at this time:--
"On August 21st the English attacked south of Arras between
Boisleux and the Ancre.... As the offensive developed, the enemy
succeeded on the north in pushing us back from the Ancre. At this
point a Prussian division ... given a sector covered by the river,
had failed badly. This threw the whole line into confusion.... The
situation there became extremely critical about August 25th."
The 7th marched back a short distance to Irles, and made themselves
comfortable in the German dug-outs there for a day and a half. Looking
back over those days of new experiences for the battalion one realises
the valuable work accomplished by Lt. Wilkinson and his transport
section. When out of the line he invariably carried off the honours in
the "spit and polish" transport competitions frequently held in the
division, but it was on difficult occasions such as these that he showed
up to prouder advantage. The transport lines had been brought up to
Colincamps, and the distance from there to Warlencourt was about twelve
miles. The roads were in an impossible condition so that all supplies
had to be carried on pack animals, and the fact that nothing failed
reflects the greatest credit upon the administrative arrangements of
Capt. and Q.M. Wood and the transport officer.
VILLERS-AU-FLOS.
During our few hours' absence from the line the Naval Division had been
in some heavy fighting as we saw when we arrived on the night of August
27th in the support position near Loupart Wood. Skilfully sited machine
guns had taken terrible toll of the brave naval men, and their bodies
still lay where they had fallen, so that one of our first jobs was to
bury them. The front line ran along the western outskirts of
Ligny-Thilloy, but it was suspected that the enemy would not make a
vigorous stand here. His shelling was particularly beastly, however, and
if he did intend to retire further he was at least taking the necessary
artillery precautions. By August 30th preparations were complete for
another forward move, but early morning showed us that the Hun had gone,
so we were merely required to follow him up.
The pre-arranged plan was carried out, and after the 127th brigade had
made good the high ground east of Thilloy, in face of some opposition,
the East Lancs. came through and took up the advance on what had now
become a one brigade front. They had not gone far before they
encountered the enemy in strength holding Riencourt, and they promptly
attacked it. The 8th Manchesters bore the brunt of this attack and they
suffered very heavily, little ground being gained. A brilliant night
show by the 10th the next night, however, subdued Riencourt, and this
rendered the line sufficiently straight to be able to continue the
advance. The 127th brigade took over the front again and rapid
preparations were made to co-operate in an attack which was to take
place along the whole army front. It was now clear that our higher
command were not disposed to allow the enemy to settle anywhere, if
possible. It promised to be ding-dong work amidst ever-changing scenes,
with the guns making the most of their opportunities and struggling over
the torn ground behind the infantry as best they might. But the supply
services experienced the biggest demand upon their wits and resources,
uprooted from their comfortable and secure villages and cast out upon
the shelterless land of the devastated area just like the infantry.
Their work was wonderful, however, and very rarely had Tommy occasion to
grouse about either the quality or the quantity of the food that was
served up to him under these trying conditions. It was common knowledge
that when the Boche had come over in March, he had not been so well
treated, and had been forced in the urgency of his plight to eat horses
and mules killed in the fighting.
It was evident that we had now got the full measure of our foes, and
were in the comfortable position of being able to give battle when and
where we pleased, and be practically confident of success. The front was
becoming shorter also, with the result that a divisional sector was
considerably smaller than formerly, and this entailed of course longer
periods out of the line for the soldier. Leave also continued to flow,
and proved an important factor in keeping up the morale of the troops.
How different from the old days, when we used to advertise our
intentions to the Hun when a stunt was impending by stopping leave in
the army concerned! Capt. Grey Burn, M.C., went to England for a month
on August 31st, and Lt. S. J. Wilson was put in command of "B" company
for the coming operations, while in the continued absence of Capt.
Palmer, Lt. Hammond was in charge of "C" company. Lt. Smithies, recently
joined from the second line, took over the duties of intelligence
officer. Col. Manger was required to temporarily command the 126th
brigade, and this left Major Rae in command of the battalion once more.
The next village in our line of advance, now practically due east, was
Villers-au-Flos, and this, with the high ground beyond it, was to be
taken in the first stride of the coming battle, a matter of 2,500 yards.
After this the L.F's. would leap-frog through and exploit success as far
as possible. This time the 5th and 6th were detailed to execute the
first shock of the assault with the 7th in close support. As a matter of
fact "C" company were sent forward to act under the orders of the 5th in
view of the extra opposition which was expected on the right sector. On
the night of September 1st the remainder of the battalion, in order "B,"
"A," "D," companies moved up close to Riencourt, to occupy old, shallow
trenches, and await the needs of the brigade either during or after the
assault.
Soon after dawn the barrage opened, and simultaneously the Manchesters
advanced accompanied by a single tank. The New Zealanders were carrying
out a similar task on the left, while the 17th division had to get
through Beaulencourt and over a large stretch of bare country on the
right. The 6th Manchesters progressed in fine style, and everything went
according to plan. The enemy put up a stiff fight for it and hung on to
the last in the cunningly concealed machine gun posts. It was in this
part of the fighting that Lieut. Welch (a one-time 7th officer) with a
section of Stokes' mortar men performed a gallant deed that earned for
him the D.S.O. The progress of events on the right, however, was not so
clear and straightforward. As was expected the 5th encountered strong
opposition, for they advanced along a double row of old German trenches
which contained a large number of dug-outs, and disconcerting masses of
wire at irregular intervals. It was thus difficult to maintain cohesion
in the attack, while every dug-out contained machine gun crews who had
been unharmed by the barrage, and who, owing to the delay in getting
ahead, had been able to come out and man their positions without
interruption. The 5th, therefore, lost heavily, particularly on their
right flank, and before very long "C" company of the 7th found
themselves in the front, almost isolated, and taking a stern part in the
assault.
They pushed on until all the enemy trenches had been cleared to the
south-east corner of Villers-au-Flos, and then stayed in order to get in
touch with the remnants of the 5th on their left, after which Lieut.
Hammond reported progress. In view of the danger from this flank, for we
were already well ahead of the troops on our right, "B" company was
ordered forward to protect the southern and eastern sides of Riencourt,
and so prevent any Hun attempt to get in behind our forward line. Later
it was found that the 5th positions required more strength, and "A"
company were sent up for that purpose, while Capt. Baker was ordered to
take his company to form a defensive flank behind the 6th, for the New
Zealanders were still echeloned to the rear. Evening of September 2nd
thus found the 6th at the tip of a sharp salient, and the enemy still
very active in front, with his shelling steadily increasing in
intensity. "B" company were thus ordered to continue the advance on the
right and attain the final objective, slow and complicated work for it
all took place in the dark. First the 1,500 yards from Riencourt to "C"
company had to be traversed, and from there it was another 1,000 yards
to the required position; meanwhile the enemy was continually shelling
with 5.9's at important points and with whizz-bangs promiscuously.
Nothing was known of the enemy in front, and the situation on the right
was equally obscure. Patrols worked cautiously ahead however and
fortunately no opposition was encountered, so that the final objective
was made before dawn.
As daylight broke on the 3rd Sept. it was found that the next village,
Barastre, had been rapidly evacuated by the enemy who had left a
quantity of material behind him. Although the men were dog-tired "B"
company sent out a large fighting patrol to try to get in touch with
him, but they traversed well beyond Bus, the next village, and returned
according to orders without seeing him. Meanwhile a squadron of cavalry
(Scots Greys) had been ordered up, and they preceded the advance of the
125th brigade who by this time were marching through in accordance with
previous plans. They encountered Hun rearguards near Ytres, but the
attack was resumed at once, and in the course of the next two days the
enemy was pressed back into the Hindenburg system in the vicinity of
Havrincourt.
The Manchesters had now the opportunity of seeing how great an
organisation must follow in the wake of advancing infantry. First came
the field guns, drawn by teams of mules, followed by the 6-in.
howitzers, bouncing along in jolly fashion over the uneven roads behind
motor lorries containing their ammunition. Then the observation balloons
appeared, still observing, at a height of about 100 feet, being pulled
steadily by motor conveyances. Intermingled amongst these were staff
cars, ambulances, motor lorries for all purposes, infantry transport,
D.A.C. waggons and various other impedimenta of a moving army. Most of
these people took up their abode around Barastre, occupying old British
huts, or erecting tents and bivouac sheets, so that ground which twelve
hours previously had been Hun land, gingerly approached by us, had
become a huge camp seething with an active soldier population of
Britishers.
On September 6th the division came out for a long-delayed rest, and
marched back to Warlencourt in Corps reserve. A few tents were provided,
but only a small portion of the battalion could be accommodated in them,
so it was necessary to dig in once more. There was quite a quantity of
material about, however, and it did not take us long to make ourselves
weather-proof and more or less comfortable. Fortunately, the Huns had
not had time to destroy the two wells in the village, although the
explosive charges had been laid, so that water did not prove the
difficulty it might otherwise have done. A special order of the day from
the brigadier admirably epitomised our feelings of satisfaction with our
work in the war up to this date, so it would be as well to quote it at
length:--
MANCHESTERS,
You have added a new anniversary to those which your gallantry has
already made famous. On 4th June, 1915, in Gallipoli, you forced
your way like a spearhead into and through line upon line of
Turkish trenches. On 25th March, 1918, at Achiet and Bucquoy, you
stemmed and stopped the onrush of the tide of Huns that was to have
found its way to the Coast.
Yesterday, after three months of unbroken fighting in trenches and
in the open, and in face of stubborn resistance by Huns more than
equal in numbers, you stormed and took Villers-au-Flos with the
utmost dash and determination; a feat which would have been notable
if performed by battalions at full strength and fresh from a period
of rest.
When Manchester hears of this new proof of your prowess, she may
well be as proud of her sons as I am of commanding such soldiers.
ANTHONY HENLEY, _Brig.-Gen._,
Commanding 127th Inf. Brigade.
_3rd September, 1918._
The fortnight at Warlencourt was spent in refitting, and intensive
training in attack. One day was occupied by a demonstration of an
assault by a company, using live ammunition. This was carried out by "D"
company in the presence of the corps commander and large numbers of
officers and N.C.O's. of the division, and was followed by educational
criticism by the General.
THE HINDENBURG LINE.
It was obvious that all this had a specific purpose, and we were not
left long to wonder what the purpose was. A tremendous battle was
brewing, and rumours placed its magnitude at from three army fronts to
the whole allied front. Anyhow, the chief thing that concerned us was
that the 42nd was to take part in the cracking of the hardest nut in the
German defence, namely, the Hindenburg system. The enemy had had three
weeks in which to consolidate his already perfected ramification of
trenches and dug-outs, and there was no doubt as to their determination
to definitely stop the British advance there. If this failed they had
lost the War.
On September 22nd the division marched up, and took over the front from
the 37th division, the 125th brigade occupying the forward positions
just east of Havrincourt Wood. The 7th found themselves out in reserve
just north of the Canal du Nord behind Hermies, and it was pleasing to
see the old haunts again. Men thought grimly of the experiences we had
been through since those happy days more than a year ago, and these
sights served to call up the memory of many a pal who had since made the
big sacrifice. And now, perhaps, we should get an opportunity of seeing
those mysterious lands beyond Flesquieres, Marcoing and so on, that we
had gazed upon so long. As far as possible training was continued and a
certain amount of company re-organisation took place. Owing to the
weakness of companies they had been reduced to three platoons, some of
these being much below strength. Reinforcements had been expected, but
they did not materialise to an appreciable extent. However, the
exigencies of the task in hand demanded that the four platoon formation
should be adopted in spite of the small numbers. In view of this,
therefore, it was necessary to crowd in rapid training in attack on this
principle, so that each man should be well acquainted with his function.
After the battle surplus had been eliminated the company commanders were
as follows:--"A" company, Capt. Nelson, "B" Lt. S. J. Wilson, "C" Capt.
Allen, M.C., and "D" Lieut. Gresty, M.C. Lt.-Col. Manger commanded the
battalion, while Capt. Creagh had returned and was Adjutant. Two days
before the attack Capt. Nelson went into hospital with dysentery which
had frequently recurred in a violent form during the preceding weeks. A
slight re-adjustment was thus demanded amongst the officers to give
every company a fair share of leadership and Lieut. Hammond was sent to
command "A" company.
Briefly the plan of attack was as follows. The divisional frontage was
covered by the 125th brigade on the right and the 127th brigade on the
left, with the remaining brigade in support. As far as the 127th brigade
was concerned, the attack was to be accomplished in five bounds. The
first objective, along the whole of the brigade front, was the work of
the 5th Manchesters, and consisted in capturing the German front line
which ran chiefly along Chapel Wood Switch. The next four objectives,
called for convenience the Red, Brown, Yellow and Blue Lines, were to
engage the attention of the 7th on the right and the 6th on the left of
the brigade front, and were to be taken by the leap-frog method by
companies. Thus, in the 7th, "C" company's objective was the Red Line,
"A" the Brown, "D" the Yellow, and "B" the Blue Line. These lines were
by no means parallel to one another, their shape being largely
controlled by the configuration of the ground and the German trenches.
It is also important to note that the Hindenburg system was being taken
in enfilade on this part of the front. Two or three great parallel
trenches ran along in the direction of the advance, and they were full
of deep dug-outs capable of holding thousands of men. Our main security
lay in the fact that a simultaneous attack was taking place along a
widely extended front, and the enemy would not be able to fill these
dug-outs with counter-attacking troops drawn from other fronts.
[Illustration: ATTACK ON THE HINDENBURG LINE, SEPT. 27th, 1918.]
Space does not allow of a detailed description of the orders for attack,
but it can easily be imagined that they were pretty considerable in view
of the heavy work to be accomplished by the artillery. As this portion
of the German line was known to be powerfully defended by large numbers
of troops, extensive trench systems, dug-outs and wire, it was part of
the strategy of Foch to concentrate artillery here, and records showed
that on the two days September 27th and 28th shells were consumed at an
unprecedented rate. In our sector alone, the programme comprised the
capturing of 3,500 yards in depth of the most strongly defended ground
in France, including the vicinities of the famous Highland and Welsh
Ridges of terrible memory in the Battle of Cambrai. Every yard of this
ground was subjected to a continuous creeping shrapnel barrage lasting
for almost three hours, while moving steadily ahead of this was a
terrific bombardment by all calibres from 4.5 howitzers upwards upon the
enemy's main trenches and supposed defence points. The brigade frontage,
measured north to south, was 1,250 yards, and this was equally divided
between the 6th and 7th. As we were going over one company behind
another, each company was responsible for nearly 700 yards--a very large
front considering our depleted numbers. There is no doubt, as far as we
were concerned, the task looked formidably ambitious.
On the morning of Sept. 26th final operation orders were issued, and
that night we moved up to our assembly positions in a huge dug-out near
Femy Wood, capable of holding the whole battalion. It was slow work
moving along the canal and across the Trescault-Havrincourt road, and it
is not surprising that eventually the intervals between platoons closed
up and the four companies were strung out in one long line. The
confidence felt in the success of the operations, was evident by the
fact that the 6-inch howitzers were installed in front of the Trescault
road within 500 yards of the enemy. Whilst we were assembling there
were motor lorries on the road unloading stacks of ammunition for them!
By the time the battalion had been packed into the dug-out dawn was
swiftly approaching, which meant the commencement of the battle, for
Zero for the third army was 5.25 a.m. The VIth corps, the 62nd division
of which touched up with our left, were to have three hours' fighting
before we commenced, and for this reason we welcomed the shelter of the
dug-out while it was in progress. The configuration of the ground was
responsible for the manner in which the battle was to grow along the
whole front. The advance of the 127th brigade was to take place along
the shoulder of a long hill running broadly east to west. North of this
high ground was a long valley stretching through Ribecourt towards
Marcoing. Another shoulder similar to but higher than ours flanked the
valley on the north, and it was this, together with the commanding
village of Flesquieres, that the VIth corps were to make good before our
attack commenced. Again, the 125th brigade, who were on our right, and
also on the higher part of the shoulder, were to open the 42nd
divisional assault half an hour ahead of ourselves.
About 8 o'clock "C" company led the way out of the dug-out and took up
their assault positions near the front line. At the appointed hour,
following behind the 5th, they moved forward to the attack, in the
formation which we had practised so frequently, and which was the most
suitable for the large frontage that had to be covered. All four
platoons were in line, and each platoon was divided into four sections,
the two rifle sections on the flanks, and the two L.G. sections in the
middle and echeloned to the rear. This was the artillery formation
useful for covering the ground previous to the actual assault, each
section moving in file (_i.e._, two ranks) well opened out. When close
to the enemy position the platoons extended and formed two lines, with a
L.G. in the centre of each line, and riflemen on the flanks. Every
Company went over in this formation, and strict orders were issued that
no man was to enter the enemy trenches for the purpose of covering the
ground, but to keep out in the open, otherwise great confusion would
arise, and officers would lose control of their men.
Misfortune greeted "C" company from the start. Capt. Allen, M.C. and
2nd-Lt. Ray were killed immediately, and casualties were soon very
heavy. It was evident the enemy was making the most of his superior
position and the clear sweep of ground. The remnants of the company
pushed on, however, and reached their objective. "A" company followed
and they also suffered severely from the moment they advanced out of
Ferny Wood. Then it was noticed that most of the machine gun fire was
from the right flank, and our men were being subjected to a terrible
enfilading fire as they moved across the open. All the officers became
casualties, Lt. Hammond wounded, 2nd-Lt. McAlmont wounded, 2nd-Lt. T.
Woods wounded, and 2nd-Lt. Carley, killed. The few men of the company,
now led by C.S.M. Joyce, reached the Red Line and joined "C" company,
which, Lt. Edge, M.C., having been hit, was now under the command of
2nd-Lt. Jones. It was impossible, with the small number of men,
scattered over a wide front, to continue the advance for the moment. "D"
company, moving up according to programme, were treated similarly to the
previous two companies and men began to drop long before they
anticipated meeting any resistance. Thus, before they had gone very far
2nd-Lt. Thrutchley and 2nd-Lt. Wright were wounded, which left Lt.
Gresty, M.C. and 2nd-Lt. Milne to carry on the leadership, a task which
they performed in fine style. They quickly arrived at the Red Line, and
then took cover for a short period. Soon after this, "B" company came
along, but on nearing the Red Line, they found many men of "D" turned
about firing rifles and L.G. towards their right rear. It was now
obvious that the ground to the right of us had not been cleared at all,
and the enemy was left free to work his will upon us from the higher
ground. By this time a tank had arrived and materially assisted us in
dealing with the problem. Gresty then decided to push on and his company
mounted the rising ground in front. From this point they unfortunately
swerved to the left, probably being influenced by a road which ran
diagonally across the front towards Ribecourt, but nothing could stop
their irresistible dash. As they crossed this road Milne, with a handful
of his platoon, added to our already considerable number of prisoners,
by capturing a large crowd of Huns.
With characteristic impetuosity, reminiscent of the La Signy Farm days,
Gresty and the men of "D" following up under the barrage, rushed across
the Brown Line and made for the Yellow Line. They were now only a small
gallant band but they were undaunted. Prisoners captured were told to go
down to the rear, which they did right gladly without an escort, so that
the assaulting party who now in formation and well-nigh in size, began
to resemble a Rugby football team, could preserve their strength. Two 77
m.m. guns lay in their path, and at their approach the Boche gunners
spiked them and made off, leaving them an easy prey to the 7th. After
this, Gresty decided that he was on his objective, as indeed he was, but
he was more or less in the 6th sector, and when he was quickly joined by
a company of the 6th he began to realise it. There was trouble on his
right, however, as well as from the front, and the small party of men
were disposed to defend the ground they had captured, a difficult enough
task in view of the fact that they had to find positions to face in two
or three different directions. Touch was obtained with the 62nd division
in Ribecourt, and it was found that the VIth corps had had great success
in their part of the battle, so that already the advance was proceeding
towards Marcoing.
"B" company's effort was really a separate story. As soon as "D" company
had disappeared over the crest in front of the Red Line they continued
the advance. 2nd-Lt. Pearson was on the extreme right and he had been
instructed to keep touch with the L.F's. From the beginning, however, he
had not seen them, and his platoon was moving along "in the air," and
naturally meeting with strong resistance. They had not expected to meet
the enemy for another 1,500 yards if events had worked out "according to
plan," but they were now fighting them at every step. Gallant deeds were
performed in dealing with Hun machine guns, and many prisoners were
taken, but greatest of all were the achievements of Pte. Jack White.
Single-handed he rushed a machine gun post, bayonetted the man on the
gun and pursued the remainder of the team with fire, inflicting
casualties. Later on he again rushed forward alone to a strongly held
trench, but was killed practically on the parapet. His name was
recommended for a V.C., but unfortunately nothing more was heard of it.
In view of the heavy casualties, Lt. Wilson went across to Pearson and
told him to close his platoon slightly towards the left, in order to
keep a cohesion in the company, for it was evident that the Hun
resistance promised to be strong, and there was no hope now of
assistance from the right flank. In this manner the high ground near the
Brown Line was reached, but the company was suffering from fire both
from the front and the right flank. 2nd-Lts. Siddall and Gapp were
wounded, as well as three platoon sergeants, and there was no knowledge
as to what had happened to "D" company. At this moment the Germans
developed a counter-attack from the right in a manner to be expected
from an intelligent and courageous enemy. The obvious thing for them to
do was to cut in behind "B" company's right flank and attempt to regain
a footing in "Unseen Trench" which had just been taken from them. From
an offensive force we were suddenly transformed into a defensive force,
and the men were still out in the open. Wilson drew back his right flank
so as to face the Huns, but kept his left in touch with the 6th on the
road in front of the Brown Line, and from this position, the men being
disposed in shell holes, "B" company held up the enemy attack and
defended the ground won. The Huns were on higher ground and when they
had been finally driven to earth they kept up vigorous sniping at very
close range, a form of fighting that we returned with interest. Pearson
was hit in the stomach and later died on the way down, so that Wilson
and C.S.M. Shields were left to control the remainder of the company.
The arrival of 2nd-Lt. Smith with signalling apparatus enabled
communication to be obtained with battalion H.Q. Lt. Wilson outlined
the situation and was told in return that the L.F's. had not yet reached
Boar Copse, having met with powerful resistance. He was further ordered
to hang on to his position and wait until the L.F's. had drawn up in
line. Meanwhile a company of the 5th was sent up to strengthen the
flank. Continuous touch by means of patrols were kept with the enemy,
and his movements were carefully watched. Within 300 yards were a couple
of German 77 m.m. guns, pluckily worked by the gunners at point blank
range until our machine gunners, who had now arrived, co-operated with
L.G's. from the 6th and ourselves in putting them out of action. They
were taken by the 10th in the night. Meanwhile Gresty and the company of
the 6th on the Yellow Line had been ordered to fall back 300 yards to a
less isolated position, and a sound front and flank was thus
established.
The battle had now reached a stage when the next move would be ordered
by the brigade or even by the division. Careful observation of the enemy
led us to suppose that he was weakening and Gresty and Wilson intimated
that when the L.F's. arrived at the Brown Line, having re-organised
their companies, they should be prepared to continue the advance in the
7th sector. Division had decided otherwise, however, and had ordered up
a battalion of the 126th brigade. Rapid preparations were made for a
night attack to complete the divisional task, the 10th Manchesters to
cover the 127th brigade front and the L.F's. to continue on their right.
Before nightfall, the enemy having withdrawn from the trenches
immediately in front, "B" company pushed on again and established a good
line running north and south in front of the Brown Line, and touching up
with the L.F's. who had now arrived. This considerably simplified the
work of the 10th, who were able to assemble in the night on an even
front.
The night attack was a success. The Huns were evidently demoralised and
put up no fight at all, surrendering in large batches without firing a
shot when our men arrived at their dug-outs, so that the Blue Line was
made good before dawn. Then came the work of exploiting success, and on
the 42nd divisional front this was carried out by the 8th Manchesters,
and the 5th East Lancs., the 126th brigade having taken over the front
during the afternoon of Sept. 28th. They were able to make good progress
over Welsh Ridge before encountering serious resistance. Later in the
day the New Zealand Division marched through to follow up the enemy, so
that the 42nd could go down for a rest. Gladly did the Fleur de Lys pack
up their traps and march back over the ground that had recently seen
such stern work. The brigadier had been up and personally thanked Lts.
Gresty and Wilson for the work achieved by "D" and "B" companies,
remarking that having seen the ground, and knowing the difficulties
which had to be encountered, he thought all the men were heroes in
having accomplished so much. Such praise coming from so sound a soldier
was naturally received with gratitude and pride, and we felt that once
again the name of the 7th Manchesters had been scored honourably and
deeply in the records of warfare. The battalion reassembled in the big
dug-out and there realised sadly the abundance of accommodation now
afforded.
It had been a glorious fight but won at a terrible cost. Out of the 450
or so men who went over there had been more than 300 casualties. Of the
sixteen officers who started out four only remained. 2nd-Lt. Pearson's
death was particularly sad. He had gone out in the ranks in 1914 with
the 7th, and had been twice wounded on Gallipoli, after which he served
continuously with the battalion till the winter of 1917, when he went
home for a commission. He had returned as an officer only a few weeks
previously, and in this fight proved himself a courageous and skilful
leader of men.
About 600 prisoners had been taken by the battalion, as well as the two
field guns, large numbers of machine guns and other booty. More
important was the death-blow to the German resistance. The Hindenburg
Line had been smashed, the enemy was obviously demoralised, and they
were in full flight for the next piece of ground which could offer a
suitable position for delaying our rapid advance. The awards to the 7th
for this battle included a bar to his Military Cross for Lt. Gresty, and
Military Crosses for Lt. Wilson, 2nd-Lt. Milne, 2nd-Lt. Siddall, and
2nd-Lt. Thrutchley. C.S.M. McHugh, M.M., C.S.M. Tabbron, and Sgt. Mather
received the D.C.M., while twenty N.C.O's. and men obtained the M.M.,
Pte. Greer being given a bar to his M.M.
The following Special Order of the Day indicates the value of the work
done by the Manchesters in this day's fighting:--
_29th September, 1918._
MANCHESTERS,
For the second time in this month of September you have struck the
enemy a heavy blow. It has brought us appreciably nearer to the
complete victory which our country is determined to achieve.
I do not yet know the full amount of our booty. It can be estimated
from the two miles of our advance, and from the prisoners,
considerably more than a thousand in number.
I wish to record my admiration for the splendid behaviour of all
ranks. The victory was won under conditions of exceptional
difficulty, and, as at Villers-au-Flos, against an enemy superior
in numbers to the attackers; and it was won by the magnificent
determination and devotion of the troops.
ANTHONY HENLEY, _Brig.-Gen._,
Commanding 127th Inf. Brigade.
CHAPTER X.
Pursuing the Hun.
THE SELLE RIVER.
Yet again the vicinity of Havrincourt Wood was the abode of the 42nd
division, and having been supplied with tents we set about the task of
refitting and reinforcing. Companies once more attained a strength of
about 100, and as the new men largely consisted of troops drafted from
non-infantry units, principally A.S.C. from England, and men out for the
first time, it was necessary to push along vigorously with training, for
it was certain that we should be wanted again for fighting very soon.
Returns from leave, etc., caused the following arrangement of company
commanders:--Lieut. Douglas, M.C., "A" company; Capt. Grey Burn, M.C.,
"B"; Lieut. Gresty, M.C., "C," and Capt. J. Baker, "D"; while Capt. S.
J. Wilson, M.C., was detailed to battle surplus. In the absence of Col.
Manger on English leave, Major Rae assumed command of the battalion,
while Capt. Barratt resumed the duties of adjutant, Capt. Creagh having
gone to England on a senior officers' course.
When the division broke up camp on October 8th and marched up the line
to get into closer support, the situation was roughly as follows. Since
the battle on the Hindenburg Line the enemy had had no rest, and in
spite of the difficulties of the ground (in one place a canal running
north and south intervened) the N.Z's. and divisions right and left, had
made steady progress, inflicting terrible casualties on the Boche who
were sturdily resisting every yard of ground. To the north, Cambrai was
still in the hands of the Hun, and from the continual fires seen in
that direction it was obvious that he was wreaking characteristic
vengeance on the helpless town. The part of the Western Front between
Cambrai and St. Quentin was recognised as the key to the whole situation
so that naturally exertions were gigantic by both sides. Foch maintained
his artillery concentration in this sector and undoubtedly one of the
greatest wonders of that year of wonders, 1918, was the manner in which
the guns obtained their never-ending supply of ammunition. The steady
pounding never ceased day or night, and when infantry action took place,
the noise welled up to terrific barrage speed for hours on end. When the
nerve-shattered German soldier pathetically walked over to our lines one
morning with hands up and exclaiming "Kamerad, too much shell!" he was
surely expressing the enemy point of view. The line had thus been pushed
on to the western outskirts of Solesmes, and troops in this area were
now waiting for the fall of Cambrai and Douai to continue the pressure.
When these events took place preparations were made for another battle.
During the battalion's march forward there was considerable
night-bombing by enemy aircraft, and on the first night Sgt. Riley, an
old member of the battalion, was killed and several men of H.Q. wounded
by bombs on their bivouac. It was a fair country that the 7th were now
approaching. After seven months' campaigning in the dismal devastated
lands of the Somme regions the sight of whole houses with chimneys and
roofs, and smoke exuding from them in the correct manner, was as welcome
as an oasis to the thirsty traveller in the desert. Here were billets, a
word of which we had almost forgotten to use. But picture our excitement
when we saw a real live civilian. The sight of these things probably
brought home to our men the full meaning of the German defeat more than
anything else. The 127th brigade spent a few days under most comfortable
conditions in the village of Beauvois on the Cambrai-Le Cateau road,
residing in houses, almost complete with furniture. A few of the
villagers had courageously remained behind, taking cover in their
cellars while the fighting and shelling took place above their heads. A
good deal of wanton destruction had been carried out by the retiring
Hun, but on the whole the countryside presented a normal appearance, a
most welcome sight to eyes wearied with the scenes of devastation, and
an important factor also in keeping up the morale of the troops.
Eventually the N.Z's. were relieved, and it was found that a very
skilful and determined enemy lay in front. Subsequent events, indeed,
showed that the strongest remaining division in the German army, the
25th division, had been put into this sector. They had been conserved
during the recent fighting, and on the prisoners who were captured
clothing and equipment were brand new. They had a proud record extending
right through the War, and claimed they had never received a beating
from any British troops. (They were soon to meet their Waterloo.) The
126th brigade were detailed to deliver the first shock of assault. Their
objective included, after crossing the Selle River within point blank
range of the German M.G's. and rifles, a deep Railway Cutting east of
the main Solesmes road, Belle Vue Farm, and the ground immediately
beyond the railway. The 127th brigade were to go through when these
positions had been made good and occupy the high ground overlooking
Marou, a small hamlet on the final objective, which was to be taken by
the 6th Manchesters.
The battle opened at dawn on October 21st, and after very heavy
fighting, in which one exceptionally large number of the enemy stood and
fought hand to hand and were killed with the bayonet; the 126th brigade
took all their objectives in splendid fashion. Then came the
Manchesters, the 6th on the left, the 5th on the right, and the 7th in
close support. The 6th advanced well, but the 5th quickly had trouble
being held up owing to the troops on their right not keeping up. The
enemy was fighting well, his infantry and machine gunners being
particularly stubborn and covering their retirement very skilfully.
Machine guns swept the advancing lines of the 5th, and the bare high
ground to be crossed left them very exposed to exceedingly heavy
enfilade fire. It was during this portion of the fight that Pte.
Wilkinson of the Wiganers obtained the V.C. for message carrying. Five
of his comrades had been killed within a few yards after starting on the
same mission. Wilkinson volunteered to be the sixth to make the attempt.
He was entrusted with the task and got through.
The 7th were now drawn into the battle, and "D" company advanced to form
a defensive flank for the right company of the 5th. With this help the
line was advanced, but it could not reach the final objective and so
link up with the 5th who had already reached and occupied Marou. "A"
company had advanced in support to the 6th and took up their allotted
positions, forming four defended localities in depth ready to make a
defensive flank if necessary. The 62nd division on the left had pushed
through Solesmes and had made good the high ground to the east of that
town, joining up with the 6th Manchesters. At 4.30 p.m. a further
barrage was put down for the 5th division and the 5th Manchesters to
continue the advance. The latter, however, were very weak, having
suffered heavy casualties, therefore "C" company of the 7th went forward
and advanced to occupy the final objectives. The enterprise was entirely
successful, and a machine gun nest, which had caused most of the trouble
on the right, was captured, the garrison surrendering as prisoners. A
dangerous counter-attack was repulsed by "C" and "D" companies and then
the line was secured, and junction made with the 5th in Marou. Enemy
artillery fire had been heavy during the day, and Battalion H.Q. in a
deep ravine suffered severely from large calibre shells, so that they
moved forward in the night to a healthier spot near the 6th H.Q. The
positions were maintained all next day until relieved by the 125th
brigade.
Luckily in this show our casualties were light, totalling a loss of
about 40 other ranks, very few being killed. The action of Capt. Baker
in forming the defensive flank for the 5th undoubtedly restored an
uncertain position, and materially assisted in the further advance. We
were all pleased when he was awarded the Military Cross for this and
general good work throughout the War with the 7th since June, 1915. The
pace and power of the attack can be gauged by the fact that six
battalions of the redoubtable Hun 25th division, in spite of their proud
record, were obliterated, and three days after the battle the division
was disbanded and absorbed in another. The destruction of this division
was an achievement of which the 42nd were justly proud. The motto of "Go
one better" had been "put over" the Boche in an unmistakable manner.
On October 23rd the division marched back to Beauvois again, the N.Z.
division having once more taken up the pursuit of the enemy, following
him vigorously to the vicinity of Le Quesnoy. The IVth corps were going
well, and all through these operations it was a noticeable feature in
the situation maps of the third army front published from time to time
that they always occupied the most advanced positions, and seemed to
perform the function of the spear head of the attacks.
MORMAL FOREST.
As the line of advance for the 42nd division lay through the huge Mormal
Forest, our training at Beauvois was largely in wood fighting. We were
making preparations for what was to prove the last battle of the War.
Col. Manger returned from leave and resumed command of the battalion,
while Major Rae remained on battle surplus where, unfortunately, his old
illness recurred and he had to go to hospital and eventually to England.
His excellent work with the 7th, however, had been recognised for he was
awarded the D.S.O. after the Armistice. Capt. Grey Burn, M.C., was
promoted to Major and became second in command of the 5th L.F's. "B"
company being taken over by Capt. Branthwaite, a recently joined 2nd
line officer. Capt. D. Norbury, having returned from a tour of duty at
home, was made O.C. "A" company, while Capt. S. J. Wilson, M.C.,
commanded "C" company.
The battalion marched out on the evening of November 3rd to take part in
the work of exploiting success after the N.Z. division had smashed the
enemy line. The attack commenced on the morning of November 4th, and
after fierce fighting, and only after the garrison had been completely
surrounded, Le Quesnoy was captured. The "Diggers" followed up
vigorously and chased the Huns through a large part of Mormal Forest.
Meanwhile our job was to "keep closed up" as far as possible and be
ready to continue the pursuit, with the 126th leading and the 127th in
support. The first night was spent at Viesly, and the second at Pont à
Pierre, just south of Salesches. The next day the weather completely
broke down, and we moved forward in pouring rain, over the recently
captured ground, arriving late at night in a thoroughly soaked condition
at the tiny village of Herbignies on the western edge of the Forest.
Here we found most of the civilians had remained through the fighting,
and they told excited stories of the happenings. Small children toddled
about the houses while Boche shells were still bursting not very many
hundred yards away. It seemed a most extraordinary situation after the
loneliness of war as we had always known it. These things had been the
monopoly of the soldiers, but here were women and children trespassing
upon our preserves. It helped us to realise the true tragedy of War.
That night the 126th brigade took over the front, a sketchy business in
view of the position, and the N.Z's. marched back. One of the officers,
during the day, had called out to us in characteristic Colonial fashion,
"Well, boys, are you going up to finish it?" whereupon one of the men
replied with Lancashire directness, "Ay, we started it, so we may as
well finish it." There was a good deal of peace-talk flying about.
German prisoners had admitted that they could not go on much longer,
while rumours about conferences were very prevalent. Still, until we got
orders to stop fighting, this job had to continue, and that was the
chief consideration for us, although the order to cease fire would have
been keenly appreciated.
Early morning found us on trek in a steady downpour of rain which made
our already wet clothes more and more sodden. In this doleful fashion we
splashed along over the muddy forest tracks to get close to the East
Lancs. who were carrying out an attack. The 8th Manchesters had a
particularly stern time, encountering nests of machine guns which had
not been cleared from their exposed flanks, so that they lost very
heavily. Nevertheless, the attack was eventually pushed home, and the
Huns were dislodged. Subsequent events revealed that from this moment
the German retirement became a scurry of a disorganised rabble. The
roads were blocked by their hurrying transport, and personnel simply
made the best use of their legs, scampering across country where it was
impossible to march on the roads. The civilians told us that utter
confusion reigned everywhere. Our foremost troops undoubtedly met
determined resistance from the machine gunners, but they were probably
blissfully ignorant of what was taking place behind them.
As far as the 7th was concerned November 6th was one of the most
miserable and trying days ever experienced. In the middle of the morning
we arrived at our position, where we stayed during the whole of the day
in a bitterly cold rain with no possibility of shelter. When it was
ascertained that the enemy had been dislodged we made a few fires and
tried to restore life to our numbed bodies. The divisional commander,
having seen our condition, and realising that very few in the brigade
would be fit for fighting after two such days, ordered up the 125th
brigade, who had had an opportunity of getting dry and warm. We marched
joyfully back in the middle of the night to Le Carnoy and there spent
two days in billets.
The advance of the 42nd was now rapid. Hautmont, a fairly large
manufacturing town, was captured after street fighting, and by the
evening of November 9th an outpost line had been established south-east
of Maubeuge. The 7th meanwhile had marched up through the forest and
were billeted in the small village of Vieux Mesnil. Here we received
official orders to stand fast on the morning of November 11th. At 11
a.m. the battalion paraded outside the church and there the bugles
sounded "Cease fire" for the first and last time during the War. The men
took the news very quietly. We were too close to actual events to give
ourselves over to the mad demonstrations of joy such as took place in
spots more remote. At the same time everyone experienced a curious
feeling of calm satisfaction that an unpleasant task had been
accomplished. The 42nd division had taken part in two great drives, the
clearing of the Turk from British territory in 1916 and the clearing of
the Hun from allied territory in 1918.
CHAPTER XI.
Aftermath and Home.
The division concentrated at Hautmont, and on November 14th the 7th
marched into this town, and there occupied billets close to the Square.
We now had an opportunity of realising the manner in which the Hun had
delivered his last expiring kicks. Delay action mines had been placed
under the railway at various points, and although one of the terms of
the Armistice demanded that they should be indicated and removed, many
were too near the time for explosion to allow of their being touched. As
a result the railhead could not proceed beyond Caudry for some time, and
it was necessary to convey supplies over a considerable distance by
road. As arrangements had also to be made to feed the civilians, and
repatriated prisoners of war, who now began to stream across the
frontiers in an appallingly emaciated condition, some idea will be
gained of the difficulty of keeping the troops sufficiently rationed.
The men of the 7th, however, realised this and took a common sense view
of the matter.
In the second week of December the 42nd division marched up into Belgium
to Charleroi, the 127th brigade being quartered at Fleurus, a delightful
village about six miles out of the town. Here the men of the 7th had a
most happy time, for the villagers welcomed us right gladly and made us
extremely comfortable in our billets. Turkeys, beer, extra vegetables
and rum once more figured in the 'Xmas fare and it was with really
rejoicing hearts that the Fleur de Lys spent their last Yuletide away
from home. "C" company maintained the prowess of the battalion by
securing the divisional prize for the best decorated dining hall.
Later, chiefly through the efforts of C.S.M. Branchflower and Sgt.
Aldred, M.M., we carried off the divisional cup for boxing.
On 'Xmas Eve the first of a series of events at once sad and joyful
began to occur. Long-standing friendships and partnerships were rapidly
broken up by the departure of drafts for demobilisation. Every few days
parties went off, and one saw old faces gradually disappear from our
ranks. The return, in the midst of glorious weather, of Capt. Barratt
and Lt. Gresty, M.C. from Manchester, with the battalion colours was the
occasion for a splendid ceremonial parade in which the Belgians took a
lively interest. It was a proud moment when they were safely deposited
in the officers' mess, and everyone took a share in their due honours.
The final stage in the long adventurous career of the 7th Manchesters
during this great war was completed on March 31st when the cadre of the
battalion, led by Brevet Lt.-Col. Manger, arrived at Exchange Station,
Manchester, and amidst a tremendous and enthusiastic concourse of people
proudly made their way through the city to Burlington Street, to deposit
the colours in their home at the depot. The following Saturday evening a
reception was held, when large numbers of men and officers with their
friends united once more to do honours to the record of their battalion.
[Illustration: AREA COVERED DURING ADVANCE OF 42nd DIVISION, 1918.]
Appendix I.
HONOURS AND AWARDS TO MEMBERS OF THE BATTALION.
OFFICERS.
Fawcus, Major (Actg. Lt.-Col.) A. E. F. Distinguished Service Order.
Military Cross.
Legion d'honneur.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
Gallipoli (twice).
Mentioned in Dispatches,
France, June, 1918.
Manger, Major (temp. Lt.-Col.) E. V. Brevet Lieut.-Colonel.
C.M.G.
Hodge, Lieut. (Actg. Lieut.-Col.) A. Distinguished Service Order.
Military Cross.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Canning, Lieut.-Col. A. (Attached) Order of St. Michael and
St. George (3rd Class
or Companion).
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Cronshaw, Major (Actg. Lt.-Col.) A. E. Distinguished Service Order.
Royal Serbian Order of the
White Eagle.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
France, 7.11.17.
Carr, (Actg. Lieut.-Col.) H. A. Distinguished Service Order.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
Brown, Major J. N. Brevet Majority, 3.6.15.
Distinguished Service Order.
Royal Serbian Order of the
White Eagle (4th Class).
Japanese Sacred Treasure
(3rd Class).
Mentioned in Dispatches,
16.3.16, E.E.F. 25.9.16,
E.E.F. 16.1.18, E.E.F.
Burn, (Actg. Major) F. G. Military Cross.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
France, 6.7.17, and
Egypt, Dec. 1917.
Creagh, Major P. H. Distinguished Service Order.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
26.8.15, E.E.F. 11.12.15,
E.E.F.
Scott, Major & Quartermaster J., D.C.M. Order of the British Empire.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
Gallipoli, E.E.F., 10.4.16.
Rae, Major G. B. L. Distinguished Service Order.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Staveacre, Major J. H. Mentioned in Dispatches,
26.8.15.
(_Killed in Action_).
Creagh, Capt. (Actg. Major) J. R. Mentioned in Dispatches,
7.11.17, 18.11.18.
Chadwick, Capt. G. Royal Serbian Order of the
White Eagle (4th Class).
Hayes, Capt. F. Military Cross.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
July, 1916; July, 1917.
Nasmith, Capt. G. W. Order of the British Empire.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Thorpe, Capt. J. H. Order of the British Empire.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Whitley, Capt. (Act. Lt.-Col.) N. H. P. Military Cross.
Croix de Guerre, France.
Crown of Italy.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
Gallipoli, E.E.F.
Farrow, Capt. J., R.A.M.C. Military Cross.
Nidd, Capt. H. H. Military Cross,
(_Died_).
Williamson, Capt. C. H. Military Cross.
(_Killed in Action_).
Baker, Lieut. (Actg. Capt.) J. Military Cross.
Collier, Capt. H. Mentioned in Dispatches.
Kirby, Capt. E. T. (C.F.) Military Cross.
Hoskyns, Capt. E. C. (C.F.) Military Cross.
Norbury, Capt. C. Mentioned in Dispatches,
24.5.18.
Norbury, Capt. M. Mentioned in Dispatches,
16.1.18.
Branthwaite, Capt. R. H. Mentioned in Dispatches,
7.11.17.
Douglas, Lieut. C. B. Military Cross.
Edge, Lieut. N. Military Cross.
Goodall, Lieut. J. C. Military Cross.
Goodier, 2nd-Lt. A. Awarded Commission in the
Field.
Military Cross.
Gresty, Lieut. W. Military Cross and Bar.
Harris, Lieut. L. G. Military Cross.
Siddall, 2nd-Lt. J. R. Military Cross.
Wilson, Lieut. (Actg. Capt.), S. J. Military Cross.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
8.11.18.
Franklin, Lieut. H. C. Military Cross.
Mentioned in Dispatches,
10.4.16.
Allen, Capt. C. R Military Cross.
(_Killed in Action_).
Bagshaw, Lieut. K Military Cross.
Welch, Lieut. (King's Own) Distinguished Service Order.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Gorst, 2nd-Lt. H. Military Cross.
Milne, 2nd-Lt. J. H. Military Cross.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
Harland, 2nd-Lt. J. A. Military Cross.
Thrutchley, 2nd-Lt. F. D Military Cross.
Woodworth, Lieut. F. T. K. Mentioned in Dispatches,
8.11.18.
Thorp, Lieut. W. T. Mentioned in Dispatches,
24.5.18.
(_Killed in Action_).
NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.
Abbreviations:
M.M. = Military Medal.
D.C.M. = Distinguished Conduct Medal.
M.S.M. = Meritorious Service Medal.
276236 Aldred, Sgt. J. M.M.
1070 Anlezark, R.S.M. W. M.S.M.
275726 Bailey, Pte. S. M.M.
275782 Banahan, Sgt. J. do.
275021 Bamber, Sgt. F. D.C.M.
M.S.M.
275039 Booker, L/c F. W. M.M.
276702 Botham, Pte. W. E. do.
275889 Bowman, Pte. J. do.
276845 Boydell, Pte. J. do.
276327 Bradshaw, Pte. W. do.
276418 Braithwaite, Pte. T. do.
276264 Broughton, Cpl. A. do.
280 Calow, Sgt. Mentd. in Dispatches.
275125 Clavering, Sgt. H. M.S.M.
275103 Clough, R.Q.M.S. S. Croix de Guerre (Belgian).
276047 Collinge, Pte. H. M.M.
1536 Connelly, Pte. J. Mentd. in Dispatches
275724 Conry, Pte. R. E. M.M.
276151 Craven, L/c A. do.
303461 Daley, Sgt. W. M.M.
51167 Davies, Pte. W. T. do.
276842 Dearden, Pte. R. do.
275141 Downs, Pte. A. do.
300991 Eastwood, Cpl. W. M.M.
276856 Edwards, Pte. R. do.
275173 Fidler, Sgt. W. M.M.
105 Fielding, Sgt. W. Mentd. in Dispatches
275161 Fleetwood, Sgt. A. D.C.M.
1904 Franks, L/c J. Mentd. in Dispatches.
275201 Gammond, A/Sgt. T. A. M.M.
375395 Green, Sgt. J. W. D.C.M.
M.M.
(_Killed in Action._)
277007 Greer, Pte. A. M.M. and Bar.
276028 Gregory, Cpl. B. M.M.
276254 Goffey, Sgt. W. do.
275218 Hadfield, Sgt. A. M.M.
57548 Halfhide, Pte. C. do.
295015 Hand, Sgt. A. D.C.M.
5211 Hartnett, R.S.M. N. (_Died of Wounds._)
Mentd. in Dispatches.
276486 Hayhurst, Pte. M.M.
42732 Heasman, L/c A. D.C.M.
275524 Heath, Sgt. F. (_Died of Wounds._)
M.M. and Bar.
275256 Holbrook, Sgt. J. D.C.M.
550239 Horsfield, Sgt. D.C.M.
M.M.
Croix de Guerre (Belgian).
276171 Hyde, L/c L. M.M.
276424 Jackson, L/c E. (_Died of Wounds._)
M.M.
276973 Jennions, Pte. H. do.
376666 Jolley, Sgt. J. do.
275281 Joyce, C.S.M. M.M.
Gold Medal of St. George
of Russia (2nd Class).
276640 King, Cpl. A. W. D.C.M.
276648 Latham, Pte. H. M.M.
275319 Lockett, Cpl. S. (_Died of Wounds._)
D.C.M.
276719 Lyons, Pte. C. M.M.
276482 Lynn, Sgt. H. do.
275326 Lievesley, Sgt. J. L. do.
275705 Macguire, Cpl. A. M.M.
275822 Mather, Sgt. D.C.M.
2409 McCartney, L/c H. S. (_Killed in Action._)
Mentd. in Dispatches.
275935 McClean, Pte. T. M.M.
275355 McHugh, C.S.M. D.C.M.
M.M. and Bar.
400535 Moore, Pte. T. C. M.M.
276020 Morris, L/c G. do.
40 Mort, L/Sgt. W. D.C.M.
275365 Mottram, L/Sgt. G. M.M.
275704 Mullin, Pte. C. M.M.
275397 Ogden, R.Q.M.S. M.S.M.
Mentioned in Dispatches.
275426 Parker, Sgt. G. M.M.
40849 Parkin, Pte. I. do.
12782 Pickering, Pte. W. do.
276932 Quinn, Pte. J. D.C.M.
49738 Reeves, Pte. E. M.M.
2263 Richardson, Pte. M. D.C.M.
276535 Riley, Pte. J. G. M.M.
275468 Riley, Sgt. R. do.
(_Killed in Action._)
48576 Rotham, Pte. J. M.M.
37647 Rourke, Pte. A. do.
275509 Sanderson, Pte. G. M.M.
57229 Shaughnessy, Pte. W. M.M.
275495 Shields, C.S.M. J. M.S.M.
Mentd. in Dispatches.
275513 Snadham, Cpl. J. Mentd. in Dispatches.
376453 Standring, Cpl. W. M.M.
233 Stanton, Sgt. J. Mentd. in Dispatches.
57216 Stubbard, Pte. R. M.M.
275571 Tabbron, C.S.M. D.C.M.
276540 Thorpe, Sgt. H. M.M.
303634 Titchener, Pte. E. do.
275883 Titterington, L/Sgt. H. L. M.M.
277020 Twist, L/c T. M.M. and Bar.
275590 Walsh, Pte. J. M.M.
275604 Walton, Pte. F. G. do.
275646 Warrington, Pte. W. do.
277635 Wisken, Pte. A. do.
(_Died of Wounds._)
275627 White, Cpl. F. D.C.M.
Mentd. in Dispatches.
275632 Wilkinson, Pte. H. M.M.
51624 Wilkinson, Pte. J. do.
275952 Wilmer, Pte. R. do.
295025 Wood, Cpl. T. D.C.M.
Appendix II.
MEMBERS OF THE BATTALION KILLED IN ACTION, DIED OF WOUNDS, MISSING, ETC.
As these lists may not contain the names of all those members of the
battalion who made the supreme sacrifice, I tender my apologies to the
friends and relations of those whose names have been omitted. Some
difficulty has been experienced, however, in making the lists as full as
they are.
S.J.W.
OFFICERS.
Allen, Capt. C. R., M.C. Killed in Action 27.9.18
Bacon, Lieut. A. H. Killed in Action 7.8.15
Brown, Lieut. T. F. Killed in Action 30.5.15
Carley, Lieut. Killed in Action 27.9.18
Cooper, Lieut. C. M. Killed in Action 20.10.18
Dudley, Lieut. C. L. Killed in Action 4.6.15
Freemantle, Lieut. W. O. Killed in Action 4.6.15
Granger, Lieut. H. M. Killed in Action 29.5.15
Grant, Lieut. R. W. G. Killed in Action 25.5.17
Kay, Lieut. H. N. Killed in Action 21.8.18
Lomas, Lieut. F. Killed in Action 4.6.15
Ludlam, Lieut. E. W. Killed in Action 28.3.18
McLaine, Lieut. D. Died of Wounds 2.4.18
Nidd, Capt. H. H., M.C. Died of Sickness contracted
during the war 4.3.19
Pearson, Lieut. H. Killed in Action 27.9.18
Philp, R.A.M.C., Capt. Killed in Action 27.3.18
Ray, Lieut. H. M. Killed in Action 27.9.18
Rylands, Capt. R. V. Killed in Action 29.5.15
Savatard, Capt. T. W. Killed in Action 29.5.15
Staveacre, Major J. H. Killed in Action 4.6.15
Sievewright, Lieut. M. J. Killed in Action 2.11.17
Thewlis, Lieut. H. D. Killed in Action 4.6.15
Thorp, Lieut. W. T. Killed in Action 28.3.18
Tinker, Capt. A. H. Killed in Action 28.3.18
Ward, Lieut. G. H. Killed in Action 4.6.15
Williamson, Capt. C. H., M.C. (R.F.C.) Killed in Action 27.3.17
Wender, Lieut., D.C.M. Killed in Action 16.6.18
Wood, Lieut. A. S. Died of Wounds 29.3.18
NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.
_Killed in Action._
1533 Abercrombie, Pte. E. 16.12.15
5204 Adamson, Pte. C. 27.9.18
1665 Adderley, Pte. E. 4.6.15
275740 Alman, Pte. T. 14.9.17
490 Anderson, Cpl. R. 4.6.15
2045 Anderton, Pte. F.
1740 Ayres, Pte. W. A. 4.6.15
1355 Bailey, Pte. W. 4.6.15
2348 Bain, Pte. T. P. 4.6.15
2403 Balon, Pte. E. 29.5.15
2215 Banks, Pte. A. 4.6.15
1968 Bannan, Pte. 4.12.15
3014 Barber, Pte. S. 10.8.15
1888 Barks, Pte. F. C. 7.12.15
27504 Barnes, Pte. J. H. 8.9.17
1347 Barnett, Pte. I. 29.5.15
52996 Barratt, Pte. R. 21.8.18
275059 Barrow, L/c T. E. 8.9.17
74429 Barry, Pte. R. J. 21.8.18
276522 Bedford, Pte. F. A. 27.9.18
2009 Bell, Pte. A. 4.6.15
275823 Bennett, Cpl. C. 27.9.18
276100 Bennet, Pte. R. 5.4.18
1941 Bent, Pte. W. 16.9.15
1228 Berry, Cpl. J. 4.6.15
275956 Beswick, Pte. R. 27.9.18
2438 Billington, Pte. H. 4.6.15
59824 Bincliffe, Pte. A. 27.9.18
276693 Bland, Pte. H. W. 28.3.18
980 Bleasdale, Pte. W. 30.5.15
2018 Boardman, Pte. A. H. 19.9.15
2143 Bouchier, Pte. G. C. 4.6.15
896 Bowe, Pte. G. 4.6.15
49841 Bowling, Pte. T. 27.9.18
277064 Boyd, Cpl. H. 2.9.18
1873 Bridge, Pte. E. 7.8.15
3456 Bright, Pte. W. 18.9.15
1009 Bromley, L/c E. 31.5.15
276676 Brookes, Pte. A. 28.10.17
1617 Brookes, Pte. J. 4.6.15
275929 Broughton, Pte. V. 28.3.18
1534 Brown, Pte. E. 4.6.15
2290 Brown, Pte. G. 4.6.15
2257 Bruce, Pte. W. 31.5.15
1730 Buckley, Pte. W. 5.6.15
1712 Burgess, Pte. A. 5.6.15
1197 Burgess, Pte. J. 4.6.15
276966 Burns, Pte. R. 28.3.18
2336 Callaghan, Pte. H. 9.6.15
275111 Calardine, L/c J. 25.3.18
2192 Callon, Pte. J. W. 4.6.15
76918 Carr, Pte. A. E. 21.8.18
276657 Castrey, Pte. E. 28.10.17
1431 Cavanagh, Pte. F. 4.6.15
1402 Cawley, Pte. B. 8.8.15
2255 Chadwick, Pte. C. 4.6.15
1277 Chadwick, Pte. W. 18.9.15
275968 Chappell, Cpl. J. H. 25.8.15
2070 Chappell, Pte. L. 4.8.15
2363 Clare, Pte. H. 4.6.15
2125 Clarke, Pte. E. E. 4.6.15
2311 Clime, Pte. J. 4.6.15
276697 Colley, Pte. W. J. 27.9.17
275110 Collier, L/c C. 27.8.17
1662 Collins, Pte. R. C. 4.6.15
2011 Collins, Pte. W. 31.5.15
4084 Connor, Pte. J. 1.9.16
164 Cookson, Sgt. S. R. 29.5.15
1948 Cott, Pte. T. 4.6.15
1897 Cousell, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1212 Cox, Pte. J. 31.5.15
24754 Croughan, Cpl. C. 27.9.18
3033 Cunnington, Pte. R. 8.8.15
276265 Darbyshire, Pte. H. 6.5.17
2333 Davies, Pte. C. 13.5.15
74436 Davies, Pte. G. 20.10.18
1931 Davies, Pte. T. A. 4.6.15
2098 Dawson, Pte. T. B. 29.5.15
275130 Day, Pte. H. G. 18.8.18
2831 Dean, Pte. H. 7.8.15
1772 Dillon, Pte. H. 4.6.15
2247 Ding, Pte. W. H. 30.5.15
61024 Dodd, Pte. J. 27.9.18
1301 Dodds, Pte. J. E. 4.6.15
1145 Doolen, Pte. R. J. 4.6.15
2315 Draper, Pte. J. E. 4.6.15
2457 Driver, Pte. R. 18.9.15
74406 Duckley, Pte. L. 8.10.18
275140 Dyehouse, L/c W. H. 27.9.18
74435 Dyke, Pte. F. G. 20.10.18
268 Eardley, Pte. G. 4.6.15
77445 Edgerton, Pte. G. J. A. 10.6.18
276670 Elphinsone, Pte. R. J. 28.3.18
276593 England, Pte. E. 8.9.17
2077 England, Pte. W. 4.6.15
277013 Evans, Pte. G. 29.10.18
2478 Farrar, Pte. A. 7.8.15
275910 Farrington, Pte. A. 2.9.18
1921 Fawdrey, Pte. G. 4.6.15
2432 Finch, Pte. H. B. L. 4.6.15
2364 Fitchett, Pte. F. 4.6.15
2130 Fisher, Pte. B. 29.5.16
2217 Fisher, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1700 Fitzsimmons, Pte. J. 4.6.15
37736 Fletcher, Pte. E. H. 27.9.18
275171 Foden, Sgt. W. 27.9.18
275163 Ford, Pte. P. 27.9.18
276513 Ford, Pte. R. 14.9.17
276602 Forester, Pte. J. H. 3.5.17
275970 Franklin, Pte. L. 11.9.17
2302 Gamble, Pte. 4.6.15
275190 Gardener. Pte. W. 27.9.18
38692 Garratt, Pte. J. 11.9.18
276558 Garrett, Pte. A. 6.1.18
2176 Gibbons, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1926 Gillibrand, Pte. A. 4.6.15
39393 Gilbert, Pte. R. 27.9.18
2212 Goulding, Pte. P. 4.6.15
2362 Graham, Pte. J. A. 31.5.15
276999 Graham, Pte. W. H. 8.9.17
2397 Grainger, Pte. H. M. 29.5.15
2399 Green, Pte. J. D. 4.6.15
375395 Green, Sgt. J. W., D.C.M., M.M. 21.8.18
1313 Gresty, Pte. F. 13.7.15
1397 Hall, Pte. C. 13.7.15
41749 Hall, Pte. H. 14.6.18
1352 Hallam, Pte. F. 4.6.15
275981 Hamilton, Pte. G. 26.6.15
3205 Hammersley, Pte. J. 19.9.15
276861 Hampson, Pte. J. 29.3.18
1720 Hargreaves, Pte. H. 4.6.15
2450 Harling, Pte. J. 4.6.15
2378 Harrison, Pte. E. 13.5.15
3416 Harrison, Pte. H. N. 16.9.15
1369 Harrison, Pte. T. S. 9.11.15
1259 Heath, Pte. G. 4.6.15
2401 Hewitt, Pte. W. 4.6.15
57162 Higham, Pte. T. 27.9.18
1627 Hinchliffe, Pte. W. 4.6.15
1799 Hilditch, Pte. 4.6.15
49513 Hills, L/c G. G. 21.8.18
60404 Hindly, Pte. J. B. 21.8.18
2164 Hobbs, Pte. T. 31.5.15
2386 Holland, Pte. J. H. 4.6.15
238 Holdercroft, Pte. F. 4.6.15
275264 Hodgkins, Pte. W. 23.5.17
49511 Hodgkinson, Pte. J. D. 9.6.18
1178 Hodson, Pte. F. 4.6.15
3287 Hollingworth, Pte. D. 7.8.15
1856 Holmes, Pte. S. 4.6.15
275013 Holt, Cpl. J. 27.9.18
54400 Hope, Pte. J. W. 27.9.18
2413 Horrocks, Pte. W. E. 7.8.15
1358 Horrox, Pte. W. 29.5.15
25300 Hughson, Pte. G. 27.9.18
2351 Hunt, Pte. F. 4.6.15
1922 Hunt, Pte. S. A. 4.6.15
276634 Ikin, Pte. J. W. 6.5.17
275876 Ingram, Pte. H. 6.1.18
276054 Jackson, Pte. J. 18.4.18
276433 Jackson, L/c J. 4.6.15
203 Jackson, Pte. J. S. 4.6.15
2313 Jennings, Pte. W. G. 12.6.15
1520 Jepson, Pte. W. 8.8.15
276659 Johnson, Pte. J. H. 30.3.18
750 Jones, Pte. H. 4.6.15
1823 Jones, Pte. J. 4.6.15
50338 Judge, Pte. M. 26.9.18
3669 Kaufmann, Pte. S. 5.12.15
1118 Kearney, Pte. A. D.
51893 Keeber, Pte. H. 27.9.18
1935 Keeble, Pte. F. 29.5.15
1841 Keegan, Pte. G. 29.5.15
1663 Kellett, Pte. W. 4.6.15
1674 Kelly, Pte. H. 29.5.15
2026 Kelly, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1331 Kenyon, Pte. A. 31.5.15
74471 Kerfoot, Pte. F. 1.7.18
2360 Kershaw, Pte. J. H. 4.6.15
2125 Kidd, Pte. T. 3.8.18
1748 Lamb, Pte. R. 4.6.15
1807 Laver, Pte. H. 8.8.15
275318 Lawton, Sgt. C. H. 8.11.17
1570 Lee, Pte. J. M. 13.8.15
3207 Lee, Pte. W. H. 24.12.15
1898 Lees, Pte. W. 4.6.15
3532 Leigh, Pte. W. 18.8.16
44370 Livesley, Pte. W. 27.9.18
2282 Lomas, Pte. F. 4.6.15
275330 Lomas, Pte. G.A. 28.3.18
1296 Longshaw, Pte. R. 4.6.15
2374 Lowerson, Pte. H. 4.6.15
2160 Lyons, Pte. J. 4.6.15
2416 Lyons, Pte. T. 9.10.15
1923 Lythe, Pte. F. 8.8.15
1945 Maley, Pte. E. 4.6.15
1282 Manley, Pte. J. N. 16.8.15
40717 Mallis, Pte. G. W. 12.9.17
275360 Martin, Pte. W. H. 23.5.17
2177 Marvin, Pte. G. 4.6.15
42547 Mason, Pte. J. 27.9.18
275865 Master, Pte. E. H. 28.3.18
276302 Mates, Cpl. J. 23.8.18
2409 McCartney, L/c H. S. 7.8.15
1361 McClure, Pte. E. 8.8.15
19434 McKeown, Pte. E. 22.7.18
1647 McKie, Pte. W. K. 4.6.15
276874 McVey, Pte. J. 5.4.18
1442 McWilliam, Pte. R. 4.6.15
276175 Mellor, Pte. G. 5.4.18
1681 Merriman, Cpl. R. 4.6.15
276096 Metcalfe, Sgt. F. E. 9.9.18
275887 Milligan, Pte. A. J. 26.6.18
2408 Milligan, Pte. J. 31.5.15
276612 Milward, Pte. K. 18.4.18
42526 Mitchell, Pte. H. 27.9.18
252 Molyneux, Pte. H. S. 7.8.15
85281 Morrell, Pte. J. 27.9.18
1874 Morris, Pte. A. 4.6.15
1906 Moisey, Pte. J. 4.6.15
74459 Myers, Pte. R. 21.8.18
42166 Nevin, Pte. J. S. 27.9.18
2455 Newbold, Pte. S. 28.5.15
1485 Oarkinson, Pte. A. C. 29.5.15
2428 Oates, Pte. L. 30.5.15
3298 O'Brien, Pte. A. 18.9.15
276431 Oldham, Pte. W. 1.9.18
276288 Ormerod, Pte. A. E. 29.3.18
1695 Page, Pte. A. 4.6.15
295017 Parsons, Cpl. F. N. 23.7.16
1278 Passant, Pte. R. 31.5.15
48 Peacock, Pte. W. H. 4.6.15
891 Pearce, Pte. F. 4.6.15
51741 Pearson, Pte. G. 27.9.18
2454 Phillips, Pte. J. P. 31.5.15
2300 Pickles, Pte. W. 4.6.15
2119 Pope, Pte. W. 4.5.15
2132 Raper, Pte. A. E. 4.6.15
275481 Rawlings, Pte. H. 9.10.17
2044 Rawlinson, Pte. W. R. 4.6.15
1671 Rawson, Pte. W. 21.5.15
1258 Rhodes, Pte. J. W. 4.6.15
2805 Rideal, L/c J. H. 8.8.15
275468 Riley, Sgt. R., M.M. 8.10.18
1991 Roberts, Pte. A. 18.8.16
1283 Robertson. 29.5.15
276473 Rogers, Pte. S. 27.8.19
10788 Rogerson, Pte. W. H. 27.9.18
276039 Rosewell, L/Sgt. A. 21.8.18
2355 Royle, Pte. F. E. H. 4.6.15
1689 Russell, Pte. W. H. 30.5.15
276630 Salter, Pte. H. 30.4.17
2003 Sanderson, Pte. J. 13.5.15
276241 Scraton, Pte. C. 27.9.18
276888 Shaw, Pte. B. 21.8.18
276551 Shearere, Pte. G. 30.3.18
2033 Shepherd, Pte. J. E. 30.5.15
2243 Shipley, Pte. J. E. 16.10.15
276533 Sidebottom, Pte. H. 29.11.17
275506 Smith, Pte. H. 4.4.18
3018 Smith, Pte. M. 16.9.15
1673 Smith, Pte. R. S. 31.5.15
2245 Smith, Pte. W. H. 29.5.15
1657 Smith, Pte. W. H. 29.5.15
1187 Stanton, Cpl. W. 7.8.15
1956 Starkie, Pte. C. 4.6.15
275489 Steel, Pte. R. 6.5.17
29421 Stott, Pte. A. 20.10.18
2369 Super, Pte. C. 26.5.15
276967 Sweeney, Pte. J. 21.8.18
275903 Tanner, Sgt. A. 27.9.18
275550 Tanner, Sgt. E. 13.5.18
277005 Tardoe, Pte. P. 29.3.18
57266 Taylor, Pte. H. 27.9.18
276421 Taylor, Pte. J. 24.10.18
276240 Taylor, Pte. J. H. 10.6.18
1846 Taylor, Pte. S. 31.5.15
276410 Thomas, Pte. J. A. 18.8.17
57453 Thompson, Pte. S. E. 21.8.18
1040 Thompson, Pte. T. 29.5.15
275558 Thornily, Pte. B. 13.5.18
57442 Timothy, Pte. E. 27.9.18
275866 Titterington, Cpl. F. 27.9.18
3021 Twigg, Pte. F. A. 7.8.15
1943 Vardon, Pte. C. 31.5.15
1413 Verity, L/c J. 4.6.15
277759 Vickers, Pte. J. H. 5.4.18
1835 Walker, Pte. R. 4.6.15
2057 Walker, Pte. S. 29.5.15
275606 Wallace, L/c E. 7.1.18
1775 Walley, Pte. H. 4.6.15
275597 Ward, Pte. J. 5.4.18
2322 Watmough, Pte. A. 4.6.15
275793 Watmough, Pte. W. 5.4.18
2270 Webb, Pte. S. 4.6.15
521 Webster, Sgt. H. 29.5.15
276962 Welsh, Pte. R. 3.5.17
1893 Whelan, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1725 White, Pte. R. 29.5.15
202152 White, Pte. J. 27.9.18
2261 Whitely, Pte. J. B. 7.8.15
55933 Whittaker, Pte. A. T. 27.9.18
276605 Wilbraham, Pte. T. 30.4.17
2335 Wild, Pte. G. 21.7.18
2226 Wilde, Pte. H. J. R. 29.5.15
1573 Williams, Pte. A. 4.6.15
295119 Williams, Pte. J. 1.6.17
1354 Williams, Pte. R. 29.5.15
2458 Williams, Pte. W. V. 4.6.15
1311 Wilson, Pte. L. 4.6.15
2406 Winter, Pte. D. 29.5.15
714 Winterbottom, L/c G. 31.5.15
57246 Wittle, Pte. F. 27.9.18
1939 Wood, Pte. A. 31.5.15
3642 Woodward, Pte. H. 1.12.15
298004 Wookey, Pte. A. J. 27.9.18
1924 Worrall, Pte. S. 29.5.15
275716 Young, Pte. G.
8002 Young, L/c H. 27.9.18
_Dead--Presumed Killed in Action._
1976 Duffy, Pte. 4.6.15
1903 Haydock, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1535 Hunt, Pte. H. 4.6.15
1603 Makin, Pte. A. W. 4.6.15
1965 Moore, Pte. G. 4.6.15
2079 Newman, Pte. G. E. 4.6.15
1960 Newman, Pte. G. E. 4.6.15
69 Plan, Pte. R. 4.6.15
1434 Tearsley, Pte. A. 4.6.15
1646 Williams, Pte. S. 4.6.15
_Dead--Sickness._
2515 Ashton, Pte. C. B. 16.10.15
2274 Boden, Pte. G. C. 5.11.15
2554 Clare, Pte. H. 18.8.15
3271 Couper, Pte. G. 30.7.16
3275 Edwards, Pte. J. 8.8.15
275252 Hardy, L/Sgt. A. 1.3.19
37791 Leach, Pte. R. 14.11.18
3051 Oldfield, Pte. W. F. 12.10.15
1701 Redford, Pte. S. F. 27.5.16
_Died in Egypt._
1180 Beckett, Pte. R. 8.2.16
4361 Hind, Pte. W. 26.9.16
2099 Kenyon, Pte. F. 26.12.14
4176 Stocks, Pte. T. 29.5.15
932 Williams, Pte. F. 21.1.15
2368 Wood, Pte. E. 4.6.16
_Died._
276353 Berry, Pte. J. 28.1.18
275051 Blackledge, Pte. 6.2.18
275083 Brewer, Pte. M. C. 18.9.18
3325 Ebourne, Pte. W. 22.1.17
276587 Haslewood, Pte. T. 23.3.18
2326 Keogh, Pte. F. 22.5.15
276559 Norton, Pte. J. 20.8.17
276297 Vipond, Pte. A. 7.10.17
_Died of Wounds._
74412 Baker, Pte. H. 10.10.18
276623 Bamber, Pte. M. 19.4.18
1958 Bancroft, Pte. J. W. 23.9.15
1738 Barton, Pte. T. 25.5.15
275035 Beckett, Pte. J. 3.11.17
2178 Boaley, Pte. A. 29.5.15
74408 Bridson, Pte. R. 25.7.18
275068 Brown, Sgt. H. 22.8.18
2402 Brown, Pte. J. W. 30.6.15
1780 Burr, Pte. H. 14.5.15
756 Butcher, Pte. H. 7.8.15
2436 Byrne, Pte. T. 17.6.15
2268 Carpenter, Pte. C.
275109 Carroll, Sgt. J. 27.3.18
275108 Cavanagh, Pte. J. 29.3.18
2381 Chantler, Pte. J. 21.4.15
276626 Clegg, Pte. H. 4.11.17
275104 Cliffe, Pte. G. 6.4.18
1479 Connell, Pte. A. 27.8.15
276595 Cookson, Pte. W. 23.7.18
3080 Dale, Pte. H. 24.7.15
275133 Davidson, Pte. S. 1.6.17
276974 Davies, Pte. G. 5.9.17
3035 Davies, Pte. H. 31.7.15
276434 Doherty, Pte. T. 11.11.17
295030 Daley, Pte. A. 14.4.18
277565 Earnshaw, Pte. N. 22.8.18
275937 Fairhurst, Pte. F. 28.3.18
276960 Finch, Pte. S. 25.3.18
53904 Forbes, Pte. W. 25.8.18
276680 Gibson, Pte. F. 26.4.17
27515 Gibson, Pte. J. 3.4.18
42683 Goddard, Pte. T. 23.8.18
275188 Golton, Pte. J. 25.5.17
48689 Greenhalgh, Pte. J. 30.7.18
1455 Gregory, Pte. J. 14.10.15
276345 Harrop, Pte. W. 2.9.18
5211 Hartnett, R.S.M. 19.10.17
2014 Hazeltine, Pte. J. R. H. 29.5.15
275254 Heath, Sgt. H., M.M. 24.4.18
295073 Heyward, Pte. S. 10.6.17
2655 Hunt, Pte. W. 2.6.15
276424 Jackson, L/c E., M.M. 27.3.18
1858 Jacques, Pte. G. 8.8.15
295038 Johnson, Pte. A. 5.1.18
276286 Johnson, Pte. R. 28.3.18
275791 Jones, Pte. J. 6.4.18
275307 Kay, Pte. R. 6.4.18
295 Leigh, Pte. E. 8.8.15
275319 Lockett, Cpl. S. E., D.C.M. 27.9.18
1179 Lowrey, Pte. H. 31.5.15
3662 Marshall, Pte. R. 13.12.15
1821 McCleod, Pte. A. 27.5.15
1500 McHugh, Pte. H. 28.6.15
276350 Midgeley, Pte. T. 28.9.18
2433 Milligan, Pte. A. 28.5.15
2002 Millington, Pte. T. 15.6.15
276414 Minns, Sgt. W. 28.3.18
1761 Minshall, Pte. F. 5.6.15
3038 Mitchell, Pte. H. 17.9.15
2269 Moran, Pte. J. 4.6.15
1598 Morris, Pte. E. 29.5.15
1265 Morris, Pte. H. 19.7.15
38 Munday, Sgt. F. 10.6.15
276519 Norman, Pte. E. 25.8.17
429 Nuttall, Pte. H. W. 29.5.15
1561 Pannell, Pte. T. 9.8.15
1821 Parsonage, Pte. A. F. 4.6.15
1438 Pease, Pte. W. S. 30.6.15
277763 Pender, Pte. W. 16.4.18
176 Percival, Pte. J. 15.6.15
276912 Platt, Pte. W. C. 25.8.18
276432 Prendergast, Pte. 25.8.18
2316 Powell, Pte. A. E. 29.5.15
1401 Reid, Pte. J. 30.10.15
276645 Roberts, Pte. J. 5.5.17
2067 Ross, Pte. C. 25.8.15
2965 Salt, Pte. G. 5.11.15
1929 Slowe, Pte. J. W. 4.7.15
276368 Sparling, L/c P. 22.8.18
1937 Sowden, Pte. W. P. 15.6.15
276321 Stahler, Pte. J. 20.10.17
2375 Thomas, Pte. E. 20.7.15
276987 Treadway, Pte. T. 22.12.17
275566 Taylor, Pte. J. W. 5.4.18
275790 Wakefield, Pte. G. 29.9.18
275603 Walker, Pte. J. W. 4.4.18
1357 Walsh, Pte. M. 11.6.15
295023 Ward, Pte. A. 12.11.17
1788 Ward, Pte. J. 1.6.15
2296 Wilde, Pte. J. F. 15.9.16
1699 Winstall, Pte. H. 13.8.15
276635 Wisken, Pte. A., M.M. 22.8.18
2347 Wolstencroft, Pte. R. K. 29.5.15
2121 Wrigley, Pte. J. 22.6.16
_Reported Dead._
1441 Downey, Pte. O. (no date)
275223 Hilton, Pte. W. (no date)
_Missing._
1148 Balf, Pte. C. 4.6.15
2323 Bracegirdle, Pte. L. 7.8.15
1793 Harrison, Pte. W. 4.6.15
276230 Johnson, Pte. W. A. 16.6.18
569 Kirkby, Pte. H. 4.6.15
2206 Krell, Pte. J. 7.8.15
3231 Stoddart, Pte. L. 7.8.15
2007 Tracey, Pte.
1614 Wakefield, Pte. A. 4.6.15
2172 Wallace, Pte. G. 4.6.15
1262 Williams, Pte. H. 4.6.15
267 Worrall, Pte. J. E. 4.6.15
Index.
(Italics signify that the person mentioned has been killed or has died
of wounds)
Abbeville 32, 90
Abbott, Lt. 113
Ablainzevelle 76, 82-84, 88, 90, 93, 95
Achiet 44-46, 80, 81, 83, 90, 97, 122
Aire 65
Albert 46
Albert, King 60
Aldred, Sgt. J. 108, 143
Alexandria 18, 29, 30
Allan, Major 5, 65, 66, 69
_Allen, Capt. C. R._ 100, 112, 124, 128
Allenby, Gen. 8
Americans 102
Amiens 32, 95
Ancre 32, 113, 116, 117
Andrews, C.Q.M.S. 28
Anlezark, R.S.M. W. 100
Armentieres 66
Arras 90, 117
Asylum 50
Aubers Ridge 66
Australians 80, 85, 96
Australian L. H. 6, 9, 13, 23
Aveluy 46
Ayette 76, 84
Ayr & Inverness H. A. 13
Bagdad 31
Bagshaw, Lt. K. 89
Baker, Capt. J., 2, 19, 71, 77, 81, 113, 120, 134, 137
Baker, Lt. R. J. R. 3
Banahan, Sgt. J. 108
Bapaume 44, 79, 80, 85
Barastre 44, 121, 122
Barratt, Capt. W. H. 16, 107, 113, 114, 134, 143
Basin Wood 104
Bateman, Lt. H. M. 2, 93
Beaulencourt 120
Beaumont Hamel 96, 97, 107, 114
Beauvois 135, 138
Beck Farm 50, 52
Behagnies 77, 79, 80
Belle Vue Farm 136
Bethune 65, 70, 75
Biaches 33
Bihucourt 79, 80
Bill Cottage 53
Bir el Abd 18, 20
Bitia 25
Blatherwick, Lt. Col. 89
Boar Copse 131
Borry Farm 50, 52
Bourlon Wood 38
_Bowie, Pte. J._ 68
Braithwaite, Pte. T. 43
Branchflower, C.S.M. 143
Brandhoek 50
Branthwaite, Capt. R. H. 138
Brickstacks 67, 70
Bromfield, Lt.-Col. 66, 70, 76, 81, 82, 89, 94
_Brown, Sgt. W._ 114
Bryan, Lt. C. 5
Bucquoy 82, 83, 92-96, 99, 101, 122
Bullecourt 80
Burbure 72, 74
Burlington Street 143
Burn, Capt. Grey 3, 16, 102, 113, 115, 119, 134, 138
Bus 121
Busnes 74, 75
Byng, Gen. 66, 77, 102
Cairo 6, 25
Cambrai 65, 126, 134, 135
Cambridge Road 51
Canal du Nord 37, 123
Canning, Lt.-Col. A. 2, 4
_Carley, Lt._ 128
Carr, Lt.-Col. H. A. 54, 65
Catelet Copse 36
Caudry 142
Cetorix Trench 110
Chadwick, Capt. G. 16, 18
Chalons-sur-Saone 31
Charleroi 142
Chateau-de-la-Haie 99
Chatterton, Lt. J. 19, 52
Chuignes 32
Cloth Hall 50
Clough, Q.M.S. S. 53, 62, 100
Colincamps 117
Corsica 31
Courcelles 76, 80
Coxyde 56, 64
Creagh, Capt. J. R. 2, 4, 16, 77, 81, 107, 108, 124, 134
Cronshaw, Lt.-Col. A. E. 4, 18, 32, 44, 54
Darlington, Lt.-Col. 36
_Davies, Lt.-Col._ 92
Dean Copse 39, 41
Dijon 31
Division 1st 55
Division 5th 95
Division 6th 106
Division 9th 52
Division 11th 2
Division 15th 48, 49
Division 17th 120
Division 21st 37
Division 25th 66
Division 29th 54
Division 32nd 55
Division 37th 95, 123
Division 40th 77, 79
Division 41st 59, 64, 91
Division 51st 95
Division 52nd 1, 3, 4, 6, 17, 22, 23
Division 53rd 4, 20, 28
Division 55th 68, 72
Division 57th 99
Division 58th 44
Division 61st 50
Division 62nd 83, 86, 94, 129, 137
Division 63rd (Naval) 107, 117
Division 66th 56, 74, 112
Division N.Z. 79, 85, 95, 102, 107, 117, 120, 132, 134, 136, 138, 139
Divisional Motto 73
Dobell, Gen. 29
Dompierre 32
Douai 135
Douglas, Maj.-Gen. Sir Wm. 5, 7, 12, 24, 32
Douglas, Lt. C. B. 2, 108, 113, 116, 134
Doullens 95
Duedar 7
Dunkirk 65
East Lancs. 4th 34, 73
East Lancs. 5th 23, 43, 116, 118, 132, 140
Edge, Lt. N. 107, 108, 128
E.L.C. 19, 22
El Arish 4, 18, 22-27, 54
El Ferdan 28
El Maadan 23, 25
El Mazar 18, 20, 24
Epehy 34-37
Ervillers 79
Essarts 91-93
Euston Dump 104
Farrow, Capt. J. 2, 4
Femy Wood 126, 128
Festubert 66, 67
Finch, Pte. 46
Fins 37
Fleetwood, Sgt. A. 103
Flesquieres 38, 123, 127
Fleurus 142
Foch, Marshall 95, 126, 135
Franklin, Lt. H. C. 2, 16
Franklin, Lt. G. W. F. 3, 16, 70
Frezenburg 50
Fusilier Trench 103
Gallipoli 1, 4, 18, 28, 30, 34, 45, 53, 54, 70, 77, 101, 107,
122, 132, 133
Gapp, Lt. 130
Gaza 25
_Gibson, Pte._ 33
Gilban 5, 7
Givenchy 66, 67, 70
Gleeson, Sgt. L. 115
Gomiecourt 77, 80, 81
Gommecourt 45, 91, 92, 96, 97, 101
Goodier, Lt. A. 102, 103, 111
Goore 69
Gorst, Lt. H. 105, 108, 109, 111
_Green, Sgt. J. W._ 103, 115
Greer, Pte. A. 116, 133
Gresty, Lt. W. 2, 3, 89, 108, 109, 111, 124, 128, 129,
131, 132, 134, 143
Greville, Capt. 88
Grevillers 85
Guttery, Sgt. 115
Hacker, Lt. R. N. 2
Haig, F.-M. Sir Douglas 95
Hammond, Lt. 119, 120, 124, 128
Harland, Lt. J. A. 77, 99, 114
Harley Street 68
Harper, Lt.-Gen. 95
Harris, Lt. L. G. 5, 32
_Hartnett, R.S.M., N._ 53
Hautmont 140, 142
Havrincourt 36, 37-44, 45, 48, 51, 66, 121, 123, 126, 134
Hazebrouck 65
_Heath, Sgt. F._ 62, 63, 80, 99
Hebuterne 80, 82, 95, 96, 98, 99, 102, 104, 107
Henley, Brig.-Gen. A. M. 36, 45, 59, 82, 83, 99, 106, 122, 132, 133
Henu 100, 102
Herbignies 139
Hermies 37, 123
Higham, Major C. E. 3, 16, 95, 100
Highland Ridge 126
Hill 35: 49, 50
Hill 40: 2, 4, 5
Hill 70: 2-5
Hindenburg Line 32, 34, 38, 121, 123-133, 134
Hingette 72
Hodge, Lt. A. 32, 41-43
Horsfield, Sgt. J. 105, 109, 111
Hoskyns, Rev. E. C. 19, 77, 81, 106
Houghton, C.Q.M.S. 28
Hulluch 73
Hurst, Major G. B. 1, 59, 70, 101
Iberian Farm 50
Indiarubber House 61
Irles 117
Ismailia 29
Italy 63, 64
Jeudwine, Maj.-Gen. 68
Johns, Pte. 35
Jones, Lt. 28
Joyce, C.S.M. 128
"J" Track 50
Juvissy 32
Kantara 1, 17, 28
Katia 6, 11-15, 23, 94
Katib Gannit 6
_Kay, Lt. H. N._ 2, 115
Khirba 20
La Bassee 66, 68
Lancs. Fusiliers 4, 11, 12, 32, 43, 50, 51, 53, 60, 63, 73, 79, 80, 90,
92, 93, 99, 111, 114, 119, 121, 124, 127, 129, 131, 137, 140
La Panne 59
La Signy Farm 104, 107, 108, 111, 129
Laventie 66
Lawrence, Lt.-Gen. 3
Le Carnoy 40
Le Cateau 135
Leffinckoucke 65
Lempire 36
Lens 66, 113
Le Preol 72
Le Quesnoy 138, 139
Liercourt 32
Ligny-Thilloy 118
Lille 49, 66
Lillers 65, 72, 75
Little Priel Farm 35
_Lockett, Lce.-Cpl. S._ 110
Locon 72
Lofthouse, Lt. 114
Logeast Wood 80-85
Lombaertzyde 61
Loos 73
Loupart Wood 85, 118
Louvencourt 94, 95, 111
Ludendorf 117
_Ludlam, Lt. E. W._ 90
Lyons 31
Lyth, C.S.M. 28
Maghdaba 25
Maguire, Cpl. A. 86
Mahamadiyeh 4, 6
Mall, Lt. 90
Malta 30
Manchesters, 5th 7, 8, 12, 36, 40, 43, 52, 53, 58, 63, 73, 91, 94, 119,
120, 124, 127, 131, 136, 137
Manchesters, 6th 7, 12, 13, 22, 44, 50, 73, 79, 80, 87, 90, 91, 107,
108, 119, 120, 124, 126, 129, 130, 131, 136, 137
Manchesters, 8th 5, 7, 12, 22, 30, 41, 43, 73, 92, 118, 132, 140
Manchesters, 9th 72, 73, 112
Manchesters, 10th 73, 107, 131
Manger, Lt.-Col. E. V. 100, 102, 106, 111, 119, 124, 134, 138, 143
Marcoing 38, 123, 127, 129
Marou 136, 137
Marseilles 31
Marshall, Lt. J. 2
_Marshall, Lt.-Col._ 60, 63
Mather, Sgt. 133
Maubeuge 140
Maxwell, Gen. 1
Mazinghem 65, 66
McAlmont, Lt. 128
McHugh, C.S.M. S. 28, 43, 99, 133
_McLaine, Lt. D._ 90
McLean, Pte. T. 43
Mediterranean 30
Menin Gate 50
Merelissart 32
Milne, Lt. J. H. 62, 63, 102, 103, 128, 129, 133
Miraumont 114, 115, 116
Mitford, Maj.-Gen. 32, 54
Moascar 29
Moeuvres 37
Mormal Forest 138-141
Morrough, Lt.-Col. 30
Morten, Lt. J. 3, 59, 71, 89
Mory 77, 80
Murray, Gen. Sir A. 29
Nasmith, Lt. G. W. 2
Negiliat 18
Nekl 20
Nelson, Capt. D. 112, 116, 124
Neuve Chapelle 66
New Zealand M. R. 7, 23
_Nidd, Capt. H. H._ 2, 16, 77, 99, 100, 101
Nieuport 54-66
Norbury, Capt. B. 2, 16
Norbury, Capt. C. 2, 16
Norbury, Capt. D. 5, 138
Norbury, Lt. G. 28
Norbury, Lt. M. 3, 17
_O'Connell, Cpl._ 68
Ogden, R.Q.M.S. 100
Oghratina 4, 15
Oost Dunkerque Bains 56
Orange 31
_Ormsby, Brig.-Gen._ 5, 36
Ostend 55
Palestine 8, 25, 26
Palmer, Capt. F. C. 107, 119
Paris 32, 113
Pas 100
Paschendaele 63, 66
_Pearson, Lt. H._ 129, 132
Pell-Ilderton, Lt. 2, 111
Pelusium 7
Peronne 33, 34
Petain, Gen. 65
_Philp, Captain._ 77, 81, 87
Pont à Pierre 139
Pont Remy 32
Poperinghe 46, 50, 54
Port Said 28
Portuguese 72, 76
Potijze 48
Premy Chapel 38
Puisieux 97, 113, 114
Putney Bridge 60
Rae, Major G. B. L. 100, 107, 113, 114, 119, 134, 138
Rafa 25, 27
Ramadan 6
Rawlinson. Gen. 55
_Ray, Lt. H. M._ 128
Redan 60, 61, 65
Red Dragon Crater 67
Rhone 31
Ribecourt 38, 127, 129
Riencourt 118-121
_Riley, Sgt. R._ 135
Roisel 36, 37
Romani 4, 6, 10, 16, 18
Ronssoy 36
Rose, Lt. & Q.M. 33
Ross-Bain, Lt. 3
Rossignol Wood 95, 96, 107
Ruyaul Court 40, 41
Sabkhet 20
Sailly-au-Bois 99, 104
Salesches 139
Salmana 20
Sapignies 79, 80
Saunderson, Pte. G. 71
Scott, Major J. 2, 33
Scots Greys 121
Scottish Horse 3, 5
Selle River 134-138
Serre 97, 105, 106, 113, 114
Shallufa 28
Shields, C.S.M. J. 92, 130
Siddall, Lt. J. R. 130, 133
Sidi Bishr 18
_Sievewright Lt. M. J._ 32, 63
Smedley, Capt. 2
Smith, Lt. 103, 115, 130
Smithies, Lt. 119
Solesmes 135, 137
Solly-Flood, Maj.-Gen. 59, 68
Somme 32, 76, 96, 113, 135
Souastre 94, 101
Stanier, Lt. 116
St. Quentin 135
Sudan 1, 53, 101
Suez Canal 1, 4, 6, 8, 26, 28
Summers, Lce.-Cpl. 35
Tabbron, C.S.M. 92, 133
Taylor, Capt. L. 56
Taylor, Lt. B. 32, 81
Templeux 36
Thiepval 45
Teteghem 65
_Thorp, Lt. W._ 16, 89, 101
Thorpe. Lt. C. R. 70
Thrutchley, Lt. F. D. 128, 133
Tillul 20
Timsa Lake 29
_Tinker, Capt. A. H._ 2, 16, 77, 89, 101
Titchener, Pte. E. 62, 63
Toronto Camp 50, 54
Townson, Capt. E. 3, 18, 41, 100
Trescault 126
Triangle 108-111
Tullibardine, Marquis of 3
Turk Top 2, 3
Twist, Lce.-Cpl. T. 116
Vauchelles 93
Vendhuile 34
Versailles 32
Viesly 139
Vieux Mesnil 140
Villers-au-Flos 117-120, 122, 133
Villers Carbonel 33
Villers Faucon 34, 36
Ward-Jones, Capt. A. 3, 17
Warlencourt 113, 116, 117, 122, 123
Warlington Crater 67
Watling Street 104
Wedgwood, Lt.-Col. 82, 87
Welch, Lt. 120
Welsh Ridge 126, 132
_Wender, Lt._ 102, 103
Westminster Bridge 67
_White, Pte. J._ 130
Wigan Copse 39-42
_Wilbraham, Pte. T._ 35
Wild, Lce.-Cpl. 62
Wilde Wood 52
Wilkinson, Lt. 2, 70, 91, 106, 117
Wilkinson, V.C., Pte. 137
Wilmer, Pte. R. 86
Wilson, Capt. S. J. 2, 77, 103, 107, 119, 124, 130, 131, 132,
133, 134, 138
Windy Corner 67
Winizeele 54, 56
Wood, Lt. C. S. 2, 77, 103
_Wood, Lt. A. S._ 90
Wood, Capt. & Q.M. 117
Woods, Lt. 128
Woodward, Lt. 2
Woodworth, Lt. F. T. K. 93
Wormhoudt 65
Wright, Lt. 128
Ypres 47-54, 55, 60, 62, 66
Yser 55
Ytres 37, 44, 121
Zeebrugge 55
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