The Project Gutenberg eBook of Early western travels, 1748-1846, Volume 2 (of 2)
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Early western travels, 1748-1846, Volume 2 (of 2)
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Release date: March 11, 2025 [eBook #75593]
Language: English
Original publication: Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1904
Credits: Richard Tonsing, Greg Bergquist, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY WESTERN TRAVELS, 1748-1846, VOLUME 2 (OF 2) ***
Early Western Travels
1748–1846
Volume II
Early Western Travels
1748–1846
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best and rarest
contemporary Volumes of Travel, descriptive of the Aborigines and Social
and Economic Conditions in the Middle and Far West, during the Period of
Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites
Editor of “The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,” “Wisconsin
Historical Collections,” “Chronicles of Border Warfare,” “Hennepin’s New
Discovery,” etc.
Volume II
John Long’s Journal, 1768–1782
[Illustration: [Logo]]
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1904
COPYRIGHT 1904, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
=The Lakeside Press=
R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY
CHICAGO
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II
PREFACE. _The Editor_ 9
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS OF AN INDIAN INTERPRETER AND TRADER, describing
the Manners and Customs of the North American Indians; with an
Account of the Posts situated on the River Saint Laurence, Lake
Ontario, &c. April 10, 1768–Spring, 1782. _John Long_
Author’s Dedication 22
List of Subscribers 23
Author’s Preface 27
Voyages and Travels 33
Vocabulary
English-Esquimeaux 223
English-Iroquois, Algonkin, Chippeway 224
English-Algonkin, Chippeway 238
English-Mohegan, Shawanee 250
English-Mohegan, Algonkin, Chippeway 252
English-Iroquois 254
English-French 257
English-Chippeway 259
Chippeway-English 289
Familiar Phrases: English-Chippeway 317
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME II
Facsimile (reduced) of original title-page 21
Map: “Sketch of the Western Countries of Canada, 1791.” _Facsimile
of original_ 32
PREFACE
The second volume of our series of Early Western Travels is devoted to
the reprint of John Long’s _Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter
and Trader_, originally published in London in 1791.
Concerning Long, but little is known further than what he himself
relates in his book. Coming from England to North America in 1768, he
passed nearly twenty years upon this continent, chiefly consorting with
the Indians—learning their languages, wearing their garb, living their
life. An expert woodsman, fur-trader, and explorer, he penetrated into
regions north and west of Canada, that are still practically unexplored.
At first an articled clerk in Canada, he later was apprenticed to a
Montreal fur merchant. Having displayed an adaptability for Indian
philology, Long was sent to the neighboring mission colony at
Caughnawaga, where he remained seven years, becoming an adept in the
arts and occupations of savage life. His term of service having expired,
the excitements of army life attracted him. The American Revolution had
just broken out, and volunteering for service with the British he was
detailed to lead Indian parties to hang upon the flanks of the invading
American army—one of these expeditions captured the famous Ethan Allen.
After a year and a half of this service, in which—dressed as an Indian,
and scalping his prisoners in their fashion—he could scarcely be
distinguished from a brave, Governor Guy Carleton appointed Long a
midshipman in the navy. But when his vessel sailed for England, he left
the sea in order to enter upon the more lucrative business of
fur-trading.
In May, 1777, Long left Montreal for Mackinac, engaged as a bourgeois to
lead a party of voyageurs into the far Northwest, and trade with the
Indians on their own hunting grounds. The independent Canadian merchants
of this period were endeavoring to maintain the old French connections
with the Indians of the “upper country,” and at the same time to
undermine the trade of the Hudson’s Bay Company, by intercepting the
natives before they reached the posts of the latter. Long was assigned
to the Nipigon district north and northeast of Lake Superior—a region
early occupied by the French, and the scene of their hardy and audacious
enterprises against the Hudson Bay trade.
Cameron[1] defines the limits of this region as follows: “Bounded on the
south by Lake Superior, on the southwest and west, by the northwest road
from Lake Superior to the lower end of Lake Ouinipique (Winnipeg); on
the northwest and north by Hayes river and part of Hudson Bay; and on
the northeast by Hudson Bay. Its greatest length from Pierre Rouge (Red
Rock), at the entrance of Nipigon River, to the Lake of the Islands, on
the Hayes river, is about three hundred and fifty leagues and its
greatest breadth, from Trout Lake to Eagle Lake, is about one hundred
and eighty leagues, but in most parts not over eighty leagues. The
two-thirds at least of this country are nothing but rivers and lakes,
some fifty leagues long; properly speaking, the whole country is nothing
but water and islands.” Into this watery wilderness Long and his
voyageurs pushed their way, literally subsisting on the country. The
bourgeois’s chief qualification for the enterprise was his familiarity
with the Indian life and language, and the fact that he had undergone
the ceremony of adoption by one of the most noted chiefs of the Chippewa
nation.
During the French régime, this country was noted for producing the
largest number and best quality of furs in the Northwest;[2] but after
the English occupation the district had been nearly abandoned, the
difficulties of existence proving too great. Four out of eight traders
starved to death in the region in one year, and it was avoided in favor
of the better-provisioned Western districts. Cameron says that in 1785
the whole district produced but fifty-six packs of furs. We may judge
from this of Long’s success as a trader; in the first year, he not only
subsisted himself and a party of eight Canadians, during the “hardest
winter ever remembered,” but rescued a brother trader from destruction
by a murderous band of Indians, and brought out a cargo of a hundred and
forty packs of furs all in good condition, valued between $25,000 and
$30,000. For these services he received from his chiefs the salary of
$750 a year, and a supply of Indian corn and “hard grease,” or tallow,
as provision.[3]
At the end of his first year’s engagement, Long returned only to Pays
Plat, a trading station on Lake Superior. Being there relieved of his
furs, and supplied with fresh provisions, he set out August 15, 1778,
for another winter in the “inlands,” whither, after many hardships and
experiences with murderous Indians, he returned to Mackinac, and spent
the following winter with the Chippewas near that fort.
In June, 1780, he joined a party of Canadians and Indians who were sent
from Mackinac to Prairie du Chien to secure the deposits of furs at the
latter place, and prevent them from falling into the hands of the
emissaries of George Rogers Clark from the Illinois, and the Spaniards
from St. Louis. After a march through Wisconsin, this undertaking was
successfully accomplished—the furs that could not be saved being burned
to keep them from the enemy.[4]
The following autumn, Long returned to Quebec never again to come to the
“upper country.” He made one more successful trading expedition to
unknown lands, by way of the Saguenay River and Lake St. John,
penetrating the country east of Hudson Bay, and bringing back a rich
cargo—in the very year that the Hudson’s Bay Company was pillaged by the
French expedition of La Pérouse.
Long returned for a year to England, his mother-land being entirely
strange to him after fifteen years’ absence. He was, therefore, glad to
fit out a cargo for another venture in the Indian trade of Canada. But
his good fortune seems now to have deserted him—debt, lack of
employment, and other difficulties drove him from one place to another.
In the spring of 1785 he was in New York, where he pushed the claim of a
Huron Indian through Congress. A fur-trading expedition among the
Iroquois failed, and the British commandant at Oswego confiscated his
goods. Taking refuge among his Loyalist friends near Kingston, he
received a grant of land for his services, but debt drove him from that;
and after securing some assistance from the authorities, he returned to
England in the fall of 1788,[5] there to write and publish the volume of
his adventures.
He appears to have secured some patronage for this work, as is evidenced
by the list of subscribers, and the dedication to Sir Joseph Banks. He
also consulted the best available authorities on Indian traditions and
Canadian history, and seems to have taken pains to verify his own
experiences and observations, without slavishly following his
authorities.[6] In his defense of the Hudson’s Bay Company, there is to
be noted either a desire to secure its favor for future services, or
pique in relation to the new North West Company, under some one of whose
partners he had undoubtedly served. The book, which was published in
1791, attained considerable popularity. It was favorably reviewed in the
_Monthly Review_ (June, 1792), and translated into both French and
German. The French translation, made by J. B. L. J. Billecocq, with
notes by the translator (but without the vocabularies, a fact deplored
by French philologists),[7] appeared in 1794, and again in 1810. Two
German translations were made, the first by B. Gottlob Hoffmann, issued
in 1791; the second by G. Forster, published in Berlin the following
year.
The interest of the work, aside from incidental historical references to
expeditions in Canada and Wisconsin during the Revolution, the Loyalist
settlements, and the retention of the Northern posts, lies in the
author’s intimate knowledge of Indian life and customs, especially those
of the more primitive and savage tribes of the North; and in the light
he incidentally throws on the history of the fur-trade.[8]
It is anything but an engaging picture which Long paints of his Indian
friends and companions—they are in the stage of downright savagery,
debauched by contact with the dregs of civilization, learning its vices,
appropriating its weapons, and dominating the whites by sheer force of
numbers, and knowledge of the weakness and greed of the latter. A
pleasant contrast is his account of the Canadian mission Indians; but
even these proved their savagery during the American Revolution. Of
their aboriginal customs, Long’s notices of totemism, religious rites
and beliefs, courtship and marriage, social customs—games, dances, food,
dwellings—habits of hunting, and physical and mental characteristics,
are valuable because original and the result of immediate observation.
Scarcely less dark is the picture presented by Long, of the fur-trade
and the traders. This was the period of unlicensed and almost ruinous
competition between the great company at the North, and the independent
merchants from Canada—the latter acting each for himself, with slight
regard for the interest of the trade, the Indians, or the lesser
employees.
The fur-trade under the French régime had been under strict
surveillance. All traders were required to purchase a government
license, and the products of their traffic were closely inspected. By
the close of the French rule, even the lawless _coureurs de
bois_—trading through the forest at will, and carrying their peltries to
the English at Albany and Hudson Bay—had been quite largely suppressed,
and brought into the service of the licensed traders.
After the conquest of New France, a period of cutthroat competition
began. The English traders did not at first dare venture into the
wilderness peopled with Indians faithful to the French; those who did,
nearly paid the penalty with their lives (as witness Alexander Henry, at
Mackinac). But after Pontiac’s War, and the gradual subsidence of Indian
hostility, British traders from Montreal and Quebec began reaching out
for this lucrative traffic, and a class of enterprising _entrepreneurs_
was developed, recruited chiefly from the ranks of Scotchmen. By them
the fur-trade was pushed to its highest development, and the rivers,
lakes, and fastnesses of the great Northwest discovered and explored in
rapid succession. This work was done by such men as the Henrys, Ponds,
Frobishers, Finlays, Camerons, McDonalds—and, greatest of all, Sir
Alexander Mackenzie.
By 1780, they began to unite their fortunes, and a sixteen-share stock
corporation was formed of the principal traders.[9] A conspiracy of the
Indians in the same year, to massacre all the whites and pillage the
posts, was discovered and averted; but by the following season a still
more terrible scourge had begun. Smallpox appeared among the tribes in
the Northwest, and spread so rapidly that hunting was but languidly
carried on, and profits fell to the zero mark. To avert the chaos into
which the trade seemed falling, the North West Company was established
in 1783, for a term of five years. In 1787 its organization was
perfected, and the corporate period of the Canadian fur-trade began;
competitors were gradually bought out—union with the X Y Company
occurring in 1805, and with the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1821.
Long’s narrative, therefore, portrays conditions during the period of
the free trader, responsible to no authority, exploiting the country and
the natives for the largest immediate returns, without reference to the
preservation of the hunting grounds or the protection of the hunters.
The frightful debauchery of the Indians by means of traders’ rum, and
the necessity for the use of laudanum to control their drunken excesses,
are shown in full by Long in his simple narrative of events. The
dangers, also, to which this system exposed the trader, are only too
evident from his relation of the case of Mr. Shaw. As for the
competition with the Hudson’s Bay Company, it is plain from Long’s
narrative that the Canadian traders were encroaching on the hunting
grounds of this great monopoly. The case of M. Jacques Santeron shows
the possibility of dishonest men passing from one employ to the other.
As for the rest of the picture, Long presents the usual traits of the
trader and interpreter—a certain rude honesty, taking the form of
loyalty to his employer, a disregard of dangers, and small concern for
hardships. His knowledge of wilderness life was intimate, but to this
fact he alludes only in an incidental way. In acquaintance with Indian
character, and power of influencing them in a crisis, he seems to have
been superior to the ordinary trader. His vices were those of his
class—slight regard for laws, either moral or military (witness the
incident at Fort Mackinac), improvidence and wastefulness, restlessness,
and dissatisfaction with the routine life of towns. His literary style,
while discursive, is simple, and as clear as running water. What he
wishes to say, he says plainly, leaving the reader as a rule to draw his
own conclusions. There is an unvarnished, unflinching directness in his
statements, conveying to the reader the impression that he is concealing
nothing, doing nought for effect, but telling a straightforward story of
travels and adventures. The book forms a contribution of note to this
important class of literature, and will always be readable.
In the preparation of the notes, the Editor has had, as in the first
volume of the series, the assistance of Dr. Louise Phelps Kellogg, of
the Wisconsin Historical Library. He has also had helpful suggestions
from Dr. James Bain, Jr., of the Toronto Public Library.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., February, 1904.
LONG’S VOYAGES AND TRAVELS—1768–1782
Reprint of the original edition: London, 1791
[Illustration:
_VOYAGES AND TRAVELS_
OF AN
INDIAN INTERPRETER AND TRADER,
DESCRIBING
_The Manners and Customs_
OF THE
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS;
WITH
_AN ACCOUNT OF THE POSTS_
SITUATED ON
THE RIVER SAINT LAURENCE, LAKE ONTARIO, &c.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
A VOCABULARY
OF
The Chippeway Language.
_Names of Furs and Skins, in English and French._
A LIST OF WORDS
IN THE
IROQUOIS, MOHEGAN, SHAWANEE, AND ESQUIMEAUX TONGUES,
AND A TABLE, SHEWING
_The Analogy between the Algonkin and Chippeway Languages_.
BY J. LONG.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR; AND SOLD BY ROBSON, BOND-STREET; DEBRETT,
PICCADILLY; T. AND J. EGERTON, CHARING-CROSS; WHITE AND SON,
FLEET-STREET; SEWELL, CORNHILL; EDWARDS, PALL-MALL; AND MESSRS.
TAYLORS, HOLBORN, LONDON; FLETCHER, OXFORD; AND BULL, BATH.
M,DCC,XCI.
]
TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS, BAR^T. PRESIDENT OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY,[10] &c. &c.
&c.
SIR,
I feel the highest satisfaction in being permitted to dedicate this work
to one whose pursuits have ever been more peculiarly directed to objects
of originality, and whose scientific researches have contributed so
largely to the information and benefit of society.
The public are too well acquainted with your general knowledge in every
branch of literature, to suspect that I hold the language of adulation.
Should I attempt to do justice to a character so eminently
distinguished, my feeble efforts could only be regarded as the grateful
effusions of a mind proud of a patronage that can ensure an especial
share of public notice and protection.
I have the honour to be, very respectfully,
SIR,
Your most obedient servant,
J. LONG.
_London,
February, 1791._
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS
Addis, Mr. George.
Annereau, Mr.
Banks, Sir Joseph, Bart.
Beaufoy, Henry, Esq. M. P.
Berens, Hermanus, Esq.
Berens, Joseph, Esq.
Boddam, Thomas, Esq.
Bettesworth, Thomas, Esq.
Baker, John, Esq.
Baker, William, Esq.
Baker, Miss.
Batson, Robert, Esq.
Baynes, Burdon, Esq.
Blache, J. F. Esq.
Belfour, John, Esq.
Belfour, Mr. Okey. 3 copies.
Belfour, Mr. J. D.
Bird, William, Esq.
Bird, Thomas, Esq.
Bird, Michael, Esq.
Barbe, St. Samuel, Esq.
Barbe, St. John, Esq.
Bingley, ——, jun. Esq.
Bates, Mr. John.
Birkley, Mr. John.
Bowden, John, Esq.
Brandon, Mr.
Bull, Mr. J. Bath.
Beilby, Mr. 6 copies.
Croft, the Rev. Herbert.
Cornthwaite, the Rev. Mr.
Chalmers, George, Esq.
Culverden, William, Esq.
Corsellis, Nicholas Cæsar, Esq.
Coussmaker, John, Esq.
Croix, N. D. St., Esq.
Cleaver, Miss.
Cotton, Thomas, Esq.
Cotton, Bayes, Esq.
Chandler, George, Esq.
Coningham, William, Esq.
Cope, Thomas, Esq.
Cleugh, John, Esq.
Clay, Felix, Esq.
Clay, James, Esq.
Clay, William, Esq.
{iv} Clay, George, Esq.
Cooper, Mr.
Cooper, Mr. James.
Corbet, ——, Esq. 2 copies.
Dawson, William, Esq.
Dalrymple, Alexander, Esq.
Dicken, John, Esq.
Earle, James, Esq.
Emes, William, Esq.
Edwards, Charles, Esq.
Etches, R. C., Esq.
Eldridge, Thomas, Esq.
Fraser, Major.
Finch, Thomas, Esq.
Forbes, Thomas, Esq.
Fayle, Benjamin, Esq.
Faden, Mr. William. 6 copies.
Fawler, Mrs.
Forsteen, ——, Esq.
Finch, Mr. John.
Fletcher, Mr. James, Oxford.
Grote, George, Esq.
Gould, Thomas, Esq.
George, C. G., Esq.
Goldthwaite, Thomas, Esq.
George, Mr. Edward.
Graft, Mr. James.
Hollingsworth, John, Esq.
Hulse, Richard, Esq.
Hulse, Edward, Esq.
Howison, John, Esq. Lisbon.
Hayward, Francis, Esq. 2 copies.
Holden, Joseph, Esq.
Haffey, John, Esq.
Hill, Edward, Esq.
Hussey, William Wheatley, Esq.
Harper, Mrs.
Hillier, Mr.
Hale, Mr. Harry. 2 copies.
Hill, Mr. John.
Jones, Edward, Esq.
Jeudwine, Thomas, Esq.
Justice, Mr. Richard.
Jacks, Mr.
Knill, John, Esq.
Kensington, Charles, Esq.
Long, Sir James Tylney, Bart. M.P. 7 copies.
{v} Lake, Sir J. Winter, Bart. 4 cop.
Langmore, William, Esq.
Legg, Leaver, Esq.
Long, Mrs.
Locke, Miss.
Locke, John, Esq.
Lion, Thomas, Esq.
Lane, Benjamin, Esq.
Lang, Charles, Esq.
Lightfoot, John, Esq.
Lonsdale, Mr.
Mulgrave, the Right Hon. Lord.
Monsel, Lieutenant Colonel.
Marsden, William, Esq.
Morris, John, Esq.
Martin, Captain.
Man, Henry, Esq. 6 copies.
Mukins, Francis, Esq.
Malleson, John, Esq.
Murray, Mr. J. 2 copies.
Nesbitt, Lieutenant Colonel.
Nesbitt, Arnold, Esq.
Nasmyth, Maxwell, Esq.
Neave, Richard, Esq.
Prescott, George William, Esq.
Pott, Rev. J. H. Archdeacon of St. Albans.
Pott, Percival, Esq.
Pott, E. H. Esq.
Pott, Mrs.
Powell, Baden, Esq.
Powell, James, Esq.
Powell, Thomas, Esq.
Peck, Jasper, Esq.
Pooley, John, Esq.
Perry, John, Esq.
Palmer, Peregrine, Esq.
Pickwoad, Robert, Esq.
Pickering, Thomas, Esq.
Popplewell, Mr.
Roberts, John, Esq.
Rennell, Major.
Robertson, Captain.
Ruspini, J. B., Esq.
Rouse, Benjamin, Esq.
Ross, G. W., Esq. 2 copies.
Rutter, Miss.
Row, William, Esq.
Regail, Alexander, Esq.
Reading Society, Hackney.
Scott, Thomas, Esq. M. P.
{vi} Sneyd, Samuel, Esq.
Symons, the Rev. Mr.
Sheldon, John, Esq. Professor of Anatomy in the Royal Academy of Arts,
London, and F. R. S.
Shamier, ——, Esq.
Stoe, Harry, Esq.
Sedgwick, Harry, Esq.
Stone, John Hurford, Esq.
Surman, William, Esq.
Smith, Haskett, Esq.
Scafe, Mr. Richard.
Scargill, Mr. James.
Stable, Mr. William.
Smith, Mr. Thomas.
Smith, Mr. J. Thomas.
Turner, Miss.
Turner, Miss Jane.
Tanner, N. Esq.
Toulmin, William, Esq.
Taylors, Messrs. 6 copies.
Vaston, Mrs.
Vandriel, Mr. J. C.
Wegg, Samuel, Esq.
Winter, John, Esq.
Walker, John, Esq.
Wilson, Stephen, Esq.
Wilson, William, Esq.
Wilcox, William, Esq.
Wilcox, Edward, Esq.
Wilcox, Mrs. Anne.
Wickham, Lieut.
Woolhead, Major, Esq.
Wright, Mr. Thomas.
Watson, Mr. William.
White, Messrs. and Son. 6 copies.
Young, Mrs.
PREFACE
The reader will naturally expect some account of this work.
With regard to the historical part, I have endeavoured to explain the
situation of the Posts, which, by Mr. Oswald’s Treaty, were stipulated
to be surrendered to the Americans; and pointed out their convenience to
Great Britain in a political and commercial point of view:[11] I have
also given a description of the Five and Six Nation Indians; and
endeavoured to shew the usefulness, as well as necessity, of a strict
alliance with them as long as we retain any possessions in Canada.
With respect to the descriptions of lakes, rivers, &c. which lie beyond
Lake Superior, from Lake Nipegon to Lake Arbitibis, I have given them as
accurately as possible, either from my own knowledge, or the most
authentic Indian accounts; and when it is considered that interpreters
in the commercial line seldom have occasion for any geographical
knowledge, the want of better information will be excused.
The Vocabulary which is subjoined, and on which I have bestowed some
pains, it is hoped will not only afford information to such as may be
desirous of attaining a knowledge of the Chippeway language, but prove
useful to those who are already engaged in traffic with the Indians.
{viii} As the mode of spelling a language which has never been reduced
to a grammatical system, must be arbitrary, and principally depend on
the ear, I have endeavoured to use such letters as best agree with the
English pronunciation; avoiding a multiplicity of consonants, which only
perplex: and to enable the reader to speak so as to be understood by the
natives, it is necessary to observe that _a_ is generally sounded broad;
and _e_ final never pronounced but in monosyllables.
The following are the motives which induced me to make the Vocabulary in
the Chippeway language so copious.
In the first place it is, strictly speaking, one of the mother tongues
of North America, and universally spoken in council by the chiefs who
reside about the great lakes, to the westward of the banks of the
Mississippi, as far south as the Ohio, and as far north as Hudson’s Bay;
notwithstanding many of the tribes, within the space of territory I have
described, speak in common a different language.—This observation is
confirmed by authors of established repute, and further proved by the
concurrent testimony of the Indian interpreters.
Baron de Lahontan[12] asserts that the Algonkin is a mother tongue, and
that it is in as much estimation in North America, as Greek and Latin in
Europe: this being admitted, I am persuaded the Chippeway language
possesses as much, if not greater merit, as it is in every respect
better understood by the northwest Indians. But as the knowledge of both
{ix} may not only be useful, but necessary, I have given a comparative
table of about two hundred and sixty words in both tongues, that the
reader may use either as he shall find it best understood by the tribes
with whom he may have occasion to trade; though he will find, in a
variety of instances, a perfect accordance.
The table of words in the Muhhekaneew, or Mohegan, and Shawanee tongues,
are extracted from the Rev. Mr. Edwards’s publication, and are inserted
to shew their analogy with the Chippeway language;[13] and, as he
observes that the language of the Delawares in Pennsylvania, of the
Penobscots on the borders of Nova Scotia, of the Indians of St. Francis,
in Canada, of the Shawanees on the Ohio, and many other tribes of
Savages radically agree, I judged the tables of analogy would not be
unacceptable.
In the course of the historical part, several speeches in the Chippeway
language are introduced: and at the end of the Vocabulary, a number of
familiar phrases, which not only serve to shew the mode of speech, but
give a better idea of the language than single words.
The numeral _payshik_, or one, is frequently used to express the
articles _a_ and _the_; and _woke_ is the general word for the plural
number, though not always used.
Mr. Carver’s Vocabulary will, in many instances, be found to differ from
the Chippeway;[14] but when it is considered that though he calls it the
Chippeway Vocabulary, in p. 414 of his work, he says “The Chippeway, or
Algonkin,” which {x} evidently proves that he believes them the same
language:—but with regard to the usefulness of the tongue, there is a
perfect corroboration of sentiment; for he remarks that the Chippeway
tongue appears to be the most prevailing of all the Indian languages.
It may not be amiss to observe, that the Chippeway tongue, as spoken by
the servants of the Hudson’s Bay Company, is somewhat different, though
not essentially so, and is called by them the _Home-Guard_ Language.
With regard to the Iroquois, or Mohawk tongue, which is peculiar to the
Five and Six Nation Indians, it is not necessary in the fur-trade beyond
Michillimakinac; and if it were, there are not wanting printed
authorities sufficient to instruct:—this consideration has induced me to
give only the numerals, and a few words in the language.
I have not any thing further to add, but a sincere wish that my labours
may prove useful to the world; and that whatever defects may be found in
the following work, the Public will look on them with candour; and will
recollect that they are perusing, not the pages of a professed
_Tourist_, but such observations as a commercial man flatters himself
may be found acceptable to the merchant and the philosopher.
[Illustration: _SKETCH of the_ WESTERN COUNTRIES of CANADA 1791]
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS
Having engaged myself, at an early period of life, to go to North
America, in the quality of an articled clerk, I left Gravesend on the
10th of April, 1768, on board the “Canada,” captain Smith, bound to
Quebec and Montreal. We had a pleasant voyage, till we reached the coast
of America, when the weather proving unfavourable, we were obliged to
put into Newfoundland, where we stayed fourteen days. Nothing remarkable
occurred here, except that a party went on shore to hunt, and one of
them, Mr. Jordan, who was a passenger, bound to Montreal, finding
himself much fatigued, remained in the woods; the rest returned on board
in the evening, anxiously expecting their companion; but after four days
painful solicitude, not being able to obtain any intelligence of him, we
gave up all hopes of seeing him again; and as the snow was deep on the
ground, and the wild animals numerous, we supposed him to be either
frozen to death, or devoured by the beasts. Just as the captain proposed
setting sail, an Indian came on board, to whom we endeavoured to
communicate our distress. On this occasion, he seemed to understand us,
and made signs of his intention to go in search of him; and being
furnished with some rum by way of encouragement, he got into his canoe
and paddled {2} ashore. The captain, with great humanity, deferred
prosecuting the voyage for some time: but the Indian not returning, we
left Newfoundland, and after a tedious passage of near eleven weeks,
arrived at Quebec, the capital of Canada.
When the Spaniards (who first discovered this northern clime) sailed
past Cape Rosiers at the entrance of the River St. Laurence, the
mountains, now called the Mountains of Nôtre Dame, were covered with
snow. Such a prospect, in the summer season, gave them a very
unfavourable opinion of the country, and they were deterred from going
up the river, supposing the land to be too barren to recompence their
labours at present, or afford any future advantages; and the same
impressions induced them to call it Capo di Nada, or Cape Nothing, by
which name it is described in their charts, and from whence, by
corruption of language, it has derived its present name of Canada.[15]
The River St. Laurence takes its rise from Lake Nipissin, northeast of
Lake Superior, about the distance of 2000 miles from Quebec.[16] The
breadth of it is 90 miles at the entrance, and it is navigable near 500
miles from the sea.
The Isle of Orleans, which is but a small distance from the city, is a
beautiful spot of ground, about 20 miles in length, and six in breadth.
The fertility of the soil makes it a useful and valuable garden,
insomuch that it supplies the capital with vegetables and grain in great
abundance. The opposite village of Beauport also charms the eye, and
very much heightens the scene, which is rich, romantic, and magnificent.
{3} The Fall of Montmorenci particularly attracted my notice, as it is
perhaps the most pleasing natural cascade in the world; and though its
height and width are not to be compared in point of awful grandeur with
the stupendous cataract of Niagara, it is sufficiently wonderful to shew
the power of the great Architect of the Universe; and its effects are
more pleasing than the latter; for while it produces wonder and pleasure
in the highest degree, it does not strike the beholder with such
tremendous ideas.
As our ship was bound to Montreal, as well as Quebec, and I was under
the captain’s care and direction, he did not allow me to go on shore at
the latter place; but in a few days, to my great joy, we arrived safe at
Montreal, the place of our last destination.
Montreal, formerly called Ville Marie, has nothing remarkable in it at
present; it was formerly famous for a great fair, which lasted near
three months, and was resorted to by the Indians, who came from the
distance of many hundreds of miles, to barter their peltry for English
goods. It will give pleasure to the reader to be informed, that we
received here the agreeable intelligence that Mr. Jordan was found in
the woods, two days after our departure from Newfoundland, though with
the loss of his feet, occasioned by the severity of the weather: he went
afterwards in a vessel to Trois Riviéres, where he settled in an iron
foundry.
Trois Riviéres,[17] is so called from the junction of three currents
which empty themselves into the River St. Laurence. About a league from
the town there is an iron foundry, which was erected by private {4}
persons in the year 1737, and afterwards ceded to the King. At first
cannon and mortars were cast there, but it is now principally used in
the manufacture of stoves and kettles. The ore is taken at a small
distance from the works. A river runs down from the foundry into the
River St. Laurence, which enables the proprietors to send their
manufactures round the country in boats upon very moderate terms.
This town, which is half way between Quebec and Montreal, had formerly a
very considerable trade in peltry, and was the second mart in Canada;
but in process of time the inhabitants of Montreal contrived to draw
almost all the fur-trade to themselves; and though the residents in
Trois Riviéres live by their commerce with the savages, and the
manufacturing of birch canoes, yet the town has lost that rank and
consequence which it formerly maintained; nevertheless, the advantage of
the iron foundry makes them some amends, and they live, upon the whole,
as happy as any people in Canada. The inhabitants of Trois Riviéres were
formerly very much incommoded with fleas, which swarmed in great
quantities, and which, Baron de Lahontan humorously observes, occasioned
an inconvenient quickness in conversation.
On my arrival at Montreal, I was placed under the care of a very
respectable merchant to learn the Indian trade, which is the chief
support of the town. I soon acquired the names of every article of
commerce in the Iroquois and French languages, and being at once
prepossessed in favour of the savages, improved daily in their tongue,
to the satisfaction of my employer, who approving my assiduity, and
wishing me to be completely qualified in the Mohawk language to enable
me to traffic with the Indians in his absence, sent me to a village
called {5} Cahnuaga, or Cocknawaga, situated about nine miles from
Montreal, on the south side of the River St. Laurence,[18] where I lived
with a chief whose name was _Assenegethter_, until I was sufficiently
instructed in the language, and then returned to my master’s store, to
improve myself in French, which is not only universally spoken in
Canada, but is absolutely necessary in the commercial intercourse with
the natives, and without which it would be impossible to enjoy the
society of the most respectable families, who are in general ignorant of
the English language.
{6} _A Description of the Village and Inhabitants of_ CAHNUAGA, _or_
COCKNAWAGA, _who some years since separated from the_ MOHAWKS.
The Savages of this nation, who are called the praying Indians, from the
circumstance of their chiefs wearing crucifixes, and going through the
streets of Montreal with their beads, begging alms, separated long since
from the Mohawk and River Indians, and for a considerable time after
their separation, carried on an illicit trade between Albany and
Montreal. The village contains about two hundred houses, which, though
they are chiefly built of stone, have a mean and dirty appearance. The
inhabitants amount to about eight hundred, and (what is contrary to the
general observation on the population of the Indians) are continually
increasing. It is considered as the most respectable of all the Indian
villages, and the people are in a great degree civilized and
industrious. They sow corn, and do not depend like other nations solely
upon hunting for support; but at the same time, they are not fond of
laborious work, conceiving it only suited to those who are less free,
and retaining so much of their primeval valour and independence as to
annex the idea of slavery to every domestic employment. Their hunting
grounds are within the United States, at a considerable distance from
the village, round Fort George, Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, where they
kill beaver and deer, but not in such great abundance at present as they
did formerly, the country being better inhabited, and the wild animals,
from the present state of population, being obliged to seek a more
distant {7} and secure retreat. The skins they obtain are generally
brought down to Montreal, and either sold for money, or bartered for
goods. It is not improbable, that in a few years there will not be many
good hunters among them, as they are extravagantly fond of dress, and
that too of the most expensive kind. Their fondness for this luxury,
which the profits arising from the lands they let out to the Canadians
enables them to indulge, contributes to make them more idle; and in
proportion as their vanity increases, ease and indolence are the more
eagerly courted and gratified, insomuch that hunting is in danger of
being totally abandoned. Their religion is Catholic, and they have a
French priest, or, as the Chippeway Indians term it, “_The Master of
Life’s Man_,” who instructs them, and performs divine service in the
Iroquois tongue. Their devotion impressed my mind too powerfully to
suffer it to pass unnoticed, and induces me to observe that great praise
is due to their pastors, who by unwearied assiduity, and their own
exemplary lives and conversation, have converted a savage race of beings
from Heathenism to Christianity, and by uniformity of conduct, continue
to preserve both their religion and themselves in the esteem of their
converts: An example worthy of imitation, and amounting to an
incontrovertible proof that nature, in her most degenerate state, may be
reclaimed by those who are sincere in their endeavours, gentle in their
manners, and consistent in the general tenor of their behaviour. And it
is to be expected, and certainly most ardently to be wished, that the
savage temper among them may in time be more effectually subdued, their
natural impetuosity softened and restrained, and their minds weaned from
their unhappy attachment to the use of strong liquors; their indulgence
in which is frequently attended with the most melancholy and fatal
consequences.
{8} _Of the_ INDIANS _of the Five and Six Nations_.
I shall now give a particular account of the Indians of the Five and Six
Nations, and the reasons why they are so called, in order to enable the
reader to form an idea of their consequence in a political point of
view, as well as their importance on account of the fur-trade; because
the vicinity of the American territories from Georgia to New England,
gives the United States a great command and influence from their
situation, and renders them more to be dreaded than even the French were
in the zenith of their American power, when it was universally known
they had such an interest among the savages, as induced them to call the
French their fathers, and of which so much yet remains, as to prompt
them to retain a predilection in favour of the traders of the Gallic
race who are settled among them.
In 1603, when the French settled in Canada, part of the Five Nations
resided on the island of Montreal, and were at war with the
Adirondacks (who lived on the Uttawa, or grand river leading to
Michillimakinac);[19] these, considered the Five Nations as very
insignificant opponents, and incapable of serious revenge, and they
were held in as much derision as the Delawares, who were usually
called old women, or the Shawanees (who lived on the Wabach River),
who were obliged to wear petticoats for a considerable time, in
contempt of their want of courage, and as a badge of their
pusillanimity and degradation. But as no people can bear the
imputation of cowardice or effeminacy as a {9} national character, the
chiefs determined to rouse their young men, and stimulate them to
retrieve, or establish, a reputation; and inspiring them with heroic
notions, led them to war against the Satanas, or Shaounons, whom they
subdued with great ease. This success revived their drooping spirits,
and forgetting how often they had been defeated by the Adirondacks,
[they] commenced hostilities against them; and availing themselves of
the mean opinion their enemies entertained of their valour, gained the
victory in several actions: and at last carried on a successful war
against them even in their own country, obliging their former
conquerors to abandon their native land, and seek refuge on the spot
where Quebec is now situated.
Soon after the French arrived and had settled at Quebec, they formed an
alliance with the Adirondacks against the Five Nations. The first
engagement proved decisive in favour of the Adirondacks, owing entirely
to the use of fire arms having been introduced among them by their new
allies, which the Indians of the Five Nations had never before seen.
This alliance, and the consequent defeat was far from subduing or
disheartening the Five Nations, but rather seemed to inspire them with
additional ardour, and what they were deficient in military skill and
suitable weapons, they supplied by stratagem and courage. Although the
French gained several advantages over them in the course of more than
fifteen years, they at length were glad to bring the contest to a
conclusion, by making a peace with them.
This shews that the Savages of the Five Nations are not easily to be
conquered, and proves the necessity of preserving them in our interest,
{10} as long as we shall deem it expedient, from policy, to keep
possession of Canada. This being admitted, it is certain that no method
will more effectually conduce to that end, than retaining such barriers
in our hands as will enable us to afford them protection, and supply
them with arms and ammunition, and other necessaries, in time of danger.
The Indians who lie to the north of Philadelphia, between the provinces
of Pennsylvania and the Lakes, consist of three distinct leagues, of
which the Senekas, Mohawks, and Onondagoes, who are called the fathers,
compose the first; the Oneidoes, Cayugas, Tuscororas, Conoys and
Nanticokes, which are one tribe, compose the second, and these two
leagues constitute what is called the Six Nations. The third league is
formed of the Wanamis, Chihokockis, or Delawares, the Mawhiccons,
Munseys, and Wapingers, to which may be added the Mingoes. The Cowetas,
or Creek Indians, are also united in friendship with them.[20]
Mr. Colden says, the nations who are joined together by a league or
confederacy, like the United Provinces of Holland, are known by the
names of Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onondagoes, Cayugas, and Senekas; that each
of these nations is again divided into three tribes or families, who are
distinguished by the names of the Tortoise, Bear, and Wolf; and that the
Tuscororas, after the war they had with the people of Carolina, fled to
the Five Nations, and incorporated with them, so that in fact they now
consist of six, although they still retain the name of the Five
Nations.[21] This union is of such long duration as to leave little or
no traces of its origin.
{11} Baron Lahontan observes, that the Iroquois are in reality but one
nation, divided into five districts; and which he distinguishes in the
following manner:—The Tsonontouans, the Goyogans, the Onontagues, the
Oneyouts, and the Agnies, who were all settled about thirty leagues from
each other, near the great Lake Frontenac, now called Ontario.
The Mohawks, or Maquas, are the most warlike among the Five Nations, and
consist of near seven hundred warriors. They are called by the French,
Agnies, or Annies, and were originally settled on the French or grand
River, leading to Michillimakinac, from whence they afterwards removed
to the Mohawk River, near Schenectady, about sixteen miles from Albany,
in the state of New York. Since the war in 1757 they have separated, and
part of the nation is settled on the grand river, near Niagara, and the
rest at the back of the bay of Quenty, or Kenty, about forty-eight miles
above Cataraqui, the capital of the Loyalist settlements on the River
St. Laurence.[22]
Cataraqui, or Fort Frontenac, is built near to the place where Lake
Ontario discharges itself into the River St. Laurence. It was erected by
Le Comte de Frontenac, governor general of Canada, to stop the
incursions of the Iroquois, and divert the channel of the commerce in
peltry, which that people carried on with the inhabitants of New York,
and which they bartered for with the Savages by merchandize, at a
cheaper rate than the French could supply them.
This fort was at first built of wood and turf, and surrounded with high
pickets, but during the mission of Father Hennepin, it was faced {12}
with stone, by the direction of the Sieur Cavelier de la Salle, and
enlarged to a circuit of more than seven hundred yards. The bason in
which it stands is capable of holding a number of vessels of
considerable burthen. There is a small garrison at present, and a
commanding officer, to examine all boats which pass either to the new
settlements or the upper posts.[23]
The Oneidoes, or Oneyouts, the Onondagoes, Cayugas, Senekas, or
Tsonontouans, and the Tuscororas, who live with the Oneidoes and
Onondagoes, are settled about thirty leagues distant from each other,
and none of them exceeding two hundred and fifty miles from the Mohawk
River. All these nations express peace by the metaphor of a tree, whose
top they say will reach the sun, and whose branches extend far abroad,
not only that they may be seen at a great distance, but to afford them
shelter and repose.
The Five Nations claim all the country south of the River St. Laurence
to the Ohio, and down the Ohio to the Wabache, which lies to the
westward of the state of Pennsylvania, near to the borders of Virginia;
westerly, to the Lakes Ontario and Erie, and the River Miamis, and the
eastern boundaries of Lake Champlain, and the United States.
The firmness of this league, the great extent of land it claims, the
number of great warriors it produces, and the undaunted courage and
skill which distinguish the members of it in their contests both with
the Savages and European nations, all conspire to prove the good policy
of an alliance with them; as it is an undoubted fact, that in case of a
dispute with the Americans, the posts would make but a feeble resistance
{13} without their exertions; and deprived of the forts, the fur-trade
would soon be lost to this country.
I shall next consider the situation and utility of these barriers, in a
commercial point of view, and endeavour to shew the propriety of keeping
possession of the posts, notwithstanding by the treaty of peace with the
United States, they were expressly stipulated to be given up; although
it is not probable indeed that the Americans will be able to fulfil the
treaty on their part, so as to entitle them to make a reasonable
demand—I mean such a claim as government must absolutely admit.
The first post I shall notice is Oswegatche, on the River St. Laurence,
about one hundred and fifty miles above Montreal, at the mouth of the
Black River, where there are about an hundred Savages, who occasionally
frequent it, and are called Oswegatche Indians, although they belong to
the tribes of the Five Nations.[24] To this fort the inhabitants of New
England may with ease transport goods, to supply the Mohawks, Cahnuagas,
Connecedagas, St. Regis, and some straggling Messesawger Indians, who
live near the Détroit,[25] at a smaller expence than they can possibly
be obtained from the merchants at Quebec or Montreal, but particularly
Rum, which is now become an essential requisite in every transaction
with the Savages; for though they used formerly often to complain of the
introduction of strong water by the traders (as appears by the language
of their chiefs in council) to the prejudice of their young men, yet
they have not now the resolution to refrain from the use of it;—on the
contrary, it is become so familiar, and even necessary to them, that a
drunken frolic is {14} looked upon as an indispensible requisite in a
barter, and anticipated with extreme delight.
Carlton Island is higher up the river, and has greater conveniences
annexed to it than Oswegatche, having an excellent harbour, with a
strong fortification well garrisoned.[26] It affords excellent
accommodation for shipping, and may be considered as the naval
storehouse for supplying Niagara and the other posts. There are vessels
of considerable bulk continually sailing from thence to Niagara, Oswego,
&c.—There is also a commodore of the Lakes, whose residence is on the
island.
Fort Oswego, on Lake Ontario, formerly called Lake Frontenac, is a good
fortification, and capable of containing six hundred men. This post is
particularly important, as it is the key to the United States, and
commands the opening to the North, or Hudson’s River, protecting the
trade with the Indians who live on the banks of the River St. Laurence,
and the whole extent of the great sheet of water near which it stands,
reckoned about eighty leagues in length, and in some places from
twenty-five to thirty broad.[27]
When the English were in possession of the Colonies, Albany commanded
the trade with the Indians; and it is well known that no place in
America furnished such a quantity of furs and skins, not even the
Hudson’s Bay settlements, whose utmost extent of trade is far inferior
to the produce collected here. These furs and skins were procured from
Canada, and brought to Fort Oswego by the Indians, who disposed of them
to the agents sent there by the merchants of Albany. {15} Besides,
Indian goods may be conveyed from Albany to Fort Oswego at a cheaper
rate than from Montreal to the new settlements at Cataraqui and the head
of the Bay of Kenty, and at less risk, because the stream of the Mohawk
River is not so strong as that of the Cataraqui River, between the Lake
and Montreal, and there are not so many falls of water.
Fort Niagara is on the same lake, where there is also a good
garrison.[28] This lake takes its rise from Lake Erie, and after a
course of fifteen leagues, empties itself into Lake Ontario. About four
leagues before it enters the lake, it is intercepted by the great fall
which is mentioned by various authors, who do not agree in opinion
respecting its height; but from the most authentic accounts, joined to
my own observations, I am inclined to coincide with the judgment of
captain Pierie, who made an actual survey, and describes the height to
be one hundred and forty-six feet, and the width one thousand and forty,
which proves that the accounts of Father Hennepin and La Salle were
erroneous, who both agree in calling the perpendicular height six
hundred feet. The distance from Fort Niagara to Fort Stanwix[29] is
about two hundred and eighty miles, through the Jenesee country, which I
travelled with great ease in about eight days. This post therefore is of
the most essential importance to protect the Indians who are in alliance
with Great Britain, and to secure the valuable and undivided advantage
of their trade.
The Détroit is so called from being a strait between Lake Erie, and Lake
Huron, and commands the trade from the Ohio, Illinois, Mississippi, and
the Upper Lakes, which post is resorted to by the Uttawas, {16} Hurons,
Miamis, Ohio, Mississippi, Delaware, and Tuscorora Indians, besides the
Messesawgas.[30]
These five posts are situated at the back of the three states of New
England, New York, and Pennsylvania, and at a very small distance from
the Loyalist settlements.
The last post is Michillimakinac, which is situated between Lake Huron
and Lake Michigan, upon an isthmus, about one hundred and thirty leagues
long, and twenty-two wide, and is the last fortress towards the
northwest. This point of land is on the north of the straits through
which the Lake of the Ilinois, or Michigan, three hundred leagues in
circumference, empties into Lake Huron, which is of equal extent. The
strait is about three leagues long, and one broad, and half a league
distant from the mouth of the Ilinois.[31]
This is perhaps the most material of all the barriers, and of the
greatest importance to the commercial interest of this country, as it
intercepts all the trade of the Indians of the upper country from
Hudson’s Bay to Lake Superior, and affords protection to various tribes
of Savages, who constantly resort to it to receive presents from the
commanding officer, and from whence the traders, who go to the
northwest, take their departure for the grand portage, or grand carrying
place, which is nine miles in length, before they enter on the waters
communicating with the northwest.[32]
Were the English to remain in possession of every part of Canada, except
the posts, numberless doors would be left open for the Americans {17} to
smuggle in their goods, and in process of time the illicit trade would
supersede the necessity of the exportation of British goods from England
to Canada, and the commercial benefits arising from the consumption of
our manufactures would be entirely lost.—In that case, Canada would be
of little service to England in a commercial point of view: How far it
is worth the expence of retaining, politically considered, is not for me
to discuss.[33]
{18} _Indian Scouts, and Manner of Scalping._
Having endeavoured to explain the nature and importance of the Five and
Six Nation Indians, and described the situation of the posts, and the
probable consequences of complying with the treaty, I shall return to my
situation at Montreal.
Having stayed with my employer seven years, and not being willing to
enter into a new agreement, I determined to pursue the bent of my
inclinations; and being naturally of a roving disposition, which was
increased by my frequent associations with the Savages, I entered a
volunteer at the head of a party of Indians, thinking that my country
might at some future period derive advantage from my more intimate
knowledge of the country and its language.
My _entrée_ was in 1775, when a party of about thirty of the Americans,
commanded by the famous Ethan Allen, appeared at Long Point, about two
miles from Montreal, intending to plunder the town; they were however
disappointed in their expectations by the good conduct of captain
Crawford of the twenty-sixth regiment, who with about forty regulars and
some volunteers sallied out and made the enemy retreat to a barn, where
an engagement took place, in which major Carden, Mr. Paterson, a
volunteer, and three privates were killed, and I was wounded in the
foot; but on the arrival of a field piece, the enemy surrendered.[34]
{19} Being beloved by the Indians, and preferring active service with
them to any other mode of life, I accompanied lieutenant Peter Johnson
and lieutenant Walter Butler, with a few Mohawks, to attack the
Americans at Isle au Noix, whom we defeated, taking a great many
prisoners. During the engagement we lost two volunteers and three
privates. In this action I received a wound in the head from the
butt-end of a musket.[35]
I then joined the eighth regiment of foot, commanded by captain Foster,
to attack the Americans at the Cedars, whom we also defeated. The
prisoners were left at Fort St. Vielle, or Prison Island, at the foot of
the Falls, under a proper guard; and the remains of our small army,
consisting of about one hundred and fifty men, went down to La Chine to
engage another body of Americans; but finding them too strongly
entrenched, we retreated to Point Clair, where we stayed till we
received intelligence that general Arnold, with four thousand men were
at Isle au Noix, and that major Gordon was killed in his way to St.
John’s, about two miles from the fort.[36] On this occasion it may not
be amiss to observe, that the custom adopted by the Americans, and with
so much success, of levelling their pieces at the officers, originated
with the Indians, who are possessed with an idea that the men will
naturally be thrown into confusion when their leaders are dead. This
however is not without exceptions: the Mattaugwessawacks, whose country
lies westward of Lake Superior, hold the persons of officers sacred; and
Josepsis, one of their tribe, who was taken prisoner, and sold to the
Penobscot Indians, says that the Savages they were at war with have
adopted the same method.
{20} I was immediately ordered on a scout, at the head of ten
Connecedaga or Rondaxe Indians, with captain La Motte, a Canadian
gentleman,[37] in search of the person who had killed major Gordon, and
to reconnoitre the woods, in hopes of gaining information of the real
force of the Americans at Isle au Noix. To avoid suspicion, we were all
dressed like Savages; and as captain La Motte and myself were well
acquainted with the Iroquois language, it was impossible to distinguish
us from the natives. We were out six days and nights, with very little
provision, living chiefly on the scrapings of the inner bark of trees
and wild roots, particularly onions, which grow in great abundance, and
are not disagreeable to the palate. Hunger reconciles us to every thing
that will support nature, and makes the most indifferent food
acceptable. From my own woful experience I can assert, that what at any
other time would have been unpleasant and even nauseous, under the
pressure of hunger is not only greedily eaten, but relished as a luxury.
Those who are acquainted with the nature of roving in the woods in time
of war, know the necessity of travelling light, and particularly on an
Indian scout, as the Savages seldom take any thing but a small quantity
of Indian corn and Maple sugar, which, after beating the corn between
two stones, they mix with water, and on this they subsist. During this
expedition, as the business was urgent, and the enemy near at hand, we
depended on adventitious food.
On the last day’s march, returning without being able to obtain any
intelligence, one of the Indians heard a noise resembling the breaking
of a stick; the chief of the band sent out a scout, who soon returned
with a prisoner. The man appeared much frightened, imagining himself in
the hands of Savages only. Having bound him to a tree, I {21} being the
only one of the party who understood English, questioned him very
closely respecting the situation and force of the enemy, and interpreted
the conversation. When he heard me talk his own language he was
agreeably surprised, and his fears in some degree giving way to hope, he
begged me to save him from the fury of the Indians, whose general
conduct in war had filled his mind with the most dreadful apprehensions.
I assured him, that if he would faithfully satisfy all my inquiries, his
life should be spared. He cheerfully complied with the requisition, and
directed me to a place from whence we might have a clear view of the
Americans, who were encamped on the opposite shore.
Having left him bound, we proceeded about two miles through swamps, till
we came in sight of the enemy. The Indians immediately panted for
action, but captain La Motte thought it prudent to restrain their
ardour, and ordered them to retreat into the woods, still keeping our
object in view. Soon after, a boat full of men crossed the river, and
landed without perceiving us. The Indians instantly kindled a fire, and
each man filled his blanket with rotten wood and leaves, till it was
extended to the size of a man; then placing them near the fire, to
appear like Indians asleep, they retired to a small distance, to give
the Americans an opportunity of coming up unmolested, not doubting but
they would immediately fire at the blankets. The manœuvre succeeded to
our expectation; for the Americans discovering the smoke advanced
towards the fire, and perceiving the blankets, discharged their muskets.
The Savages immediately rushed from their ambush, and setting up the
war-hoop, fell upon the enemy, scalped seven of them, and took five
prisoners, whom we painted like ourselves. We then returned, released
the prisoner from the tree, and conducted them all to St. John’s, {22}
where they were examined by colonel England, who ordered me to take them
to Sir Guy Carleton without delay.
Having executed this commission to the satisfaction of the commander in
chief, I remained some time with my old friends, till I received a
message from Sir Guy Carleton to attend him; when he ordered me to join
brigadier general Nesbit, with the twenty-ninth and forty-seventh
regiments; in the latter of which I served as a volunteer a considerable
time; but finding no vacancy, and having no allowance for my services,
to enable me to live and appear as I wished, I quitted the regiment to
enjoy my favourite Indian life; and as I knew their manner of living,
and could accommodate myself to their diet, I thought I might probably
continue serviceable to my country in scouting parties, and accordingly
accompanied a party of Savages to the Lake of the two Mountains, fifteen
leagues above Montreal, a village belonging to the Connecedagas,
carrying a scalp as a trophy of my services.[38]
Scalping is a mode of torture peculiar to the Indians. If a blow is
given with the tomahawk previous to the scalp being taken off, it is
followed by instant death; but where scalping only is inflicted, it puts
the person to excruciating pain, though death does not always ensue.
There are instances of persons of both sexes, now living in America, and
no doubt in other countries, who, after having been scalped, by wearing
a plate of silver or tin on the crown of the head, to keep it from cold,
enjoy a good state of health, and are seldom afflicted with pains.
When an Indian strikes a person on the temple with a tomahawk, the
victim instantly drops; he then seizes his hair with one hand, {23}
twisting it very tight together, to separate the skin from the head, and
placing his knee on the breast, with the other he draws the scalping
knife from the sheath, and cuts the skin round the forehead, pulling it
off with his teeth. As he is very dexterous, the operation is generally
performed in two minutes. The scalp is then extended on three hoops,
dried in the sun, and rubbed over with vermilion. Some of the Indians in
time of war, when scalps are well paid for, divide one into five or six
parts, and carry them to the nearest post, in hopes of receiving a
reward proportionate to the number.
When the scalp is taken from the head of one of their own people, they
frequently make the dead body of advantage to them, by dressing it up
and painting it with vermilion; they then place it against a tree, with
weapons in its hand, to induce the Indians to suppose it an enemy on the
watch; and round the body they set spears in the ground, so as scarcely
to be discernible. The Indians, on seeing the person against the tree,
and anxious to make him a prisoner, in the eagerness of running fall on
the points of the spears, and being disabled from proceeding, are easily
made prisoners.
Before I close this subject I shall relate an anecdote of two Savages of
different nations, in the time of Sir William Johnson.
A Mohawk, of the name of Scunnionsa, or The Elk, and a Chippeway Indian
of the name of Cark Cark, or the crow, having met at a council of war
near Crown Point, in the year 1757, were extolling their own merits, and
boasting of their superiority in taking scalps. The Mohawk contended
that he could take a larger scalp than the Chippeway warrior; {24} who
was very highly offended, and desired that the experiment might be made.
They parted, each pursuing a different route, after having first agreed
to meet at a certain place, on a particular day, when a council was to
be held. At the time appointed they returned, and appeared at the
council. The Mohawk laid down his scalp, which was the skin of the head
and neck of a man stuffed with fine moss, and sewed up with deers’
sinews, and the eyes fastened in. The chiefs expressed their
approbation, and pronounced him to be a great and brave warrior. The
Chippeway then rose, and looking earnestly at the Mohawk, desired the
interpreter to tell him that it was an old woman’s scalp, which is
considered as a term of great reproach, and called to one of his sons to
bring forward his scalp; when instantly he exhibited to their view the
complete skin of a man, stuffed with down feathers, and sewed very close
with deers’ sinews. The chiefs loaded him with praise, and unanimously
acknowledged his superiority. The Mohawk warrior, fired with resentment,
withdrew from the council meditating revenge; and as soon as he saw the
Chippeway come forth, he followed him, and watching a convenient
opportunity, dispatched him with his tomahawk, rejoicing that he had,
even in this dastardly manner, got rid of a victorious rival.
{25} _Some Account of the Character and Disposition of the_ CONNECEDAGA,
_or_ RONDAXE INDIANS; _with Remarks on the_ IROQUOIS _and_ CHEROKEE
_Nations_.
The Savages of this nation are of the Chippeway tribe, and speak a
mixture of the Iroquois and Chippeway tongues: they were driven from the
upper country at the time of the great Indian war, about the year 1720,
and settled on the Lake of the two Mountains. There are about two
hundred inhabitants, who are very industrious, and cultivate the land in
the manner of the Cahnuagas; they also breed cattle, and live in a
degree of civilization unknown to most of the Chippeway tribes. There is
also a town near Lake Erie, in the limits of the United States, which is
inhabited by about fifteen hundred of this nation, of whom the Reverend
Mr. Charles Beattie gives a very favourable account.
Since the settlement of the Connecedagas they have intermarried with the
Cahnuaga, St. Regis, and Mohawk Indians, which is the reason why their
language is less pure, though some of them speak the original tongue,
which in my frequent communications with the Chippeways beyond
Michillimakinac, I found in every respect perfectly understood. It was
among these Indians that I first acquired the rudiments of a language
which, from long habit, is become more familiar to me than my own; and I
hope I shall not be accused of vanity, in asserting that the vocabulary
and familiar phrases, subjoined to this {26} work, are more copious than
will be found in any former publication. In spelling them I have been
particularly careful in using such letters and accents as best express
the Indian words, according to our pronunciation. To lay down general
rules for the orthography of a language which has never been reduced to
a system, I do not pretend: my endeavours may perhaps assist those who
are better informed in the principles of universal grammar.
The Connecedagas are esteemed brave warriors; and my opinion, founded on
long experience of their conduct and bravery, coincides with that which
the English, from report only, entertain of them. No nation of Savages
were ever more true to the British interest, not even the Mohawks, whose
fidelity is become almost proverbial. During the continuance of the
American war, they neglected their families and domestic concerns to
fight for the English, which the Cahnuagas (though descendants of the
Mohawks and Munseys, or Mawhiccon Indians, commonly called River
Indians) did not with so much cheerfulness; perhaps the relationship of
the latter to the Delawares before their defection, whom the Indians by
way of derision used to call old women, might occasion this temporary
reluctance; but if that was the cause, it was but of very short
duration; for to do them justice, when they took up the tomahawk they
behaved with great intrepidity, and proved that the blood of the ancient
Mohawks still ran in their veins. Some have, though I think without much
candour, imputed their services to the fear of our government, and the
resentment of the Savages in our interest on the one hand, and the hopes
of considerable rewards on the other; but as such reflections may be far
from the truth, it cannot answer any purpose to comment severely on
their conduct: {27} it is sufficient to know they were our allies, and
in all probability will continue friendly to the British nation. Great
praise is due on this account to major Carlton, a brave and experienced
officer, whom they loved with a Roman friendship; they flew to his
standard with alacrity, obeyed him with cheerfulness, and never deserted
him: no instance of friendship or attachment, either ancient or modern,
could surpass it.
It requires good natural sense, and a thorough knowledge of the
dispositions of the Indians, to persuade them to place unlimited
confidence in their European or American leaders; to which must always
be added, a seeming approbation of their advice, and an endeavour to
conform to their wishes, never obstinately pursuing a design either
offensive or defensive, contrary to their opinion. How fatal a different
line of conduct may prove, the destruction of general Braddock is a
melancholy instance: by his haughty demeanour, and strict adherence to
his own plan, in direct opposition to the counsel of experienced chiefs,
he lost their friendship, and died unlamented, confirming them in an
opinion they had before often hinted, “that he wanted both skill and
prudence in war.” Even the great Washington incurred their censure by
his conduct, and gave occasion to an Indian chief, of the name of
Thanachrishon, of the Seneka tribes, judging him by their own rules, to
say, “that he was a good natured man, but had no experience.”
An impartial mind will require but little to be persuaded that the
Indians are superior to us in the woods: it is their natural element (if
I may be allowed the expression), and a tree or river, of which their
{28} recollection never fails, guide them to the secret recesses of a
deep wood, either for safety, or the purpose of ambush. As they pay
little attention to the rising or setting sun, it at first surprised me,
by what method they traveled from place to place, without any material
aberration; but this they soon explained, by assuring me, that they had
not the least difficulty in going from one spot to another, being
governed by the moss on the trees, which always remains on the north
side, but on the south it wastes and decays: they remark also, that the
branches are larger, and the leaves more luxuriant on the south than on
the north side of the tree. The most enlightened part of mankind, I am
persuaded, cannot be more exact in their mode of judging, nor more
attentive to the works of nature.
To prove further, if there are any who doubt it, that the Indians
possess strong natural abilities, and are even capable of receiving
improvement from the pursuits of learning, I shall relate a story from
Kalm’s Travels.[39]
“An old American Savage being at an inn at New York, met with a
gentleman who gave him some liquor, and being rather lively, boasted he
could read and write English. The gentleman, willing to indulge him in
displaying his knowledge, begged leave to propose a question, to which
the old man consented. He was then asked, who was the first circumcised?
the Indian immediately replied, father Abraham:—and directly asked the
gentleman, who was the first quaker? He said it was very uncertain, that
people differed in their sentiments exceedingly. The Indian perceiving
the gentleman unable to resolve the question, put his fingers into his
mouth, to express his surprize, and looking {29} stedfastly, told him,
that Mordecai was the first quaker, for he would not pull off his hat to
Haman.”
Mr. Adair[40] says, the Cherokees are very apt at giving people
nicknames. A dull stalking fellow, they call a turkey buzzard; an ill
tempered man, a wasp; a talkative person, a grasshopper; a hoarse voice,
they say resembles a bull; and an interpreter whose manners and
conversation are obscene, they call a smock interpreter.
The disposition of the Indians is naturally proud and self-sufficient:
they think themselves the wisest of the sons of men, and are extremely
offended when their advice is rejected. The feats of valour of their
ancestors, continually repeated and impressed upon their minds, inspire
them with the most exalted notions of their own prowess and bravery;
hence arises the firmest reliance on their own courage and power; and
though but a handful of men, comparatively speaking, they are vain
enough to think they can overthrow both French and English whenever they
please. They say, the latter are fools, for they hold their guns half
man high, and let them snap; but that they themselves take sight, and
seldom fail of doing execution, which, they add, is the true intention
of going to war.
These exalted notions of self-consequence are more peculiar to the Five
Nations, and for which they are more eminently distinguished than other
tribes of Savages, although none of them are deficient in this respect.
Such sentiments as these have made the Iroquois dreaded and revered by
others, for their superior understanding and valour, and likewise has a
tendency to increase their fame. Although they {30} decrease in numbers
daily, the thirst of glory will never be extinguished among them, whilst
there is a breast to nourish it: they will never shrink from danger when
honour is at stake.
The Iroquois laugh when you talk to them of obedience to kings; for they
cannot reconcile the idea of submission with the dignity of man. Each
individual is a sovereign in his own mind; and as he conceives he
derives his freedom from the great Spirit alone, he cannot be induced to
acknowledge any other power.
They are extremely jealous, and easily offended, and when they have been
once induced to suspect, it is very difficult to remove the impression.
They carry their resentments with them to the grave, and bequeath them
to the rising generation.
Those who have associated with them, though they may admire their
heroism in war, their resolution in supporting the most excruciating
tortures, and the stability of their friendships, cannot but lament the
dreadful effects of their displeasure, which has no bounds. It is this
violence of temper, which is generally in the extreme, that makes them
so difficult to subdue, and so dangerous to encourage; too much
indulgence they attribute to fear, and too much severity brings on
resentment.
To remove these strong prejudices (which, however prone human nature may
be to encourage them, would never prove so prejudicial to society,
unless continually promoted by the advice and example of the aged), has
been the constant endeavour of those nations who have been {31} in
alliance with them, and some attempts have been made to soften their
manners by the introduction of the Christian religion, whose precepts
are so wonderfully calculated to destroy every blood-thirsty sentiment,
and make mankind happier in themselves, and better members of the
community. In this laudable pursuit our neighbours the French have been
most successful, at least so far as an alteration in external behaviour
may be considered as an indication of the amendment of the heart. The
good conduct of the inhabitants of several Indian villages in Canada
bears testimony to this observation. Nevertheless, in contradiction to
this remark, Mr. James Adair observes, that the French Canadians are
highly censurable for debauching our peaceable Northern Indians with
their “infernal catechism.”
Though I am not an advocate for creeds inimical to the peace of society,
I believe the censure is too severe, for however formerly they might
have been influenced by bigotted priests instilling into their minds
sentiments unfavourable to the subjects of Great Britain, I am clearly
of opinion, that they have for many years used their best endeavours to
inculcate the principles of the Gospel: indeed, it is always to be
lamented when either politics or religion are made subservient to each
other: this being properly considered, perhaps the French are not more
blameable than other nations. We are too apt to involve others in our
disputes, and religion is too frequently introduced by bigots to assist
the cause they wish to support.
With regard to those Indians who have been accustomed to the society of
English traders, and even preachers (sorry am I to observe it), their
sentiments, manners, and practices are very different. The {32}
alteration is manifestly for the worse; they have become more
degenerate, and added to the turbulence of passions unsubdued by reason
the vices of lying and swearing, which unfortunately they have learned
from us.
The testimony of Mr. Sargeant, a gentleman of New England, supports this
assertion; who relates, that in a journey to the Shawanese Indians (the
allies and dependants of the Six Nations),[41] and some other tribes,
when he offered to instruct them in the Christian religion, they
rejected it with disdain; they even reproached Christianity, told him
the traders would lie, cheat, and debauch their young women, and even
their wives, when the husbands were from home. They further added, that
the Senekas had given them their country, but charged them never to
receive Christianity from the English.
I shall subjoin one more proof to this. Governor Hunter, by order of
Queen Anne, presented the Indians with cloaths, and other things of
which they were extremely fond; and addressing them at a council, which
was held at Albany, told them that their good mother the Queen had not
only generously provided them with fine cloaths for their bodies, but
likewise intended to adorn their souls by the preaching of the Gospel,
and that some ministers should be sent to instruct them. When the
governor had finished his speech, the oldest chief rose up and said,
that, in the name of all the Indians, he thanked their good mother the
Queen for the fine cloaths she had sent them; but that in regard to the
ministers, they had already some of them, who, instead of preaching the
Gospel to them, taught them to drink to excess, to cheat and quarrel
among themselves, and entreated the governor {33} to take from them the
preachers, and a number of Europeans who came among them; for before
their arrival, the Indians were honest, sober and innocent people; but
now most of them were rogues; that they formerly had the fear of God:
but that now they hardly believed his existence.
To extenuate as much as possible this charge against the English, let it
be observed, that the vice and immorality complained of, is to be
attributed in a great measure to the traders, who used to purchase
convicts, and hire men of infamous character to carry up their goods
among the Indians, many of whom ran away from their masters to join the
Savages: the iniquitous conduct of those people essentially injured the
English in the opinion of the Indians and fixed an odium which will not
be soon or easily removed.
{34} _Description of the_ INDIAN _Dances, &c._
Having finished this long digression, I shall continue my history from
the time of going to the village of the Connecedagas, where I stayed
some months, making several excursions in scouting parties, and
frequently bringing in prisoners, which did not escape the notice of Sir
Guy Carleton, who at the next interview approved my conduct, and wished
me to serve again in his regiment. I told him I was extremely happy I
had rendered myself useful to my country, and considered myself highly
honoured by so flattering a mark of his approbation; but that the life
of a volunteer, though very honourable, would not entitle me to pay, and
there was not a vacancy in any of the British regiments: he then
appointed me a midshipman on board the ship Fell, commanded by captain
Barnsfer, lying in the river St. Laurence, in which service I continued
till she was ordered for England.
As soon as I quitted the navy, I returned to the Lake of the Two
Mountains, and continued doing my utmost, in the line of an interpreter,
and at intervals perfecting myself in the Indian languages, particularly
in the Chippeway tongue, as I purposed engaging in the service of a
merchant, to go to the north west the first convenient opportunity. I
also applied myself sedulously to obtain a complete knowledge of their
manners and customs, and with that view partook of their amusements, and
was soon noticed as a good dancer. To this {35} qualification I also
added the perfect notes of the different war whoops, as naturally as a
Savage; and by conforming to their ways, and taking pleasure in their
diversions, I was soon endeared to them, and left them with regret.
The dances among the Indians are many and various, and to each of them
there is a particular hoop.[42]
1. The calumet dance.
2. The war dance.
3. The chief’s dance.
4. The set out dance.
5. The scalp dance.
6. The dead dance.
7. The prisoner’s dance.
8. The return dance.
9. The spear dance.
10. The marriage dance.
11. The sacrifice dance.
All these I was perfect master of, frequently leading the sett. If
accidentally a stranger came among us, (unless I chose to be noticed) no
one could distinguish me from the Indians.
Presuming on my appearing exactly like a Savage, I occasionally went
down in a canoe to Montreal, and frequently passed the posts as an
Indian. Sometimes I would distinguish myself at a charivari, which is a
custom that prevails in different parts of Canada, of assembling with
old pots, kettles, &c. and beating them at the doors of new married
people; but generally, either when the man is older than the woman, or
the parties have been twice married: in those cases they beat a
charivari, hallooing out very vociferously, until the man is obliged to
obtain their silence by pecuniary contribution, or submit to be {36}
abused with the vilest language. Charivari, in French, means a paltry
kind of music, which I suppose is the origin of the custom.
Not content with being a proficient in their sports, I learnt to make a
canoe, bark a tree for the purpose, and perform the whole business as
regular as the natives. I also made makissins, or Indian shoes, of deer
skins, drest and smoked to make the leather soft and pliable, and worked
with porcupine quills and small beads, to which are sometimes suspended
hawk bells. Those made by the Mohawks, at the Grand River near Niagara,
are preferred for their superior workmanship and taste, and are
sometimes sold so high as four dollars a pair, but in general they may
be purchased, without ornaments, for one dollar: they are more pleasant
to wear than English shoes: in summer they are cooler to the feet, and
in winter, from being made roomy, they will admit a thick sock, to
prevent the excessive cold from penetrating. The Indians, in their war
dances, sew hawk bells and small pieces of tin on them to make a
jingling noise, and at a dance where I was present, these, with the
addition of a large horse bell, which I gave the chief who led the
dance, made a noise not much unlike a Dutch concert.
The Savages are esteemed very active and nimble footed, but admitting
this general opinion to prevail, it is well known the Europeans are more
swift in running a small distance: their chief merit, I am of opinion,
consists in their being able to continue a long time in one steady pace,
which makes them useful in going express through the woods; and as they
require little sleep, and can subsist on roots and water, which they
take _en volant_, they do not waste much time in refreshment. {37} They
are also admirable swimmers, and are not afraid of the strongest
current. With these qualifications they are certainly a very useful race
of men; and as long as the English retain any possessions in Canada,
should be considered as the most valuable acquisition; indeed, as
indispensibly necessary; and every endeavour should be exerted to retain
them in our interest.
With regard to bodily strength, they are excelled by many; and even in
hunting, the Virginians equal them in every part of the chace, though
all the world allow them the merit of being good marksmen. I remember
seeing some Americans shooting at a loon, a bird nearly the size of an
English goose. This bird is remarkable for diving, and generally rises
some yards from the place where it dips. They fired at the distance of
one hundred and fifty yards with a rifle, several times without success:
an Indian standing by, laughed at them, and told them they were old
women: they desired him to try his skill, which he instantly did: taking
his gun, and resting it against a tree, he fired, and shot the loon
through the neck. I confess I never saw a better shot in my life, and
was highly pleased, as it gratified my pride, in giving the Americans a
favourable opinion of the Savages, for whom I always entertained a
predilection.
The loon is a very remarkable bird, from the formation of its feet: but
having no anatomical knowledge, I cannot describe it technically. They
are so made, that it can scarcely walk; it is therefore seldom seen on
land. In calm weather it rises from the water with great difficulty, and
flies as impelled by the wind, on which it seems to depend. The method
usually adopted by the Indians to kill these birds, is by fixing {38} a
large bough at the head of the canoe, to conceal themselves till they
paddle near the place where they are; when at a convenient distance,
they fire, though not always with success. In the Chippeway language it
is called a maunk, which agrees with the French word manquer, to fail;
it being, from its shyness, very difficult to kill. The skin, which is
very tough and thick, is dried and made use of as cases to cover their
guns, to prevent the wet from spoiling them.
Having grown tired of living entirely with the Savages, I made an
excursion to Montreal, where I met with an offer to go as interpreter to
the north, which, at first, I did not care to accept; but as the salary
proposed was handsome, upon mature deliberation, I embraced the
opportunity of entering into that way of life, from which I fully
expected profit at least, if not pleasure; but alas! I had often
abundant reason to repent the pursuing the bent of my inclinations.
On the fourth of May, 1777, I left Montreal, with two large birch
canoes, called by the French, maître canots, having ten Canadians in
each, as the number of portages require many hands to transport the
goods across the landings, which can only be done on men’s shoulders. As
their voyage is so essentially different from the English manner of
travelling, I shall relate it particularly.
The canoes are made at Trois Riviéres; they are, in general, eight
fathoms long, and one and a half wide, covered with the bark of the
birch tree, and sewed very close with fibrous roots; and of this size
they will carry four tons weight each. As early in the spring as the ice
will permit, they are brought up to La Chine, a village nine miles above
Montreal.
{39} La Chine takes its name from the following story. Le Sieur La
Salle, who was afterwards murdered by two of his own party, in Canada,
in the year 1686, was very intent on discovering a shorter road to China
than was then known, but his project failing by an accident which
happened to him at this place, he was obliged to postpone his journey to
the east, which induced the Canadians, by way of derision, to call it La
Chine, or China; and by that name it has ever since been known.[43]
At this place the Indian goods are put on board very carefully; the dry
merchandise in bales about eighty pounds weight, the rum, powder, and
shot, in small kegs. The voyage from Trois Riviéres to La Chine is
tedious and troublesome, as there is a strong current to combat; and
without a fair wind, and occasionally a brisk gale to assist or relieve
the constant use of the paddles, it would be impossible to make any way.
Where the water is shallow, the canoes must be forced forward with long
setting poles, while the men wade knee deep, and pull against the
current with ropes; this is a labour and fatigue beyond what will be
easily imagined. Custom has however made the Canadians very expert, and
I must do them the justice to say they encounter these difficulties with
uncommon chearfulness, though they sometimes exclaim, “C’est la misere,
mon bourgeois.”[44]
From La Chine to Michillimakinac, there are thirty six portages; the
distance by land and water is about nine hundred miles: in favourable
weather the journey is frequently performed in about a month. Great care
is necessary to steer the canoes up the strong rapids; to labour and
care must also be added experience to keep them upright, and prevent
their striking or rubbing against the stones, as they are very slight,
and {40} easily damaged. Whenever by accident they receive an injury, as
they frequently do, the hole is stopped with gum, melted with a piece of
charcoal; the gum by wetting immediately becomes hard, and is capable of
resisting the impression of the water. When the hole is too large to be
stopped by gum only, the inner bark of the birch tree, pounded and
tempered like mortar, is put on the aperture, this is covered by a linen
rag, and the edges firmly cemented with gum.
We continued our voyage to La Barriére, at the head of the Long Saut, or
long water fall, a very dangerous current from the extreme rapidity of
the fall. At the top of this fall there are some traders settled, but
they are not of any consequence either for the extent of their commerce,
or the profits arising from the peltry they collect, the Savages in
those parts being too well acquainted with the value of furs and skins
to be imposed upon, unless when they are intoxicated, an advantage I
must confess too frequently taken.
From this fall we proceeded to the Lake of the two Mountains, where
there is a village belonging to the Connecedaga Indians, already
described. At this place I stayed a day among my old friends, which was
all the time my engagements would allow, as it is of the most material
consequence in this branch of trade to be early at the wintering ground.
We proceeded to the Uttawa, or Grand River, coasting all the way till we
came to Lake Nipissin, from whence the River St. Laurence takes its
rise. We then entered the French River, leading to Lake Huron, and
proceeded with very favourable weather to Michillimakinac, where we
arrived on the 17th of June.[45]
{41} The country every where abounds with wild animals, particularly
bears, moose and other deer, beavers, beaver eaters, lynx, foxes,
squirrels, fishers, otters, martins, minx, wood cats, racoons, wolves,
musquashes, &c.——There are scarce any but savage inhabitants to be
found, who rove from place to place for subsistance, feeding on the
animals they kill, except the skunk, or pole cat, which they never eat,
unless pressed by the most extreme hunger.
Monsieur La Salle relates, that in his voyage on the banks of the
Mississippi, among the nation of the Oumas, who live on a river of the
same name, he saw a most extraordinary animal between the wolf and the
lion; the head and shape resembling the former, and the tail and claws
like those of the latter: he asserts it would attack all other animals,
but was never known to hurt a man; that sometimes it would carry its
prey on its back, and when it had eaten till satisfied, it concealed the
rest under the leaves, or other cover; that every animal dreaded it to
such a degree, that they would not touch any part of the prey it had
left; and that the Indians called it Michibichi, which is an animal of
the species of the tiger, but smaller and less speckled, and is now
known to be the panther.
The beaver is a curious animal, but it has been described by so many
authors, that I shall only observe what I believe they have not yet
mentioned.—It is seldom seen in the day time: After sun set it leaves
its habitation, and ventures abroad either to work, or procure food. It
also takes this opportunity to wash itself. But the most remarkable
singularity of this animal, is, that it lies with its tail constantly in
the water, to prevent its getting stiff. The flesh of it is very good,
either {42} boiled or roasted, but the tail is the best part.[46] While
I am upon the subject of dainties, I may add, that the snout of the
moose is also highly esteemed. Not any of the animals in North America
are to be dreaded, except the grizzled bear, which generally keeps in as
warm a climate as possible: wherever it comes it makes dreadful havock,
destroying men, and even frequently whole families.
During the time I stayed at Michillimakinac, a remarkable circumstance
of bravery and generosity was communicated to me, which may not be
unentertaining to the reader.
An Indian boy, about fifteen years of age, was standing at some distance
from the fort, when a Savage fired his gun, and accidentally killed an
Englishman. As he was advancing, he discovered the boy leaning against a
tree, and not being of the same nation, he formed the resolution of
taking him prisoner: having no suspicion of the boy’s intention, he went
up to him, and took him by the arm; the boy very artfully drew back, and
shot the Indian through the chin: this so incensed him, that he was
raising his hand to tomahawk him, when another Indian instantly coming
up, asked his companion who had wounded him? he replied, the boy,
adding, that he would immediately take his scalp: the other prevented
his bloody purpose, and told him he would protect the lad, for he was
too brave to die. He carried him to the fort, where he was purchased by
the commanding officer, to prevent the Indian whom he had wounded from
killing him.
{43} _Description of_ LAKE SUPERIOR, _with the Ceremony of Indian
Adoption_.
Having taken in Indian corn, and hard grease, (the food all traders
carry to the upper country) and exchanged my large canoes, or maître
canots, for smaller ones, the latter being more convenient to transport
across the carrying places, and better calculated to run into small
creeks, we proceeded to the Falls of St. Mary, (a strait so called)
which is formed by two branches that separate from each other at the
furthest point of the lake. Here is a small picketted fort built by the
Indians, and about ten log houses for the residence of English and
French traders. The nation of the Sauteurs formerly were settled at the
foot of the Falls, and the Jesuits had a house near them.[47] At this
place there is abundance of fine fish, particularly pickerill, trout,
and white fish of an uncommon size. From this place we continued our
voyage to Lake Superior, formerly called Lake Tracy, in honour of Mons.
de Tracy, who was appointed viceroy of America by the French king in
June, 1665. It is reckoned six hundred leagues in circumference, and on
it are a great number of large and small islands. At the entrance of
this lake is a high rock, somewhat in the shape of a man, which the
Chippeway Indians call “Kitchee Manitoo,” or the Master of Life. Here
they all stop to make their offerings, which they do by throwing
tobacco, and other things, into the water: by this they intend to make
an acknowledgment to the rock, as the representative of the Supreme
Being, for the blessings they enjoy, cheerfully sacrificing to {44} him
their ornaments, and those things which they hold most dear.[48] An
example worthy of imitation, so far as respects the good intention of
the creature to the Creator, exhibiting an evident proof that man in his
natural state, without any of the refinements of civilization, is
sensible of his dependance on an invisible power, however ignorantly, or
unworthily, he may express his belief. God alone knoweth the heart, and
will judge every man by the knowledge he hath.
Superstition is a noxious plant, but it hath flourished in every climate
from the torrid to the frigid zone. If its effects have proved so
pernicious among civilized nations, as we know they have, is it to be
wondered that barbarians have suffered by it? The poor untutored Indian
will not incur a great degree of censure for obeying the dictates of his
uninformed nature, and following implicitly the custom of his ancestors.
Revealed religion has not been given to all, and it is a melancholy
reflection that those who have been enlightened by it, are not so
superior to the Savages as one should naturally expect to find them.
In this rock there are several cavities near a mile in length, and about
twenty feet in width, arched at the top. The lake freezes only close to
the shore, the water being constantly in a swell, and the waves
frequently mountains high, which is easily accounted for, when we
consider its immense extent. On a calm day, a little distance from
shore, sturgeon may be seen in very deep water. The surrounding land is
high and rocky, and the woods extremely thick. The palm, birch, ash,
spruce, and cedar, grow large, and in great abundance. The Northwest
Company, established at Montreal, keep a vessel on {45} the lake to
transport their goods from Michillimakinac to the grand portage on the
northwest side, and return with the peltry collected in the inlands.[49]
On the 4th of July we arrived at Pays Plat,[50] on the north east side
of the Lake, where we unpacked our goods, and made the bales smaller,
having, by the Indian accounts, one hundred and eighty carrying places
to the part where I intended to winter. On our landing we discovered at
some distance a number of Indians, which induced us to accelerate the
arrangement of the cargo, in case of barter, and be prepared to embark
when the business was finished. Every thing being properly secured, I
made up to the Savages, and calculated their number at one hundred and
fifty: most of them were of the Chippeway tribes; the rest were of the
nation of the Wasses. They gave me fish, dried meat, and skins, which I
returned with trifling presents. The chief, whose name was Matchee
Quewish,[51] held a council, and finding I understood their language,
proposed to adopt me as a brother warrior. Though I had not undergone
this ceremony, I was not entirely ignorant of the nature of it, having
been informed by other traders of the pain they endured in their
adoption, though they declared they were favoured exceedingly; I
determined however to submit to it, lest my refusal of the honour
intended me should be attributed to fear, and so render me unworthy of
the esteem of those from whom I expected to derive great advantages, and
with whom I had engaged to continue for a considerable time.
The ceremony of adoption is as follows.——A feast is prepared of dog’s
flesh boiled in bear’s grease, with huckle berries, of which it is {46}
expected every one should heartily partake. When the repast is over, the
war song is sung in the following words.
“Master of Life, view us well; we receive a brother warrior who appears
to have sense, shews strength in his arm, and does not refuse his body
to the enemy.”
After the war song, if the person does not discover any signs of fear,
he is regarded with reverence and esteem; courage, in the opinion of the
Savages, being considered not only as indispensible, but as the greatest
recommendation. He is then seated on a beaver robe, and presented with a
pipe of war to Smoke, which is put round to every warrior, and a wampum
belt is thrown over his neck.
The calumet, or Indian pipe, which is much larger than that the Indians
usually smoke, is made of marble, stone, or clay, either red, white, or
black, according to the custom of the nation, but the red is mostly
esteemed; the length of the handle is about four feet and a half, and
made of strong cane, or wood, decorated with feathers of various
colours, with a number of twists of female hair interwoven in different
forms; the head is finely polished; two wings are fixed to it, which
make it in appearance not unlike to Mercury’s wand. This calumet is the
symbol of peace, and the Savages hold it in such estimation, that a
violation of any treaty where it has been introduced, would in their
opinion be attended with the greatest misfortunes.[52]
Wampum is of several colours, but the white and black are chiefly used;
the former is made of the inside of the conque, or clam shell; {47} the
latter of the muscle: both are worked in the form of a long bead, and
perforated in order to their being strung on leather, and made up in
belts.
These belts are for various purposes: When a council is held, they are
given out with the speeches, and always proportioned in their size, and
the number of the rows of wampum which they contain, to the idea the
Indians entertain of the importance of the meeting; they frequently
consist of both colours. Those given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal
Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side, and white in
the middle: the white being placed in the centre, was to express peace,
and that the path between them was fair and open. In the centre of the
belt was the figure of a diamond, made of white wampum, which the
Indians call the council fire.
When Sir William Johnson held a treaty with the Savages, he took the
belt by one end, while the Indian chief held the other: if the chief had
any thing to say, he moved his finger along the white streak; if Sir
William had any thing to communicate, he touched the diamond in the
middle.
These belts are also the records of former transactions, and being
worked in particular forms, are easily deciphered by the Indians, and
referred to in every treaty with the white people. When a string or belt
of wampum is returned, it is a proof that the proposed treaty is not
accepted, and the negotiation is at an end.
But to return from this digression. When the pipe has gone round, a
sweating house is prepared with six long poles fixed in the ground, {48}
and pointed at the top; it is then covered with skins and blankets to
exclude the air, and the area of the house will contain only three
persons. The person to be adopted is then stripped naked, and enters the
hut with two chiefs; two large stones made red hot are brought in, and
thrown on the ground; water is then brought in a bark dish, and
sprinkled on the stones with cedar branches, the steam arising from
which puts the person into a most profuse perspiration, and opens the
pores to receive the other part of the ceremony.
When the perspiration is at the height, he quits the house, and jumps
into the water; immediately on coming out a blanket is thrown over him,
and he is led to the chief’s hut, where he undergoes the following
operation. Being extended on his back, the chief draws the figure he
intends to make with a pointed stick, dipped in water in which gunpowder
has been dissolved; after which, with ten needles dipped in vermilion,
and fixed in a small wooden frame, he pricks the delineated parts, and
where the bolder outlines occur, he incises the flesh with a gun flint;
the vacant spaces, or those not marked with vermilion, are rubbed in
with gunpowder, which produces the variety of red and blue; the wounds
are then seared with punk wood, to prevent them from festering.
This operation, which is performed at intervals, lasts two or three
days. Every morning the parts are washed with cold water, in which is
infused an herb called Pockqueesegan, which resembles English box, and
is mixed by the Indians with the tobacco they smoke, to take off the
strength. During the process, the war songs are sung, accompanied by a
rattle hung round with hawk bells, called chessaquoy, {49} which is kept
shaking, to stifle the groans such pains must naturally occasion.[53]
Upon the ceremony being completed, they give the party a name; that
which they allotted to me, was _Amik_, or Beaver.
In return for the presents given me by Matchee Quewish, which I had only
acknowledged by some trinkets, and to shew how much I was pleased with
the honour they had conferred on me, I resolved to add to my former
gifts; I accordingly took the chiefs to a spot where I had directed my
men to place the goods intended for them, and gave them scalping knives,
tomahawks, vermilion, tobacco, beads, &c. and lastly rum, the _unum
necessarium_, without which (whatever else had been bestowed on them) I
should have incurred their serious displeasure. Our canoes being turned
up, and the goods properly secured, I told the Canadians to keep a
constant watch, night and day, while we were encamped. This precaution
is absolutely necessary, as the Indians generally do mischief when they
are intoxicated. On this occasion our care was of infinite service, for
with the rum we gave them, they continued in a state of inebriety three
days and nights, during which frolic they killed four of their own
party; one of whom was a great chief, and was burnt by his son: having
been a famous warrior, he was buried with the usual honours peculiar to
the Savages, viz. a scalping knife, tomahawk, beads, paint, &c. some
pieces of wood to make a fire, and a bark cup to drink out of in his
journey to the other country.
On the 21st we embarked, leaving the band extremely well satisfied with
our conduct, which they acknowledged in the most expressive language;
but as it was customary to take conductors from one Lake to another, I
engaged twenty of the Chippeways to accompany me in passing {50} by land
the Grande Côte de la Roche, which is the rout that all the traders are
obliged to take, on account of the great cataract, which is reckoned six
hundred feet in height near the entrance of the Nipegon River. This
journey is extremely fatiguing to the men, who are obliged to ascend a
steep hill with considerable burdens, and for this reason it is
customary to rest two or three days to recruit their strength.
We left la Grande Côte de la Roche in good spirits, and continued our
voyage to Lake Alemipigon, where we met another band of Savages of the
same nation. A council was held, and mutual presents exchanged. We
stayed here ten days, encamped by the side of the Lake; during which
time a skirmish happened among the Indians, in which three men were
killed, and two wounded, after a dreadful scene of riot and confusion,
occasioned by the baneful effects of rum.
Lake Alemipigon, or Nipegon,[54] is about one hundred miles in length,
and supplies the Savages with great quantities of fish. The land affords
abundance of wild roots, and the animals are very numerous. The Indians
who hunt here are in number about three hundred, and are remarkably wild
and superstitious.
On the first of August we departed with fifteen Indians, not only to
serve as guides, but to assist us across the portages. We lived on
animal food and roots, reserving our corn and hard grease for the
winter. Every evening at sun set we encamped, and got into our canoes at
break of day. We continued our march to Lac Eturgeon, or Sturgeon Lake,
but did not stay there a sufficient time to enable me to give a
particular account of it; I have, however, described it in the narrative
{51} of my journey to Lake Manontoye, where I encamped for three days on
account of the badness of the weather.
On the twenty fifth of September we arrived at Lac la Mort, or Dead
Lake, situate to the northeast of Lake Alemipigon. This Lake is about
sixty miles in circumference, the land low and swampy, and the water
very unpleasant to the palate: it has been much frequented by the
Indians, for, during the time I wintered there, I discovered no less
than thirty-five different roads, about three feet wide, leading from
the woods to the Lake side: it abounds with fish, and is frozen over in
the winter, the ice not breaking away till April. The Indians who resort
to it are good hunters, but very wild. The Chippeways are not so fond of
dress as the other Savages, particularly those tribes who live very
remote from Michillimakinac; this is easily accounted for; as the ice
remains almost to the last spring month in England, and the winter
season begins early in the month of October, the intermediate time is
employed in making and repairing canoes, taking short excursions for
food, amusing themselves in swimming, and other pastimes peculiar to the
Savages. The luxury of dress can be little regarded by those whose
constant necessities require the utmost exertions for their daily
supply, and who are not provident enough to lay up a store of provisions
for winter. Indians in general are extremely indolent, from the wildest
to the most civilized, and value themselves upon being so; conceiving it
beneath the dignity of a warrior to labour, and that all domestic cares
and concerns are the province of women alone. This aversion for labour
does not arise from dread, or dislike of fatigue; on the contrary, no
people encounter or endure it with more chearfulness, particularly in
their amusements, which are of various kinds, and many of them {52}
violent and laborious. They are calculated to make them athletic, and at
the same time by the profuse perspiration which they occasion, they
render the joints supple, and enable them to hunt with more facility.
_Playing at ball_, which is a favourite game, is very fatiguing. The
ball is about the size of a cricket ball, made of deer skin, and stuffed
with hair; this is driven forwards and backwards with short sticks,
about two feet long, and broad at the end like a bat, worked like a
racket, but with larger interstices: by this the ball is impelled, and
from the elasticity of the racket, which is composed of deers’ sinews,
is thrown to a great distance: the game is played by two parties, and
the contest lies in intercepting each other, and striking the ball into
a goal, at the distance of about four hundred yards, at the extremity of
which are placed two high poles, about the width of a wicket from each
other; the victory consists in driving the ball between the poles. The
Indians play with great good humour, and even when one of them happens,
in the heat of the game, to strike another with his stick, it is not
resented. But these accidents are cautiously avoided, as the violence
with which they strike has been known to break an arm or a leg.[55]
_Athtergain_, or miss none but catch all, is also a favourite amusement
with them, in which the women frequently take a part. It is played with
a number of hard beans, black and white, one of which has small spots,
and is called the king: they are put into a shallow wooden bowl, and
shaken alternately by each party, who sit on the ground opposite to one
another; whoever is dexterous enough to make the spotted bean jump out
of the bowl, receives of the adverse party {53} as many beans as there
are spots: the rest of the beans do not count for any thing.[56]
The boys are very expert at _trundling a hoop_, particularly the
Cahnuaga Indians, whom I have frequently seen excel at this amusement.
The game is played by any number of boys who may accidentally assemble
together, some driving the hoop, while others with bows and arrows shoot
at it. At this exercise they are surprisingly expert, and will stop the
progress of the hoop when going with great velocity, by driving the
pointed arrow into its edge; this they will do at a considerable
distance, and on horseback as well as on foot. They will also kill small
birds at fifty yards distance, and strike a halfpenny off a stick at
fifteen yards. Spears and tomahawks they manage with equal dexterity.
{54} _Settlement at Lac la Mort, with the Proceedings of a Trading
Party._
The fatigue my Canadians had undergone rendered it necessary to prepare
for wintering, and induced me to settle at Lac la Mort. The weather was
also setting in cold, and threatened to be very severe, which was an
additional motive. Having refreshed ourselves, and secured the canoes, I
took two Indians to shew me a spot proper for building upon. We fixed
close to the lake side, where we erected a loghouse, thirty feet long,
and twenty feet wide, divided into two apartments, into which we
deposited our goods. The next concern was to conceal our canoes in the
woods, and to hide the rum under ground, except a small quantity for
immediate use, knowing by experience the necessity of keeping it from
the Indians, as our safety so essentially depended on it.
Having arranged every domestic concern, and spread our table in the
wilderness, we prepared our winter firing, as wood is very difficult to
bring home in severe weather. At leisure times we hunted, to increase
our stock of provisions, which would not have been sufficient to support
our household, and not choosing to risk the uncertainty of the arrival
of Savages, who sometimes bring animal food to the traders. As the snow
began to fall very heavy, we were prevented from making {55} long
excursions, without using snow shoes. For the space of a fortnight we
hunted with great success, and caught a number of small animals, on
which we feasted daily; these proved a seasonable relief, and saved the
corn and grease. We had been settled about three weeks, when a large
band of Savages arrived; having only eight Canadians with me, I desired
them to act with the utmost precaution, as our number was comparatively
small, and in case of a drunken frolic, the property might be pillaged,
and our lives sacrificed: fortunately for me I had very steady men, who
were well accustomed to the Northwest Indians. We were mutually pleased
with each other, as no trader had wintered there before. The great
chief, whose name was _Kesconeek_, made me a present of skins, dried
meat, fish, and wild oats; a civility which I returned without delay,
and in a manner with which he seemed highly gratified. The rest of the
Savages then came into my house, one by one, which is called Indian
file, singing war songs, and dancing. All of them, except the chief,
placed themselves on the ground; he, standing upright with great dignity
in the centre of the tribe, delivered the following speech.
“_Angaymer Nocey, wa haguamissey kaygo arwayyor kee zargetoone oway
barthtyage Nishinnorbay nogome cawwickca kitchee Artawway winnin,
kitchee morgussey cargoneek neennerwind zargetoone artawway neennerwind
debwoye Nocey barthtyage meekintargan omar appeemeenequy, mackquah,
amik, warbeshance menoach kegonce._”——
“It is true, Father, I and my young men are happy to see you:—as the
great Master of Life has sent a trader to take pity on us Savages, we
shall use our best endeavours to hunt and bring you wherewithal to
satisfy you in furs, skins, and animal food.”
{56} This speech was in fact intended to induce me to make them further
presents; I indulged them in their expectations, by giving them two kegs
of rum of eight gallons each, lowered with a small proportion of water,
according to the usual custom adopted by all traders, five carrots of
tobacco, fifty scalping knives, gun-flints, powder, shot, ball, &c. To
the women I gave beads, trinkets, &c. and to eight chiefs who were in
the band, each a Northwest gun, a callico shirt, a scalping knife of the
best sort, and an additional quantity of ammunition. These were received
with a full yo-hah, or demonstration of joy.
The women, who are on all occasions slaves to their husbands, were
ordered to make up bark huts, which they completed in about an hour, and
every thing was got in order for merriment. The rum being taken from my
house, was carried to their wigwaum, and they began to drink. The frolic
lasted four days and nights; and notwithstanding all our precaution
(securing their guns, knives, and tomahawks) two boys were killed, and
six men wounded by three Indian women; one of the chiefs was also
murdered, which reduced me to the necessity of giving several articles
to bury with him, to complete the usual ceremony of their interment.
These frolics are very prejudicial to all parties, and put the trader to
a considerable expence, which nevertheless he cannot with safety refuse.
On the fifth day they were all sober, and expressed great sorrow for
their conduct, lamenting bitterly the loss of their friends.
On the 26th of October they departed for the hunt, which gave us great
satisfaction, as we had scarcely rested during their abode with {57} us.
When they got into their canoes, they sung the dead war
song.—“_Wabindam, Kitchee Mannitoo, haguarmissey hapitch
neatissum_:”—or, “Master of Life, view me well, you have given me
courage to open my veins.”
Having piled the winter’s firing at a convenient distance from the house
to prevent accidents, we prepared the nets for fishing. The ice was
three feet thick, and the snow very deep; this we were obliged to clear
away, before we could cut holes in which to put our nets. For the space
of two months we had uncommon success, having caught about eighteen
thousand weight of fish, which we hung up by the tails across sticks to
freeze, and then laid them up for store. This was to us an important
acquisition, as fishing in the middle of winter is precarious, and the
return of the Indians to supply the wants of the traders very uncertain.
In summer the fishers go up the lakes, as well as rivers, and are
generally most successful at the foot of a deep stream, or the mouth of
a creek. In the beginning of winter they cut a large opening, and set
nets. In the depth of winter they make a small hole, in which they
angle; and sometimes they cut two holes in a right line through the ice,
and pass a line at the end of a stick from hole to hole, by which they
haul the net under the ice, frequently with good success. In winter,
fishing is the daily employ of half the men, though in very severe
weather it is a fatiguing service.
In the beginning of January, 1778, our provisions run short, having
nothing left but some spawn of fish, which we beat up with {58} warm
water and lived upon. The intense severity of the weather would not
allow us to look after the nets; and although thus distressed for want
of better food, we were obliged to stay at home, keeping a large fire,
and lying almost continually on our blankets, which weakened us
exceedingly. Having remained in this inactive state for some time, and
hunger pressing hard, I roused myself, and proposed to my men to make
marten traps, which they went about with the utmost cheerfulness. When
they had finished a sufficient number, they set them in the woods, at
the distance of about two miles from the house. While they were employed
in this service, I was left alone, it being necessary for some one to
remain, in case of the arrival of Savages. The first day my men were
successful, and returned with two racoons, three hares, and four
musquashes; on these we feasted the next day; and though we were not
satisfied, they proved a seasonable relief, and enabled us to pursue the
business we were engaged in with greater spirits, fondly expecting more
prosperous days.
In a little time we were again destitute, and the men became
disheartened; this induced me to propose a journey to Lake Manontoye,
where we knew Mr. Shaw,[57] a brother trader, had wintered, to endeavour
to procure some wild rice, which the Indians told me grew in the swamps
at that place. The Canadians approved of the plan, and said they hoped
they should be able to provide for their subsistence till my return.
Previous to my departure, we were compelled to kill a favourite dog,
belonging to Joseph Boneau, one of my people, which most sensibly
affected us, because, independent of the attachment we had towards him,
he was a very useful animal. The next morning I put on my snow shoes,
and persuaded an Indian and his wife, who were with {59} me
occasionally, and had accidentally come in from the hunt with six hares,
to accompany me, promising them payment in rum at my return: they agreed
to go, and it was very fortunate they did, as I could not have found the
way without a guide.
We set off with the six hares, and travelled four days without killing
any thing; this was a disappointment, but with the little stock we
carried with us, we subsisted tolerably well. About an hour before
sunset on the fourth day, we stopped at a small creek, which was too
deep to be forded, and whilst the Indian was assisting me in making a
raft to cross over, rather than swim through in such cold weather,
against a strong current, I looked round, and missed his wife: I was
rather displeased, as the sun was near setting, and I was anxious to
gain the opposite shore, to encamp before dark. I asked the Indian where
she was gone; he smiled, and told me, he supposed into the woods to set
a collar for a partridge. In about an hour she returned with a newborn
infant in her arms, and coming up to me, said in Chippeway, “_Oway
Saggonash Payshik Shomagonish_,” or, “Here, Englishman, is a young
warrior.” It is said that the Indian women bring forth children with
very little pain, but I believe it is merely an opinion. It is true they
are strong and hardy, and will support fatigue to the moment of their
delivery; but this does not prove they are exempt from the common
feelings of the sex on such trying occasions. A young woman of the Rat
Nation has been known to be in labour a day and a night, without a
groan. The force of example acting upon their pride, will not allow
these poor creatures to betray a weakness, or express the pain they
feel, probably lest the husband should think her unworthy of his future
attention, and despise both mother and child: at any rate, he would tell
her the infant, {60} if a boy, would never be a warrior; and if a girl,
would have a dastardly spirit, and of course neither of them be fit for
a Savage life.
I believe it will not be disputed that the Indian women love their
children with as much affection as parents in the most civilized states
can boast; many proofs might be adduced to support this assertion. A
mother suckles her child till it attains the age of four or five years,
and sometimes till it is six or seven. From their infant state they
endeavour to promote an independent spirit; they are never known either
to beat or scold them, lest the martial disposition which is to adorn
their future life and character, should be weakened: on all occasions
they avoid every thing compulsive, that the freedom with which they wish
them to think and act may not be controuled. If they die, they lament
their death with unfeigned tears, and even for months after their
decease will weep at the graves of their departed children. The nation
of Savages called Biscatonges, or by the French, Pleureurs, are said to
weep more bitterly at the birth of a child, than at its decease; because
they look upon death only as a journey from whence he will return, but
with regard to his birth, they consider it as an entrance into a life of
perils and misfortunes.[58]
As soon as a child is born, if in summer, the mother goes into the
water, and immerses the infant; as soon as this is done, it is wrapped
up in a small blanket, and tied to a flat board, covered with dry moss,
in the form of the bottom of a coffin, with a hoop over the top, where
the head lies, to preserve it from injury. In winter it is clad in skins
as well as blankets. In the heat of summer gauze is thrown over the
young Savage, to keep off the musquitoes, which are very troublesome
{61} in the woods. The board, on which the child is placed, is slung to
the mother’s forehead with a broad worsted belt, and rests against her
back.
When the French took possession of Canada, the women had neither linen,
nor swaddling cloaths; all their childbed furniture consisted of a kind
of trough, filled with dry rotten wood dust, which is as soft as the
finest down, and well calculated to imbibe the moisture of the infant;
on this the child was placed, covered with rich furs, and tied down with
strong leather strings. The dust was changed as often as necessary, till
the child was weaned.[59]
Among the Indians who are in any degree civilized, the women feed their
children with pap made of Indian corn and milk, if it can be obtained;
but in the parts more northern, and remote from Europeans, wild rice and
oats are substituted, which being cleansed from the husk, and pounded
between two stones, are boiled in water with maple sugar: this food is
reckoned very nourishing, and with broth made from the flesh of animals
and fish, which they are frequently able to procure, cannot fail of
supporting and strengthening the infant. Among several of the tribes of
Indians, pap is made of sagavite, from a root they call toquo, of the
bramble kind; this is washed and dried, afterwards ground, or pounded,
and made into a paste, which being baked is pleasant to the taste, but
of a very astringent quality. It is their common bread.
On our arrival at Lac Eturgeon, as the weather was bad, we encamped
three days, which gave me an opportunity of making some observations
{62} on this Lake, which I could not do when I passed it in my way to
Lac la Mort.
This Lake, by the Indian accounts, is about five days journey by water:
the width in some parts is about thirty miles. There are a number of
small islands on it which abound with hares, partridges, and wild fowl.
The Indians who frequent it are the Hawoyzask or Musquash, who speak the
Chippeway language. They are usually more stationary than the generality
of the Chippeways; they seldom leave the inlands, and are excellent
hunters. Mr. Carver, in his chart, points out a village leading to
Riviére St. Croix, which he says belongs to the roving Chippeways; but I
believe all the nation, with very few exceptions, may be called rovers
in the strictest sense of the word.[60]
The first day of our encampment we killed a hare, made fish-hooks of the
thigh bones, and baited them with the flesh. The lines were made of the
bark of the willow tree cut into slips, and twisted hard together.
Success crowned our endeavours, for we not only caught sufficient for
present use, but enough for the remainder of the journey to Lake
Manontoye.
The day before our arrival we killed two otters, which I intended as a
present to Mr. Shaw, not doubting but any animal food would be
acceptable from the severity of the season, concluding that his
situation was as bad as our own, except in the article of wild oats.
When arrived within about six miles of the lake, we met a small party of
Indians, who alarmed us by an account of a dreadful confusion among
their tribe, occasioned by the Hudson’s Bay Savages having killed three
of their {63} band; and they said they believed Mr. Shaw had fallen a
sacrifice to their fury, as they had heard them consult together to
plunder the trader. They lamented exceedingly their inability to assist
him, not being even strong enough to resent their own personal injury;
however, they promised to accompany me on the way, as near to Mr. Shaw’s
house as their safety would admit.
Having taken refreshment, we pursued our journey till within two miles
of the house, when they thought it prudent to leave me, and wishing me
success, retired into the woods, out of the track, to avoid being seen,
where they promised to stay till my return. My Indian and his wife did
not choose to proceed any farther, being also afraid of the Hudson’s Bay
Savages. I confess my situation was very unpleasant, and I debated in my
mind what steps to take to attempt the relief of a brother trader, and
at the same time avoid injury myself. Relying on my usual success in
suppressing these kind of tumults occasioned by intoxication, and
conscious that I knew as well as any man the nature of the Indians when
under its pernicious influence, I did not doubt, however unsuccessful my
endeavours might prove as to rescuing Mr. Shaw from his perilous
situation, but that I should certainly be able to effect an escape
myself in case of an attack; and as one favourable suggestion frequently
gives birth to another, and establishes by degrees a confidence in the
mind, I anticipated Mr. Shaw’s delivery to my entire satisfaction.
Fortified by these flattering hopes, I determined to exert my best and
speediest endeavours in his behalf, and pursued my journey without
delay. When I arrived within a quarter of a mile of the scene of
discord, I heard the war-hoop in a manner very loud and clamorous; and
though I had been accustomed {64} to such sounds, I was very much
alarmed, and felt my resolution rather staggered; sensible that the rage
of drunken Indians, when it has risen to a certain pitch, knows no
bounds, and of the extreme difficulty of reconciling them to any person
to whom they had unfortunately taken a dislike. Animated, however, with
the idea of behaving like a warrior, and recurring to the time when I
was adopted at Pays Plat, I conceived it unmanly to shrink from danger,
and pushing through the woods, had soon a full view of the infernal
spirits, for I could give them no better name.
I lay some minutes in ambush, listening with great attention, till I
heard one of them cry out in the Chippeway language, “_Haguarmissey
mornooch gunnisar Cushecance_;” or, “I do not mean to kill the _Cat_;”
which was a name given to Mr. Shaw by the Indians, from his speaking in
a feeble voice. This convinced me he was alive, though in imminent
danger. I made all possible haste up to the house, and found the
Savages, both men and women, completely drunk. The huts had been knocked
down, the canoes adrift, and the whole formed the most dreadful scene of
confusion I had ever beheld. There were also an old Indian and a woman,
who I afterwards learned was his mother, lying dead upon the snow by the
lake side. I made several efforts to get into the house, but was
prevented by the Savages, who kept me back, kissing me, and telling me
they loved me, but that I must not attempt to relieve the _Cat_. At
last, with inconceivable difficulty, I persuaded them to attend to me,
and felt the most extreme satisfaction in having succeeded, at least so
far, in an attempt which would have been dangerous to any one to have
undertaken who was not fully master of the language and character of the
Savages, and {65} at the same time cool and dispassionate enough to hear
their nonsense with patience and temper.
I then addressed myself to the most sober of the chiefs, and inquired of
him the cause of the dispute; he told me Mr. Shaw was a _dog_ instead of
a _cat_, for that he had refused them rum; and that though he and the
rest of the tribe were happy to see me, because they had heard I always
had a good heart towards the Savages, I should not go in to assist the
trader, for they were the masters of the wigwaum, and not he, and that
they were resolved to have all the rum in his possession before break of
day.
Mr. Shaw’s house might very properly be styled a fort, being secured by
high pickets, which made it difficult for the Indians to approach it,
and he had taken the precaution to fasten the outer gate as well as the
door. I told the chief it was not my intention to interfere, that I
passed accidentally in my way to Lac le Rouge, and should only stay to
refresh myself. This information pleased him exceedingly, as he knew Mr.
Shaw had only one man in the house, the rest, with the interpreter,
being out in search of provisions, so that at my departure there would
not remain force sufficient to obstruct their proceedings. I perceived
them so fully bent on accomplishing their purpose, that had I betrayed
the least intention or inclination to relieve the unhappy man, I should
most probably have been dispatched without much ceremony. The effects of
the rum they had already drank, had so elevated their spirits, that
nothing less than the full possession of the whole stock would satisfy
them; and I am persuaded that if half of them had perished, the rest
would without hesitation have risked their lives in the attempt. To
avoid all suspicion, {66} which would probably have been fatal both to
Mr. Shaw and myself, I left the chief, and watched an opportunity of
returning undiscovered. Fortunately the Indians had not drank all the
rum Mr. Shaw had given them, and the chief as soon as I had left him
went back to his hut to increase his intoxication, and communicate the
conversation which passed between us, the rest of the band having
retired soon after the conference began.
Observing the coast clear, I walked unobserved to the fort, and spoke
loud both in French and English: Mr. Shaw and his man heard me, and
recollecting my voice, were transported beyond measure. The man, who was
a Canadian, was most delighted, as his fears were very strong, it being
the first year he had wintered among the Savages. On my approach, I
heard him cry out with the greatest vehemence, “_Mon Dieu! que je suis
content! Nôtre ami est arrivé, autrement nous serions foutu. Je conte
assurément, que nous serons bientôt libre, mon cher bourgeois._” He
instantly opened the gate; I entered precipitately, and congratulated
him on the prospect of counteracting the designs of the Indians, being
resolved to exert my best endeavours, and to live or die with them. Mr.
Shaw thanked me for my professions of friendship, and immediately gave
me a concise account of the disturbance. He said the Hudson’s Bay
Indians had come to him with very little peltry, and after trading for
it, he had given them more rum than they had any right to expect; that
instead of being content with this, they insisted on more; that in a fit
of intoxication they had killed an Indian and his mother; and had
attempted to set fire to his house with punk wood, which they shot at it
lighted, fixed to the points of arrows. Having heard his story, I
encouraged him to keep up his spirits, and advised {67} him, when the
Indians returned to execute their purpose, to appear indifferent to
their menaces.
Whilst we were in deep discourse, I discovered three chiefs at a small
distance from the house, in very earnest conversation, and was convinced
they were devising some scheme to effect their design. As they
approached, I called to them, and desired them to come into the house:
they immediately advanced, and walked in one by one, with looks of
treachery, which the earnestness of the business to be executed would
not allow them to conceal. I talked to them without the least reserve,
and in apparent good temper: I asked them if they were sober; but before
they could give me an answer, the rest of the band came to the door, but
did not enter; the head chief then told me they were very sober, and
expressed great concern for their conduct, but that now the strong water
had lost its influence, they saw their folly, and were sure the bad
spirit had left their hearts.
I told them the Master of Life was angry with them, and that they did
not deserve success in hunting, for their bad behaviour to the trader,
who had been a kind father to them, and supplied all their wants. I then
presented them with some tobacco to smoke in council, which was well
received, and looking earnestly at the chief, addressed the band to the
following effect.
“_Keennerwind Ojemar woke, kee wabindan indenendum kee kee noneydone
Kitchee Mannitoo, ojey candan opin weene aighter ojey petoone nowwetting
guyack debarchemon kaygait nin oathty hapadgey nee woke keennerwind
equoy kee janis goyer metach nogome gudderbarchemon_ {68} _hunjyta O,
nishshishshin artawway winnin kaygait nee zargetoone artawway winnin
metach kakaygo arwayyor Matchee Mannitoo, guyyack neennerwind oathty
mornooch kee appay omar neegee_.”
“You chiefs, and others of the tribe whose eyes are open, I hope you
will give ear to the words of my mouth. The Master of Life has opened my
brain, and made my breath blow good words. My heart feels for you, your
wives, and children; and what I now speak proceeds from the root of my
friend’s sentiments, who owns this house, and who has told me that his
heart was opened to you on your arrival; but notwithstanding his
kindness, the bad spirit got possession of you, which made him very
unhappy, though he hoped the Master of Life would change your
dispositions, and make you good Indians, as you used to be.” To this
speech one of the chiefs made answer:
“_Kaygait Amik, kee aighter annaboycassey omar hapadgey; O,
nishshishshin kee debarchemon nogome neennerwind ojey stootewar
cockinnor nee doskeennerwaymug kee debwoye neecarnis hapadgey sannegat
neennerwind ha nishinnorbay kaygwotch annaboycassey ozome Scuttaywabo
ojey minniquy neennerwind angaymer Amik, shashyyea suggermarsh cockinnor
nogome mornooch toworch payshik muccuk Scuttaywabo ojey bockettynan
Cushshecance warbunk keejayp neennerwind ojey boossin;—haw, haw, haw._”
“It is true, Beaver, you have strong sense, it sweetens your words to
us, and we all understand you. We know, friend, your lips open with
truth. It is very hard for us Indians, who have not the sense of the
white people to know when we have had enough of the strong {69} fiery
water; but we hope the _Cat_ will throw off the film from his heart, as
ours are clear: we also hope he will open his heart once more, and give
us a small keg of the strong water, to drink to the health of our
brother and sister, whom we have sent to the far country, and to-morrow
at break of day we will depart.”
Mr. Shaw, by my advice, promised to comply with their request, on
condition of their being true to their engagements, and that they should
forbear even tasting the rum while they remained on the ground. This
determination I acquainted them with, and they retired to their huts,
leaving us in quiet possession of the fort.
The Indians remained quiet all night, which induced me to hope that my
promise of rum to them, on their departure, had accomplished the desired
effect: but I flattered myself too much, as the storm was not yet even
at the height. At break of day they assembled, and asked for the rum,
which was immediately given them; and they got into their canoes, and
went off without burying their dead. This being very uncustomary,
alarmed me, as no people are more particular in paying the greatest
respect to the remains of the deceased. Suspecting the bad spirit was
still in them, and that they were only gone a short distance to drink
the rum, we prepared for an attack, loading twenty eight northwest guns,
and a brace of pistols, and sat down by the fire expecting their return
to compleat the design my fortunate arrival had hitherto prevented. In
about an hour they returned very much intoxicated, singing their dead
war songs, and every warrior naked, painted black from head to foot: as
they approached the house in Indian file, each one repeated the
following words; “_Mornooch toworch gunnesar_ {70} _cushshecance
neennerwind ojey dependan O wakaygan_:” or, “Nevertheless we do not mean
to kill the Cat, we only own this fort, and all that is in it.”
Whilst they were singing, we were preparing our guns, and placing them
so as to be ready for immediate use, if necessary; being determined to
make a vigorous resistance, although there remained only Mr. Shaw and
myself, the Canadian having fled to the woods.
I assumed the character of commander in chief, and desired Mr. Shaw to
obey my orders implicitly, and by no means to fire till I gave the
signal; well knowing that the death of one of the Savages, even in our
own defence, would so exasperate the rest that there would not be a
possibility of escaping their fury. As our situation was truly critical,
we acted with as much coolness as men devoted to destruction could. A
fortunate thought came into my head, which I instantly put in practice:
I went into the store, and rolling a barrel of gunpowder into the outer
room, knocked out the head. I had scarcely finished it, before the
Savages arrived, and advancing to the door, armed with spears and
tomahawks, said to each other, “_keen etam_,” or, “you go first.” We
stood ready to receive them, and gave them to understand we were not
afraid of them. One of the band entered the house, and I said to him
sternly, “_Ha wa neyoe shemagonish equoy kee tertennin marmo?_” or, “Who
now among you old women is a brave soldier?” and immediately pointing my
pistol cocked to the barrel of gunpowder, cried out with great emphasis,
“_Cockinnor marmo neepoo no gome_;” or, “We will all die this day.” On
hearing these words they ran from the door, crying, “_Kitchee Mannitoo
ojey petoone Amik O mushkowar haguarmissey yang_:” {71} or, “The Master
of Life has given the Beaver great strength and courage.” The women fled
with the utmost precipitation, pushed their canoes into the water, and
got off as fast as they could: the men, who before were intoxicated,
became sober, and making as much haste as possible, paddled to an island
opposite the house. Soon after a canoe came on shore with six women, to
endeavour to make up the breach; but I refused all reconciliation,
telling them that they might have known me before; that my name was
Beaver; that all the Indians knew me to be a warrior; and that my heart
was not easily melted. The women immediately returned, carrying with
them the dead, which satisfied me they did not intend to trouble us
again.
Thus, by an happy presence of mind, we were saved from almost inevitable
destruction, and probably from ending our lives under the most
excruciating torture.
It may not be improper to observe the necessity there is for a trader to
be cool, firm, and, in case of emergency, brave, but not rash or hasty.
The Indians are just observers of the human mind, and easily discover
true from affected courage, by that apparent tranquillity which clearly
distinguishes the former from the latter. It is well known that no
people in the world put courage to so severe a trial, and watch at the
executions of their enemies with such savage curiosity, the effects of
the tortures they inflict; even the women exult in proportion to the
agony betrayed by the unhappy sufferer; though it frequently happens
thro’ the same spirit operating on both parties, that the most
excruciating torments cannot extort a sigh. An example or two from Mr.
Adair’s History of the American Indians, will shew the firmness of an
Indian {72} mind, and prove beyond a doubt that such anecdotes are not
exaggerated. Truth should be the standard of history, and guide the pen
of every author who values his reputation.
Some years ago the Shawano Indians being obliged to remove from their
habitations, in their way took a Muskohge warrior, known by the name of
old _Scrany_, prisoner; they bastinadoed him severely, and condemned him
to the fiery torture. He underwent a great deal without shewing any
concern; his countenance and behaviour were as if he suffered not the
least pain. He told his persecutors with a bold voice, that he was a
warrior; that he had gained most of his martial reputation at the
expence of their nation, and was desirous of shewing them, in the act of
dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headed his
gallant countrymen against them: that although he had fallen into their
hands, and forfeited the protection of the divine power by some impurity
or other, when carrying the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies,
yet he had so much remaining virtue as would enable him to punish
himself more exquisitely than all their despicable ignorant crowd
possibly could; and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty by
untying him, and handing him one of the red hot gun-barrels out of the
fire. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared so exceedingly
bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then suddenly seizing
one end of the red hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side, he
forced his way through the armed and surprised multitude, leaped down a
prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of the river, dived through
it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a
shower of bullets; and though numbers of his enemies were in close
pursuit of him, he got into a bramble swamp, {73} through which, though
naked and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country.
The Shawano Indians also captured a warrior of the Anantoocah nation,
and put him to the stake, according to their usual cruel solemnities:
having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told them, with scorn,
they did not know how to punish a noted enemy; therefore he was willing
to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if they
allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and
some tobacco, which was given him; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat
down, naked as he was, on the women’s burning torches, that were within
his circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least
discomposure: on this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain
enough that he was a warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he
have died, only that he was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it
by their laws; however, though he was a very dangerous enemy, and his
nation a treacherous people, it should be seen that they paid a regard
to bravery, even in one who was marked with war streaks at the cost of
many of the lives of their beloved kindred; and then, by way of favour,
he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his pains.
Though the merciful but bloody instrument was ready some minutes before
it gave the blow, yet I was assured, the spectators could not perceive
the sufferer to change either his posture or his steadiness of
countenance in the least.
Death, among the Indians, in many situations is rather courted than
dreaded, and particularly at an advanced period of life, when they {74}
have not strength or activity to hunt: the father then solicits to
change his climate, and the son cheerfully acts the part of an
executioner, putting a period to his parent’s existence.
Among the northern Chippeways, when the father of a family seems
reluctant to comply with the usual custom, and his life becomes
burdensome to himself and friends, and his children are obliged to
maintain him with the labour of their hands, they propose to him the
alternative, either to be put on shore on some island, with a small
canoe and paddles, bows and arrows, and a bowl to drink out of, and
there run the risk of starving; or to suffer death according to the laws
of the nation, manfully. As there are few instances where the latter is
not preferred, I shall relate the ceremony practised on such an
occasion.
A sweating house is prepared in the same form as at the ceremony of
adoption, and whilst the person is under this preparatory trial, the
family are rejoicing that the Master of Life has communicated to them
the knowledge of disposing of the aged and infirm, and sending them to a
better country, where they will be renovated, and hunt again with all
the vigour of youth. They then smoke the pipe of peace, and have their
dog feast: they also sing the grand medicine song, as follows.
“_Wa haguarmissey Kitchee Mannitoo kaygait cockinnor nishinnorbay ojey
kee candan hapadgey kee zargetoone nishinnorbay mornooch kee tarpenan
nocey keen aighter, O, dependan nishinnorbay, mornooch towwarch weene
ojey mishcoot pockcan tunnockay._—The Master of Life gives courage. It
is true, all Indians know that he loves us, and {75} we now give our
father to him, that he may find himself young in another country, and be
able to hunt.”
The songs and dances are renewed, and the eldest son gives his father
the death-stroke with a tomahawk: they then take the body, which they
paint in the best manner, and bury it with the war weapons, making a
bark hut to cover the grave, to prevent the wild animals from disturbing
it.
Thus do the unenlightened part of mankind assume a privilege of
depriving each other of life, when it can no longer be supported by the
labour of their own hands, and think it a duty to put a period to the
existence of those to whom they are indebted for their own, and employ
those arms to give the fatal stroke, which, in more civilized countries,
would have been exerted for their support.
I remained with Mr. Shaw until the return of his men, and took an Indian
slay, loaded with wild rice and dried meat, and two of his Canadians to
assist me. In my way I called at the place where I left the Indians who
communicated to me the first account of the tumult at Mr. Shaw’s but
they were gone. My Indian and his wife waited for me, and were rejoiced
to see me again. On my return to Lac la Mort, I found all my men in good
health and spirits, having been well supplied with provisions by the
Savages, during my absence, and had increased my stock of peltry by
barter. Mr. Shaw’s men rested at my house one night, and the next
morning set off for Manontoye.
{76} _Indian Manner of going to War, &c._
Lake Manontoye, where Mr. Shaw wintered, is not so large as Lac
Eturgeon: it abounds with excellent fish and wild fowl; and oats, rice,
and cranberries, grow spontaneously in the swamps. There are very few
islands on it. There are about three hundred of the Chippeway nation who
resort to it; they are very wild, and delight in war, which they
sometimes wage against the Sioux, on the Mississippi; and they are
frequently absent from their families fifteen months, scarce ever
returning without a prisoner or a scalp.[61]
It is very strange that the thirst of blood should stimulate the human
mind to traverse such an amazing extent of country, suffering
inexpressible hardships, and uncertain of success, to gratify a passion,
which none but an infernal spirit could suggest; and when success has
crowned his labours, that he should return with inconceivable
satisfaction, and relate the transactions of his journey, with the
greatest exultation, smiling at the relation of agonies which he alone
occasioned. The most dreadful acts of a maniac cannot exceed such
cruelty: happy those, who enjoy the benefits of society, whose
civilization, and whose laws protect them from such detestable outrages.
Previous to their going to war, the head chief calls a council, and each
chief has a belt of wampum, and a war pipe: the belt to remind {77} them
of former transactions relative to the nation they intend to commence
hostilities against, and the pipe to smoke at the council fire. When
they have determined to make war, they send the belts and pipes to their
enemies; and if a similar compliment is returned, they instantly prepare
for blood, with the most steady and determined resolution.
The novel of Emily Montague affords a striking example of this strong
propensity for blood, which I shall relate in the author’s own words.
“A Jesuit missionary told me a story on this subject, which one cannot
hear without horror. An Indian woman with whom he lived on his mission,
was feeding her children, when her husband brought in an English
prisoner; she immediately cut off his arm, and gave her children the
streaming blood to drink. The Jesuit remonstrated on the cruelty of the
action; on which, looking sternly at him—I would have them warriors,
said she, and therefore feed them with the food of men.”
When I was at Cataraqui, the capital of the Loyalist settlements in
Canada, a party of Mohawks and Messesawgers accidentally met, and having
bartered their skins and peltry with the traders, sat themselves down to
drink the rum their merchandize had produced. As the liquor began to
operate, their imaginations suggested to them that they were of
different nations, and as the Mohawks always claimed a superiority,
intoxication made them proud: at last a dispute arose, and a Messesawger
Indian was killed, and his heart taken out, which the {78} Mohawks
intended to have broiled, but they were prevented by a gentleman who
accidentally passed by their hut, and prevailed upon them to give it up.
It seems to be the constant attention both of the male and female part
of the Indians to instil ideas of heroism into the minds of the rising
generation, and these impressions they carry far beyond the line of
reason or of justice. Is it then surprising that every action of their
lives should tend to satisfy their thirst for revenging offences
committed against them, and that these sentiments should operate so
powerfully in directing their future conduct? There is, nevertheless,
one exception to these observations—their conduct to traders, who are
obliged on some occasions, when intoxication runs high, to beat them
very soundly;—to their credit, in these instances, I must confess I
never knew them to resent this severity when sober. The only remark they
have made has been—“Friend, you beat me very severely last night—but I
do not mind, I suppose I deserved it—it was the liquor made me offend.”
Or if they betray any dissatisfaction, one glass of rum will reconcile
all differences. With regard to severity when they are perfectly sober,
I am convinced it would be highly dangerous, and should be cautiously
avoided.
But although they often express these blood-thirsty sentiments, and too
frequently put them in execution, yet there are occasions when they
exercise both temper and reason.
When I was at Pimistiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario, I had a large
dog, to protect myself and property; an Indian came in rather {79} in
liquor to ask for rum, and probably might strike the animal; the dog
instantly seized him by the calf of the leg, and wounded him dreadfully.
He returned to his hut, and made no complaint till the next morning,
when he desired to speak with me: I went to him, and he told me how the
dog had used him, saying, he hoped I would give him a pair of leggons,
to supply those which the dog had torn; but that with regard to his leg,
he did not trouble himself much about that, as he knew it would soon be
well. I immediately granted his request, and added a bottle of rum, with
which he seemed well pleased, and I heard no more of it.
But to return to the subject of going to war. The women and children
sometimes go forward in their canoes singing the war songs, and encamp
every evening at sunset, having a great dislike to travelling in the
dark. Forty-eight young warriors are placed, in four divisions, to keep
guard at night, armed with guns, bows and arrows, and some scotté
wigwas, or fire bark, to light in case of sudden surprise.
This bark is taken from the birch tree, and being properly dried, is
used by the Indians to light them to spear fish: it is fixed on a stick
about seven feet long, and either put at the head of the canoe, or
carried by the person who attends upon the man that spears, and whose
business it is also to steer the canoe.
At day break the Indians depart, and pursue their journey regardless of
the weather, till they arrive in the enemy’s country, when the utmost
precaution is adopted that it is possible for human invention to
suggest.
{80} When war is made against the Mississippi Indians, they endeavour to
kill the men and women, and bring away the children to dispose of to the
traders, who send them down to Montreal for servants. The boys are not
so much to be depended upon as the girls, being more stubborn, and
naturally disdaining the idea of slavery; they are also full of pride
and resentment, and will not hesitate to kill their masters in order to
gratify their revenge for a supposed injury. The girls are more docile,
and assimilate much sooner with the manners of civilization. Being
unaccustomed to domestic life, they are at first sick and unhealthy; but
the change soon becomes familiar to them, and they then prefer it to the
uncultivated manner of living in which they were brought up.[62]
A few days after my return to Lac la Mort, a band of Savages arrived
from the Red Lake, called by the Indians, _Misqui Sakiegan_, and some
from Lake Shabeechevan, or the Weed Lake, about five days march beyond
Lake Manontoye. Red Lake is so called on account of a remarkable
circumstance which happened to two famous warriors of the Chippeway
nation, who were hunting by the lake side, and as they were looking out
for game, perceived at some distance an enormous beast, that appeared
much larger than any animal they had ever seen; his pace was slow and
heavy, and he kept constantly by the water side. They followed him as
close as they thought prudent, determined at all hazards to use their
best endeavours to kill him. As they approached, they had a clearer
view, and discovered that his body was covered with something like moss;
this increased their surprise, and after consulting together, they
continued advancing towards the beast, and fired large shot, without
appearing to make any impression. They {81} fired again with as little
effect as before; then retreated some distance, sat down and sung their
war songs, addressing themselves to the Master of Life, and desiring his
assistance to enable them to conquer it, as they believed it to be the
_Matchee Mannitoo_, or bad spirit, in the shape of this monster. They
then got up and pursued him, both firing at the same time: the shot
proved successful, and caused the animal to turn round, which induced
them to keep up their fire till the beast jumped into the water, and
they lost sight of him. From the circumstance of his blood dyeing the
water red, this lake has ever since been called the Red Lake.
Fish is caught here in great abundance, and wild rice grows in very
great plenty in the swamps. The country likewise abounds with all sorts
of animals for hunting. There are several rivers and falls of water on
the northwest part. The Indians are very fond of fishing and hunting
here during the winter season, as they are generally very successful
even in the most severe weather. From Red Lake to Lake le Sel, or Salt
Lake, by the Indian accounts, there are fourteen short portages, and
twenty-two creeks. Lake le Sel is very small, and the water shallow and
muddy. It does not exceed three miles in length. There are few fish
except eels, cat fish, and pike; but it abounds with musquashes and wild
fowl. From this lake to Lake Caribou, or Rein deer Lake, is eight days
march across five creeks and three portages.
Lake Caribou, or, in the Indian language, _Ateeque_, is about thirty
miles long, with several small islands, resembling the Mille Isles, in
the River St. Laurence, above Montreal. The water is deep and clear,
{82} and the bottom hard. It abounds with large trout, white fish,
pickerill, pike, and sturgeon. It is surrounded by a chain of high
mountains. Some years ago a French trader settled here, but of late it
has been deserted. The Indians reckon it ten days march to Lake
Schabeechevan, across thirteen portages, and as many creeks; but as I
wintered here the following year, though I went to it by a different
track, I shall not describe it till I give an account of the occurrences
of that time. From Lake Schabeechevan to Lake Arbitibis are three small
lakes, eight creeks, and five portages. Lake Arbitibis is very large,
and the surrounding land rocky and mountainous. This Lake furnishes the
Indians with fish and wild fowl. The aquatic race abound in this part of
the world, doubtless so appointed for the support of the numerous tribes
of Savages, who are obliged to resort to the lakes for food. At the
northern extremity of this Lake is a large fall of water, which flows
from a river whose current is rapid for about twenty miles. On this
river there are also dangerous rapids; the land upon its banks is low,
and the beach sandy. From Lake Arbitibis to Crow’s Nest Lake, called by
the Indians, _Cark Cark Sakiegan_, is a short distance. The utmost
circumference of Crow’s Nest Lake scarcely exceeds two leagues, and is
only remarkable for a small island in the middle, with about forty high
palm trees, where the crows build their nests, which is called _Cark
Cark Minnesey_. The fish in this Lake are very indifferent, being mostly
of the sword-fish kind, which the Indians seldom eat. From this Lake is
a long portage, and about half way a high mountain. At the end of the
carrying place is a river called _Cark Cark Seepi_, or Crows’ River,
which runs with a strong current for about thirty miles, from
_Neeshshemaince Sakiegan_, or the Lake of the Two Sisters; so called
from the meeting of two currents, which form one grand discharge into
{83} the lake. The Hudson’s Bay Indians hunt here with great success. At
the end is a carrying place about a quarter of a mile long, that leads
to a remarkably narrow river, which runs with a strong current for about
fifty leagues: the land on each side being very high, makes the
navigation dark. The Indians in going up this river travel as light as
possible, to enable them to combat the strong current. The Hudson’s Bay
Company are supplied with a considerable quantity of peltry from this
river.
As the description of this country, hitherto so little explored, is a
principal part of what I intended in this publication, I have described
it either from my own knowledge, or the most authentic information I was
able to procure from the Savages. In this respect I have followed
Carver, who on his arrival at the grand portage, met a large party of
Killistinoe and Assinipoil Indians, from whom he received accounts of
several lakes and rivers, which he describes agreeable to the
information he obtained.
It is necessary to observe, that though the Indians are very expert in
delineating countries upon bark, with wood coal mixed with bears’
grease, and which even the women do with great precision, the length of
a day’s march is very uncertain, and consequently cannot afford any
geographical information. This remark, I trust, will be found to want no
farther proof than the consideration that their drafts consist
principally of lakes and rivers, as they seldom travel much by land; and
when their track over land is described, it is perhaps only a short
portage which they cross, in order again to pursue their journey on
their favourite element. But as few persons will probably read this
account {84} with a view of going into this country, the description I
have been able to give will be sufficient for the generality of my
readers. I lament exceedingly my inability to make this work more
perfect, but trust that it will be found highly useful to those whose
avocations may induce them to have recourse to it for information and
guidance in commercial pursuits. If an Indian goes with the stream, or
against it, from sunrise to sunset, it is called a day’s march. This
uncertainty makes it very difficult for any one who travels as a trader
to ascertain any thing more than the Indian distance from one lake to
another. As Mr. Carver, in his map, says that the branches which run
from Riviére St. Louis, at the end of West Bay, in Lake Superior, are
but little known, I can with equal propriety observe that those from
Lake Alemipigon, or Nipegon, both east and west, are very difficult to
describe geographically. The known candour of my countrymen, will, I am
persuaded, pardon any errors of this sort, as I can assure them I have
exerted my best endeavours to render the description of places, with
respect to distances and situation, as clear as possible, which the
chart I hope will more fully explain.[63]
{85} _Further Transactions with the Indians; their Superstition,
Jealousy, &c._
Having given an account of the different lakes, rivers, &c. from Lac la
Mort, I shall continue the narrative from my return from Lake Manontoye,
where I relieved Mr. Shaw.
A few days after, another band of Savages arrived with skins, furs, and
some provisions; they stayed with me two days, making merry with what
rum I could spare them, without doing any mischief, and departed at last
very peaceably. On the twenty-third of February another band came in,
consisting of about eighty, men, women, and children, who brought dried
meats, oats, bears’ grease, and eight packs of beaver, which I
purchased, giving them rum, as usual, with which they got intoxicated.
In this frolic one woman was killed, and a boy terribly burnt. On the
third day they departed, well pleased with their reception, leaving us
plenty of provisions. The weather being more moderate, I sent my men to
the lake to look after the nets, which had been under the ice a
considerable time, the severity of the season not having allowed us to
examine them for near a month, when, to our great mortification they
were found almost rotten, and not a single fish; but as one of the
Canadians could make nets as well as myself, we repaired the damage; and
caught plenty of fish to support us till April.
The severity of the season was sensibly felt by Mr. James Clark,
belonging to the same company, who had five men starved at Lake Savan,
{86} a bad lake for fish, about three hundred and fifty miles from my
wintering ground;[64] the Indians being obliged to hunt so far back in
the woods that they could not give him any assistance; and from the
concurrent accounts of the traders in the northwest, as well as from the
Savages who resorted to my house, it was the hardest winter they ever
remembered.
About this time a large band of Chippeways arrived, traded with me for
their hunt, and finished their frolic in a peaceable manner. While this
band was with me, a curious circumstance occurred, which I shall relate.
One part of the religious superstition of the Savages, consists in each
of them having his _totam_, or favorite spirit, which he believes
watches over him. This _totam_ they conceive assumes the shape of some
beast or other, and therefore they never kill, hunt, or eat the animal
whose form they think this _totam_ bears.
The evening previous to the departure of the band, one of them, whose
_totam_ was a bear, dreamed that if he would go to a piece of swampy
ground, at the foot of a high mountain, about five days march from my
wigwaum, he would see a large herd of elks, moose, and other animals;
but that he must be accompanied by at least ten good hunters. When he
awoke he acquainted the band with his dream, and desired them to go with
him: they all refused, saying it was out of their way, and that their
hunting grounds were nearer. The Indian having a superstitious reverence
for his dream (which ignorance, and the prevalence of example among the
Savages, carries to a great height), thinking himself {87} obliged to do
so, as his companions had refused to go with him, went alone, and coming
near the spot, saw the animals he dreamed of; he instantly fired, and
killed a bear. Shocked at the transaction, and dreading the displeasure
of the Master of Life, whom he conceived he had highly offended, he fell
down, and lay senseless for some time: recovering from his state of
insensibility, he got up, and was making the best of his way to my
house, when he was met in the road by another large bear, who pulled him
down, and scratched his face. The Indian relating this event at his
return, added, in the simplicity of his nature, that the bear asked him
what could induce him to kill his _totam_; to which he replied, that he
did not know he was among the animals when he fired at the herd; that he
was very sorry for the misfortune, and hoped he would have pity on him:
that the bear suffered him to depart, told him to be more cautious in
future, and acquaint all the Indians with the circumstance, that their
_totams_ might be safe, and the Master of Life not angry with them. As
he entered my house, he looked at me very earnestly, and pronounced
these words; “_Amik, hunjey ta Kitchee Annascartissey nin, O Totam,
cawwicka nee wee geossay sannegat debwoye_:”—or, “Beaver, my faith is
lost, my _totam_ is angry, I shall never be able to hunt any more.”
This idea of destiny, or, if I may be allowed the phrase,
“_totamism_,”[65] however strange, is not confined to the Savages; many
instances might be adduced from history, to prove how strong these
impressions have been on minds above the vulgar and unlearned. To
instance one, in the history of the private life of Louis the XV.
translated by Justamond, among some particulars of the life of the
famous Samuel Bernard, the Jew banker, of the court of France, he says,
that he was superstitious {88} as the people of his nation are, and had
a black hen, to which he thought his destiny was attached; he had the
greatest care taken of her, and the loss of this fowl was, in fact, the
period of his own existence, in January, 1739.
Dreams are particularly attended to by the Indians, and sometimes they
make an artful use of the veneration that is paid to them, by which they
carry a point they have in view: I shall relate an instance for the
satisfaction of the reader.
Sir William Johnson, sitting in council with a party of Mohawks, the
head chief told him, he had dreamed last night, that he had given him a
fine laced coat, and he believed it was the same he then wore; Sir
William smiled, and asked the chief if he really dreamed it; the Indian
immediately answered in the affirmative: Well then, says Sir William,
you must have it; and instantly pulled it off, and desiring the chief to
strip himself, put on him the fine coat. The Indian was highly
delighted, and when the council broke up, departed in great good humour,
crying out, _who-ah!_ which is an expression of great satisfaction among
them.
The next council which was held, Sir William told the chief that he was
not accustomed to dream, but that since he met him at the council, he
had dreamed a very surprising dream; the Indian wished to know it; Sir
William, with some hesitation, told him he had dreamed that he had given
him a tract of land on the Mohawk River to build a house on, and make a
settlement, extending about nine miles in length along the banks: the
chief smiled, and looking very cheerfully at Sir William, {89} told him,
if he really dreamed it he should have it; but that he would never dream
again with him, for he had only got a laced coat, whereas Sir William
was now entitled to a large bed, on which his ancestors had frequently
slept. Sir William took possession of the land by virtue of an Indian
deed signed by the chiefs, and gave them some rum to finish the
business.[66] It is now a considerable estate, but since the war the
Americans have deprived him of it, with all the buildings, &c. which are
very valuable. It lies on the opposite shore to the German Flats, but
the land is by no means equal in goodness with the soil there. Perhaps
no part of America produces land better calculated for cultivation than
the German Flats.
During the American war, the best Loyalist troops were collected from
the Mohawk River, and it was agreed on all hands that for steadiness,
bravery and allegiance, they were not to be excelled. Government has
done its utmost to reward many of them for their services, by giving
them land in Canada and Nova Scotia; and to those whom poverty obliged
to solicit them, implements of husbandry. They are now in a very
flourishing state, and there is no doubt but they will prove valuable
friends and supporters of Great Britain on any future emergency.
During the severe weather, I had a narrow escape from a contrivance of
the Indian who was occasionally with me, and whom I employed in hunting,
and making marten traps: this was occasioned by jealousy, on account of
his wife, who was a pretty young _Squaw_, of the Rat nation, and whom he
suspected of infidelity.
{90} Being short of provisions, and having only one faithful Canadian in
the house, except the Indian and his wife, I desired him to make a
number of marten traps, and set them in two different roads, called a
fork. Having finished about two hundred, and set them in the woods,
baited with fish heads, which these animals are very fond of, he
returned, and I gave him some rum for his trouble. Every day, for a
considerable time, he went regularly to examine them, and when
successful, was always rewarded to his satisfaction. Having been
unfortunate several days, I charged him with doing other business,
instead of examining the traps, to which he made no reply. I
communicated my suspicions to my man, and desired him to watch the
Savage. The next day the Canadian discovered him in the woods dressing
some partridges:[67] when he returned home in the evening he asked for
rum, which I refused, telling him he did not deserve any. This answer
displeased him; and looking earnestly at me, he replied, that I did not
use him well; for though he had been unsuccessful with his traps, his
trouble was the same; and that he generally found them out of order,
which obliged him to set them right, and employed him the whole day.
This excuse did not make any alteration in my conduct, and I told him
the weather was too bad to get at any rum. He then began to imagine that
I suspected him, and knew of his laziness, and immediately opened his
mind, telling me very frankly that he was jealous of me; and that his
reason for not going to examine the marten traps, was to prevent any
communication between me and his wife, which, had he been far distant
from home, might have been easily effected; and for this reason he kept
near the house to watch her, knowing that she was fond of me; but that
if I would give him some rum, to drive away the bad spirit from his
heart, he would endeavour to forget the injury I had done him.
{91} Judging it prudent to remove his suspicions, I gave him two gallons
of rum, a carrot of tobacco, a shirt, a pair of leggons, a scalping
knife, &c. and several articles to his wife. Having received the
presents, he called her to drink with him, and thank the trader with a
cheerful heart for his great kindness. When they were a little merry he
began to sing, and I heard him repeat these words: “_Mornooch Amik kee
zargetoone mentimoyamish_;” or, “I do not care though the Beaver loves
my wife.” This did not please me, as I knew his jealousy would increase
in proportion to the quantity of liquor he drank. However, I used the
utmost precaution, securing his weapons to prevent his doing me any
injury. His wife hearing him repeat the words so frequently, began to be
angry, and pulled his hair and scratched his face. I thought this a
favourable opportunity to express my dislike, and told him he was a fool
to be jealous; that I gave him the rum to drive away the bad spirit, but
it had a contrary effect; that I never wanted any thing of his wife but
to make or mend snow shoes, and always paid her for her trouble. Yes,
cries the wife, he is a fool, Beaver, and I will beat him; which she
instantly did, and cut his head with a glass bottle. I then interfered,
and parted them.
The moment I was gone, he began the old song, and continued singing till
he was sober; when getting up, he came to me and said, “Beaver, I have
seen the bad spirit in my dream, who told me that the trader had robbed
me.” Irritated at the expression, I told him his lips never spoke truth,
and that he had no sense; and thinking it right to suppress this humour,
beat him very severely. When he had recovered his reason, he said to me,
“Beaver, you have sense, though you have spotted my carcase.” I then
remonstrated with him on the great {92} folly of being jealous; but he
was sullen, and made no reply. He then called his wife, but she being
asleep did not hear him; he called a second time, and asked for his gun,
tomahawk, and scalping knife; but not receiving any answer, he was very
angry, and said to me, “Beaver, I will throw away my body;” to which I
did not think it prudent to make any reply. He then laid himself down on
the ground, and called his wife a third time. She came to him, and
observing displeasure in his countenance, told him not to be angry with
the Beaver, for he was a great warrior, and always opened his heart to
them. He ordered her to bring him a bark bowl full of water, and set it
down carefully between the Beaver’s legs. Whilst she was gone for the
water, he said to me, “Come here, Beaver, and I will shew you that I
have nothing sweet on my lips, but will speak the truth.” The wife
returned and placed the bowl of water as her husband directed; when it
had stood some time he said, “Beaver, put your finger in the water, and
let it remain till I tell you to take it out.” I obeyed him with the
utmost cheerfulness, and in a few minutes, by his desire, withdrew it.
He then said, “Beaver, you know that a husband is so called because he
is the master of weakness, and for that reason he should protect his
wife; and at the same time, you, as a trader, should not injure me: but
that I may not accuse you unjustly, I will try you by my own thoughts.
Beaver, look at my wife, and look at the water, and tell me where you
put your finger; if you cannot tell, you have certainly robbed me.” I
then put in my finger again, and pointed out the place. “No;” said he,
looking earnestly at me and his wife, “as you cannot be certain that it
is the exact place where you first put in your finger, neither can I be
certain that you have robbed me; though I as much believe it, as you do
that the place you pointed out was the exact spot.” I {93} confessed
myself surprised at his disbelief; but not willing to incense him, I
told him I was sorry he should imagine me capable of such wickedness as
to be guilty of injuring him, for my mind was as calm as the water in an
undisturbed state; and after giving him a few presents, sent them away,
injoining him to use his wife well, as she was perfectly innocent. As
they departed, he said to me smiling, “Beaver, you must get somebody
else to look after your marten traps.”
Adultery among the northern Savages is generally punished in a summary
way by the husband, who either beats his wife very severely, or bites
off her nose. It is extremely dangerous for a trader to be suspected,
for when the husband is intoxicated, his jealousy rises into madness;
and revenge, whether the party suspected be innocent or guilty, is
continually to be expected. When the mind of an Indian is once affected,
his passion increases in proportion to the quantity of rum which he
drinks, though he has the art to conceal it when he is sober. It is the
baneful effects of rum which puts every jealous thought in motion, and
then it knows no bounds, till intoxication completely overpowers him, or
returning sobriety restores his lost reason.
Early in the month of April, I received a letter from Monsieur Jaques
Santeron at Lake Schabeechevan, in the same employ as myself, to inform
me that he was tired of being a servant, and thinking his labours not
sufficiently rewarded, had determined to make a grand _coup_, having a
number of fine packs which he purposed selling to the Hudson’s Bay
Company: that he should leave his wintering ground next morning with
four birch canoes, and would write further particulars on bark, which he
should nail against one of the crooked trees at the foot of {94} the
Grand Rapid, in case I should be disposed to come that way, and
concluded with great _gaieté de cœur_, wishing me and all my friends
very well.
I was greatly surprised on receiving this unpleasant intelligence, and
particularly as I had never heard of his integrity being impeached in
the smallest degree; and I was disappointed, as I expected him to pass
my wintering ground on his return to Pays Plat.
Conceiving it my duty to exert my best endeavours to prevent the loss of
so much property to my employers, I engaged _Kesconeek_ the chief, and
twenty Savages, under promise of being satisfied for their trouble, to
conduct me to the crooked trees. We went off with the utmost expedition,
and in a few days arrived at the spot, where I saw the piece of bark, as
he described, and the following words written with charcoal, “_Adieu,
mon cher ami, je prends mon départ avec courage, et j’attends une bonne
vente pour ma pelleterie. De bon cœur je vous souhaite la prosperité;
faites mes complimens à tous mes amis—au revoir mon cher companion._”
Having perused it, and explained it to the chief; he said he was a bad
spirit, and that as he had been gone six days before our arrival, it
would be impossible to overtake him, as he could not be far from the
entrance of the North River, leading to Hudson’s Bay, and if I pursued
him, I should not get back in time to trade with the Indians for their
great hunt. We therefore returned, after a fruitless expedition,
extremely mortified at the disappointment, as I was very sensible he
would never return to Canada, to make satisfaction to his employers.
{95} Soon after my return the grand band came in with all their winter’s
hunt, which they call _Kitchee Artawway_. They consisted of about thirty
families, of twenty in each. He who has most wives is considered the
best hunter, being obliged to provide for their maintenance by his own
industry. The Indians laugh at the Europeans for having only one wife,
and that for life, as they conceive the good spirit formed them to be
happy, and not to continue together unless their tempers and
dispositions were congenial.
Having bartered for their skins and furs, they asked for rum; I told
them I had only one small keg left, which I would give them at their
departure, which satisfied them: and when they were ready to embark, I
ordered a Canadian to put it into the chief’s canoe.
Having disposed of all my merchandise except a few articles, and a small
quantity of rum, to barter with any Indians I might happen to meet with
in my return to Pays Plat, we baled up our peltry, and on the 23d of May
left Lac la Mort, with four small birch canoes richly laden with the
skins of beavers, otters, martens, minx, loup serviers, beaver eaters,
foxes, bears, &c.[68]
Before I proceed to relate the particulars of my voyage, I shall mention
the Indian manner of killing the white bear and the buffalo. The large
white bear, commonly called the grisly bear,[69] is a very dangerous
animal; when the Indians hunt it they generally go six or eight in a
band; the instant they see one, they endeavour to surround it, by
forming a large circle: if it is on the march they fire at it;—but it is
most frequently discovered in the winter season sucking its paws; in
{96} that case they approach nearer, and form a double row for the
animal to run between. One of the party is then sent out, who fires at
the bear and generally wounds it: this rouzes it to pursue the Indian,
who runs between the ranks, and the rest of the band fire and soon
dispatch it.
The buffalo I need not describe; it is well known to be a remarkably
strong animal; the Indians say its head is bullet proof, and therefore
they always fire at the body, endeavouring to hit the heart. When they
are in pursuit of this animal they make up small huts of snow in
different places, for near a mile in length on each side of the road; in
each of these huts an Indian stands with a bow and arrow, to shoot at it
as it passes, preferring that mode to powder and ball, as it does not
alarm the rest of the herd. The snow prevents the buffalo from smelling
the Indians, though their scent is very strong and quick. The instant
the animal drops they tomahawk it.
On the 2d of July we arrived at Portage Plain, so called on account of
its being a barren rock, near a mile long, joining to Lake Alemipigon:
it was sunset when we encamped. Besides the sixteen Canadians, our party
was increased considerably by about twenty of the Sturgeon and Nipegon
Indians, who accompanied us according to the usual custom of following
the trader to assist at the carrying places. The day previous to our
departure some traders overtook us, and encamped also. They informed us
of a band of Indians who were enemies to the Nipegons being near at
hand, and desired me to acquaint the Savages with it. Before their
arrival the Sturgeon Indians left us, and the other band would fain have
quitted the ground; but upon telling them I wanted {97} their assistance
on my journey, they agreed to stay, though I thought very reluctantly.
We soon discovered several canoes, and in about half an hour the Indians
landed. They were of the nation of the Wasses, and always at war with
our Savages.[70] Being a select people, they seldom associate with other
tribes, and are continually on the hunt, only making their appearance in
spring and autumn. We received them very cordially, and after the usual
forms of salutation, made mutual presents to each other: they told me
they had heard of me by some Indians at Lac la Mort, and were desirous
of seeing me before my return to Michillimakinac, or in their language
_Tecodondoraghie_.
I soon perceived the uneasiness of my Indians, and was careful to keep
them at some distance from each other; but all my precaution was
ineffectual, and before my departure a most dreadful catastrophe was the
consequence of their mutual hatred.
Our Indians having made up huts, began to sing their medicine songs to
induce the Wasses to partake of a feast which they said they intended to
make, with a view of preventing any dispute with them; but knowing that
the Nipegons had no provisions but what I found them, I suspected their
intentions were not so pacific as they pretended: this induced me to ask
a boy belonging to the band, why they pretended to make a feast, without
having any provision to do it; he replied, that the Wasses had made them
a present of dried meat, and with this and some huckle berries they had
saved, they intended to make their visitants merry. This answer
confirmed my suspicions, as no feast is {98} ever made, where friendship
is intended, without inviting the trader; and as no notice was sent me,
I dreaded the evil consequence of their meeting.
Deliberating with myself on the unpleasant prospect, and considering how
to act to prevent mischief, I was interrupted in my meditations by a
Savage (_Ayarbee_, or the big man), who came to give me intelligence of
an intended plan to destroy the Nipegon Indians, and which was
communicated to him by an old woman who belonged to the band of Wasses.
In about an hour the Nipegon huts were in order to receive their
intended guests, who were encamped in a hollow, surrounded with cedar
trees and bushes, close to the lake side. The Nipegons being determined
to counteract the designs of their deceitful visitors, and punish their
intended perfidy, made holes in the bark of their huts, in which they
placed their guns, loaded with swan shot. Each man taking his station;
the Wasses, to the number of eighteen, ascended the hill, and were
coming prepared to partake of the feast, with knives and wooden bowls,
intending to overpower the Nipegons on a given signal; but they were
fatally disappointed, for when they got within thirty yards of the
Nipegon huts, they were fired at, and all the band, except a girl about
fourteen years of age, killed on the spot; she was dangerously wounded,
but advanced with a gun, which she snatched from an Indian who was
preparing to dispatch her, and shot _Ayarbee_ through the head, and was
herself soon after tomahawked and scalped by a Nipegon boy about the
same age, who at such an early period of life displayed all that
ferocity which marks the most determined chief.
{99} Thus was treachery rewarded: and though in my heart I could not but
approve of the conduct of the Nipegon Indians, I was afraid of trusting
to them, and had resolved on taking my leave of them, when the chief
came up and informed me, he was very sorry that his band could not
accompany me any farther, for being afraid of the resentment of the
nation of the Wasses, when they came to hear of the transaction,
notwithstanding they had done it in their own defence, they had
determined to depart; and soon after pushed off their canoes, and left
me, a circumstance which pleased me exceedingly. The next day a party of
Indians met us, to whom I related the disaster. They were very much
shocked, and said the Nipegon Savages might repent their rash conduct,
though at the same time they acknowledged them right in guarding against
the designs of the Wasses. They asked me if I had got their packs, as
they assured me they had made a good hunt, and had rich peltry. This
information vexed me exceedingly, as I should certainly have increased
my cargo had not the affair happened, and likewise have given more
satisfaction to my employers, though I had already a large quantity of
goods, and had every reason to be pleased with my success. The Nipegons
made up fourteen bales of dried meat, which they took with them; but the
furs and skins were hidden in the woods, and never afterwards found that
I heard of.
We continued our journey to Lac Eturgeon, where soon after our landing,
we killed a great many wild fowl, and caught plenty of fish. Here we met
about fifty of the Hawoyzask or Rat Nation Indians,[71] with whom I made
a small barter, chiefly with rum, having disposed of all my Indian
goods.
{100} Our journey was retarded for some time in order to gratify my
curiosity. A young Indian girl fell sick, and the chief desired me to
stay to see the wonderful effects of their medicines, as she was very
bad, and without immediate assistance, he said, must soon change her
climate. The physician who attended her said, that the _Matchee
Mannitoo_, or bad spirit, had put the bear’s claws into her, and his
medicines would remove them. A hut was prepared, and the girl stripped
to her _matcheecoaty_ or under petticoat; she was then painted with
vermilion, and daubed over with soot and bears’ grease, and profusely
sweated, which soon relieved her pain. During the operation, the
physician addressed himself to the Master of Life, begging his
assistance, and thanking him for giving knowledge to restore health:
then giving her a decoction of roots, he made a perfect cure. I could
not help admiring his skill and manner of proceeding, though I
attributed her recovery solely to the plentiful perspiration she
underwent.[72]
Previous to our departure, one of their women was delivered of a fine
boy, and I was highly delighted with the mother’s tenderness, as the
infant sucked the milk, which in their language is called
_tootooshonarbo_, or the sap of the human breast, an expression which
struck me forcibly. The husband was also very attentive, and performed
the part of an affectionate parent, which induced me to give him some
rum to cheer his heart, and drink my health. He seemed pleased with the
present, and addressing himself to the Great Spirit, thanked him for the
safe delivery of his _mentimoye_:—then looking very earnestly at me,
told me how much he was indebted to me for the comfort that I had
afforded him, and that he was sure that I was a brave warrior, for my
generosity to him and his wife, when they so much wanted assistance.
When the young {101} warrior cried, he observed, that he wished to be
grateful to me for my attention to his parents, and that it was only the
echo of his breath, (meaning his voice) to praise the goodness of the
_Saggonash_, or Englishman. As I got into my canoe, he said, “Beaver, be
strong, you will always have a public road among the Nipegon Indians,
therefore return as soon as you can; in the mean time, I shall take care
to acquaint all the Indians with your goodness, and I hope when we see
you again, we shall have had a good hunt, and be able to give you furs
and skins to repay your kindness.” I told him I always loved the
Indians, that I was adopted by the Chippeways, and considered myself as
one of their tribe; that I would return as soon as possible with plenty
of goods for their families; that my heart was melted by his regard for
me, and giving him and his wife each a parting glass of the strong
water, took my leave, and pursued my journey.
We arrived at Pays Plat on the 10th of August, where I met some brother
traders, who had been in different parts of the inlands, particularly
the Northwest. Here we waited for fresh goods from our employers, and
enjoyed ourselves with the remains of our different provisions, which we
threw into a common stock, and made ourselves merry with the scanty
pittance, recounting our several adventures: but none of them had
suffered the difficulties I had experienced, except Mr. Shaw, whom I
happily relieved at Lake Manontoye; the rest of the traders having
wintered very remote from me, by the way of the Grand Portage.
Soon after our arrival, our employers sent their agents with a fresh
assortment of merchandize and provisions, which rejoiced us exceedingly,
{102} having been a considerable time without corn or grease, and absent
from Michillimakinac about fourteen months. I delivered my cargo of
furs, consisting of about one hundred and forty packs, in good
condition,[73] and loaded the canoes with the fresh goods; then taking
leave of my companions, prepared for my departure for the Inlands, to
winter another year among the Nipegon Savages. But before I begin to
relate my second adventure, I cannot forbear making some observations on
the hardships attending an Indian life, particularly as an interpreter
and trader.
My salary was about one hundred and fifty pounds per annum, which I
certainly deserved, considering the knowledge I had of the Chippeway
language.
I was sent into the Inlands with only corn and hard grease, without any
other provisions I could rely on; for as to fish and other animal food,
the former in a great measure depends on the season, the latter on the
arrival of Savages; and though in general I was successful in aquatic
pursuits, and received frequent supplies from the Indians, it was a
precarious mode of subsistence, and at Lac la Mort I suffered great
hardships.
I had sixteen men, and an Indian and his wife occasionally with me, to
feed and govern, and on the continuance of their health my existence in
a great measure depended. As it was my constant duty to be in the way,
in case of the arrival of Savages, being the only one who could talk
their language, I had few opportunities of hunting, neither could I go
far abroad to examine whether the Canadians did their duty or not: I
{103} was therefore always full of anxiety, and rejoiced when the spring
returned to set me free.
The constant attention necessary in taking care of the goods to prevent
depredations, the continual fears and apprehensions of being plundered
by a set of intoxicated beings; always liable to insults, without daring
to resent them; and when I had bartered all my merchandize, and made a
successful trip—feeling a painful solicitude till the fruits of my
labours were safely delivered to my employers. Upon the whole, perhaps
no situation can be more distressing, and it has often filled my mind
with surprise when I reflected on the engagement I entered into, which
consumed the prime of my days in a traffic, the dangers and fatigues of
which scarce any salary could compensate. I believe nothing but the
flattering idea of thinking myself superior to others as an interpreter,
prompted me to continue in a station so fatiguing to support, and so
difficult to execute; and I cannot but conclude with this
observation:—That however censurable a man may be for indulging even
this degree of pride, the liberal mind will easily pardon the
presumption, as they know he alone is the sufferer; and as self-opinion
governs the pursuits of mankind, the individual who is most influenced
by it, must stand or fall by the consequences.
SECOND EXPEDITION
{104} _Proceed to winter again among the Nipegon Indians;—Design of an
Indian to plunder us;—unfortunate Accident happens to an Indian
Chief;—narrowly escape being assassinated by an Indian Straggler;
Murder of Joseph la Forme, a Trader._
On the 15th of August I left Pays Plat, with four birch canoes, and the
same men who wintered with me at Lac la Mort, and arrived at Riviére la
Pique, which runs into Lake Superior: this river is very crooked for
about seven miles, and extremely deep; it abounds with fish,
particularly pike, from which it takes its name.[74] On our landing, we
found a large band of Chippeways, and some of the Rat nation, who
immediately prepared a feast for us of dried meat, fish, &c. Among them
was an Indian named _Ogashy_, or the horse; he was reckoned, even by his
own tribe, a bad Indian, which put me on my guard during my encampment
there. I traded for their skins and furs, and gave them some rum, with
which they had a frolic, which lasted for three days and nights; on this
occasion five men were killed, and one woman dreadfully burnt. When the
fumes of the liquor had evaporated, they began, as usual, to reflect on
the folly of their conduct, and all except _Ogashy_ expressed great
concern; he seemed rather to be pleased at the mischief which had
happened, and before my departure, I was informed that he intended to
destroy me, and plunder the property. To frustrate his villainous
intention, I kept him in good humour, and made {105} him sleep in my
hut, a compliment he seemed highly pleased with, and which I believe for
the time diverted him from his purpose; and though by no means fond of
his company, I judged it most prudent to have my enemy in sight. In the
morning I gave him a glass of rum, and promised him a two-gallon keg to
carry off the ground, which, as the Indians express themselves, drove
the bad spirit from his heart. When my men had prepared every thing for
embarkation, I gave the chief of the band the liquor, and a single
bottle of rum more than I promised to _Ogashy_, unknown to the rest, in
which I had infused a considerable quantity of laudanum. Unsuspicious of
what I had done, he put the bottle to his mouth, and shaking me by the
hand, said to me, “_Kee talinimanco negee_,” or, “your health, friend,”
and immediately took a hearty draught which soon stupified and lulled
him into a profound sleep, in which, I was afterwards informed, he
remained twelve hours, depriving him of the power of doing harm, and
that soon after, an Indian who had an antipathy against him, and only
sought an opportunity of gratifying his resentment, tomahawked him. His
eldest son burnt him, and fixed his bones on a high pole, as he was the
head chief of the tribe.
We proceeded on our voyage, and arrived at a short carrying place,
called Portage la Rame, where we encamped for nine days, being wind
bound; here we found a number of Indians in the same situation.
As soon as Lake Superior was passable with safety, we continued our
journey through strong and dangerous rapids, which kept us continually
in the water, and very sensibly affected our limbs; on these occasions,
{106} where great exertion is necessary, all distinction is laid aside,
and it is _tel maitre, tel valet_, the bourgeois must work as hard as
the engagés, to encourage them to do their duty with more alacrity, and
avoid all cause of complaint.
The wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Cranberry Lake, so called
from the great quantity of cranberries growing in the swamps. We stopped
here two days to refresh ourselves after the great fatigue we had
undergone in struggling against the rapids. Being sufficiently
recovered, and having nothing to detain us, we proceeded to a short
carrying place called _La grande Côte de la Roche_, near the entrance of
the Nipegon River, which is a high ridge of rocks that must be passed to
avoid the great cataract which I mentioned in my former voyage. At this
time we had very little animal food, but fortunately killed three large
bears in the middle of the portage, which supported us several days,
besides which, we reserved some of the meat we had smoked and dried to
carry with us.[75]
From _La grande Côte de la Roche_ we proceeded to _Lac le Nid au
Corbeau_, or Crow’s Nest Lake, which is about two hundred miles in
circumference, and supplied by a number of small rivers; there are also
several islands on it which furnish the Indians with great plenty of
wild fowl: bears are also found here in abundance, and a surprising
number of beaver dams, running in a crooked direction about ten miles.
The Chippeways hunt here, and find a great deal of game.
The reader will observe that in the first voyage I gave an account of
another Crow’s Nest Lake, which is very small, with an island in the
{107} middle with high palm trees: in such an extent of country it is
not surprising that there should be two places of the same name.[76]
During our stay a band of Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who
probably were dissatisfied with the trader they dealt with, and intended
to go to Michillimakinac, but finding that I understood their language,
they bartered with me, and made me a present of meat and fish. An
accident happened here which had nearly proved fatal, and which was of
infinite service to me ever after, by putting me more on my guard in all
transactions with the Savages.
Some of the chiefs being desirous of seeing my Northwest guns, I was
obliged to open a case for their inspection; this I did unwillingly, as
the weather was fine, and I was extremely anxious to get to the
wintering ground before a heavy fall of snow: having shewn them the
guns, they loaded four, and laid them down by the cases, intending to
try them; during the time they were thus employed I was busy in
arranging the goods that had been displaced in getting at them; but as
soon as I was at leisure, I took up one of the guns in a careless
manner, not knowing it was charged, and snapped the lock, which most
unfortunately shot off the ear of one of the chiefs, and I also received
some injury by the powder flying in my face, and almost depriving me of
sight. The discharge was so instantaneous, and appeared so premeditated
that the chief reproached me in very severe terms for the injury I had
done him, and threatened revenge; however, I soon convinced him it was
an accident, and giving him some presents, he consoled himself for the
loss of his ear, which was very large and handsome, and without a single
break, which made it very valuable in his estimation. It was fortunate
{108} I did not kill him, as in all probability we should have been
sacrificed to the resentment of the band.
The Indians pride themselves in having large ears, and extended as wide
as possible, which renders them liable to be pulled off. It is very
common in drunken frolics to lose them; but when they are only torn,
they cut them smooth with a knife, and sew the parts together with a
needle and deers’ sinews, and after sweating in a stove, resume their
usual cheerfulness.
The next day we took our leave, and pursued our journey to _Shecarke
Sakiegan_, or the Skunk’s Lake, which runs with a strong current. In the
fall it abounds with geese and ducks: here we hunted one day, and with
good success. The next morning at break of day we embarked, and had
favourable weather till we arrived at Lake Schabeechevan, or the Weed
Lake. This lake is about one hundred and eighty miles in circumference,
and full of small islands; it abounds with fish, and the swamps are full
of wild rice and cranberries; it is about six days march from Lac la
Mort.
This lake was an unfortunate situation to my employers last year, when
one of their servants, Jaques Santeron, went off with a valuable cargo.
On my arrival, I looked out for the house he had erected, but could not
discern the least trace of it; probably he was so elated that he made a
_feu de joye_ on the prospect of being his own master. At the extremity
of this lake is a fall of water, which runs from a river of the same
name, and has a direct communication with the waters leading from Fort
Albany, within the boundaries of the Hudson’s Bay territories: {109} it
is about thirty days march across nineteen portages and creeks, besides
fourteen rapids, which are a great hindrance to the journey. The Indians
run down the strong currents without the least fear, and seldom meet
with any accident, performing the voyage in one third part of the time
they take in ascending, and without any damage to their canoes, which in
going against the stream are frequently rendered useless, and they are
obliged to make new ones, before they can pursue their voyage; but it is
a most convenient circumstance that they are no where at a loss for
birch bark, and being also very expert, they will make a canoe in three
days sufficiently large to carry three people with necessaries for their
support, and room to stow their furs and skins.[77] On this lake there
are about one hundred and fifty good hunters, who make a great many
packs of beaver, &c. and this was one inducement for settling here,
which was increased by the prospect of a plentiful supply of fish, rice,
and cranberries, which are winter comforts of too great consequence to
be slighted.
Having secured the canoes, and refreshed my men with good soup, I left
them in charge of the goods, and took two Indians to shew me a
convenient place to build a house, which having fixed on, a building was
erected, fifty feet long, and twenty feet wide, divided into two
separate apartments, one for merchandise, and the other for common use.
The rum being concealed in the woods, and every thing properly arranged,
we put the fishing tackle in order; and as the lakes began to freeze
very fast, I divided my men into two parties, one half to be employed in
fishing, the remainder (except one man whom I always kept in the house)
in providing fuel for winter. In about three weeks a sufficient quantity
of wood was piled near the house, and the wood {110} cutters joined the
fishing party: they proved very successful, so that our minds were more
at ease than in the preceding year, not having the dread of famine.
In about ten days a numerous band of Indians arrived with their fall
hunt, none of whom I had ever seen, not having wintered so far inland
before. They seemed well pleased to find a trader settled among them,
and particularly as I spoke the language; but when I informed them that
I was a brother warrior, and shewed the marks of adoption in my flesh,
they were highly delighted. The women were immediately ordered to make
up huts, and prepare a feast; whilst this was doing the Indians came
into my house, one by one, and seating themselves on the floor, began to
smoke, and looked very cheerful. When I had given them tobacco and other
Indian goods, the old chief, whose name was _Mattoyash_, or the Earth,
took me round the neck, and kissed my cheek, then addressed me in the
following words.
“_Meegwoitch kitchee mannitoo, kaygait kee zargetoone an Nishinnorbay
nogome, shashyyar payshik artawway winnin tercushenan, cawween kitchee
morgussey, an Nishinnorbay nogome cawwickar indenendum. Kaygait kitchee
mushkowway geosay haguarmissey waybenan matchee oathty nee zargetoone
Saggonash artawway; winnin kaygait hapadgey kitchee morgussey an
Nishinnorbay; kaygwotch annaboycassey neennerwind mornooch towwarch nee
zargey debwoye kee appay omar, cuppar bebone nepewar appiminiqui
omar._”—“I thank the Master of Life for loving us Indians, and sending
us this day an English trader, who will open his heart to me and my
young men. Take courage, young men, suffer not your hearts to be bound
{111} up, and throw away the bad spirit from you: we all love the
English traders, for we have heard of their pity to Savages; we believe
that they have an open heart, that their veins run clear like the sun.
It is true we Indians have but little sense when drunk, but we hope you
will not think of this, and if you will stay with us, we will hunt with
spirit for you.”
When he had finished his speech they all got up, and taking me by the
right hand, conducted me to their hut; immediately on entering, one of
the warriors placed me on a large beaver robe which was prepared for me,
and put a wampum belt round my neck, singing all the time to the Master
of Life, while myself and the chief were eating. When the feast was
over, I took two of the Indians to my house, and gave them two kegs of
rum, and ten carrots of tobacco, with other articles, for which they
gave me all their peltry. They then began to frolic, which continued
three days and nights: the only accident which happened was to a little
child, whose back was broke by the mother. When they had rested a day
after intoxication, I supplied them with plenty of ammunition for their
winter’s hunt, and they departed perfectly satisfied with their
reception. I cannot help relating the method I was obliged to adopt to
quiet an old Indian woman, who was more troublesome than the rest, and
continually importuned me for liquor.
I infused forty drops of the tincture of cantharides, and the same
quantity of laudanum, into a glass of rum, and when she came to me
soliciting very earnestly for the strong water, I gave her the dose
which was prepared for her: she drank it without hesitation, and being
already much intoxicated, it made her stagger. But this did not satisfy
her, and {112} she still asked for more; I then repeated the dose, which
she also drank, and then fell on the floor. I ordered my Canadian to
carry her out of the house, and lay her carefully near her own wigwaum,
where she remained twelve hours in a deep sleep, to my entire
satisfaction. I have always found laudanum extremely useful; in general
it may be considered an essential article in the commerce with the
Indians, as it proves the only method of overcoming their intoxicated
senses, and making the life of a trader more tolerable, by putting a
stop to their impertinence.
On the 19th of November a band of about forty Indians came in with a few
skins and a great quantity of dried meat, with some bears’ grease, which
I purchased for a little rum, and advised them to carry it along with
them off the ground; they complied with my wishes and embarked perfectly
sober.
It was always my custom to endeavour to persuade them to take away the
rum, though I seldom succeeded. The fatigue of watching them when the
liquor begins to operate is inconceivable, besides the risk of our lives
and property.
After their departure I was left for near a month with only one man, the
rest being employed in fishing and watching the marten traps: in both
pursuits they were successful, but particularly in the former, having
brought home near eight thousand, trout, pike, pickerill, and white
fish, which we hung up as usual to freeze. When the severe weather sets
in every man has his allowance served out twice a day, and this rule is
constantly adhered to even though the stock be very considerable.
{113} In the beginning of December a new married couple arrived, and
having given them a little rum, they got very merry; and perceiving the
woman was in great good humour, I desired her to sing a love-song, which
she consented to with cheerfulness.
THE SONG
“_Debwoye, nee zargay ween aighter, payshik oathty, seizeebockquoit
shenargussey me tarbiscoach nepeech cassawicka nepoo, moszack
pemartus, seizeebockquoit meteek._”
“It is true I love him only whose heart is like the sweet sap that runs
from the sugar-tree, and is brother to the aspin leaf, that always lives
and shivers.”
I thanked her for her song, and giving the husband a bottle of
_scuttaywabo_,[78] left them together to enjoy their hearts’ delight;
and as there was not sufficient to intoxicate them, I was not afraid of
a jealous fit. I always bore in mind the circumstance at Lac la Mort,
and my fortunate escape. In the morning they departed, paying me well
for my presents with some beaver, bear, and otter skins.
A few days after an Indian arrived, with his two wives and three
children; they immediately came into my house, and sat down by the fire.
I thought I discovered deceit in his countenance, and watched him very
narrowly. I asked him what success he had met with in his hunt? He told
me he believed the Master of Life was angry with him, for he had fired
at several animals, and expended all his ammunition, without doing
execution. This was a figurative mode of expression, {114} and convinced
me that he was lazy, and could not get credit for what he wanted: he
added, that his family had been without provisions some days, and hoped
I would cheer their hearts, and be a friend to them. I then ordered a
large kettle to be put on the fire, and boiled some fish, which they ate
of very heartily, particularly the women and children.
I questioned him concerning his hunting grounds: he told me he was from
Hudson’s Bay, and had come so far, hearing some traders were settled at
Skunk’s Lake, and as he knew there were plenty of animals, he expected
to get a great many skins. This I was convinced was false, and I
immediately considered him as a straggler, or he certainly would not
have travelled so far, unless he had done something to displease the
servants at the Company’s forts, and could not obtain credit. Looking at
me very earnestly, he asked me to trust him a gun, blanket, and
ammunition; but I refused him: this displeased him; and going out of the
house, one of them called him, the other followed him out, and said
something to him in a low tone of voice: this appeared to me like a
confederacy, and put me on my guard. In a few minutes he returned, and
renewed his solicitations; saying, “Are you afraid to trust me forty
skins? I will pay you in the spring.”—I told him I never gave credit to
any but good hunters, and I was sure he was an idle straggler, who lived
without industry, and advised him to return to his own tribe, and
solicit their assistance who knew him better than I did. So severe a
check to his application (and which I was afterwards sorry for) seemed
to rouze the bad spirit in his heart, and he left me under the influence
of the _Matchee Mannitoo_, and went down to his canoe, seeming to be in
deep discourse with his wives.
{115} My man observing them, watched them very narrowly, and saw the
Indian endeavouring to file off the end of his gun, to make it
convenient to conceal under his blanket; having shortened and loaded it,
he returned with it hid under his dress. This transaction being a
convincing proof of his diabolical intention, I directed my man to stand
on one side of the door, and I took my post on the other, waiting his
entrance into the house. Just as he passed the threshold, I knocked him
down with a billet of wood, and taking his short gun from him, beat him
so much that we were obliged to carry him down to his canoe, where his
family were waiting for him, and ordered them all off the ground,
threatening that in case of refusal his canoe should be instantly broken
to pieces, and his family turned adrift. The squaws and children
appeared very much distressed, and with great reluctance obeyed my
orders. Thus I got rid of an unprincipled set; and, as will soon appear,
escaped a danger which was certainly intended to involve me and my men
in utter ruin.
A few days after their departure, an Indian arrived and informed me that
Mr. Joseph la Forme, a brother trader who was settled at Lac le Sel, was
killed by a Savage, and described his person. I had no doubt but he was
the same man who attempted to destroy me. I communicated every
circumstance of his conduct, and the revenge I took on the occasion. The
Indian congratulated me on my happy escape, as he was known to be a bad
man by all the tribe, having killed his brother and one of his wives
last fall, which was the reason that the band he belonged to would not
suffer him to stay among them. As I was anxious to know the particulars,
I desired him to relate them. He told me that he was informed by a
Savage whom he accidentally met, and {116} to whom the murderer had
revealed the particulars, that the Indian being disappointed in his
design against me, pursued his journey with the bad spirit in his heart,
and arrived at Joseph La Forme’s house, which he entered, and asked for
rum and tobacco, which was given him; but observing he had not any thing
to trade with, La Forme was suspicious of him: whilst he was smoking he
asked for credit, but was refused, and told that he was not only a bad
hunter, but that he had a heart of lead. This imprudent reproach
incensed him, and observing no one in the house but the trader, (the men
being fishing) he watched a convenient opportunity, and when La Forme
stooped to light his pipe, shot him through the head, plundered the
house of a few things, and went off.
On this information I dispatched six Indians, with a trusty Canadian, to
endeavour to secure the property, in which they fortunately succeeded,
and brought away all the peltry, merchandise, &c. and the deceased
trader’s men, whom I engaged in my service. About six weeks after, one
of the tribe whom he had formerly offended, and who had heard of this
recent act of villainy, after repeated reproaches for his baseness,
tomahawked him, cut off his head, and brought it to my house to shew my
Indians.
The unhappy fate of Joseph La Forme affords a melancholy example of the
precarious situation of all Indian traders; and furnishes a useful
lesson of instruction to those who may in future be engaged in commerce
with the Savages—that it is frequently more prudent to conceal
resentment than to gratify it.
{117} _We are reduced to great Hardships for want of
Provisions;—relieved by the fortunate Arrival of some Indians.—Narrative
of a most shocking Transaction perpetrated by one Janvier, belonging to
a Mr. Fulton, a Trader—Mr. Fulton takes Means to induce a Confession,
and punishes him accordingly.—Visit from a Trader belonging to the
Hudson’s Bay Company—some Observations concerning that Trade, and the
Conduct of the Company towards their Servants._
The latter end of January, 1779, a band of the Rat Nation arrived,
belonging to _Shekarkistergoan_, or the Skunk’s-head Lake, which is
between Lake Nipegon and Lake Manontoye. They brought me provisions and
furs, which I bartered for; giving them rum, as usual, of which they
drank freely without doing any mischief. After their departure we were
short of provisions, having a larger household to provide for, by taking
La Forme’s men into my service. We were reduced to a few fish and some
wild rice, or _menomon_ (which are kept in _muccucks_, or bark boxes),
to support myself and seventeen men; the allowance to each being only a
handful of rice and a small fish, about 2lb. weight, which is boiled
together and makes pleasant soup. I have often been surprised that
fish-broth is not more generally used, as it is certainly very
palatable; but I am not sufficiently informed in medical knowledge to
speak either of its wholesomeness or nutritive qualities. Sturgeon broth
is delicious, and leaves a pleasing taste on the tongue; but as it
rather increases the appetite for food, {118} as I have experienced, it
should not be taken but when there is plenty of meat to be got. This
fish is very common in Albany, and is sold at 1d. per lb. York currency.
The flesh is called Albany beef.
The frost continuing very severe, and no appearance of Indians to supply
our wants, we were obliged to take off the hair from the bear skins, and
roast the hide, which tastes like pork. This, with some _tripe de roche_
boiled, was all our nourishment.[79]
_Tripe de roche_, or _hawercoon_, is a weed that grows to the rocks, of
a spongy nature, and very unwholesome, causing violent pains in the
bowels, and frequently occasions a flux. I am informed the traders in
the Northwest, have often experienced this disorder; and some of them,
in very severe weather, have been compelled to eat it for fourteen days
successively, which weakened them exceedingly. When the disorder does
not terminate in a flux, it occasions a violent vomiting, and sometimes
spitting of blood, with acute spasms in the bowels.
After suffering great hardships, I advised my men to make marten traps,
and set them in the woods as they did last winter at Lac la Mort, which
supplied us occasionally, but very short of our real wants. At last a
band of Indians arrived with ten slay load of meat and furs, which
relieved us, and gave us fresh spirits. My men discovered them at a
distance, and, though much enfeebled by severe hunger, put on their snow
shoes to meet them.
It is surprising what efforts nature makes to support distress, and how
cheerfully she struggles when the prospect of relief is near at {119}
hand; every painful recollection of past sufferings quickly vanishes,
and new life seems to breathe through every vein. Those who live in
constant luxury, and are ignorant of the meaning of the bread of
carefulness, are strangers to the joy arising from an unexpected supply,
and sitting down to a table in the wilderness. Hunger needs not the
borrowed aid of sauce; and, in the language of Pope, “To enjoy, is to
obey.”—How delightful is such obedience!
The Indians seeing our distress by our looks, which were very meagre,
gave us all their provisions, consisting of bear, racoon, and moose. The
kettle was soon put on the fire, and we made a comfortable repast, with
cheerful hearts; the Indians during the time enjoying the happiness of
relieving our wants.
Notwithstanding the cruelty of Savages, they possess virtues which do
honour to human nature, and exhibit instances of generosity and kindness
which the most philanthropic soul cannot exceed. They are ignorant of
those mean sordid sentiments which disgrace many more enlightened, and
more wealthy; and from the knowledge I have of their disposition, I am
sure they would blush at the parsimonious conduct of those whom
Providence hath blessed with affluence.
After the repast, the chief (not willing to disturb us before) asked for
some tobacco, and having smoked some time, said he had bad news to tell
me, which some Indians had informed him of, concerning Mr. Fulton, then
at _Shekarkistergoan_, and which he was sorry to relate, as it affected
him exceedingly. I desired him to finish his pipe, and drink a glass of
rum before he began the story; and at the same {120} time mentioned my
surprise at not hearing of any remarkable circumstance, having traded
with a band of the Rat nation within a few days, who came from that
Lake. He told me he had met the band, and related the affair to them,
who were much astonished; but as Mr. Fulton’s men were not returned from
fishing when they left the place, the transaction was not known till
after their departure.
Mr. Fulton being obliged to divide his men into two parties, which is
called the _cawway_, or casting lots, which party shall hunt and fish,
and which shall stay with the master, did so accordingly. The fishing
party consisted of Charles Janvier, François St. Ange, and Lewis
Dufresne, all natives of Canada, who, being provided with axes,
ice-cutters, and fishing materials, set off, and at the expiration of
eight days arrived at a convenient place, where they built a hut, in
which they lived for some time tolerably well; but fish failing them,
and having no success in hunting, they were almost starved. In this
situation, said the chief, the bad spirit had entered into the heart of
Janvier, and he being the strongest man, supported hunger better than
his companions, by which he was enabled soon after to effect a
diabolical purpose he had formed, of killing the first Indian who should
come in his way, and which he had declared he would do. In the height of
their distress Janvier perceived a Savage at some distance, with a load
at his back, and instantly returning to the hut, told his poor
dispirited partners of their approaching relief. They instantly got up,
though very weak, and came out of the hut as fast as their feeble limbs
would allow them. The Indian arrived, took off his load, which was only
two otters, and two hares, and gave them to Janvier, who received them
with great satisfaction; and when he had skinned them, boiled {121} them
in the kettle without cleansing them, so extreme was their hunger. This
seasonable relief was soon devoured, and from the eagerness with which
Janvier eat, and the satisfaction which appeared in his countenance when
he looked at the Savage, the men were in hopes he had forgot the rash
determination he had formed, and flattered themselves his mind was not
so depraved as to entertain a thought of doing an injury to the man
whose timely assistance had saved their lives. The next morning the
Indian told them he was sorry he could not assist them further, having
no ammunition, but that he was going to Mr. Fulton for a supply.
Janvier’s heart being inexorable even to the kindness he had received,
desired the Savage to assist him in placing a large log of wood on the
fire, as his companions were unable to do it. The Indian cheerfully
complied, and stooping to take it up, Janvier knocked him down with an
axe and dragged him to the door of the hut, cut him up, and with the
most unfeeling barbarity put as much of the flesh of his deliverer into
the kettle as he thought sufficient for a meal. When it was dressed, he
compelled François St. Ange, and Louis Dufresne, to partake of it, and
obliged them to kiss the cross which hung at his breast, and swear by
all the saints never to reveal the transaction; threatening, at the same
time, that if they did they should share the same fate. Intimidated by
his threats, and the certainty that he would fulfil them, they solemnly
promised perfect compliance with his injunctions. Having overcome their
first aversion, which extreme hunger had occasioned, they ate
immoderately of the horrid meal, and soon after fell sick, with violent
reachings. During their indisposition they complained to each other
softly, that it was eating the Indian’s flesh {122} which had occasioned
their sickness: Janvier overhearing them, called them fools and rascals,
and asked them if they were afraid the Savage would come to life again;
and with an insolent sneer desired them to tell him which they thought
the best part of a man? The poor fellows only replied they were very
sick and could not tell the cause. In a few days (having no other
provision) the Indian was eaten up, and Janvier determined to have human
flesh if no other could be obtained. To this end he sought an
opportunity to quarrel with St. Ange—Dufresne not daring to interfere in
the dispute. Janvier willing, however, to appear as plausible in the
eyes of Dufresne as possible, widened the breach very artfully, till
pretending he was no longer able to contain his anger, asked Dufresne if
he did not think St. Ange deserved the Indian’s fate, for daring to say
he would reveal the circumstance he had so solemnly sworn to conceal.
Dufresne dreading the consequences of differing with him in sentiment,
said he thought St. Ange was to blame; upon which reply, Janvier
immediately struck him with an axe, and killed him: he then cut him up,
and boiled a part, of which he obliged Dufresne to partake, he not
daring to shew any reluctance. Fortunately for Dufresne the weather
became more moderate, and having caught plenty of fish, they proposed to
return to their master. Janvier, intoxicated with ideas of his
superiority, obliged Dufresne to drag him in an Indian slay to Mr.
Fulton’s house—a cruel imposition upon him, and a dreadful service to a
weak emaciated man! but knowing he was unable to resist, he made a
virtue of necessity, and obeyed the tyrant with seeming cheerfulness. On
the journey he was frequently reminded of his oath, and the fatal
consequences that would attend him if he should ever divulge the secret,
which Janvier assured him would produce instant death.
{123} Mr. Fulton was much rejoiced at their return, being in want of his
men, as the Indians were daily coming in with their winter hunt. Soon
after their arrival he made enquiry after St. Ange—but no answer was
given. He then addressed Janvier directly upon the subject, who said he
was gone on the hunt with a chief of the name of _Onnemay_, or the
Sturgeon, whom Mr. Fulton knew, and that he would soon return. One of
the Canadians contradicted him by saying that could not be true, as
_Onnemay_ left Mr. Fulton’s house the day before their return. Janvier
then said he might be mistaken in the chief’s name, as he was not well
acquainted with the Indian language, and Dufresne, for fear of a
discovery at that time, changed the conversation in hopes of pleasing
Janvier.
Several days elapsed, and St. Ange not returning, Janvier was again
questioned, who told them as before, and appealed to Dufresne for the
truth of his assertions, which he was obliged to confirm.
Mr. Fulton not being perfectly satisfied, examined them apart; from
Janvier he could not get any information, but Dufresne hesitated, and at
last said he had sworn not to reveal—but that St. Ange would never
return.—Mr. Fulton endeavoured to convince him that the breach of an
oath, so imposed, was no crime; and in the end he convinced the Canadian
that it was so far from being obligatory in the sight of God, that it
would be a sin of the most heinous nature in him to conceal the truth;
artfully adding, as an additional argument to induce him to reveal the
transaction, that if he had no doubt he was himself perfectly innocent,
he could not have any honest motive for secrecy, and that he had no
occasion to dread the resentment of Janvier, as he would engage to {124}
protect him from all hazard by the discovery. Thus persuaded and
encouraged, Dufresne disclosed the whole affair, but requested Mr.
Fulton’s secrecy, which he promised until the conversation should be
renewed, when it was agreed that he should relate every particular in
Janvier’s presence. Janvier was repeatedly urged by the rest of the men
to give them some information respecting the absence of St. Ange, but he
remained obstinately silent: some of them went so far as to accuse him
in pretty plain terms of knowing too much about him, but he treated
their insinuations with indifference.
Mr. Fulton having disposed of all his goods, prepared to leave his
wintering ground, and every thing being properly arranged they departed.
The first night after their departure Mr. Fulton loaded a brace of
pistols, and having previously acquainted his men with the discovery
Dufresne had made, and the punishment he intended for the villain, came
out of his tent and stood by the fire round which the Canadians were
seated. The conversation about St. Ange being purposely renewed, Mr.
Fulton remarked it was cruel to leave him in the woods with the Indians,
and blamed Janvier particularly, as he was the foreman of the party, and
therefore the more responsible. Janvier nettled at the repetition of the
subject, (for guilt is soon angry) replied that St. Ange was able to
take care of himself, and that he had not any controul over him.
Dufresne was then censured; upon which, agreeably to the plan settled
with Mr. Fulton, he divulged the whole transaction, and gave a full
account of every particular of Janvier’s conduct. Janvier attempted to
take instant revenge for the aspersion, as he called it, and denied the
charge with the most hardened effrontery and solemn asseverations. Mr.
Fulton then thought it a proper time {125} to interfere; and to cover
him if possible with confusion, asked him “which was the best part of a
man?” Janvier replied, with ready insolence, that those who had eaten
human flesh could easily tell: but being repeatedly urged, and at length
thrown off his guard, he replied in great wrath, the feet. The party
encouraged by this confession, pressed the charge, till at last he
confessed the facts he was accused of, and declared that in a similar
situation he would kill his brother.
Mr. Fulton could no longer suppress his resentment, and going up to
Janvier, told him he was an abandoned villain, first for killing a
harmless Indian who had generously relieved his wants, and afterwards
eating him like a cannibal; that not content with these atrocious acts,
he had encreased his guilt by another deliberate murder on a defenceless
man, his companion, his fellow-labourer, and friend; that he was a
disgrace to human nature, and ought not to be suffered to live a moment
longer; and without allowing him time to reply, shot him through the
head. The men were ordered to bury him, and in the morning Mr. Fulton
continued his journey to _Michillimakinac_, where on his arrival he
surrendered himself to the commanding officer, who on a close
examination of the men, honourably acquitted him; but recommended him
not to venture again into those parts, where the Indian was killed, lest
the Savages should hear of the transaction, and resent the death of one
of their tribe, whereby the innocent might suffer for the acts of the
guilty.[80]
In the month of February I had a visit from a trader, dressed in a
smoked leather shirt; who was accompanied by three Indians, and had been
absent five days from Fort Albany.[81] He said he was induced to come
{126} from a motive of curiosity to see me, not having heard of any
person wintering so far inland before, except the servants belonging to
the Hudson’s Bay Company. At that time I had very little provisions, and
eight men to maintain, besides Mr. Joseph La Forme’s Canadians; our
chief food was _tripe de roche_; on his arrival the kettle was on the
fire with the leaves: he asked what food I had; I ordered some to be
taken out of the pot, and put into a bark dish, which he tasted, but
could not swallow. I informed him that it had been a principal part of
our diet for many days, and in the best of times we had nothing but wild
animal food, and seldom any flour, as the quantity of Indian corn we
were able to bring along with us from Pays Plat was not sufficient to
last the winter. When I had given him a description of my mode of
living, which he confessed was very different from the comforts he
enjoyed, I took him into my store, and shewed him the packs of beaver I
had collected: this increased his surprise, as he could not conceive how
it was possible to transport a sufficient quantity of goods to barter
for the value I seemed to be in possession of. He asked me to return
with him, and promised to supply me with provisions; but I told him I
was engaged in an employ, and had supported the same disagreeable
situation the preceding winter at Lac la Mort; and as I could not expect
to pass my life among the Indians with so much ease as in England, my
duty obliged me to remain till the season was over, when I should return
and endeavour to make myself some amends for the hardships I had
endured, by giving a good account of the merchandise intrusted to my
care, and receiving a reward for my labours. In the morning he took his
leave, wishing me the speedy arrival of some Indians who might be able
to relieve me from such pressing necessity by supplying me with plenty
of more nourishing and palatable food.
{127} This civility from one of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s servants
leads me to make some few observations in vindication of that
respectable body, whose character has been so severely, and I think so
unjustly, censured.
Mr. Joseph Robson, one of the company’s servants, who resided in their
factory six years as surveyor and supervisor of the buildings, in a work
published by him some years since,[82] animadverts in very strong terms
on the mode in which the governors of forts exert what he calls their
uncontroulable authority, and asserts that their extreme tyranny is a
perpetual source of personal disgust. He also says, that “the overplus
trade is big with iniquity, and no less inconsistent with the company’s
true interest, than it is injurious to the natives, who by means of it
are become more and more alienated, and are either discouraged from
hunting at all, or induced to carry all their furs to the French.” It
may be necessary here to observe, that the overplus trade arises from
the peltry which the company’s servants obtain in barter with the
natives beyond the ratio stipulated by the company, and which belongs to
themselves.
This is a heavy charge, and, if true, a very proper cause of complaint;
but it should seem there is not sufficient ground for the accusation,
for Mr. Robson afterwards says that this overplus trade is of little
advantage to them, for “that part of it, they always add to the
company’s stock, for the sake of enhancing the merit of their services,
and apply the remainder to their own use, which is often expended in
bribes to skreen their faults, and continue them in their command.” What
a strange degree of folly, as well as of guilt! that the governors are
so {128} weak and so wicked as to commit enormities only to make a
temporary advantage, and are obliged to distribute the wages of iniquity
in order to skreen themselves from its consequences among the company,
and their confederates in vice; whereas by a contrary conduct they would
be equally rich, more respected, and also feel an inward satisfaction of
mind from the consciousness of having discharged their trust with
integrity; ideas too absurd to be admitted. With regard to the company,
it cannot be supposed they are ignorant of this “overplus trade,” or the
means by which their servants obtain the advantages arising from it; if
they are not, and no impartial person will suppose they are, they not
only allow but approve of the conduct of their governors, from a
conviction of its being beneficial to the interests of the company; a
proper reward for the labours of their servants, or from some other
motive, which because it is adopted by men so respectable, and so much
above reproach, must be allowed to be wise and prudent.
In the next place, I believe it will be very difficult to prove that the
conduct of the governors has “alienated the natives from the company’s
interest, and discouraged them from hunting.” The former is at present
by no means clear, as I am credibly informed the New Northwest
Company,[83] whose trade extends to the boundaries of the settlements of
the Hudson’s Bay Company, find very little encouragement from the
Indians; if therefore the natives were disgusted, they would embrace the
first opportunity of shewing their dislike, by carrying their peltry to
the new traders; nothing can be more natural than to expect that this
would be the consequence; but as they have not done so, the inference is
fair that they are not disgusted.
{129} Another observation is, “that the cruel and oppressive behaviour
of the governors and captains towards the inferior servants, not only
deters useful people from engaging in the company’s service (a
circumstance they should attend to for their own interest), but
furnishes one pretext for the bad character that is given of the
company.”
Though in the particular department in which I have been many years
engaged as an Indian interpreter and trader, I have had few
opportunities of a personal and intimate acquaintance with many of the
company’s servants (having been in a commerce in direct opposition to
their interest), yet I can speak with confidence in regard to some of
them whom I have conversed with; that in every point of view I believe
them to be useful servants, and well skilled in the language of the
natives.—So far in answer to the assertion “that useful people are
deterred from entering into the service.” And by way of refuting the
charge of “cruelty and oppression,” I need only add, what none I think
will deny, that they have been so well satisfied with the conduct of
their superiors, that many of them have continued in the service more
than twenty years.
I believe, upon the whole, it will appear that the conduct of the
governors at home and abroad, is perfectly consistent with the true
interests of the company, and that any other mode of behaviour would
tend to anarchy and confusion; and I must declare for my own part that I
never heard of that personal disgust which Mr. Robson so much complains
of, but have rather found an anxious solicitude to be employed in their
service.
{130} Mr. Carver, in his history of North America, observes, “that on
the waters which fall into Lake Winnepeek, the neighbouring nations take
a great many furs, some of them they carry to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s
factories, situated at the entrance of the Bourbon River, but this they
do with reluctance on several accounts; for some of the _Assinipoils_
and _Killistinoe_ Indians,[84] who usually traded with the company’s
servants, told him that if they could be sure of a constant supply of
goods from _Michillimakinac_, they would not trade any where else; that
they shewed him some cloth, and other articles purchased at Hudson’s
Bay, with which they were much dissatisfied, thinking they had been
greatly imposed on in the barter.”
To this Mr. Carver adds, “that allowing their accounts true, he could
not help joining in their opinion; but afterwards he admits that this
dissatisfaction might probably proceed, in a great measure, from the
intrigues of the Canadian traders; and that the method they took to
withdraw the Indians from their attachment to the Hudson’s Bay Company,
and to engage their good opinion in behalf of their new employers, was
by depreciating, on all occasions, the company’s goods, and magnifying
the advantages that would arise to them from trafficking entirely with
the Canadian traders: in this they too well succeeded; and from this,
doubtless, did the dissatisfaction which the _Assinipoils_ and
_Killistinoes_ proceed.” But, says he, further, “another reason
augmented it, the length of the journey to the Hudson’s Bay Factories,
which they informed him took up three months during the summer heats to
go and return, and from the smallness of their canoes they could not
carry more than one third of the beaver they {131} killed, so that it is
not to be wondered at that the Indians should wish to have traders come
to reside among them.” As Mr. Carver did not travel in the interior
parts as a trader, he could not have any interested commercial motives;
on that account he is certainly entitled to credit as an impartial
observer: the public will judge of his remarks, and how far they tend to
censure, or approve, the conduct of the Hudson’s Bay Company.
I am induced to indulge this digression in consequence of a new
publication on the present state of Hudson’s Bay by Mr. Umfreville.[85]
It has unfortunately happened that the company’s enemies have been
frequently of their own household, persons in whom they placed
confidence and to whom they entrusted the mysteries of their commerce.
Differences will naturally arise, and doubtless have arisen between the
governors and their servants, in which case no man is, or ought to be,
obliged to stay in a service that is disagreeable to him; but then it is
certainly sufficient to leave the employ, and highly improper to
endeavour to prejudice the interest he once thought and felt it his duty
to promote; and I am of opinion that not a single transaction, or
circumstance, should be revealed that has not an immediate reference to
the cause of the disagreement, or is necessary to support or vindicate a
reputation. The present governors are men of great probity, and probably
may not condescend to take notice of these heavy charges against them;
but as the most exalted virtue may be injured by groundless assertions,
I trust the public will not be displeased with any endeavours, however
feeble, to vindicate the character of so respectable a body. As I do not
intend to enter on the subject more fully, I shall only entreat the
reader, if {132} he wishes further satisfaction on this head, to peruse
the publication of Mr. Robson, who was one of the company’s servants,
and who, Mr. Umfreville acknowledges to be a true and impartial writer.
From his account the reader will judge of the propriety of Mr.
Umfreville’s censures on the conduct of the governors of the Hudson’s
Bay Company. A more copious examination of Mr. Umfreville’s publication
would exceed the limits I have prescribed to myself; and I cannot but
think that those who peruse it will readily perceive how much injustice
he has done to the governors and the company.
{133} _Arrival of more Indians.—Rum gets short; adopt the usual Mode to
encrease the Stock, which enables us to conclude our Traffic for the
Season.—Take leave of the Indians, and proceed on our Journey
homewards.—Account of an Indian Courtship.—Servile State of the Women
after Marriage.—Observations on the Confidence which the Indians put in
the Master of Life,—&c.—Arrive safe at Pays Plat._
Soon after the departure of the trader, a large band, consisting of
about 100, came in; my stock of rum was very small, which was a
misfortune, as rum is too important in treaties with the Indians to be
easily dispensed with. On their arrival they wished to drink, but I
continued to barter for all their furs before I gave them any rum:
having finished the business, they grew clamorous, when I gave them as
much rum as I could spare, upon receipt of which they embarked in
tolerable good humour.
In the month of April the last band came in, and I was extremely
perplexed how to act, having a very small portion of rum, and no
prospect of encreasing my stock; I was therefore obliged to dilute it so
as to make it about one-fifth part weaker than usual, which made twenty
gallons of very passable Indian rum. Having supplied them {134} with
wearing apparel, &c. and received their peltry, I gave them a taste of
the _scuttaywabo_, and just before my embarkation made the following
speech:
“_Haguarmissey cockinnor an Nishinnorbay kee wabindan cawwickcar nin
serpargussey nee zargetoone, keennerwind kaygo kee cushkendum webatch
neennerwind tercushenan nepewar annacotchigon nin ojey petoone. Wa
haguarmissey cockinnor meenwendesay bazam Ebeckcheck megoyyack debwoye
neegee kaygo arwayyor matchee oathty, kee cannawendan cockinnor,
mokoman, baskeyzegan goyer becka, kee minniquy kaygo arwayyor
annascartissey woke, mornooch kee permartissyan cockinnor an
Nishinnorbay nogome debwoye negee nepewar artawway winnin ojey
zargetoone an Nishinnorbay, keshpin suggermarch wennewar metach nin ojey
debarchemon kitchee ojemaw awassa woity kitchee wakaygan Michillimakinac
metach kaygoshish ween ojey bockettywaun keennerwind._
“Now, my friends, take courage, I have always shewn you a good heart,
and you all know I am full of pity for you, your wives, and children;
therefore do not be uneasy, or think the time long I shall be absent
from you. I hope the Master of Life will give me courage and strength to
return to you, and bring you goods. Now, as you know I have no sugar on
my lips, nor any spear at my tongue, and that my ears are not stopt, nor
my heart bound up, I hope you will deliver up your knives, guns, and
tomahawks, and have no bad heart before you begin to drink, so that on
my return I may find you all well. I shall speak with {135} courage to
the great English chief, at _Michillimakinac_, and he will open his
heart to you.”
Having finished my speech, the weapons were collected and delivered to
me. I then gave them a considerable quantity of rum, after which I
returned their knives, &c. to convince them of the good opinion I
entertained of them, and that I had no doubt but they would attend to
the advice I had given them. I then got into my canoe, and waving my
hand, was saluted by a discharge of 200 guns, which I returned by one
volley, and pursued my journey in good spirits, heartily pleased at
leaving my winter quarters.
We continued our voyage without meeting with any occurrence worth
relating till we arrived at the Skunk’s River, where I had unfortunately
shot off a chief’s ear, as I have before related. Here I met with the
new married couple, and some of the same band to whom I was so much
obliged in the preceding December for singing the love-songs; and being
desirous of obtaining a perfect knowledge of their manners and customs,
I made many inquiries, and among other knowledge gained information of
the Chippeway form of courtship, which I presume will be acceptable to
those who have as much curiosity as myself.[86]
INDIAN COURTSHIP
When an Indian wishes to take a wife, and sees one to his mind, he
applies to the father of the girl, and asks his consent in the following
words:
{136} “_Nocey, cunner kee darmissey kee darniss nee zargayyar kakaygo O
waterwarwardoossin cawween peccan weettey gammat ottertassey memarjis
mee mor._”
“Father, I love your daughter, will you give her to me, that the small
roots of her heart may entangle with mine, so that the strongest wind
that blows shall never separate them.”
If the father approves, an interview is appointed, for which the lover
prepares by a perspiration; he then comes into her presence, sits down
on the ground, and smokes his pipe: during the time of smoking, he keeps
throwing small pieces of wood, of about an inch in length at her one by
one to the number of one hundred. As many as she can catch in a bark
bowl, so many presents her lover must make to her father, which he
considers as payment for his daughter. The young warrior then gives a
feast, to which he invites all the family—when the feast is done, they
dance and sing their war songs.—The merriment being over, and mutual
presents exchanged between the lover and her relations, the father
covers them with a beaver robe, and gives them likewise a new gun and a
birch canoe, with which the ceremony ends.
When the French became masters of Canada, the ceremony of marriage
between the Savages was very fantastical.
When a lover wished his mistress to be informed of his affection, he
procured an interview with her, which was always at night, and in {137}
the presence of some of her friends; this was conducted in the following
manner:
He entered the _wigwam_, the door of which was commonly a skin, and went
up to the hearth on which some hot coals were burning; he then lighted a
stick of wood, and approaching his mistress, pulled her _three_ times by
the nose, to awaken her; this was done with decency, and being the
custom, the squaw did not feel alarmed at the liberty. This ceremony,
ridiculous as it may appear, was continued occasionally for _two_
months, both parties behaving during the time in all other respects,
with the greatest circumspection.
The moment she becomes a wife, she loses her liberty, and is an
obsequious slave to her husband, who never loses sight of his
prerogative. Wherever he goes she must follow, and durst not venture to
incense him by a refusal, knowing that if she neglects him, extreme
punishment, if not death, ensues. The chief liberty he allows her is to
dance and sing in his company, and is seldom known to take any more
notice of her than of the most indifferent person: while she is obliged
to perform the drudgery of life, which custom or insensibility enables
her to do with the utmost cheerfulness.
A circumstance of this kind I recollect reading which happened at Beaver
Creek, about twenty-five miles from Fort Pitt. An Indian woman observing
some white men to carry fire-wood on their shoulders, took up her
hatchet, and brought them in a short time a great burden on her back;
and throwing it down by the fire, said, she not only pitied {138} them,
but thought it was a great scandal to see men doing that which was
properly the work of women.
The men consider women as of no other use but to produce them children,
and to perform the drudgeries of life; as to the offspring, he prefers
the sons to the daughter, because he expects they will all prove
warriors. The daughters they do not value for the same reason that they
subjugate their wives, deeming them worthy only to wait on warriors and
do those things which would disgrace the male sex.
We pursued our journey to Lac le Nid au Corbeau, where we killed some
wild geese and ducks, which at this season of the year have a fishy
taste. Here we rested two days to enable us to pursue the remainder of
our voyage with greater vigour. The third morning, at daybreak, we
embarked, and arrived at La grande Côte de la Roche, where we were
fortunate enough to kill two bears, which eat remarkably fine, and
having some leisure time to spare in the cookery, we enjoyed them with
as high a relish as in better situations we had done more luxuriant
meals.
We proceeded to Cranberry Lake, where we caught some fish, and picked as
many cranberries as we could conveniently carry; from thence we
continued our route to Portage la Rame, where we were again wind-bound
for some days; but during our stay we had not a single visitor to
disturb us. At length the wind proving favourable, we proceeded to
Riviére la Pique; on my arrival I was immediately struck with the
remembrance of the escape I had from Payshik Ogashey {139} last year;
but my mind was almost as instantly relieved by the recollection of his
being killed, and no longer a terror to traders.
This was one among many instances in which I found that when the heart
is oppressed with unpleasant recollections, or forebodings, the Author
of our Being conveys relief to the mind very unexpectedly. This sudden
transition we are too apt to impute to our own wisdom, and to attribute
the escape from dangers we have experienced, or the hopes of deliverance
which we form, entirely to our own sagacity and foresight. The Indians,
on the contrary, think more properly; they say it is the Master of Life
from whom we derive that presence of mind which has extricated or
procured us relief. To the Master of Life the Indian addresses himself
even for his daily support.—To him he imputes his victories and his
success; and when subdued, and fastened to the stake, he thanks him for
giving him courage to open his veins.—It is this confidence which
enables him to bear the severest tortures with composure, and in the
height of anguish, to defy the utmost malice of his enemies.
Notwithstanding the Chippeways, as well as the greater part of the
Indian nations, of North America, think so justly, it is to be lamented
that it is not universally so. The _Mattaugwessawauks_, it is said, do
not worship a Supreme Being, and that when success attends them in war,
they attribute the merit of the victory to their own valour and skill.
But notwithstanding their disbelief of a Master of Life, in some
respects, they are not less superstitious than other Savages, for they
think that certain places are haunted by evil spirits, whose power they
dread, and impressed with these ideas cautiously avoid them. Another
proof {140} of their superstition is, if one of their people is killed
by accident, they preserve a hand or a foot, which they salt, and dry,
and keep as a charm to avert calamities; by which it appears, that
although they do not acknowledge a dependance on a good spirit, they
entertain fears and apprehensions of a bad one; which induces one to
hope that such a deviation from the common belief of mankind may never
be confirmed, as it would stamp human nature with an odium too horrid to
think of. But to conclude this digression—we continued our voyage to
Pays Plat, where we stayed some days in the society of traders, who had
also wintered in the inlands, and others who arrived with goods to
supply those who were engaged to return; but as my time was expired, I
returned to _Michillimakinac_. After waiting on the commanding officer,
and giving an account of my stewardship to my employers, I retired to
Chippeway Point, a spot of ground out of the Fort, where I lived with an
Indian family, who occasionally made me _mackissins_, and other parts of
Indian dress.[87]
THIRD EXPEDITION
{141} _Remain some Time at Chippeway Point.—Account of a whimsical
Circumstance, whereby I had nearly incurred the Displeasure of the
Commanding Officer.—Narrative of the fortunate Escape of a Mr.
Ramsay, a Trader.—Undertake to escort a Quantity of Merchandise from
the Mississippi to Michillimakinac, which I perform with
Success.—Return to Montreal; from thence to Quebec, where I engage
with a new Employer._
During the time I remained at Chippeway Point, I had frequent offers
from the officers to sleep at their quarters within the fort; but being
accustomed to lie in the woods, I generally preferred that situation. A
circumstance happened soon after my arrival, which I shall relate.
In consequence of Indian treachery in the year 1764, (when the Savages,
commanded by _Pontiac_ the chief, under the pretence of a game at ball,
formed a plan to destroy the inhabitants, and take possession of the
fort, and in which they unfortunately succeeded, to the extreme
mortification of the English), there was a standing order that no Indian
should be permitted to enter the fort with fire arms; nor any squaw, or
Indian woman, allowed to sleep within the walls of the garrison on any
pretence whatever; and for the better security of the inhabitants, when
a council is held with the chiefs, double sentries are always
placed.[88]
{142} Having a strong desire to introduce a great chief’s daughter and
her sister, (notwithstanding the governor’s orders) I communicated my
intentions to an officer, and desired his assistance to complete the
plan. He very politely told me that he could not appear to countenance
my scheme, but would give me every possible assistance consistent with
his station. I assured him that they were a great chief’s daughters, and
that I would be answerable for their conduct.
With his consent I applied to two soldiers, and asked them if they could
spare time to roll a large hogshead of bottled porter from Chippeway
Point to the Fort; they told me whenever it suited me they would be
ready to assist. Having purchased the hogshead, and got it rolled down
the hill whilst the officers were at dinner, I told the squaws of my
plan, and having knocked out the head and bung, and bored several holes
to admit as much air as possible, desired them to get in, which with
some difficulty I persuaded them to do. I then replaced the head, and
ran immediately to the soldiers to acquaint them that the porter was
ready, and desired their assistance without delay, as I was afraid some
of the bottles were broken, and it would be proper to examine them as
soon as possible.
The soldiers immediately returned with me, and applying their shoulders
to the cask, rolled it up the hill with great labour and fatigue,
continually observing that it was very heavy. Just as they arrived at
the gate, the commanding officer and the commissary were coming through,
and seeing the hogshead, asked the soldiers what they had got there?
they replied it was bottled porter for a trader, who had desired them to
roll it from the Point. As a vessel had just then arrived from the
Détroit, {143} the commanding officer was so satisfied with the account
the soldiers gave, that he observed it was very fortunate, for they now
should have plenty of good beer to drink. The soldiers had scarcely
rolled another turn, when unluckily one of them kicked his foot against
a stone, who with the extreme pain he suffered, fell down. The other,
not being able to sustain the whole weight, let go his hold, and the
hogshead rolled down the hill with great velocity. Just as it came to
the bottom the head fell out, and the squaws exhibited the deception.
Unfortunately the commanding officer was near at hand when the accident
happened, and though it was a manifest breach of his orders, he could
not help smiling at the conceit; and looking at the imprisoned females,
said to them, “pretty bottled porter indeed!” The squaws were so
confused that they ran with the utmost precipitation into the woods, and
did not make their appearance for several days.
On the commanding officer’s return to the fort, enquiry was made for me,
and I was under the necessity of obeying his summons, although I confess
my situation was very unpleasant. As soon as I came into his presence,
assuming a look of displeasure, he asked me how I could dare to disobey
the orders of the garrison, which I knew were issued to prevent the most
serious consequences; that I was more culpable than another person,
knowing the nature and disposition of the Indian women, and the
impropriety and danger of confiding in them, adding that for the sake of
example, and to prevent others from acting so inprudently, he believed
he should send me down to Montreal in irons.
Alarmed at my situation, I made the best apology in my power, and
assured him I was extremely sorry for my conduct, but hoped he would
{144} pardon it. This acknowledgment of the offence induced him to
forgive me, and as he said he considered it a frolic of youth, he would
pass it over, but cautioned me against playing such tricks again. I felt
myself extremely obliged by his lenity, and promised to conduct myself
with more propriety in future, which promise I faithfully kept: for
though the experiment to admit the squaws would not have been attended
with any bad consequences, I did not chuse again to risk the commanding
officer’s displeasure.
On the 11th of August, the traders arrived from the _Mississippi_, and
brought an account of an extraordinary escape which a Mr. Ramsay and his
brother had from a tribe of the nation of the Poes, in their way to St.
Joseph.
The Poes are a very wild savage people, have an aversion to Englishmen,
and generally give them as much trouble as possible in passing or
repassing the Fort of St. Joseph’s, where some French traders are
settled by their permission.[89]
It seems the Canadians were invited by the Savages to land, and Mr.
Ramsay supposing they had some furs to dispose of, ordered his men to go
on shore; when standing up in his canoe just before his debarkation,
three of the warriors waded through the water neck-high, dragged him out
of his canoe, and carried him on shore. Mr. Ramsay’s men immediately
landed, and were preparing to follow their master, but observing eleven
Indians near at hand, and perceiving the bad intention of the chiefs,
got again into their canoes, leaving the one in which Mr. Ramsay and his
son were, on the beach, and paddled to an adjacent {145} island, waiting
the event of a circumstance which threatened death to their masters.
Mr. Ramsay being tied to the stump of a tree, and his son narrowly
watched, the Indians rummaged the canoe, and brought up as much rum as
they thought they could drink; they then began to sing their war songs;
and making a large fire near the stump to which Mr. Ramsay was tied,
they sat down on the ground, and began to insult him, telling him he was
an old woman, and obliged his brother to join in the derision.
The usual mode of execution among the Savages, is as follows:
When a warrior is taken, he is brought into a hut, and tied with small
cords made of the bark of trees, about the size of a cod-line: he is
then fastened to a stump, and a small rattle put into his hand, called
_chessaquoy_, which he shakes while he sings the dead war song:
“_Wabindan payshik shemagonish kitchee mannitoo; nee wee waybenan nee
yoe Matchee Mannitoo._”
“Master of Life, view me well as a warrior; I have thrown away my body
against the bad spirit.”
When the song is finished, the prisoner is untied, and made to run the
gauntlet through two ranks of women, who are provided with small sticks
to beat him. After this punishment a dog-feast is prepared with bear’s
grease and huckleberries, of which he is obliged to eat. He {146} is
then brought again to the stake, when wood is placed round him. He now
sings his war song, and the women set fire to the pile, the prisoner
singing as it burns. The bones are then collected and fixed to the
war-standard, which is a high pole painted with vermillion.
It is said that the nation of the _Followens_, or Wild Oats,[90] kill
their wives and children before they go to battle, that in case of a
defeat the enemy shall not have any prisoners of their nation.
The Poes, beginning to feel the effects of the rum, examined the cords,
which were made of the bark of the willow tree, and ordered some wood to
be put round the stump, to be ready when they should find themselves
disposed to burn him. Soon after they untied him, and brought him to the
war-kettle to make his death-feast; which consisted of dog, tyger-cat,
and bear’s grease, mixed with wild oats, of which he was compelled to
eat. Mr. Ramsay, knowing the nature of Indians, complied with seeming
cheerfulness, and said he was satisfied. He was taken back to the
intended place of execution, and tied again to the stump, from which,
with great composure, he desired permission to make his speech before he
changed his climate, which being granted, he immediately spoke to them
to the following effect:
“It is true the Master of Life has sent me here to those Indians whose
hearts are full of poisoned blood, and as they mean me to change my
climate, I shall go with courage to a better trading ground, where I
shall find good Indians. They have always known me to have had pity on
them, their wives, and children, since I have been a trader, and to have
opened my heart to them on all occasions; but now the {147} bad spirit
has joined his heart with theirs, to make me change my climate, which I
am glad of, for I am better known in the country I am going to, and by
greater warriors than ever these were. I now look on all the chiefs as
old women; and as I am the _Peshshekey_ (or buffalo), I shall drink my
last with them, and carry the news to the warriors in the other
climate.”
Having attentively heard his speech, they prepared for his death; which
he perceiving, immediately told his brother not to be disheartened, as
he had hopes of overcoming their fury, and desired him to ply them with
rum, and keep their kettles constantly filled. His brother followed the
instructions he gave him, and distributed the rum among them very
plentifully. When Mr. Ramsay discovered that they were sufficiently
intoxicated to be incapable of doing mischief, he desired his brother to
cut his cords; and being released, assisted in pouring rum down their
throats till they were quite insensible. Fired with resentment at their
intended barbarity, he and his brother cut all their throats, loaded his
canoe with the articles they had taken out, and paddled from shore as
fast as they could. The men hailed him at some distance, and were
rejoiced to see him safe; and after arranging their cargo, pursued their
journey into the Indian country, by a different course.
I was informed Mr. Ramsay returned afterwards to _Michillimakinac_,
where he was congratulated by the commanding officer on his fortunate
escape; but he never thought it prudent to go that route again.
About this time the Indian traders formed a company of militia, which I
joined with the rank of adjutant and lieutenant, under Captain {148}
John Macnamara. In the month of June 1780, news was brought from the
_Mississippi_, that the Indian traders had deposited their furs at _La
Prairie des Chiens_, or Dogs’ Field, (where there is a town of
considerable note, built after the Indian manner) under the care of
Mons. Longlad, the king’s interpreter;[91] and that the Americans were
in great force at the _Illinois_, a town inhabited by different nations,
at the back of the Kentuckey State, under the Spanish government, who
have a fort on the opposite shore, commanded by an officer and about
twelve men, to prevent illicit trade.[92]
The commanding officer at _Michillimakinac_[93] asked me to accompany a
party of Indians and Canadians to the _Mississippi_, which I consented
to with the utmost cheerfulness. We left the post with thirty-six
Southern Indians, of the _Ottigaumies_ and _Sioux_ nations, and
twenty[94] Canadians, in nine large birch canoes, laden with Indian
presents. After a march of three days I was taken ill, which I
attributed to hard living in the Nipegon Country; considering, however,
the urgency of the business, and that there was not any one of the party
capable of acting as interpreter, I struggled with my indisposition;
apprehending, also, that if I could not pursue the journey, I should be
exposed to great inconveniences; and therefore I encreased my
endeavours, determined to risk my life at all hazards.
The fourth day we encamped at Lac les Puans, so called, I apprehend,
from the Indians who reside on the banks being naturally filthy[95]—here
we got plenty of deer and bears, Indian corn, melons and other fruit.
The Southern Indians have more villages, and are better civilized than
the Northern, the climate being warm, and nature more prolific, which
{149} enables them to raise the fruits of the earth without much labour.
Their houses are covered with birch bark, and decorated with bows and
arrows, and weapons of war. Their beds are bark and matts made of
rushes.
We pursued our voyage to _Ouisconsin_, a fine River, with a strong
current for about sixty leagues, which our canoes ran down in a day and
a half; and upon which we saw an immense quantity of ducks, geese, and
other fowl. On this river we were obliged to unload our canoes, in order
to transport our goods across the portage, about two miles in length. We
encamped on the banks, and intended setting off at break of day, but one
of the Indians was bitten by a rattlesnake, which Mr. Adair calls the
bright inhabitant of the woods, and which had fourteen rattles.
Mr. Beatty relates that as he was preaching to the Indians and others,
at a small house near Juniata River, a rattlesnake crept into the room,
but was happily discovered and killed; and before the people could well
recover themselves, a snake of another kind was discovered among the
assembly, which was also killed without any other detriment than
disturbing the congregation, which surprised him very much, as it was a
matter of astonishment how these reptiles could crawl into the house
without being offended by some one, and which also excites them to bite.
The Indians say that when a woman is in labour, holding the tail of a
rattlesnake in her hand, and shaking the rattles, assists her delivery.
It is always observable that the Indians take out the bag which contains
{150} the poison of this venomous reptile, and carry it alive in their
medicine box when they go to war.
This unfortunate accident retarded our journey till the unhappy sufferer
relieved himself by cutting out the wounded part from the calf of his
leg, and applying salt and gunpowder, and binding it up with the leaves
of the red willow tree; he was soon able to proceed, bearing the pain
with that fortitude for which the Savages are so eminently
distinguished.
At the close of the next day we encamped near the river, and it rained
very hard: the Indians made some bark huts. One of them walking some
distance in the woods, discovered a small loghouse, in which he found a
white man, with his arms cut off, lying on his back. We conjectured he
had been settled at the spot, and killed by a bad Indian, which must
have happened very recently, as he was not putrid. Before our departure
we buried him.
The next day we arrived at the Forks of the Mississippi, where were two
hundred Indians of the nation of the Renards, or Foxes, on horseback,
armed with spears, bows and arrows. They did not seem pleased with our
appearance, which _Warbishar_, the chief of our band, told me.[96] Just
before we landed they dismounted, and surveyed us. The Sioux asked me if
I was afraid; I told them I had seen a greater number of Savages before,
and more wild than any of the Southern Indians. _Warbishar_ gave orders
to strike ashore. As soon as we landed, the Renards took our Indians by
the hand, and invited them into their camp. In the space of an hour they
prepared a feast, which consisted of five {151} Indian dogs, bear,
beaver, deer, mountain cat, and racoon, boiled in bear’s grease, and
mixed with huckleberries. After the repast, the Indians danced and sung.
A council was then held, when the chief of the Renards addressed
_Warbishar_ to this effect.
“Brothers, we are happy to see you; we have no bad heart against you;
although we are not the same nation by language, our hearts are the
same: we are all Indians, and are happy to hear our great Father has
pity on us, and sends us wherewithal to cover us, and enable us to
hunt.”
To which _Warbishar_ made answer.—“It is true, my children, our great
Father has sent me this way to take the skins and furs that are in the
Dog’s Field, under captain Longlad’s charge, least the Great Knives
(meaning the Americans)[97] should plunder them. I am come with the
white man (meaning me) to give you wherewithal to cover you, and
ammunition to hunt.”
When the speech was finished, we immediately distributed the presents,
got our canoes into the water, and left the Renards in the most friendly
manner.
After seven days journey we arrived at _La Prairie des Chiens_,[98]
where we found the merchants’ peltry, in packs, in a loghouse guarded by
captain Longlad and some Indians, who were rejoiced to see us. After
resting some time, we took out about three hundred packs of the best
skins, and filled the canoes. Sixty more which remained, we burnt, to
prevent the enemy from taking them, having ourselves no {152} room to
stow any more, and proceeded on our journey back to Michillimakinac.
About five days after our departure, we were informed that the Americans
came to attack us, but to their extreme mortification we were out of
their reach. Seventeen days after leaving _La Prairie des Chiens_, we
arrived at _Lac les Puans_, where we found a party of Indians encamped.
The next day we embarked, and arrived at Michillimakinac, after an
absence of eighty days. Soon after my return, I waited on the commanding
officer, expecting payment for my services; but was referred for
satisfaction to the Indian traders, from whom I never received any
compensation.
By this means I was left destitute even of the necessaries of life; but
I did not remain long in this uncomfortable situation, for I soon found
protection and support among the Indians; but as their assistance would
not afford the means to appear in civil society, I was under the
necessity of soliciting friendship from the merchants, to enable me to
return to Montreal, which I fortunately obtained. I left Michillimakinac
in the beginning of September, and arrived at Montreal on the 27th of
the same month.
I embraced the first opportunity to call on my old master, expecting to
find him in good health, but alas! he had paid the debt of nature, and
was succeeded by his nephew, who had been cotemporary clerk with me. He
permitted me to lodge at his house for a fortnight, but a few days after
my abode with him, my situation being different from what I had
experienced during the life of my old master, I asked him to fit me out
with an assortment of goods for the Indian trade, and promised to remit
him payment in furs. He told me I was welcome to any {153} goods he had
in his store that would suit me, but on examining the stock, all the
merchandise proper for the Savages was disposed of, and nothing left
that would answer any profitable purpose.
I then left his house, returning him thanks for his civility; and having
procured pecuniary assistance from a friend, took lodgings in the town,
where I stayed some time. I then went to Quebec, where a gentleman
accidentally hearing that I was out of employ, and knowing that I could
speak the Indian languages, sent for me and engaged me in his service,
to go among the Indians at Lake Temiscaming,[99] or any other situation
I might think most eligible for commerce.
{154} _Leave Quebec—Description of the Loretto Indians; some Remarks
relative to an Assertion, that the American Indians have no
Beards.—Mistake the Mercury Packet of Quebec for an American
Privateer.—Proceed on our Journey, and arrive at our Winter
Residence.—Description of several Sorts of Snakes.—Meet with great
Success, and soon complete our Traffic.—Return to Quebec._
Being furnished with a proper assortment of merchandise, I left Quebec,
and proceeded to Tadousac,[100] which is at the end of the Saguenay
River, near the River St. Laurence. About nine miles from Quebec there
is a village inhabited by the Loretto Indians, who are properly of the
nation of the Hurons.[101] They embraced Christianity, through the means
of the Jesuits, and follow the Catholic religion. The women have
remarkable good voices, and sing hymns in their own language most
charmingly. They cultivate the ground, and bring the produce to market;
and in their manners they are the most innocent and harmless of all the
Savages in North America. Their houses are decent, and built after the
Canadian fashion; they are an exception to the generality of Indians,
seldom drinking any spirituous liquors; they are for the most part tall,
robust people, and well shaped; have short black hair, which is shaved
off the forehead from ear to ear, and wear neither caps nor hats. With
regard to their beards, though they are scarcely visible, they have them
in common with all the tribes of Savages; but having an aversion to
excrescences, they carefully pluck {155} out every hair from the upper
jaw and chin with brass wire, which they twist together in the form of
pincers; and it is well known that all traders carry out that article of
commerce for this express purpose.
Baron de la Hontan seems to have been much mistaken when, in speaking of
the Savages, he says that they have no beards. Lord Kaims was also in
the same error, when he asserted there is not a single hair on an
Indian’s body, excepting the eyelashes, eyebrows, and hair of the head,
and that there is no appearance of a beard.
This observation Mr. James Adair remarks is utterly void of foundation,
as can be attested by all who have had any communication with them; and
major Robert Rogers,[102] who certainly knew the Indians as well as any
man, says that they _totally destroy_ their beards; which proves beyond
a doubt that they are not naturally _imbarbes_.
I have been led into these observations from the perusal of Lord Kaims’s
Sketches of the History of Man,[103] who not only insists that the
Indians have no beards, but builds on the hypothesis to prove a local
creation.
Tadousac is on the sea side, north of the River St. Laurence, and
inhabited by a few Indians called mountaineers, who live chiefly on
fish;[104] and one trader, clerk to the gentleman in whose service I was
engaged.
There is a French clergyman and a church for the Indians, who are all
Catholics. At this village I remained a fortnight, during which {156}
time the American privateers were continually cruizing about. One
morning there was a great fog, but we could just discern at a small
distance a vessel: this alarmed the priest and the Indians. My brother
Englishman (the trader who was settled here) joined with me in
soliciting the Indians to stand their ground, which the priest strongly
opposed, though paid by the British government. This incensed me, and I
insisted on taking some of his flock with me to reconnoitre, and
endeavour to discover what vessel she was, though I had strong
suspicions she was an American privateer. We went towards the shore, but
could not discover the number of guns she mounted; we returned to our
camp, and all the Indians at my request accompanied me to attack her. We
embarked in canoes, dressed alike, and as we approached perceived she
lay at anchor, and was a vessel of inconsiderable force, mounting only
eight small swivels. I immediately went on one side of her, and directed
the Indians to the other, to inclose her as much as we could. Having
reached the vessel, I took hold of a rope and went on board; the captain
was alarmed, and his fears were increased when he saw himself surrounded
with canoes, filled with Savages armed with guns and tomahawks; however,
he advanced towards me, and clapping me on the shoulder, asked what I
wanted? I was too politic to make any reply at that time. He then asked
me, if I would have some biscuit? I replied, _caween_, or no. He shook
his head, as much as to say, I wish I could know what you want. The
Indians then came on board, and the captain having only seven men; and
our number being upwards of forty, well armed, did not know how to act,
but, probably willing to please me, ordered his men to get some biscuit
and rum. Whilst the sailors were gone, I perceived she was an English
vessel, and then asked the captain in English to whom she belonged; he
was very agreeably surprised, {157} told me his name was Allcrow, and
that he commanded the Mercury Packet of Quebec. This information gave me
occasion to rejoice we did not take rough means; and when I communicated
the intelligence to the Indians they were highly pleased, and shook
hands with the captain.
The captain then accompanied us to shore in our canoes, and we landed at
our encampment. We afterwards went to the priest’s house, where we
dined. Mr. Martin, the priest, and myself were invited on board the next
day, when we had an excellent repast, with plenty of wine and other
liquors. Unfortunately we drank too freely, and returning in the
evening, the priest began to be very angry with me for encouraging the
Savages; this reprehension, with his former conduct, incensed me
exceedingly, and in the heat of passion I threw him overboard, but by
the assistance of the sailors he was saved. On our landing, our contest
led us to blows, but we were soon parted. When we were recovered from
intoxication, we shook hands, and afterwards remained good friends.
The next day the Indians were seized with an epidemic fever, which
deprived them of the use of their limbs, and occasioned a delirium. The
disorder attacked me very severely, but by the friendly assistance of
Mr. Martin, who had a medicine chest, in about three weeks I recovered.
The winter now advancing very rapidly, and the unavoidable delay at this
post, obliged me to proceed on my journey on snow shoes, carrying all my
goods on Indian slays, through the woods, and over {158} high mountains.
We travelled twenty-one days, on a deep snow, about one hundred leagues
through the Saguenay country, which was very fatiguing, till we arrived
at a place called Checootimy;[105] about half way up the river on which
it stands the salt water ebbs and flows. Only a few Indians reside here,
and one Indian trader, with whom I wintered, and hunted, killing a great
many animals. Early in the spring I took my leave of him, and being
furnished with canoes, pursued my journey to St. John’s Lake; from
thence to Panebacash River, to Lake Shaboomoochoine, which lies
northeast of Lake Arbitibis about the distance of seven days Indian
march.[106]
Near the Falls of Panebacash River I landed, and ascended a high
mountain, to survey a large cave, about two hundred yards deep, and
three yards wide at the mouth. Here I picked up a piece of ore, about
three inches square; the exterior crust was black and very thin, and
when broke, appeared yellow. I brought it to Quebec, but by some
accident lost it, which I lamented exceedingly, as some of my friends to
whom I shewed it were of opinion that it was very valuable.
This journey was farther inland, by near eighty leagues, than any trader
had ever been, the only settlement in that part of Canada being at St.
Peter’s Lake, where a French house was formerly established, and where
an English trader, who was employed by the merchants in whose service I
was engaged, resided.
I arrived at Lake Shaboomoochoine on the 26th of May, 1781, where I
intended only to stay a few days; but some Indians arrived who assured
me that it would answer my purpose to winter, and promised {159} to
supply me with fish, furs, and skins. This induced me to remain here;
and I built a house suitable for my business, and kept two Indians with
their wives to hunt for me.
On the 29th we set our nets, and in about four hours caught abundance of
large trout, pike, maskenonjey, pickerill, and white fish, and as the
country abounded with wild fowl, we were never without two courses at
table, with roots for garden stuff.
On the 17th of June a band of Indians arrived, who were agreeably
surprised to see a trader at a place where no one had settled before,
and they were particularly delighted when they heard me speak their own
language.
During my residence here I saw a great many snakes; and one day in
particular as I was walking in the woods, I discovered one of those
reptiles in the grass; the instant I perceived it, I cut a long stick
and dropt it gently on the snake’s head; it immediately moved, and I
could hear the rattles very distinctly. Whilst I was surveying the
brightness of its colours, which were inexpressibly beautiful, it was
coiling itself round like a rope to dart at me; this warned me of my
danger, and I took the taper end of the stick, and let the heavy end
fall on its head; the weight of the blow stunned it, and seizing this
opportunity, I struck it again, which killed it. I measured it, and
judged the length to be at least five feet and an half, and the thickest
part about four inches in circumference, with nine rattles on the tail,
which agreeable to the general observation, made his age nine years; but
I believe this is not an established fact, as it is uncertain at what
time the rattle begins to appear.
{160} The flesh of this reptile is delicious, and I have frequently
eaten of it with great goût. I have seen the Indians poison it with the
juice of tobacco.
Whilst I am on the subject, though not quite connected with it, I shall
make some observations on the turkey and black water snake.
The turkey snake is longer than the rattle snake, with stripes on the
back, and a spear at the end of its tail like an anchor, and a double
row of teeth in each jaw. It takes its name from its voice, which
resembles the note of a wild turkey. In the Mississippi it feeds on wild
rice, which grows among long grass, bearing its head frequently erect,
and makes a noise like a turkey to decoy it; as the bird approaches, the
snake darts its tail into it, and makes it an easy prey.
The black water snake is used by the Indians when they go to war; they
pull out the teeth, tie the head and tail together, and fasten it round
their bodies, which soon kills it. They take it off every night, and put
it on every morning.
In travelling from Toniata Creek, on the River St. Laurence to
Pimetiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario, I saw one of these snakes
swimming with a flat fish in its mouth, which I had the good fortune to
shoot, and released the prisoner from the jaws of death.[107]
I kept a flag constantly flying at my little fort, which the Indians
paid respect to by a salute from their guns. The band who were at this
time with me held a council, and made me a present of two very large
{161} beaver robes, and several valuable skins, with plenty of
provisions, for which I supplied them with tobacco, rum, trinkets, and
ammunition. Two days after they left me, and desired me to wait their
return, which I promised, provided they would bring me furs and skins to
load the canoes, and they should be repaid with Indian goods. As I
depended on their punctuality, I remained perfectly satisfied.
I was then left with two white men, and two Indians and their wives. We
passed our time in hunting and fishing; and as there were a great many
small islands near us, we made frequent trips to shoot wild fowl, which
enabled us to keep a good table. On one of the islands we discovered two
Indian huts, but from their appearance no person had visited them for a
length of time. About half a mile from the place we saw a high pole,
daubed over with vermilion paint; on the top were placed three human
skulls, and the bones hung round: the Indians supposed it had been
erected many years. About an hour before sun set we returned to our
wigwam. The next morning, in the absence of the Indians, the Canadians
assisted me in mixing the rum, and assorting the goods, to be prepared
against the arrival of the Savages, and to fill up the time, which hung
heavy on our hands.
On the 24th of June, a band of Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who
brought a considerable quantity of excellent furs and skins, with dried
meat, which I bartered for. When the bargain was made, I gave them some
rum, as usual upon such occasions, which, after their long march, highly
delighted them. They drank very plentifully, as I had exceeded the
common donation, but their cargo deserved it; and I always found it my
interest to be generous to them upon a barter.
{162} On their departure, taking an Indian for my guide, I made a visit
to a brother trader, one hundred and fifty miles from my settlement. I
stayed with him about a fortnight, and was on the point of returning,
when two Indians came to inform me, by the desire of my Canadians, that
a band of Savages waited for me. In about five days we returned, and I
bartered for all their furs.
On the 16th of July, about fifty Savages came with their spring hunt,
which I also bartered for, though the peltry was very inferior to what
is collected in winter; but as I was determined to make as good a season
as possible, I was eager to avail myself of every opportunity to
increase my stock.
The latter end of the month, the band who had promised to return came
in, and fulfilled their promise, bringing a large quantity of furs,
which, with the stock I had collected during their absence, was as much
as my canoes would hold. They also brought intelligence that the
Hudson’s Bay Company had been pillaged of their furs by the French.[108]
Early in the month of August I made up my packs, and embarked for
Quebec, where I arrived in about six weeks, to the great joy of my
employers, who, from my long absence, were very uneasy; however, the
cargo fully satisfied them, and convinced them of my industry and
integrity in their service. Being persuaded I had undergone great
fatigue, they made me a handsome present above my salary, and I quitted
their service, and the Indian life, with a resolution to endeavour to
procure an employ less hazardous, and where I could partake {163} of the
pleasures of society with less fatigue both of body and mind.
I remained some time at Quebec, and intended to pass my winter there,
but my money being nearly exhausted, and my mind not reconciled to
another Indian voyage, I returned to Montreal, where I found friends to
supply my wants till the spring following.
{164} _Visit Fort George.—Remarkable Instance of Courage in a Mohawk
Indian.—Return to England.—Enter into a new Engagement, and return
to Canada, with Merchandise for the Indian Commerce._
In May I took a trip to Fort George, situated on a lake of the same
name, called by the French, _Saint Sacrement_, where I stayed with some
of the Mohawks, who were encamped there.[109] In the beginning of the
French and Indian war in 1757, there was a remarkable instance of
resolution and cool deliberate courage in one of these Savages,
occasioned by a sentence being passed upon a soldier to receive five
hundred lashes for intoxication.
An Indian known by the name of _Silver Heels_, from his superior
agility, as well as his admirable finesse in the art of war, and who had
killed more of the enemy than any one of the tribes in alliance with
Great Britain, accidentally came into the fort just before the soldier
was to receive his punishment, and expressed his displeasure that a man
should be so shamefully disgraced. He went up to the commanding officer,
and asked him what crime the soldier had committed: the officer not
chusing to be questioned, ordered one of his men to send Silver Heels
away, and to inform him that the company of Indians was not agreeable on
such occasions; _Wa! wa!_ or, Oh! oh! replied the Savage, but what is
the warrior tied up for? For getting drunk, answered {165} the
soldier:—Is that all? said Silver Heels, then provide another set of
halberts, and tie up your chief, for he gets drunk twice a day. Having
said so, he instantly left the fort, telling the soldier he should
quickly return, to endeavour to prevent the punishment being inflicted.
Soon after the delinquent was tied up, and the drummers in waiting to
obey orders, Silver Heels returned; and going up to the officer, with a
tomahawk and scalping knife, said to him, Father, are you a warrior, or
do you only think yourself so? If you are brave, you will not suffer
your men to strike this soldier whilst I am in this fort. Let me advise
you not to spill the good English blood which to-morrow may be wanted to
oppose an enemy.—The officer, turning upon his heel, answered with an
indignant look, that the soldier had transgressed, and must be
flogged.—Well! replied Silver Heels, then flog him, and we shall soon
see whether you are as brave a warrior as an Indian.
About two days after the officer was riding some distance from the fort,
and Silver Heels was lying flat on his stomach, according to his usual
custom when he watched to surprize an enemy. The officer passed without
perceiving him, when he instantly sprung up, and laying hold of the
horse’s bridle, told the officer to dismount and fight him. The officer
judging it improper to risk his life against a Savage, refused to
dismount, and endeavoured to spur his horse. Silver Heels perceiving his
intention, tomahawked the horse, who fell down suddenly, and the officer
rolled on the ground without being hurt. Now, says Silver Heels, we are
on equal terms, and, as you have a brace of pistols and a sword, you
cannot have any objection to fight me. The officer still refusing,
Silver Heels told him, that he thought himself a warrior when he ordered
one of his white slaves to be flogged for a {166} breach of martial law,
but that he had now forgot the character he then assumed, or he
certainly would have fought him: and looking very sternly, added, that
he had a great mind to make him change his climate; but as that mode of
proceeding would not answer his purpose, and sufficiently expose him
among his brother warriors, he might walk home as soon as he pleased;
and that to-morrow morning he would come to the fort with the horse’s
scalp, and relate the circumstance. The officer was rejoiced to escape
so well, though he was obliged to walk a distance of three miles.
The next morning Silver Heels arrived, and asked to see the officer, but
was denied admission into his presence. Some of his brother officers
came out, and enquired his business; he related to them the circumstance
between the officer and himself, and exhibited the trophy; adding, that
to-morrow he intended going to war, and should make a point of taking an
old woman prisoner, whom he should send to take the command of the fort,
as the great chief was only fit to fight with his dog, or cat, when he
was eating, lest they should have more than him. Then asking for some
rum (which was given him), he left the fort to fulfil his promise, but
was soon after killed in an engagement, fighting manfully at the head of
a party of Mohawks, near the Bloody Pond, joining to Lord Loudon’s road,
in the way to Albany.
Just before the frost set in, I returned to Montreal, and visited my old
Cahnuaga friends, where I amused myself in the Indian way, as I always
preferred their society to the Canadians; notwithstanding, I
occasionally mixed in more civilized amusements, and as I danced
tolerably well, my company was generally sought after.
{167} The Canadians are particularly fond of dancing, from the
_seigneur_ to the _habitant_; and though the meaner sort of people do
not excel in it, there is a peculiar ease, and careless indifference,
which, though it appears too rustic, is far from being disagreeable. The
beverage on these occasions is sour Spanish red wine, called black
strap; and this, homely as it would be thought in more refined
assemblies, is there considered as a very handsome manner of treating
their friends.
The winter being passed, I determined to go to Quebec, and endeavour to
get a passage to England, not having any prospect of a permanent
settlement in Canada. On my arrival I put up at a tavern, and lived as
moderately as possible, from necessity more than inclination; for every
one knows that Indian traders, like sailors, are seldom sufficiently
prudent to save much money. Fortunately for me, I met with an old
school-fellow at Quebec, a captain of a ship, whom I had not seen for
sixteen years. To him I communicated my distressed situation, and by him
was generously relieved. In addition to this act of kindness, he
promised me a free passage to England on board his vessel, which offer I
accepted with pleasure and gratitude.
Having fixed the time of his departure, I took the post, and went to
Montreal to settle my affairs: I then returned to Quebec, from whence we
sailed the 11th day of October, 1783, and put into Newfoundland. When we
came in sight of harbour, several of us requested permission to take the
long boat, and row on shore, which was granted; but it being a dead
calm, we made very little way. We had not left the ship more than a
league, when a southwest wind sprang up, and retarded us considerably.
In the evening the wind abated, and with hard rowing {168} we reached
the shore about midnight, both fatigued and hungry. Early in the morning
the ship came into harbour, and had suffered some damage by beating
about in the night, which induced the captain to dispose of the cargo.
On the 9th of November we left Newfoundland, on board another vessel:
our passage was favourable, without any remarkable occurrence, and we
arrived in London the 30th of the same month.
My native city, upon my arrival, appeared like a new world to me, having
been absent from England fifteen years; and it was with difficulty I
found any of my old friends, the greatest part of them in such a length
of time being dead.
In February, 1784, I entered into an engagement with a relation to
return to Canada; and being furnished with a cargo, left London on the
15th of April following. On the 20th we got under weigh, and put into
Portsmouth, to take in wines. After a bad and tedious passage of eleven
weeks, we arrived safe at Quebec, from whence my goods were sent to
Montreal in small craft. Unfortunately the season was too far advanced
to suffer me to attempt going to Michillimakinac, and wintering in the
inlands, as I had no prospect of providing suitable canoes; nor were my
goods properly assorted, and there was not time sufficient to arrange
them, so as to make the intended voyage. This induced me to consult a
friend upon the occasion, who advised me to dispose of my goods at
public vendue, which I did, at very great loss, so that I could only
remit my friend in London a very small sum in part of payment. In this
adventure nothing succeeded to my wishes, for by my credulity, and being
willing to retrieve, if possible, the loss I had sustained, I soon {169}
increased my difficulties, so that in a few months after my arrival, all
my schemes failing, I was left totally destitute.
In February, 1785, I quitted Montreal, and walked from La Prairie to St.
John’s,[110] where I accidentally found a friend who supplied me with
money to go to New York. I proceeded to Stony Point, where I stayed two
days with some loyalist officers, some of whom accompanied me to Crown
Point, where we also stayed three days.[111] We then parted company, and
I hired a slay, which carried me safely to New York, where I took a
lodging, and lived as moderately as I could.
During my residence there, I met a Loretto Savage, called Indian John,
who had been in the American service all the war, and who waited to
receive a reward for his fidelity, as the Congress were then sitting. He
told me he had been at war for them nine years, had killed a great many
of their enemies, and had only received a gun, two blankets, three
pieces of Indian gartering, and one hundred dollars in paper money,
which he could not make use of; and as I understood his language he
desired me to render him service by interpreting for him to the
governor. I desired him to call at my lodgings, and in the mean time I
wrote down the circumstances he had related to me, that I might be
prepared, in case I was sent for at a short notice.
A few days after he explained to me more fully the nature of his claim,
and how he had been trifled with by Congress. I asked him his reasons
for engaging in the American service; he told me that at the
commencement of the war, the Big Knives (meaning the Americans), had
advised him to turn his heart from the English, and promised to supply
all his {170} wants; and, as an additional inducement, that they would
pay a better price for a scalp than had been usually given, and at the
close of the war he should have land and stock sufficient to maintain
himself and family: but he was now convinced they only meant to serve
themselves, as he had frequently applied for a performance of their
promises without success; and that he was determined to get satisfaction
some way or other.
I told him I was not sorry for his disappointments; that he was a bad
Indian for deserting his good father, who lived on the other side the
great water, and who was universally beloved by all who knew him,
particularly by the Loretto nation; and as the subjects of this great
and good father lived near his village, and gave every proof of their
love and friendship to his nation, which he could not be ignorant of, I
was surprized that he should suffer his heart to be moved by the
changeable winds, and was sorry to add, that I believed he was the only
Loretto Indian with two minds, and therefore I was unwilling to say any
thing in his behalf before Congress.
These remarks on his conduct seemed to affect him, and he replied, that
he hoped, notwithstanding he had deserted the cause of his great father,
he should find me his friend to attend him when his affair should be
taken under consideration by Congress, as he had not any one in New York
who could serve him so essentially. I told him, that in spite of my just
displeasure, his situation had melted my heart, and I would not refuse
his request.
In about four days he came to acquaint me that Congress were then
sitting, and he believed they would pay his demand if I would go {171}
with him, and interpret to the governor; but having taken an active part
against the Americans during the war, I would willingly have been
excused. On his urging my promise to him, I could not resist, and
immediately accompanied him to the council, where Governor Franklin was
president, who asked me if I knew Indian John; I told him, only by
seeing him at New York, and that I came at his particular request to
speak in his behalf. He desired me to assure the Indian that he might
depend on having his demand satisfied in a few days, and to make his
mind easy: this I communicated to him, with which he seemed perfectly
satisfied.
Soon after he was sent for, and he received an order on a merchant for
one hundred dollars, which being presented for payment, was not
honoured: this incensed John, and he desired me to tell the merchant,
that the Congress and their agents were all thieves. The merchant
excused himself by saying that the treasury was very poor, and could not
immediately satisfy every demand.
The next day John went again to the governor, and having acquainted him
with the refusal of the draft, received an order on another merchant,
which was duly honoured.[112] John’s heart was quite elated, and in less
than ten days he had disposed of all the money, like a true Indian,
principally in drink.
My interference in favour of the Indian made me well known, and procured
me an introduction to a respectable mercantile house, from which I got
credit for the Indian trade. Having arranged my cargo, I proceeded in a
vessel to Albany, where I arrived on the 18th of June. {172} At this
place I unloaded my goods, and got them conveyed in a waggon to
Schenectady, where I purchased two boats. On the 6th of July I proceeded
up the Mohawk River, to the German Flats, where I stayed three days;
during which time a band of Oneida Indians came and solicited me to
winter at their village, which was about ten days march from Fort
Stanwix. I complied with their request, and set off with twenty-eight
horses to carry my baggage, being obliged to travel through the woods,
and sold my boats to satisfy those from whom I hired the horses. I
arrived safe at the village with all my goods, but finding the plan was
not likely to turn out advantageous, after a residence with them three
weeks, I bartered for the few skins they had, and having re-purchased my
boats, I left my Indian friends, proceeding immediately to the Jenesee
Lake, where I arrived on the 14th of September.
Having landed and secured my goods, I ordered my men to prepare a house.
The chiefs, on hearing of my arrival, assembled, and came up to me,
accompanied by their young men, expecting presents, which I was obliged
to make; and I asked permission to stay on their ground. Some consented,
and others disapproved; at the last, after consulting each other, they
told me I might go on with the building. The men immediately proceeded
with cheerfulness and dispatch, in hopes of finishing the business
before their return; but how transitory are all human events! whilst the
men were at work, some Indians came in great haste to desire my
attendance at the council fire, which was at a small distance from my
intended place of residence. I obeyed the summons, and sat down by the
chiefs, when one of them rose up, and addressed me to the following
effect.
{173} “You are the Sugar, for so you are called in our tongue, but you
must not have too much sweetness on your lips. All the Oneida Indians
say they have heard that you are only come under a pretence to get our
lands from us; but this must not be, my young warriors will not suffer
any Englishman to settle here. You are like the great chief, General
Johnson, who asked for a spot of ground, or large bed, to lie on; and
when Hendrick, the chief of the Mohawks, had granted his request, he got
possession of a great quantity of our hunting grounds; and we have
reason to think that you intend to dream us out of our natural
rights.[113] We loved Sir William, and therefore consented to all his
requests; but you are a stranger, and must not take these liberties:
therefore, my advice is, that you depart to-morrow at break of day, or
you will be plundered by the young warriors, and it will not be in our
power to redress you.”
As I have mentioned a council, I shall describe the form of a house
erected for that purpose near Fort Pitt.
The building is long, with two fires in it at a proper distance from
each other, without any chimney or partition: the entry into the house
is by two doors, one at each end: over the door the figure of a turtle
was drawn, which is the ensign of the particular tribe: on each doorpost
was cut out the face of an old man, an emblem of that gravity and wisdom
that every senator ought to be possessed of. On each side, the whole
length of the house within, is a platform, or bed, five feet wide,
raised above the floor one foot and a half, made of broad pieces of wood
split, which serves equally for a bed to sleep on, and a place to sit
down. It is covered with a handsome mat made of rushes, and at the upper
end of the building the king, or great chief sat.
{174} To return from this digression,—We baled up our goods, and
proceeded to Fort Oswego, which I attempted to pass, but was prevented
by a centinel, who informed me that no batteau with goods could pass
without the commanding officer’s permission. I told him I was not an
American, and would wait on him to know if he had issued such orders. I
travelled in my Indian dress, and left my men at the landing, about a
mile and a half from the garrison. I paid my respects to him, and
acquainted him with my situation: he told me he should be very happy to
oblige me, but that it was impossible to pass the fort without proper
credentials; and as I had them not, he desired me to return to the
United States, to prevent my goods being seized. Notwithstanding this
friendly advice, I was determined to run the risk, and, to my extreme
mortification, they all were seized by the customhouse officers, by them
deposited in the king’s warehouse, and afterwards condemned.
In this distressed situation, and very ill in health, I went down in a
king’s boat to Cataraqui, where I arrived on the 8th of November, and
took up my abode at Mr. Howell’s tavern. My indisposition increasing, I
was obliged to keep to my blankets, and had only one faithful squaw to
attend me. In this miserable state I lay some time, expecting every hour
to change my climate, though determined to use every endeavour to effect
a recovery. At this interesting period my correspondent arrived from
England, and notwithstanding the losses he had sustained by my
imprudence, performed the part of a good Samaritan, pouring oil and wine
into my wounds; and finding my disorder required medical assistance,
desired a surgeon to attend me, and I was soon sufficiently recovered to
pursue my journey to La Chine, where I remained some months in preparing
the goods which he brought from England {175} for a Northwest journey
among the Indians, intending to go next spring to Michillimakinac; _mais
la mauvaise fortune qui nous poursuivit toûjours_, frustrated all our
schemes, and obliged us to leave La Chine on the 26th of May, 1786, from
whence we proceeded in a large Schenectady boat[114] to Oswegatche,
where we stopped a few hours, and landed at a place called Toniata
Creek, where I determined to apply for five hundred acres of land as a
loyalist settler;[115] which being granted me by government, I
immediately felled timber to build a house for the accommodation of
Indians, in hopes of deriving considerable advantages by barter.
In a few days the Indians came to trade with us, which gave us
encouragement, and at the same time flattered us with the pleasing ideas
of succeeding in commerce: but some affairs requiring my friend’s
attendance at Montreal, trade suffered a temporary suspense, and at his
return he told me that we must leave our quarters, for he was
apprehensive of a seizure for an English debt.
In this cruel dilemma, flight was our only security, and we embarked all
our goods on board a large batteau, and proceeded to Pimitiscotyan
landing upon Lake Ontario, where we entered a creek, and found
accommodation at a trader’s house. The next morning we prepared a house
for trade, and for some days went on successfully; but our happiness was
of short duration, for an officer pursued us, and took possession of all
the effects he could find, even to the tent which sheltered us from the
weather, and carried them down to Montreal, where they were sold for
less than one fourth part of their original cost and charges.—Thus
circumstanced, without any property to trade with, we came down {176} to
the Bay of Kenty, and resided there ten months among the loyalist
settlers, whose hospitality tended to soften the rigour of distress, and
alleviate my sorrows. Early in spring, 1786, we crossed over to Carlton
Island, and from thence to Fort Oswego, intending to go into the United
States by that post; but not having any pass, we were not allowed to
pursue our journey. In this mortifying situation I advised my friend to
adopt another plan, and procured a conveyance to Salmon Creek, about
twenty miles from the Fort. Here we rested one day, and with five pounds
of pork, and two loaves of bread, we set off on foot, escorted by a
squaw, expecting to reach Fort Stanwix in about four days; but the old
path was entirely obliterated, and we were obliged to return in the
evening to the creek, disappointed in the attempt. Unwilling to make
another effort, we agreed to return to Fort Oswego, and though the
distance was not more than twenty miles, we were six days before we
reached the garrison.
In this expedition my friend suffered great hardships, not being
accustomed to sleep in the woods; and having also a knapsack with about
thirty pounds weight to carry, grieved him exceedingly: the shortness of
provisions increased the distress, for it cannot be supposed that five
pounds of pork, and two loaves of bread, would last three persons any
length of time.
Previous to our journey’s end, we were twelve hours without any
sustenance, except wild onions; but fortunately we found on the sand
about one hundred and forty birds eggs, which we boiled, and eagerly
devoured, notwithstanding the greatest part had young birds in them,
with small down on their bodies.
{177} On our arrival at the fort, the commanding officer rallied us on
our attempt; and taking my friend aside, advised him either to return to
Montreal, or go up to Niagara, as he was sure he was not equal to the
fatigue of an Indian life. He followed the officer’s advice, and left me
at the fort, which I soon afterwards quitted, and went down to Montreal;
from thence I got a conveyance to Quebec; and being greatly distressed,
applied to Lord Dorchester for relief, who generously directed his aid
de camp to accompany me to Lieut. General Hope,[116] and strongly
recommended me to his notice, to be employed in an Indian capacity.
Being in some measure relieved, and supplied with a few dollars and
other necessaries, I was sent up to Cataraqui.
I left Quebec, and arrived at Montreal on the 14th of July: the next day
I pursued my journey on foot, but seeing two Indians of my acquaintance
in a canoe, and having some money in my pocket to buy rum, I hired them
to convey me to Cataraqui, and in our way we killed plenty of game.
On the 19th of August I delivered my credentials to the proper officer,
but he could not render me any service; however, he recommended me, by
letter, to his friend at Carlton Island, where Sir John Johnson[117] was
waiting for a vessel to convey him to Niagara, to hold a council with
the Indians: fortunately I procured an interview with him, and
communicating to him my situation, he ordered me to be in readiness to
assist as interpreter at his return. On the 18th of September, Sir John
Johnson met us at the head of the bay of Kenty; the instant the Indians
heard of his arrival, they saluted him with a discharge of small arms,
and having received some rum, they danced and sung all night {178} their
war songs; one of them I particularly noticed, which was to the
following effect:—
“At last our good father is arrived, he has broken the small branches,
and cleared his way to meet us. He has given us presents in abundance,
and only demands this large bed (meaning a considerable tract of land
which was described on a map).”
At twelve o’clock the next day a council was held, and Sir John laid his
map before them, desiring a tract of land from Toronto to Lake Huron.
This the Indians agreed to grant him, and the deed of gift being shewn
them, it was signed by the chiefs’ affixing the emblem, or figure of
their respective totams, as their signatures.
Sir John Johnson then left them, and embarked for Cataraqui, the capital
of the loyalist settlements.
Previous to his departure, I made him more fully acquainted with my
distressed situation and procured from him a temporary supply, which
enabled me to go down to the third Township in the Bay of Kenty,[118]
where I stayed with my loyalist friends till the spring of 1787; during
which time I had frequent opportunities of making observations on the
flourishing state of the new settlements.
The settlements of loyalists in Canada, bid fair to be a valuable
acquisition to Great Britain; and in case of a war with the United
States, will be able to furnish not only some thousands of veteran
troops, but a rising generation of a hardy race of men, whose principles
during {179} the last war stimulated them to every exertion, even at the
expence of their property, families, and friends, in support of the
cause they so warmly espoused. There was, however, when I resided in the
country, one cause of complaint, which, though it may not immediately
affect the welfare and prosperity of the present inhabitants, or prevent
an encrease of population, in proportion to the unlocated lands, is big
with impending danger, and which, for the satisfaction of the public, I
shall endeavour to explain.
All the land from Point au Baudet (the beginning of the loyalist
settlements on the River St. Laurence), to the head of the bay of Kenty,
which at this period I am informed, contains at least ten thousand
souls, is said to be liable to the old feudal system of the French
seigneuries; the lords of which claim title to receive some rent, or
exercise some paramount right, which, though it may be at present very
insignificant, and which perhaps may never be insisted on, renders every
man dependent on the lord of the manor, and, in process of time, as land
becomes more valuable, the raising these rents, or the exercise of these
rights, may occasion frequent disputes: I think therefore, with
submission to our government, that as many hundreds of Americans are now
settled there, and doubtless many more may occasionally migrate from the
United States, either from being disgusted with the polity of the
country, or from an idea of reaping greater benefits as subjects of
Great Britain, it behoves us to remove every obstacle of subserviency,
and either by purchase, or any other mode Administration shall think fit
to adopt, render all the lands in Canada, granted to loyalist subjects,
or others who have, or may voluntarily take the oaths of allegiance, as
free as those in Nova Scotia.[119]
{180} Men who have been engaged in their country’s cause from the best
of principles, should have every possible indulgence; and in proportion
as they have been deprived of comforts by the desolation of war, they
should be recompensed without any partial restrictions, and the
remainder of their days rendered as happy as the government they live
under can make them.
The population of these new settlements, and their parallel situation
with Fort Oswegatche, Carleton Island, Oswego, and Niagara, evince,
perhaps, more forcibly than ever, the propriety of retaining these
barriers in our possession, which, in the former part of this work, I
have fully explained; and as the third Township alone (which is nine
miles square) contained, in the year 1787, about seventeen hundred
inhabitants, it is difficult to say what number of valuable subjects
that country may hereafter produce; certain it is, that it is capable of
supporting multitudes, as the land is in general fertile, and on an
average produces about thirty bushels of wheat per acre, even in the
imperfect manner in which it is cleared, leaving all the stumps about
three feet high, and from five to ten trees on an acre. This mode of
clearing is in fact absolutely necessary, because new cultivated lands
in hot climates require shelter, to prevent the scorching heat of the
sun, which, in its full power, would burn up the seed. It has also been
found expedient in stony ground to let the stones remain, as they retain
a moisture favorable to vegetation.
In the month of May I left the new settlements, and went down to
Montreal, and from thence to Quebec, where I waited on Lord Dorchester,
but could not gain admittance. I was afterwards informed {181} that his
lordship was indisposed. I then went to Lieut General Hope’s, but he had
embarked for England.
So many mortifying disappointments affected me very sensibly, but as
discouragements generally encreased my exertions, I was more assiduous
in my endeavours to live, and whilst I was contriving schemes for future
support, I received a supply from a friend: so seasonable a relief
braced up all my nerves, and I felt a pleasure that can scarce be
conceived by any but such as have experienced hardships and difficulties
similar to mine.
My heart being cheered, and every gloomy thought dispersed, I determined
to leave the country whilst I had money in my pocket. Having found
another friend to sign a pass, I went on board a ship then lying in the
River St. Laurence, on the 25th of October, and arrived in London the
beginning of December following, rejoiced at again setting foot on my
native shore.
Having finished the historical part of my work, I have only to solicit
the candid indulgence of the public for any literary errors I may have
been guilty of; and with great respect to convey to them an humble hope
that the Voyages and Travels, together with the Vocabulary subjoined,
may not be found totally unworthy their attention.
VOCABULARY
_English_ _Esquimeaux_
Arrow Kátso
Bow Petíksick
Boat Kágak
Dog Mické, or Tímitok
Eye Killick, or Shik
Egg Manneguk
Ear Tehiu
Four (number) Missílagat
Foot Itikak
Hair Nutshad
Heaven Taktuck, or Nabugákshe
Head Níakock
Knife Shavié
Moon Tákock
Oar Pácotick
One (number) Kombuc
Sun Shíkonac, or Sakáknuc
Two (number) Tigal
Three (number) Ké
Rain Kíllaluck
Tooth Ukak
Water Sillakákto
N. B. _Esquimeau, in the singular Number, means an Eater of raw
Flesh._
{184} _English_ _Iroquois_
One Uskat
Two Tekkeny
Three Aghsey
Four Kayeery
Five Wisk
Six Yàyak
Seven Tsyàdak
Eight Sadégo
Nine Tyoughtow
Ten Oyéry
Eleven Oyéry uskat yawàrey
Twelve Oyéry tekkeny yawàrey
Thirteen Oyéry aghsey yawàrey
Fourteen Oyéry kayeery yawàrey
Fifteen Oyéry wisk yawàrey
Sixteen Oyéry yàyak yawàrey
Seventeen Oyéry tsyàdak yawàrey
Eighteen Oyéry sadégo yawàrey
Nineteen Oyéry tyoughtow yawàrey
Twenty Towwaghsey
Twenty one Towwaghsey uskat yawàrey
Twenty two Towwaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Twenty three Towwaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Twenty four Towwaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Twenty five Towwaghsey wisk yawàrey
{185} _Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Payjik Payshik
Ninch Neesh
Nissoo Neesswoy
Neoo Neon
Naran Narnan
Ningootwassoo Negutwosswoy
Ninchowassoo Neeshswosswoy
Nissowassoo Swosswoy
Shongassoo Shangosswoy
Metassoo Metosswoy
Metassoo ashy payjik Metosswoy asshea payshik
Metassoo ashy ninch Metosswoy asshea neesh
Metassoo ashy nissoo Metosswoy asshea neesswoy
Metassoo ashy neoo Metosswoy asshea neon
Metassoo ashy naran Metosswoy asshea narnan
Metassoo ashy ningootwassoo Metosswoy asshea negutwosswoy
Metassoo ashy ninchowassoo Metosswoy asshea neeshswosswoy
Metassoo ashy nissowassoo Metosswoy asshea swosswoy
Metassoo ashy shongassoo Metosswoy asshea shangosswoy
Ninchtànà Neesh tanner
Ninchtànà ashy payjik Neesh tanner asshea payshik
Ninchtànà ashy ninch Neesh tanner asshea neesh
Ninchtànà ashy nissoo Neesh tanner asshea neesswoy
Ninchtànà ashy neoo Neesh tanner asshea neon
Ninchtànà ashy naran Neesh tanner asshea narnan
{186} _English_ _Iroquois_
Twenty six Towwaghsey yàyak yawàrey
Twenty seven Towwaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Twenty eight Towwaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Twenty nine Towwaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
Thirty Aghsey newaghsey
Thirty one Aghsey newaghsey uskat yawàrey
Thirty two Aghsey newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Thirty three Aghsey newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Thirty four Aghsey newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Thirty five Aghsey newaghsey wisk yawàrey
Thirty six Aghsey newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
Thirty seven Aghsey newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Thirty eight Aghsey newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Thirty nine Aghsey newaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
Forty Kayeery newaghsey
Forty one Kayeery newaghsey uskat yawàrey
{187} _Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Ninchtànà ashy ningootwassoo Neesh tanner asshea negutwosswoy
Ninchtànà ashy ninchowassoo Neesh tanner asshea neeshswosswoy
Ninchtànà ashy nissowassoo Neesh tanner asshea swosswoy
Ninchtànà ashy shongassoo Neesh tanner asshea shangosswoy
Nisso metànà Neess semmettenner
Nissoo metànà ashy payjik Neess semmettenner asshea payshik
Nissoo metànà ashy ninch Neess semmettenner asshea neesh
Nissoo metànà ashy nissoo Neess semmettenner asshea neesswoy
Nissoo metànà ashy neoo Neess semmettenner asshea neon
Nissoo metànà ashy naran Neess semmettenner asshea narnan
Nissoo metànà ashy ningootwassoo Neess semmettenner asshea
negutwosswoy
Nissoo metànà ashy ninchowassoo Neess semmettenner asshea
neeshswosswoy
Nissoo metànà ashy nissowassoo Neess semmettenner asshea swosswoy
Nissoo metànà ashy shongassoo Neess semmettenner asshea
shangosswoy
Neoo metànà Neon mettenner
Neoo metànà ashy payjik Neon mettenner asshea payshik
_English_ _Iroquois_
Forty two Kayeery newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Forty three Kayeery newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Forty four Kayeery newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Forty five Kayeery newaghsey wisk yawàrey
Forty six Kayeery newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
{188}
Forty seven Kayeery newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Forty eight Kayeery newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Forty nine Kayeery newaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
Fifty Wisk newaghsey
Fifty one Wisk newaghsey uskat yawàrey
Fifty two Wisk newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Fifty three Wisk newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Fifty four Wisk newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Fifty five Wisk newaghsey wisk yawàrey
Fifty six Wisk newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
_Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Neoo metànà ashy ninch Neon mettenner asshea neesh
Neoo metànà ashy nissoo Neon mettenner asshea neesswoy
Neoo metànà ashy neoo Neon mettenner asshea neon
Neoo metànà ashy naran Neon mettenner asshea narnan
Neoo metànà ashy ningootwassoo Neon mettenner asshea negutwosswoy
{189}
Neoo metànà ashy ninchowassoo Neon mettenner asshea neeshswosswoy
Neoo metànà ashy nissowassoo Neon mettenner asshea swosswoy
Neoo metànà ashy shongassoo Neon mettenner asshea shangosswoy
Naran metànà Nar mettenner
Naran metànà ashy payjik Nar mettenner asshea payshik
Naran metànà ashy ninch Nar mettenner asshea neesh
Naran metànà ashy nissoo Nar mettenner asshea neesswoy
Naran metànà ashy neoo Nar mettenner asshea neon
Naran metànà ashy naran Nar mettenner asshea narnan
Naran metànà ashy ningootwassoo Nar mettenner asshea negutwosswoy
_English_ _Iroquois_
Fifty seven Wisk newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Fifty eight Wisk newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Fifty nine Wisk newaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
Sixty Yàyak newaghsey
Sixty one Yàyak newaghsey uskat yawàrey
Sixty two Yàyak newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Sixty three Yàyak newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Sixty four Yàyak newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Sixty five Yàyak newaghsey wisk yawàrey
{190}
Sixty six Yàyak newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
Sixty seven Yàyak newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Sixty eight Yàyak newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Sixty nine Yàyak newaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
Seventy Tsyàdak newaghsey
Seventy one Tsyàdak newaghsey uskat yawàrey
_Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Naran metànà ashy ninchowassoo Nar mettenner asshea neeshswosswoy
Naran metànà ashy nissowassoo Nar mettenner asshea swosswoy
Naran metànà ashy shongassoo Nar mettenner asshea shangosswoy
Ningootwassoo metànà Negutwoss semmettenner
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy payjik Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
payshik
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy ninch Negutwoss semmettenner asshea neesh
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy nissoo Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
neesswoy
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy neoo Negutwoss semmettenner asshea neon
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy naran Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
narnan
{191}
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
ningootwassoo negutwosswoy
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
ninchowassoo neeshswosswoy
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
nissowassoo swosswoy
Ningootwassoo metànà ashy Negutwoss semmettenner asshea
shongassoo shangosswoy
Ninchowassoo metànà Neeshswoss semmettenner
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy payjik Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
payshik
_English_ _Iroquois_
Seventy two Tsyàdak newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Seventy three Tsyàdak newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Seventy four Tsyàdak newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Seventy five Tsyàdak newag[h]sey wisk yawàrey
Seventy six Tsyàdak newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
Seventy seven Tsyàdak newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Seventy eight Tsyàdak newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Seventy nine Tsyàdak newaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
{192}
Eighty Sadégo newaghsey
Eighty one Sadégo newaghsey uskat yawàrey
Eighty two Sadégo newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Eighty three Sadégo newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Eighty four Sadégo newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Eighty five Sadégo newaghsey wisk yawàrey
Eighty six Sadégo newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
_Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy ninch Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
neesh
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy nissoo Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
neesswoy
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy neoo Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea neon
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy naran Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
narnan
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
ningootwassoo negutwosswoy
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
ninchowassoo neeshswosswoy
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
nissowassoo swosswoy
Ninchowassoo metànà ashy shongassoo Neeshswoss semmettenner asshea
shangosswoy
{193}
Nissowassoo metànà Swoss semmettenner
Nissowassoo metànà ashy payjik Swoss semmettenner asshea payshik
Nissowassoo metànà ashy ninch Swoss semmettenner asshea neesh
Nissowassoo metànà ashy nissoo Swoss semmettenner asshea neesswoy
Nissowassoo metànà ashy neoo Swoss semmettenner as[s]hea neon
Nissowassoo metànà ashy naran Swoss semmettenner asshea narnan
Nissowassoo metànà ashy Swoss semmettenner asshea
ningootwassoo negatwosswoy
_English_ _Iroquois_
Eighty seven Sadégo newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Eighty eight Sadégo newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Eighty nine Sadégo newaghsey tyoughtow yawàrey
Ninety Tyoughtow newaghsey
Ninety one Tyoughtow newaghsey uskat yawàrey
Ninety two Tyoughtow newaghsey tekkeny yawàrey
Ninety three Tyoughtow newaghsey aghsey yawàrey
Ninety four Tyoughtow newaghsey kayeery yawàrey
Ninety five Tyoughtow newaghsey wisk yawàrey
Ninety six Tyoughtow newaghsey yàyak yawàrey
{194}
Ninety seven Tyoughtow newaghsey tsyàdak yawàrey
Ninety eight Tyoughtow newaghsey sadégo yawàrey
Ninety nine Tyoughtow newaghsey tyoughtow
yawàrey
One hundred Uskat towaneyow
Two hundred Tekkeny towaneyow
Three hundred Aghsey towaneyow
Four hundred Kayeery towaneyow
_Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Nissowassoo metànà ashy Swoss semmettenner asshea
ninchowassoo neeshswosswoy
Nissowassoo metànà ashy nissowassoo Swoss semmettenner asshea swosswoy
Nissowassoo metànà ashy shongassoo Swoss semmettenner asshea
shangosswoy
Shongassoo metànà Shangoss semmettenner
Shongassoo metànà ashy payjik Shangoss semmettenner asshea
payshik
Shongassoo metànà ashy ninch Shangoss semmettenner asshea neesh
Shongassoo metànà ashy nissoo Shangoss semmettenner asshea
neesswoy
Shongassoo metànà ashy neoo Shangoss semmettenner asshea neon
Shongassoo metànà ashy naran Shangoss semmettenner asshea narnan
Shongassoo metànà ashy Shangoss semmettenner asshea
ningootwassoo negutwosswoy
{195}
Shongassoo metànà ashy ninchowassoo Shangoss semmettenner asshea
neeshswosswoy
Shongassoo metànà ashy nissowassoo Shangoss semmettenner asshea
swosswoy
Shongassoo metànà ashy shongassoo Shangoss semmettenner asshea
shangosswoy
Metassoo metànà Negut wauk
Metassoo ninchtànà metànà Neesh wauk
Metassoo nissoo metànà Neesswoy wauk
Metassoo neoo metànà Neon wauk
_English_ _Iroquois_
Five hundred Wisk towaneyow
Six hundred Yàyak towaneyow
Seven hundred Tsyàdak towaneyow
Eight hundred Sadégo towaneyow
Nine hundred Tyoughtow towaneyow
One thousand Oyéry towaneyow
_Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Metassoo naran metànà Nar wauk
Metassoo ningootwassoo metànà Negutwoss wauk
Metassoo ninchowasso metànà Neeshswoss wauk
Metassoo nissowassoo metànà Swoss wauk
Metassoo shongassoo metànà Shangoss wauk
Metassoo metassoo metànà Metosswoy kitchee wauk
A TABLE OF WORDS
{196} _Shewing, in a variety of Instances, the Difference as well as
Analogy between the Algonkin and Chippeway Languages, with the
English Explanation._
_English_ _Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
To abandon, or forsake Packiton Packitan
To arrive at a place Takouchin Takooshin
To assist Mawinewah Mawinewah
To alter, or change Miscoush Mishcoot
To amuse, or play Packeguay Athtergain
To beat, or bruise Packité Packettywaun
To believe Tilerimah, or tikerimah Indenendum gwoyack
To be willing Wisch Cannar, or cunner
To call Tychintkaw Nandootum
To carry Petou, or peta Keemarjemet
To dance Nemeh Nemeh
To do, or make Toshiton Ojeytoon, or Tojeytoon
{197}
To dwell, or stay Tapia Appay
To drink Minikwah Minniquah
To eat Wissin Wissinnin
To freeze Kissim Mushcowwartin
To fall Ponkisin Ponkissin
To find Nantounewaw Warbermeco
To go by water Pimmiscaw Pamiskian, or pemiskar
To go by land Teja Papamôtay
To give Millaw Darmissey
To govern Tibarimaw Tibarimaw
To have Tindala Arwayyor
To hunt Keoussey Geosay
To hate Shinguerimaw Nesharquish
To keep Ganawerimaw Gannewainnemar
To kill Nesa Gunnesar
To know Kekerindan Keecannawendan
To love, or love Sakiar Zargay, or zargeytoon
To lose Packilague Winnetoon
To laugh Kapy Pawpy
To lie down Weepemaw Neperhan
To meet Nantoonewar Neewatch
{198}
To marry Weewin Tuckunnumkewish
To make water Minsy Meesesay
To make fire, & cook Pootawee Pooterway chebockwoy
To pay Tipaham Guddyparhan
To please Mirowerrindan Mirrowerrindan
To perspire Matootoo Matootoo
To run Pitcheba Squamich
To row Pimisca Pemishkar
To sit down Mantippy Mantetappy
To seek Nantawerima Warcharch
To sing Sheshin Najemoon
To steal Kemootin Keemôtyan
To sleep Nepa Nepan
To smoke a pipe Saggasoy Suggersoy
To speak Galoola Debarchim, or
debarchemon
To see Wabemo Wabemat, or wabemor
To take Takoonan Tarpenan
To think Tilelindan Indenendum, or indenind
To tell Teta Gudjey
To throw away, or Webenan Waybenan
repudiate
{199}
To understand Nistotawa Neesstootewar
To vex Iskatissey Annascartissey, or
nishcartissey
To walk, or go Pemousse Pamôsay
To win Packitan Warmatt
Axe Ajackwet Ajackquoit
Above, or high Spimink Ishpemeg
After, or afterwards Mipidach Ningoot
And Gaye, or mipigaye Ashea
Another Coutak Ningootch
Again, or yet Menawatch Meenewatch
All Kakina Cockinnor
Always, wherever Kakeli Cargoneek, or memarmo
Breech clout Kepokitty kousah Oncean
Beard Mischiton Opeewyesky
Barrel Ayoentagun Owentagun
Ball, or large shot Alwin Kitchee anwin
Bottle Sheshegouay Môtay
Beaver Amik Amik
Beaver skin Appiminiquy Appiminiquy
Body Yao Yoe
{200}
Blankets Wabiwyan Waperwoyan
Breech Miskousah Peckqueen dorsow
Bear Mackquah Mackquah
Bear cub Makons Mackconce, or
Mackquaconce
Bread, or flour Paboushikan Pockquoisigan
Broth, or soup Wabou Shoanarboop
Bag Maskimout Muchcomat
Blood Miskoo Misquy
Bark bowl, or cup Oulagan Onagun
Belly Mishemout Ishquamach
Brother Necanish Shemayn
Bowels Olakick Onuggesh
Birds, or fowl Pilé Pinneyshis
Because Mewinch Mewinch
Black Negao Mackcutty
Big Mentitoo Menditoo
Coats Capotewian Piskawagan
Canoe Cheeman Cheeman
Companion, or friend Neechee Neejee, or Neecarnis
Captain, or chief Okemaw Okemaw, or Ojemaw
Captain, or head Kitchee okemaw Kitchee Okemaw
warrior semauganish
Child, or children Bobeloshin Queebesince
Courage Taquamissi Taguamissy, or
Haguamissy
{201}
Covetous Sasakissy Sazargesay
Cold Kekatch Geessennar
Duck, wild Sheeship Sheeshib
Dust Pingway Pingo
Deer Awaskesh Awaskesh
Dog Alim Anim
Dog, puppy Alimons Animonce
Day, or days Okonogat Ogunnegat
Dart Sheshikwee Aysquish
Dish Mackoan Mackoan
Dead Neepoo Neepoo
Devil, or Bad Spirit Matchee Mannitoo Matchee Mannitoo
Dance of Savages Sheshequoy Shessaquoy
Drunk Ousquibby Squibby, or Osquibby
Done, it is done, or Sheyar Shyyar
past
Elk Mons Moouse
Eye Ouskinshik Wiskinky
English Outsakamink dachereni Saggonash
Equal Tabiscooch Tabiscoach
Each Paypayjik Papayjit
Enough Mimilic Mee, or mimilic
Fire steel Scoutykan Squittycan, or
Scotaycan
Fire Scoute Scotay or squitty
{202}
Fort Wackaygan Wakaygan
French Mittigoush Waymistergoash
Fish Kickons Kegonce
Fish, white Attikamek Artikkameg
Fox Outagamy Assinbo
Flesh of animals Weass Weass
Fork or prong stick Nassawokwot Cawmeek meteek
Father Nooskay Nocey
Fat, or he is fat Pimete Pimmethy
Female, or woman Ickwer Equoy
Full Mooshquenay Mooshquenay
Free, generous Walatissy Ajackquoy
Formerly Peraweego Maywisher
Far off Watso Awassa, or Awassa woyta
Girl Ickwessens Equoysince
Gun Paskeysegan Baskeyzegan
Grass Myask Nepish, or mejask
Grapes Shoamin Minneshish
God, or Great Spirit Kitchee Mannitoo Kitchee Mannitoo
Gunpowder Pingo Mackate Mackcutty, or Pingo
Mackcutty
Good Quelatch Nishshishshin
House, or hut Wikiwam Wigwaum
Hair, human Lissy Lissy
{203}
Hair, of beasts Pewall Opeeway
Heaven, or the other Spiminkaquin Pockcan worrockey, or
world pockan tunnockey
Hare Wapoos Wapoos
Husband, or master of Napema Nabaim
weakness
Head Ousteooan Eshtergoan
Heart Mishewah Oathty
Half Nabal Arbittar
Handsome Sasayga Sasayga
Home, or dwelling Entayank Ashemich
Hot Akeeshattay Geeshartay
Hungry Packatay Bocketty
Here Akonda, or akomanda Ashemich
How Tany Tawny
How much, or how many? Tantasou, or Tawnymilik?
taxnimilik?
Indian corn Metamin Medarmin
Iron Pewaby Pewabick
Island Minis Minnesey
Indians Ishinawbah Nishinnorbay
Immediately Webatch Webatch
Idle, or lazy Kittimy Kittim
Knife Mockoman Mokoman
Knife, crooked Coutagan Wakeckuman
{204}
Kettle, or pot Akikkons Akeek
Land Oustikan Onjee
Looking glasses Wabemo Warbemoon
Lake Kitchee Gammink Sakiegan
Letter Marseynaygan Marseynaygan
Leggons, or stockings Metass Mittasse
Light (clear) Vendao Meesharquoit
Long since Shashayay Sharshyyar
Little, small, few Wabeloosheins Pongay, or hagushenonce
Man Alisinape Ninnee
Moon, or night light Debikat Ikisy Geezus
Mistress, or wife Neremoossin Mentimoye
Merchandise Alokatchigan Huncushigon, or
Annacotchigon
Medicine Maskikik Maskikkee
Male Nape Ayarbey
Male deer, or stag Mecheway Ayarbey awaskesh
Much Nebela Nepewar, or gwotch
Needle to sew with Shabounekan Shaboonegun
Nose Yatch Yotch
News Taypatchimoo, kan Mergummegat
Night Debbikat Debbikat
Near, or nigh Pechoowetch Payshew
{205}
Now Nongom Nogome
Never Kawicka Cawwickca, or
cassawickca
No Ka Cawween, or ka
Nothing Kakaygoo Kakaygo
Not yet Kamasshy Kamarchy
Otter Nekeek Nekeek
Old, he was old Kewesheins Keewaency
Portage, or carrying Cappatagan Onuggemeg
place
People, or nation Irenee Nondajewot
Paddle, or small oar Apway Abboy
Pike (a fish) Kenonjay Kenonjay
Peninsula Minnissin Minnissin
Peace Pekah Meecho
Partridge Pilesiwee Peenay
Pipe Poygan Opoygan
Quick Welibik Annacook
Ring, for the finger Debelincheebeson Zenzeebisson
Rice, wild Malomin Menomon
Road Meekan Meekan
Rum, or brandy Scoutiwaboy Squittywabo, or
scotaywabo
{206}
Rain Kemewan Kimmeevan
River Sepim Seepee
Roots of trees Oustikwees Watappy
Robe of peltry Ockola Woygan, or oakonus
Red Misquy Misquoy, or misquitty
Shirt Papakewean Parbockerwoyan
Spoon Mickwan Tamickquoin
Sword, or great knife Semagan Kitchee mokoman
Sense, to have sense Nebwacka Annaboycassey
Star Alan Annunk
Sturgeon Lamek Onnemay
Sea, or unbounded lake Agankitchee gammink Kitchee gammink
Stone Assin Assin
Spirit Mannitoo Mannitoo
Sun, or great light Keesis Geesessey
Shoes (Indian) Mackisin Maukissin
Ship, or great canoe Kitchee cheeman Kitchee Naberquoin
Soldier, or warrior Semaganis Shemagonish
Smoke, or fire fog Pentakoe Keenarbittay
Summer, or spring Merockamink Menokemeg
Sick Outineous Aquoisee
Sad Talissimy Cushkendummerman
Strong Mashkawa Mushcowar
{207}
Teeth Tebit Weebit
To-morrow Wabank Warbunk
Tomahawk Agackwetons Warcockquoite
Tongue, human Ooton Ooton
Tobacco Sayma Assaymer
Tobacco pouch Kaspetagun Kispetawgun
Trees Meteek Meteek
There Mandadiby Woity, or awoity
Too much Ozam Ozome
Too little Ozame mangis Ozome pangay
Thank you Meegwatch Meegwotch
Truly Keket Kaygait
That Manda Maunder
Together Mamawee Marmo
Vermillion Oulamar Ozonnemon
Village Oudenank Narpoon
Water Nepee Nippee
Winter Pepoon Bebone
Wolf Mahingan Mahingan
Wine, or blood red Shoemin aboo Mishquoy shoanarboop
broth
Wind Loutin Noetting
Woods Nopemenk Menopemeg
War Nontobâly Mecartay
Weary, or tired Takoosy Nowwendayshon
{208}
Why Tanientien Cannatoo
Where Ta Aunday
Where is he? or where Tanepy appy Tannepy Appay
does he dwell?
What is that? what? or Waneweenay? Wàygonin?
what now?
Who is that? Waneweenay mabo? Hawaneeyau?
Whence Tannepy Tannepy
White Waby Warbishcar
Yellow Wazzo Jônia
Yes Mi, or Minkooty Angaymer, or Nangaymer
Yesterday Pitchylago Pitchynargo
{209} _English_ _Mohegan_ _Shawanee_
A bear Mquoh Mauquah
A beaver Amisque Amaquah
Eye Hkeesque Skesacoo
Ear Towohque Towacah
Fetch Pautoh Peatoloo
My grandfather Nemoghhome Nemasompethau
My grandmother Nohhum Nocumthau
My grandchild Naughees Noosthethau
He goes Pumissoo Pomthalo
A girl Peesquausoo Sqauthauthau
House Weekumuhm Weecuah
He (that man) Uwoh Welah
His head Weensis Weenseh
His heart Utoh Otaheh
Hair Weghaukun Welathoh
Her husband Waughecheh Wasecheh
His teeth Wepeeton Wepeetalee
I thank you Wneeweh Neauweh
My uncle Nsees Neeseethau
I Neah Nelah
Thou Keah Kelah
We Neaunuh Nelauweh
Ye Keauwuh Kelauweh
Water Nbey Nippee
Elder sister Nmees Nemeethau
River Sepoo Thepee
{210} _English_ _Mohegan_
Bear Mquoh
Beaver Amisque
Dead, he is dead Nboo, or Neepoo
Devil, or Bad Spirit Mtandou
Dress the kettle, (make a fire) Pootouwah
Eyes Ukeesquan
Fire Stauw
Give it him Meenuh
How Tuneh
House Weekumuhm
Go, or walk Pumisseh
Marry Weeween
River Sepoo
Shoes Mkissin
The sun Keesogh
Sit down Mattipeh
Water Nbey
Where Tehah
Winter Hpoon
Wood Metooque
N. B. The e final is not sounded except in monosyllables.
{211}_Algonkin_ _Chippeway_
Mackquah Mackquah
Amik Amik
Nepoo Neepoo
Matchee Mannitoo Matchee Mannitoo
Poutwah Pooterway Chebockwoy
Ouskinshik Wiskinky
Scoute Scotay or Squitty
Millaw Darmissey
Tany Tawny
Wikiwam Wigwaum
Pemousse Pamosây
Wewin Tuckunnumkewish
Sepim Seepee
Mackisin Maukissin
Keesis Geessessey
Mantippy Mantetappy
Nepee Nippee
Ta Aunday
Pepoon Bebone
Meteek Meteek
{212}_English_ _Iroquois_
Above Aynegun
Absent Yáckta ohárlogh
Abuse, to Henryotaxa
Accept, to Iáyner
Account, to Sastáyricey
Accuse, to Cúttergun
Add to Cayéntuck
Admire, to Sannagatcácktone
Advice Sattayéntack
Adultery Sáchequar
Afraid Sáquoy
Afternoon Nowwátone
Again Ségo
Agree, to Curywyyárley
Alike Sadáyyouth
All Aguágo
Ally Lanóha
Alone Yáckta oya
Always Chetko
Amuse, to Susqueeselon
Another Oya
Answer, to Sattróly
And Noke
A, an, or the Ne, ne
Bread Kanádaro
Black Agohoonsay
{213}
Dear Carnolelow
English Cherrihunságat
Father Luggoney
Gunpowder Ogánra
Give me Cassar
How much, or how many Toneego
Jacob Yárwek
King, or great chief Sachem
Money Wisstar
Montreal Chocktyhargo
Or Neteas
Partridge Oquesses
Peter Gwider
Plenty Cúshcowait
Perhaps Togatt
Rose (a flower) Easel
Rum Skarat
{214}
Shot Onáya
Sugar Chekayter
Silver works Wisstar noolone
Thank you Yaown
There is Honerer
Understand, to Cockharonckar
Wise Satoákha
Wind Yowwetty
Win, to Rowwennéhoo
Willing Senooncy
Wild Yáckta satoákha
Wife Sannatella
White Carárger
War Satterleyhone
Who Unghka
Was Ne
Water Oghnéga
Wine, or blood red soup Onéahháradáschhoúhtserákeri
Who was Ungka ne
What was Oghnihayadòtea
Where Caha
Virgin Hanághgwáyenden
{215}
Young Agúntelo
You Ecee
Yesterday Tyoúcktárlow
Yes Etho
Yellow Ajeenegwar
Year Atoori
Your health Honoroquennyee
{216} _Names of Furs and Skins in English and French_
_English_ _French_
Fat winter beaver Castor gras d´hiver
Fat summer beaver Castor gras d´été
Dry winter beaver Castor secs d´hiver
Dry summer beaver Castor secs d´été
Old winter beaver Castor vieux d´hiver
Old summer beaver Castor vieux d´été
Raw stag skins Cerfs verts
Prepared stag skins Cerfs passés
Rein deer skins Caribous
Raw hind skins Biches vertes
Prepared hind skins Biches passées
Mush rats Rats musques
Prepared roebuck skins Chevreuils passés
Unprepared roebuck skins Chevreuils verts
Tanned roebuck skins Chevreuils tanés
Southern, or Virginia foxes Renards du sud ou Virginie
White, from Tadousac, foxes Renards blancs de Tadousac
Wolves Loups de bois
Beaver eaters Carcajous
Martens Martres
Squirrels, black Ecureuils, noirs
Squirrels, grey Ecureuils, argentés
{217}
Fishers Peccans
Bears Ours
Bears, Cub Oursons
Otters Loutres
Cats Chats
Lynx Loups cerviers
Foxes, red Renards, rouges
Foxes, cross Renards croisés
Foxes, black Renards noirs
Foxes, grey Renards argentés
Minks Visons, ou Fourtreaux
North Case Cat Pichoux du nord
South Case Cat Pichoux du sud
{218} _Parts of the Human Body_
_English_ _Chippeway_
Ankle Warwích
Arm Aník
Arm, broken Késconeek
Back Oníckquick
Beard Opeewyésky
Belly Is´quamach
Blood Misqúy
Body Yoe
Bones Oakcan
Bowels Onúggesh
Brain Opin
Breath Nowwetting, or nowwettywich
Breech Peckqueen dorsow
Breast Wheyóe
Cheeks Warbím
Chin Utchwar
Eye Wiskínky
Eye that squints Annooch
Ear Nóndawar
{219}
Eyelid Péwyar
Eyebrow Gwátso
Face Meechaw
Fundament Meedséywort
Fingers Argátso
Foot, or feet Ozett
Gall Marchéw
Hand Armóche
Heart Oathty
Hair Lissy
Head Eshtergóan
Hips Tarbatch
Head, bald Wematishtergóan
Knee Puttwar
Lips Meemoáche
Lungs Seegwa
Leg Ocárt
Liver Quinch
Mouth Meessey
Nails of fingers and toes Narb
Neck Shemmor
{220}
Nostrils Pecktópe
Nose Yotch
Navel Pinneck
Ribs Ashíngo
Skull Eshteroáthcan
Sinews Atteese
Skin Pokkikkin
Teeth Weebitt
Thighs Oquarme
Thumbs Mitchea
Throat Squissow
Toes Tarwárchewort
Tongue Ooton
Veins Weebórso, or neatissum
Wrist Annánk
{221} _Names of Animals, &c._
Animal between a dog and a wolf Wabátch
Ants, and all small insects Mannetónce
Buck, or male deer Ayarbéy awashkésh
Beaver robe Amik woygán, or amik oakónus
Bear Mackquáh
Bear, cub Mackquacónce or mackónce
Beaver Amik
Beaver skin Appiminiquy
Beaver eater Quickwahay
Birds, all small Pennyshance
Buffalo Péshshekey
Cat, wild Peshshéw
Cat, tame Cúshecance
Crow Cark cark
Carp Narmáybin
Crane Kitchee cárbo
Duck, wild Sheshíb
Dog Anim
{222}
Dog, puppy Animónce
Deer Awashkésh
Elk Moouse
Eggs Wark
Eagle Meegeezes
Flesh of animals Weass
Fur of animals Oyan
Feathers of birds Pequim
Fox Assínbo
Frog Muckkikkée
Fish Kegónce
Fisher Ochíck
Fowl, or birds Pénnyshis
Fish, white Artíkkameg
Goose, wild Neecárk
Hog Coocóoche
Hair of animals Opeeway
Hide of animals Weeyan
Hare Wapóos
Horse Ogashy
Loon Maunk
Marten Warbeshánce
{223}
Mink Shángwoitch
Musquash, or mush rat Háwoyzask
Otter Nekeek
Partridge Peenay
Pickeril Ogánce
Peltry, or robe made of fur Woygan
Pike Keenonjey
Plover Guéveshew
Racoon Asseeban
Skunk, or pole cat Sheecark
Sturgeon Onnemay
Snakes Keenaypíckneeshey
Skin of animals Nink
Squirrel Opickquoy
Swan Kitchee meework
Tongue of animals Sawwétch
Tail of animals Warmeech
Turkey Weenecobbo
Trout Narmáyguiss
Wing of birds Gwimbítch
Wolf Mawhíngon
{224} _Merchandise_
Arm bands Kitchee wáybesun
Axe Ajáckquoit
Ball, or large shot Kitchee ánwin
Brass wire Pewarbickcónce
Beads Mannetoo menánce
Broaches Paunéa
Breech clout Oncean
Blanket Waperwóyan
Comb Penárquan
Coat Piskawágan
Canoe awl Meecóose
Fire steel Squíttycan
Finger ring Zenzéebisson
Gun flint Powwabickcóon
Gum Pickkéw
Gun Baskéyzegan
{225}
Gartering Arcoquóshergan
Gunpowder, or black dust Mackcutty, or mackcutty pingo
Gun worms Teakíagun
Hair plates Saggobánwan
Hawk bells Pewarbeneech
Horn Pendycutty
Hats Oweoathcoan
Kettle, or pot Akeek
Knife, or knives Mókoman
Knife, crooked Wakéckuman
Lines for a net Shenowantágan
Leggons, or stockings Mittasse
Looking glasses Warbermoone
Needles Shaboonegun
Net for fishing Assubbub
Ribbons, or silk Sénnebar
Rum, or brandy Scótaywábo, or Squittaywábo
Spear Eshcan
Shot Sheesheebanwín
Stroud, blue Mannetoo woygán
{226}
Stroud, red Míshwoygán
Shirt Parbóckerwoyán
Tomahawk Warcóckquoite, or Warcóckquoite
Opoygan
Tobacco Assáymer
Thread Assúb
Vermilion Ozonnemon
Wristbands Annán
Army, or number of people assembled Barthtiárje
together
Adultery Keemótegun
Air Shaquoit
Ashes Pamótay wáybegun
Arch (part of a circle) Nondárgay
Aunt Ergúshemin
Absent Cáwween áppay
All Cockinnór
Abuse, to abuse Mecártay
All together Cockinnór marmó
Alive Pemártus
Ashamed, to be ashamed Newemo
Any Apáckcan, or han
Alike, or equal Tabiscoach
Again, or yet Méenewatch
Alone, at, or only Aighter or unter
Always, or wherever Cargonéek, or memármo
After, or afterwards Ningoot
And Ashea
{228}
A and The Páyshik
Another Ningootch
Alone, or I myself Nin aighter
Above, or high I´shpemeg
Also, too Guyyea
Book, letter, paper Marseynáygan
Bread, or flour Pockquoísigan
Broth, or soup Shoanárboop
Branches of a tree Meetecónce
Brother Shemayn
Bark of a tree Wigwass
Bark, fire bark Scótay wigwass
Boy Oskenáygay
Battle Shamishcart
Bag Múshcomat
Barrel Owentágun
Bridge Warmeek
Basket, or hand bowl Wapátch
Bed Péshshemo
Bottle Môtay
Bay, or road for vessels Assénjey
Box of wood, or bark, or run keg Meteek múshcomat, or muccuck
Blue Talónjay
Bald Parmín
Bad, or wicked Matchee
{229}
Bitter Matooch
Bright, or light Meeshárquoit
Barren, not bearing fruit Matchee wáybegun
Big, or great Menditoo
Black Mackcútty
Blind Warbermenéech
Broad Hamatchey
Bottom Haundwatchey
Busy U´ngwoitch
Because Mewinch
But Moszáck
By and by Panimár
Below Opármey
Beyond, or far of Awassa, or awassa woy´ta
Before Awáshshemon
Behind Ningôochum
Between Icktum guichum
Besides Metách, or menoche
Canoe Cheeman
Country Tunnockáy
Chief, or captain Ojémaw, or O´kemaw
Cup, or bark bowl Onágun
Cloud, or grand cover Kenárbo
Cable, or big rope Kitchee assubbub
Copper, iron, or brass Pewárbick
Crowd Nepewárnoondájewort
{230}
Cabin, hut, or house Wigwaum
Current of water Sedgwin
Companion, or friend Neejee, or Neecarnis
Courage Haguámissey or Taguámissey
Child, or children Queebesince
Corn, Indian Medármin
Covetous, or greedy Sazárgesay
Calm Annywattin
Cunning Matchee weebézesay
Coarse (not fine) Matchee arpeech
Cold Geessennar
Come here Ondass
Can it, is it, was it Nar
Carrying place, or portage Onúggemeg
Devil, or Bad Spirit Matchee Mannitoo
Daughter Indongway, or Darniss
Dust, or powder Pingo
Day, fine Meeno geesshegat
Day, bad Matchee geesshegat
Day, or days Ogúnnegat
Day, dawn of Thurénsera
Dart Aysquish
Dew Misquoitch
Debt, or trust Marsennahatch, or Marsennáygan
Door, shut the door Squendum
Dish Mackcóan
{231}
Down (on the ground) Doutch
Dear, or too much Ozóme
Done, gone, or past Shyyár, or shárshyyar
Dark Onárgushey
Drunk Squibby, or Osquibby
Dressed, or ripe Keejetty
Drowsy, (I am drowsy) Nepârhar
Dry, or thirsty Sparchtay
Deaf Chartch
Dead Nepoo
Deep Anneycheewoatch
Edge Gatsotes
Enemy, or bad heart Matchee Oathty
English Saggonash
Earth Mattoyash
Easy Meenwéndesay
Enough Mee
Empty Cawween mooshkenay
Equal, or alike Tabiscoach
Each Papay´jit
Flour, or bread Pockquoísigan
Fat, oil, or grease Pimmethy
Food Mejimmim
Fever Mishquoishártay
Fear, to fear, he is afraid Keezáycus
{232}
Fruit Pinneesh
Feast Wisseneet
Friend, or companion Neejee, or Necárnis
Fool, he is a fool Keepártesee
Flood of water Chingwim
Family Nepewoajánis
Father Nócey
French, or builders of vessels Waymístergoash
Fathom (a measure) Euníck
Female, or woman E´quoy
Fork, or prong stick Cáwmeek meeteek
Fire Scótay, or squitty
Flint stone Pewarmickcoon
Fort, or tower Wakáygon
Fond, I am fond Nezárgea
Free, or generous Ajáckquoy
Fine (not coarse) Arpeech
Few Memárjis
Fresh (not stale) Meecheeweass
Full Mooshquenay
Formerly, long time ago Maywísher
Grease, fat, or oil Pimmethy
Grapes Minnishish
Girl E´quoysince
God, or Great Spirit Kitchee Mannitoo
Gold, or fine yellow metal Kitchee jónia
{233}
Great, good Kitchee, or nishshishshín
Green Achíb
Great, or big Menditoo
Globe, the earth Warbegún
Gone, past, or done Shyyar, or sharshyyar
Harbour Pejárcan
Health Pemártus
Herb, or grass Nepísh, or mejásk
Hell, or place of bad spirits Kitchee squíttyung
Half, or part Arbittár
Home, or dwelling A´shemich
Hill Anneech
Husband, or master of weakness Nabaim
Hole March
Huckleberries Shóamin
Hard, cruel; it is hard or cruel Sánnegat
Handsome Sasay´ga
Heavy Pestérquan
Hot, or warm Geeshártay
Hungry, thin, lean Bócketty
He, him, she, or her Ween
Here Omár, or owáy
How, or how do you do? Waygush, or way way
How many, or how much Tawnimilik
Here and there Pay payshik
{234}
Have, had Arthty
High, or above I´shpemeg
Island Min´nesey
Ice Mequárme
Indians Nishinnorbay
Journey, to go a journey Marchián
Justice, or truth Gwoyack
Idle, or lazy Kíttim
Jealous Pejármoach
I, me, or my Nin, nee, or nee, nee
I, myself, or alone Nin aighter
If Késhpin
Indeed Hapádgey
Immediately, or very soon Weebátch
In Pendeek
It is true, or right, or very well Kaygait, kay, or meegwoyack
I have Kaygo
I have not Ka, kaygo
Is it, was it, can it Nar
Knot of wood Mushqueewórmeteek
King, or great chief Gósenan
Lake Sakíegan
Lightning, or quick fire Squitty annacook
{235}
Loss, to lose Winnetoon
Leaves Nepeech
Life Noochimmoin
Love, to love Zárgay, or zargeytoon
Land Onjee
Lean, hungry, or thin Bócketty
Little, small Pongay
Light (not heavy) Cáwween pestérquan
Light, or bright Meeshárquoit
Lazy, or idle Kíttim
Last Ingwitch, or awass
Long Keenónje
Lame Armooch
Low Appywick
Long since Sharshyyar
Lately, or now Nogóme
Lewd, or unwise Cáwween annobóycassey
Male Ayarbéy
Middle Amáng
Music Agummeweech
Merchandize Huncúshigon, or annacótchigon
Milk, or the sap of the breast Tootooshonárbo
Medicine Maskikkee
Mistress, or wife Mentimóyey
My wife, or mistress Mentimóyamish
Mouth Warbun
{236}
Moon Geezus
Mat made of rushes Woyzáskquish
Mother Ningay
Man Ninnee
Montreal (a town in Canada) Monyny´yank
Morning Keejay´p
Mountain Espeo´ckay
Mud Onjeech
Many Márnay
Much, or a great deal Népewar, or gwotch
Mine, belonging to me Weechópe
Make haste Weebittán, or ha weebittán
Me, my, or I Nin, nee, or nee, nee
News, or intelligence Mergummegat
Name Shenecazeau
Night Debbikat
Nest, bird´s nest Wesshepátchta
Noise Tonbíngesay
Nothing, no, or not Cáwween, or Ka
New, or strange Nobeetch, or pockcan
Narrow Agússin
Near, or nigh Payshéw
Not yet Kámarchey
Now, or lately Nogóme
Never Cáwwickcá, or cássawickcá
{237}
Oil, fat, or grease; or to be fat Pímmethy
Old, he is old Keewáency
Out, or without Accochink
Of An
Oh! oh! Taw! waw!
Only, at, or alone Aighter, or unter
Our, us, or we Neennerwind
One, the, a, or an Páyshik
Pity, or sorrow Cushkéndum
Part, or half Arbittár
Pain Daggow´wemeech
Plenty Cúshcowait
Paint Zawnúm
Peace Meecho
Pipe Opóygan
Portage, or carrying place Onúggemeg
Peninsula Minnesin
Poison, or the taste of the bad Matchee pattso
swelling
Paddle, or small oar A´bboy
Priest, or Master of Life´s man Kitchee Mannitoo Ninnee
Pack, or bundle of skins Meekintárgan
Present, or gift Achímmey
Pledge Assinjégo
Price, what price, how many, or how Andersoy
much
{238}
Pleasure Armeetso
People, or nation Nondájewot
Permission Gar
Patient Ardátch
Proof Chárno
Poor Kitchee Mórgussey
Proud Ish´pemeech
Pregnant Mooshkey
Past, gone, done Shyyár, or sháshyyár
Perhaps Cánnebatch
Plural Woke
Quiet, all is quiet Súggermarsh
Quick Annacook
Rock weed, or tripe derôche Haw´wercoon
Rice, Indian Menómon
River Seepee
Robe made of peltry Woygán, or oakónus
Road Meekan
Raft of wood Nepewameteek
Rain Kimmeewan
Rocks Essíngo
Rushes Woyzásk
Roots of trees Watáppy
Roots, a figurative expression for Waterwawaddoossin
the affections of the heart which
entwine about each other
{239}
Rapid, or strong current of water Pówwetink
Ready Guy´oxim
Rotten Dadge
Round Omích
Red Misquitty, or mísquy
Rough Guachootch
Raw, or unripe Kakeejetty
Ripe, or dressed Keejetty
Stone Assín
Soup, or broth Shoanárboop
Sense, or understanding Annabóycassey
Sap of the breast, or milk Tootooshomarbo
Star Annúnk
Shame Acheek
Stranger Péwithay
Shade Angwoitch
Shell Atch
Sky Esh´pea
Sleep Nepán
Sugar, or sweet Seezeebóckquoit, or seezequar
Salt Sheotágan
Soldier, warrior, or brave man Shemágonish
Sister Shemay´nce
Strong, or strength Múshkowar
Summer, or spring Menókemeg
Stumps of trees Mátwort
{240}
Storm Matchee geeshegar
Slay, an Indian carriage Tarbinnáck
Spoon Támmickquoin
Son Jánis
Sand Dárjey
Ship, or great canoe Kitchee náberquoin
Shoes (Indian) Maukissin
Sword, or great knife Kitchee mókoman
Sea, or great unbounded lake Kitchee gammink
Smoke, or fire fog Keenárbittay
Sail of a ship Kitchee náberquoin parbóckerwoyan
Snow Going
Sun, or great light Geessessey
Soft Charbeech
Sad Cushkendummerman
Sorrow, or pity Cushkendum
Savage, or wild Matcheewa
Small, or little Hagúshenonce, or pongay
Sharp Weemátch
Smooth Narnín
Sour Nebítch
Sudden I´shmick
Slow Kíttermish
Surprising Towwácktowar
Short Dáckquoy
Strange, or new Nobeetch, or pockan
{241}
Such Shenárgussey
Sick Aquoisee
She, her, he, or him Ween
Tower or fort Wakaygon
Truth, or justice Gwoyack
Trade Artawway
Trader Artawway winnin
Thunder Tarbishár
Tobacco pouch Kispetawgan
Thief; he is a thief Keemôtay
Trees, or wood Meteek
Thoughts Waybissay, or waybeezezay
Thing, or things Kaygoshish
To-morrow Warbunk
Tame Jimmenin
Thin, hungry, or lean Bocketty
True; to be true Deb´woy
This, or that Mor, or morndar
They, them, or ye Weenewar
There, at that place Woity, or awoity
The, a, an, or one Páyshik
To Ojey
Thou, or you Keen, kee, or kee kee
Too little Ozóme pongay
Too, or also Guyyea
Too much Ozóme
{242}
Together Marmo
Thank you Meegwoitch
Urine Meessay
Valley Amarcheep
Virgin Quéwescence
Voice, or the echo of the breath Tarpoach
Village Narpoon
Unripe, or raw Kakeejetty
Unwise, or lewd Cáwween annaboycassey
Unlucky, or unfortunate Basqueenewar
Unjust, or wrong Cáwween gwoyack
Under Otárpeet
Unto Un´towarch
Upon Ish´carmooch
Very well, or it is true, or right Meegwoyyack, kay, or kaygait
Very soon, or immediately Weebatch
Us, we, our, all of us Neennerwind
Wife, or mistress Mentimoy´ey
Water Nippee
Wind Noetting
Wound Aquish
War, to go to war, to fight, or Mecártay
quarrel
Woods Menópemeg
Wine, or blood red broth Misquoyshoanarboop
{243}
Whore, or bad woman Matchee móyamee
Winter, or year Bebóne
Well of water Sagoyb
Word Cáza
Wing Gwimbitch
Witness, you are a witness Ken´dersay
World, the other world Pockcan worroc´kay, or pockcan
tunnoc´kay
Wide Packquoím
Weary, or tired Nowwenday´shon
Wild, or savage Matcheewa
Warm, or hot Geeshar´tay
Wet Neepeeweenoon
Willing, to be willing Can´nar, or cun´ner
White Warbishcár
Weak Cáwween mush´kowar
Wild Carnaboycus
We, us, or our Neennerwind
Who, or who is that? Way´nin
What, or what now? Hawwaneeyaw, tar´nin, tar´neyau, or
way´gonin
Where Aúnday
When, or whence Tan´nepy
Why Cannatoo
Wherever, or always Cargoneek, or memar´mo
Was it, is it, can it Nar
{244}
Young (offspring) Wiskon´kissey
Yesterday Pitchynar´go
Young man, or men Doskeennerway´mug
Ye, they, or them Weennewar
Ye, your Kéennerwind
Yes Angay´mer, or Nan´gaymer
Yellow Jonia
Yet, or again Meenewatch
To amuse, or play Athtergain
To account Metashwárbermy
To approve; I approve Mornooch nezar´gay
To assist Mawwinnewah
To alter, or change Mishcoot
To affront Nishcar´teyan
To answer, or attend to Noneydone
To ask, I ask Nindooton, or nindootimond
To ascend Negádeja
To abandon, or forsake Pack´itan
To arrive at a place Takooshin
To arrive by land Keekeepejar´can
To arrive by water Sharshyyar´ new´ebens
To avoid Yaquoy
To attack Jimmim
To be vexed; I am vexed Nischcárteseyyan
{245}
To believe Indenéndum gwoyack
To bawl Tonbíngus
To be told Ecárto
To begin Ethetum war´march
To bend Marchím
To be willing Can´nar, or cun´ner
To betray all Matchee arpeech chickwar´woke
To beat, or bruise Packettywaum
To bring, or fetch Nartín, or Petoon
To bind, or tie Tackan´nin
To break, or tear Bowwískar
To bite Quoyjím
To build Gowweájetoon
To barter Gudgymárdat
To boil Zepeeooch
To borrow Carmatch´ey
To burn Squitty árbach
To beg (you beg) Keenandóton
To bathe Nepewoy´awat
To be unconcerned, or indifferent Mornooch towwárch
about a thing
To cut Kiskejune
To call Nandootum
To choose Tucku´nnin
To cure Zársquoy
{246}
To catch Keeásquin
To clean Warbermeech
To chew Wis´semeg
To come on Ondash´in
To carry Keemárjemet
To close Dusquin
To converse Debárchim, or debárchemon
To conquer Ninnowátchim
To dance Neméh
To drown Nepewooch
To divide Arbitórch
To dig Achím
To dwell, or stay Appay
To defend Mushkáwesay
To dream Charmeech
To drop Char´quoy
To depart Gamar´char
To drink Mínniquah
To dip Marchtooch
To elect Keetárpeech
To embark Boossin
To experience Candan
To expect Indenéndumsee
To eat Wíssinnin
{247}
To freeze Mushcow´wartin
To find Warbermecó
To fast Bockettyneech
To fish Bockettywaun
To feel Tarpín, or peach
To fall Pónkissin
To float Arnooch
To follow Weegewach´in
To forget; I forgot Newinnemeecoossay
To foretell; I foretell Newárbemoach
To fetch, or bring Nartín, or petoon
To fly Zeewítch
To grow Ameechet
To grind Ojít
To give Dármissey
To go, I will go Es´zar, or Gúddeszar
To go by water Pamískian, or pemískar
To go by land Papamôtay
To get up, or rise Goníshcar
To govern Tibárimaw
To hide Cannawéndan
To hold Jingwím
To hate Neshárquish
To hear Stootewar, or nondágaitch
To hurt Naw´wameetch
{248}
To hang Peechúganub
To hunt Géosay
To hit Mátwoit
To have Arwayyor
To interpret Kitchee ungwoitch undárjewort
To jump Abooch
To join, I join Neewo
To keep Gannewaínnemar
To kill Gúnnesar
To know, you know Keecannawéndan
To kick Achíp
To lend Mishcow´womeech
To love; love Zárgay, or zárgeytoon
To long to see, or wish Badásh
To lose; loss Wínnetoon
To lift Es´termeech
To learn E´shpermeech
To lead Acheech
To lie down Neparhan
To lie, a falsity Cáwween deb´woy
To laugh Pawpy´
To meet Neewatch
To make fire and cook Pooterway chebóckwoy
{249}
To make, or do Ojeytoon, or tojeytoon
To measure Apín
To melt Acheemeech
To mend Packquoy mowachin
To mix Packquoítso
To marry Tuckunnu´mkewish
To make water Meesesay
To neglect Wínnemawatch
To own Guddypen´dan, or dépendan
To open Pameech, or hapitch
To place, or put Acktone, or neech
To pull Ajárme
To pay Guddypa´rhan
To please Mirrowerrindan
To push Meetso
To pass Pisquitch
To pierce Chagworm
To pinch Chímmeney
To promise Nebebeewoy
To perspire Matootoo
To return Tercus´henan, or guabeecheway
To raise Ishpin
To receive Ajímmoach
{250}
To row Pemíshkar
To rejoice Papyan
To run Squamích
To read Daguoítso
To revolt Etummecártey
To ride Annyscoop
To release Pejárkemet
To rise or get up Goníshcar
To repudiate, to throw away Waybenán
To shake Písquemeetch
To stand up Pásserquoin
To sail Pemíshcarmooch
To spit Warmar´ch
To seek Warchar´ch
To stand Andátch
To seize Ajímmenin
To stab Batcheypehone
To split Chippauk
To shew Serpárgussey
To shut Cupperharne
To sing Nájemoon
To sink Nondágat
To satisfy Neminwaíndesee
To sit down, or sit you down Mantetáppy
To send Marchetoon
To smoke a pipe Suggersoy
{251}
To swim Squabeech
To see Wabemát, or wabemór
To speak Debárchim, or debárchemon
To smell Iaquítch
To say; what did you say? when Ickeetóyan
spoke angrily
To stink; you stink, or your Keeméchawich
sentiments are offensive
To strike Keebárcham
To steal Keemótyan
To sleep Nepán
To tie, or bind Tackannin
To touch Chewwar
To tell Gudjey
To think In´denind, or indenéndum
To throw away; to repudiate Waybenán
To take Tarpenán
To understand Neesstootewar
To view, or examine well my mind Wabindán
To vex Annascar´tissey, or níshcar´tissey
To win Warmatt
To watch Warbennís, or warbennét
To wash Zaquébenan
{252}
To work Tojeytoon, or gúsketoon
To want Guy´yossey
To weep Marmy´
To walk, or go Pamósay
To weigh Quois´ciquen
To wish, or long to see Badásh
{253} _Chippeway_ _English_
Abboy Paddle, or small oar
Ajack´quoit Axe
Annaboy´cassey Sense, or understanding
Aník Arm
Appimíniquy Beaver skin
Ayarbéy awashkésh Buck, or male deer
Amík Beaver
Assénjey Bay, (harbour for canoes)
Aním Dog
Animónce Dog, puppy
Aysquish Dart
Awashkésh Deer
Annooch Eye that squints
Argátso Fingers
Assínbo Fox
Artik´kameg White fish
Arcoquosh´ergan Gartering
Armoche Hand
Arbittár Half, or part
Anneech Hill
A´shemich Home, or dwelling
Akeek Kettle, or pot
{254}
Ayarbéy Male
Annacótchigon, or huncúshigon Merchandise
Amáng Middle
Agúmmeweech Music
Assúbúb Net for fishing
Assúb Thread
Achimmey Present, or gift
Assinjégo Pledge
An´dersoy, or tawnymilik Price; what price? how many? how
much?
Armeetso Pleasure
Ashin´go Ribs
Asseeban Racoon
Amik woygán, or amik oakónus Beaver robe
Aquísh Wound
Attees Sinews
Annúnk Star
Assín Stone
Acheek Shame
Angwoitch Shade
Atch Shell
Artawway Trade
Artawway winnin Trader
Assay´mer Tobacco
Amarcheep Valley
Annánk Wrist
Annán Wristbands
{255}
Annywattin Calm
Anneycheewoatch Deep
Achíb Green
Armooch Lame
Ajack´quoy Free, or generous
Appywick Low
Agússin Narrow
Ardátch Patient
Arpeech Fine, not coarse
Annacook Quick
Ac´quoisee Sick
Apackhan, or han Any
Awoíty, or woíty There; at a place
Aighter, or unter Only, at, alone
Aúnday Where
Angáymer, or nángaymer Yes
Awashemon Before
An Of
Awa´ss, or ingwitch Last
Awa´ssa, or awa´ssa woy´ta Beyond, or far off
Accochink Out, or without
Arthty Have, had
Ashea And
Athtergain To amuse, or play
Arbitórch To divide
Arwayyor To have
Achím To dig
An´yscoop To ride
{256}
Appay To dwell, or stay
Amooch To float
Acheech To lead
Ameechet To grow
Achíp To kick
Abooch To jump
Apín To measure
Ajárme To pull
Ajímmoach To receive
Ajímmenin To seize
Andátch To stand
Ac´ktone, or neech To place, or put
Annascar´tissey, or níshcartissey To vex
Acheemeech To melt
Baskey´zegan Gun
Bebo´ne Winter, or year
Barthtiar´je Army, or number of people assembled
together
Bócketty Hungry, thin, lean
Basqueenewar Unlucky, or unfortunate
Bowwis´kar To break, or tear
Bóckettyneech To fast
Batcheypehone To stab
Badásh To long to see, or wish
Bóckettywaun To fish
Boossin To embark
{257}
Cushkéndum Sorrow, or pity
Cheeman Canoe
Cúshecance Tame cat
Cark cark Crow
Chingwím Flood of water
Cáwmeek meteek Fork, or prong stick
Coocooshe Hog
Cúshcowait Plenty
Cáwween, or ka Nothing, no, not
Cáza Word
Cáwween áppay Absent
Cockinnór All
Cockinnór marmó All together
Chartch Deaf
Cáwween mooshkenay Empty
Cwween pestérquan Light (not heavy)
Cáwween annaboy´cassey Lewd, or unwise
Charbeech Soft
Cushkendúmmerman Sad
Cáwween gwoyack Unjust, or wrong
Cáwween mush´kowar Weak
Carnayboy´cus Wild
Cargoneek, or memármo Always, wherever
Cáwwická, or cássawickcá Never
Cannatoo Why
Can´nebatch Perhaps
Chárno Proof
{258}
Can´ner, or cun´ner Willing, to be willing
Candan To experience
Charmeech To dream
Char´quoy To drop
Cannawéndan To hide
Cáwween deb´woy To lie (a falsity)
Chagworm To pierce
Chímmeney To pinch
Chíppauk To split
Cupperharne To shut
Chewwar To touch
Carmátchey To borrow
Deb´bikat Night
Doskeennerway´mug Young man, or men
Daggow´wemeech Pain
Dar´jey Sand
Dar´niss, or indong´way Daughter
Dadge Rotten
Dáckquoy Short
Doutch Down, on the ground
Deb´woy True, to be true
Dus´quin To close
Debar´chim, or debar´chemon To converse
Daguoit´so To read
Depen´dan, or gúddypendan To own
Dar´missey To give
{259}
Euníck Fathom (a measure)
Ergush´shemin Aunt
E´quoy Woman, or female
E´quoysince Girl
Eshtergóan Head
Espeoc´kay Mountain
Essíngo Rocks
Eshteroath´can Skull
E´shcan Spears
Esh´pea Sky
Es´zar, or gúddeszar To go; I will go
Ethetum war´march To begin
Es´termeech To lift
Esh´permeech To learn
Etummecar´tey To revolt
Ecar´to To be told
Gósenan King, or great chief
Gwat´so Eyebrow
Gatsoates Edge
Gwoyack Justice, or truth
Geezus Moon
Guéveshew Plover
Going Snow
Geessessey Sun, or great light
Gwimbítch Wing, of birds
Geessennar Cold
{260}
Geeshar´tay Hot, or warm; to make hot or warm
Guy´oxim Ready
Guachootch Rough
Gar Permission
Guyyea Also, too
Gwotch, or népewar Much, or a great deal
Gudggymárdat To barter
Guabeecheway, or tercúshenan To return
Gowweájetoon To build
Gamar´char To depart
Guy´yossey To want
Géosay To hunt
Gannewain´nemar To keep
Gun´nesar To kill
Guddypar´han To pay
Guddypen´dan, or dépendan To own
Gudjey To tell
Gonish´kar To rise, or get up
Gúsketoon, or tójeytoon To work
Gúddeszar, or Es´zar To go, I will go
Huncush´igon, or annacotch´igon Merchandise
Hagua´missey, or táguámissey Courage
Háwoyzask Musquash, or musk rat
Haw´wercoon Tripe de rôche, or rock weed
Hamátchey Broad
{261}
Haundwátchey Bottom
Hagúshenonce Small
Hawwaneeyaw, tarnin, tarneyau, or What, or what now?
way´gonin
Han, or apackcan Any
Hapadjey Indeed
Hapitch, or pameech To open
Ha weebittan, or weebittan Make haste
Indong´way, or dar´niss Daughter
Jánis Son
Jónia Yellow
Ish´pemeg High, or above
Ingwítch, or awáss Last
Ish´pemeech Proud
I´shmick Sudden
Jimmenin Tame
Is´quamach Belly
Icktum guichum Between
I´shcarmooch Upon
In´denind, or indenen´dum To think
Indenen´dumsee To expect
Jímmim To attack
Jingwím To hold
Ishpin To raise
Jaquítch To smell
Indenen´dum gwoyack To believe a thing true
{262}
Ickkeetoyan To say; what did you say? when
spoken angrily
Kes´coneek Broken arm
Keemótegun Adultery
Kitchee anwin Ball, or large shot
Kitchee carbo Crane (a bird)
Keenar´bo Cloud, or grand cover
Kitchee assubbub Cable, or big rope
Keegónce Fish
Keepartesee Fool; he is a fool
Kitchee mannitoo God, or Great Spirit
Kitchee jónia Gold, or fine yellow metal
Kitchee squittyung Hell, or place of bad spirits
Keejayp Morning
Keenonjey Pike, a fish
Kitchee mannitoo ninnee Priest, or Master of Life´s man
Kimmeewan Rain
Keenaypick´neeshey Snakes
Kitchee meework Swan
Kitchee mókoman Sword, or great knife
Kitchee gammink Sea, or great unbounded lake
Keenárbittay Smoke, or fire fog
Kitchee náberquoin parbock´erwoyan Sail of a ship
Kitchee náberquoin Ship, or great canoe
Keemôtay Thief; he is a thief
Kispetaw´gan Tobacco pouch
Keezay´cus Fear; to fear; he is afraid
Ken´dersay Witness; you are a witness
Kitchee, or nishshishshin Great, or good
Kitchee way´besun Armbands
Kittim Idle, or lazy
Keenónge Long
Keewáency Old, he is old
Kitchee mor´gussey Poor
Kakeejetty Raw, or unripe
Keejetty Ripe, or dressed
Kíttermish Slow
Keen, kee, or kee kee Thou, or you
Ka, or ca´wween No, not; nothing
Késhpin If
Kaygoshish Thing, or things
Kaygait, kay, or meegwoyack It is true, or truly
Kamar´chey Not yet
Keennerwind Ye, your
Kaygo I have
Kakaygo I have not
Keenandóton To beg; you beg
Keeas´quin To catch
Keekeepejar´can To arrive by land
Kískejune To cut
Keemar´jemet To carry
Keetar´peech To elect
{264}
Kitchee ungwoitch, undar´jewort To interpret
Keemótyan To steal
Keemeechawich To stink; you stink, or your
sentiments are offensive
Keebar´cham To strike
Keecannawen´dan To know; you know
Lissy Human hair
Mejásk, or nepísh Herb, or grass
Marchián Journey; to go a journey
Mushqueewor´meteek Knot of wood
Mannetónce Ants, and all small insects
Misquy´ Blood
Mannetoo menan´ce Beads
Mackquáh Bear
Mackquacon´ce, or mackon´ce Cub bear
Meetecónse Branches of a tree
Marseynay´gan Book, letter, or paper
Meteek múshcomat, or muccuck Box of wood, or bark, or rum keg
Môtay Bottle
Múshcomat Bag
Meecoose Canoe awls
Medar´min Indian corn
Menómon Indian rice
Matchee Mannitoo Devil, or bad spirit
Misquoitch Dew
{265}
Mackcóan Dish
Meekintar´gan Pack, or bundle of skins
Marsennahatch, or marsennay´gan Debt, or trust
Meeno geesshegat Fine day
Matchee geeshegat Bad day
Moouse Elk
Meegeezes Eagle
Matchee oathty Enemy, or bad heart
Mattoyash Earth
Meechaw Face
Meedséywort Fundament
Muckkikee Frog
Mejimmim Food
Mishquoishártay Fever
Marchew´ Gall
Min´nishish Grapes
March Hole
Min´nesey Island
Min´nesin Peninsula
Meequorm Ice
Mókoman Knife, or knives
Meemoche Lips
Mittasse Leggons, or stockings
Maunk Loon, (a bird)
Maskikkee Medicine
Mentimoy´ey Wife, or mistress
Mentimoy´amish My wife, or mistress
{266}
Meesey Mouth
Mergummegat News
Mackcutty, or mackcutty pingo Gunpowder, or black dust
Meecho Peace
Matchee pattso Poison, or the taste of the bad
swelling
Meekan Road
Mannetoo woygan´ Blue stroud
Mishwoygan´ Red stroud
Menókemeg Summer, or spring
Mat´wort Stumps of trees
Múshkowar Strength, or strong
Matchee geesshegar Storm
Monyny´yank Montreal, a town in Canada
Maukissin Indian shoes
Meteek Trees, or wood
Mitchea Thumbs
Meessay Urine
Mawhin´gon Wolf
Mecar´tay War; to go to war; to fight, or
quarrel
Menópemeg Woods
Misquoyshoanar´boop Wine, or blood red broth
Matchee móyamee Whore, or bad woman
Matchee Bad, or wicked
Matooch Bitter
Matchee way´begun Barren, or not bearing fruit
{267}
Menditoo Big, or great
Matchee arpeech Coarse, not fine
Matchee weebeezesay Cunning
Meenwen´desay Easy
Mee Enough
Meermárjis Few
Meecheweass Fresh, not stale
Mooshquenay Full
Mackcutty Black
Meeshar´quoit Light, or bright
Marnay Many
Mooshkey Pregnant
Misquy, or misquitty Red
Matcheewa Savage, or wild
Marmo Together
Maunder, or mor This, or that
Metách, or menoch Besides
Mewinch Because
Meenewatch Again, or yet
Memar´mo, or cargoneek Always, wherever
Maywísher Long time ago, formerly, or is it
long since?
Moszack But
Meegwoyack, kay, or kaygait It is true, or right, or very well
Meewgotch Thank you
Mishcoot To alter, or change
Marchetoon To send
{268}
Mantetappy To sit down, or sit you down
Meetso To push
Mirrowerrindan To please
Metashwar´bermy To account
Mornooch nezar´gay To approve; I approve
Mawwinnewah To assist
Marchím To bend
Matchee arpeech chickwar To betray
Matchee arpeech chickwar´woke To betray a number of people
Marmy´ To weep
Mornooch towwárch To be unconcerned, or indifferent
about a thing
Mushkáwesay To defend
Mat´woit To hit
Min´niquah To drink
Mishcow´womeech To lend
Marchtooch To dip
Mushcow´wartin To freeze
Matootoo To perspire
Nondar´gay Arch, part of a circle
Nowettywich, or nowwetting Breath
Narmay´bin Carp, a fish
Nepewarnoondájewort Crowd
Non´dawar Ear
Neejee, or neecarnis Friend, or companion
Nepewoajánis Family
Nócey Father
{269}
Nepísh, or mejásk Herb, or grass
Nabaim´ Husband, or master of weakness
Nishinnorbay Indians
Noochimmoin Life
Nin´gay Mother
Ninnee Man
Narb Nails of fingers and toes
Neecárk Wild goose
Nepeech Leaves
Nekeek Otter
Neatissum, or weebor´so Veins of the body
Nondájewot People, or nation
Nepewámeteek Raft of wood
Nink Skin of animals
Nepan´ Sleep
Narmay´guiss Trout
Narpoon Village
Nippee Water
Noetting Wind
Newemo Ashamed; to be ashamed
Ningootch Another
Nezar´gea Fond, I am fond
Nepewár, or gwotch Much, or a great deal
Nishshishshin´, or kitchee Good, or great
Nobeetch, or pockcan New, or strange
Narnín Smooth
Nebítch Sour
{270}
Nepeeweenoon Wet
Nowwenday´shon Weary, or tired
Neepoo Dead
Nepárhar Drowsy; I am drowsy
Nin, nee, or nee nee I, me, my
Nin aighter I myself, or alone
Neennerwind We, us, or our; all of us
Nangay´mer, or angay´mer Yes
Nogom Now, or lately
Ningoot Afterwards, or after
Ningoochum Behind
Ningootch Another
Nar Is it, was it, can it
Nishcar´teyan To affront
Neeshar´quish To hate
Nishcarteseyan To be vexed; I am vexed
Nishcartissay, or annascartissey To vex
Nóneydone To answer, or attend to
Nindooton, or nindootimond To ask; I ask
Negádeja To ascend
Nepewoy´awat To bathe
Neesstootewar To understand
Ninnowatchim To conquer
Neméh To dance
Nepewooch To drown
Nartín, or petoon To fetch, or bring
Naw´wameetch To hurt
{271}
Neewo To join
Neparhan To lie down
Newinnemecoossay To forget; I forget
Newárbemoach To foretell; I foretell
Nondágaitch, or stootewar To hear
Neewatch To meet
Neech, or acktone To put, or place
Nebebeewoy To promise
Nájemoon To sing
Nondágat To sink
Neminwain´desee To satisfy
Nepa´n To sleep
Nandootum To call
Onágun Bark bowl, or cup
Oakónus, or amik woygan´ Beaver robe
Opeewyesky Beard
Onick´quick Back
Oakcan Bones
Opin Brain
Oncean Breech clout
Oskenay´gay Boy
Owentágun Barrel
Ojémaw, or O´kemaw Chief
Ogunnegat Day, or days
Ozett Foot, or feet
Oyan Fur of animals
{272}
Ochick´ Fisher, an animal
Onuggesh Bowels
Oathty Heart
Opeeway Hair of animals
Oweoathcoan Hats
Onúggemeg Portage, or carrying place
Ogashy Horse
Ocárt Leg
Onjee Land
Onjeech Mud
Opoy´gan Pipe
Ogánce Pickerill, a fish
Onnemay Sturgeon, a fish
Opickquoy Squirrel
Oquarme Thighs
Outon Tongue
Ozonnemon Vermillion
Ozóme Too much, or dear
Ozóme pongay Too little
Onar´gushey Dark
Omích Round
Opar´mey Below
Omár, or owáy Here
Otárpeet Under
Ojey To
Ondass Come here
Osquibby, or squibby Drunk
{273}
Ojit To grind
Ojeytoon, or ogúbbetoon To make, or do
Ondashin´ To come on
Pennyshance All small birds
Pamótay way´begun Ashes
Peckqueen dorsow Breech
Pewarbickcónce Brass wire
Paunéa Broaches
Peshshekey Buffalo
Pesh´shemo Bed
Penar´quan Combs
Piskawágan Coats
Peshshew Wood cat
Pewar´bick Copper, iron, or brass
Pingo Dust, or powder
Pewyar Eyelid
Pennyshis Fowl, or birds
Pockquoísigan Flour, or bread
Pinneesh Fruit
Pequim Feathers of birds
Pewarmickcoon Flint stone
Powwabickcoon Gun flints
Pickkew Gum
Powwetink Rapid or strong current of water
Péwithay Stranger
Pewarbeneech Hawk bells
Peja´rcan Harbour
Pemartus Health
Pendycutty Horn
Puttwar Knee
Pecktópe Nostrills
Pinneck Navel
Pimmethy Oil, fat, or grease; or to be fat
Peenay Partridge
Pockkikkin Skin (human)
Parbock´erwoyan´ Shirts
Pockcan worrockay, or pockcan The other world, or country
tunnockay
Pitchynar´go Yesterday
Pester´quan Heavy
Parmín Bald
Pejar´moach Jealous
Pongay, or hagush´enonce Little, small
Páyshik One, the, a, or an
Pockcan, or nobeetch Strange, or new
Packquoim Wide
Payshéw Near, or nigh
Papay´jit Each
Panímár By and by
Pendeek In
Pay, páyshik Here, and there
Pack´itan To abandon, or forsake
Peach, or tarpín To feel
{275}
Pon´kissin To fall
Pamískian, or pemískar To go by water
Papamôtay To go by land
Peechúganub To hang
Packettywaun To beat
Pawpy´ To laugh
Packquoy mowachin To mend
Packquoítso To mix
Petoon, or nartín To fetch, or bring
Pameech, or hapítch To open
Pisquitch To pass
Pemíshkar To row
Papyan To rejoice
Pejar´kemet To release
Pas´serquoin To stand up
Pemíshcarmooch To sail
Pis quemeetch To shake
Pamósay To walk
Pooterway chebock´woy To make a fire and cook
Quickwahay Beaver eater
Queebesince Child, or children
Quinch Liver
Quéwescence Virgin
Quoyjím To bite
Quois´ciquen To weigh
{276}
Shaquoit Air
Shemayn Brother
Shoanar´boop Broth, or soup
Shemay´nce Sister
Shamíshcart Battle
Sedgwin Current of water
Squendum Door; shut the door
Sheshíb Wild duck
Saggonash English
Squittycan Fire steels
Squitty, or scotay Fire
Scotay wigwass Fire bark
Saggoban´wan Hair plates
Shóamin Huckleberries
Seegwa Lungs
Squitty annacook Lightning, or quick fire
Sakíegan Lake
Shenowantágan Lines for a net
Shan´gwoitch Mink
Shem´mor Neck
Shaboonegun Needles
Shenecázeau Name
Sen´nebar Ribbands, or silk
Scótaywa´bo, or squittywa´bo Rum, or brandy
Seepee River
Sheesheebanwín Shot
Sheecark Skunk, or pole cat
{277}
Seezeebockquoit, or seezequar Sugar, or sweet
Sagoyb Well of water
Sheotágan Salt
Shemágonish Soldier, warrior, or brave man
Squissow Throat
Sawwétch Tongue of animals
Sazárgesay Greedy, or covetous
Sannegat Hard, cruel; it is hard, or cruel
Sasay´ga Handsome
Shenargussey Such
Sug´germarsh Quiet; all is quiet
Shyyár, or shar´shyyár Past, or gone, or done
Squibby, or Osquibby Drunk
Sparchtay Thirsty, or dry
Sharshyar´ newebens To arrive by water
Squittyar´bach To burn
Sug´gersoy To smoke a pipe
Squabeech To swim
Serpar´gussey To shew
Stootewar, or nondágaitch To hear
Squamích To run
Sharshyyár Long since
Taguámissey, or haguámissey Courage
Tonbin´gesay Noise
Tunnoc´kay Country
Teakíagun Gun worms
{278}
Tarbátch Hips
Tootooshonarbo Milk, or sap of the breast
Tam´mikquoin Spoon
Tarbinnáck Indian slay
Tarbishár Thunder
Talon´jay Blue
Tarwar´chewort Toes
Thurensera Dawn of day
Tarpoach Voice, or the echo of the breath
Tabiscoach Equal, or alike
Towwacktowar Surprising
Tannepy When, or whence
Tar´nin, tar´neyau, way´go nin, or What, or what now?
hawwaneeyaw
Tawnimilik, or andersoy How many, what price, how much?
Taw! waw! Oh! oh!
Tarpenán To take
Takooshin To arrive at a place
Tackannin To bind, or tie
Tuckunnin To choose
Tibárimaw To govern
Tuckunnum´kewish To marry
Tonbin´gus To bawl
Tercush´enan, or guabeecheway To return
Tarpin, or peach To feel
Tójeytoon, or gúsketoon To work
Utchwar Chin
{279}
Un´gwoitch Busy
Unter, or aighter Only, at, or alone
Untowarch Unto
Way´bissay, or waybeezesay Thoughts
Warbunk To-morrow
Warwích Ankle
Warcockquoit, or warcockquoit Tomahawk
opoygan
Wabatch An animal between a dog and a wolf
Wheeyóe Breast
Waperwoyan´ Blankets
Wapátch Basket, or hand bowl
Warmeek Bridge
Wigwass Bark of a tree
Warbim´ Cheeks
Wiskin´ky Eyes
Wark Eggs
Warbegum´ Globe, the earth
Weass Flesh of animals
Wisseneet Feast
Waymístergoash French, or builders of vessels
Wakay´gon Fort, or tower
Wematishtergóan Bald head
Woygán, or oakónus Robe made of peltry
Wapoos Hare
{280}
Weeyan Hide of animals
Wigwaum House, cabin, or hut
Wakeck´uman Crooked knife
Warbermoon Looking glasses
Winnetoon Loss
Warbun´ Month
Woyzáskquish Rush mat
Warbeshan´ce Marten, an animal
Wesshepátchta Bird´s nest
Woyzásk Rushes
Watappy Roots of trees
Warmeech Tail of animals
Weenecobbo Turkey
Weebitt Teeth
Weebor´so, or neatissum Veins
Wiscon´kissey Young, offspring
Warbermeneech Blind
Weematch Sharp
Warbishcár White
Waterwawadoossin Roots; a figurative expression for
the affections of the heart,
which entwine about each other
Ween He, him, she or her
Weennewar Ye, they, or them
Way´nin Who, or who is that?
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
Way´gonin, hawwaneeyaw } What, or what now?
—— tar´nin } „
—— Tar´neyau } „
───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
{281}
Waygush, or way way How, or how do you do?
Woity, or awoity There, at that place
Weebátch Immediately, or very soon
Weechópe Mine, belonging to me
Woke Plural number
Weebittan´, or ha, weebittan´ Make haste
Warbermeech To clean
Wíssemeg To chew
Wissinnin To eat
Weegewach´in To follow
Warbermecó To find
Wínnemawatch To neglect
Warmarch To spit
Wabindán To view, or examine well my mind
Wabemát, or wabemór To see
Warcharch To seek
Warmatt To win
Warbennís, or warbennét To watch
Waybenán To throw away, to repudiate
Yoe Body
Yotch Nose
Yaquoy To avoid
Zenzeebisson Finger rings
Zárgay, or zargéytoon Love; to love
{282}
Zawnum´ Paint; to paint
Zeepeeooch To boil
Zar´squoy To cure
Zeewitc´h To fly
Zayquébenan To wash
FAMILIAR PHRASES
IN THE
ENGLISH AND CHIPPEWAY LANGUAGES
{284} _English_
How do you do, friend?
In good health, I thank you.
What news?
I have none.
Have you had a good hunt this winter?
Yes, a very good hunt.
What lake did you hunt at last winter?
At the Skunk Lake.
What is there at that lake?
Beaver, but not much.
How long were you there?
Only one month.
They say there are no fish in that lake;
That is hard.
There has been a great deal of snow lately;
We have all found it hard this winter.
Did you see any strange Indians on the way?
Yes, I met five going to Lake Sturgeon.
Had they any thing with them?
No, I did not see any thing but slays.
I long to see spring, that we may go a fishing.
What lake will you fish at?
The Red Lake.
{286}
Our canoes are broken;
We must make new in the spring.
There is great quantity of birch bark at the Red Lake;
Yes, but the trees are small.
{285} _Chippeway_
Way, way, nee neejee?
Meegwotch nóbum pemártus.
Ta´rnin mergúmmegat?
Caw´ween a´rwayyor.
Níshshishshín géosay nógone bebóme?
Anga´ymer, O, níshshishshín.
Hawwaneeyaw sakíegan kee géosay awa´ss bebóne?
Sheecark Sakíegan.
Way´gonin woíty ha sakíegan?
Amík, cawween gwotch.
Maywísher kee appay?
Páyshik geezus aíghter.
Eca´rto ca´wween ka´ygo keegónce woity sakíegan;
Sannegat.
Nepewár going nogóme;
Cockinnór marmó ojey candan sannegat nogóme bebóne.
Póckcan níshinnorbay kee warbema´t nar?
Anga´ymer, na´rnan nee warbemór onnemay sakíegan ojey eszar.
Ka´ygoshish arthty wéenewar nar?
Ca´wween, nin ojey warberma´t a´rwayyor tarbinna´ck.
Ba´dash menókemeg bóckettywaun neennerwind.
Ta´rneyau sakíegan keen bóckettywaun?
Misquíttyyang sakíegan.
{287}
Cóckinnor neennerwind, O, chema´n ojey bowwískar;
Póckcan in gar ojeytoon menókemeg.
Nepewár wigwass woity Misquíttyyang Sakíegan;
Anga´ymer, hagúshenonce meteek.
_English_
How many fathom long will you make your canoe?
Perhaps three fathom.
There are many rapids at the Red Lake;
Are they hard rapids?
Here and there.
How long are you going up them?
Fifteen days.
That is long.
Bring me some tobacco;
Here is some for you.
This is English;
Yes, it is.
Sit down.
I want to smoke a pipe.
I am tired.
I will lie down.
I will get up.
I want to eat.
I want to drink.
We will make fire and cook our kettle;
It is ready;
Let us eat;
It is very good.
{288}
I will go.
Are you going, friend?
Yes, but I shall return soon.
Have you any good guns?
Yes.
Let us see them?
This is broke.
Here is another;
_Chippeway_
Ta´wnimilík eu níck kee ojeytóon chema´n?
Ca´nnebatch neesswoy euník.
Nepewár powwetink Misquíttyyang Sakíegan;
Sannegat nar powwetink?
Pay, pa´yshik.
Maywísher nar shy´yar cockinnór?
Metósswoy ogúnnegat asshea na´rnan.
Débwoy maywísher.
Assa´ymer petoon;
Oway.
Maúnder Sa´ggonash;
Anga´ymer dédwoy.
Manteta´ppy.
Nee, wee, súggersoy.
Nowwenda´yshon nin.
Nepa´rhan, nin.
Goyey nin goníshcar.
Nee, nee, wissínnin.
Nee, nee, mínniquah.
Pooterway chebóckwoy neennerwind;
Shashy´yar keejetty;
Haw wíssinnin;
Húnjeyta O, níshshishshin.
{289}
Nin gamárcha.
Shashy´yar kee bóossin nar négee?
Angáymer, pánimar tercúshin nin.
O, níshshishshin baskéyzegan árthty nar?
Angáymer.
Gar warbemór?
Maunder bowwískar.
Oway póckcan páyshik;
_English_
This, I think, is a good one.
I want a paddle;
Here is one for you.
Thank you, friend.
Where is your wife?
She is dead.
Is it long since?
Last winter.
Have you any children alive?
Only one boy.
Can he hunt?
Not yet.
Where is your brother?
I saw him last winter at the Skunk´s Lake;
He was killed there by an Indian when he was drunk.
He was a bad Indian, and they should have killed him too;
An Indian just now told me he is killed.
That´s right.
{290}
Was he old?
No.
He had three packs of beaver skins, and ten bags of dried meat, besides
fish, when he was killed:
Oh! that was hard.
Who is that coming?
A strange Indian:
I will go and see him.
Are you come from far, friend?
No, a little way from hence.
_Chippeway_
Maúnder páyshik O, níshshishshin indenéndum.
Ab´boy nee gúyyossay;
Oway páyshik.
Meegwotch, neecárnis.
Aúnday keen O, mentimóyey?
Sharshy´yar nepoo.
Maywísher nar?
Pa´yshik bebóne shy´yar.
Ar´thty O, jánis nogóme pemártus?
Páyshik oskenáygay áighter:
Géosay ween nar?
Kamarchy.
Aúnday chemayn?
Nee warbemór awáss bebóne woity Sheecark Sakíegan;
Páyshik níshinnorbay ojey gúnnissar ween osquíbby.
Ween O, mátchee níshinnórbay, meégwoyack O, gúnniesar ween gúyyea;
Shashy´yar ojey gúnnesar, ween nogóme me ecárto níshinnorbay;
Meegwoyack.
{291}
Keewáency nar?
Cáwween.
Ween arthty neésswoy meekintárgan appimíniquy metósswoy múshcomat wéass
spárchtay metách keegónce gúyyea:
Taw! waw! sannegat.
Hawwaneeyaw tercúshin?
Póckan Níshinno´rbay:
Nin eszar gar warbem´or
Awássa nar kee tercúshin, neegee?
Cáwween, páyshew omar.
_English_
What have you brought?
A small pack of beaver.
What will you want?
Blankets.
I have none but small for your children.
What is your trader´s name at the Red Lake?
The Good Heart.
Has he many goods there?
Five large canoes full.
Have you any bears´ grease?
One box only.
I will trade with you for it;
Very well, friend.
How many beaver skins did you give for that blanket?
Eleven.
I want to buy such;
{292}
You will get such at the English trader´s.
How many beaver skins will you take for this?
Twenty:
Take them, friend.
Will you trade for those otter skins?
No, not now; I must pay my credit to the Good Heart.
What did you take from him?
Some small things.
Fetch me some water.
Make haste.
Do you hear me?
_Chippeway_
Wa´ygonin kee ogúbbetoon?
Hagúshenonce meekinta´rgan appimíniquy.
Wa´ygonin kee gúyyossay?
Wa´perwoyan.
Ca´wween kaygo wa´rpewoyan hagúshenonce kee janis shena´rgussey.
Ta´rnin sheneca´zeau keennerwind arta´wwaywinnin Misquíttyyang Sakíegan?
Níshshishshin oa´thty.
Nepewar huncúshigon a´rthty nar?
Na´rnan kítchee cheeman mo´oshquenay.
Mackqua´h pímmethy a´rthty nar?
Pa´yshik muccuck a´ighter.
Nee wee arta´wway;
Meégwoyack, négee.
An´dersoy appimíniquy kee, kee, arta´wway, wa´per woyan?
Meto´sswoy asshea pa´yshik.
Nee wee arta´wway shenargussey;
{293}
Sa´ggonash a´rthty shena´rgussey.
An´dersoy appimíniquy keetarpena´n mor?
Neesh tanner:
Tarpena´n neeca´rnis.
Cúnner kee wee arta´wway maúnder nekeék woygan?
Cáwween, nogóme; nee wee gudderpa´rhan nee marseyna´ygan níshshishshin
o´athty.
Wa´ygonin kee tarpena´n?
Póngay ka´ygoshish.
Nippee nartin.
Ha, webitta´n.
Cunner kee sto´otewar?
_English_
I hear you.
Come here;
I am coming.
What kind of a hunt had the _Fox_ last winter?
The winter was bad indeed.
What did he hunt for?
Bear.
I wish this was spring, and all the Indians would come and trade their
winter´s hunt;
They will come soon:
I think they will have a great many packs.
What will you ask to take me by water from Montreal to Michillimakinac?
One large keg of rum, one gun, one blanket, one kettle, and one knife;
that is all I want:
{294}
That is too much, as you will eat and drink the same as us, and will not
work, but only shew the way.
Will you go directly?
No, I shall stay till to-morrow, and then embark.
I left my wife and children at a place four days march from hence.
I want to see them.
To-morrow, at the dawn of day, we will embark.
Take courage; farewell, friend.
Very well, I will be true to my word.
All is quiet.
I will go to bed.
Get up, friend.
I am lazy.
_Chippeway_
Kee, kee, no´neydone.
Onda´ss;
Nin tercúshin.
Ta´rnin shena´rgussey géosay _Assinbo_ awa´ss bebo´ne?
Hapadgey maítchee bebo´ne.
Wa´ygonin ween géosay?
Mackqua´h.
Ba´dash meno´kemeg ha cockinno´r marmo níshinnorbay tercúshin ojey
arta´wway awass bebo´ne O, wo´ygan;
Weeba´tch tercushin weénnewar:
Nepewar meekinta´rgan indenéndum weénnewar.
Wa´ygonin kee nindootymond monyny´yank woíty Michillima´kinac
pamis´kian?
Pa´yshik kitchee muckcúck scotaywa´bo, pa´yshik baskéyzegan, payshik
wa´perwoyan, pa´yshik akeek, pa´yshik mo´koman; me cockinno´r:
{295}
Ozo´me kee tabisco´ach wíssinnin neénnerwind mínniquy ca´wween a´rwayyor
kee gúsketoon meekan mee áighter unter wabindan´.
Weebatch gúddeszar keen?
Ca´wween, omar ojey appay; warbunk boossin.
Mee woity ojey appay, mentimóyamish, ja´nis woke, guyyea neon ogúnnegat.
Nee, nee, warbema´t weennewar.
Warbunk thurensera boossin.
Hagua´rmissey, way, way, negee.
Meegwoyack, nee gar débwoy.
Súggermarch.
Péshshemo nin gama´rchar.
Goníshcar, neegee.
Kittim nin.
_English_
I am sick.
I am vexed.
I am cold.
I am hot.
I am hungry.
I am dry.
I am well.
I love you.
Your health, friend.
I do not understand you.
_Chippeway_
Acquoisee nin.
Nishcar’teseyan.
Geessénnar nin.
Geesha’rtay nin.
Bócketty nin.
Spa’rchtay nin.
Pema’rtissey nin.
Neeza’rgay keen.
Kee talleneman’co, or, keetan’nemecó neejee.
Cawween nee stoticee.
THE END
-----
Footnote 1:
Masson, _Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest_ (Quebec, 1890), ii,
pp. 139, 140.
Footnote 2:
Alexander Henry, _Travels and Adventures in Canada_ (Bain’s ed.,
Boston, 1901), p. 233.
Footnote 3:
For the wages of voyageurs, see Turner, “Fur Trade in Wisconsin,”
Wisconsin Historical Society _Proceedings_, 1889.
Footnote 4:
See _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, ix, pp. 290, 291.
Footnote 5:
The chronology of Long’s later years in Canada is confusing. On page
175 of his book, he gives the date of 1786, and after describing ten
months’ occupations says on the next page, “the spring of 1786.” That
this should be 1787, is proved by the fact that when he applied to
General Hope for assistance the next year, the latter had gone to
England. As Hope’s departure occurred in June, 1788, Long’s mistake of
a year in his dates is thus manifest.
Footnote 6:
The following are those to whom he definitely refers: Lahontan,
Hennepin, La Salle, Colden, Adair, Carver, Jonathan Edwards, Kalm,
Beatty, Rev. John Sargent, Robson, Umfreville, Kames, Robert Rogers,
Pope’s poems, a novel by Lady Emily Montague, and Justamond’s Life of
Louis XV.
Footnote 7:
Field, _Essay toward an Indian Bibliography_ (New York, 1873).
Footnote 8:
Long’s book is of slight topographic value to the historical student,
because of the apparently uninhabitable nature of the countries
through which he passed; they are nearly as undeveloped now as they
were then.
Footnote 9:
For list of partners, see _Canadian Archives_, 1888, p. 61.
Footnote 10:
Sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Society from 1778 until his
death in 1820, was the patron of discoverers, having himself voyaged
around the world with Captain Cook (1768–71). He was especially
interested in Northwest exploration, and the customs and habits of
primitive people, and to him Alexander Henry dedicated his _Travels
and Adventures in Canada_.—ED.
Footnote 11:
The Treaty of Paris, drawn up between the envoys of the United States
and those of Great Britain (1783), was called “Oswald’s Treaty,”
because Richard Oswald was chief negotiator for the British ministry.
The Northwest posts were not surrendered _de facto_, until after Jay’s
Treaty in 1794.—ED.
Footnote 12:
Louis Armand de Lom d’Arce, Baron de Lahontan, was a French officer
who served in Canada, in 1683–93. While commanding a small fort on
Detroit River, he started on a journey to the Western country. Going
by way of Mackinac, he ascended the Mississippi from the mouth of the
Wisconsin, and explored part of Minnesota. In 1703 he published an
account of his travels, which was largely fabulous, although of some
value. The work had, however, great vogue in the eighteenth century,
was translated into several languages, and much studied. He also
published a French-Algonquian dictionary, to which Long here
refers.—ED.
Footnote 13:
Rev. Jonathan Edwards was much interested in Indian missions; and
having been brought up among the Stockbridges, published (1788)
_Observations on the Language of the Mukhekaneew Indians_. In a
republication with notes by John Pickering, in the _Massachusetts
Historical Collections_, 2nd series, x, pp. 81 ff., the added Chippewa
vocabulary is that of Long.—ED.
Footnote 14:
Jonathan Carver, one of the earliest American explorers of the
Northwest, was born in 1732, and served in the French and Indian War,
barely escaping from the massacre of Fort William Henry. In 1766, he
went to Mackinac, and thence through Wisconsin and Minnesota, and
later explored Lake Superior. His _Travels_ were first published in
London in 1778, and two years later he died there in destitute
circumstances. For further details see _Wisconsin Historical
Collections_, vi, pp. 220–237. Carver gives an account of Indian
manners and customs; chapter 17, devoted to language, includes a
Chippewa vocabulary.—ED.
Footnote 15:
Long is here following the authority of Father Hennepin, who gives
this origin of the name “Canada” in his _New Discovery_ (London,
1698). The real origin of the word is disputed, some deriving it from
an Iroquois term meaning “village;” others from Indian terms
signifying “at the mouth of the river;” still others, from a term for
“lakes,” _i. e._, a country full of lakes.—ED.
Footnote 16:
The author assumes that Lake Huron is the source of the St. Lawrence,
and that Lake Nipissing, which empties into Georgian Bay through the
French River, is the source of Lake Huron.—ED.
Footnote 17:
Trois Rivières, at the mouth of St. Maurice River, where it empties
into the St. Lawrence by three channels separated by islands, was
ceded (1634) to the Jesuits, who built a fort here. See Sulte, “La
Rivière des Trois Rivières,” in Royal Society of Canada _Proceedings_,
1901, sec. i, pp. 97–116.—ED.
Footnote 18:
A Jesuit mission entitled St. François Xavier was founded for Iroquois
converts in 1669. Later it was removed to this village (near
Montreal), which was named for an Indian town in the Mohawk Valley,
also the seat of a Jesuit mission. The usual orthography is
Caughnawaga.—ED.
Footnote 19:
Long uses as his historical authority the work of Cadwallader Colden
(whom he later cites directly), _History of the Five Indian Nations_
(New York, 1727). Colden appears to have taken much of his material
from Bacqueville de la Potherie’s _Histoire de l’Amérique
Septentrionale_ (Paris, 1722). But Long does not blindly follow
Colden, and adds other material.—ED.
Footnote 20:
The Conoys and Nanticokes were fragments of Indian tribes which had
removed from the South—driven forth by the pressure of English
population—and with the consent of the Six Nations had settled on the
upper waters of the Susquehanna.
In the third league the author probably intends to include the
so-called “Ohio Indians”—the Miamis (Wanamis), Delawares, Mohicans,
Munseys (a sub-tribe of the Delawares), the Wapingers (unidentified),
and the Mingoes—who were all subordinate to the Six Nations. The
Creeks were a powerful confederacy in Alabama, of which Coweta was the
principal war-town on the Chattahoochee River.—ED.
Footnote 21:
The Tuscaroras joined the Five Nations between 1712 and 1715. See
_Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi, p. 321, for a letter from the
governor of New France, mentioning this fact.—ED.
Footnote 22:
After the Revolutionary War, nearly thirty thousand Loyalists left the
United States to settle in the Canadian provinces. Of these, about ten
thousand went from the back settlements by way of Lake Ontario, and
founded Upper Canada. General Haldimand was largely instrumental in
this movement, and 1784 was the year of its culmination. The Mohawks,
also, under the leadership of Brant, removed about the same time to
the two reservations mentioned by Long. Descendants of this tribe
still live in these two localities, although most of the land has been
alienated.—ED.
Footnote 23:
This is a good résumé of the history of Fort Frontenac, which was
built in 1673, abandoned during the Iroquois War in 1689, but restored
in 1695. La Salle was for several years proprietor of the fort, the
revenues from which passed afterwards to the royal treasury. In 1758,
Fort Frontenac was captured and destroyed by a British expedition,
after which it fell into disuse, until the Loyalists re-garrisoned it
about 1784.—ED.
Footnote 24:
This was the site of Father Picquet’s mission and fortified post, La
Présentation. This Sulpitian missionary came to Canada in 1734, and
after several years’ service in the colonies founded this
establishment in 1749, where the city of Ogdensburg, New York, now
stands. He was successful in attracting the Iroquois thither, and had
in his settlement nearly three thousand Indians, who espoused the
French cause in the French and Indian War. In 1760, Picquet retired to
New Orleans, and thence to France. The English, on taking possession,
changed the name of the post to Fort Oswegatchie. It was garrisoned
and maintained until after Jay’s Treaty in 1794.
In 1792, the site had been purchased by Ogden, and the settlement of
the modern city was begun four years later.—ED.
Footnote 25:
The Mississagua Indians were first met by the French on the north
shore of Lake Huron, and formed part of the Sault Ste. Marie mission
(1670–73). Later, they removed to the lower Michigan peninsula, and
some settled at Detroit. They now have a reservation in Eastern
Ontario, and number about eight hundred.
The other Indians mentioned are those of the Jesuit mission villages.
See _Jesuit Relations_ (Thwaites’s ed., Cleveland, 1896–1901),
index.—ED.
Footnote 26:
Haldimand fortified Carleton Island at the mouth of Lake Ontario, by
sending thither (1778) three companies of the 47th regiment to erect a
post.—ED.
Footnote 27:
The mouth of the Oswego River was early noted as an important station
in relation to the Iroquois country and the fur-trade. Champlain
passed here in 1615, and Frontenac in 1692. In 1721, Governor Burnet
of New York secured permission from the Iroquois to erect a trading
post at this spot, and despite the protests of the French built a fort
in 1726–27. This post of Choueguen (so called by the French) was
especially obnoxious to the French fur-traders; all the more so, when
(1743) Sir William Johnson built his trading post beneath its walls.
Montcalm organized an expedition, and captured it in 1756; but was
compelled to retreat when Forbes penetrated Pennsylvania. It was also
the rendezvous for the successful British attack on Fort Frontenac in
1758. After the fall of New France, the British garrisoned and
repaired the fort, and it was from here that St. Leger started on his
expedition up the Mohawk Valley in 1777. It was headquarters for the
Indian and Tory scalping parties—Butler, Brant, and Johnson started
thence on their raids. It was in British hands at the close of the
Revolution, and not delivered to the Americans until 1796. Traces of
the British fort were to be seen in 1839.—ED.
Footnote 28:
Fort Niagara, one of the chain of posts established by the French, and
later maintained by the British to protect Canada, has had a long and
interesting history. Hennepin and La Salle were there in 1679, when a
small blockhouse was constructed, which was later burned by the
Senecas. Denonville erected a fort here in 1687, which was abandoned
September 15, 1688. No permanent establishment was made on the spot
until 1726, when Governor Beauharnais ordered a fort built to
counteract that of the English at Oswego. This was garrisoned and
maintained by the French, until Sir William Johnson captured it in
1759. At Niagara, in 1764, Johnson met the Indian nations in a general
treaty of peace. During the Revolution, the post was steadily
maintained by the British, and proved an important base of supplies
for the Western forts. After the Revolution, it remained in British
hands until 1796. In the War of 1812–15, it was captured by the
British, and restored to the Americans at the close of the conflict.
For further details see Severance, _Old Trails on the Niagara
Frontier_ (Buffalo, 1899).—ED.
Footnote 29:
Fort Stanwix was built by the British at the head of navigation on the
Mohawk River (where the city of Rome, New York, now stands), in 1758,
at a cost of $266,000. Here was held the treaty of 1768, by which a
general purchase of Indian lands was made, and the Iroquois boundaries
settled. Early in the Revolution it fell into American hands, and was
re-christened Fort Schuyler, which withstood the siege of St. Leger
and his Indian braves in 1777. It is claimed that the present national
flag, as adopted by Congress in 1777, was first raised over the
battlements of Fort Schuyler. After the Revolution, the fort was
rebuilt, and reverted to its original name. Here were held important
treaties with the Iroquois in 1784 and 1788, in the latter of which
much land in the Mohawk Valley was ceded to the whites. The settlement
about the fort was made in 1785, by Connecticut emigrants.—ED.
Footnote 30:
For history of Detroit see vol. i of the present series, p. 55, note
18.—ED.
Footnote 31:
For the history of Mackinac, see “Story of Mackinac,” in Thwaites’s
_How George Rogers Clark won the Northwest, and Other Essays in
Western History_ (Chicago, 1903). By the “isthmus” the author means
the Upper Peninsula of Michigan; the “point of land” must signify the
island of Mackinac. The “mouth of the Illinois” is the outlet of Lake
Michigan.—ED.
Footnote 32:
Grand Portage was the route by the Pigeon River (the present boundary
between Minnesota and Ontario) to the lakes and streams of the
Northwest. The term was first applied to the carrying place, nine
miles long, and later to a landing place somewhat south of the mouth
of the river. This route was first explored by La Vérendrye in
1731—(see _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvii, for a map of this
region drawn by an Indian for La Vérendrye). It became the established
fur-trade route to the Northwest, and a place of great importance as a
rendezvous for voyageurs. For a description of the route and the
traders gathered here in the latter part of the eighteenth century,
see Mackenzie, _Voyages through North America_ (London, 1801).—ED.
Footnote 33:
For the British determination to retain the Northern and Western
posts, and arguments in regard to their legal right, see “Calendar of
Haldimand Papers,” _Canadian Archives_, 1885–89, also McLaughlin,
“Western Posts and the British Debts,” in American Historical
Association _Report_, 1894.—ED.
Footnote 34:
This action took place September 24, 1775, and was the occasion of the
capture and imprisonment of Ethan Allen. For his own narrative of this
event, see Hall, _Ethan Allen_ (New York, 1892), pp. 110–119.—ED.
Footnote 35:
General Richard Montgomery, the commander of the American forces at
Isle aux Noix—an island in Richelieu River about ten miles from the
head of Lake Champlain—wrote September 12, 1775, concerning the
skirmish here mentioned: “I went down the river the other day with
800 or 900 men, in order to cut off the communication between St.
Johns and Montreal. The detachment marched off from the boats at
night, and in less than half an hour, returned in the utmost
confusion.”—_Biographical notes concerning General Richard
Montgomery_ (Poughkeepsie, 1876), p. 11.
Lieutenant Walter Butler was a New York Tory, son of Colonel John
Butler, who led the Indians to the Wyoming Valley massacre. Walter
Butler was with St. Leger in 1777, and was captured soon after the
siege of Fort Schuyler. Escaping from prison at Albany, he led the
Iroquois to the Cherry Valley massacre (1778). He seems to have been
despised for his cruelty, even by his own associates. Brant said he
was “more savage than the savages themselves.” He was killed and
scalped at Butler’s Ford, in the retreat from Johnstown in 1781, by an
Oneida, who called out as he fell, “Cherry Valley!”—ED.
Footnote 36:
Long was a member of the party of forty regulars detached from the 8th
regiment under command of Captain Foster, with a large body of Indian
auxiliaries led by Brant, which descended upon the American detachment
at the Cedars, forty-three miles above Montreal, and captured the
whole number (April 19, 1776). For further details of this, and the
following movements, see Jones, _Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_
(Philadelphia, 1882), pp. 54–65.
Major Gordon, who had recently been made brigadier-general, was shot
from ambuscade, July 24, 1776, while returning to his headquarters
well within British lines. His fellow officers were exceedingly
indignant over it, and Washington appeared to deprecate the matter;
although General Gates promoted the American officer involved. See
Sparks, _Life and Writings of Washington_ (Boston, 1855), iv, pp.
56–59.—ED.
Footnote 37:
This was probably Captain Guillaume Lamothe, who during this period
led so many Indian scalping parties from Detroit while Hamilton
commanded at that place. Lamothe accompanied Hamilton on the latter’s
expedition to Vincennes, and was captured there by George Rogers Clark
(February, 1779). After the surprise of Vincennes he was sent in irons
to Virginia, and kept in close confinement. In April, 1780, he
accepted a parole, and returned to Canada.—ED.
Footnote 38:
The Lake of Two Mountains is an enlargement of the Ottawa River, near
its mouth, above Montreal. On this lake is situated the Sulpitian
mission town of Oka. This is a union of two early missions—one,
founded about 1677 on Montreal Island for Iroquois converts, weakened
during the Iroquois War, and removed in 1704 to the Sault au Récollet,
being finally located on the Lake of Two Mountains about 1720; the
second, or Algonkin mission, was first called La Présentation and
situated on Montreal Island near Lachine; the site was abandoned in
1685, and the remnants of the mission Indians gathered at Bout de
l’Isle (the other end of the same island), where the mission was
called St. Louis. Again removed (1706–07) to the Isle aux Tourtres, it
was permanently located on the Lake of Two Mountains between 1721 and
1726. There are still about four hundred Indians located on the
reserve at the lake. See Canadian Department of Indian Affairs
_Report_, 1901, p. 49. The account given by Long in the following
pages, of the Chippewa division of this mission, is the best
known—their intermarriage with the Indians of the other mission
villages at Caughnawaga and St. Regis, their cultivation of the soil,
and their semi-civilized habits.—ED.
Footnote 39:
Peter Kalm, Swedish naturalist and botanist, was sent to America to
study its flora, and travelled extensively between 1748 and 1751. The
English edition of his travels was published in London in 1772.—ED.
Footnote 40:
James Adair, a trader among the Cherokee and Chickasaw Indians,
1735–75. He published a _History of the American Indians_ (London,
1775), which attempts to prove their relationship to the Jews. It
contains, notwithstanding, much valuable information, particularly in
regard to the Southern tribes.—ED.
Footnote 41:
This was Rev. John Sargent, missionary to the Stockbridge Indians, in
Western Massachusetts.—ED.
Footnote 42:
On the subject of Indian dances see _Jesuit Relations_, index. Also
Grant, in Masson, _Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest_, ii, pp.
335–337.—ED.
Footnote 43:
This origin of the name La Chine is generally accepted by historians.
See Girouard, _Lake St. Louis and La Salle_ (Montreal, 1893), pp. 32,
33.—ED.
Footnote 44:
The “bourgeois” was the chief trader, to whom the voyageurs were bound
by engagements for service. The term was also often applied to the
trader’s agent or clerk, when the latter was in command of the
expedition. See Turner, “Fur Trade in Wisconsin,” Wisconsin Historical
Society _Proceedings_, 1889, pp. 77–82.—ED.
Footnote 45:
For a description of the trade route by way of Ottawa River, Lake
Nipissing, Georgian Bay, and Lake Huron to Mackinac, see H. H.
Bancroft, _History of the Northwest Coast_ (San Francisco, 1886), i,
pp. 561–564. Also, for a personal narrative, see that of Captain
Thomas G. Anderson, in _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, ix, pp.
138–143.—ED.
Footnote 46:
On the habits and uses of the beaver (_castor Canadensis_), see
Martin, _Castorologia_ (Montreal and London, 1892).—ED.
Footnote 47:
The normal food of those who wintered in the woods was Indian corn and
tallow. See Turner, “Fur Trade in Wisconsin,” pp. 78, 79.
The Falls of St. Mary, or Sault Ste. Marie, were visited by traders as
early as 1616. The _Jesuit Relation_ of 1640 gives a partial
description of this place. Radisson and Groseilliers were here between
1658 and 1660; and here (1669) a Jesuit mission was established by
Allouez and Dablon. After 1689, the mission and trading post were
abandoned in favor of Mackinac; but Sault Ste. Marie continued to be a
station on the Northwestern fur-trade route; and in 1750 the land
thereabout was granted to De Repentigny on condition that he erect a
fort at that place. After the English occupation, a French Canadian,
J. B. Cadot, had a trading post here, which was probably the one
mentioned by Long. Later, the North West Company occupied the spot;
but in 1814 its post was burned by a detachment of American troops,
commanded by Major Holmes, who afterwards fell at the unsuccessful
attack on Mackinac. The first military post and Indian agency of the
United States at Sault Ste. Marie was established in 1822.
The Saulteurs were a Chippewa tribe, so called by the French from
having been first encountered at the Sault. The name afterwards was
employed to designate all the Chippewa nation. A pretty Indian legend
of the origin of these falls, is found in _Jesuit Relations_, liv, p.
201.—ED.
Footnote 48:
On the offering of tobacco to “Manitous,” see _Jesuits Relation_, x,
p. 324. See, also, caption “Manitou,” in index thereto.—ED.
Footnote 49:
Probably the “Athabasca,” one of the first schooners of the North West
Company on Lake Superior. See Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, p. 149. The
French had a sailing vessel on Lake Superior as early as 1735. See
_Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvii.—ED.
Footnote 50:
Pays Plat was the fur-trade station near the Nipigon River, about one
hundred miles east of Grand Portage. It was situated on one of the
islands of Nipigon Bay, and so named because of the low land and shoal
water in the vicinity. See Bigsby, _Shoe and Canoe_ (London, 1850), p.
223.—ED.
Footnote 51:
For a history of the Chippewa Indians, see _Minnesota Historical
Collections_, v.
This noted chief, Matchekewis, was the captor of Mackinac during
Pontiac’s War. For a sketch of him, see _Wisconsin Historical
Collections_, vii, pp. 188–194.—ED.
Footnote 52:
For a description of Indian pipes and smoking habits, see U. S.
National Museum _Report_, 1897, pp. 351 ff. The material for the red
calumets is called “catlinite,” from George Catlin, who described it
in 1836. It is found in the pipestone quarries of Pipestone County, in
Southwestern Minnesota. See _Jesuit Relations_, lix, p. 310.—ED.
Footnote 53:
For a description of the rattle called “sysyquoy,” see _Wisconsin
Historical Collections_, xvi, p. 367; and Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, p.
333.—ED.
Footnote 54:
The Nipigon River is the largest and most northerly tributary of Lake
Superior, and the outlet for Lake Nipigon. Its region, until the
building of the Canadian Pacific Railroad, was almost as wild and
unknown as when visited by the French explorers in the seventeenth
century. Perrot mentions this river and lake in his _Mémoire_ (1658);
and Duluth (1684) wrote to De la Barre of the “fort which I have
constructed near the River à la Maune, at the bottom [the north end of
Lake Alemipigon,” as a barrier to the English trade from Hudson Bay.
In 1687, Duluth’s brother traded with fifteen hundred Indians in the
Lake Nipigon region. The furs from this district were especially rich
and valuable, and the trading post on the lake appears to have been
maintained throughout the French occupation. La Vérendrye was
commandant here in 1728, when he became fired by the reports of the
savage Ochagach, with zeal for Western exploration. See _Northern and
Western Boundaries of Ontario_ (Toronto, 1878), pp. 68–80.
In 1757, Bougainville describes this post as follows: “Les Népigons, a
post established to the north of Lake Superior; the commandant is its
farmer and pays for that privilege about 4,000 francs; it includes the
Lake à la Carpe.... The post produces generally every year from eighty
to one hundred bundles of fur.” After the British occupation the
productiveness of the region declined. Duncan Cameron says that when
he first went to this country (1785), the whole district produced but
fifty-six packs of fur, although it had no opposition from Hudson Bay,
and part of the Lake Winnipeg department was included in the Nipigon
district. See Cameron, “The Nipigon Country,” in Masson, _Bourgeois_,
ii, pp. 231–300. The North West Company considered this to be its
territory, but later the Hudson’s Bay Company built a post at Red
Rock, near the mouth of the river—now a station on the Canadian
Pacific Railway. The Hudson’s Bay Company still maintains a wintering
post, known as Poplar Lodge, on the east shore of Lake Nipigon. See
Canadian Bureau of Mines _Report_, 1901, p. 212. The Nipigon River is
now noted as a fisherman’s paradise. For a description of the route
from the mouth of the river to the lake, see Canadian Geological
Survey _Report_, 1867–69, p. 336.—ED.
Footnote 55:
This is the game of lacrosse, a modification of which has become the
Canadian national game. For an historical account of this game, see
_Jesuit Relations_, x, pp. 326–328; Henry’s _Travels_ (Bain’s ed.), p.
77; Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, pp. 337, 338.—ED.
Footnote 56:
For a similar game with slight modifications, see Masson, _Bourgeois_,
ii, p. 340.—ED.
Footnote 57:
Mr. Shaw was an independent trader, father of Angus Shaw, partner and
agent of the North West Company.—ED.
Footnote 58:
This is a citation from the _New Discovery_ of Hennepin, who gives the
first account of the tribe, apparently a branch of the Sioux, whose
custom of weeping he so fully describes in connection with his
captivity among the Issati Indians.—ED.
Footnote 59:
The early cradles of the Chippewa Indians are described in more detail
by Grant, “The Sauteux Indians,” in Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, pp. 322,
323.—ED.
Footnote 60:
This is true not only of the St. Croix River (Wisconsin) Chippewas,
but of nearly all the tribe up to the present time. The “woods Indian”
north of Lake Superior is usually a Chippewa (Ojibwa), and a large
portion of those under the care of the Canadian government are still
hunters. The Canadian Department of Indian Affairs, in its _Report_
for 1900, represents the modern Ojibwa as little changed, except from
general inability to obtain liquor as freely as in the olden days of
the fur-trade.—ED.
Footnote 61:
For the hereditary enmity between the Chippewas and the Sioux, and the
particularly fierce encounters of this period, see Warren, “History of
the Ojibways,” in _Minnesota Historical Collections_, v, pp. 72, 95,
222–241.—ED.
Footnote 62:
Indian slavery among the French was first practiced in the Illinois
country, and (1709) was authorized by edict for Canada. Slavery was
abolished for Upper Canada in 1793; and by 1800 had ceased in Lower
Canada. See Lafontaine, “L’ésclavage en Canada,” Montreal Historical
Society _Proceedings_, 1858; Canadian Institute _Transactions_,
1889–90 (Toronto, 1891); and _Proceedings_, 1897, p. 19.—ED.
Footnote 63:
In the language of James Bain, Jr., librarian of the Toronto Public
Library, “Long is the most indefinite of travellers, and English names
of lakes and rivers unstable.” It seems an almost hopeless task to
localize several of his geographical names by the aid of modern maps.
As a matter of fact this part of Northwestern Ontario from Lake
Nipigon to Lake Abittibi is still almost _terra incognita_. For the
best current maps and descriptions, see Canadian Department of the
Interior _Report_, 1890, part v; also Ontario Bureau of Mines
_Report_, 1900.—ED.
Footnote 64:
Lake Savanne lies northwest of Lake Nipigon, on a tributary of the
Albany River. A brief account of a voyage thither is given by Duncan
Cameron, in Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, p. 271. Cameron also says that
four out of eight traders starved there in one year (_ibid._, p.
242).—ED.
Footnote 65:
Long was the first to apply the word “totamism” to that system of
beliefs and family relationships, now recognized as the basis of
primitive society. The theory of clan relationships, as expressed by
totems, was first developed by M’Lennan in a series of articles
published in the _Fortnightly Review_, 1869–71. On the general theory,
see Lang, _Myth, Ritual, and Religion_ (London, 1887), i, pp. 58–81.
On the totemism of the American Indian there is a large literature.
The following are useful: Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United
States_ (Philadelphia, 1851–57); Brinton, _Myths of New World_
(Philadelphia, 3d ed., 1896).—ED.
Footnote 66:
This was the grant made to Sir William Johnson in 1760, of sixty-six
thousand acres, now within Little Falls Township on the Mohawk River.
The grant was confirmed by the crown in 1769, and Johnson Hall, a
large portion of which is still standing, was built thereupon. See
vol. i of this series, p. 88, note 48.—ED.
Footnote 67:
Henry says, “In North America there is no _partridge_; but the name is
given to more than one species of grouse.” This was probably the
_Canace_ or _Dendragapus Canadensis_, black or spotted grouse.—ED.
Footnote 68:
The loup-cervier is the Canadian lynx; the beaver eater, the wolverine
(_gulo luscus_), or “carcajou.” For a description of the latter, see
Martin, _Castorologia_, pp. 147–151.—ED.
Footnote 69:
The grizzly bear (_ursus ferox_), was first adequately identified and
described by Lewis and Clark. See Thwaites’s ed. of _Original Journals
of Lewis and Clark_ (New York, Dodd, Mead & Co., 1904).—ED.
Footnote 70:
Dobbs, _Account of the Countries adjoining Hudson’s Bay_ (London,
1744), gives a map of these regions “as described by Joseph La France,
a French Canadese Indian, who Traveled thro those Countries and Lakes
for 3 years from 1739 to 1742,” on which he places “Ouassi Indians”
between the Michipicoten and Nipigon rivers on the north shore of Lake
Superior. He also says (p. 32), “There are two Indian Nations upon
this North Coast, the Epinette ... and the Ouassi, both tribes of the
Sauteurs.” The tribe designated by this term seems to have disappeared
in the nineteenth century.—ED.
Footnote 71:
The Rat Indians are those of Rat Portage, on the Lake of the Woods,
apparently a branch of the Chippewas. Their name is taken from the
muskrat (_ondatra zibethicus_). See Coues, _Henry-Thompson Journals_
(New York, 1897), i, p. 26.—ED.
Footnote 72:
On Indian medicine-men and their skill as physicians, see Brinton,
_Myths of the New World_, pp. 304–328; and _Jesuit Relations_, index,
caption “Medicine-men.” See also Hoffman, “The Midewinin of the
Ojibwa,” United States Bureau of Ethnology _Report_, 1885–86.—ED.
Footnote 73:
According to Count Andrani of Milan, who was at Grand Portage in 1791,
each pack was valued at £40 sterling, making the total value of Long’s
first season nearly $28,000. On the expenses of such an outfit, see
_Canadian Archives_, 1888, p. 69.—ED.
Footnote 74:
This is not the river now known as Pic River, which is east of Pays
Plat, but one of the shorter streams between this and Nipigon River,
probably the one now called Gravel River.—ED.
Footnote 75:
For the difficulties of this passage from Pays Plat to Nipigon, see
the account of the building of this section of the Canadian Pacific
Railroad, in Ingersoll, _Canadian Guide-Book_ (New York, 1892), ii,
pp. 29, 30.—ED.
Footnote 76:
For this lake, see Cameron, “Nipigon Country,” Masson, _Bourgeois_,
ii, pp. 242, 244.—ED.
Footnote 77:
For a brief description of the process of making a birch bark canoe,
see McKinney, _Tour of the Lakes_ (Baltimore, 1827), p. 319.—ED.
Footnote 78:
Scuttaywabo is rum or brandy. See Long’s Chippewa vocabulary, at the
end of the present volume.—ED.
Footnote 79:
Tripe de roche is a lichen, which Henry calls _waac_ in Chippewa. See
Henry, _Travels_ (Bain ed.), pp. 214, 215.—ED.
Footnote 80:
On the subject of justice in the forest, as exercised by the British
companies, see Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i, pp. 538–542.—ED.
Footnote 81:
Fort Albany was built by the Hudson’s Bay Company in the seventeenth
century. It was in a sheltered inlet, forty yards from the borders of
James Bay on the south side of Albany River. In 1686 it was attacked
and captured by Troyes’s expedition; and Iberville re-christened the
post, Fort Ste. Anne. It remained in French hands until 1693, when
retaken by the English, who never again lost it, although besieged by
the French in 1704. The later fort was built on Factory Island, in the
mouth of the river, about two and one-half miles from the old fort on
the mainland.—ED.
Footnote 82:
Joseph Robson went out to Hudson Bay in 1733, as a stone-mason, and
was employed in the construction of Fort Churchill. He appears to have
had disagreements with the governor, and returned to England in 1736.
In 1744, he was again sent out as surveyor and superintendent of
buildings at York factory, and explored the Nelson River. Returning to
England in 1747, he testified on behalf of the Company in 1749, before
the House of Commons committee; but some years later published a work,
_An Account of Six Years’ Residence in Hudson’s Bay_ (London, 1752),
in which he animadverts against the treatment of servants and Indians
by the Company’s governors. Long attempts to controvert him in this
paragraph; but on p. 170 he uses his testimony in favor of the
management of the Company.—ED.
Footnote 83:
For the history of the formation of the North West Company, see
preface, _ante_, p. 16.—ED.
Footnote 84:
The Cristinaux (Kiristinou, Killistinoe) Indians, now known as Crees,
are Algonquian tribes who have always been associated with the
Assiniboins (Assinipoils), a Siouan tribe derived early from the
Yankton Dakotas. Their habitat has been the wilderness between Lake
Superior and Hudson Bay, and the land to the west as far as the
Assiniboin and Saskatchewan rivers. They were well known to the early
French explorers (see _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi), and
were the chief Indians with whom the Hudson’s Bay Company traded. They
still number over twelve thousand. See Henry, _Travels_ (Bain ed.), p.
249.—ED.
Footnote 85:
This was the work of Edward Umfreville, _Present State of Hudson’s
Bay_ (London, 1790), written with a view of opposing the continuance
of the Company’s charter, and exposing the practices of the officers.
Umfreville had been in the service of the Company from 1771 to
1782.—ED.
Footnote 86:
On this subject of courtship and marriage, see also Grant, “Sauteux
Indians,” in Masson, _Bourgeois_, ii, pp. 319–321.—ED.
Footnote 87:
The British fort at Mackinac was still upon the south shore of the
strait, where Mackinaw City now stands; but the governor, Patrick
Sinclair, had already begun the erection of a new fort on the island,
to which the establishment moved in the spring of 1781. See “Story of
Mackinac,” in Thwaites’s _How George Rogers Clark won the
Northwest_.—ED.
Footnote 88:
For a contemporary account of this well-known incident, see Henry,
_Travels_, chaps. 8, 9, and 10.—ED.
Footnote 89:
The “Poes” were the Potawatomi Indians (called Poux by the French).
For their history and that of Fort St. Joseph, see vol. i of this
series, pp. 115, 117.—ED.
Footnote 90:
The Menominee Indians were called Folles-Avoines by the French, a name
by which the latter designated both the grain (_zizania aquatica_),
and this tribe of Indians whom they first found using it. They are
Algonquian in language, and were originally encountered by Nicolet
(1634) on the shores of Green Bay. This remained their habitat until
they were removed to their present reservation in Shawano County,
Wisconsin. For history of this tribe, see _Wisconsin Historical
Collections_ (especially vols. xvi and xvii); Hoffman, “Menomini
Indians,” U. S. Bureau of Ethnology _Report_, 1892–93; Jenks, “Wild
Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes,” _ibid._, 1897–98.
No mention of such a barbarous custom as this is made by other
writers. Long may have been misinformed.—ED.
Footnote 91:
On the cause of this action of the Indian traders, alarmed at the
reprisals being made by Spanish and Americans for the unsuccessful
attack on St. Louis by the British party from Mackinac, see _Wisconsin
Historical Collections_, vii, p. 176, _note_.
For biography of Charles Langlade, first Wisconsin settler, see
Tassé’s “Memoir,” _ibid._, pp. 123–185.—ED.
Footnote 92:
This is a somewhat confused reference to George Rogers Clark’s
occupation of the Illinois country, and alliance with the Spaniards
who controlled Louisiana. The fort here mentioned is St. Louis, for
whose early history see vol. iii of this series, André Michaux’s
_Journal_, note 138. Spaniards were incensed at the British traders’
methods in Upper Louisiana during this period.—ED.
Footnote 93:
The commandant at Mackinac was Patrick Sinclair, for whose biography
see _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xi, p. 141, _note_. For
documents dealing with the Revolution in this region, see _ibid._, xi,
pp. 97–212; and xii, pp. 49–55.—ED.
Footnote 94:
The Outagamies, or Fox Indians (French, Renards), were first
encountered by the French on Fox River, Wisconsin. A proud and warlike
nation, they refused to yield to the French yoke. The long series of
wars waged by them with the French was a great source of weakness to
the colony of Canada, and prepared the way for its downfall. For the
documents on these wars, see _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi
and xvii. Driven from their habitat in Eastern Wisconsin, about 1740,
the Foxes joined with their kindred, the Sauks, and settled on the
Mississippi, siding alternately with the British and Americans during
the wars of the Revolution and of 1812–15. One band of the Sauks
participated in the Black Hawk War (1832). At present the combined
population of the Sauks and Foxes is about four hundred, located on a
reservation in Iowa.
The Sioux were the Minnesota branch of this nation, under their chief
Wabasha, _q. v._, _post_, note 87.—ED.
Footnote 95:
Lac les Puans (Stinking Lake) was a name used by the French for Green
Bay. The origin of this term was long supposed to be either in the
ill-smelling shores or the filthy character of the native Puants (_i.
e._, Winnebagoes). In _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi, p. 360,
however, an early writer testifies to the cleanliness of the Puants.
It appears that the original Algonquian name for these people, who are
an offshoot from the Sioux, was Ouinepeg, a word which has come down
to us in two forms—Winnipeg and Winnebago. The meaning of _Ouinepeg_
was, “men of (or from) the fetid (or bad-smelling) water.” It is
probable that these people may at one time have lived near a sulphur
spring or on the shore of a salt lake. The earliest French inferred
that the allusion was to the ocean; hence Nicolet’s appearance among
the Winnebagoes on Green Bay (1634) attired as a mandarin, under the
apprehension that these “Men of the Sea”—as they were called in some
of the earlier French accounts—were Chinamen. Herein we have an
illustration of the tenacity of the old theory that America was but an
outlying portion of Asia. La Salle’s post at La Chine, near Montreal,
which was so nicknamed because some thought it to be on the road to
China, is another case in point. When the “Men of the Sea” were
discovered to be ordinary Indians, their Algonquian appellation
_Ouinepeg_ was translated by the French into a less complimentary
term, “Puants” (Stinkards). Given the name, the reputation of
uncleanliness soon followed. The _Jesuit Relations_ frequently
mentioned the matter; but by the time of the missionaries the old term
of “Men of the Sea” appears to have been forgotten. See _Wisconsin
Historical Collections_, xvi, p. 3, _note_, for citations; also
Thwaites, _Stories of the Badger State_ (New York, 1900), p. 30, for
brief recital of the case—ED.
Footnote 96:
The Foxes had been largely won to the American interest by the efforts
of Godefroy Linctot, Sr., their trader at Prairie du Chien, and the
emissaries of George Rogers Clark from the Illinois country.
Wabasha was a famous Sioux chief, first mentioned by the French
commandant in 1740. Being devoted to the British side, he was
dignified with the title of “general,” and was received with honors of
war at Mackinac. He also visited Quebec several times, and was
decorated by the British officials. His village was near the present
site of Winona, Minnesota. A son of the same name participated in the
War of 1812–15. The French called both these chiefs, “La Feuille.”—ED.
Footnote 97:
On the origin of this term for Americans (Great Knives, Long Knives,
or Big Knives, indifferently) see Thwaites, _Daniel Boone_ (New York,
1902), p. 111, _note_.—ED.
Footnote 98:
This must mean seven days’ journey either from Mackinac or Green Bay,
for Prairie du Chien is situated at the confluence of the Wisconsin
with the Mississippi. On the early settlement of Prairie du Chien,
which was named for a chief of the Fox tribe called “Chien,” see
_Wisconsin Historical Collections_, ix, pp. 282–302.—ED.
Footnote 99:
Lake Temiscaming lies near the source of the Ottawa River, on the
boundary between Quebec and Ontario. The savages near here were
wandering tribes of rude Algonkins, who traded indifferently with
Canada or Hudson Bay.—ED.
Footnote 100:
Tadoussac, at the entrance of the Saguenay River, is one of the oldest
trading stations on the St. Lawrence, having been founded before
Quebec. It was the site of an early Jesuit mission begun before 1642.
A church built for the mission (1747–50), is still standing.—ED.
Footnote 101:
The mission colony of the Hurons at Lorette was established by the
Jesuits on their seigniory in 1673. There is still a settlement of
these Indians near this place.—ED.
Footnote 102:
For biographical sketch of Robert Rogers, see vol. i, Croghan’s
_Journals_, note 61. Long here refers to his work, _Concise Account of
North America_ (London, 1765).—ED.
Footnote 103:
Henry Home, Lord Kames, a famous Scotch jurist, published _Sketches of
History of Man_ (Edinburgh, 1774).—ED.
Footnote 104:
The Montagnais Indians—so called from their habitat, the mountainous
country north and east of Quebec—were an Algonquian tribe, much in
contact with the French colonists. They still roam through their
ancient territory, hunting and fishing, and acting as guides to
scientific and sporting parties. They have a reservation on Lake St.
John.—ED.
Footnote 105:
Chicoutimi, at the head of navigation of Saguenay River, was early
settled, a mission church being built there in 1726. It has but
recently become a place of importance, being not only the chief
trading station for the entire Saguenay region, where settlement has
commenced to be permanent, but the seat of large salmon fisheries and
of extensive wood-pulp mills; small ocean vessels are now laden with
pulp at Chicoutimi docks, carrying the product to English, French, and
American ports.—ED.
Footnote 106:
After leaving Lake St. John, Long followed its sources westward, and
portaged over the Height of Land into the present Northeast
Territory—a region now nearly as unknown and unexplored as it was
then. Modern maps are not helpful regarding Long’s route.—ED.
Footnote 107:
The true rattlesnake (_crotatus horridus_) is not found in Canada. The
one here alluded to is the _caudisona tergemina_. The age is not
indicated by the number of the rattles. The black water snake was
probably the _tropidonatus sipedon_, which feeds on fish, and is an
expert swimmer, although not a true water snake. The “turkey snake”
cannot be identified.—ED.
Footnote 108:
This was the expedition of La Pérouse, who in the summer of 1782
captured Fort Prince of Wales and York factory. See Wilson, _The Great
Company_ (Toronto, 1899), pp. 320–326.—ED.
Footnote 109:
Lake George was originally named Lac du St. Sacrement, by the Jesuit
missionary and martyr Isaac Jogues, who was there in 1646. On his
expedition of 1755, Sir William Johnson changed the name in honor of
his king. Lakes George and Champlain were of strategic importance in
all the French wars, and that of the Revolution. Fort George was a
small post on an eminence a half mile southeast of Fort William Henry,
built in 1759 after the destruction of the latter. Abandoned
temporarily during Burgoyne’s invasion, the garrison were surprised
and captured by Carleton (October, 1780), and the fortification
destroyed. New York State has appropriated the land around the ruins
of this fort for Fort George Battle Park.—ED.
Footnote 110:
For a description of the road from St. Johns on the Richelieu River,
at the outlet of Lake Champlain—where the French built a fort in
1748—to La Prairie on the St. Lawrence, see Kalm, _Travels in North
America_ (London, 2nd ed., 1772), ii, pp. 219–223.—ED.
Footnote 111:
Crown Point, called by the French Pointe au Chevalure (scalp point),
was fortified by the latter nation in 1731, as their advanced post
(Fort St. Frédéric) on the northern frontier. During the French and
Indian War it was twice attacked by the English; but the French
retained possession until Amherst’s expedition (1759), when Fort St.
Frédéric was abandoned and destroyed. Amherst began here extensive
fortifications, the ruins of which still exist. Crown Point was
captured by the Americans in 1775, and restored to the British in
1776. After 1780 it was dismantled and fell into decay, so that Long
could have found but deserted quarters at this place.—ED.
Footnote 112:
This incident indicates the low state of the credit of the United
States. Congress passed the act for the relief of this Indian, April
8, 1785, as follows: “On report of a committee, consisting of Mr.
Howell, Mr. Long, and Mr. Holton, to whom was referred a petition of
John Vincent, an Indian of the Huron tribe, _Resolved_, That in
consideration of the faithful services of John Vincent, an Indian of
the Huron tribe, in the course of the late war, he be allowed and paid
by the commissioners of the treasury, the sum 100 dollars.—_Journals
of Congress_ (Philadelphia, 1801), x, p. 82.—ED.
Footnote 113:
Hendrick was the well-known Mohawk chief, born about 1680, whose
friendship for the English and especially for Sir William Johnson kept
his tribe firm in the English alliance during the French wars.
Hendrick lived at Canajoharie in the Mohawk Valley. At the Albany
Conference (1754), he was one of the most prominent negotiators; but
was killed in the battle of Lake George the following year.—ED.
Footnote 114:
Schenectady boats were long, narrow, flat-bottoms, propelled by small
and ungainly sails, or by iron-shod poles. They were so named from
being first built at Schenectady, and were much used in the shallow
water navigation of Western New York and the Upper St. Lawrence.—ED.
Footnote 115:
The Canadian government was at this period granting large areas of
land north of the St. Lawrence, and of Lake Ontario, to the Loyalists
of the United States, who were removing thither. Two hundred acres
were given to each settler; and higher amounts, according to rank, to
those who had served in the British army. See Canniff, _History of the
Settlement of Upper Canada_ (Toronto, 1869).—ED.
Footnote 116:
Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester, served with Amherst at Louisburg, in
1758. The next year he was wounded at the siege of Quebec. In 1766 he
was made governor of Quebec, and was governor of Canada, 1767–70. In
1775, he was again made governor of Quebec, and defended Canada
against the American forces until relieved by Haldimand in 1778. In
1782, he succeeded Clinton as commander in chief of the forces in
America, and having evacuated New York in 1783, returned with the
troops to England. He was created Baron Dorchester in 1786, and
appointed governor general of Canada, whither he arrived in October,
serving as the ruler of this province until 1796, when he retired to
England, where he died in 1808.
Henry Hope, lieutenant colonel of the 44th regiment, came to America
in 1776, and served throughout the war. In November, 1785, he was made
lieutenant-governor of Canada, and served as acting governor until the
arrival of Dorchester, under whom he continued as lieutenant-governor
until his death at Quebec, April 13, 1789.—ED.
Footnote 117:
Sir John Johnson was the son and heir of Sir William Johnson, the New
York Indian agent. Born in the Mohawk Valley in 1742, he received part
of his education in England, and was knighted there in 1765. He
succeeded to his father’s position and estates in 1774; and on the
outbreak of the Revolution escaped to Canada, where he was made
colonel in the British army. His services during the war, leading
Iroquois against the border settlements in the Mohawk and Cherry
Valley, are well known. His estates were confiscated by the State of
New York, and he retired to Canada, where he was made superintendent
general of Indian affairs in British North America. His death occurred
at Montreal in 1830.—ED.
Footnote 118:
In the surveys made in 1783–84, preliminary to the Loyalists’
settlement, ten townships were set off in Quinté Bay, which were long
known by their respective numbers. The third township was that now
called Fredericksburgh, and was chiefly settled by Johnson’s disbanded
soldiers.—ED.
Footnote 119:
On the land system of Canada, see Canniff, _History of Settlement of
Upper Canada_; and Kingsford, _History of Canada_ (London and Toronto,
1894), vii, pp. 300–313. The feudal tenure was not abolished in Quebec
until 1854; but the Act of 1791, separating Upper from Lower Canada,
decreed a modern system for the Loyalist settlements.—ED.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Important
Historical Publications
OF
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Full descriptive circulars will be mailed on application
“The bare title hardly conveys an idea of the interesting lore
embraced in this admirably carried out study of the roads and their
part in the development of the country.”—_Boston Globe._
The Historic Highways of America
by ARCHER BUTLER HULBERT
A series of monographs on the History of America as portrayed in the
evolution of its highways of War, Commerce, and Social Expansion.
Comprising the following volumes:
I— Paths of the Mound-Building Indians and Great Game
Animals.
II— Indian Thoroughfares.
III— Washington’s Road: The First Chapter of the Old French
War.
IV— Braddock’s Road.
V— The Old Glade (Forbes’s) Road.
VI— Boone’s Wilderness Road.
VII— Portage Paths: The Keys of the Continent
VIII— Military Roads of the Mississippi Basin.
IX— Waterways of Westward Expansion.
X— The Cumberland Road.
XI, XII— Pioneer Roads of America, two volumes.
XIII, XIV— The Great American Canals, two volumes.
XV— The Future of Road-Making in America.
XVI— Index.
Sixteen volumes, crown 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops. A LIMITED EDITION
only printed direct from type, and the type distributed. Each volume
handsomely printed in large type on Dickinson’s hand-made paper, and
illustrated with maps, plates, and facsimiles.
Published a volume each two months, beginning September, 1902.
PRICE, volumes 1 and 2, $2.00 net each; volumes 3 to 16, $2.50 net each.
FIFTY SETS PRINTED ON LARGE PAPER, each numbered and _signed by the
author_. Bound in cloth, with paper label, uncut, gilt tops. Price,
$5.00 net per volume.
“The history of American trails and carries in colonial times; of
paths, roads, and highways in our national beginnings; and of our
great lake, river, and railroad traffic in later times is and has been
of the first importance in our social and political history. Mr.
Hulbert has shown himself abundantly able to investigate the subject
and put in good form the results of his labors.”—Professor WILLIAM M.
SLOANE, _Princeton University_.
“Mr. Hulbert has evidently mastered his subject, and has treated it
very ably and enthusiastically. History is too frequently a mere
collection of dry bones, but here we have a book which, when once
begun, will be read eagerly to the end, so vividly does the author
bring scenes and personages before us.”—_Current Literature._
“As in the prior volumes, the general effect is that of a most
entertaining series. The charm of the style is evident.”—_American
Historical Review._
“His style is effective ... an invaluable contribution to the makings
of American History.”—_New York Evening Post._
“Should fill an important and unoccupied place in American historical
literature.”—_The Dial._
“The most important project ever undertaken in the line of Philippine
history in any language, above all the English.”—_New York Evening
Post._
_The_ Philippine Islands
1493–1898
Being the history of the Philippines from their discovery to the present
time
Explorations by early Navigators, descriptions of the Islands and their
Peoples, their History, and records of the Catholic Missions, as related
in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political,
economic, commercial, and religious conditions of those Islands from
their earliest relations with European Nations to the end of the
nineteenth century.
_Translated, and edited and annotated by_ E. H. BLAIR _and_ J. A.
ROBERTSON, _with introduction and additional notes by_ E. G. BOURNE.
With Analytical Index and Illustrations. Limited edition, 55 volumes,
large 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt top. Price $4.00 net per volume.
“The work is second in importance only to the original documents; to
the student it is even of greater value, since it places before him
translations of these historical data which would otherwise be totally
inaccessible, and without which no work on the Philippines could be
definitive.”—_American Anthropologist._
“At the present time few subjects are discussed so widely and so
ignorantly as matters relating to the Philippines.”—_Chicago
Chronicle._
“In addition to its value as accurate history, the work is full of
interest and of suggestions of thrilling mediæval romance and
adventure among strange scenes and wild people.”—_Philadelphia
Telegraph._
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
Page Changed from Changed to
70 added the perfect notes of the added the perfect notes of the
different war hoops, as different war whoops, as
206 cargo. On the 9th of November we cargo. On the 9th of November we
felt Newfoundland, left Newfoundland,
● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
● Placed footnotes all at the end of the last chapter.
● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
● Enclosed blackletter font in =equals=.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARLY WESTERN TRAVELS, 1748-1846, VOLUME 2 (OF 2) ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™
Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
