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Title: A narrative of travels in northern Africa in the years 1818, 19,
and 20
Author: George Francis Lyon
Contributor: William Buckland
Release Date: May 22, 2023 [eBook #70833]
Language: English
Produced by: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A NARRATIVE OF TRAVELS IN
NORTHERN AFRICA IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, AND 20 ***
A
=NARRATIVE=
OF
=TRAVELS IN NORTHERN AFRICA,=
IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, AND 20;
ACCOMPANIED BY
GEOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF SOUDAN,
AND OF
THE COURSE OF THE NIGER.
WITH
A CHART OF THE ROUTES, AND A VARIETY OF COLOURED PLATES,
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE COSTUMES OF THE SEVERAL NATIVES OF NORTHERN AFRICA.
* * * * *
BY CAPTAIN G. F. LYON, R. N.
COMPANION OF THE LATE MR. RITCHIE.
* * * * *
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
* * * * *
1821.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.
TO
HIS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY
=GEORGE THE FOURTH.=
* * * * *
SIRE,
For the gracious condescension of Your Majesty, in permitting me
to place the following pages under Your Royal Patronage, I shall
ever be impressed with the most sincere gratitude.
That Your Majesty may long, happily, and uninterruptedly reign
in the hearts and over the destinies of your faithful people,
is the constant and fervent prayer of,
Your Majesty’s
Most dutiful and most devoted
Subject and Servant,
GEORGE FRANCIS LYON.
MARCH, 1821.
=PREFACE.=
* * * * *
The situation of an author, when he presents himself to the
scrutinizing observation of the public, must ever be one of the
greatest doubt and anxiety; but as the following pages are
intended only to detail facts in the plainest manner, without
attempt at embellishment of any kind, it is hoped that they will
not only meet with indulgence from the general reader, but escape,
without very severe comment, from the examination of the critic.
All that can be said in their recommendation is, that they adhere
strictly to truth, and that not a single incident described by
the author is in the slightest degree exaggerated; on the contrary,
he has not only abridged but, in some instances, entirely omitted
to mention circumstances which occurred to him, fearing either
to excite doubt in the minds of his readers, or by too long
details to trespass on their patience.
The Tour is divided into two parts. The first comprizes the
original progress of the mission from Tripoli to Morzouk, where
the unfortunate Mr. Ritchie died: the second embraces the author’s
examination of the remainder of the kingdom of Fezzan, from the
death of his companion, until the final return of the mission to
Tripoli; it being deemed too hazardous to attempt advancing
farther into the interior, without fresh authority and additional
pecuniary supplies from Government.
In that part of the journey which was undertaken after the death
of Mr. Ritchie, the state of the temperature is, by a thermometer,
graduated according to Reaumur.
In consequence of Mr. Ritchie’s frequent and debilitating attacks
of illness, and his having relied too much on a singularly retentive
memory, he had, from time to time, delayed committing his remarks
to paper, in the delusive anticipation of ease and leisure, which,
unhappily, he was destined never to enjoy; and it was thus owing
to an unfortunate procrastination, that much valuable information
has been lost to the world.
The present journal, therefore, although regularly kept, must
necessarily be very inferior to that which would have been produced
by Mr. Ritchie, had he been blessed with better health and prolonged
life; but, however great his loss may be considered in a scientific
point of view, this circumstance, it is earnestly hoped, will
operate as an additional claim, on the part of the author, to the
kind consideration of the public, to whom he offers his little work
only as an humble substitute for one which would have been far better
arranged; trusting that in his total want of pretension and ready
admission of its defects, it may meet the general indulgence,
which he can claim on no other account.
The author is indebted to the kindness of the Rev. W. Buckland,
Professor of Mineralogy at Oxford, for the interesting paper on
the geology of the kingdom of Fezzan.
DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER,
FOR PLACING THE PLATES.
* * * * *
Map to face the title-page. PAGE
Costume of Tripoli 7
Tripoli Costume 17
Triumphal Arch 18
Arabs exercising 46
Bonjem 67
Sand Wind 70
Piper and Dancer 75
Castle of Morzouk 98
Tuarick in a Leather Shirt 110
Tuarick of Ghraat 113
Costume of Soudan 161
Negresses of Soudan 182
Tibboo Woman—Full Dress 225
Tibboo of Gatrone 235
Tuarick on his Maherry 293
Camel conveying a Bride 299
Slave Kafflé 325
=CONTENTS.=
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
The Author’s Departure from Malta — Arrival at Tripoli —
Character of Mohammed el Mukni, Bey of Fezzan — Equipment
of Mr. Ritchie and the Author — Costume of the Natives of
Tripoli — Character of the Marāboots, and Celebration of
their annual Festival — The Natives of Tripoli — Their
Habits, Customs, &c. — Public Baths — Punishments — Costumes
of the Women — Tripoline Marriages and Funerals — Funeral
of the Bashaw’s Grand-daughter — Resignation of M. Dupont —
Journey to the Gharian Mountains and Benioleed, in Company
with Mr. Ritchie — General Appearance of the Country —
Arrival at the Gharian Mountains — Visit to the Sheikh —
Short Account of the Passes — Roman Tomb — Castle of Gharian
— Distressed State of Usadena — Account of the People of
Gharian — Set out for Benioleed, through the gravelly Desert
— Arrival at Benioleed — Character of the Inhabitants — Its
Population — Description of the Arabs — Their Religion,
Manners, Habits, &c. Page 1
CHAPTER II.
JOURNEY FROM TRIPOLI TO MORZOUK.
Preparations for their Departure, in Company with Mohammed
el Mukni — Encampment in the Mountains of Terhoona, and at
the Wells of Melghra — Arrival at Benioleed — Interview with
the Wife of the Sheikh, of the Kafflé — Their Christian
Friends return to Tripoli — Punishment of an Arab for Theft
— Journey over the Desert — Remains of a Roman Castle —
Continuation of the Journey, until their Arrival at Sockna —
Entry into that City — Description of it — Manner of raising
the Tribute Money — Accompany the Sultan’s Son to Hoon and
Wadan, to receive the Taxes — Account of those Places —
Return to Sockna — Leave Sockna — Singular Custom imposed
on Travellers in passing the Soudah Mountains — Arrival at
Nufdai — Clear the Soudah Mountains — And travel over the
gravelly Plain, through the Pass of Kenair, to the Well of
Om el Abeed — Visit the Towns of Zeighan and Samnoo, famed
for their Marāboots — Encamp at Temenhint — Arrival at
Sebha, where the Black Population commences — Pass on to
Ghroodwa — Entry to Morzouk, the Capital of Fezzan 58
CHAPTER III.
ARRIVAL AT MORZOUK.
Mode of travelling across the Desert — Interview with the
Sultan — Description of Morzouk — Population — Castle of
the Sultan — Illness and severe Distress of the Author and
his Companions — Arrival of a Kafflé of Tuarick — Fast of
Rhamadan — Departure of an Expedition to obtain Slaves
from the Country of Borgoo — Diseases of the Inhabitants,
and the Native Methods of Cure — Feast of Aidel Shraya
— Observations on the Tuarick — Their Religion, Dress,
Customs, and Language — Ghraat — Its Government, Laws, and
Trade — Market there — Arrival of a Kafflé from Bornou with
Slaves — Information respecting Bornou and the surrounding
Countries, as collected from the Traders — Of Kashna and
Soudan, in general — Account of Hornemann and his Death
— Tembuctoo — General Remarks on the Geography of the
Interior, and probable Course of the Niger — Vocabulary of
the Fellātta Language — Conjectures on the Fate of Park 89
CHAPTER IV.
Articles of Commerce between Fezzan and the Interior, as
well as to Egypt, Bornou, and Waday — Gonja — Description
of Ghadams — Benewaleed and Benewazeed — Reports of a
Successor to Mukni — His Illness — Gardens — Costumes of the
Natives — Their Amusements — Visits to the Sultan’s Family
— Celebration of the Feast of Aid el Kebire — Sickness and
Sufferings of the Author and his Companions — Education of
the Children of Morzouk — Revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan
— Illness and lamented Death of Mr. Ritchie — His Funeral —
Determination of the Author to penetrate to the Southward of
Morzouk 152
CHAPTER V.
Departure for Tegerry, through Zuela and Gatrone — Arrival
at Zaizow — Pass on to Traghan — Visit Gardens and Springs
— Arrival at Zaitoon and Touela — Pass Villages of Maghwa
and Taleb — Arrival at Hamera — Illness — Leave Hamera —
Bearings of its neighbouring Villages — Large Salt Plain —
Arrival at Zuela — Description of Inhabitants — Author’s
Illness — Ancient Buildings — Hospitality of the Shreefs
— Leave the Town — Arrival at Terboo — Its Wretchedness —
Curious Story of Marāboot — Arrival at Mejdool — Journey
across the Desert, and Arrival at Gatrone — Feast of Milood
— Costume, Character, and general Description of the Tibboo
— Description of Gatrone — Accounts of Tibesty and Waday,
from a Tibboo Trader — Tibboo Language — Leave Gatrone in
order to meet the Grazzie — El Bakkhi — Tibboo Manner of
making Tar — Arrival at Tegerry 202
CHAPTER VI.
Castle of Tegerry — Description of the Town — Some Accounts
of the Desert of Bilma — Salt Lake of Agram — Ride out
on the Desert — Leave Tegerry — Belford’s dangerous
State — Return to Gatrone — Arrival of the Grazzie, or
Slave-hunters, with many Captives and Camels — Account
of their Excursion, and of Borgoo and Wajunga — Manner
of making Captives — Leave Gatrone in Company with the
Grazzie — Mestoota — Reception at Deesa — Feast at Zaizow
— Return to Morzouk — Go out to witness the Triumph of the
Slave-hunters — Sultan’s Reception of his Son — Remarks
on Grazzies — Accounts of Slave-markets — Arrival of Aboo
Becker, and Continuation of Mukni in Command — Further
Accounts of the Countries of the Tibboo — Arrangements in
the Sale of Slaves, so as to ensure the Sultan his Share 239
CHAPTER VII.
OF FEZZAN.
Aspect of the Country — State of Cultivation — Minerals —
Animals — Birds — Vegetable Productions — Fruits — Esculents
— Time and Manner of cultivating Grain — Water — Towns —
Food of Inhabitants — Possibility of improving Agriculture
— Tenure of Lands — Weights and Measures — Government —
Principal People — Character of the Natives — Inroads into
the Negro Countries — State of the Slave Trade — Crimes and
Punishments — Character of the Natives — Religion — State of
Literature and Ingenuity — Language — State of the Women —
Records — Slavery and the Slave Trade — Laws relative to the
Issue of Slaves 270
CHAPTER VIII.
Arrangements for our Departure from Morzouk — Parting with
the Sultan — Leave Morzouk to return to Tripoli — Sleep at
Dgleim — Mode of conducting a Kafflé of Slaves — Arrival
at Ghroodwa — Pass two Days at Sebha — Are joined by more
Kafflés — Marriage of an Arab — Account of the Wadey Shati
— Arrive at Temenhint — Zeghen Om el Abeed — Pass of Kenair
— Pass over the five Days Desert to Sockna — Troubles at
Sockna — Further Description of that Place 290
CHAPTER IX.
Leave Sockna — Stop at Hammam — Well of Temedd — Sufferings
of the Slaves — Arrive at Bonjem — Danger on the Desert —
Zemzem — Sofageen — Storm in the Mountains — See two Roman
Ruins — Arrive at Zleetun — Description of that Place —
Leave Zleetun — Visit Lebida — Illness — Arrival at Tripoli
— Account of the Negroes of the Kafflé — General Notices
of the Desert — Belford’s bad State of Health — Departure
from Tripoli — Pass Quarantine at Leghorn — Return over the
Continent to England 323
[Illustration: _MAP_ of a Route through the REGENCY OF TRIPOLI طربلس
_AND_ KINGDOM OF FEZZAN فزّان
Performed in the Years 1818-19 & 20.
_BY CAPTN. G. F. LYON. R.N._
_Engraved under the direction of A. Arrowsmith._
_London, Published by John Murray, 50 Albemarle Strt. March, 1821._]
=TRAVELS=
FROM
=TRIPOLI TO MOURZOUK.=
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
The Author’s Departure from Malta — Arrival at Tripoli —
Character of Mohammed el Mukni, Bey of Fezzan — Equipment of
Mr. Ritchie and the Author — Costume of the Natives of Tripoli
— Character of the Marāboots, and Celebration of their annual
Festival — The Natives of Tripoli — Their Habits, Customs,
&c. — Public Baths — Punishments — Costumes of the Women —
Tripoline Marriages and Funerals — Funeral of the Bashaw’s
Grand-daughter — Resignation of M. Dupont — Journey to the
Gharian Mountains and Benioleed, in Company with Mr. Ritchie
— General Appearance of the Country — Arrival at the Gharian
Mountains — Visit to the Sheikh — Short Account of the Passes
— Roman Tomb — Castle of Gharian — Distressed State of Usadena
— Account of the People of Gharian — Set out for Benioleed,
through the gravelly Desert — Arrival at Benioleed — Character
of the Inhabitants — Its Population — Description of the Arabs
— Their Religion, Manners, Habits, &c.
In the month of September, 1818, Mr. Ritchie, a gentleman of great
science and ability, employed by the British government on a mission
to the interior of Africa, arrived at Malta from Marseilles, attended
by M. Dupont, a Frenchman in his pay, whom he had engaged for the
purpose of collecting and preparing objects of natural history. It
was understood that Captain Marryat, of the Royal Navy, was also to
have accompanied Mr. Ritchie; but that circumstances had occurred
which induced that gentleman to relinquish his intention of joining
the mission. Soon after Mr. Ritchie’s arrival in Malta, I was
fortunate enough to become acquainted with him, and hearing him
express his disappointment at having failed to obtain Captain Marryat
as his companion on the proposed expedition, I ventured to offer my
best endeavours to supply his place, and although conscious that I
had but little talent to boast, I yet hoped that the zeal by which
I was actuated would in some degree make amends for my deficiencies
in other respects. Mr. Ritchie, without hesitation, accepted my
proposal, and in consequence lost no time in applying to Admiral Sir
C. V. Penrose, Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, to solicit
the necessary leave for my quitting the Albion. Sir C. Penrose,
in the kindest and most flattering manner, acceded to the request,
and immediately wrote in my favour to the Lords of the Admiralty,
to obtain permission for me to belong to the mission. Mr. Ritchie
in the meantime occupied himself in making preparations for his
departure; and, as an addition to his small party, engaged a
ship-wright from the dockyard, Malta, named John Belford (who, as
well as myself, was a volunteer), to accompany him. His arrangements
thus made, Mr. Ritchie, on the 10th October, sailed for Tripoli in
the Admiral’s schooner, leaving me behind, anxiously awaiting an
answer from England to the application made for me. I employed this
period of suspense in acquiring the Arabic alphabet, and in otherwise
preparing myself for the object in view. On 19th November the wished
for permission arrived, and on November 21st I sailed from Malta
in the tender for Tripoli, at which place I arrived on the 25th
of November, 1818. I found Mr. Ritchie still there, and likely to
remain sometime longer. He was residing in the house of the British
consul, Colonel Warrington, who received me most hospitably, and
invited me to take up my quarters under his roof. Mr. Ritchie’s
intention being to proceed to Mourzouk, مرزوك the capital of
Fezzan فزّان with the Sultan of that country, his motions were
to be regulated by the departure of this person, who, as we learned,
was about to take with him a large body of men, for the purpose of
waging war on the inhabitants of Waday, واداي (the Borgoo of
Brown) which is to the southward and eastward of Fezzan; but as
the people of Tripoli were by no means alert in coming forward,
and as the Bashaw did not appear much inclined to compel them, no
just idea could be formed as to the probable time of our setting off.
Mohammed el Mukni محمد المكني who at Tripoli is called the
Bey of Fezzan, (but who takes the title of sultan on entering his
own territories), is a man of about fifty years of age, of a fine
martial appearance, and of great personal strength; but withal of
an insatiable ambition and excessive avarice. He was one of the
chief supporters and friends of the Bashaw during the reign of
his father, and was afterwards of considerable assistance to him
in quelling the disturbances which took place on his usurping the
throne. Mukni was at this time in great favour, and considered
as a person of much consequence. After his father’s death
he became Bey el Noba, or collector of the Bashaw’s tribute
from the Sultan of Fezzan, and went thither annually to receive
it. Though the tribute was trifling, the office of Bey el Noba was
held of great importance. It was while acting in this capacity that
Horneman accompanied him to Fezzan. Mukni’s frequent visits to
that country gave him opportunities of ascertaining that the sum
paid as the tribute was but a very small part of the immense gains
of the reigning Sultan; and having once determined on getting the
kingdom into his own hands, he soon found means to influence the
Bashaw to permit his removing the reigning family, under pretence
that such a change would be for the Bashaw’s sole emolument. In
1811, therefore, he took a body of men by the Gharian mountains,
and succeeded in reaching Mourzouk undiscovered. The detail of his
proceedings would be wholly uninteresting; suffice it to say, that
his ambitious views were fully accomplished. He caused the Sultan
and his brother to be strangled, as well as the principal Mamluke
and his two eldest sons; and pretending that it was unsafe to leave
Mourzouk immediately after these acts of cruelty and injustice, he
had the address to persuade the Bashaw to appoint him his viceroy,
promising to increase the tribute to 15,000 dollars annually,
whereas that of the former Sultan did not exceed 5000. Having thus
established himself, he waged war on all his defenceless neighbours,
and annually carried off 4000 or 5000 slaves. From one of these
slave-hunts into Kanem he had just returned to Tripoli, with a
numerous body of captives and many camels, and was, in consequence,
in the highest favour with the Bashaw.
I learnt on my arrival that Mr. Ritchie had several times had
interviews with the Bashaw, to whom he made many valuable presents;
and that His Highness was fully informed of his proposed journey
and plans respecting the interior. Though Mr. Ritchie himself never
communicated with me on this subject, or made known what occurred
at these interviews, I have every reason to conclude they were
favourable to the object he had in view, and that the protection
of the Bashaw, as far as his power extended, was fully ensured to
the mission. The Sultan of Fezzan also on his side made the most
flattering promises of protection; declaring that he only awaited
the opportunity of showing his good will, and that, when arrived in
his own dominions, he would act towards Mr. Ritchie as a brother,
and assist him in all things to the utmost of his power. After
my own introduction to Mukni, I frequently heard him repeat these
expressions of regard towards Mr. Ritchie, and they extended also
to myself, whom he promised equally to protect and assist.
With so powerful and friendly an ally as we had every reason to
consider Mukni, we of course felt perfect security and confidence in
the future, and we remained in the firm hope and assurance that all
these flattering professions would be fully realised on our arrival
in the kingdom of Fezzan. In a few days after I reached Tripoli I
was introduced by the British Consul to the Bashaw; but as it was
a private audience only, I had no opportunity of witnessing the
splendour of his court. As neither Mr. Ritchie nor myself were
yet equipped in our Moorish costume, which we were particularly
advised by the Bashaw to adopt, we did not appear much in public;
but having procured the Consul’s permission to reside in a house
once belonging to the Portuguese consulate, we removed there in
order to prepare ourselves for our outfit. I furnished myself with
a horse and the greater part of my equipments, Mr. Ritchie not
possessing sufficient funds for that purpose.
When presented to the Bashaw, it was thought absolutely necessary,
by way of adding consequence and respectability to the mission,
that I should be styled captain. I was therefore introduced as a
Rais, or commander of a ship of war. Had I been supposed to have
held an inferior rank, my reception by the great man would not have
been so flattering, there being no intermediate gradation known in
that country.
On the 5th of December, 1818, having accepted an invitation to pass
the evening at the house of the Sheikh el Bled, or Governor of the
town, we sent for an old barber to shave our heads; and our beards
(which we had suffered to grow, and which now made a respectable
appearance), were put in order for the occasion.
Our costume was that of the better class of Tripolines, who have
two kinds of dresses; the one long, and worn chiefly by elderly
men and persons of great consequence; the other short, and worn
generally. For the information of future travellers, I shall
enumerate the different articles of clothing.
_Short Dress._
_Sidrea._—A waistcoat fitting tight to the body, without any
opening in front, having only holes for the neck and arms. It is
pulled on in the same manner as the Guernsey frock used by seamen.
_Farmela_ is a second waistcoat, open in front, and having broad
gold lace and buttons, but no button-holes. It hangs over the sidrea.
_Zibboon._—A jacket, the sleeves of which are embroidered. These
first three dresses are confined round the waist by the band of the
trowsers, which come outside them. A broad belt of silk or gold
is then passed round the body. Over the jacket is an embroidered
waistcoat without sleeves, called
_Bidrïah._—All these dresses may be of different colours, the
most brilliant and gaudy being chiefly in request. On walking out,
a hooded cloak of very finely spun white wool is thrown over all,
and on great occasions a cloth one of the same form, bordered with
rich gold lace, is used. This cloak is called Bornouse. The trowsers
are immense, and of silk or cloth, according to the pleasure of
the wearer.
_The Long Dress_
Consists of the two under waistcoats: over them is worn a caftan,
which is a long gown or robe, embroidered in front and at the
sleeves. Over this is worn a
_Beneish_, which resembles a caftan in shape, but differs in the
disposition of the ornaments.
_Jerba_ is a caftan with short sleeves, and is often worn in lieu
of the Beneish.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
COSTUME OF TRIPOLI.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Over these dresses woollen and cloth Bornouses are worn. The turbans
are various, according to fancy: shawls of Cashmere, or imitations
of those of Europe, are considered as the most splendid. Green
turbans, it is well known, can be worn by none who are not shreefs,
or descendants of the prophet. Blue, being the colour confined to
the Jews, is of course not used in the turbans of the Mohammedans.
In riding out, boots of red, and sometimes yellow Morocco leather
are worn, a pad being closely tied round each ankle before putting
them on, in order to prevent the large stirrups from hurting the
leg. When not riding, yellow slippers, with soles of the same kind as
the upper leathers, are used, and are slipped into large solid ones
of the same colour with thick soles when walking out. These last are
always left at the door on entering a room. Red shoes are also worn
by the middle class. The Jews are restricted to black. The trappings
of the horse are gaudy, and as cumbrous as those of its rider. The
saddles are high before and behind, much the same as those used in
Spain. Under them, on the back of the horse, are five or six cloths
of different colours, which are so arranged that the edges of each
are shown. The saddles are frequently covered with highly embroidered
velvet, or richly embossed gilt cases. Over the seat is thrown a
saddle-cloth, bordered with gilt lace and embroidery. The stirrups
are from a foot to twenty inches in length, and are generally gilt.
Having thus given a sketch of the costume of the Tripoli men, I
conceive it necessary to mention that we fully adopted the dress
and appearance of Moslems, using all our endeavours to become
acquainted with their manners. Mr. Ritchie assumed the name of
Yussuf el Ritchie, يوسف الريتشي Belford was called Ali,
Dupont Mourad, and I was styled Said ben abd Allah سعيدبن
عبدالله. We found no difficulty in procuring a fighi
(or clerk) of one of the mosques to visit us at stated periods
to instruct us in reading. He also, at my particular request,
gave me all the requisite information respecting the ceremonies
used in prayer; and when I became perfect in them, I taught them
to Mr. Ritchie.
Every thing now seemed to promise well, as far as our residence in
Tripoli was concerned; but Mr. Ritchie felt much anxiety respecting
a further allowance from government, as we had scarcely more than
money sufficient to pay the hire of our camels to Mourzouk, and
beyond that place we were uncertain how we could procure a fresh
supply for the use of the mission. Mr. Ritchie had brought with him
a good deal of merchandize; but, from what he learnt at Tripoli,
it was likely to be of little service to us, as it consisted of few
or none of the articles of trade most commonly used in the interior.
Sidi Mohammed d’Gheïs, formerly minister to the Bashaw, but who
had retired some years since on account of total blindness, showed
us every attention, and by his kind assistance afforded us most
useful information. He had travelled much in Europe, and was well
acquainted with our customs, so that he was perfectly qualified
to caution us on many points which, had we remained in ignorance
of them, would inevitably have betrayed us to be Christians to the
people in the interior.
It would be useless to attempt giving any description of the city of
Tripoli, as it has already been done by far more able pens than mine;
but of any particular occurrences which attracted my attention during
my residence there, I conceive I may be allowed to make mention. The
most extraordinary characters are the Marāboots, مرابوت a set
of people much spoken of in all Moslem countries; but it strikes me
that the requisites necessary to constitute one of these saints are
not every where the same. In the interior they consist in keeping up
the outward show of sanctity, in abstaining from proscribed liquors,
in avoiding improper or profane expressions, in being faithful to
the limited number of wives (namely four), and in not intriguing
with the wives of other men; whilst in Tripoli such forbearance
is by no means considered necessary. The Marāboots there, are of
two classes: idiots, who are allowed to say and do whatever they
please; and men possessed of all their senses, who, by juggling and
performing many bold and disgusting tricks, establish to themselves
the exclusive right of being the greatest rogues and nuisances to
be met with. There are mosques in which these people assemble every
Friday afternoon, and where they eat snakes, scorpions, &c. affecting
to be inspired, and committing the greatest extravagancies.
On the 9th of January, 1819, their annual festival began, and
continued for three days, with all its barbarous ceremonies. On, or
rather before this day, the great Marāboot is supposed to inspire
those who are to appear in the processions, and who, according to
their abilities, are more or less mad and furious. The natural fools
are always ready for the exhibition; and it is amusing to observe
their looks of astonishment at being on that day, more than any
other, brought into notice. During the time the Marāboots (who
are guarded and attended by a great number of people) are allowed
to parade the streets, no Christians or Jews can with any safety
make their appearance, as they would, if once in the power of these
wretches, be instantly torn to pieces; indeed, wherever they show
themselves on their terraces or from windows, they are sure of a
plentiful shower of stones from the boys who are in attendance.
As I was in the dress of the country, and very anxious to witness
the whole of the ceremonies, I ventured to go out with our Dragoman,
and to make my way to the mosque from which the procession was to
set out. I certainly felt that my situation was a very dangerous one;
but being resolved on the attempt, and telling the man to follow me
closely, I dashed in with the crowd, and succeeded in getting near
the Saints, who, with dishevelled hair, were rapidly turning round,
and working themselves into a most alarming state of frenzy. A
band of barbarous music was playing to them, while several men
were constantly employed in sprinkling them with rose-water. Had I
been discovered, my life would have been in very great jeopardy;
but fortunately I was able to keep my countenance, and to pass
unnoticed; and when the performers were sufficiently inspired,
sallied out with them, and followed through the streets. One had a
large nail run through his face from one cheek to the other; and all
had bitten their tongues in so violent a manner as to cause blood
and saliva to flow copiously. They were half naked, at intervals
uttering short groans and howls; and as they proceeded (sometimes
three or four abreast leaning on each other,) they threw their heads
backwards and forwards with a quick motion, which caused the blood
to rise in their faces, and their eyes to project from the sockets to
a frightful degree. Their long black hair, which grew from the crown
of the head (the other parts being closely shaven), was continually
waving to and fro, owing to the motion of the head. One or two,
who were the most furious, and who continually attempted to run at
the crowd, were held by a man on each side, by means of a rope,
or a handkerchief tied round the middle. As we passed through
one of the streets, a party of Maltese and other Christians were
discovered on a terrace, and were instantly assailed by showers of
stones. I observed that whenever the Marāboots passed the house
of a Christian, they affected to be ungovernable, and endeavoured
to get near it, pretending they made the discovery by smelling out
Unbelievers. After following for an hour or two, during which I
witnessed the most horrible and revolting scenes, I returned home,
when, to my great amusement, I learnt that a rumour prevailed of
my having been attacked and very ill treated; and that I had,
in defending myself, stabbed a Marāboot, and ran away, no one
knew whither. I was happy to be enabled in person to contradict
these reports, and to prove that I had escaped not only unhurt,
but unobserved. There were two parties who traversed the town;
but from their being of opposite sects, and at war with each other,
it was so arranged that they should take different routes.
That which I did not see was the superior one, and took its
departure from under the walls of the castle. It was headed by
a man named Mohammed, who had been much at our house, going on
errands, and attending our horses. I did not, until afterwards,
know he was so celebrated a character. Before the time of the
procession he was confined in a dungeon, in consequence of his
becoming very furious. When all was in readiness for the ceremony,
the Bashaw took his station in the balcony overlooking the Arsenal,
and this man was set at liberty, when he rushed on an ass, and with
one thrust pushed his hand into the animal’s side, from which he
tore its bowels, and began to devour them. Many eat dogs, and other
animals; and on that day a little Jew boy was killed in the street,
either by the Marāboots or their followers.
As the power of taking up serpents and scorpions is supposed to
constitute a Marāboot, I determined on acquiring that honorable
title. Mr. Ritchie bought some snakes, which we all learnt to handle,
and I soon found out an effectual way of taking up the largest
scorpions without the slightest chance of being stung. However,
in order to observe the ceremonies practised by these pretended
saints, I sent a servant in search of one of the most celebrated,
under pretence of wishing myself to become a Marāboot. This fellow
went through numberless prayers and ceremonies, spitting in my hands,
taking rose-water in his mouth, and sprinkling my face with it,
reciting occasional prayers, and then washing his own mouth and
hands in rose-water. After bottling up this sacred fluid, he told me
to drink it on a particular day, which he named, and I then should
be as highly gifted as himself; thus concluding his instructions,
which, of course, I did not think myself bound to observe.
There are two grand markets held weekly, one on the sands behind
the town every Tuesday, and the other on Fridays, about four miles
distance, amongst the gardens of the Meshea مشيه which form a
stripe of about three or four miles in breadth, between the beach
and the desert.
In the town are Bazaars, which are open every day. These are
streets, covered in overhead. The shops of merchants are ranged on
each side, and are very small. Slaves and goods are carried about
before the traders by auctioneers, who keep up a continual din,
each calling the price last bidden. The Jews have a quarter of
the town expressly to themselves, where they have their shops,
and in which they are shut up every evening at sunset. This place
is called Zanga t’el Yahood زنقامتا اليحود. These
people are much persecuted, yet they contrive to engross all the
trade and places of profit. They are forbidden, as I before observed,
to wear gaudy clothes, and are only allowed turbans of blue.
Several houses set apart for the reception of merchants and their
goods are called Fondook, فندوك and answer to the description
given of the Caravanseras of the East. There are a few schools at
which reading and writing, though to no great extent, are taught
in a very noisy manner. A knowledge of letters, however, is by no
means necessary to constitute a great man, or to advance him to
any post of trust: of this there exists an example in the present
minister, Sidi Hamet (who was formerly Rais el Marsa, or Captain
of the port), and who can neither read nor write. We had often
heard this circumstance, and one day put into his hands the Koran,
with the wrong side uppermost, begging him to repeat to us a few
lines of it. He evaded our request by pretending to read to himself
for a short time, with the book still turned the wrong way; when
assuming a very sagacious look, he returned it to us, observing,
that “it was very well written,” and thus convincing us we had
not been misinformed respecting his ignorance. The Sheikh el Bled,
or Governor of the town, is considered a very good scholar, and
ready accountant, though he was once a boatman in the harbour. The
contrast between the rigidity of some Moslems, and the indifference
of others respecting association with Christians, is curiously
exemplified in this man. He had sent his son to learn Italian under
a Roman Catholic priest, without at all disguising the circumstance.
Drunkenness is more common in Tripoli than even in most towns in
England. There are public wine-houses, at the doors of which the
Moors sit and drink without any scruple; and the Saldanah, or place
of the guard, is seldom without a few drunkards. The greater part of
the better sort of people also drink very hard; but their favourite
beverage is Rosolia, an Italian cordial, and it is not uncommon
for visitors, when making calls, to give unequivocal hints that a
little rum would be well received. Prostitutes are in large numbers,
and are obliged (if known to be such) to live in a particular part
of the town (called Zanga t’el Ghaab زنقامت الغعب or
quarter of the prostitutes), under a Chowse, or superintendent,
appointed expressly for that purpose. These women are obliged daily
to supply food for the Bashaw’s dogs which guard the Arsenal.
A kind of bad Italian is generally spoken by the Inhabitants of the
town; so that Christians have not much difficulty in transacting
business.
I observed a singular custom to be prevalent amongst all Moors and
Arabs, from the Bashaw down to the poorest camel-driver, which is
that of eructation, and which they perform as often and as loudly as
possible. Great men go through this ceremony with a solemnity and
dignity altogether imposing; stroking their beards, and thanking
God for the great relief they have obtained. Mukni was quite a
professor in this way; and his little son Yussuf (a boy of about
eight years of age,) promised fair to be equally accomplished. Both
of the last mentioned personages had also a peculiar way of blowing
their noses in the ends of their turbans.
Mamlukes (who are either renegades, or purchased slaves from Georgia
or Circassia), enjoy the highest offices; and the Bashaw’s
daughters are not permitted to marry any others. The Admiral of
the fleet is a Mamluke, a Scotchman by birth, and now named Mourad
Rais. He was in banishment during our stay at Tripoli; but we learnt
from the Consul and chief people that he bore an excellent character.
The public Baths are of the same kind as those said to be used in
Turkey and Egypt; although not so magnificent in point of ornament
or size. The bather, on stripping, is girded round the middle with
a linen cloth, and one also is thrown over the shoulders, which is
taken off on entering the vapour chamber. This is a large circular
room, having a dome, through which the light is admitted by many
small holes well stopped with glass, and by which means the air is
entirely excluded. The light is much obscured by the vapour, which
constantly rises; lamps are therefore kept burning, those who first
enter being for a time unable to see their way. Round the sides of
the chamber are raised broad stone benches, and a large square place
of the same description is in the centre; under these are the fires
which heat the bath, and it is necessary to lie down on them in
order to become ready for the operations of the men whose business
it is to rub and clean the bathers. Water is then thrown over the
body, so as to induce a quicker perspiration. The heat is excessive,
and we had no Thermometer highly enough graduated to ascertain the
temperature. When a sufficient time has elapsed to produce languor
and strong perspiration, an assistant approaches and rubs the skin
with a glove of hair, in such a way as to cause the cuticle to peel
off in large dark rolls, however clean and white the skin may have
appeared previously to this operation. He then proceeds to shampooing
(called Temerse تمرس). The operations having thus finished,
some soap is brought to the bather, and he remains sitting under
a spout of warm water as long as he pleases. Dry cloths are then
brought to him, and being well wrapped up, he is conducted to an
outer room, where pipes and coffee are placed before him, with
incense to perfume the beard, after which he dresses and sallies
out. The price for the bath alone, without soap, is about five pence;
though it was always more expensive to us than to the natives. The
men come in the morning, and the women in the afternoon.
When the Bashaw rides to the Messhia, or gardens behind the town, he
is accompanied by his sons, and a large troop of horsemen, consisting
of Mamlukes and the principal people of his court, well mounted and
splendidly attired. They ride in a confused body round his person,
and have no idea of regularity in their motions. A few occasionally
leave the main troop at full speed, screaming and making flourishes
with their muskets, which they discharge, and then return to their
ranks. On re-entering the town, the whole party charge in groups
of ten or twelve, each firing while the horses are in full speed,
which has an exceeding pretty effect. The horses (who are trained
to the practice), as soon as they hear the explosion, turn suddenly
round on their haunches, and canter back to the place from which
they started. The beach being of hard sand, is admirably adapted
for these manœuvres.
More than half of the guards are black, and as they are all dressed
differently, their appearance is very curious. No uniformity is
observed either in the shape or colour of their horses, whose
bits are so severe, that they are seldom without raw and bleeding
mouths. The stirrups (which act as spurs) are used so roughly as
frequently to leave large gashes in the poor animal’s flanks. It
is considered highly ornamental to brand the thighs of horses with
lines and stars.
The mode of punishment at Tripoli (and, I believe, all other
Mohammedan towns), is totally different from any of those practised
by Europeans. Some crimes are considered capital by law; but
many are rendered so by the whim of the Bashaw, in which case,
hanging, decapitating, and strangling are used. The Moors are never
employed as hangmen; but the first Jew who happens to be at hand
has that office conferred upon him, and is obliged to accompany
the culprit to the ramparts over the town gate, attended by the
guards and mob, when he puts on the rope well or ill according
to his ability, attaching it to a bolt fixed in the wall for that
purpose. The unfortunate victim is then forced through an embrazure,
and suspended by the side of the gateway, so as to be seen by all
who enter or leave the town. When decapitation is the punishment,
the head alone is exposed to public view.
Torture is not unfrequently made use of; but as all punishments
of that kind are confined to the dungeons of the castle, no one
can or dares give any description of the nature of it. Theft (as
presented by the Koran) is punished by cutting off a hand, and, if
to a very great extent, a foot also; but repeated offences of this
kind extend sometimes to an amputation of the other hand or foot,
and I once saw a man, who, for a capital crime, had been mutilated
in this manner. The operation is performed with a razor. The limb
is first tied tight above the joint with a piece of cord, and
the hand or foot is taken out of the socket of the wrist or ankle
joint. The stump is then dipped into hot pitch, and the sufferer
is permitted to go away with his friends; and it is astonishing
how soon he recovers without any other dressing than the one
which I have mentioned. Beating with a stick on the posteriors or
soles of the feet is the general punishment for minor offences;
although in some cases it is so severe as to occasion death. Four
or five hundred lashes are frequently given; but fifty is about the
general allowance. Some culprits, who, by bribery, or other means,
are able to influence the persons employed to see the sentence
executed, contrive to stuff their trowsers so as to escape without
much suffering. This punishment is inflicted equally on all ranks,
at the pleasure of the Bashaw; and should even his own sons, his
Minister, or the Sheikh of the town, displease him, they would be
obliged to submit to it, as well as the lowest of his subjects;
nor would they consider themselves at all degraded, or their dignity
in any degree lessened by it.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TRIPOLI COSTUME.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
We had resided some time in Tripoli before I had an opportunity of
seeing any other costume of the women than their walking dress. This
consists of a Barracan (or wrapper, like that which the Arabs
wear, and which I shall describe when speaking of the costume of
those people), so arranged as to envelope the body and head, and
merely to show one eye; they also wear red boots, and yellow or red
slippers when in their houses. The dress of the women of the better
class is magnificent; consisting of a silk shirt of many colours
in stripes, a highly embroidered waistcoat, silk trowsers, and a
Barracan also of silk or fine cotton of the most gaudy colours,
which is so put on as to form a species of petticoat, as well as
to hang gracefully over the head and shoulders. A cap of cloth of
gold is worn with many rich ornaments on the head. The eyelids are
stained with Antimony, which gives an enlarged appearance to the
eye, and increases its brilliancy. The brows are plucked so as to
be quite straight, and squared off at each end. Much rouge is used;
and gold and silver ornaments of great weight are worn in the ears,
and suspended from the head, as well as large bracelets and anklets
of the same metals. The garb of the Jewish women varies but little
from that of the Moslems; their full dress is exactly the same, but
their walking dress, instead of showing one eye, exhibits both. They
can wear only black or yellow slippers, and boots are prohibited.
The coin, which is now and has for some years been current in
Tripoli, has only fourteen per cent. of silver in it, and is daily
decreasing in value.
Near the sea gate are the remains of a fine square Roman building,
which now has its arches filled up, and is used as a store-house[1].
The Tripoline Marriages are, I understand, (for no man is allowed
to see them,) conducted with great splendour; the night is the time
chosen for the bride to be conveyed to the house of her husband,
when she is attended by a large troop of women, who carry torches,
and utter loud and repeated cries of joy.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by G. Harley._
TRIUMPHAL ARCH, TRIPOLI.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Their Burials have nothing remarkable; the body being merely put
into a shell, which is covered with a cloth, having sentences of the
Koran worked round the edges. The friends of the deceased follow
in a hurried manner, singing verses and religious sentences. The
grave of a man is as usual distinguished by a pillar of stone,
having a turban carved on it, placed at the head. The funerals of
women are in some cases far more interesting, and are conducted
with a considerable degree of pomp and ceremony. One instance of
this, I witnessed myself. It was the daughter of the Minister, and
grand-daughter of the Bashaw, whom I saw carried to the grave. Her
coffin was covered with a rich purple cloth, embroidered with gold,
and having large golden characters from the Koran sewed on it. At the
head was placed a large nosegay of the choicest and most beautiful
flowers; the clothes and many costly ornaments of the deceased were
laid on the coffin; and the accumulation of rich waistcoats, shirts,
caps, &c. had a most splendid effect. The mourners carried bunches of
flowers in their hands, and, in contrast to the shining decorations
of the bier, were dressed in soiled and old clothes, without antimony
on their eyelids, and, in fact, studiously avoiding the use of any
ornaments. The Minister himself headed the procession, and although
not in general considered a man of very acute feelings, appeared
in this instance much affected. It is the custom at all funerals to
liberate one or more slaves, who may at the time belong to the family
of the departed; and it is equally a rule to distribute food amongst
the poor, who, on these occasions, never fail to attend in great
numbers. These offerings are of course regulated by the comparative
wealth or poverty of the donors; but those persons are considered
as most meritorious who incur the greatest expense in honour of
their deceased relative. There are women whose sole employment
it is to attend the house of mourning, where they howl, lament,
and tear their hair and faces in a barbarous manner. Their cries
continue with very little intermission during three days, and the
additional din occasioned by their repeatedly beating wooden boxes
or pots is truly horrible. The customs and ceremonies used on these
occasions, with many other interesting subjects relating to Tripoli,
are so faithfully and pleasingly described in Tully’s narrative[2],
that they render any further observations on my part unnecessary.
Mr. Ritchie, finding that Mukni still delayed his departure, and
that some weeks might yet elapse before he commenced his journey,
determined on employing the intermediate time in visiting Benioleed
and the Gharian mountains. For this purpose he procured a Chowse,
a person employed by the Bashaw to collect the revenues, and hired
two camels to carry our provisions and baggage.
At this time M. Dupont thought fit to resign the office which
he had pledged himself to fulfil, and abruptly left Mr. Ritchie,
influenced, as we had reason to think, by the advice and suggestions
of some of his supposed friends. Not wishing to revive a subject so
little creditable to those who influenced the conduct of M. Dupont,
I shall only observe, that the petty intrigues which were carried on
in order to detract from the merits of the mission, and eventually
to obstruct its progress, were most disgraceful.
JOURNEY TO THE GHARIAN MOUNTAINS AND BENIOLEED.
Sunday, February 7th, 1819.—Leaving Belford in charge of our
house, we quitted Tripoli at 10.5. A.M. and after passing through
the gardens of the Meshea مشيه at eleven arrived on the desert to
the southward of them, near the tomb of the Marāboot Seyd سعيد
who is spoken of in the “Letters from Tripoli.” The sand here
rises in irregular hills, and is totally barren, not the slightest
traces of vegetation being perceptible. We continued travelling
over this until five o’clock, when we came to small spots of
grass and shrubs, on which flocks were feeding, and where a few
Bedouins had pitched their tents. We waited here for our camels,
having directed our course south south-west about fifteen miles, and
on their coming up, pitched our tents near a well on the plain. The
Chowse ordered us a supper, from the Sheikh of the Arabs, and we
soon had a smoking bowl of Bazeen and lamb. All the young girls
came to stare at us and our tents, as something quite new to them.
Monday, 8th February.—At eight we started, and travelled
south-west by south over a country nearly desert, until ten, when
we passed a few corn-fields, and a pretty plain covered with tents
and flocks. Here we stopped to examine the ruins of the Castle of
Mejnine مجنين. This was once used as a frontier post for the
troops of the Bashaw, who kept the rebel Arab tribes in check;
but having been built of mud and small stones, the rains have
now washed it nearly away: part of the walls only and a gate are
still standing. From this place we had a fine view of the Gharian
mountains, and observed that several hills in the range were in a
conical form. On leaving it, we proceeded until 1.30. P.M. when we
stopped at a tent by the invitation of an Arab, who had ridden the
preceding day in our company. He gave us a hearty welcome, and set
before us a large wooden bowl of dates, mashed up with hot oil, which
we found very good; its appearance was not unlike soft soap. The
women sat behind a carpet, and peeped at us through a small hole
in it. After quitting our kind host, we crossed the broad bed of
a water-course, when our road lay between two mountains, the right
hand one being called Smeeran سميران and that on the left Batus
بتس distant from each other about one mile and a half. Here the
ground began to rise a little, and greater quantities of herbage
appeared. We travelled on in hopes of finding a well until 4.30.,
but without success; we therefore pitched our tents on a little
rising ground, near some Arabs, and after much trouble, succeeded in
purchasing a skin or two of water for our horses. The Sheikh provided
an excellent supper of Bazeen and stewed lamb for us; and we had a
full tent of Arabs squatted on their heels, who came to look at us
whilst we were eating. After our dinner we made a little coffee,
which, as well as our European cups, excited much astonishment. We
offered some to the Sheikh, who not knowing what it was, suspected
some treachery, and at first refused to take it; however, by a little
persuasion, we overcame his prejudice, and seeing that we ourselves
drank some, he at length swallowed it with confidence. One of the
party, on tasting some, spat it out in horror, calling loudly on
the Prophet, “Ya Rassoul Illa يارسول الله Oh, Prophet of
God!” A third was so much pleased with it, and became so great a
connoisseur, that he absolutely refused a second cup, because it
was too cold. A Kaleidoscope was handed round to the visitors,
and excited general admiration and amazement; like children,
they quarrelled for their turns to look through it, and if I might
judge from the repeated laughter and exclamations made use of, many
extraordinary observations were made on the subject. The old Sheikh
in particular would scarcely bear to have it taken out of his hand.
Jackals and hyænas are very numerous here; but the quantity of
noisy dogs which attend the flocks keep them in awe, whilst they
also kept us half the night awake.
Tuesday, 9th February.—At 7, A.M. we struck our tents, and went on
for Gharian. The country here had quite changed its appearance. The
paths, which in many places were covered with broken basalt, were
uneven and difficult; and the ground became steep and irregular as
we approached the foot of the mountains. At three we rode a little
to the left of the track, and fastening our horses, climbed a small
conical mountain of basalt, having very little earth at the top
of it, and called El Kelb Assoud اكلب اسود or “the Black
Dog.” Near this were two or three smaller hillocks, also entirely
of basalt. Our road was through a barren, but beautiful and romantic
valley, at the foot of the mountains. At ten we arrived at the
foot of the Gharian Pass. This spot is encompassed on three sides
by lofty mountains, and opens to the north-east. There are some
scattered palms here, and a clear stream winds among them. Here
a small Kafflé passed us, consisting of ten or twelve camels,
and amongst them one or two Maherries, laden with Trona, or soda,
الطرون from Fezzan. Their owners were brown, wild looking men,
and appeared of a different cast from the Arabs of Tripoli. In this
little valley, about ten years since, the Hasnadar, or Treasurer
of the Bashaw, was murdered. He was on his way to collect tribute
from the mountaineers (which, in those days, was rarely obtained
but by force); and, as the Bashaw had newly made peace with them,
he was but poorly attended. Whilst performing his ablutions and
shaving his head, he was fired at and killed by some men stationed
on the rocky pass, who again ascended their mountain. His party
returned to Tripoli, and war was immediately declared. The Bashaw
caused a numerous army to be fitted out to quell the insurgents,
who, being joined by other discontented tribes, prepared for a
vigorous resistance. Owing to the bravery of these people, and the
natural strength of their passes and fastnesses, the Bashaw’s
army were some weeks before they could ascend the mountains, and
during that period many of them were killed. When at last they
succeeded in taking possession, they exercised on the poor wretches
every species of cruelty, suffocating them in their subterraneous
habitations, by throwing into them heaps of wood and straw,
and then setting fire to them. Twelve camels, laden with heads
to the amount of two thousand, were sent into Tripoli as a token
of triumph. These mountaineers have since conducted themselves
peaceably; though before their defeat they were so much dreaded,
that all communication through their country to the interior was
cut off, and few people would venture amongst them. We were an hour
in ascending the pass, which was the most difficult and dangerous I
ever saw. The rocks were worn so smooth as to render it necessary
for us to bestow constant attention on our horses, which we were
obliged to lead; one false step would otherwise, in some places,
have precipitated them down the side of the mountain. The camels,
however, with their persevering pace, arrived at the top as soon as
we did. Near the place where we stopped was a Tower, with loopholes
for musketry. This, with many others of the same description, was
erected by the Bashaw on the conquest of the mountain, that his
troops might be enabled to overawe the natives; but as he never
stations any forces there, his purposes will only operate against
himself, and enable the Arabs to defend their mountains with greater
obstinacy, should they ever so far recover from their defeat as
again to resist his unjust demands. We stopped at a nest, I cannot
call it village, where all the habitations are under-ground. The
Sheikh, on hearing we were under the protection of the Bashaw,
came to welcome us, and gave us the only hut the place afforded,
in which we placed our people and camel loads. As for ourselves, we
preferred clearing part of the farm yard, and pitching our tent in
it, surrounded by our horses and camels. This place is called Beni
abbās بني ابّعس. As the natives live, as I have observed,
under-ground, a person unacquainted with the circumstance might cross
the mountain without once suspecting that it was inhabited. All the
dwelling-places being formed in the same manner, a description of
the Sheikh’s may suffice for the rest. The upper soil is sandy
earth, of about four feet in depth; under this sand, and in some
places limestone, a large hole is dug, to the depth of twenty-five
or thirty feet, and its breadth in every direction is about the
same, being as nearly as can be made, a perfect square. The rock
is then smoothed so as to form perpendicular sides to this space,
in which doors are cut through, and arched chambers excavated, so
as to receive their light from the doors. These rooms are sometimes
three or four of a side, in others a whole side composes one; the
arrangements depending on the number of the inhabitants. In the open
court is generally a well, water being found at about ten or twelve
feet below the base of the square. The entrance to the house is at
about thirty-six yards from the pit, and opens above ground. It is
arched overhead; is generally cut in a winding direction, and is
perfectly dark. Some of these passages are sufficiently large to
admit a loaded camel. The entrance has a strong wall built over it,
something resembling an ice-house. This is covered overhead, and
has a very strong heavy door, which is shut at night, or in cases of
danger. At about ten yards from the bottom is another door, equally
strong, so that it is almost impossible to enter these houses,
should the inhabitants determine to resist. Few Arab attacks last
long enough to end in a siege. All their sheep and poultry being
confined in the house at night, the Bashaw’s army, when here, had
recourse to suffocating the inmates, being unable to starve them out.
The mountain top spreads from this village on to a fine plain,
of a mile or two in length, which is in the highest state of
cultivation. Corn and saffron fields covered with venerable olive
trees yield a delightful and novel prospect, to which the wildness
of the surrounding mountains contributes its share. The elevated
situation of these mountains prevents the cultivation of palms. Apple
and almond trees were planted in such little ledges of the rocks
as were too narrow for grain, and were at this time covered with
blossoms. From a crag above the pass we had a most extensive view of
the country over which we had travelled in coming from Tripoli. The
Kelb Assoud, or Black Dog, lay north-east of us, about six miles on
the plain below. All the remarkable places which we had traversed
were quite distinguishable, and even a part of the sandy desert
behind Tripoli; but the sea, which the natives said was often
discernible, was hidden from us by the vapour arising from the sands.
The young men of the Douar, or village, took great delight in doing
the honours of their beautiful country, jumping from rock to rock
like goats, and appearing a most active, hardy set of people. My
very limited knowledge of the language was a source of continual
regret to me; and I believe the trip to these mountains caused me
afterwards to apply with more assiduity to improve myself in it.
We returned with a keen appetite to our dinner, which consisted of
bazeen, hard eggs, and mutton, and at which the Sheikh waited on
us. The Chowse and our servant impudently volunteered their company,
and became our messmates for the rest of the journey. The mutton
and eggs being despatched, the broth, seasoned with plenty of red
pepper, was poured scalding over the bazeen, and every one fell to
work with extraordinary activity.
It is a point of great politeness with the Arabs to tear the meat for
a stranger, as well as to squeeze up the bazeen with the sauce for
him; and as this is sometimes done with rather unsavoury fingers,
hunger becomes an absolute requisite to induce a novice to touch
an Arab meal.
Our tent was in the evening filled by visitors, who squatted down,
and were much delighted with what few wonders we had to exhibit
to them. The principal of these was a loadstone, which drew a
penknife out of its case, and which was consequently a subject of
much speculation and whispering.
The Sheikh, who really appeared a superior kind of man, was all
attention and kindness; but whether from fear of the Bashaw’s
Chowse, or a real wish to be of service to us, I know not. I rather
suspect the former motive, since dread of their masters, and love
of presents, operate equally on the mind of Arabs. We had for our
supper a kind of paste called Hatria, which resembles macaroni,
and is considered a dish of honour.
In the evening we were joined by a fine, bold, soldier-looking man,
who was on a visit, and who was Sheikh of Battus, (a mountain,
mentioned in a former page), inhabited during a few months in
the year by shepherds, and those who go there to gather in their
harvest. This person and myself became great friends, and from
our conversation being chiefly in pantomime, we afforded no little
amusement to the rest of the party. He invited us to go and hunt
on his mountain, promising me a truly Arab present, viz. a young
wolf and fox. He told us that a thousand years ago the Christians
established themselves on his mountain, but were unable to remain
there more than forty days; an evident proof of their inferiority to
his tribe, which was commanded by one of his ancestors, and which
then lived on Battus, though they have since become wanderers. My
new acquaintance was elegantly armed, having an embroidered belt,
silver scabbarded sword, and well mounted pistols. He had received
a wound in his arm in the mountain wars (when his tribe resisted
the Bashaw), and imagined this to be the cause of a cough which at
times troubled him. He was not well pleased with our laughing at
his way of accounting for his complaint.
All the dogs here being white, the liver-coloured pointers which
had followed us from the Consulate caused the women and children
to fly on their approach, from the idea that they were wolves.
There are many Jews living in these mountains, whose dwellings
are much cleaner and better excavated than those of the Arabs,
and are also neatly whitewashed. These people, as in Tripoli, are
the only handicraftsmen, and seem here to be rather better treated
than elsewhere.
It rained very hard this night, and was very cold; but under shelter
of our tent we kept ourselves warm and dry. From the village we had
observed a mountain called Tekoot طكوت, to bear south 23° west.
Wednesday, February 10th.—At 7.10. A.M. we left Beni
abbās, and went on for the Castle of Gharian, or Gusser Turk
قسرطيرك. After having proceeded over the plain, and reached
the mountains that rise from it, we climbed a steep peak, and
making our way along a sharp ledge on its top, again ascended to the
mountain of Tekoot, the principal of the range. From this point we
took the bearings of the following remarkable objects: Beni abbās,
north 33° east. Gusser Turk, south 35° west. A mountain called
Meroobi, south 55° east, and another mountain, west 5° south,
distant about twenty-five miles, inhabited at this time by a rebel
tribe under a chief called Kalēefa. Owing to the height of the spot
on which we stood, we found it difficult to distinguish many objects,
which from the plain had appeared very conspicuous. Unfortunately,
before we ascended this mountain we had broken our Barometer,
and were thence unable to ascertain its precise elevation. Here
is the tomb of a Marāboot, whose sanctity is the subject of many
extraordinary stories.
It was from hence that the Arabs, when they declared war against the
Bashaw (which formerly happened very frequently), announced their
rising to their allies and neighbouring tribes, by signals of a
fire at night, and a smoke by day. Three poor Arabs followed us up
the mountain, pointing out to us the most remarkable surrounding
objects: they gathered for us some small black berries from a
low thorny tree, with yellow flowers, which they called Dummagh
ظمّاح or “brains,” and which had an astringent taste,
somewhat resembling that of a ripe sloe, but the fruit was much
smaller. They told us that the Arabs of Gharian always spoke with
gratitude of the English Consul, who had once persuaded the Bashaw
not to increase their tribute, as he intended.
At noon we arrived at a cluster of nests called El Guasem
القاسو about six miles from Beni abbās: all the habitations
of this place are of the same kind as those already described; we,
however, found a small uninhabited shed above ground, situated at
the foot of a little turret, where we deposited our goods, and
determined on passing the night. From the inscriptions which we
found in this building, it must be about 150 years old. The present
Bashaw, his father, grand and great grandfather, had all slept in the
smoky corner, of which we now took possession. The turret itself is
constructed in a mode common to many others in these mountains. At
about half way down one of the subterranean passages, a hole is
cut upwards in an awkward way through the rock into the first floor
of the turret, which is even with the ground, and perfectly dark,
except where here and there a small stone is pushed out to make way
for the muzzle of a musket. From this floor is an ascent to one,
two, or three stories, by means of pieces of stick placed in the
walls. Each floor consists of branches of trees, most alarmingly
elastic, and the door of entrance from one to the other is a small
hole, through which a person has to force himself upwards. All these
military buildings manifest a noble contempt of architectural skill,
or neatness. On the side of a small hill near the village are caves
of some magnitude, from which good millstones are procured. At this
place we fared as we did the evening before, though the Chowse had
a most vociferous conversation with the Sheikh before he could get
any barley for the horses. We were well sheltered, and sufficiently
warm, for we had a good fire in the centre of the hut, and slept
at one end of it, while our people and the Chowse’s mare occupied
the other. It rained very hard all night.
Thursday, February 11th.—At 7 A.M. we started, after making
the Sheikh a present, and wound along amongst the mountains in
the direction of the castle. Tekoot, bearing north three miles,
we discovered a Roman building in the form of a tomb, or perhaps a
very large altar; it was about twelve feet square, standing on two
or three broad steps, which seem to have had a neat cornice. From the
present appearance of the ruins, the original building must have been
ten or twelve feet in height. We could discern no inscription. Our
road hence was once more over very difficult passes, from which we
expected to have had a delightful view, but the mountains, to our
great regret, became obscured by a thick mist.
These mountains separated into a deep romantic valley, which
appeared to run immediately down to the desert. The tops were
in a very superior state of cultivation; figs, olives, and vines
flourishing on every spot which had sufficient earth to nourish
them. We observed many of the trees ornamented with the skulls of
horses, camels, or sheep, to protect the tree and its fruit from
being blasted by the “Evil Eye.” At two we came to the castle,
an immense ill-constructed building of rough stones, having a turret
at each corner, an open court, and stalls for horses, embrasures
for cannon (closed up with mud), and here and there a loophole for
musketry. There are five or six six-pounders upset, and honeycombed,
to make a show; but I conceive the Bashaw would find no one daring
enough to fire them. The key of the castle (which is never used
but by the Kaid when he comes to collect tribute for the Bey, to
whom Gharian belongs), is kept by a neighbouring Sheikh. Our Chowse
was here of great importance, for being in the service of the Bey,
all the Arabs came to kiss his hands, and bring him presents, and he
consequently assumed a very dignified and solemn demeanour. At night
one of our camel boys, who had the office of porter assigned to him,
brought the key of the gate to the Chowse, and reported all right. We
were informed very seriously, that the room in which we slept was
haunted by a Ghole, and several devils, in consequence of some
prisoners having had their throats cut there a short time before.
Friday, February 12th.—Our porter had been so very careful over
night, that we were half an hour unlocking, unbarring, and unbolting,
before we could get out. Mr. Ritchie and myself then sallied forth,
he to botanize, and I with my gun in search of animals called Gundy
قندي. After lying down flat in the rain for three or four hours,
I was fortunate enough to shoot three, which I prepared, in order
that they might be sent to the British Museum, and I believe they
will be the first of the species known in Europe. These animals
resemble very much a Guinea pig in form, but are of a light-brown
mouse colour. The fur is longer than that of a rat, and is very
silky; the eyes are black, large, and prominent; the orifices
of the ears (which are quite flat against the side of the head)
are also black, and free from hair; the tail, or rather a little
stump resembling one, is just perceptible to the touch, and from it
grows a bunch or tuft of long black hair. The body is very round and
fat, and particularly broad at the shoulders. These animals burrow
amongst the rocks. They are eaten with great relish by the Arabs,
and no doubt are very good, as the flesh is exceedingly white and
fat, and resembles that of a rabbit.
At about half a mile from the castle is a place called Tghrasat
تغراسات at which a Bazaar is held weekly, and whither all
the mountaineers resort. At two we passed this place, and went about
four miles south to a village called Tegerinna طجرنّه, where
the inhabitants live above as well as under ground. We pitched
our tents in a saffron field, and had our horses shod by a Jew
blacksmith. He afterwards prepared in his house a fine lamb, and
very white bread, for our dinners, of which the Chowse pocketed
all we did not eat. We made the poor man a present, to his great
astonishment; for no one, if he can avoid it, performs any act of
kindness to these persecuted people. In the evening we had many
visitors, amongst others the Sheikh, who was all curiosity, and
ready for as many presents as we chose to make him.
From this place, three other above-ground villages bore south by
west two miles. They were called Usadena. The inhabitants, male
and female, had all been murdered on the Bashaw’s conquering the
country, and the buildings were entirely ruined.
Gharian is famed for the excellence of its oil, the richness of its
saffron, which is produced in great quantities, and the goodness
of its corn. The people are fine, well made men, and have an air
of freedom, which their change of circumstances has not been able
to conquer. In collecting the tribute for the Bey, each man pays
in kind a certain portion of his harvest. The Jews are employed to
weigh and prepare the Bey’s share, and are well paid by the Arabs,
in order that they may give short measure; for although using false
weights is by the law of Mohammed a heinous crime, yet they fancy
the sin is not incurred if the Jews defraud for them.
Of the dress, food, &c. of the Arabs, I shall treat more fully in
a future page.
Saturday, 13th February.—At seven A.M. we left this delightful
spot for Benioleed. Our road was through very difficult passes in
the mountains, where we found some rain water, with which we filled
our gerbas, or water-skins, with a sufficient supply for three days.
Our road the latter part of this day lay over a barren, stony
plain; and having proceeded south 40° east twenty-five miles, we
encamped at sunset in a small valley amongst some bushes. Our fellow
travellers, after prefacing their stories by boasting of their own
courage and expertness in fighting, gave us most frightful accounts
of the banditti who were said to frequent this track; but how these
rogues, or any one else, could manage to exist at all in such a
place, was a riddle which our friends could not explain. Muskets
and pistols were laid at the Chowse’s head, and two bottles of
wine were drank to fortify his stomach, so that he slept undisturbed
through the night.
Sunday, 14th.—The country onward presented one unvaried scene of
desolation: not a living creature appeared during the day; but at
night the jackals kept up a continual howling. At noon, we passed
a deep ravine, for about eight miles, of basalt, which appeared as
if it had been rent open by some convulsion of nature. At five, we
crossed a dry water-course, and stopped on its bank for the night
amongst some stunted bushes. We made this day, south 40° east,
thirty miles.
Monday, 15th February.—At four A.M. made on for Benioleed. We
passed occasionally over mountains and gravelly plains, generally
coming again to the side of a large Wadey, or ravine, in which
there was some appearance of verdure. Many coveys of red-legged
partridges flew by us. After winding along a Wadey for an hour
or two, we arrived at Benioleed بنيوليد, at two P.M.,
ourselves and animals much fatigued: we had made, south 50° east,
twenty-five miles. We took up our quarters in the house, or rather in
the stable of the house, of the Sheikh. Here we paid our guide, who
came with us from Gharian, and who was a feeble man in appearance,
but a most persevering walker. He never would sleep in our tent,
but preferred lying in the open air, though the Thermometer was
generally at the freezing point, with no other covering than his
Barracan, not even a shirt.
Tuesday, 16th February.—We walked out to see the houses, which
are built on each side of the Wadey of rough stones: none are above
eight feet in height; they have no windows, but receive their light
through the doors; and all look like heaps of ruins. The inhabitants
are Arabs of the tribe Orfilly الفلّي, and are a fine handsome
race of people. The young girls are really beautiful.
These poor Arabs are dreadfully oppressed by the Bashaw, who has
reduced them all to a most miserable state of poverty. Those who
remain in the country are in rags; the others who let their camels
out to hire, and accompany traders to the interior, are somewhat
better off. They were once a brave daring set of men, who defied the
government of Tripoli; and, during the youth of the present Bashaw,
fully protected him from his father’s troops. Their services to
him have, however, been but ill requited; for he persecutes them
more than any others of his subjects. They have (and I believe not
without deserving it) the character of being the greatest robbers
and rogues in the neighbourhood of Tripoli.
The Wadey produces but little corn, as the crops are all sown in
the desert to the eastward; and in harvest time the owners go in
bodies to bring in the grain. Much oil is made here, and the palms
and olive-trees are very flourishing. We observed that of the latter
there were no young trees, and learnt that the Bashaw taxed them,
wherever found, as large ones,—a system, which, if pursued, will
in a few years more destroy all the olive groves in his dominions.
The water here is excellent; the wells are of great depth, many
being 100 feet, and others above 200 feet: in fact, the labour
requisite in drawing water, makes it a scarce article. This is
the most southerly town in the Bashaw’s dominions on the road to
Fezzan, to which it is nearer than the other routes.
I took a drawing of the valley, which very much amazed the Arabs,
and collected round me an immense crowd. We here discovered that
our living amongst these people had not contributed much to our
cleanliness, and that one of Pharaoh’s curses was but too evidently
upon us.
Wednesday, 17th.—We removed from our stable to a building dignified
by the name of a castle, in which the Kaid resides during his too
frequent visits to these parts. We had a dozen negroes turned out to
make way for us, the only good room being occupied by a Chowse, who
in the Kaid’s name was collecting money. He was all day surrounded
by poor wretches, entreating that his master would spare them,
and that something might be left to assist in supporting their
families. It was really melancholy to witness the misery which
prevailed amongst them; for they were called upon to answer the
exactions of three masters, none of whom would leave them even a
sheep, if their extortions were not complied with. Thus it is: the
Bashaw demands a certain sum of money, and sends a Kaid to collect
it. This man doubles the requisition, in order to enrich himself;
and it not unfrequently happens that he goes away, and leaves a
Chowse to act for him, who in his turn drains them still more and
more; and thus their victims are reduced to utter ruin. There were
in the castle slaves, camels, sheep, goats, and grain in quantities,
which had all been lately extorted from these unhappy people. Eight
poor prisoners were confined under-ground, and had not been fed
during the time we were there; and finally, the Chowse had an
order to cut their throats, which we understood was executed the
day after we left the castle. A market is held here weekly, to
which the necessaries of life are brought with fear and trembling,
lest any one should appear too rich.
Thursday, 18th February.—This being market day, a few sheep and
goats were brought on the plain before the gate. There were also
dates, corn, and gunpowder, but in small quantities. We bought
a sheep and some dates. It rained the whole of this day; but at
night it cleared up. The Sheikh came to see us, and brought us a
bowl of Bazeen, in return for which we gave him some powder. The
Population amounts to about 2000, as near as I could judge; but
the habitations are so scattered along the sides of the Wadey,
that no very just estimate can be given.
Mr. Ritchie was requested to obtain the pardon of the prisoners in
the castle, who had been guilty of resisting an attempt to drive
off their flocks for the service of the Bashaw, and he promised to
intercede for them; but we were overtaken, when on our return to
Tripoli, by a man, who informed us that they had all been killed.
Mr. Ritchie, by two observations, made the latitude of Benioleed,
31°. 45′ north.
Friday, 19th February.—Having somewhat refreshed ourselves and
cattle, we left this place at eight A.M.; and, ascending the side
of the Wadey, proceeded during the whole day over a rocky flat,
perfectly barren, until six P.M., when we stopped, having made,
north 20° west, thirty miles. We saw this day two large vultures,
but scarcely within shot of us.
Saturday, 20th February.—Our road this day improved, and we went
through several fertile Wadeys, and over plains of fine grass. We
passed also several herds of female camels, with their young, and
many flocks of sheep. At three, our road began to rise, and we saw
many tents of the Arabs of Terhoona ترحونه, who were attending
their flocks: some of them were changing their quarters, and we
were much amused by different parties, who were travelling on the
same road as ourselves. Women and children were riding the camels,
which were also laden with their tents and furniture. At seven, we
came amongst the mountains, and arrived at the wells of Melghrā
ملغرا, which have excellent water. There are several little
streams from the sides of the hills, which run through the valley;
and there is much game here, principally partridges and snipes.
Sunday, 21st February.—At eight A.M., we left the wells, and
passed through winding defiles at the foot of the mountains until
noon, when we cleared them, and opened on a sandy plain, covered
in some places with verdure, and having great quantities of the
Khandal حندل or Colycynth. On passing some Arab tents, the
children brought us small roots, of the shape of young potatoes;
but resembling mushrooms in taste, smell, and tenderness. They grow
in the sand, and the Arabs call them Terfaas ترفاس. We here
drank some camel’s milk for the first time. It is much less rich
than that of a cow, and saltish to the taste. We also procured a
skin full of sour butter-milk, which is much esteemed by the Arabs,
who call it Libban لبّان. It is never drank in a sweet state;
but is allowed, after the butter is made, to stand until it tastes
and smells very sour.
In the afternoon, the country over which we passed had many bushes;
and at five, we came to a well, near a Marāboot’s tomb, having
made, north 43° west, twenty-four miles. The well, near which
we were, was 288 feet in depth, and the water brackish. In the
evening a man came to request Mr. Ritchie to take an Arab under
his protection to Tripoli, and endeavour to procure for him the
Bashaw’s pardon, he being the only one remaining of a rebel tribe,
which had been destroyed. The offender was in the Marāboots’
tombs, which was considered a sanctuary; but, on our mounting our
horses in the morning, he was to follow us at full speed, and claim
the protection of the British flag.
Monday, 22d.—We waited some time for this man, and at last were
obliged to proceed to Tripoli without him. Our road was over very
steep and irregular sand hills. At three P.M. we arrived, having
made, north-west, twenty miles. As I now had many opportunities
of seeing the Arabs amongst their own tribes, and had greatly
familiarised myself with them, I obtained some knowledge of their
manners and customs, which I will endeavour to describe in giving
an account of this extraordinary race of people.
OF THE ARABS.
The Arabs are, generally speaking, tall, straight, and well
formed, and inclined, from their manner of living, to be thin and
muscular. Their countenances are expressive and handsome, their form
of face oval, and their noses aquiline. Although naturally white,
their complexion becomes dark from continual exposure to the sun,
and from not being very particular in their ablutions. They are
active; capable of undergoing great fatigue and abstinence from
food; lively in their manners; daring, and possessed of much
cunning: though generous, they are great beggars; revengeful and
unforgiving. The general costume of the men is a large loose shirt
and trowsers of cotton, sandals, or tight half boots of red leather,
which lace in front, fit close round the ankle, and rise as high
as the calf of the leg. On their heads they wear a red cap, which
is long enough to hang a little down on one side; from the top of
it falls a tassel of blue silk. A wrapper of woollen (from about
twenty to twenty-five feet in length, and five or six in breadth),
woven rather more compactly than flannel, is thrown round the body
in folds, part being placed over the head in the manner of a hood,
while the end is thrown over the left shoulder, and hangs down behind
the back. This article of dress has several names, according to
its texture. The most coarse and heavy is called Aba. That between
this and the finest (called Jereed) is named Kholi; but in Tripoli,
all three are known under the appellation of Barracan. A large
cloak, having a hood, and no sleeves, and composed of closely and
well-woven wool without a seam, is used in rainy or cold weather
over the Barracan, and is called Bornouse. The dress of the females
differs but little from that of the men in materials, but they
put it on in a different manner. The poorest class wear only the
Barracan, which is passed over the head and fastened at the waist;
others have a shirt in addition to this. Young women wear their hair
in tresses, to which they attach beads, pieces of coral, silver,
or any other gaudy thing which they can procure; and they have one
or two large silver ornaments in the form of crescents, fastened
on the right side of the head, on which they also frequently wear a
large woollen turban of blue, wrapped carelessly round. From their
ears are suspended a multitude of silver rings, and round their
necks they hang rows of beads of various colours. The old women
frizzle their hair over the forehead, so as to make it project to
some distance; and they dye it of a dull red, with the leaves of a
plant called Henna, which gives it the appearance of red wool. All
the females have a practice of tattooing their chins, the tips of
their noses, and between the eyebrows. Their necks and arms are also
frequently marked. The favourite figure is that of a hand, which is
intended to avert the “Evil Eye.” They wear red lacing boots,
in the same manner as the men. When young (that is to say, fifteen
or sixteen), they have fine figures, and are exceedingly handsome;
but they soon lose their good looks and pleasing form, and become as
ugly as they were before beautiful. Their eyes are black and large;
their noses straight and well proportioned; they have small lips,
and their teeth are exquisitely white. Nothing, in fact, can exceed
in prettiness an Arab girl; but the old women are, without exception,
the most disgusting and hideous creatures I ever beheld. Both sexes
blacken their eyelids with Kohol, or lead ore powdered, which adds
much to the brilliancy of the eye, and makes it appear larger than
it really is. They all wear an immense quantity of Agebs عجب,
or Charms, against disorders and misfortunes.
The arms of the Arabs are the same as those of the natives of
Tripoli, viz. guns, pistols, swords, and daggers. They are good
shots, when able to rest their guns; but otherwise cannot easily
manage them. The gun is slung over the shoulders, and the pistols
are worn in a belt, which is hung round the body, and which contains
the ammunition. They are constantly armed with both these weapons;
but the sword is seldom carried, unless when they ride on horseback;
it is then suspended by the side of the saddle, in such a way as
to remain under the left leg, with the hilt near the pommel. They
generally procure their powder and lead from Tripoli, though
some possess the art of making a kind of inferior powder amongst
themselves.
In the Tripoline dominions, and in Fezzan also, there are two kinds
of Arabs, one wanderers, the other fixed residents in towns; those
in towns (as Benioleed for example) travel much about the country,
but always return to what they consider as their home. The wanderers
have no permanent place of abode, but remove their tents as pasturage
or circumstances require. These tents are made of woollen, coarsely
woven in long pieces and sewn together. They spread to a great
breadth, but are not high; the entrance being about six feet,
and the top sloping gradually down till it is fastened to the
ground. They are so divided by means of mats or carpets, that the
women have a separate place from the men, and can be hidden from the
gaze of strangers: they, however, so manage it, as to see without
being themselves observed. These dwellings of the Arabs are called
by their inhabitants, Beit el Shar, بيت الشار, or “hair
houses,” and Nejja also. By means of bushes, almost every tent has
an inclosure adjoining it, for securing sheep or goats at night; and
stakes are driven in the ground, to which the horses are fastened,
though sometimes these animals are allowed a portion of the tents
of their masters. The Arabs are generous to their own kinsmen; and
should a stranger come amongst them, they never deny him the rights
of hospitality, provided they are themselves eating; but should that
not be the case, they make no attempt to prepare food expressly for
him: an acquaintance, however, is always sure of a good reception.
The Bedouins of Barbary are not to be compared with those of Egypt,
either for enterprise, ingenuity, or good qualities; since whatever
they may have been, they are now, by the tyranny of their masters,
fallen from their once high character, and are not in any respect
better than slaves. One or two tribes are yet independent, but are
likely soon to fall. Each tribe, or even set of tents, is governed
by a Sheikh, who, being an old man, or one appointed by the Bashaw,
is looked up to as a superior; though his business is chiefly to
collect the requisite sums of money from his people. Some years back,
these Sheikhs commanded their tribes in the wars of plunder, or in
defence of their liberties, and were then chosen by the voice of
the people, for their courage and military skill; but all offensive
or defensive wars being now at an end, in consequence of their
repeated and bloody overthrows by the Bashaw, the name of Sheikh
has no honour attached to it. In some cases, indeed, individuals
refuse to undertake the office, lest the Bashaw should make them
responsible for any faults committed by their followers.
In their Religion, the Arabs are great bigots, very superstitious,
and easily alarmed about the enchantments and wiles of Iblis
(or the devil), to whom they attribute many of their misfortunes
and illnesses. To the prayers enjoined by the Koran they are very
attentive, and, unless in travelling, never omit repeating them at
the appointed periods. Of the name and attributes of God they never
speak without reverence; and they have a profound respect for Idiots,
whom they consider as people beloved of Heaven, and totally unable
to think of the things of this world.
Marriages are contracted in most instances without either party
having seen the other, the agreement being entirely on the part
of the parents of the bride, and the bridegroom, the consent of
the females never being asked. There are certain marriage presents
which are always given by the husband to the relations of his wife,
so that he may be said to purchase her of them. Though four wives
are allowed to all Mohammedans, the Arabs very rarely possess
so many, few having more than two, and some only one. It is not
their custom to have Negresses living with them, which may be
accounted for by their dislike to being considered as the fathers
of children of colour. The settled Arabs are not so scrupulous; but
are, notwithstanding, more so than the Moors. The ceremony observed
in conducting a bride to her husband is very singular; and having
myself been an eye-witness of it, I made a drawing representing
the camel used on such occasions, with its gay trappings.
A frame being fixed on the back of the animal, the bride is placed in
it, and, while thus sitting, is housed over with carpets, shawls, and
ostrich feathers. In travelling from place to place, or in searching
for pasture ground, the people make use of these frames; but they
are in such cases generally uncovered, and have baskets, or other
frame-work, attached to their sides, in which the young children are
placed. An Arab family on its march presents a very extraordinary
appearance, the camels being laden with tents, cooking utensils,
women, and children. The men walk, driving their flocks before them,
or ride their horses, frequently without bridle or saddle. Should
the journey exceed one day, a temporary tent is erected at night;
and at the dawn of morning, all is again placed on the camels. The
operation of erecting or taking down one of their hair houses does
not occupy much time, as the women always assist the men on these
occasions. The dogs guard the flocks during the night, and are
very fierce. In colour they are white, resembling wolves in form,
and having long bushy tails. They howl rather than bark, and with
great apparent courage attack every stranger who approaches them,
though when threatened with a stick or stone, they run yelping
away. It frequently happens, that the spot fixed on as a temporary
residence is far distant from any well, sometimes even three days
of the ordinary march of flocks; yet this does not dishearten the
persevering Arab, who, notwithstanding, drives his sheep once a
week to drink. They feed as they go and come, and therefore do
not suffer much on their long journey. The wants of the people
are easily supplied; a few skins of water being brought at stated
times by a camel, and economised with great care. I have remarked,
that not only the Arabs and their camels, but all animals in this
country have the power of remaining a great length of time without
water. Sheep, (provided they have tolerable herbage), will pass
even a month without drinking. Antelopes and buffaloes, I should
conceive, in some cases never taste water, none being found on the
surface of the desert, and they are unable to obtain that which is in
the wells. On the other hand, wolves, hyænas, foxes, and jackals,
are less capable of enduring thirst. They descend such wells (or
more properly pits) as are not deep; and the vicinity of one of
these places is frequently ascertained from observing the tracks
of animals, which, during the night, go there to drink.
The Bedouins sow their scanty stock of corn, after turning up
the earth with a rude plough, or more generally with a hoe. These
cultivated spots are respected by other wanderers, and the corn is
rarely stolen; should the Bashaw, indeed, be at war with the Arabs,
he never fails to destroy their crops. When a sufficient time has
elapsed to allow of the grain being in a state of maturity, those
to whom it belongs come and gather in their harvest (sometimes
before it is perfectly ripe), lest the Bashaw should be informed
of the circumstance, and deprive them of a larger portion than
they can afford; emissaries, indeed, are never wanting, who make
it their business to ascertain the exact time when the corn is
to be cut, and then pounce on the poor Arabs for the Bashaw’s
share of it. To avoid such taxes, therefore, they sometimes gather
it so prematurely, that it will not serve as seed for the ensuing
year. When the date season commences, many families come and pitch
their tents in the Meshea of Tripoli, in order to purchase dates
for their future subsistence; these they deprive of the stones,
and when kneaded together, keep them in skins, so as to preserve
them from insects or wet: these form their chief support, assisted
by the milk of their sheep and camels. That of the camel, as I have
before noticed, is thin, of a bluish colour (resembling cow’s
milk mixed with water), and rather salt to the taste; it throws
up no cream, but soon coagulates like new curds. The ewe milk is
excellent, but is never drank fresh, the Arabs preferring it sour,
or, more properly, as butter-milk. The flocks are milked morning
and night into large bowls, and when a sufficient quantity is thus
collected, it is poured into skins, without much attention being
paid to its cleanliness, when by shaking and rolling it about,
butter is procured, and generally attaches itself to the side of
the skin; the milk being then strained from it into other vessels,
is allowed to grow sour, and a quantity of butter being produced,
it is boiled with a little salt until it becomes like oil, and is
then poured into goat-skins, and is fit for use or market.
Cheese is procured by turning the milk with a certain herb (the
name of which I have forgotten), and the curds, being salted,
are spread out to dry in the sun, when they resemble little crums,
and are very pleasant to the taste. I did not see any other kind
of cheese than the one I have mentioned, and this is rather scarce,
and used as a luxury in many of their little messes. Sometimes it is
toasted, and has a very agreeable flavour. It is called Jibn, جبن.
A great article of commerce is the fat which the shepherds procure
from the sheep they kill. They cut it from every part of the body,
salt it, and lay it by until a large quantity is collected, when,
whether putrid or not, they boil it, until it bear some resemblance
to the grease used by tallow-chandlers; it is then poured into skins,
and is fit for use. In the interior it sells at about a shilling
a pound; but at Tripoli it is much cheaper. It is put into almost
every article of food by the Arabs, and though not very savoury, we
soon became accustomed to its taste. It is called Shahm شحامر.
From the wool of their sheep, the women make strong barracans,
carpets, shirts, turbans, and many ornaments. Their tents too are
made of wool and goats’ hair, as are also sacks, which are used to
carry corn and merchandize on the camels. Mats and ornaments of palm
leaves or grass are neatly made. Their dyes are generally brilliant;
black, blue, red, and orange; in fact, every colour excepting green,
which they find much difficulty in producing; though at Tripoli
the dyers succeed very well in it. The looms of the Arab women
are on the ground; they have no shuttles, but with much trouble
pass the threads through with their fingers, generally lightening
their labour with songs. The men seldom work while in their tents,
and their time seems to hang much heavier on their hands than that
of the women, who with cooking and other domestic employments are
generally pretty well occupied. No woman eats in the presence of
a man, and wives always wait on their husbands.
The domestic animals consist of poultry, sheep, goats, camels,
horses, and dogs: they all live under the same canopy as their
masters, and are on good terms amongst themselves. The horses
are perfectly quiet, being brought up with the children of the
family. They would be a fine race, but that the want of good food
prevents their acquiring a handsome appearance; add to which, the
ambition of possessing well fed and comely animals does not now
exist; for should any of the Bashaw’s people wish to appropriate a
fine horse, the owner dares not refuse to sell him, at whatever low
price may be offered. Still, however, many of the Arabs breed them
expressly for the market, bringing them while foals for sale. I have
seen some of them brought in this way, which, when taken care of,
became remarkably handsome, and unlike the generality belonging to
the Bedouins. In the bazaars at Tripoli I have sometimes observed
very fine ones, which were brought from the Desert, and sold for
forty or fifty dollars (about eleven or twelve pounds sterling)
a piece. All have long tails, and are entire; a great defect is,
however, almost general amongst them, in consequence of their being
mounted when too young; which is, that their backs are very hollow,
and their hind quarters appear higher than their fore. Colts of
twelve months are frequently seen, staggering beneath the weight
of a heavy man, his arms, water skin, and food. The Arabs consider
a large belly as very handsome; and some horses, from the nature
of their food, acquire such rotundity in this respect, that they
appear like mares in foal.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
ARABS EXERCISING.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
A light mane and tail on a chesnut horse is considered unlucky;
the colour, though common, is not much admired, and the feet of
such animals are accounted soft and tender. Bay is the favourite
colour next to light grey, which is much in request, the Bashaw
generally riding horses of this description.
Much importance is attached to the manner in which the legs are
coloured, stockinged horses being in the extremes of good or bad
luck, according to the disposition of the white. If both forelegs
are marked, it is good; if one hind and one fore leg are marked
on the same side, it is very unlucky; or if one alone is white,
it is equally unfortunate; but if opposite legs (off fore and near
hind) are light, nothing can be more admired. Ridiculous as these
fancies may appear, they nevertheless influence the price of horses,
sometimes to even a sixth of their value.
In sandy parts of the desert shoeing is never used; but where the
animals are to pass over mountains, it is absolutely necessary. The
Arab shoes are thus formed, [Illustration] turning up behind;
and are, in general, so badly put on, that there are few horses to
be found which have not been injured in their feet. The Arab’s
forge is simple, and almost every man is his own blacksmith. A
small mud or clay wall is built to the height of a foot or eighteen
inches; a hole is then made even with the ground, and an iron pipe
introduced. To this are attached two skins, which open at the upper
end by means of two sticks, having a small leather handle on each:
the thumb is passed through one of these, and the fingers through
the other; so that the hand easily opens and shuts the skin. The
mouth being closed, the skin is pressed down, and throws a strong
blast through the pipe. It is again opened and lifted up, when it
is once more ready. Thus, alternately with each hand, the current of
air is kept up to the fire which lies over the pipe. Camel’s dung
is used when charcoal cannot be procured, and gives a very strong
heat. The anvil is a small square-ended piece of iron, which is sunk
in a log of wood, and partly buried in the sand. An ordinary hammer,
and a pair or two of pincers, complete the apparatus.
The mill is equally simple, being composed of two circular stones,
one of which lies flat on the other, and is turned by a small handle
placed on it; this is fixed by a pivot from the lower one, and has
a hole in the centre, through which it is supplied with grain.
The messes made with flour are few, and may be thus enumerated:
Cusscussou, Bazeen, Dweeda, Atila, Mogatta, Zūmeita, Bread,
Fetaat. Cusscussou being a dish very generally mentioned in all
books of travels, I shall attempt to describe the manner in which
it is made; and I trust I may be allowed, however trifling the
subject, to mention in the same manner the other articles of food,
as I believe they are at present only known by name.
The corn for Cusscussou is ground expressly to the state which
is called Semolina in Italy, and used also under that name in
England. The hand being clean washed, and a large wooden bowl
prepared, a portion of semolina is thrown into it with the right
hand; it is turned quickly round under the palm, while from the left,
water is occasionally sprinkled upon the mass, together with dry
semolina. In a short time, by turning it constantly the same way,
the flour adheres in little granules, like bread crums; and by a
dexterous motion of the hand, is prevented from forming into large
lumps. When finished, the grains resemble small shot in size, and
stick closely together, without danger of again falling into flour
on being dried. They will keep good in this state nearly as long as
corn. When Cusscussou is to be prepared for eating, it is put in a
basket, or tin vessel having holes in the bottom, and steamed over
meat, or boiling water, care being taken to stir it occasionally,
so as to prevent its caking. When sufficiently done, meat is poured
on with its gravy, or a little butter or grease mixed with it;
should meat be wanting, a good quantity of red pepper and salt are
frequently all its auxiliaries.
Bazeen (which in Fezzan is called Aseēda) is the most common food,
as being the easiest prepared. It is made of the flour of any grain
(Bishna and Barley are mostly used near Tripoli) in the following
manner. A large pot, of copper or iron, is placed on the fire,
with a little water in it, which is suffered to boil. Flour is then
thrown in, until it acquires the consistency of dough, when it is
stirred well about with a large stick (water being occasionally
added, if necessary,) until it is quite thick, and begins to assume
the appearance of a pudding, when it is taken out, and placed in a
bowl. After being beat into a circular shape, and having a hole made
in the centre, gravy, oil, butter, or grease, is poured on it, and it
is then ready for eating, which is done by pinching pieces out with
the right hand, and kneading them with the grease until they assume
the appearance of thick paste. Should there be no gravy or grease
to be procured, a little flour mixed with hot water is used instead
of it. It requires much strength of arm to make bazeen properly,
as the stick is wielded by both hands, and the pot is confined
on the fire by having a forked piece of wood placed against it,
on which the woman kneels while preparing the mess.
Dweeda is moulded in the shape of little seeds, not quite so large
as the grains of rice; but oblong, and much resembling them. A
stiff dough being prepared, the women very expeditiously pinch it
out between their fingers and thumbs into this form. It is then
allowed to dry; and is considered a great dainty when boiled,
and a little butter poured over it.
Atila is composed much in the same way; but is longer, and much
resembles small macaroni broken in pieces. It is also boiled in
the same manner as Dweeda.
Mogatta is made of paste, by being beaten and turned between the
hands, until it is as thin as a pancake; it is then laid in the sun
to harden a little. When it becomes sufficiently crisp to break, it
is crumbled in pieces, and boiled until it resembles thick porridge,
the larger pieces always remaining entire. A sufficient quantity
of fat and pepper completes it.
Zumeeta is made of barley, which has been a little malted; it is
then ground into flour, and sometimes dates are pounded with it. In
this state it remains until it is to be used; when a little cold
water being mixed with it until it becomes like dough, it is fit
for eating. Oil is much used with it, by dipping the Zumeeta in it
when formed into mouthfuls for eating. This is almost the only stock
which Arabs provide on going a journey, as it is easily prepared,
and very nourishing.
Bread is made as in Europe. It is leavened with flour, or
a preparation of dates, moulded into little cakes shaped like
buns. The ovens are generally formed in the ground: a hole is made
about two feet in depth, and in the shape of a large jar, contracted
at the mouth; it is then encrusted inside with clay. Wood is thrown
in and burnt, until a thick layer of glowing ashes is collected
at the bottom, and the oven is thoroughly heated; the loaves are
then put in by a woman, who bares and wets her arm, and sticks
them against the side with great dexterity: when done enough, if
not speedily taken off, they fall into the embers. Sometimes meat
is dressed in these ovens; a kind of crumpet, also, called Fetaat,
made in the same way as Mogatta, but without leaven, is slightly
baked in them; one of these crumpets is then placed in a bowl, and
soup and vegetables are poured over it; another is then put in,
and soup added as before, and so on in successive layers, until
the bowl is full. All these messes are eaten with the fingers.
There is great variety in the manner of dressing meat, which is
stewed, boiled, or baked; but for journeys the Arabs have a very
good way of preserving it, by cutting it into thin slices, drying it
in the sun, and afterwards stewing it in fat. I have often observed
them eating small grasses, which they found as they pursued their
journey; and to my inquiries how they knew them to be innoxious,
the general reply was, that whatever an animal which chewed its cud
could eat with safety, must be food for man. There is a species of
dandelion, very bitter, and exuding a white juice, which is much
liked by the sheep as well as their masters. The taste at first is
very unpleasant; but I soon became accustomed to it. The Colocynth
apple grows in great quantities in some parts of the Desert, and
is almost the only medicine used by the Arabs. Burning is always
had recourse to, and many of them are in consequence covered with
scars; it is also occasionally used to show the force of love;
and both sexes practise it when they wish to give proof of very
strong affection.
Wolves, young dogs, cats, and hedgehogs, though forbidden animals,
are not unfrequently eaten by sick persons, from a belief that their
flesh is medicinal, or, as they express it, “Doua.” Charms are
much worn, and are procured from such as are considered Marāboots
amongst themselves, or from the Scribes of Tripoli. It is not enough
that the man should be defended by these little prayers sewed up in
leather, and attached to his arms or body; but his horse, gun, sword,
and red cap must be equally protected with himself. The “Evil
Eye” is of all other mischiefs most dreaded, and for a stranger
to express particular admiration of a child, a horse, or any other
valuable, is to bring on it or its possessor certain misfortune; this
may, however, be averted by passing over the object a finger wetted
with saliva, or by the equally efficacious charm of an open hand,
either attached to the clothes as an ornament, or tattooed on the
skin. It is remarkable that no Arab will take a knife or scissars
from the hands of any one, as (from some superstitious prejudice)
such an action is considered highly unfortunate; but they require
that the instrument should be first laid on the ground, whence they
readily take it up without fear.
The Arabs have but few amusements beyond Dancing and a Game called
Helga, which resembles draughts, and is played with camels’
dung or date stones, in holes made in the sand. The noise uttered
by these people at their festivals, or on any joyful occasion,
is most extraordinary; and being very shrill, it may be heard at
a great distance, particularly if several persons join in chorus:
it is a piercing cry from the throat (the mouth being quite open),
to which a tremulous sound is given by a rapid motion of the tongue
from side to side; it is very enlivening, and when it becomes
familiar to the ear, far from disagreeable.
The manner of salutation used amongst the Arabs is particularly
striking, and certainly not ungraceful. Friends on meeting, seize
each the right hand of the other, then loosen and apply the tips of
their fingers to their mouths, afterwards laying the open hand on
the heart, they press it and gently incline the head at the same
time. Very intimate acquaintances mutually lift their joined right
hands in such a manner that each kisses the back of the other’s
hand, repeating with the greatest rapidity, “How are you? well, how
are you? Thank God, how are you? God bless you, how are you?” which
compliments in a well bred man never last less than ten minutes;
and whatever may be the conversation afterwards, it is a mark of
great good breeding occasionally to interrupt it, bowing solemnly
and asking, “How are you?” though an answer to the question
is by no means considered necessary, as he who asks it is perhaps
looking another way, and thinking of something else. I must not
omit to mention a particular instance of good breeding which I met
with amongst these people: a man begged me one day to reach him a
piece of straw which lay near me, that he might take out of a cup
of water a bird which had fallen into it. I perceived, however, that
it was only a Fly; and was afterwards informed that they consider it
disrespectful to make use of the word Fly in presence of a superior.
The questions asked and observations made by some of the inland Arabs
respecting our country were very curious; amongst other extraordinary
fancies, they have an idea, originating in the name given to the
Atlantic, Bahr el blem, باحرالظلا, sea of darkness, that
we have no Sun or Moon in the countries which are in the sea, and
in consequence, they imagine that our ships sail about with great
lanterns attached to them. They also believe that Christians use
the milk of pigs as a beverage, and in fact, that it forms their
chief subsistence. That we have horses, cows, and sheep, is not
at all credited by them; and that our country should be destitute
of dates excites their greatest commiseration. They cannot at all
conceive how we avoid falling off our islands and rolling into the
sea, or how, being surrounded by water, we have sufficient room for
animals to graze. There are some on the other hand who think highly
of our wealth and dignity, until they are told that our country is
an Island, when their admiration decreases considerably. Buonaparte,
or as the Arabs call him, Bono barto, is in great estimation amongst
them, not on account of his military achievements; but because they
have heard that he has 200,000 dollars an hour, and that he sits
on a golden throne.
The Arabs are good and bold horsemen, and though in general but
poorly provided with food for their horses, they make them perform
very long journeys. The inducement to all exertion, however, is now
nearly at an end, their wars having ceased; but in the time of the
Waled Suliman, اولاد سوليمان who infested the road from
Tripoli to Fezzan, and committed every excess, journeys were made
and difficulties overcome which equalled any of the stories of the
Arabs of old. This once powerful tribe had formerly possession of
every pass from Tripoli to the interior, and were so much dreaded,
that few traders would venture amongst them, even when they were
at peace with the Bashaw. These are the people whom Lucas mentions
as having declared war against Tripoli, and prevented the Kafflé,
to which he was attached, from proceeding from Mesurāta to Fezzan;
but they are now completely destroyed. About eight years since
the Bashaw in the regency of Tripoli, and Mukni, in the kingdom
of Fezzan, commenced so hot an attack upon them that they were
scattered, and being in small parties, easily fell a prey to the
troops employed against them. It was the custom during this war (as
in all previous wars) to give no quarter; all prisoners therefore
had their throats cut on being taken, and every species of cruelty
was practised on them. Two hundred and fifty, who were seized in a
town in the Wadey Shiati of Fezzan, were butchered in cold blood,
even though they had surrendered on condition of having their lives
spared. This tribe perhaps would still have flourished in Fezzan,
but that not expecting any attack from Mukni, they quitted for a time
their own territory and proceeded to Egypt, in order to wage war
on some other tribes who had offended them: this circumstance was
taken immediate advantage of by Mukni, who contrived before their
return to gain possession of Morzouk, which he could not otherwise
have done. They, however, besieged him there with great activity;
but leaving in the meantime their frontiers undefended, the Bashaw
poured his army into the country, and thus completely effected
their destruction as a tribe. The small number who escaped became
wanderers for a time, and were occasionally met with and killed,
until at last the remaining few incorporated themselves with other
tribes. That of the Waled Suliman, which does not now exist, is
celebrated in all the Arab stories; and there are few places in this
part of Africa which have not had ample occasion to remember them.
Wherever they removed, their families and immense flocks accompanied
them; and they were commanded by one or two Sheikhs of known
courage and experience. A friend of ours, who in the first wars had
spared the life of one of their chiefs, was, a few months after,
coming from Fezzan, in company with a large kafflé of merchants,
bringing slaves, when, in a part of the mountains, in which they
conceived there was no chance of encountering these people, they,
to their great dismay, were seized and conducted to the chief, in
full conviction that they should be murdered, and their slaves and
goods distributed amongst the captors; when, fortunately, one of the
party stepped forward, and suddenly recognised his deliverer. The
scene was immediately changed: eighteen sheep, as many goats, and
some cows were killed, and the whole kafflé feasted for three days;
their goods and their slaves were returned to them, and they were
suffered to depart.
* * * * *
On our return to Tripoli, we understood that it was not the intention
of the Bashaw to send, as he at first had given out, a force with
Mukni, into the interior. The latter was to be attended only by his
own followers; and we were desired to hold ourselves in readiness
to accompany him in a few days. In consequence of this, Mr. Ritchie
caused a variety of food, appropriate for a journey on the Desert,
to be provided. He bought Gerbas, or water skins; and in fact, made
every necessary preparation. Owing to the lowness of his funds,
he wrote to Lord Bathurst, soliciting a further supply; and I drew
money, on my own account, which I gave him for our general use. For
some articles which Mr. Ritchie procured for Mukni, from Malta,
he became our debtor to the amount of 300 dollars, which were to
be paid us on his arrival in Fezzan. On this small sum, and not
knowing when or how we were to procure more, was our journey to be
undertaken. Our camels were paid for in advance; but other expenses,
which were unavoidable, would, we had no doubt, extend far beyond
our narrow limits.
The allowance of £2000, which was made to Mr. Ritchie, had already
been expended, in buying Merchandize, Instruments, Arms, &c. and
otherwise making provision for the welfare of the Mission; but the
merchandize was selected in England, and unfortunately was such as
could be of little utility in the interior, of which circumstance we
were not aware until too late; for, with the exception of cutlery,
we had, in fact, nothing which would sell. We had Beads and
looking-glasses in abundance; but neither of these articles were
of the kind most in request amongst the Negroes, who, we learnt,
were as much wedded to fashion, as the inhabitants of more civilized
countries. Such was the inauspicious state of our affairs, when we
entered on our hazardous journey, determined at all events, that,
however unpromising in its commencement, its failure should not be
attributed to our want of zeal in the service we had undertaken.
On the 18th March, the Bashaw held a public audience; and Mukni,
in presence of the British consul, as well as ourselves, pledged
himself to assist us in all our difficulties.
CHAPTER II.
JOURNEY FROM TRIPOLI TO MORZOUK.
Preparations for their departure, in company with Mohammed el Mukni
— Encampment in the Mountains of Terhoona, and at the Wells of
Melghra — Arrival at Benioleed — Interview with the Wife of the
Sheikh, of the Kafflé — Their Christian Friends return to Tripoli
— Punishment of an Arab for Theft — Journey over the Desert —
Remains of a Roman Castle — Continuation of the Journey, until
their Arrival at Sockna — Entry into that City — Description
of it — Manner of raising the Tribute Money — Accompany the
Sultan’s Son to Hoon and Wadan, to receive the Taxes — Account
of those Places — Return to Sockna — Leave Sockna — Singular
Custom imposed on Travellers in passing the Soudah Mountains —
Arrival at Nufdai — Clear the Soudah Mountains — And travel
over the gravelly Plain, through the Pass of Kenair, to the Well
of Om el Abeed — Visit the Towns of Zeighan and Samnoo, famed
for their Marāboots — Encamp at Temenhint — Arrival at Sebha,
where the Black Population commences — Pass on to Ghroodwa —
Entry to Morzouk, the Capital of Fezzan.
On the 22d March, 1819, after repeated delays, every thing being
at length in readiness for our departure, the camels, twenty-two
in number, arrived, and carried our goods to the Desert beyond
the Meshea, where Mr. Ritchie preferring to remain in the town,
Belford, and myself, pitched our tent, in order to keep watch over
the goods. Our Kafflé increased much this day; many Negroes, who
had obtained their freedom, and were returning to their native
countries, fixed their little triangles of sticks, and a mat or
carpet, close to us, whilst I amused myself in marking our goods,
so that each camel-man might be enabled to know his own charge,
and thus avoid mistakes or confusion.
23d March.—I went back into the town, and found that Mukni was
not to join us until the morrow; by which delay, we obtained time
to furnish ourselves with many necessaries, which we had before
forgotten to provide.
24th March.—Mukni did not arrive this day; but his two Negresses
and household slaves came out and pitched their tents. These
women were mounted on camels, in a kind of litter, called Shiblia
شبليه which is a light frame of wood, covered with scarlet
cloth, so arranged, as to prevent the person in the inside from
being seen. One of them had been twice to the Niger with Mukni,
and was named Zaitoon زيتون or olive tree; the other was
the mother of his youngest child, and was called Zeman Donya,
زمان دونيه time of the world. All was confusion this
day; and the varied heaps of goods, camels, saddles, and animals,
which were scattered about, presented a very lively scene. As I
sat in our tent, writing a letter, some Arabs came in, and seemed
to find much amusement in seeing me write from left to right;
but, when I told them my letter was addressed to a Female, their
astonishment knew no bounds; and they laughed heartily at the idea,
that it was possible for a woman to be capable of reading. Colonel
Warrington’s eldest son came to spend the evening with us.
March 25th.—I went into the town, and took leave of all my
Christian friends. At eight A.M. the kafflé, consisting of
about two hundred men, and the same number of camels, set off. We
followed them, and pitched our tents, to rest for the night, on the
desert, near a well and a few palm trees. After dark, Mr. Ritchie,
accompanied by our friends, Dr. Dickson, and Messrs. Carstensen,
arrived. We amused ourselves in visiting little parties of the
liberated Blacks, who were all joyful at the idea of returning once
more to their native land; though their means of support were very
slender, and many of them, with their young children, had to walk
a distance of above two thousand miles, before they could reach
their own country.
March 26th.—At 8 A.M. we again moved on over a sandy, irregular
desert, all in high spirits at having commenced our journey,
after so many and apparently unnecessary delays. Having travelled
south-east twelve miles, we encamped near a very deep well, which
I have before mentioned, where we were to wait for Mukni. Our
kind friend, Dr. Dickson, here left us, the Bashaw requiring his
attendance at the Castle. After dark we observed several flashes
of muskets, which were fired by Mukni’s attendants, in order to
discover the position of the Kafflé; we fired others in return,
and soon heard the shrill pipes of the musicians announcing his
approach. A beautiful scene now presented itself when he entered
the camp, attended by about fifty horsemen, dressed in their gayest
apparel, preceded by wild music, and three stand of silk colours. As
we had coffee prepared for ourselves, Mukni, who was very fond of
it, visited us in our tent, and partook of it with his son Yussuf,
a mulatto boy of about eight years of age. They were splendidly
dressed, and had ridden from the town at full speed, the little
boy being a most excellent horseman.
March 27th.—Early in the morning we went on, and discovered that
in the night another Shiblia had joined us, containing a very fat
and beautiful woman, the wife of Sheikh Barood, who was director
of the Kafflé, and manager of Mukni’s affairs. Our road lay
over a fine country, with corn, many flocks, and a few Arab tents
scattered here and there. In the afternoon, having passed through
several low hills, we arrived at some corn, and encamped near a
well; the Sultan’s people turning their horses amongst the corn,
without any pity or consideration for the poor wretches who owned it.
March 28th.—Entered the mountains of Terhoona, which we passed
through on our return from Benioleed, and encamped, at four P.M. near
the wells of Melghra.
March 29th.—We proceeded this day over a fine country, and through
a Wadey, having wells in it, called Mader, مادر; we filled our
gerbas, and then entered on a rough uncultivated plain, where the
paths were very difficult for our camels.
March 30th.—Having travelled this day also over a stony desert,
we arrived at Benioleed, from which place to Tripoli I have, in a
former part of my journal, given the bearings. Mukni’s horsemen
preceded him to the castle, firing and shouting, as the people of
Tripoli do in honour of the Bashaw.
March 31st.—As this was market day, we remained here in order to
refresh ourselves, pitching our tents very pleasantly and securely
amongst some Olives in the Wadey. Mukni had warned us, on coming
here, to avoid encamping on the low ground, as, during the rains,
it frequently became entirely flooded, and was therefore very
dangerous. He told us of the Wadey being sometimes so completely
covered with water, as to hide the highest olive trees from the
view; the depth must therefore have been at least thirty feet. Many
natives confirmed this account, adding, that men and animals had
often been drowned in the night, before they could have time to
escape; the torrents from the hill sides which form the Wadey,
rushing down with such impetuosity that an hour or two is sufficient
to inundate the whole country. We bought a fine sheep in the market,
and killed it to feast our guests.
A boy who accompanied us from Tripoli came to me, full of the
praises of Lilla Fatma, the fat wife of Sheikh Barood, a white
woman, who, he said, was the most beautiful creature he had ever
seen, and so fat that she could scarcely walk: “her arm (t’barek
Allah, تْبارك اله, God’s blessing on it!) is as big as my
body,” continued he, “and she says she should like to see you and
Sidi Yussuf.” Such a hint was not to be rejected, and I therefore
immediately paid her a visit, the boy acting as my Interpreter. On
my entrance she so veiled herself as to exhibit to advantage
her arm, with all its gay ornaments; and on my requesting to be
favoured with a view of her face, she, with very little reluctance,
gratified me. Her chin, the tip of her nose, and the space between
her eyebrows, were marked with black lines; she was much rouged; her
neck, arms, and legs, were covered with tattooed flowers, open hands,
circles, the names of God, and of her numerous male friends. She
had a multitude of gold ear-rings and ornaments, set with very bad
and counterfeit jewels, and weighing all together, I should think,
two or three pounds. Her shirt was of striped silk; and she had a
rich purple silk barracan, or mantle, gracefully thrown round her,
and fastened at the breast by a gold pin, with ornaments of the same
metal suspended from it: all the other articles of finery which she
possessed were displayed round the tent, whilst a multitude of poor
thin wretches, resembling witches, sat round her in astonishment,
never having in their lives seen such a paragon of perfection. Like
all other Arabs, they touched whatever pleased them most, one
admiring this object, another something near it, so that our poor
belle was sometimes poked by a dozen fingers at once; all, however,
agreeing on one point, that she was beautifully and excessively fat,
and I must say I never before beheld such a monstrous mass of human
flesh. One of her legs, of enormous size, was uncovered as high
as the calf, and every one pressed it, admiring its solidity, and
praising God for blessing them with such a sight. I was received
most graciously, and invited to sit close to her, when one of the
first questions she asked me was, if in my country the ladies were as
fat and handsome as herself? For the plumpness of my countrywomen,
I owned, with shame, that I never had seen one possessed of half
such an admirable rotundity, which she took as a great compliment;
but I did not attempt to carry the comparison farther, though she
was really very handsome in face and features. She amused herself
while speaking with playing on a kind of drum, made of clay, called
Derbooka, دربوكه, by beating with one hand, and playing with
the fingers of the other; and perceiving that I was amused by it,
she ordered an old man to get up and dance. The females sang and
clapped their hands in good time, and the dancer went through a
variety of figures, all equally indelicate. A woman then succeeded
him, and in this respect quite threw him in the shade; but as I
knew it to be the general mode of dancing in this part of Barbary,
I of course applauded it. Lilla Fatma herself then thought proper
to honour us with a few graceful attitudes in the same style;
but Mr. Ritchie’s entrance into the tent soon put a stop to the
exhibition, and the ceremony of veiling took place in the same
manner as before. Fatma soon discovered a likeness between her
late husband and Mr. Ritchie, from their being both very slender;
but unfortunately the resemblance failed in all other points, her
former spouse being, at the time she was obliged to leave him by
an order of the Bashaw, fifty years old, with a grey beard; while,
on the other hand, Mr. Ritchie was but twenty-seven, and of a very
fair complexion. She was at all events determined to be pleased
with us; and having sprinkled us with rose-water, allowed us to
take our leave. On returning to our tent, we sent her some coffee,
and a few lumps of sugar.
We found here much difficulty in obtaining water for our horses,
owing to the great depth of the wells, and the people being employed
in filling the skins for the morrow. In the evening, we visited
Mukni, at the castle; and finding him surrounded by eatables, were
invited to partake of them: but we discovered, that all his people,
whilst it was his pleasure to remain, were fed by the natives,
cost free. We laid in a sufficient stock of barley to supply our
four horses, until we should arrive at Morzouk.
April 2nd.—We took water for three days, on the camels, and
passed along the Wadey, at 7,15, A.M. Our friends here quitted us,
in order to return to Tripoli, and we were now left to ourselves,
amongst a strange people; our hearts were heavy, and we conversed
but little during the remainder of the day. The country, on rising
from the Wadey, was a stony desert until noon, when we passed over
plains capable of cultivation, but having no water.
At 4,50, entered another Wadey, in which we saw a large herd of
Gazelles; and, passing through it until 5,20, we encamped. Made
S.E. by S. thirty miles. The horses were turned out to graze on
a large field of barley, belonging to the Orfilly. This place was
called Gairi, قيري or Sofagie. A mountain, south three miles,
named Glla قله, and a distant range in the same direction,
called Souarit سواريت. Much good herbage. On the camels being
unloaded, we found that an old Bornou black had died on the one
which he rode. A melancholy howling was set up by the women, and the
corpse was carried to a distance, and immediately buried. An Arab,
who was prowling about this evening, stole a gun belonging to one
of the Sultan’s followers; but was detected, and bastinadoed in
a most barbarous manner, by two men on each side, with green date
sticks. After this part of his punishment was ended, a man mounted
a horse, and started at full gallop, leading, or rather dragging
this poor wretch after him. His wrists were tied together behind
him, and the end of the cord which secured them was attached to
the horse’s saddle. Had he fallen when thus dragged along, his
shoulders must inevitably have been dislocated.
April 3rd.—We journeyed all this day over a stony plain, without
the least sign of vegetation, and covered with small stones, of
about the size and form of lumps of sugar; their surfaces appeared
vitrified, and shone very much. In the evening, we got into a
wadey where we found a well, and several talhh trees, so that we
had abundance of fuel. We heard, during the night, repeated cries
of jackals and hyænas. Made this day, S.E. twenty-eight miles.
April 4th.—At seven A.M. went on over a barren plain, having no
water; but were enabled to collect a few bushes for our night’s
cooking. At sunset secured our baggage, and lay in a gravelly
flat. Jackals very noisy. Proceeded S.E. twenty-eight miles.
April 5th.—Barren plain as before. At two P.M. ascended a steep
hill, from which, in every direction, the country appeared quite
desolate;—found a few bushes on the top. On descending, at sunset,
we pitched our tents, having travelled thirty-five miles, S.E.
April 6th.—At six A.M. we started, and passed over the wadeys
Hait حيت, and Zemzem زمزم; each having a few prickly bushes,
on which our camels fed. The latter is of great length, and runs
to the sea, in the Gulf of Syrtis.
At 1,30, having passed a plain, where we found gypsum, and in some
places, cockle-shells, we reached some sand hills to the well of
Bonjem بنجم; the water of which resembles, both in taste and
smell, bilge water from a ship. It lies in a stratum of black clay,
about five feet below the sand. At the distance of half a mile from
the well, is a Roman castle, situated amongst some high sand hills:
it is of an oblong form, having in the centre of each of the walls,
which are towards the cardinal points, a large arched gateway,
between two strong towers. Each of the former, with its flanking
towers, is in a different style of architecture: only one remains
quite perfect; the others have fallen, or are partially buried
in the sand. The stones of which these buildings are composed,
are of the magnitude common to all Roman structures, and are of
a kind of dark granite. In the enclosed space are several immense
stones, standing upright, and so placed as to give the appearance
of having once supported a large building: some are ten feet in
height, independent of the part embedded in the sand. The mouth
of a well is visible, still bearing the marks of the cords used
in drawing the water; it is now entirely choked up with sand. The
walls from east to west, are above two hundred paces in length;
I should rather say, the tops of the walls, for in some places,
they are buried in the sand; and from north to south, about one
hundred and fifty. The Arabs, probably in the time of the Khalifs,
appear to have used the northern towers; as remains of their rude
masonry still surmount the original buildings. Over each gateway
there had been an inscription, of which the northern one is most
perfect. We found, by comparing them, that all were thus worded.
IMP . CAES . L . SEPTIMIO . SEVERO.
PIO . PERTINACI . AVG . TRPOTV . IIII
IMP CSIIPPET IMP . CAES . M
AVRELIO . ANTONINO V RI
IIII . ET SEPTIMIO CAE
AVG . O . ANICIO . FAVSTO . LEG
AVGVSTORVM . CONSVLARI
IPO . III . AVG . PV
Under each had once been a large eagle, carved in basso relievo;
but they are now so mutilated, as to bear very little resemblance
to that bird.
This place is the northern boundary of Fezzan. All slaves of
Mukni’s, going from Fezzan to Tripoli on account of the Bashaw,
belong to the former until Bonjem is past; should any die afterwards,
the Bashaw is the loser. The same risk attends the latter when he
sends horses or goods to Mukni; all losses being made good by him
north of the boundary, and by Mukni south of it. All camels found
straying on the desert are appropriated to the respective kingdoms.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by G. Harley._
THE CASTLE OF BONJEM.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Bonjem, according to Mr. Ritchie, is in latitude
30°. 35′. 32″. N. A few Arabs passed us with three camels and
twelve female slaves, from Morzouk. We expected, on leaving Tripoli,
to be much troubled about the established prayers, which should be
repeated by the natives five times a day, though by travellers only
thrice; but our present companions certainly were not very scrupulous
in their religious duties; no one, or at most only two or three of
them, ever praying at all; and, as for Mukni and his followers,
they seemed to give themselves very little trouble about it. The
only devout person amongst them, was one of our camel-men, who
roared out all day, as loud as he was able, verses from the Koran,
and charms against the devil; yet, in spite of all his sanctity,
he was the greatest rascal in the kafflé. This fellow, in speaking
of us, contemptuously called us Romees, or Christians; which coming
to Mukni’s knowledge, he threatened him with a good thrashing,
if he ever again called us any thing but Mamlukes, as the Sultan
himself did.
The people of the kafflé having, by this time, become better
acquainted with us, soon discovered Mr. Ritchie’s medical talents,
and accordingly gave him no little trouble with their real and
fancied complaints. They were all very anxious to be bled, and to
take physic. One or two who were the most troublesome, and who had
only imaginary ailments, were consigned to my management; for these
I prepared, with an air of affected gravity, a mixture of coffee,
salt, vinegar, and red pepper, giving to each a spoonful, with many
serious instructions, how they were to eat, drink, and sleep; and
I found, next morning, to my great satisfaction, that my patients
had spread a report all over the kafflé, of the excellent effects
of my wonderful medicine. During the night we heard a few jackals,
whose tracks absolutely covered the sand hills round the castle.
April 7th.—The camels, which had been out on the plain to feed on
the bushes, were brought in; and having waited till 1.30. P.M. to
rest the people, we loaded, and went on our way. Abd Allah el
Bendag, an old Arab, was despatched to Morzouk on a Maherry, to
announce the approach of the Sultan. Our camels were loaded with
four days’ water; a strong south wind covered us with sand, and
the day was uncommonly sultry. Our road lay over a barren desert
called Klïa, قليه. The surface, where clear of sand, was of
gypsum. At 5 P.M. we passed a remarkable mound of limestone and
sand; which, until a very near approach, resembled a white turret,
and is called Bazeen, برزين. This name is also applied to the
country immediately surrounding it. Our view was bounded on every
side by distant yellow hills, appearing to be perfectly destitute of
every kind of vegetation. At 11.40. P.M. rested for the night in a
sandy wadey, called Boonaja, ابوناجه (or the ewe’s father),
having made twenty-two miles south-south-east. This evening, as we
rode along, the horsemen amused themselves in skirmishing before
Mukni; and the Negroes danced and sang as well as their fatigue
would allow them. The Sultan himself took my gun, and rode among
his people at full speed, firing at their horses’ feet. All this
parade was in consequence of our now being in the kingdom of Fezzan.
April 8th.—At 6 A.M. we left the wadey, and at 7 went through a
pass, called Hormut Emhalla, خرموت المخالّه (or the
pass of the army.) At 9.20. we passed a range of table mountains,
running north-east and south-west, called Elood, الود. The
desert here became stony and very uneven; a range of mountains
to the southward, two or three miles, running east and west, and
forming a crescent to the east of our path: they are called Guatela,
قواتله. The westward was an uneven yellow range, distant five
or six miles. At 10.5. A.M. we passed the west point of Guatela,
our road lying close under the foot of the mountains. At 11 A.M. we
turned to the southward and eastward. At 1.15. P.M. passed a conical
hill standing apart from the neighbouring mountains, and resembling
a tent, called El Khayma, الخيمه. At 5 P.M. entered a pass
called Hormut Tuzzēt, حرموت طزّيت. At 6 cleared the
pass, and opened on a plain; table mountains bearing south-east,
called Matta Imhammed, مته امحمّد. At 6.30. encamped: one
of our camels died this day, and three others were, from fatigue,
unable to come up; indeed all the camels in the Kafflé were much
distressed, not having for several days tasted any kind of food,
and our marches were in general long.
April 9th.—At 6.15. A.M. started over a flat, which had no break
to the view, except very distant mountains. Two hours and a half
from the time of our setting off there is a solitary tree, which
is considered as one day’s journey from water. Slaves, in coming
from this water, are not allowed to drink until they reach the tree
in question, which is one of the longest stages in the journey from
Fezzan. The distant mountains had the appellation of Khod el Khādem,
خدالخادم (or “take the negress.”) The plain was called El
Grarat Arab Hoon, الغرارت عرب حون. At 7 P.M. we entered
a pass called Hormut taad atar, خرموت طعداتر. And after
passing through a winding wadey, closely hemmed in by the mountains,
at 9 we stopped near a well of very brackish, stinking water,
situated in a small plain, which here opens out in a circular
form. Still no fodder for our camels. A man joined us with some
stewed meat for the Sultan, and a load of water, from Sockna;
and we procured a bowl of the latter, which afforded us no small
treat. The well here, in hot seasons, is dry, and even at this
period was very low. The horses, with great avidity, sucked up the
mud which was thrown out of it. Strong sand wind from the southward.
April 10th.—At 6.10. A.M. set off. At 7 cleared the pass, and
proceeded to a small wadey, where, in spite of a strong Siroc,
we succeeded in pitching our tents. The sand, however, flew about
in such quantities, that we were unable to prepare any food, and we
could not even see thirty yards from us. Mukni took shelter with us,
and advised that we should strip to our shirts, as the lightest way
of withstanding the sand showers. Mr. Ritchie here presented him
with one of our tents, it being much superior to his own. In the
afternoon, the wind having a little subsided, we cleared away the
heaps of sand which had collected round our goods, and allowed the
camels to graze on the small bushes until 3 o’clock. We found,
on examining some of our stores, that a large organ had been burst
by the heat, and excessive dryness of the wind; a discovery by no
means welcome to us. At 3.15. P.M. struck our tent, and again made
our way over the plain until 7, when we stopped amongst some palms,
which were thickly planted in a range of sand hills. There were
two wells of tolerably fresh water at this place, which is called
Hammam, حامام. From hence we could easily have made our way
to Sockna; but as the Sultan preferred entering in the morning,
we were content to stop, and get our heads shaved, as well as to
enjoy a good washing, which was very requisite, as we were not
over clean. The Sultan’s people were also employed in preparing
themselves; and a large convoy of drummers, bag-pipers, and others,
joined us in the night, mounted on asses, in order to precede his
majesty to his city of Sockna.
April 11th.—At 7 A.M. proceeded with the Sultan and his escort,
but found we were sadly in the back-ground with respect to outward
appearance. Unfortunately we had not thought it necessary to put on
any of our embroidered clothes, having no idea that so much finery
was to be displayed; and whilst all the slaves of the Sultan sported
their gayest apparel, we were simply habited as Arabs. Mukni was not
well pleased at this omission on our part; for as we had the honour
of riding on each side of him, and were considered as great men,
he wished us to have been as fine and solemn as himself. On coming
in sight of the town, the soldiers commenced firing and racing in
front of the Sultan, and the musicians struck up such a noise as
nearly stunned us. We were shortly joined by another party, who even
outdid the first in sound. A number of dancing women then appeared,
who, in most fantastic dresses, threw themselves into extraordinary
attitudes, crying in their usual shrill manner, and calling down
blessings on the Sultan and his family. The armed people who came
from the town amounted to about six or seven hundred, not including
lookers-on, of at least the same number. The Sultan’s horses,
in golden trappings, and led by well dressed slaves, advanced
in front, under three silk Tripolitan flags, striped red and
yellow horizontally. A curious interruption took place during our
progress, in consequence of a man’s horse requiring to stale,
when the whole procession, following the example of the Sultan,
stopped for him; and we again proceeded with much solemnity. Only
two other stoppages took place during the day; once when a band of
slaves came and prostrated themselves before Mukni, and at another
time when his majesty halted to regale himself with a fresh quid
of tobacco. Amongst many laughable incidents which occurred, an
unfortunate black drummer was tilted with his drum over the head of
the donkey he rode, which ludicrous disaster occasioned much mirth,
and even caused Mukni’s state frown to relax. The town’s people,
on joining us, advanced in a straight line, until within about a
hundred yards, when, firing their muskets, and setting up a loud
yell, they rushed forward, and surrounded the Sultan, to kiss his
hands. After these ceremonies, they divided themselves into small
parties, and expended a great deal of powder in sham fights.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
A SAND WIND ON THE DESERT.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
We arrived at 10 in the town of Sockna, سكنا, and were directed
to the house which had been prepared for us. In the evening our
camels also arrived; and now we arrayed ourselves in our most costly
dresses, and went to pay our respects to the Sultan. We found him
surrounded by some hundred Arabs, all talking at once, and disputing
about money matters, while Mukni appeared to listen to them with
extraordinary patience. We now had become better acquainted with
Arabic, and I profited much by teaching the Sultan’s little son
Yussuf to speak English.
Sockna stands on an immense plain of gravel; bounded to the south
by the Soudah mountains, at about fifteen miles; by the mountains
of Wadan about thirty miles to the eastward; a distant range to the
west; and those I have already mentioned on passing through to the
north. The town is walled, and may contain 2000 persons; more than
half the people we saw this day were from Hoon and Wadan. There are
small projections from the walls, having loop-holes for musketry. It
has seven gates, only one of which will admit a loaded camel. The
streets are very narrow, and the houses are built of mud and
small stones mixed, many of them having a story above the ground
floor. A small court is open in the centre; and the windows, or
more properly the doors, which open from this area, give the only
light which the rooms receive. The water of Sockna is almost all
brackish or bitter. There are 200,000 date trees in the immediate
neighbourhood of the town, which pay duty; also an equal number,
not yet come into bearing, which are exempt. These dates grow in
a belt of sand, at about two or three miles distant from the town,
and are of a quality far superior to any produced in the north of
Africa. Owing to their excellence, they are sold at a very high
price at Tripoli. The adjoining country is entirely destitute of
shrubs, or any kind of food for camels, which are therefore sent to
graze about five miles off; while in the town all animals are fed on
dates. Sheep are brought here from Benioleed, and are, in consequence
of coming from such a distance, very dear. In the gardens, which
are about three miles from the town, barley, maize, and gussob,
قصب, are cultivated, as well as a few onions, turnips, and
peppers. The quantity of flies here is immense, and all the people
carry little flappers, made of bunches of wild bulls’ hair, tied
to a short stick, in order to keep these pests at a distance. The
dates all being deposited in store-houses in the town, may account,
in some degree, for the multitude of these insects; which, in a few
minutes, fill every dish or bowl containing any liquid. The duties
paid by this place amount to 2000 dollars annually, exclusive of a
tax of one dollar on each two hundred date trees. All the people
attached to the Sultan, and ourselves also, received food twice
a day from the Sheikh, who collected it from the inhabitants;
our horses likewise got a daily portion of dates.
The costume here is the same as that of the Bedouins, consisting
generally of a shirt and barracan, a red cap, and sandals: a few,
whose circumstances allow of it, dress in the costume of Tripoli. The
neat appearance of the men, in general, is very striking, compared
with that of the Arabs about the coast. The women are considered
exceedingly handsome; indeed, one or two whom I saw at Fatma’s
were really so, and as fair as Europeans; but they are noted for
their profligacy and love of intrigue.
When the kingdom of Fezzan was governed by a native Prince, this
town and the two neighbouring ones were, in a manner, independent;
the distance from their own capital, as well as from Tripoli,
securing them from surprise. All discontented or disaffected people,
from either country, took refuge here, and the population was, at
that time, more than double what it now is. The people of Sockna
speak a language peculiar to themselves and to the Tuarick of the
Great Desert; it is called Ertāna, and is, I believe, the original
Breber tongue. In another part of this work, I have given a short
vocabulary of it. Mukni receives all his tribute in person, and is,
from daylight until dark, sitting in the midst of the Arabs. As
soon as the business of one party is settled, a prayer is recited,
and room is left for another equally noisy set, who, though they
dispute and make all sort of difficulty about paying their money,
are never suffered by Mukni to gain their point: at the very
moment indeed when they appear most confident of having their
complaints attended to, some one of Mukni’s men cries out “The
Fattha!” (or first chapter of the Koran), every one joining in
that prayer. This is the signal for the poor creatures to retire,
and they are then obliged to consider their claims as settled.
The Sheikh is in continual apprehensions of losing his life; his
predecessor having, the year before, been found one night with his
throat cut, and no one was allowed to inquire who committed the
deed. The inhabitants were obliged to pay a fine or penalty of 2000
dollars to Mukni (who alone was supposed guilty), in consequence
of the murder having been perpetrated in the town.
It being necessary for the Sultan to employ persons of trust to
receive his taxes at Hoon and Wadan, as well as from the neighbouring
Arabs, he proposed sending with them his young son Yussuf, allowing
Mr. Ritchie and myself also to accompany them, in order to afford us
a safe opportunity of seeing those places. A troop of about thirty
horsemen being prepared, on the 14th of June we set out. Little
Yussuf was placed under the charge of a man named Ibrahim, who had
also orders to attend to and supply all our wants.
After passing over the plain, and through the palms, east by south
ten miles, we arrived at Hoon, حون. It is a smaller town than
Sockna, but walled, and built in the same manner: its palms and
gardens are close to the walls. It has three gates, three mosques,
and a large building which is dignified with the name of a castle,
although it does not appear even to have a loophole for musketry. The
inhabitants, having about three hundred muskets, came out to welcome
Yussuf, and we met with the same boisterous reception as was given a
few days before to the Sultan. A number of dancing women performed
in the court of the house in which we were assembled, the greatest
part of the day; and in the evening the slaves joined the concert
with their cymbals. The whole was so completely to the taste of
Mukni’s men, and continued so long, that the performers were
literally tired out. When they came to request corn or money from
the spectators, it was to us they first applied, as considering us
the greatest personages; but we were so poor, in despite of our fine
garments, that we actually had nothing to give, which disappointed
and astonished them much.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
PIPER AND DANCER. TRIPOLI. DANCING WOMAN. SOCKNA.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
In the burying-grounds near the town we observed that nearly all the
graves were ornamented with one or more ostrich eggs, as were the
doors and angles of the mosques, and their enclosures. We entered
the tomb of a Marāboot, and standing near the grave, recited the
“Fatha” aloud. In the evening we visited the gardens, which
are close to the town, the latter being completely hidden from the
view by the thick palms which surround it. The soil is sand, but
the grain was in the most luxuriant state of forwardness, owing to
its being constantly refreshed by little channels from the wells,
the water of which is brackish.
The people of the town having been told what sum of money they were
required to collect before we returned from Wadan, we proceeded
on the 15th April to that place, passing over a barren stony flat
east by north twelve or thirteen miles. The town is not walled,
and appears very inferior to the other two in point of neatness,
comfort, and convenience, though its aspect is much more pleasing,
as it is built on a conical hill, on the top of which are some
enclosed houses, called the Castle. Here there is a well of great
depth, cut through the solid rock, and evidently not the work of
the Bedouins. One of the Shreefs took us into a mosque, that we
might examine a curious stone, bearing an Arabic inscription in
raised letters, and, from its date, it must have been above six
hundred years old. It was let into the mud wall, but no one knew
where it had been found. Mr. Ritchie did not attempt to copy it,
as we were not yet enough acquainted with the customs of the Arabs
to know if it would be permitted. The tombs and mosques, as at Hoon,
were ornamented with quantities of ostrich eggs.
The natives of Wadan are Arabs of the tribe Moajer مواجر, who
chiefly spend their time in attending their flocks at the Syrtis
الصرت, and resident shreefs, or descendants of the Prophet;
the latter forming the greater part of the population. There is a
chain of mountains, a few miles east of the town, called also Wadan,
on account of the immense number of buffaloes to be found there,
and which are of three species; viz. the Wadan, an animal of the
size of an ass, having very large horns, short reddish hide, and
large bunches of hair hanging from each shoulder, to the length of
eighteen inches or two feet: they have very large heads, and are
very fierce. The Bogra el Weish البقرّالويش, which is a
red buffalo, slow in its motions, having large horns, and being of
the size of an ordinary cow; and the white buffalo of a lighter and
more active make, very shy and swift, and not easily procured. The
calving time of these animals is in April or May. There are also
in these mountains great quantities of ostriches, by hunting which
many of the natives subsist. All the Arabs here agree respecting
the manner in which these birds sit on their eggs, and which I was
not before aware of. They are not left to be hatched by the warmth
of the sun, but the parent bird forms a rough nest, in which she
covers from fourteen to eighteen eggs, and regularly sits on them
in the same manner as the common fowl does on her chickens; the male
occasionally relieving the female. It is during the breeding season
that the greatest numbers are procured, the Arabs shooting the old
ones while on their nests. At all the three towns, Sockna, Hoon,
and Wadan, it is the custom to keep tame ostriches in a stable, and
in two years, to take three cuttings of their feathers. I imagine,
from what I have seen of the skins of ostriches brought for sale,
that all the fine feathers sent to Europe are from tame birds;
the wild ones being generally so ragged and torn, that not above
half a dozen good perfect ones can be found. The white feathers
are what I allude to; the black, being shorter and more flexible,
are generally good. All the camels belonging to these people are
sent to the Syrtis, to pasture; a distance of about five days’
journey. It sometimes occurs, that after a great deal of rain has
fallen, the plains beyond the Wadan mountains acquire sufficient
verdure to feed the cattle for a few weeks.
On this evening we had some juice of the palm-tree, called Lackbi,
brought us, together with some milk; and the dancing women remained
until midnight. The tribute was all paid at the evening prayer.
April 16th.—Returned to Hoon, where we were received as before. It
being Friday, we saw every one preparing to go to the assembly at
the Mosque. Mr. Ritchie declined attending; but I was determined
to make my debut, and to see how I could go through the necessary
formalities. I therefore prepared myself, by endeavouring to appear
quite unconcerned, and readily accompanied the Sultan’s chief
followers, who seemed pleased at my joining them. There were about
200 people present, and additional prayers were recited in honour
of the Sultan (Mukni) and his family. I found I acquitted myself
very well, although one or two of the old people, as I thought,
viewed me with an eye of suspicion, well aware that I had but very
little knowledge of Arabic. The tribute-money was brought this
day by the Sheikh, a great crowd attending him. A little boy who
was amongst them made himself known to us, as having come in the
same kafflé with us from Tripoli. We recollected, and made use of
him to show us round the town, which he did readily, occasionally
running before us, and calling to all the girls of his acquaintance,
to come out and look at the new Mamlukes. This they did in crowds,
and with their faces uncovered: some of them were rather pretty,
and appeared to take pleasure in conversing with us, laughing much
at the mistakes we made, in consequence of our slight knowledge of
Arabic. The boy asked us many amusing questions about our future
intentions, and was particularly anxious to know where we were
going, and whether for the purpose of collecting slaves, as he
suspected. We, of course, disclaimed any such intention, adding,
that in our own country we looked on slavery with horror. At
this he expressed great contempt of us, exclaiming, “D——n
their fathers, the asses!” a common oath amongst these people,
“what are they made for, but to serve us? go then and take them,
for they are Kaffirs, and we cannot do without them.” I mention
this as a specimen of all the Arabs, who believe most religiously,
that the Negroes were only created for their service. The natives of
Hoon are of the tribe Fateima فتيمه, and are of good character.
17th April.—We returned to Sockna. On this day I made an attempt
to prove how far it was possible to exercise authority over the
Arabs, and Mr. Ritchie not wishing to interfere, left me to act
as I thought proper. The case was this: during our journey from
Tripoli I had observed a poor slave, of about fifty years of age,
belonging to the owner of some of our camels, so fatigued as to be
scarcely able to follow us. His frame was quite emaciated, and his
feet and legs much swelled. His inhuman master, notwithstanding
the deplorable state in which he was, invariably sent him out
all night to attend the camels, and he only brought them back to
commence another sad day’s journey, during which he was frequently
beaten. On arriving at Sockna he was sent on to the desert with the
animals, and returned to the town this day in a high fever, and in a
most miserable condition. His master, according to custom, beat him
severely with a stick, and finding the poor black unable to cry out,
actually took stones and beat him on the head with them, another Arab
assisting in the cruel task. So much unnecessary barbarity induced
me to endeavour to defend the poor sufferer; but my interference
was greeted with no very polite expressions, and my endeavouring
to prove that the poor black was a human creature as well as his
master, exposed me to much laughter and contempt. I pursued my
point, however, and immediately went to Mukni’s chief black,
swearing by the Sultan’s head, that he should instantly punish
the master of the slave. To my great satisfaction he immediately
complied, giving the wretch a very severe bastinado, as hard as two
men could lay it on. When I returned to our house, the other Arab
laughed at and taunted me to such a degree, that I was obliged
(to his great astonishment) to give him a good thrashing, not a
little apprehensive, I must own, lest some revenge should be taken
on me in consequence; but I soon found I had nothing to dread,
for these very men never after omitted coming daily to kiss my
hand; and, while I was in sight, always caressed the poor slave,
who from that time became a kind of pensioner on us.
The Arabs of Sockna are of the tribe Riahh رياه. There are also
some wanderers from Tripoli and the Syrtis, who frequent these towns
on the soofra جوفره, or frontier. They are of the tribes Waled
boo Saif اولاد ابو سيف, Waled ben Miriam اولاد بن
مريم and Sohhoob سحوب, and change their residence as they
find pasture. Their little moveable tents are their only habitations;
for even in the neighbourhood of towns they make a small encampment
while they remain.
All our business being settled, we prepared to leave this
place. Mr. Ritchie presented the Sheikh with some powder and cutlery
ware, which, as I discovered some time after, was taken away from
him by the covetous Sultan for his own use.
Lilla Fatema was at this time very ill, and as Mr. Ritchie declined
visiting her, I became her doctor, and by means of some compounds
of my own invention, quite cured her. Amongst the little secrets
of her illness, I found out that she indulged herself in pretty
large potions of Lackbi, which no doubt occasioned the head-aches
she complained of.
Mr. Ritchie made several attempts with Gambay’s dipping needle, the
results of which are with his papers, and we each brought Sockna’s
latitude to 29° 5′ 36″ north, by observation of Spica Virginis.
On 22d of April left Sockna in company with the Sultan. At 11.30. we
were attended clear of the town by a great multitude of people, and
a prayer being recited, the horsemen all stopped, holding their open
hands with the palms towards heaven. After this, each one kissed
the Sultan’s hand, and returned home. At one we passed a small
spring, the only one in the country, of about two feet in diameter,
in which the water was pretty good. The Sultan here told us, with
an air of firm belief, that a Marāboot once travelling this way,
was overcome by thirst, and that by striking the ground with his
stick (in the name of God), this water arose. At 3.30. we entered
a wadey in the Soudah mountains, called Octooffa اكطوفه,
bearing from Sockna south by west, and at six encamped near a
well of tolerably good water, called Gutfa قتفا. Our place of
encampment was a small plain, without any other vegetation than
a few prickly bushes of talhh. This spot was surrounded on every
side by high mountains of basalt, which gave it the appearance of
being in the crater of a volcano. We here presented our Bouzaferr
بوزفرّ, which is a kind of footing paid by all travellers on
entering Fezzan, and is attended with ceremonies something similar
to those observed on crossing the line. Should any person refuse
the necessary distribution of food, the Arabs dig a grave, telling
him that it is made expressly for him, and howling as for a dead
person, with many other ridiculous pranks, which generally produce
the wished-for feast. We took with us, for this purpose, two sheep,
and a quantity of meal, and distributed portions to all the tents,
much to the satisfaction of our fellow travellers. Lilla Fatma also
paid her footing, as did one or two others, who had never before
passed these mountains. We this day had advanced south 10° west
eighteen miles.
April 25th.—Having filled five days water for ourselves and horses,
we left the well at 6.40. A.M. The camels took a circuitous route
along a deep valley, owing to a very steep mountain called Nufdai
نوفدي, lying in front of us. The horse and footmen ascended
it at 9.40. by a most difficult path of large irregular masses of
basalt. The horses, however, were sure-footed, and at 10.40. we again
descended to a wadey, called Zgar, where the camels joined us, after
having been four hours winding round the foot of the mountain, which
we had crossed in one. At 11.35. ascended from the wadey to a flat,
called Dahr t’Moumen دحارتمومين (or the believer’s
back). The basalt here was in less quantities, and often in small
broken pieces, resembling gravel. At 1.10. we descended to a wadey,
called Emzairaat مزيرعت, when we saw a few antelopes.
Here, while I was resting under a tree, a man came and told me
that he had observed a snake of the most venomous species, called
Effa الفّا, coiled up under a bush. I instantly armed myself
with a ramrod, and having discovered the reptile, pinned it to
the ground by a stab through the lower jaw. Belford just then came
up, and fancying it was of a harmless kind, took it by the tail:
as he was on the opposite side of me, I did not perceive him, and
having pressed another stick on the creature’s head, I withdrew
the ramrod, in order to get a better hold of it. At this moment
Belford again pulled, and extricated the snake, which turned upon
and attempted to bite him; its tail, however, luckily broke, and it
fell back into the bush, where I immediately despatched it. Had it
wounded Belford, as it was on the point of doing, his death would
have been inevitable, as we had no instrument at hand for cutting
out the venom, or any fire with which to burn it, as is done with
effect by the Arabs. On examining the snake, I found it was of the
same species as some I had seen at Tripoli; those, however, did not
exceed six inches in length, whereas this was about two feet long,
and very bulky. Their colour is generally a dull reddish-brown, with
black spots; the belly yellow, and aspect particularly disagreeable
and malignant.
The movements of this snake are very peculiar: it does not propel
itself in the same way as other serpents, but in a lateral manner,
advances its right side, and then draws forward its head at each
motion, while, in the act of gliding on, it forms a figure resembling
the letter S.
Our road lay through several gloomy wadeys, when, at three, we
stopped in one called Tingareer طنقارير. At 4.15. the camels
came up, and as the place afforded some few bushes, we encamped
there for the purpose of refreshing them.
April 24th.—Camels started at 5.45. At ten, a distant mountain
north-west, called El Kohol (from its blackness). At twelve, after
passing a stony track, came to a wadey Mesheil مشيل. At two
P.M. cleared the mountainous part of the Soudah, and descended to
a plain, El Maitba Soudah الميتباسوده, from its being
covered with small pieces of basalt. At 2.45. came to a spot called
El Maitba Baida بيدا, having not the slightest trace of basalt,
and being covered with a very small white gravel.
We did not see, any where, the least appearance of vegetation;
but observed many skeletons of animals, which had died of fatigue
on the Desert, and occasionally the grave of some human being. All
these bodies were so dried by the extreme heat of the sun, that
putrefaction did not appear to have taken place after death. In
recently expired animals I could not perceive the slightest
offensive smell; and in those long dead, the skin, with the hair on
it, remained unbroken and perfect, although so brittle as to break
with a slight blow. The sand-winds never cause these carcasses to
change their places, as in a short time a slight mound is formed
round them, and they become stationary.
At 5.50. we passed low table-topped hills east and west of us,
called El Gaaf القعف. This desert was named Sbir ben Afeen
زبيربن عفين. At seven we encamped. The plain round us
presented so perfect a horizon, that an astronomical observation
might have been taken as at sea. From the excessive dryness of
the air, our blankets and barracans emitted electric sparks, and
crackled distinctly on being rubbed. The horses’ tails, also,
in beating off the flies, had the same effect. Our whole Kafflé
were much fatigued. This day we had advanced south-south-west,
thirty-five miles.
April 25th.—At four, A.M. the camels set out; 8.15. we passed some
sand-hills, called el Ramle Kebeer الرامل كبير, or large
sands. At nine we came again on the plain, which was covered with a
white encrusted clay; at three, P.M. passed el Ramle Shraya, or small
sands, and at 4.45. descended by some precipitous rocks to a sandy,
irregular plain, very difficult and dangerous, until we had crossed
the sand-hills. At about half a mile to the eastward of the pass,
which, as well as the plain, is called Koneir كنير, is a singular
rock in a conical form, surmounted by another resembling a turret,
called Amaymet Saad اميمت سعد. Hills over the watering place
were pointed out to us in the distance, south-south-west. At nine we
entered a wadey, called Om el Abeed ام العبيد (the Mother
of the Slaves), and at eleven arrived at a well of the same name,
situated amongst the mountains, and having a quantity of bushes
growing about it.
We found here two large flocks of sheep and goats on the way to
Morzouk from Benioleed. We had supposed some flocks were ahead of
us, five or six sheep having been picked up by the Kafflé, while
still alive, but unable to walk, and had, therefore, been left to
perish. At twelve the camels arrived, having travelled twenty hours,
or above forty-eight miles, south-south-west. The wind was south
during the whole day, bringing with it such showers of burning
sand, as almost to smother us. We frequently lost our track, and
were unable to distinguish objects at the distance even of a few
yards. The flatness of the country offering no opposition to the
wind, we were exposed to all its fury. The little children of the
liberated negroes walked all this day, suffering most severely, their
heads being shaved, and constantly exposed to the burning heat of
the sun. One of the poor women was taken in labour in the afternoon,
and we were obliged to tie her on a camel to prevent her falling
off, and being left on the road to perish. We had arrived at this
place so late at night as to be unable to prepare any thing to eat.
April 26th.—Started at seven, A.M. leaving the camels to rest, and
the horsemen rode on for Zeighan زيغن, which place we reached
at ten, having passed over a rocky country. The village is walled,
and surrounded by a large forest of palms. We had here a most ample
quantity of provisions served up to us, and did great honour to
our meal. The camels arrived in the evening. Latitude of Zeighan,
27° 26′ north.
April 27th.—Moved on at 6 A.M. from Zeighan, passing over a barren
plain, having small basaltic hillocks; after travelling south 23°
west eight miles, arrived at Samnoo, سمنو, a village of the
same description, although larger, and rather more neatly walled
than the others. It has three tolerably built white-washed minarets,
rising to some height above the houses, which produce a very pleasing
appearance. These were the only minarets we had seen since we left
Tripoli. The houses are very neatly built, and the rooms are washed
with a yellow mud, instead of white-wash, which has a very pretty
effect. This town, as well as Zeighan, is famed for the number and
sanctity of its Marāboots; and I can vouch for their being the
best Arab cooks we had as yet met with. Palms encircle the town,
and the gardens are considered very good.
April 28th.—We left Samnoo at 7 P.M. riding, in the dark, over
a barren plain of gravel; and at midnight arrived at Temenhiut,
تمنحينت, where we found our tents ready pitched outside the
palms surrounding the town, which is but an inconsiderable one. Made
twenty miles south 75° west: Mukni told us he had never entered
the town, although he had encamped near it above twenty times.
April 29th.—We left this place at 4.30. P.M. and at 8 encamped
on a small plain.
April 30th.—Broke up our encampment at 7 A.M. and proceeded for
two hours over the hills, whence we descended a fine pass to a plain,
on which stands the town of Sebha; the singular appearance of which,
from the heights, was very picturesque. It is surrounded by groves
of palms, while the rest of the plain is a dreary desert. At 10
we arrived at the town, which rises like a little amphitheatre:
it is mud walled, and has a high square white-washed minaret to
its principal Mosque. All the male population came out to salute
the Sultan; and I observed that at this place the change of colour
began, the people here being Mulattoes. I remarked too, that the
greater part of their muskets had match-locks, and that not above
one in five went off. The houses appear in neat order, but very
low; and the walls are built in an irregular, but strong manner,
of mud. Mr. Ritchie made the latitude of Sebha 27° 3′ 8″ north.
May 1st.—The Sultan, after many disputes respecting money matters,
set off with us at 5.50. P.M. the camels having departed some
hours sooner. Our road, after passing the palms, was still, as it
had lately been, over a gravelly plain, having at intervals large
black detached stones lying on it. At midnight the horsemen stopped,
and at 1 A.M. the camels came up. We lay this night on a low plain,
amongst some small sand hills, which were quite barren. As the camels
arrived so late, there was great confusion in unloading them; and
the men were too much occupied to pay any attention to the ladies
in the Shiblias. Fatma, finding no helping hand near to assist her,
boldly attempted to uncoach herself; but the exertion, owing to her
excessive fat, caused her to fall, or rather roll off the camel,
to the great amusement of the Arabs.
May 2nd.—At 6.45. proceeded on our way, and at 12 came into a
wadey, having many palm bushes thickly growing about. A heavy sand
wind was blowing, and the sun was quite obscured by it. My horse,
taking fright at some object which he saw but indistinctly,
reared up, and fell back with me under him. Happily, I only
received a severe contusion on the arm. At 1.30. P.M. we arrived
at Ghroodwa, غرودوه, a miserable collection of mud huts,
containing about fifty people, who appeared a ragged drunken set,
as the immense number of tapped palm trees testified. From the ruins
of some large mud edifices, this place seems to have once been of
more importance. The palms, which extend for ten or fifteen miles
east and west, are the property of the Sultan, and appear in worse
condition than any we have seen.
May 3rd.—At 6.30. A.M. we left Ghroodwa, and again entered on
a barren stony plain; at 12 passed a small wadey called Wad el
nimmel, وادالنمّل, (or the valley of ants), from the immense
number of those insects, of a beautiful pink colour, which are found
there. At 6.40. P.M. we cleared this dreary waste, and entered on a
sandy plain, which was in many places thickly encrusted with salt. A
few scattered palms, and some ill built and ruined huts, appeared
at intervals, betokening the greatest wretchedness. At 8 reached a
few buildings of this description, called Dgleim, ظليمر. At
11 the camels arrived. The inhabitants from all the neighbouring
villages had assembled here; and I really believe more powder was
expended at this place, than at any other we had passed through,
although their muskets could not have amounted altogether to more
than fifty. The Sultan repeatedly called out, “Enough, Enough!”
but the natives only answered by fresh discharges, and exclaiming,
“We have plenty of powder.” As I was walking across the little
space in which they were exercising, one of the shooters, to do
me honour, fired his piece at my legs, which being bare, received
above a dozen coarse grains, like small shot. I bled a little,
which quite frightened the man, lest he should be discovered. I,
however, made light of it, and rubbed myself with salt and water.
The dancing ladies were indefatigable; and when I went to sleep
at midnight, were making as much noise, and were as active as
ever. Mr. Ritchie’s horse had for the last four or five days
entirely failed him, and was unable even to keep pace with the
camels: he did not come up with us until a little after midnight. As
we were only at the distance of three hours from Morzouk, many of
the people were occupied during the night in preparations for their
entry into the capital.
May 4th.—At 7 A.M. having shaved, washed, and adorned ourselves
in the finest clothes which we had at hand, we started. Mukni,
however, unwilling that his new Mamlukes should be less fine than
his own people, sent for two splendid bornouses, which he lent to
Mr. Ritchie and myself for this grand occasion, making us ride on
the right and left of him. Travelling over a desert plain, until
9.30. A.M. west by south, we entered the palm groves and gardens
of Morzouk; we then saw a large body of horse and foot advancing,
with three silk flags. When the horsemen came within five hundred
yards of us, they set off at full speed, and on joining our party,
threw themselves from their horses, and ran to kiss the Sultan’s
hand. His eldest son, Sidi Aleiwa, سيدي عليوه, headed them;
and after he had performed the same salutation, they all remounted
and joined in the procession. On approaching the town we were joined
by the dancers, drummers, and pipers. Two men stationed themselves
on each side of the Sultan, bearing fans of ostrich feathers, with
which they beat off the flies which incommoded him. We entered
the town at 10.30. A.M. preceded by the led horses, and six silk
flags. The horsemen having formed in two lines, in which I joined
them, skirmished until we came to the gate.
CHAPTER III.
ARRIVAL AT MORZOUK.
Mode of travelling across the Desert — Interview with the Sultan
— Description of Morzouk — Population — Castle of the Sultan
— Illness and severe Distress of the Author and his Companions —
Arrival of a Kafflé of Tuarick — Fast of Rhamadan — Departure
of an Expedition to obtain Slaves from the Country of Borgoo —
Diseases of the Inhabitants, and the Native Methods of Cure — Feast
of Aidel Shraya — Observations on the Tuarick — Their Religion,
Dress, Customs, and Language — Ghraat — Its Government, Laws,
and Trade — Market there — Arrival of a Kafflé from Bornou
with Slaves — Information respecting Bornou and the surrounding
Countries, as collected from the Traders — Of Kashna and Soudan,
in general — Account of Hornemann and his Death — Tembuctoo
— General Remarks on the Geography of the Interior, and probable
Course of the Niger — Vocabulary of the Fellātta Language —
Conjectures on the Fate of Park.
On our entry into the town, the soldiers raced up a very broad
street, firing and shouting, whilst the women uttered their shrill
cry; and the scene was altogether highly interesting. On passing a
large open space, before we reached the castle and walls surrounding
it, we were saluted from two six-pounders. We did not enter the
castle itself, but were conducted to a large house within its outward
boundary, which had been prepared for our reception. An old Mamluke,
Hadje Mahmoud حاج محمود took charge of us, and having passed
our threshold “in the name of God,” brought us a hot mess and
a large mat. We waited until the afternoon, and were then conducted
to pay our respects to the Sultan, and to be introduced to his son,
a boy of about thirteen years of age, born of a slave of Soudan. We,
in our turn, were visited by a great number of people; who had, in
the space of a few hours, informed themselves, very sagaciously,
that we were great men, and had brought 30,000 dollars with us;
when, in truth, we had only 300 (which were in Mukni’s hands),
and knew not where to procure more. Our horses, which were much
fatigued and very thin, were fed from the castle.
We had been thirty-nine days in coming from Tripoli; the road, with
the exception of the immediate vicinity of the towns, was a dreary
desert, having but few wells, and those of salt water. Nothing could
have been more fortunate than our travelling with the Sultan; our
difficulties must otherwise have been very great. Mukni, to do him
justice, showed us every attention; and we always partook of his
meals when in the towns. I was his constant companion, and being
of a less sedate disposition than Mr. Ritchie, he always invited me
to ride by him, generally treating me with some cakes or dainties,
which he carried with him. In return, I allowed him a draught from
my water-skin. He spoke a little Italian, and amused himself much
by asking questions about my country, of the wealth and grandeur
of which he had formed very exalted ideas; particularly respecting
the funds, or _banco_, as he called it. He certainly evinced a
great desire to lodge some of his property, in this manner, in
England, provided he could arrange it privately; it being against
the Mahommedan religion to receive interest.
When I told him that English women were allowed to have money
in their own power, and that some of them had immense fortunes,
he seemed scarcely to credit me. He was much astonished at being
told, that young men often did not marry until they had arrived at
25 or 30 years of age: this he considered as highly improper; but
in some degree reconciled it to his way of thinking, by supposing
that they must, in that case, have a great number of concubines,
and that they only married those who brought them children. He did
not find fault with our customs in that respect, as he had, himself,
only one wife; but he had 50 Negresses, which was considered a very
moderate allowance for a Sultan of Fezzan. He frequently asked me how
natural children were disposed of, when it was requisite to conceal
their birth from the parents of the offending parties. His pointed
manner of questioning me on this subject led me to some suspicion
of his motives for the inquiry; and I afterwards discovered, from
several of his people, that he invariably caused to be strangled
all babes born of his Negresses by other men, and that it was the
general custom at Tripoli, to poison illegitimate infants in the
womb. The mother of little Yussuf, his son, had a child about a
year since, perfectly black. Mukni being satisfied it could not
be his, sent for the suspected father, and made him strangle the
infant: the mother was allowed to return to her own country, which
was considered a great piece of lenity, death being usually the
punishment for such an offence.
Our travelling pace was a walk of the horses, which generally got
considerably in advance of the camels. At noon, or about that time,
if we could find a tree, we stopped under it; if not, we sat under
the shadow of our horses. The Sultan was grand victualler, and
generally produced a bag of bread or dates, or the remains of his
dinner of the day before. Each one then had a portion, not sufficient
to be called a dinner, but to break his fast; and after eating, and
drinking a few mouthfuls of water, stretched himself out, and slept
until the camels came up: the party then mounted and rode on. These
rests were very refreshing to the men and horses; but the loaded
camels never made any stop, neither did the poor Negroes, who, with
their wives and even little children, plodded on the whole day, over
a burning soil, sometimes for twenty, and often for sixteen hours,
whenever want of water made a forced march necessary. Several of
the smallest of the black children, though probably not more than
four or five years of age, walked for many hours with great strength
in the early part of the day, having but a few rags to cover them,
and when unable to proceed further, were put on the camels for the
remainder of the day. One of our party, a poor old man, totally
blind, arrived safe at Morzouk from Tripoli. He had walked all the
way over the rocks and plains, led by his wife, and was kept alive
by the hope of once more hearing the voices of his countrymen.
When we stopped for the night, it was generally so contrived that we
should lie in some spot where bushes might be found for the camels
to browse upon; but even though there might be no wood or herbage,
a wadey was always preferred, as more sheltered. Our tents were
pitched, if the ground was sufficiently soft to admit the pegs,
and our bales and chests so placed, as to form a shelter for those
who had no tents; affording a bulwark against the wind and sand. The
little resistance offered by any intervening objects to the winds
of the desert, renders them very powerful, and the stillness of
the night, in blowing weather, is particularly awful. The tents
are no sooner pitched, than the camels are turned out to feed on
the thin and scattered bushes, and parties go to collect wood; the
horses are hobbled, watered from the skins, and then fed. Should
there be no wood, camels’ dung is an excellent substitute, as it
burns like peat, and forms a very glowing fire. A hole is dug in
the ground, and three stones so placed, as to support the little
copper pot. Cusscussou or Bazeen is then prepared. The Sultanesses
are no contemptible cooks, and they made every evening an excellent
supper for their master. When no fire is to be had, Zumeeta is
prepared with water and oil, and so eaten. We usually managed,
in an evening, to make a little coffee, of which Mukni always came
and partook; and as soon as he left the tent, his slaves and people
generally succeeded him, wishing also to taste some. If we had time,
we occasionally drank a cup of it in the morning fasting, which we
found, in the most sultry weather, prevented thirst. I observed,
that we never required water if we abstained from eating in the
early part of the day, and I thus account for the Arabs drinking
so little: on the contrary, if any quantity of water is taken
on an empty stomach, the person who indulges in it suffers great
thirst for the remainder of the day. When hot, it is much better
to drink from the palm of the hand, which prevents the possibility
of taking too great a draught at once. It is very refreshing after
a long day’s journey, to be well oiled all over; and a wet cloth
applied to the back of the neck relieves the fulness of the head,
after being many hours exposed to the sun.—Horses should not be
brought near the wells until it is their turn to drink; if they are
kept in sight of the water, without being able to reach it, they
frequently become furious, and many of them greedily devour the mud.
The water is generally carried on camels set apart for that purpose,
and having no other loads. The usual quantity is six gerbas, or
water-skins, three on each side, one slung above the other. Each
of these skins is about fifty pounds in weight when full. Should
the Kafflé expect to be four or six days without finding water,
every camel which carries goods, has, in addition to its load, a skin
on each side. In fact, horses generally occasion more trouble to a
caravan than any thing else. The immense quantity of water necessary
to be taken for them is always averaged at one camel for each horse,
not including other loads of corn or dates for their food.
Nothing can be more overpowering than the south wind, El Gibli
قبلي, or the east, El Shirghi الشرقي; each of which is
equally to be dreaded. In addition to the excessive heat and dryness
of these winds, they are so impregnated with sand, that the air is
darkened by it, the sky appears of a dusky yellow, and the sun is
barely perceptible. The eyes become red, swelled, and inflamed;
the lips and skin parched and chopped; while severe pain in the
chest is very generally felt, in consequence of the quantities of
sand unavoidably inhaled. Nothing, indeed, is able to resist the
unwholesome effects of this wind. On opening our boxes, we found
that many little articles, and some of our instruments, which had
been carefully packed, were entirely split and destroyed. Gales of
the kind here described generally continue ten or twelve hours, yet
when a change takes place, the air seems so fresh and delightful,
that the miseries of the sand-wind are soon forgotten. We sometimes
met people on our road, who invariably at parting recited the Fatha,
each one religiously stroking his beard as soon as he had concluded
this prayer.
Being now settled for a time in Morzouk, we went about, in order
to become better acquainted with the people. Mr. Ritchie made
magnificent presents to the Sultan and his sons, and every thing
seemed to promise well, except that we had but little money, and
were obliged to live in a most economical manner on corn, and seldom
able to afford meat; having not only ourselves but our black servant
and four horses to feed.
We had now acquired some little knowledge of the language, when,
on the first Friday after our arrival, Mukni sent to tell us that
he intended going to the Mosque at the Asr عسر, or afternoon
prayers, and that he expected to see us there. As this was to
be Mr. Ritchie’s first appearance in a Mosque, we had no sooner
dressed ourselves in our best clothes than we practised the necessary
prostrations, until we heard the crier call to prayers, when our old
Mamluke came to conduct us to the church. We found a large assembly
sitting in rows on mats, our places being in front. The Sultan soon
after entered with his guards, and the Mosque was instantly filled
with a strong smell of attar of roses, which his Majesty used in
large quantities. Mr. Ritchie and myself got through our part very
well, and after the service was over, waited at the door to see
the Sultan mount and return to the Castle.
His horse, richly caparisoned, was led to an earthen seat,
from which he mounted, three led horses preceding him. He was
surrounded by his armed slaves, and fanned by men with ostrich
feathers; and thus proceeded, slowly, and amidst an immense crowd,
to the Castle, a distance of about five hundred yards. When arrived
there, he remained for a few minutes in the court-yard, seated in
his state chair, and receiving the homage of his subjects, leaning
on two of his principal people; he then ascended into the Castle,
where we followed him, and were allowed to sit on the same carpet as
himself. He here paid to Mr. Ritchie the three hundred dollars which
he owed him, and at the same time made most flattering promises about
assisting us at any future period in money matters. We implicitly
believed his professions, and left the Castle much delighted at
possessing such a friend in one, who, had he been ill-disposed,
had so much power to injure us.
At our return home, on examining our stock of eatables, we found
that we had been robbed of a large sack of rice, another of flour,
and a great quantity of cusscussou. From our hardware we missed one
pistol, both locks of a double-barrelled gun, and several bags of
shot. We made instant complaint to Mukni, who promised that every
inquiry should be made for the stolen articles, and that they should,
if found, be faithfully returned to us. We laid in a stock of dates
for our horses, and commenced keeping house on our own account.
Our habitation was a very good one, and as all the large houses
are built on nearly the same plan, I may, by describing this,
give an idea of all the rest. A large door, sufficiently high to
admit a camel, opened into a broad passage, or Skeefa سكيفه;
on one side of which was a tolerable stable for five horses; and
close to it a small room for the slaves, whose duty it might be
to attend the house. A door opposite to that of the stable opened
into the Kowdi كودي, or large square room, the roof of which,
at the height of eighteen feet, was supported by four palm-trees as
pillars. In the centre of the roofing was a large open space, about
twelve feet by nine; from this the house and rooms receive light
(not to mention dust), and excessive heat in the afternoon. At the
end of the room, facing the door, a large seat of mud was raised,
about eighteen inches high, and twelve feet in length. Heaps of
this description, though higher, are found at the doors of most
houses, and are covered with loungers in the cool of the morning
and evening. Our large room was fifty feet by thirty-nine. From
the sides, doors opened into smaller ones, which might be used as
sleeping or store-rooms, but were generally preferred for their
coolness. Their only light was received from the door. Ascending
a few steps, there was a kind of gallery over the side rooms,
and in it were two small apartments, but so very hot as to be
almost useless. From the large room was a passage leading to a
yard, having also small houses attached to it in the same manner,
and a well of comparatively good water. The floors were of sand,
and the walls of mud roughly plastered, and showing every where
the marks of the only trowel used in the country—the fingers of
the right hand. There are no windows to any of the houses; but some
rooms have a small hole in the ceiling, or high up in the wall.
Morzouk is a walled town, containing about 2500 inhabitants, who are
blacks, and who do not, like the Arabs, change their residence. The
walls are of mud, having round buttresses, with loopholes for
musketry, rudely built, but sufficiently strong to guard against
attack: they are about fifteen feet in height, and at the bottom
eight feet in thickness, tapering, as all walls in this country do,
towards the top. The town has seven gates, four of which are built
up in order to prevent the people escaping when they are required
to pay their duties. A man is appointed by the Sultan to attend
each of these gates, day and night, lest any slaves or merchandize
should be smuggled into the town. The people, in building the walls
and houses, fabricate a good substitute for stones, (which are not
to be found in these parts), by forming clay into balls, which they
dry in the sun, and use with mud as mortar: the walls are thus made
very strong; and, as rain is unknown, durable also. The houses,
with very few exceptions, are of one story, and those of the poorer
sort receive all their light from the doors: these are so low, as to
require stooping nearly double to enter them; but the large houses
have a capacious outer door; which is sufficiently well contrived,
considering the bad quality of the wood that composes them. Thick
palm planks, of four or five inches in breadth, (for the size and
manner of cutting a tree will not afford more) have a square hole
punched through them at the top and bottom, by which they are firmly
wedged together, with thick palm sticks; wet thongs of camels’
hide are then tied tightly over them, which, on drying, draw the
planks more strongly and securely together. There are no hinges to
the doors; but they turn on a pivot, formed on the last plank near
the wall, which is always the largest on that account. The locks
and keys are very large and heavy, and of curious construction. The
houses are generally built in little narrow streets; but there
are many open spaces, entirely void of buildings, and covered
with sand, on which the camels of the traders remain. Many palms
grow in the town, and some houses have small square enclosures,
in which are cultivated a few red peppers and onions. The street
of entrance is a broad space of at least a hundred yards, leading
to the wall that surrounds the castle, and is extremely pretty:
here the horsemen have full scope to display their abilities when
they skirmish before the Sultan. The castle itself is an immense mud
building, rising to the height of eighty or ninety feet, with little
battlements on the walls (a fancy of the present Sultan’s); and
at a distance really looks warlike. Like all the other buildings,
it has no pretensions to regularity: the lower walls are fifty or
sixty feet in thickness; the upper taper off to about four or five
feet. In consequence of the immense mass of wall, the apartments are
very small, and few in number. The rooms occupied by the Sultan are
of the best quality, (that is to say, comparatively), for the walls
are tolerably smooth, and white-washed, and have ornamental daubs
of red paint in blotches, by way of effect. His couch is spread
on the ground, and his visitors squat down on the sandy floor at a
respectful distance; we, however, were always honoured by having a
corner of the carpet offered to us. The best and most airy part of
the castle is occupied by the women, who have small rooms round
a large court, in which they take exercise, grind corn, cook,
and perform other domestic offices. The number called Kibere, or
great ladies, seldom exceeds six. This dignified title is generally
given to the mothers of the Sultan’s children, or to those, who,
having once been great favourites, are appointed governesses to the
rest. There are, on the whole, about fifty young women, all black
and very comely; and from what stolen glances we could obtain, they
appeared extremely well dressed. They are guarded by five eunuchs,
who keep up their authority by occasionally beating them. The Sultan
has three sons and two daughters, who live with him in this cage,
the doors of which are locked at night, and the keys brought to
him, so that he remains free from any fear of attack. The castle
is entered by a long winding passage in the wall, quite dark and
very steep. At the door is a large shed, looking on a square space,
capable of containing three or four hundred men closely huddled
together. Under this shed is a great chair of state (once finely
gilt and ornamented), with a patchwork quilt thrown over it; and
behind it are the remains of two large looking-glasses. In this
chair the Sultan receives homage every Friday, before he ascends the
castle, after returning from the Mosque. This place is the Mejlees,
مبولبس, and was the scene of all the cruelties practised by
Mukni when he first took possession of the country.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
THE CASTLE OF MORZOUK.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which,
I conceive, in a great measure, promote the advance of the summer
fevers and agues. The burying-places are outside the walls, and are
of considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments
are formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of
cloth tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich
eggs. One of the burying-places is for slaves, who are laid very
little below the surface; and in some parts the sand has been so
carried away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing
to the want of wood, no coffins are used; the bodies are merely
wrapped in a mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches,
over which the earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth
falls in; and the graves are easily known by being concave instead
of convex. The place where the former Sultans are buried is a plain
near the town; their graves are only distinguished from those of
other people by having a larger proportion of broken pots scattered
about them. It is a custom for the relations of the deceased to
visit, and occasionally to recite a prayer over the grave, or to
repeat a verse of the Koran. Children never pass within sight of
the tombs of their parents without stopping to pay this grateful
tribute of respect to their memory. Animals are never buried, but
thrown on mounds outside the walls, and there left. The excessive
heat soon dries up all their moisture, and prevents their becoming
offensive; and the hair remains on them, so that they appear like
preserved skins.
May 15th.—I was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined
me to my bed during twenty-two days, and reduced me to the last
extremity. Our little party was at this time miserably poor, for we
had only money sufficient for the purchase of corn to keep us alive,
and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill a pigeon
in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our little
community, and from that time it rarely happened that one or two
of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the
water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive
heat and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery; and
when it did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who
had seen me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for
me to survive. I was no sooner convalescent, than Mr. Ritchie fell
ill, and was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever,
accompanied with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys,
for which he required repeated cupping. When a little recovered, he
got up for two days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled
and alarming violence. He rejected every thing but water; and,
excepting about three hours in the afternoon, remained either
constantly asleep, or in a delirious state. Even had he been capable
of taking food, we had not the power of purchasing any which could
nourish or refresh him. Our money was now all expended, and the
Sultan’s treacherous plans to distress us, which daily became too
apparent, were so well arranged, that we could not find any one to
buy our goods. For six entire weeks we were without animal food,
subsisting on a very scanty portion of corn and dates. Our horses
were mere skeletons, added to which, Belford became totally deaf,
and so emaciated as to be unable to walk.
My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy apprehensions;
for I reflected that, if my two companions were to die, which there
was every reason to apprehend, I had no money with which to bury
them, or to support myself; and must in that case have actually
perished from want, in a land of comparative plenty. My naturally
sanguine mind, however, and above all, my firm reliance in that Power
which had so mercifully protected me on so many trying occasions,
prevented my giving way to despondency; and, Belford beginning
soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns in nursing and
attending on our poor companion. At this time, having no servant,
we performed for Mr. Ritchie and for ourselves the most menial
offices, Mr. Ritchie being wholly unable to assist himself.
Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and
whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our
forlorn situation, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off
our little store of rice and cusscussou, laughing at our complaints,
and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we
should otherwise have sought and obtained.
During the period of Mr. Ritchie’s illness, a Kafflé of Tuarick
arrived, on their way to Mecca; they had with them a Marāboot of
most extraordinary talent and sagacity, about fifteen years old. This
young saint was said never to look up, but to have his eyes either
fixed on the Koran, or on the ground. I managed to ride out to
visit this exalted personage, and found him a fat silly boy with
sore eyes, very dirty and ragged, and surrounded by Hadge Mahmoud
and a few others, with about the same share of intellect as himself,
who were listening with great admiration to his remarks.
The Sultan, on the arrival of this Kafflé, rode out in state to
see them, and supplied them with provisions during their stay. They
were about one hundred and fifty in number, and with the exception
of two tents of canvas, all the rest were of leather, supported by
sticks and the people’s baggage.
I shall speak at a future period of the Tuarick, their dress,
language, &c.
Rhamadan (the month in which Mohammed is said to have had his first
communication with the angel Gabriel) was announced on the 23d of
June, when the new moon appeared. The strictest fast was immediately
commenced before day, about three o’clock, until sunset at seven
P.M., sixteen hours; during this time no one drinks or eats, smokes
or chews tobacco, and even smelling perfume is considered as wicked,
as is swallowing the saliva.
The excessive heat which raged at this period (see Meteorological
register at the end of the volume) was the occasion of many very
serious illnesses amongst our friends and neighbours. Mr. Ritchie
being very unwell and in bed, was, in a manner, privileged to take
food or drink; but as Belford and myself were now much recovered, we
were obliged to be very cautious, only eating by stealth, and when
no one was likely to interrupt us. We had at this time a servant,
who was a very inquisitive fellow; and our artifices to get him
out of the way on these occasions would, by any but a blockhead
like himself, have been soon discovered: however, we not only got
safely through, but were fortunate enough to obtain credit for
keeping the fast with great strictness, and without exciting the
slightest suspicions of our stolen meals.
Hadje Mahmoud, a most religious old man, became very troublesome to
me, and was continually begging that I would call in some Marāboot
to pray over, and write prayers on Mr. Ritchie’s head and hands:
his delirium he attributed to the devil, and foretold that it would
not cease until we had put a sword, or some implement of iron,
under his head, Iblis being much alarmed at that metal. All these
plans I resisted as well as I could; but found much difficulty in
overcoming a strong desire he had to bring a plate with the names
of God written on it, which were to be washed off, and the inky
water given to the invalid to drink. Our poor patient, meanwhile,
regardless of what was passing, longed and asked only for a little
milk, which unhappily we were not able to procure; the Sultan,
although he had fifty goats, made so many excuses and difficulties
about affording us any, that we were obliged to give up all hopes
of gratifying him.
Great preparations were now making all over the kingdom, to forward
an expedition which the Sultan intended to send against the tribe
of the Tibboo Borgo, a country about a month S.E. Bodies of Arabs
arrived from Sockna, and the towns in that direction; a party of
horse also came from Benioleed, and Morzouk was all confusion. Sidi
Aleiwa, the Sultan’s eldest son, was to take the command. All the
men assembled to accompany him were quartered on the town’s-people,
who were obliged to feed them and their cattle twice a day.
I shall here mention the names of certain persons who came to see us,
and were really friendly towards us, in order to distinguish them
from numberless other visitors, who, at first, were very regular
in their attendance, but who vanished as soon as our sugar and
coffee were expended. Mohammed El Lizari حمداليزهاري
and Yussuf his brother were our two principal and real friends,
and were the sons of a Mamluke long since dead.
On Mukni’s coming to this country, he reduced them from a state
of affluence to complete poverty, leaving them their palms, the
only possessions of which he could not deprive them. The friendship
which these good men evinced for us was perfectly disinterested;
and when we were poor and nearly starving, they most humanely and
considerately conferred on us many acts of real kindness. Mohammed,
the elder brother, was obliged to prepare himself to go on the slave
hunt, much against his inclination, and was appointed to take charge
of the young Aleiwa.
Old Hadje Mahmoud, whom I have before mentioned, was another of our
friends, but rather less disinterested than the two former: he was
credulous, superstitious, and rather time-serving; but being our
neighbour, did us now and then a good office. His kindness, however,
certainly slackened after our poverty became but too apparent.
Mohammed ben Abd Alla was, for a length of time, our most constant
visitor. He was a Mamluke, born at Naples, and apostatised when
about ten years old. He remained some time at Tripoli; and, when
about eighteen years of age, was sent by the Bashaw as a present to
the former Sultan. He recollected but little of his native language;
was shrewd and lively, and was certainly employed by the Sultan as
a spy upon our actions. Having fully ascertained this circumstance,
we employed many tricks to deceive him, in which we completely
succeeded. One of his great points was, to discover for what reason
we came so far into the country, and whether we really were very
great men, as we were reported to be.
A report had been circulated that Mr. Ritchie was married to the
King of England’s daughter, and that I recently had married his
Majesty’s niece. As Mohammed affected to be acquainted with all
our affairs, we always denied our high connexions in such a manner
as to confirm, rather than to contradict, the reports. Our wealth
he imagined to be very considerable, until he found we ceased
to eat meat, and then his suspicions of our real situation were
awakened. As he became excessively importunate in his questions, I
at last undertook to frighten him, and after one or two preparatory
conversations, got him out on the sand one night when there was
no moon. I began talking of King Solomon and his seal, and related
to him as many horrible stories of ghosts as I could conjure up. I
told him that Mr. Ritchie and myself were Freemasons, and that we
understood the writing which was on our Lord Solomon’s seal. On
this subject I also invented tales, to convince him that Freemasons
were acquainted with every thing. I took him home with me, and
(Mr. Ritchie being on that evening pretty well) desired him to
mention some words to me, which I would, with his hand over my
mouth, convey across the room. I accordingly spelt the words with
my fingers, and Mr. Ritchie, to Mohammed’s great astonishment,
repeated them aloud. A few repetitions of this plan made a sensible
alteration in our inquisitive friend, who, from that time, gradually
ceased to intrude on us. Mohammed was particularly proud of his
high blood (being a Mamluke), boasting that his father (though an
unbeliever) was a very great man, and much in the confidence of the
King of Naples, whose revenues he collected, and had a large army
under his orders. He also recollected his having fine laced clothes,
and riding a horse. We were often much puzzled to guess who this
great personage could be, when one evening, by way of surprising
and delighting us, he, with great gravity, informed us that his
father was a caporale, or, in plain English, a corporal!
On the 12th of July, the army all being in readiness, amounting to
about 300 horse and 800 foot, with nearly 2000 camels, set out for
Gutrone, from whence they were to make their final departure. Mukni
accompanied them; and the town was left in a state of quiet we
had never before observed. The charge of the castle was committed
to old Hadge Mahmoud, who locked the females up every evening at
sunset. Mukni, who was not considered to be a very religious person,
was much blamed for setting out during the fast of Rhamadan; and
some, who knew we should not betray their opinions, said, that
his only reason for choosing such a time was, that he might have
an excuse for eating, which is allowed by the Koran to travellers
and sick persons; provided they make amends when they are able,
by fasting in some other month.
Many people came to us to beg for medicines; and Mr. Ritchie being
unable to attend to their wants, I became their physician, having a
medical book constantly at hand to refer to in difficult cases. My
medicines sometimes succeeded, and I must say, that where I could
not afford relief, I never attempted any experiments which could
injure my patients. I shall here state the most prevalent disorders,
with the method of cure employed by the inhabitants:
_Diseases._ _Method of Cure._
Liver complaint, frequently fatal Burning with a hot iron.
Enlargement of the spleen, ditto Ditto.
Asthma, ditto Ditto.
Consumption, ditto Ditto.
Burning the temples, and putting
Blindness pieces of onion between the
eyelids.
Rupture Burning.
Fever and ague, called Hemma Charms drank in water.
Venereal Purges of colocynth, and washes
of soda. Effectual.
Strictures Burning.
Ghonorrhæa Purges and burning.
Palsy Charms.
I saw one instance of elephantiasis. The man afflicted with it
was a native of Morzouk. His right leg was very much swoln, and he
said it had been in that state for more than a year, and was still
increasing in size. He said it gave him no pain, but much incommoded
him in working. His complexion appeared sallow and shrivelled;
but his leg was red, and the skin shining.
I was now considered as a doctor, and my character, in consequence,
became established; although my knowledge was certainly confined
within a very narrow compass, and extended no farther than bleeding,
blistering, and preparing a simple dose of physic.
On the 22nd of July Mukni returned, having seen his son safe on his
way. Rhamadan’s sun was now set; and on the 23rd instant, early
in the morning, the moon was visible. It would be impossible to
describe the joy which this sight occasioned, after thirty days’
fasting. Every body was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns,
eating and drinking.
Mr. Ritchie was now beginning to recover, and was able to sit
up a little, after having been confined fifty-eight days to his
bed. At noon, having ornamented myself and my poor lean horse as
well as I could, I joined the procession which was to ride round
the town. The Sultan and his two youngest sons, covered with rich
clothes, rode first, with flags, led horses, and music. All the
people, who remained behind from the army, were dressed in their
finest habits; and we thus proceeded to a small building near the
tombs of the former Sultans. On arriving there we dismounted, and
I entered with the Sultan and one or two more. The Kadi stood in a
niche, from which he could be seen by all the people on the plain,
and recited the usual prayers; after which he read many passages from
the Koran, expressly relating to Rhamadan. All the prayers being
finished, every one embraced his neighbour, and congratulated him
on the happy termination of the fast. Such kissing I never before
witnessed. All who were capable of crowding into this house kissed
the hand of Mukni, and welcomed him with the word of joy, Mabrook el
Aïd! “Welcome the feast!” I was allowed to salute his shoulder,
perhaps because he knew I would not pay that compliment to his
hand. We then remounted, and rode round the town in great state,
leaving the Kadi to kill a fat sheep as a sacrifice. I was much
amused at sight of the little boys, all dressed in their fathers’
clothes, which trailed along the ground as they walked, and had
a most ludicrous appearance. Some had only a rich jacket on, which
hung on them like a great coat; and all wore turbans over their usual
red caps. Every donkey was in requisition, and those which had the
longest backs bore the greatest quantity of elegant riders. The joy
depicted on every countenance, the fineness of the weather, and the
novelty of the scene, was really very striking. Clothes were worn
on this day which had never been used but on similar occasions; and
many a Kaftan revisited the light, which had belonged to the great
grandfather of the wearer. This feast is the Bairam of the Turks,
and lasts three days; during which, the people, in their finest
garments, receive and pay visits of ceremony. Every afternoon the
Sultan rides out in state. Even the most needy manage on this grand
occasion to get a little camels’ flesh, and sometimes mutton.
The great people (as commanded by their religion) give food to the
poor, who take care to come in immense crowds to demand it. We were
obliged to expend two of our remaining dollars, and to distribute
camels’ flesh. However, it really was appropriated to those
who most wanted it; as I sent for the negroes who accompanied
our Kafflé from Tripoli, and who were without friends or money,
and divided it amongst them. One necessary attendant on charity is,
that the person who bestows it should go and boast of his good deeds
to all the world. I was found much fault with by our neighbour for
not sitting outside the door to distribute the flesh, (Mr. Ritchie
being too weak to attend for that purpose), so that every one should
see me—a piece of ostentation which our neighbour did not omit; and
in only giving pieces about the size of a walnut to each applicant,
of whom there were great numbers, he certainly extended his charity
farther than we did.
Many parties of Tuarick came with their slaves and goods, during the
last month, (July), from Kashna, Aghades, and Ghraat. They are the
finest race of men I ever saw; tall, straight, and handsome, with a
certain air of independence and pride, which is very imposing. They
are generally white, that is to say, comparatively so; the dark
brown of their complexions only being occasioned by the heat of
the climate. Their arms or bodies, (where constantly covered),
are as white as those of many Europeans. Their costume is very
remarkable, and they cover their faces as high as the eyes, in
the manner of women on the sea-coast. Their original motive for so
doing is now forgotten; but they say it must be right, as it was
the fashion of their forefathers. This covering extends as high
as half way up the bridge of the nose, from whence it hangs down
below the chin on the breast, much in the same way (but longer)
as crape or lace is hung to a lady’s half mask. This cloth
is generally of blue glazed cotton; but yellow, red, white, and
many other colours are worn according to taste, or the ability
of the wearer to purchase them. The beard is kept close clipped,
so as not to interfere with the covering which is tied behind;
their red caps are generally very high, but some wear yellow or
green ones, fitted close to the head: others have no caps at all,
but leave their hair to grow, and plait it in long tresses. All
wear turbans, which are never of any fixed colour: blue is the most
common and cheap; but gaudy hues are preferred. A large loose shirt
(having the sleeves the same size as the body), called Tobe, is the
common dress; it is of cotton, generally blue, or blue and white,
and is of their own manufacture, although some wear those of Soudan,
which are considered the best that are made. The merchants generally
dress very gaudily while in the towns, wearing kaftans of bright red
cloth, or very gay silk and cotton striped, which they procure from
the Tripoline traders. A leather kaftan is also much worn, of their
own manufacture, as are leather shirts of the skins of antelopes,
very neatly sewed, and well prepared. Their trowsers are not made
so full as those of the Moors, as they would in that case be much
encumbered in riding their maherries: they rather resemble those
called Cossack trowsers, and are made of cotton stuff, dark blue
being the most common. Their sandals are the most elegant part of
their dress, being made of black leather, with scarlet thongs to
brace them to the feet. The ornamental needle-work on the inside
of the sole is really admirable. They all wear a whip, hanging
from a belt passed over the left shoulder by the right side. Their
swords are straight and of great length, and they wield them with
much ease and dexterity. From the left wrist is suspended a dagger,
with the hilt towards the hand; it has a broad leather ring attached
to the scabbard, and through this the hand is passed. No Tuarick
is ever seen without this appendage, and a light elegant spear,
sometimes entirely of iron, inlaid with brass; others are of wood,
but are also highly ornamented. These weapons are about six feet
in length, and are thrown to a great distance. In making war,
they have three longer and heavier spears, and a strong lance,
which are fastened behind the saddle. A long gun is also generally
carried; and these people are considered sure marksmen. They are,
if possible, more superstitious than the natives of Fezzan; some
of them being literally covered with charms against disorders and
accidents, which they wear round their arms, legs, necks, across the
breast, and in fact wherever they can find a place for them. Their
spears and guns have also their due allowance, and in the folds of
the turbans are always hidden a number of holy writings. Some wear
large silver cases tied round the head, containing charms against
the devil. Their language is the Breber, or original African tongue,
still spoken in the mountains behind Tunis, in some parts of Morocco,
and at Sockna, where it is called Ertana. On a future occasion I
shall give a small vocabulary of it. They are very proud of the
antiquity of their language, which some have told me was spoken by
Noah, in preference to any other. They never kiss the hand as other
Mohammedans do, not even that of the Sultan himself, but advance,
and, taking the hand, shake it, and then retire, standing erect,
and looking him full in the face—a striking contrast of manners
to that of the natives of Fezzan. No people have more aversion to
washing than the Tuarick generally have; some, after having equipped
themselves in a new suit of blue, become so stained for a time as to
appear of the same complexion as their garments. Even in performing
their necessary purifications, which require that a man should
wash in a particular way before his prayers, they avoid water,
and make use of sand. Many attempts were made by us to discover
the reason why they kept themselves in such a dirty state; but to
all our inquiries we obtained nearly the same answers: “God never
intended that man should injure his health, if he could avoid it:
water having been given to man to drink, and cook with, it does
not agree with the skin of a Tuarick, who always falls sick after
much washing.” There are some, however, who do wash, and ridicule
the dirty ones; but these are comparatively few. They are Moslem,
and their prayers are in Arabic, of which language many do not
understand a syllable; those who do pray (and there are many who
do not) only repeat their belief, viz. “There is no God but God,
and Mohammed is his prophet,” and know very little besides of their
religion. They inhabit that immense tract of country, known in maps
under the name of Sahara, or the Great Desert, and are of numerous
tribes, some of whom have no settled habitations, but wander like
the Arabs, and subsist by plunder. They are not cruel on these
occasions, provided they meet with no resistance; but should the
party attacked attempt to defend themselves, their death is certain.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TUARICK IN A SHIRT OF LEATHER. TUARICK OF AGHADES.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
The Tuarick, or more properly tribes of them, are always at war with
the Soudan states, and carry off from them incalculable numbers of
slaves. They are so completely masters of their weapons, and so
very courageous, that they are much dreaded, which enables them
to traverse unmolested, and in very small bodies, countries full
of armed people. Each tribe has some peculiarity in its dress,
or manner of riding and making war. The nearest Tuarick to Fezzan
are at Ghraat, which is ten days from Morzouk, and from Oubari,
the most western village in the Wadey Shiati. Near Sebha (see map)
it is seven days west by south.
Ghraat, غرعت is a walled town, having houses in streets, and
built of stone and mud, in the same manner as Morzouk. It is twenty
days from Tuat, طوات and five days from Ganat, which place is
not, as has been generally supposed, a town, but merely a country
producing dates, and having a few scattered huts and gardens,
the wells of which are salt.
Ghadams, غدامس is twenty days north-west of Ghraat. At about
the distance of five or six miles from the latter, is a town called
El Berkaat, البركعت famous for the quantity and fineness
of the grapes produced there. It is also a walled town, but rather
smaller than its neighbour, which may be about the size of Sockna.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TUARICKS OF GHRAAT.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Ghraat is built partly on a plain, and partly on a steep hill
side. It is closely surrounded by high mountains, which are
perfectly barren: the plains are not sandy, but gravel. The Sheikh
is there called Sultan, and his name is Bel Gassem. He receives but
a precarious revenue, and that only from the settled inhabitants,
who are called Ghratïa. The Tuarick show no respect to him, and pay
no duties. They are generally wanderers, leaving only a few of each
tribe in the country; but they never settle any where else. They are
of the tribes Heggār, حقار, Booghrasāten, بوغراساتن,
Menghrāata, منغرعت, and Haïoon, حيون; which last people
are famed for sanctity, and there are but few of them who have not
performed the pilgrimage to the Holy House. They are settled in the
country, and seldom go to the negro kingdoms to trade. The Sultan
has not the power of life and death; cannot alter or make laws;
and is directed by an assembly of the elders of the people, who
always try offences of a criminal nature, and then submit their
sentence to him for his approval. He cannot even resolve on any
measure of importance without first obtaining the permission of
those elders. Neither in his dress, mode of living, or habitation,
is he distinguished from the common people; and he walks about and
trades by himself without attracting any notice. The Sultanship
is hereditary, and not being a very desirable office, occasions no
wars for the succession.
The Ghrātïa allow strangers to sit and converse with their wives
and daughters, who seldom are known to abuse the liberty allowed
them. They are said to be fine looking women, and inclined to
corpulency. These people are reputed to be rich, from their constant
trade with Soudan, and from having no one to deprive them of their
gains. Provisions of all kinds are exorbitantly dear. The dates
are not plentiful, and of a very inferior quality. They grow but
little corn, and procure more from Morzouk in exchange for slaves,
gold, or other merchandize.
The Tuarick of the tribes frequenting Ghraat are insatiable and
unwearied beggars, generally securing possession, and then begging
the thing taken as a present.
There is annually in the spring a great market, to which dealers
from all the neighbouring countries resort in great numbers. The
Ghadamsines bring swords, guns, powder, flints, lead and iron ware,
also a few articles of clothing. The Soudan traders bring slaves,
cotton cloths, skins, gold, civet, shears, daggers, water skins,
Goroo nuts, &c.: the Fezzan merchants a mixed cargo of such goods
as they procure from Tripoli or Egypt. Slaves and camels, dates
and corn, are always the principal articles of commerce, and in
great abundance. All traders have a tribute exacted from them by the
Tuarick of the country. Clothing, some powder, or any small article,
franks a Kafflé; and if a single trader goes, the same is expected
from him: friends only being allowed to pass free. This tribute is
called “safety money,” and once paid, the merchants are exempt
from farther demand. The Mamlukes of Morzouk, or people sent by
them, do not pay any thing, it being the interest of the Tuarick,
who constantly come to the capital, to keep on terms with them.
The manner of riding amongst these people is very singular. They
have swift, tall camels, called Maherry (the Herie of travellers),
with which they perform extraordinary journeys. The saddle is placed
on the withers, and confined by a band under the belly. It is very
small, and difficult to sit, which is done by balancing with the
feet against the neck of the animal, and holding a tight rein to
steady the head. They manage these creatures with great dexterity,
fighting when mounted on them, and firing at marks while at full
speed, which is a long trot, in which, the maherry can continue at
about nine miles an hour for many hours together. They do not much
esteem horses, and never buy them but for the purpose of exchanging
them for slaves in Soudan.
We had many visits from these extraordinary people, who came to
see us as curiosities, and minutely examined every thing we would
allow them to handle. The report which they had heard of our great
knowledge, and of our being able to look steadfastly at the sun,
or in other words, to take celestial observations, brought large
parties to our habitation, on whom we not unfrequently played a few
tricks. Phosphorus astonished them beyond all measure; kaleidoscopes,
and the camera obscura, also excited great amazement; but the compass
was quite beyond their comprehension, so much so, that they generally
were afraid to touch it. Our arms were more suited to their taste,
and they took much pleasure in handling them. The pistols with stop
locks were looked upon with great reverence, and a sword which
I had, with a pistol in the handle, was considered so valuable,
that I might have purchased with it a couple of Negresses. Our
having a stock of medicines was a sufficient inducement for all
our visitors to find themselves very ill, and to imagine not one,
but every disorder of the country. One man had bad eyes; if he
succeeded in getting something to relieve them, the whole party
all began immediately to blink, and affect to be half blind, hoping
also to get some medicine. Another had a liver complaint; the rest
then were all so ill as to be unable to walk or to speak without a
great many ejaculatory oh’s; and so on, until they had exhausted
the whole chapter of ailments. We at first gave them medicine, but
soon discovered it was a preconcerted plan to impose on us, and
that when one set had obtained what they wanted, another brought
forward a friend or two, who were exactly in the same miserable
and suffering state as themselves, and equally disposed to deceive
us. One begged a little physic to keep in store, another some sugar
just to taste, a small piece for their wives as a curiosity, and
a few lumps into the bargain for their children: a little writing
paper for charms, a handful of tobacco, one of our nice knives, or
a pair of scissars, or a little powder to show when they got home,
with many other et cæteras, until our patience being completely
exhausted, we were obliged, very unceremoniously, and much to their
astonishment, to push the whole party out of the house. Many amusing
incidents occurred on the score of medical knowledge, which showed
the implicit confidence reposed in us.
During Mr. Ritchie’s illness, an old man, aged eighty, came to
consult us about his back, which was very much bent, and had been so
for many years: he had seen us give a liniment to a person who had
sprained his ankle, which got well in a few days; and his request
was, that some of the same medicine might be given him to strengthen
his back, which, he said, was becoming very inconvenient to him. One
of the Tuarick, who had taken a very strong dose of salts, brought a
friend to interpret for him, as he understood but little Arabic, and
begged to be told what he was to do to stop the effects of the dose,
lest, not rightly understanding me, he might be in danger of dying
on the road. A Negress of the Sultan’s chief man being sick, sent
her armlet to Mr. Ritchie, by which he was to discover her disorder,
and to send her the requisite medicine. The Sultan’s own women
were continually sending little bottles for something to cause them
to bear children, and their emissaries sometimes whispered whether
it was a boy or girl that was desired. Mr. Ritchie prescribed for
the whole of the Sultan’s establishment, which, with the males
and females, might amount to at least a hundred. Numbers came or
sent daily with such an air of authority, as led us to suppose that
Mukni had spread a report of his paying liberally for Mr. Ritchie’s
attentions, which was not the case; on the contrary, we were all
day weighing out doses for the slaves, who never even thanked
us for our trouble; and when we were poor and destitute of every
comfort, Mukni never gave us the slightest assistance: if, however,
any of his family required charms for their disorders, the writers
were liberally rewarded, and the effect of the medicines always
attributed to those charms. When I commanded at the laboratory,
I took good care to give such doses as were not easily forgotten,
and, in consequence, none of his household ever after sent for
medicine, unless really ill. Many of the women required a great
deal of explanation, as to how any thing taken into the stomach
could relieve a head-ache. Purgatives were always despised in
comparison with emetics. The allowance which would suffice for a
strong European took no effect with them; but when a double dose
was given, it pleased so much, that many requests were made for
“Just such another dose as was given to such a one, which made him
so sick that he almost died.” The prevalent disorder when a man
wanted medicine for novelty’s sake was, being “ill all over.”
By the 20th August, Mr. Ritchie had tolerably recovered. Mukni
had several times, during his illness, talked publicly of his
great friendship for us, declaring, that if we were in want
even of a thousand dollars, he would immediately lend them:
but his conduct was in direct contradiction to his professions;
for although he visited Mr. Ritchie during his illness, he never
offered him the least assistance, or even bestowed such trifling
articles of nourishment as I requested. Once, and once only, when
rice was not to be bought, he, with great parade, sent a quart,
on which the poor invalid dined for eight days.
It became indeed but too apparent that he expected and wished us all
to die, in which case he would have seized on, and appropriated all
our effects and merchandise to his own use: of the latter, we had a
great quantity, which Mr. Ritchie would not allow me to dispose of,
lest it should lower us in the eyes of the natives; but I thought
it could be of little consequence when compared with our lives,
which were so perpetually endangered by want and privation. We
had in vain tried to dispose of our horses; they were so lean,
(and we had no money with which to buy any provision to fatten them)
that no one would even look at them.
I had managed to keep my own in rather better case than the others,
by giving him our travelling baskets, and occasionally stealing
a little food for him, but still he was not sale-worthy. In this
situation were our affairs, when in one of our visits to the Sultan,
Mr. Ritchie ventured to ask from him the loan of some money:
his answer, though a negative, was couched in very plausible and
friendly terms; and he assured us, by the name of God, that we
were welcome to all he had in the world, but that the Bashaw had
lately exacted so much from him, that he had not a single dollar
remaining. It happened, however, that on the preceding day, he had,
to our certain knowledge, received 4000, which were deposited in
the very chest against which he leant, whilst he uttered these
falsehoods. Finding that nothing was to be gained at this visit,
we retired in utter disappointment, not knowing where else to apply.
Belford, at this time, was attacked with giddiness and deafness,
and fell into a very weak state. Our situation was daily becoming
more deplorable in all respects; our rate of living was reduced to
one saa, or quart of corn per diem, with occasionally a few dates,
amongst four of us. Mukni’s spy, about this time, came and made
some very mean offers, (but which Mr. Ritchie thought proper to
reject) about purchasing our cloth and gunpowder, and we plainly
perceived he was negotiating for the Sultan. We had endeavoured,
indeed, to sell some of our merchandise, by offering it somewhat
cheaper than the people of the country; but no one would actually
buy, or even propose for it, and we then became convinced, that Mukni
was the cause of all our distresses; he, however, still continued
to call on us, proffering kindness which he never intended to fulfil.
Being now reduced to the last extremity, and Mr. Ritchie not thinking
it right to draw for money on the Treasury, I drew a bill on my own
private account, for £20, with which we proceeded immediately to the
Sultan, hoping it would have the desired effect: Mr. Ritchie having
at the former interview explained to them, that if he accommodated
us with 80 dollars, and sent the draft to his (the Sultan’s) wife,
who was then resident in Tripoli, she would instantly receive the
amount from the British consul. He still, however, refused to assist
us; when on a sudden, artfully pretending to mistake 8 for 80, he
exclaimed, “Well! I did not think it necessary to draw a written
agreement for so small a sum; I will, however, advance you the eight
dollars you require, and you may return them when convenient.”
Farther explanation to a man determined not to understand was wholly
useless, and our poverty not allowing us to refuse the sum, however
small, we accepted it; and immediately employed part of our newly
acquired riches in treating ourselves with a little meat.
Though we knew not where to procure farther pecuniary aid, we were,
for the moment, happy, and soon after had reason to be more so. We
had, on coming to Morzouk, lent to our neighbour, Hadje Mahmoud,
20 dollars, of which he paid us 10; and now, in the moment of need,
brought us the remainder. At this critical period, it acquired
tenfold value, and was of course received with thankfulness and
delight.
In this unexpected improvement of our circumstances, we determined to
fatten our horses for sale, and to purchase some fowls and a milch
ewe, as a resource against future illness. We frequently rode out
to the gardens near the town, and Mr. Ritchie became again tolerably
well, though I observed, with much regret, that his late and frequent
disorders appeared to have very materially depressed his spirits,
insomuch, that he almost constantly remained secluded in his own
apartment, silent, unoccupied, and averse to every kind of society.
At the end of this month, a large Kafflé of Arabs, Tripolines,
and Tibboo, arrived from Bornou, bringing with them 1400 slaves of
both sexes and of all ages, the greater part being females. Several
smaller parties had preceded them, many of whom also brought
slaves. We rode out to meet the great kafflé, and to see them enter
the town—it was indeed a piteous spectacle! These poor oppressed
beings were, many of them, so exhausted as to be scarcely able to
walk; their legs and feet were much swelled, and by their enormous
size, formed a striking contrast with their emaciated bodies. They
were all borne down with loads of fire-wood; and even poor little
children, worn to skeletons by fatigue and hardships, were obliged
to bear their burthen, while many of their inhuman masters rode on
camels, with the dreaded whip suspended from their wrists, with which
they, from time to time, enforced obedience from these wretched
captives. Care was taken, however, that the hair of the females
should be arranged in nice order, and that their bodies should be
well oiled, whilst the males were closely shaven, to give them a
good appearance on entering the town. Their dresses were simply
the usual cotton wrappers, and even these, in many instances, were
so torn, as scarcely to cover them. We observed one girl (of what
country I know not) who had her back and shoulders burned in little
sprigs, in a very curious manner, so as to resemble figured silk;
it had a very pretty appearance, and must have been done when she
was quite an infant. Some of the women carried little children on
their backs, some of whom were so small, that they must have been
born on the road.
The Tibboo, who bring the slaves from Bornou, are of the tribes on
the road; and some are from Fezzan. They never trade to Soudan,
on account of the distance; but prefer exchanging their slaves
for horses, which they sell to great advantage in the interior:
for though there are horses in Bornou, they are not much esteemed;
but those of Tripoli are greatly valued. The Tibboo ride on saddles,
resembling in some respects our English ones; but they are smaller,
and have a high peak in front: their stirrups resemble ours, but
they do not put the whole foot in them, only the four small toes,
the great one remaining out; their shoes are all contrived for this
purpose, by having a separate division for a great toe, and are made
in the same manner as childrens’ mittens. Their bridles are also
in our style, being much lighter than those of the Arabs. They are
more careful of their horses than of their families, sparing no
expense to fatten them; this is done by cramming them with large
balls of meal or dough, which are considered highly nourishing. A
fine horse will, in the Negro country, sell for 10 or 15 Negresses;
each of which, at the Barbary ports, is worth from 80 to 150 dollars.
All the traders speak of slaves as farmers do of cattle. Those
recently brought from the interior were fattening, in order
that they might be able to go on to Tripoli, Benghazi, or Egypt:
thus a distance of 1600 or 1800 miles is to be traversed, from
the time these poor creatures are taken from their homes, before
they can be settled; whilst in the Interior they may, perhaps,
be doomed to pass through the hands of eight or ten masters, who
treat them well or ill, according to their pleasure. These devoted
victims fondly hoping that each new purchaser may be the last, find
perhaps that they have again to commence a journey equally long and
dreary with the one they have just finished, under a burning sun,
with new companions, but with the same miseries.
The females are always considered as bearing fatigue much better
than the males; perhaps because their small allowance of food and
water more easily suffices them. I have always observed that the
men were more miserable in their appearance, and walked with more
difficulty than the women.
Having been enabled to collect a great deal of information from
Bornou traders, respecting that country, I shall here detail it;
but I have to request my readers to bear in mind, that I only report
what I have heard, and refrain from giving any opinion as to the
Course of the Niger, having so often found how little the accounts
concerning it are to be credited. I certainly have formed my own
conjectures; but may be mistaken, as better theorists than myself
have been, on that most interesting subject.
COUNTRY OF BORNOU,
AS COLLECTED FROM TRADERS.
_Bornou Language._
One Teelo
Two Andee
Three Yaskoo
Four Daigoo
Five Oogoo
Six Araskoo
Seven Tuller
Eight Oskoo
Nine Lekār
Ten Maigoo
Twenty Maigoo lata Maigoo
Hundred Jarroo
Man Kooa
Woman Mata
Father Abbah
Mother Yany
Head Kela
Eyes Shim
Nose Kensha
Hair Kondoly
Teeth Timmi
Belly Soro
Hand Moskoo
Foot Shie
Blood Boo
Day Koo
Night Booné
Sleep Koonem
Dead Nowy
White Bull
Black Tsellm
Sun Koo
Moon Kengāl
Stars Shilluga
Stone Kow
Good Unglla
Fire Kanno
Water Ankee
Earth Shiddi
Bird Ongoodo
Egg Engoôbble
Fish Boney
Camel Kalgāmoo
Cow Faï
God Allah الله
Bornou is a large tract of country, 40 days’ journey, or about 700
miles, south of Fezzan. It is bounded on the east by Baghermi, on the
west by Kano كنّو, and to the northward by Kanem. Few traders
ever go due south of Bornou, and are therefore unable to speak of
the countries in that direction. There are many contradictions
respecting the principal town, called Birnie برني; or more
properly, Birnie Jedeed or new Birnie, to distinguish it from
another town, called Gedeem or _old_.
These towns are five days east and west of each other, and the River
Tsād runs near them both. The old town is the most to the westward,
and is now nearly forsaken. In consequence of its vicinity to the
Fellāta, who were masters of Soudan, it was constantly exposed to
Ghrazzies, or incursions for the purpose of carrying off the natives;
and even single inhabitants were often seized and dragged from their
labour by small marauding parties, who lay in ambush for them. It
was therefore determined about eight years since, to build a new
town more in the centre of their country, and to forsake what had
been their capital from the earliest times in which they were known.
Thus it is that the accounts received are often materially different:
those who have visited the old town, giving their distances from
it, whilst more recent traders speak only of the new one. All the
distances I have laid down are from the last.
From Birnie to Baghermi is ten days to the borders, S.E. Looggan,
a town of Bornou, is half way, or five days; and the Tsād runs past
it, across the road, in such a way, that those going to Baghermi
must necessarily pass it. This river runs from S.W. to N.E. is
of great breadth, and is crossed by heavy goods being carried
on rafts, floated on large gourds, which are impelled forward by
swimmers, who hold or push with one hand whilst they strike with
the other. Smaller rafts are used to carry four or five men, or
some light goods; these, according to my informants, are formed
with cross spars and gourds. The men sit astride on this machine,
having their legs in the water, and so propel themselves forward
with their hands and feet. A lighter vehicle is used for one man,
and is merely a spar on two flat gourds, carried on by paddling
with the feet and a small oar.
[Illustration]
I learnt with astonishment, that though the river has many
crocodiles, they never attack the legs of people passing in
this manner. Whether the raft or the bright yellow of the gourds
intimidates them I cannot tell, but so it is.
The river, according to the natives, is said to run past Foor—
(Dar fur of Brown), and thence to Egypt. Horses are swam over,
being buoyed up with inflated water-skins slung round them; and
camels are conducted by men who hold them by their long upper lips,
and keep their heads above water: the forepart of that animal being
the heaviest, another man sits behind the hump, in order to raise
the fore and depress the hinder parts, whilst crossing.
Almost every account we received of the Tsād was so materially
different, that it long remained a puzzle to us, how to account
for such palpable errors as some of our informers must have fallen
into. Some declared it to be so large a Lake, that the opposite
side of it could not be seen from Birnie; others termed it an
inconsiderable river: at last, the nephew of the Kadi, who had just
arrived, furnished us with the following clear statement. “The
Tsād is not a river, but an immense Lake, into which many streams
discharge themselves after the summer rains. It is then, for some
months, of such extent, that the opposite shores cannot be seen,
and the people catch many fish, and go about on it in boats. In
the early part of the spring, when the great heats come on, it soon
changes its appearance, and dries up, with the exception of a small
rill. This streamlet, which runs through the centre of its bed,
is called by the same name, and comes from the westward, taking an
easterly direction; but to what place he knows not.”
All the inhabitants of the villages on the borders of the Lake go
out and sow corn and esculent vegetables, which come to maturity,
and are gathered in before the rainy season, as in Egypt, after the
flowing of the Nile, which he has seen. He had himself observed the
people getting in their harvest on the same ground which he had,
only a few months before, known to be covered with water.
The rivers which, he says, flow into the lake after the rains,
appear to be torrents from the mountains, as he never observed more
than the small stream I have mentioned in the dry season.
The Tsād is also called the Gambarro after it quits Birnie, and even
there it is as frequently called the Nil. Until a few years ago,
when the country became much improved under the mild government of
a very religious Moslem, it was the custom to throw into the stream
at the time of its rise a virgin richly dressed, and of superior
beauty. The greatest people of the country considered themselves
honoured if the preference was given to one of their daughters,
and the learned men augured a good or bad year from the ease or
difficulty with which their victim was drowned.
There are several tribes of wandering Tibboo to the northward
of Bornou, the principal of which are the Wandela, Gunda, and
Traïta. These people are principally Kaffirs: they do not trade,
but live by their flocks, and not unfrequently by pillage.
To the eastward of Bornou, near Baghermi, is a country called Mandra,
which is tributary to Bornou, but does not escape the incursions for
slaves, which are frequently made by its nominal protectors. The
language of this country is a corrupt dialect of the Bornou. The
people are finely formed, and the females have lively intelligent
countenances: they are all Kaffirs, and live in huts of grass,
woven like mats, and sewed together, called Booshīa.
I shall have occasion, when speaking of the country of the Tibboo,
to mention three rivers of note which I am able to trace to some
distance at ten days to the north of Wadāy.
I now return to the accounts of the bearings of several places of
note from Bornou.
Birnie Jedeed to
Baghermi, ten long days, east-south-east.
Maoo, principal town of Kanem, fifteen days, north-north-east.
Kanno, ten days, west.
Kooka, fifteen days, east by south.
Kattagum, four days, west-south-west.
Ringhem, nine days, west-south-west.
Shaikoo, two days, west.
Kawar, ten days, north-eastward.
Bilma, fifteen days, north-eastward.
Makaree, eight days, east-south-east.
Ongornoo, fourteen days, east by south.
Zegzeg, fifteen days, south-west.
Zakari, eight days, westerly.
Waday, sixteen days, easterly.
Bahr el Ghazal (south part), ten days, east-north-east.
Kashna, sixteen days, west.
Morzouk, forty days, north.
At Kattagum, a river called Nil by the natives flows across the road
from Bornou to Kashna to the north-east. It is of great magnitude,
and is passed on rafts; the water is sweet, and full of fish. It
rises periodically, and sometimes overflows the country.
Ongornoo is situated within a day of Kooka, and is much frequented
by traders in the spring, when a large market is held there,
principally for slaves, who are brought from all the surrounding
countries in security; a general armistice prevailing during the
annual sale. It is subject to Bornou: the people are Mohammedans. A
river flows past it to the eastward.
Bahr el Ghazal, the south part of which is about ten days
east-north-east of Birnie, runs nearly north-east and south-west
for a great distance. It is inhabited by Negro tribes, of whom the
greater part are Kaffirs, or, at all events, not Moslems. The nearest
part of it to Bornou is about ten days east-north-east. It is an
immense wadey, or valley full of trees, and having many inhabitants,
who are wanderers. Elephants, rhinoceroses, lions, buffaloes, and
the camelopard, or giraffe, called Jimel Allah جمل الله,
or God’s camel, by the Arabs, are in great numbers. The natives
generally use a kind of corrupt Arabic, though one or two languages
peculiar to the country are also spoken.
These people are a fine race, well made, and very active. They wear
their hair, which is not woolly, long and plaited. The general
dress is leather, but some go entirely naked. The cattle are in
such numbers, that parts of the country appear literally covered
with them. Great quantities of elephants’ teeth are procured in
the woods.
All the accounts of this country agree in one material point,
namely, that though called Bahr, there is no river; but that there
has been one of great magnitude. Immense bones of unknown animals
and fish are frequently found here in a state of petrifaction. The
Arabs account for this, by saying, “They went to take them up
as bones, but by a deception of Iblis they proved to be stones.”
Handsome shells, Beit el Khoot, بيت الخوت or “fishes’
houses,” are often found imbedded in the earth, and retaining a
fine polish. Some are so large, that the Negroes make trumpets of
them. By their description of the bones and vertebræ, some of the
fish must have been ten or twelve feet in length.
Battalïa, which is often called Bahr, appears by some accounts
to be near Bahr el Ghazal, while others assert that it is part
of it. The same accounts of its having once been a river, and of
petrified bones being found in it, are generally believed.
Bornou is governed by a Sultan, who is considered very powerful;
but of late years he has allowed the Sheikh of Kanem (which
country is dependant) to encroach upon his authority. The Sheikh,
who is a great Marāboot, never uses gold or silver in his apparel,
and confines himself to four wives; but has several female slaves,
who have borne him a multitude of children. He is constantly making
war, under the plea of religion, against the neighbouring Kaffirs,
and has enriched himself by the immense number of slaves and horses
which he has taken. He lives at Kanem, in the chief town Maoo,
which is fifteen days north-north-east of Birnie: his name is El
Hadge el Ameen. All the traders from Fezzan carry him presents,
and consider him as a far greater man than his master, who now
lives in a very retired manner.
In Kanem, within one day of Maoo (the capital), is a very
large river, which comes from the south-west, and runs to the
north-east. It is deep, broad, and full of fish, which the natives
dry in the sun, and keep in store for the rainy season; it is called
by the people of the country Yaoo, but by the Moorish traders, Nil.
On Mukni’s last excursion in that direction, he made an attack on
the defenceless people of Kanem, Moslem as well as Kaffir: and having
first burnt their town, pursued them to the banks of the river; many
were drowned in attempting to cross it; others were taken out of the
water; and the women and children who had not the power of escaping,
were caught on the banks; the number of captives made on that day
amounting to 1800. The route of Mukni’s army on its return, was
over a wide sandy desert, without water for three days. During their
journey a tremendous wind arose, which blew the sand about in all
directions, and continued to rage in so furious a manner during two
entire days, that Mukni and his people were totally at a loss in what
direction to proceed. On the second evening, however, it was resolved
that a number of the captives should be sent on under a small guard;
but many of these poor creatures expired by the way: the remaining
few succeeded in finding a watering place. Mukni himself remained
until the third morning; when the sand wind still continuing, and
his impatience increasing in proportion to the delay, he gave an
order that all the remaining slaves should be put to death. This
cruel mandate was immediately executed in cold blood on three hundred
defenceless beings, whose country he had first entered under the mask
of friendship, pretending that he came only to wage war against some
states which had injured them. This aggravated cruelty and treachery
was therefore the more odious; and his very name, in consequence,
is never mentioned by the people of that country without curses on
himself and ancestors, which even little children are taught to utter
as soon as they can speak. This war on Kanem set the wild tribes in
motion, and a ferment arose, which, even three years after, was not
appeased. The Sheikh of Kanem, whom I have already mentioned, was
fortunate enough, on this dreadful occasion, to escape to Birnie,
many of his family having fallen sacrifices to Mukni’s barbarity.
In Bornou there is current a small copper coin of little value, which
is struck in the country. Gold is also used, but more generally as
an ornament, than as an object of exchange. The people are called
Believers, but a great part of them are Kaffirs. Their dresses,
in the most civilized parts, are of cotton. Their arms are lances,
bows, and arrows: the Sheikh and a few of the Sultan’s guards have
muskets; but they are unable to make good powder. It is reported,
that in Birnie are 60,000 horsemen, who have armour for themselves
and horses, which are small but hardy, and are said not to run as
other horses do, but to spring forward by repeated bounds: large
ones are in great request, and are chiefly purchased from the Fezzan
traders. Wedda, ودّه or cowrie shells, are not used as money, but
as ornaments, and bands for the head. The country is very fertile,
producing corn and fruits; amongst others the Tamarind, طمر
الهندي, or fruit of the Indies. The woods are numerous, and
the trees very large and shady: from these the boards are brought
on which prayers are written, and children taught to read.
From Tegerry to Kanem is 20 days south by east; Kanem to Bornou is
15 south by west. Many of the Kafflés pass over the countries of
the Tibboo, and through the desert of Bilma, from whence they enter
on the borders of Bornou. As I intend speaking of these places on
a future occasion, the routes I shall there mention may be taken
as the nearest.
OF KASHNA AND SOUDAN IN GENERAL.—FROM MORZOUK TO KASHNA.
South-west by south.
Morzouk to Akraf 14 days.
Akraf to Felezlis 4
Felezlis to Tadent 4
Tadent to Assieu 6
Assieu to Trajeet 4
Trajeet to Seloofia 2
Seloofia to Āghades 2
Āghades to Begzam 3
Begzam to Ghrulghīwa 3
Ghrulghiwa to Tagama 7
Tagama to Kashna 7
--
56 days, of 20 miles per diem.
Āghades is a large district, having a town of the same name; it is
36 days from Morzouk in summer, and in winter is sometimes 45. It
is 15 or 20 days from Kashna; 20 from Bornou; 6 from Asouda; 3 or
4 from Begzam; 30 in summer, and 35 or 40 in winter, from Ghraat;
and 40 from Tuat. The inhabitants are Tuarick of the tribe of
Kellewi. It is a larger town than Morzouk; the houses are of mud,
and are built in the same style, and of the same size, as in Fezzan:
some have a kind of second story. It is surrounded by a wall of mud
and stone, of sufficient strength to protect it. There is a very high
Mouadden or Minaret to the principal mosque, which the Tuarick affect
to consider higher than any in Egypt. The country is independent,
and is governed by a Sheikh, who is a Mulatto, and of middle age,
named Yusuffah. He is considered as great a man as the Sultan of
Fezzan. Dome dates are in great plenty: the common ones are scarce,
and never arrive at any degree of perfection. The soil of the country
is earth, not sand, and is quite covered with grass. There are
large trees, chiefly the Talhh. Corn and vegetables are in plenty,
and animal food is very cheap. The people are rigid Moslems.
Kashna is 20 days from Noofy. I here give an account of the road, as
we received it from a friend of Horneman’s, who is well acquainted
with Soudan.
{Kashna to Yandekka.
{Yandekka to Doogroomakee.
{Doogroomakee to Zurmee, a very large town.
{Zurmee to Faoushee, or Zanfara.
{Faoushee to Doofa Mafora.
West{Doofa Mafora to Thalata noma.
{Thalata noma to Bacoora.
{Bacoora to Gandee.
{Gandee to Burnee dengāda.
{Burnee dengāda to Sakkatoo, a large Fellata town.
{Sakkatoo to Mifferadaati; from whence several small
towns are passed until Noofy, which is a country on the borders
of the Nil. Its chief town is Bakkanee; and it was there that
Horneman died, in the house of a man called Ali el Felatni. Our
informant gave the following account of his having accompanied
Horneman from Morzouk to that place. They first became acquainted
in Fezzan, from whence they went together with a large Kafflé to
Bornou, when they separated. After Horneman had resided three or
four months there, they again met in a Kafflé going to Kashna,
and associated much together. The people became greatly attached
to Horneman, on account of his amiable deportment and skill in
medicine; and he was generally considered as a Marāboot. After a
short time they proceeded with another party of merchants to Noofy,
living together in the house of a man named Ali, of the tribe
Fellata. It was Horneman’s custom while on his journeys after
quitting Fezzan, to note down the bearings of every tree, mountain,
or village, he saw; by which means he might be more easily enabled
to know his road again without a guide. His intention was to go on
through Dagomba to Ashantee, which is forty days’ journey to the
southward. When our merchant left Noofy, he was in good health and
spirits, and had not experienced any difficulties; but this man,
on arriving in Kashna, heard that Horneman had died of dysentery,
a few days after their separation.
The clearest account I have yet heard of the rivers which flow near
Kashna is from a person named Mustapha, a son of the old Mamluke
who, with his two other sons, was strangled by Mukni. This man fled,
and spent some years in Soudan. He has himself passed three rivers,
all running from _east_ to _west_, as he thinks; but will not be
positive. One alone is very considerable; fish, alligators, and
hippopotami, being found in it. It is very deep, and is passed in
boats, and by rafts. He mentions the rivers in the following order:
Kashna to the river Ringhem is seven days east. This river is
the smallest; it is deep, but narrow; water quite fresh. A town,
called Sankara, is distant one day east.
From Kashna to the river Doodroo is six days nearly south. On
this river are canoes, which are hollowed out of a single tree:
they have sharp bottoms, not rounded. They are numerous, and serve
equally well for fishing, and for ferry-boats from shore to shore.
From Kashna to Kattagum (which again appears east-north-east on the
road to Bornou) south-east is ten days. This river is at all times
large; but after the rains it overflows the country. During the
inundation the natives use rafts floated on gourds, which grow to an
extraordinary size. A quantity of these are scooped out, and lashed
together; a deck is then formed of brushwood, or bundles of rushes.
The only palpable inaccuracy in his account (and which, indeed,
is a great one) is that relating to the course of these rivers:
he was by no means certain whether they flowed to or from the east,
and always concluded by saying, that he never had thought it worth
while to remember the circumstance.
From Kashna to Sakkatoo is nine days and a half west. This place is
the residence of Bello, son of the celebrated Fellata chief Hatman
Danfodio. It is a walled town of much consideration, three days
east of Gooberr, which is also a Fellata town, and one day east of
Kebbi (the Cabi of our maps.) The natives are now a settled people,
but were once wanderers of the warlike tribe of Fellata, who, some
years since, came from the west, and succeeded in overcoming the
whole of Soudan, carrying their conquests as far as old Birnie,
and causing the Sultan and his people to remove five days farther
to the eastward. These conquests have, in the end, occasioned their
ruin; for not having it in their power to continue a force in each
subjugated country, they became scattered, and were easily driven
back by the different tribes who had been subject to them. They
now are not found (except in small parties) farther east than
Kashna. Their complexion being of a much lighter hue than that of
the other tribes, they call themselves white; their colour resembles
that of our gipsies in England.
Many female slaves are brought to Morzouk from their nation,
and are very handsome women. The men I have never seen, and I
understand that in the late wars all the male prisoners were put to
death. They walk very erect, and have rather a haughty expression
of countenance. These people have been of late chiefly at war with
the Tuarick, who are powerful enemies, and harass them continually.
Kashna is still in a great measure dependant on Bello, who appoints
its Kaid or Governor. This man is named Mellona Amarroo Delagie,
and assumes the title of Sultan in his master’s absence. He makes
constant incursions on the countries round him, and is much dreaded;
though he sometimes suffers severely from retaliations. His family
consists of two hundred Negresses, and the same number of children,
which they have borne him. I conceive from a vocabulary, which I
subjoin, that the Fellata will be found to be the Foulah of Park:
they call themselves Fellan.
From a young woman, who arrived direct from Sakkatoo, I obtained
some trifling information. The account she gave of herself was,
that as she was leading her cows out to feed, a party of Gooberr
people (also Fellata, and subject to the same King), seized and
brought her away; but meeting on their progress with some Tuarick,
she was sold to them. Her complexion was fair, and she had an
intelligent countenance; her legs were much swelled, and her form
emaciated. She was called into her master’s presence to give me
some words of her language, when I began by asking her how she named
a man in her country: thinking I wished to know that of her husband,
she looked up, and with tears in her eyes, answered, “Mohammed;
but he is alone now;” and then added, “I had a little boy, too,
called Mohammed; when I was stolen he had no teeth, and I know not
who will suckle him.”
I here subjoin the words she taught me.
Man Efillo.
Woman Debbo.
Boy Pipullo.
Girl Bitadeppo.
Small Toccochu.
Heavy Teddoodoo.
Light Oodumhaïneddi.
I understand Andal.
Hand Jungo.
Head Hora.
Sun Naanga.
Moon Laighroo.
Stars Caudie.
Meat Niri.
Flesh Taïoo.
Horse Pootchio.
Cow Nagga.
Ass Babba.
Camel Gailopa.
Goat Baïa.
Sheep Baloo.
Dog Kootooroo.
Walk Jiadoo.
Sleep Fokadaan.
Come Warr.
Go Beadillo.
Good Oodonwodi.
Bad Kalloodoo.
Large Maoodoo.
River Lana.
Eat Aniami.
Drink Ghiarki.
Sweet Oodomwaili.
Sour Oodomlammi.
Heaven Samaachi.
Father Babama.
Mother Imāma.
Elder brother Maoona.
Younger brother Minia.
Sister Bānda.
Grandfather Mamama.
Wife Tirajumma.
Friend Haigomo.
Foot Koinka.
Leg Korla.
I do not Mianda.
Milk Koossum.
Mat Dago.
Carpet Baïtookki.
Pillow Ting ada.
I Mahan.
You Maan.
He Damaitoo.
Shirt Toggora.
Trowsers Serla.
Gold Laamdi.
Iron Yamgoo.
Corn Elcamarani.
Maize Baïra.
Gussub Gaouri.
Tree Barkihi.
Wood Leddi.
Water Ghium.
Fire Eeta.
God Allah.
House Oora.
Town Gerri.
Bowl Laa.
A well Oondoo.
Water Ghium.
Rope Bogool.
Bucket Kianga.
Book Deftera.
To-day Ilanda nundi.
To-morrow Tiango.
Yesterday Fadijiango.
Not yet Towli.
I am ill Tyawdoo.
I am well Hairama.
Beads Kaadeh.
Petticoat Oodarra.
Aba Godori.
Thigh Asanga.
Arm Kiauwall ghisingo.
Belly Kraigoo.
Back Baoo.
Breast Barendi.
Neck Daandi.
Nipples Endoo.
Fingers Honedoo.
Cap Hoffanaïra.
Cat Mussouroo.
Shoes Paddi.
Beard Wari.
Eye Gitta.
Nose Hinari.
Mouth Kondookkoo.
Forehead Teeda.
Ear Leppi.
Turban Maitello.
Blood Eia.
Bones Kial.
Burn Awli.
Roast Awoodi.
Hot Odunwooli.
Cold Dumfai.
Hungry Ïam.
I am full Mihāri.
Thirsty Nanadumka.
This Doondo.
Give Okon.
Take Gabboo.
Fat Paidoo.
Thin Fautdo.
Dirty Toondi.
Clean Loomram mitell.
Tired Ensoomi.
Language Bolli.
Sword Kansakali.
Stone Booddi.
Sand Jearidi.
Earth Laidi.
Red Bodaijo.
White Daraijiu.
Black Balaijiu.
Green Koraijiuna.
Yellow Jianajiu.
Get up and go Ummadillo.
Grass Koodoo.
Hard Uddumyori.
Soft Oodum haihaitirri.
How are you Mia Loodoo.
Well Noobāndoo.
Whence come Kai ooaidi.
Where going Tingailta.
Is he within Uden wodi.
He is not Unwalla.
Garden Engassa.
Run Endogga.
Quick Ommandillo.
Enough Doodoo.
A little Sedda.
To weave Sansanbi.
Flour Kiandi.
Pepper Syasi.
Poor Kolakomi.
Rich Waidande.
Honey Jumeri.
Bird Soodoo.
Fowl Gertooka.
Pigeon Umfoodi sondo.
Set down Jiaura.
Night Ghem.
Morning Dun waidi.
Day Hansi.
Lion Jagerri.
Arrow Lebbo.
Glass Karroo.
Spoon Gerbal.
Pot Footira.
Knife Lab.
Spear Ghembirri.
Dagger Labijungo.
Gun Bendiga.
Rain Ghium ghiwondi.
Brass Yamgo daikoo.
Tiger Melaho.
Antelope Lelwa.
Happy Well well ti.
I am sad Berna metti.
Sing Ghimmoo.
Dance Fidio.
Fear Dooba.
Teeth Nïa.
I thank you Allah imoghni.
Bello, son, as I have said, of the celebrated Fellata Chief, is famed
for many very noble actions, and is a man generally beloved. He
is a great warrior, and the people about him are very well armed
and appointed. He does not, like the other chiefs, seek out the
gaudy dresses and toys brought by the Kafflés, but buys up arms
of all descriptions. Reverence for his religion, and for those who
are eminent in it, are amongst his virtues. I was acquainted with
a man who passed himself off as a Shreef, which he was not, and
who had been plundered by the Tuarick. Bello actually presented to
this impostor one hundred Negresses, thinking that he only offered
a slight testimony of respect to the memory of the Prophet in the
person of his pretended descendant.
Cowries, or shells, are the current money of Kashna, and all
the towns westward: 2000 is the exchange for a dollar. By way of
showing their comparative value, it may be mentioned, that a fowl
costs five shells, a sheep 600, and a bullock 2500. Corn, rice, and,
indeed, all the necessaries of life, are very cheap in Soudan. Rice
is purchased at one dollar for 3 cwt. Bullocks are used to carry
burthens, and to bring the grain home from the fields. The asses
are fine animals, the camels scarce, and dear in some parts.
The people are excellent workers in wood and leather, which
they prepare equally well as Europeans, dying it of very fine
colours, and sometimes glazing it. Pillows, bags, sandals, jars,
and even boxes of leather are brought by the Kafflés, and sold
very cheap. Bowls composed of wood, or gourds, are finely carved,
and much sought after by the Fezzan traders.
The women make very fine cotton cloth of gay patterns (having
generally a great proportion of blue), and of firm texture; but it
is remarkable that they never exceed in breadth three inches. Shirts
made of these cloths are so very neatly sewed, that it is impossible
at first sight to discover the seams.
The natives of Soudan are very ignorant; the few among them who
can read find it their interest to make a great display of their
knowledge. A man who reads is always respected, and becomes a person
of great consideration; his presence being frequently sought for
at a high price at births or marriages, in order to prevent the
attendance of the devil, who immediately flies from a man capable
of reading from the Koran. The power of writing charms, or saffis,
is a sure step to riches.
About half the population on the banks of the Nil are Mohammedans in
outward forms, but are unacquainted with every part of their religion
except the prayers; some, indeed, are quite ignorant even of these,
and only acknowledge the unity of God and the excellence of the
Prophet. The other half are Pagans. Some nations have no idea of
worship, or of a Supreme Being; others pray to the devil; and many
are idolaters, and pay homage to any striking object in nature.
All the nations south of the Waters are said to be unbelievers,
and to live in a state of nature, resembling in their appearance,
manners, and habitations, wild beasts rather than men.
The Moslems have a greater share of superstition and vices than
those they call their blind neighbours, and seldom undertake any
thing without being first fortified by charms. They are constantly
fancying themselves bewitched, attribute every unpleasant occurrence
to Iblis; and are so fearful of the “Evil Eye,” that they adopt
many strange precautions to avert its baneful effects.
In justice to the poor unenlightened beings whom they make
their prey, I must say that I never witnessed such innocence,
tenderness, and mildness as most of them evince when brought to
Morzouk, particularly at the death of any of their companions in
adversity. On these occasions they do not, like their persecutors,
scream and make an insincere wailing; but sit silent and in tears,
and often refuse their little allowance of food. Should one of the
females fall sick, the others nurse, feed, comfort, and very often
give up the whole of their scanty meal to the sufferer. I speak
merely of the women, for the men are not blessed with very kind
hearts; and it would be considered by them as disgraceful to betray
any soft and tender feeling. Should a woman have an infant belonging
to her, each of her companions in turn will carry and endeavour to
amuse it. The women very seldom become sullen, and are lively without
being at all boisterous or noisy; they are clean in their persons,
very fond of ornaments, tractable and easily taught; but in acquiring
knowledge they unfortunately lose much of their native simplicity.
_Kashna to Sakkatoo._
West.
Kashna to Zumma 1 day.
Zumma to Kalawa 3
Kalawa to Gadaya ½
Gadaya to Kararee 2 days.
Kararee to Tekamoorāfa 2
Tekamoorāfa to Sakkatoo 1
--
Total 9½ days.
Two days farther west is Kebbi; half a day from which is a large
town called Bodinga.
Kashna to Gooberr five or six days west by south. This is a
principal Fellāta town, and was for some years the residence of
their Sultan. The houses are built in streets, surrounded by a wall,
and the adjacent country is very fine. Three days east-north-east
of Kashna is Tessawa, a town.
_From Kashna into Bornou._
East.
Kashna to Sabongaree 1 day.
Sabongaree to Roma 1
Roma to Beshi 1
Beshi to Kanno 1
Kanno is fourteen days from Birnie; it is governed by a Sultan,
and is a town of note.
North.
Kashna to Gayzaa 1 day.
Gayzaa to Zakari 1
Zakari to Ringhem 1
Here is a river of the same name, which comes from the countries
south of Kashna.
East.
Ringhem to Gongā 1 day.
Gongā to Mayga 1 producing many dome dates.
Mayga to Awyek 1
Awyek to Kattagum 1
Here the Nil, Goulbi, or Kattagum, passes from behind Kashna about
thirteen days south. It runs north-east at this place, and must
be crossed.
East.
Kattagum to Zoomawa 1 day.
Zoomawa to Gizzra ½
Gizzra to Ibrahim Zubbo ½
There is a tribe of Arabs here whose dwelling-place is called Bled
Ibrahim Zubbo, from the Sheikh who first established them as a
tribe. They are dark men without the negro features.
North.
Ibrahim Zubbo to Dowrā. 1 day.
Dowrā to Kalāwa 1
East.
Kalāwa to Shackow 1 day.
Shackow to Bayankalāwa 1
Bayankalāwa to Demetro 1
Kashna is four days east of Zanfara. To the north-east of Kashna
three days is a country (not a town) called Daura. The natives
are Kaffirs, very numerous, and constantly preyed on by the
Fellata. Kebbi is three days north-east of Bakkanee, the chief town
of Noofy. Kooka (the Cauga of the maps) is thirty days east by south
of Kashna; it is much exposed to the incursions of the people of
Waday. Kanno is four days east of Kashna, from which town Zegzeg is
four or five days south-west. Yagooba is six days south of the latter
place. Yemyem is the Lamlam of the maps. The inhabitants are reputed
to be cannibals, and from a circumstance which came under my notice,
I have no doubt they are so. A friend of mine had a male slave who
came from that country, and who was about ten years of age. I desired
a person, who spoke a language understood by the boy, to ask him,
as if undesignedly, which part of a man was considered to taste best
in his country. He immediately and readily answered, “The breast,
which is eaten by the men; the other parts being given to the women
and children.” But on further questioning him, it appeared he
did not know whether the victims were prisoners or natives.
This country joins Zegzeg to the southward; it is of great extent,
and the people are reported to live in a state of nature. Yagooba
borders on Yemyem, six days south of Zegzeg. Marādi is a country
lying half-way between Kashna and Gooberr, now nearly depopulated
by the constant attacks of the Fellāta. The natives are Kaffirs,
and go naked, with the exception of a leather wrapper round their
loins. They are a very handsome race of people. Tirka in Soudan
appears not to be known. There is a watering place of the Tibboo
in Borgoo, called Tirki.
Tuat is mentioned in many maps as a town; but it is a large tract of
country on the borders of Soudan, inhabited chiefly by Tuarick. It is
situated on the Great Desert, and is not very fertile. Fine horses
are bred there, and the flocks are numerous. The natives trade with
Tembuctoo, Soudan, Ghadams, and Fezzan, but seldom go so far east
as Bornou. The chief length of the country is from north to south,
and the towns bear very nearly in that direction to each other. The
houses are built of stone and mud, and have no second story; many
of the towns are walled. Ain el Salah, or the Fountain of Saints,
is the principal town. It takes its name from the sanctity of
its inhabitants, who have all the credit of being Marāboots. A
story is told of its having 366 castles, which were built by the
first Mohammedan conquerors of the country; they are said to be
of a great height and in fine preservation. I suspect, however,
they are pretty nearly of the same description as those of Fezzan,
of which we heard so many wonderful accounts, and which proved to
be only mud tombs, or remains of old houses. From Morzouk to this
place is about forty days’ journey.
West.
In Fezzan {Morzouk to Tessowa 1 day. Town and old castle.
{Tessowa to Oubāri 2 Town.
Oubāri to Haghki 2 Resting place.
Haghki to Kaïbo 4 do.
Kaïbo to Bengheh 6 do.
Bengheh to Doukaraat 2 do.
Doukaraat to Tadera 5 do.
Tadera to Amaghi 7 do.
Amaghi to Temadraati 3 do.
Temadraati to Houhaned 1½ do.
Houhaned to Oonabraghri 4 do.
Oonabraghri to Ain el Sala 2 Town in Tuat.
Between Tadera and Amaghi is a desert, which is travelled eight days
without water. All the road is sand without any other vegetation
than a few occasional shrubs, from Morzouk to Ain el Sala, which
is the northern town in Tuat, and the first reached by all the
Kafflés from the coast of Morocco. Tafilet is ten days north-west
of it. Tombuctoo, or Tembuctoo, is fifty days from Ain el Sala,
and the road is entirely over a desert. The first place from Ain el
Sala is Akably, a very large town, which is two days. From thence to
Mabrook is thirty-five days: this place is so called from its being
the custom for those who have passed the Desert to rest and refresh
there, each congratulating the other on having safely arrived over
their perilous road, by the usual salutation of “Mabrook,”
which signifies joy or happiness. Hence to Tembuctoo is fifteen
days. Ghadams, belonging to the Bashaw of Tripoli, is twenty days
north-north-west of Ain el Sala.
Tembuctoo is about 90 days’ journey from Morzouk, and the road
thence is through Tuat. From the account given by merchants,
it appears that it is not so large a town as has been imagined;
and indeed some agree in saying, that it is not more extensive
than Morzouk. It is walled; the houses are very low, and with the
exception of one or two small streets, are built irregularly. Huts
of mats seem to be in greater numbers than the houses.
The merchants to whom I suggested the idea, generally agreed with
me, that the immense population which is said to exist there,
may be thus accounted for. Many of the kafflés from Morocco,
Ghadams, Tripoli, and the Negro states along the banks of the Nil,
are obliged to remain there during the rainy season, or until their
goods are sold. During their stay, they find it necessary to build
huts or houses, to shelter themselves and their merchandise. These
buildings are got up in a few days; and thus, perhaps, ten or fifteen
thousand inhabitants may, in the course of a month, be added to the
population, which occasions Tembuctoo to be thought an immense town
by those who are only there at the same time as other strangers;
but when the causes which detain the travellers cease, the place
appears (what in reality it is said to be) insignificant. Thus it
is that the accounts of it differ so much.
Kabra, which is its port, is situated south of it about 12 miles,
and a person on foot may easily walk to and return from it in a
day. It is more properly a collection of store-houses than a town;
the few people residing there being employed to take care of the
cargoes of vessels. Large boats from Jenne come and unload at this
place. The river, called Goulbi or Nil (the former name is Soudan,
merely a generic term for all waters, and by no means applicable
to the Niger alone), is here very broad, and flows slowly past from
the westward. Many people agree in saying, that in the dry season,
a camel may pass over it without swimming; but after the rains,
it becomes very deep, rapid, and dangerous.
Tembuctoo is governed by a King or Sultan, who has but little
power. The people are all blacks, and dress like the natives of
many parts of Soudan; the better class in shirts and trowsers,
while the poorer order are nearly naked. Gold, cotton clothes,
leather, and arms, are the principal manufactures of Tembuctoo and
the surrounding villages. Jenne is said to be the place from which
gold comes, and is thence called Bledd el Tibbr بلد التبر,
or the country of gold.
I could obtain no account of Mr. Park, but every one agreed that
it would be quite impossible (the buildings being so small and ill
constructed) for him or any other white man to be confined in the
town unknown to the traders, who enter every house, not excepting
that of the Sultan himself. This, I think, entirely confutes the
idea that Mr. Park has been, or is still confined by the Sultan, on
account of his skill in surgery; and there is equal reason to doubt
his being in existence, which some have supposed. Many Jews trade
from Morocco, which, as they differ from the Mohammedans in their
customs, has given rise to the report that there are Christians
in the country; they are said to be circumcised, eat no pork,
kill their animals in a peculiar way, and neither acknowledge
Christ nor Mohammed. A nation of these people is said to exist
south of Tembuctoo, the language of which place is peculiar to
itself,—though Arabic is a little spoken; the people are regarded
as good Moslems.
_Language of Tembuctoo._
Man Ahinda.
Woman Afintoo.
Boy Aberry.
Girl Aterry.
Hand Akhood.
Head Agodi.
Iron Azeli.
Eye Aiti.
Ass Ehaid.
Camel Elgimmo.
Goat Egghsi.
Sheep Taili.
Gold Agreef dodi.
Pillow Kote.
Corn Attow.
Tree Esheri.
Wood Esheri.
Water Ami.
Fire Ofi.
God Allah.
House Bactoo.
Town Agherri.
Heaven Engi.
Father Abbi.
Mother Emmi.
Brother Kati.
Sister Aghotoo.
Grandfather Ajeddi.
Friend Sehhi.
I understand Foni.
I do not Mofedi.
Sun Ofitti.
Moon Hitti.
Meat Taasoo.
Flesh Hamo.
Horse Aïs.
Cow Abari.
Sweet Zaidi.
Milk Alebbi.
Mat Boshti.
Carpet Fershit.
Foot Edthi.
Leg Edthair.
Beard Heti.
Nose Hoshti.
River Bori.
Eat Tay.
Drink Ushti.
Walk Kaedodi.
Sleep Auti.
Come Ka.
Go Dodi.
Bad Ferri.
Large Koti.
Small Katch.
Heavy Toozi.
Mouth Fetti.
Light Afi.
Arm Eghrai.
Belly Teddis.
Back Kerri.
Neck Terri.
Nipples Foffi
Fingers Beddi.
I Anikikki.
You Ani looloo.
He Hooti.
Here the intelligence of my informant ceased.
The King of Tembuctoo is an old man, named Kaoo, which, I believe,
means governor or master; his wife is an old woman, and he has many
concubines. The Sultanship is hereditary.—Tembuctoo is distant
from Downa, a large town or district on the banks of the Nil,
one day and a half east. Arowan is north of the city seven days,
and is a place of consequence. Ezawen is east twenty days, and
is also a large town. Taudenny, from whence the large kafflés,
who bring rock salt, come annually, is twenty-four days north of
Tembuctoo. Telemsen, which is twelve days north of the latter, or
indeed half-way to Taudenny, is remarkable for a desert, having no
water for ten days; thence called Asherïa. Mabrook is three days
north of this place, ten days south of Taudenny, seven days east
of Arowan, and eighteen days south of Awlef in Tuat.
Sala is a place three days from Tembuctoo, on the Nil to the
eastward.
The Nil, Goulbi, Joliba or Kattagum, runs from Tembuctoo, through
Melli in the country of the Fellata; thence to Kebbi, which is three
days north of Nooffy: past this place or country, it runs to Yaowri,
which is seven days east; from thence to Fendah, a Fellāta country
S.W. of Kashna, which latter kingdom it passes at thirteen days south
of the capital. It again makes its appearance at Kattagum, four days
W.S.W. of the capital of Bornou, where it runs into a lake, called
the Tsaad. Beyond this lake, a large river runs through Baghermee,
and is called the Gambarro and Kamadakoo; the word Nil being also
used for the same stream.—Thus far are we able to trace the Nil,
and all other accounts are merely conjectural. All agree, however,
that by one route or other, these waters join the great Nile of
Egypt, to the southward of Dongola.
Wangara is a place of which we cannot obtain any decided account;
it is, however, generally supposed to be a low country, and
sometimes inundated. One person states it to be twenty days south of
Tembuctoo; another places it south of Kashna; and many even assert,
that it is beyond Waday: but it is quite impossible from the varied
accounts given of it, to form any idea as to its actual situation,
or even existence.
Should there really be three places so called, may it not be probable
that it is a general name for marshes and swamps? In the one spoken
of behind Tembuctoo, the capital is said to be Battagoo, and is
a large town, near which much gold is reported to be found. An
invisible nation, according to our informant, inhabit near this
place, and are said to trade by night. Those who come to traffic
for their gold, lay their merchandise in heaps, and retire. In the
morning, they find a certain quantity of gold dust placed against
every heap, which, if they think sufficient, they leave the goods;
if not, they let both remain until more of the precious ore is
added. These traders in gold dust are by many supposed to be devils,
who are very fond of red cloth, the favourite article of exchange. I
cannot conceive Arabs to be the merchants, for assuredly they would,
least of all people, refrain from stealing the gold thus temptingly
placed in their view.
Haousa, Soudan or Afnoo, may be comprehended between Kanno, which is
four days east of Kashna, and the borders of Tembuctoo. It appears,
that the name only extends to the country which runs east and west,
near the great river; for Aghades, which is north of Kashna, is
not in Soudan: neither is Yemyem, which is south.
Soudan is an Arabic word, signifying the black country; and is
also named by them Ber el Abeed بار البيد or “Land of
Slaves;” but the natives all agree in calling it Haousa, which has
been mistaken for a town. The language of the country, of which I
shall give a specimen, is called by the people, “Haousa Tongue.”
Always Koollum.
All Doka.
Afterwards Zoōashan.
Ass Jackee.
Antelope Baraiwa.
Arm Dumsi.
A fly Koodda.
Arrow Kibbia.
Alive Derrai.
Asleep Bershi.
Butter Mai Ferri.
Bad Moogoo.
Bread Korāsa.
Boil Taffasa.
Bucket Googa.
Boy Yaroo.
Bowl Akooshee.
Bring Kaoo.
Bone Kushēe.
Beads Doosi.
Better Yafi.
Burn Jugrinica.
Black Bekki.
Breast Gubba.
Belly Shikki.
Blood Jinni.
Basket Sanfoo.
Before Dowree.
Brother Kani.
Bull Sania.
Bird Soonsoo.
Book Littafi.
Bitter Deddāshi.
Beat Boogga.
Buy Saïya.
Beard Gaymi.
Blue Dafoa.
Brass Jankerfi.
Blacksmith Mekeri.
Bag Jekka.
Box Sandook.
Come Yaka.
Crest of hair Doka.
Cry Ikooka.
Cold Daree.
Corn Elcamma.
Camel Rakomie.
Cow Sania.
Cotton Abdiga.
Copper Jankērfi.
Check Komatoo.
Cat Fatoo.
Country Garee.
Chin Habba.
Clean Fittatai.
Don’t Kaddakai.
Do this Kai.
Drink Isha.
Dance Eewassa.
Drunk Iasha Gheea.
Don’t go Kadda Kattafi.
Don’t cry Kaddakai Kooka.
Day Rana.
Door Kofa.
Dirty Dowda.
Dates Dibino.
Daughter Ia.
Dog Karre.
Die Meteshey.
Date tree Kershemi.
Dry Kaikasusshi.
Deaf Korma.
Eye Iddo.
Ear Koonnēh.
Eggs Koi.
Enough Iaisi.
Earth Kassa.
Eunuch Baba.
Elephant Gheewas.
Eat Ishee.
Fire Oota.
Fear Kai sooro.
Fat Kibba.
Flesh Nāma.
Fingers Fershi.
Fall Yafādi.
Forget Namanshi.
Face Fiska.
Friend Abokee.
Fish Keevi.
Fowl Kazā.
&c. &c.
1 Daya.
2 Bïoo.
3 Okoo.
4 Fooddoo.
5 Bïat.
6 Shidda.
7 Bokkoi.
8 Tokkos.
9 Tara.
10 Goma.
11 Goma shadaya.
&c.
100 Daree.
1000 Doobboo.
From 20 to 100 are as in Arabic:—
Asherin, Thalateen, Erbain, &c.
Bornou is comprehended between Kanno and Baghermee. The people of
Waday bring dried fish from a large river to the East of Baghermee
to Wara, the capital.
I did not find any one who knew any thing of Solan, Berissa, Tirka,
Gana, or Noro. People are said to go constantly from Noofy to the
Great Sea, to trade with the Whites, and they even bring back
crockery ware, powder, brandy, and arms. One of our informants
went so far as to assert, that there were one or two people there
who understood the language of the Whites. I must observe, that
from Kanno to Zegzeg the road is dry even in winter; but in summer
in many places the country is covered with water, which for forty
days gives it the appearance of a great lake. Our present informant,
an observing man, said that he saw no rivers flowing there; but the
water which was “sleeping” came, as he supposed, from the Nil
of Kashna. He remained trading in Zegzeg until the inundation was
over, and made some great bargains. For seven yards of red cloth,
resembling baize, he purchased nine females, three of whom he
showed to me; they were grown up girls, and very handsome, taken
from Yagooba.
CHAPTER IV.
Articles of Commerce between Fezzan and the Interior, as well as
to Egypt, Bornou, and Waday — Gonja — Description of Ghadams
— Benewaleed and Benewazeed — Reports of a Successor to Mukni
— His Illness — Gardens — Costumes of the Natives — Their
Amusements — Visits to the Sultan’s Family — Celebration
of the Feast of Aid el Kebire — Sickness and Sufferings of the
Author and his Companions — Education of the Children of Morzouk
— Revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan — Illness and lamented Death
of Mr. Ritchie — His Funeral — Determination of the Author to
penetrate to the Southward of Morzouk.
THE ARTICLES OF COMMERCE CARRIED FROM FEZZAN TO SOUDAN, BORNOU,
AND WADAY, ARE—
_Beads._ The following kinds are at present in fashion: Mjeddrah
el Baida (white smallpox); of white china, having raised spots on
them. Erwandadi; transparent, oval, and dark blue. Koontombali; red,
transparent, having white streaks and figures, of an oval form. Khorz
el Adi; small beads of opaque glass, all colours. Menjura; large
octagonal beads of red, white, and green. The white are at present
preferred: a fowl is purchased for a bead of this kind. Khabba
Jedeeda; black oval beads, having white or light blue rings on
them. Guttuf; the smallest size, of all colours, mixed. Dhab el
Mesquin (or poor man’s gold); black china beads, having yellow
spots raised on them. Bandeaus of beads and necklaces ready made. I
have been thus particular for the information of future travellers,
as the beads we took with us were unsaleable, and the above are
always to be purchased at Tripoli.
_Coral._ Morgian Teddoo, small coral in strings, in beads, in the
rough, and in necklaces.
_Needles._ Four of which purchase a fine fowl.
_Silks._ Damask, and all light silks of a gaudy colour: if they
have flowers worked on them, they sell much better; _sewing silk_,
or raw silk, and ribbons of various colours.
_Red cloth_, of a coarse kind, and brings an equally high price
with the kerseymere we had with us. Salisbury flannels would sell
very well.
_Red shawls._ As turbans, and a few having fine borders, which are
sold to the chiefs. Our imitation shawls would be highly prized:
the more red they had in them, the better.
_Copper pots and kettles_, tinned inside.
_Brass basin._ If a little ornamented, so much the better. Flat
ones are preferred.
_Looking-glasses._ In stamped brass and other gaudy frames; and
a small kind in little brass boxes called Lamma in Tripoli, are
much admired.
_Swords._ Very long, straight, and double edged; bought greedily
by the Tuarick.
_Guns and pistols._ Seldom taken, as they are not easily carried
in bales.
_Morgoom._ Which is the long striped carpet, made by the Arabs near
Tripoli, and at Mesurāta on the sea-coast.
_Turkey carpets or rugs_, of about six or eight feet in length and
three in breadth, called Sejaada.
_Kaftans_, of silk and cotton in stripes, or red cloth, as gaudy
and cheap as possible: these meet with a ready sale.
_Caps_, of the manufactory of Tunis, long, and having large tassels
hanging from the crown.
_Bornoose._ Large red mantles, some ornamented with silk or gold
lace.
_Horses_, which, if tall, will sell very readily for fifteen, or
even in some places twenty negresses. Though the purchasers take
the trouble to look at their teeth, they scarcely know a colt from
an old horse. All animals of an imposing appearance, and long legs,
are eagerly purchased.
_Glass armlets_, of black and blue, made at Venice.
_Powder_, flints, and lead in bullets, sell quickly.
_Muslins._ For the chiefs to make shirts or turbans.
_Bales of linen._ Thread, and gold thread, which the natives
sometimes spin, mixing it with their cotton cloths.
_Sundries._ Such as files, chisels, and hammers; a few perfumes,
little boxes, and toys; all of which can be procured in Europe for
a mere trifle.
Nearly the whole of these articles are brought from Tripoli or Egypt,
and are very dear even in Morzouk. We had none of these goods,
which alone are objects of trade in the interior.
_In Exchange for which the Traders bring from Soudan,_
_Slaves._ Chiefly females, the males not being worth so much money
by nearly one-third, or sometimes one-half; are the principal goods
brought by the dealers.
_Zebed_ (civet.) Obtained from the cats which are kept in cages,
and are at stated periods irritated to such a degree, that a profuse
perspiration takes place, and the perfume is secreted in some folds
under the tail; which, by securing the animal, they scrape off,
and preserve in small boxes made of hide. A savage old cat will
produce ten or twelve dollars’ worth in three heats. Their price
is enormous, some being sold for three or four slaves.
_Zeneh._ A striped cotton petticoat, worn as a wrapper by all the
women: the patterns are various; some are very handsome, both in
the arrangement of the colours and in the workmanship.
_Cottons._ Dark blue, called Turkedi, striped blue and white, red
and blue, and in fact of many patterns; amongst others, chequered
like the sailors’ shirts. All these cloths are woven in webs about
three or four inches in breadth; they are sewed very neatly together,
and are excessively strong.
_Tobe_, or large shirts, much varied in colours and prices; the best
are called Samia, of blue cotton and white silk woven in stripes. A
female slave is considered a fair exchange for one of these shirts;
others are at seven or eight dollars each. White ones are also
made, but not considered equal to the blue. The names of those most
commonly brought are, Massaquari, Sharia, Shāta, Shinni, Freezy,
and Abiad, or white.
_Aba._ Of cotton: it is a large shawl or wrapper, used and worn
nearly as the barracans or abas of the Arabs and Moors. These
wrappers are always striped, and generally very handsome: they are
called Melhaffi Zaberma.
_Gold._ In dust, and small bars or rings. This precious metal is
not brought openly, owing to the avarice of the Sultan; and the
amount is very small in comparison with the commerce in the time
of the last Sultan. It is valued at about one dollar and a half
the Mitgal, or about the seventh part of an ounce.
_Leather._ Hides of sheep and goats, dyed and prepared extremely
well, of yellow, red, or black; they are even glazed in the same
way as morocco leather. The skins of bullocks prepared with grease
(of which water buckets and sandals are generally made), and quite
pliable. Many ornamental articles in leather are also brought;
amongst others the _Mokhadda_, or pillows, which are beautifully
made. They are mostly of red or yellow, with figures and ornaments
dyed in black or blue, and tassels hanging at the ends.
_Medaas._ Ornamental sandals of exquisite workmanship, for men
and women.
_Kelābo._ These are the ox hides just mentioned, and are sold in
Fezzan for five or six dollars each.
_Gerbas._ Or water skins, made of goats’ hides; they are considered
the best in Africa, are very large and tight, and are worth three
dollars each.
_El Khaaf._ The blue wrappers which form part of the head-dress of
the Tuarick.
_Ostrich skins_ with the feathers on.
_Honey._ Yellow and white, and very good.
_Goor_, _Kolla_, or _Gooroo nuts._ They are brought fresh inclosed
in a particular leaf, which retains its moisture for several days;
if occasionally dipped in water, the nut will remain fresh for
months. The taste is an agreeable bitter; and water drank after
chewing a piece of one appears quite sweet, resembling the flavour
of an artichoke. In Morzouk this luxury sells at the rate of four
nuts for a dollar. They are about the size of a walnut, and shaped
like a large bean. It is said, that in certain years when the
nut has been scarce, people in Soudan have given a slave for one
of them. They are the produce of Dagomba, Ashantee, and several
countries west of Tembuctoo: I conceive they may be the Kolla nut
of Park. When in a dry state, much of their bitterness ceases, and
they resemble a dry chesnut; they are then less valuable, and are
called Kowda. These dainties are offered to visitors as coffee is
on the coast of Barbary: many people call them the negro’s coffee.
_Pepper._ Red, of two kinds; and three or four sorts of black,
one of which resembles the pod of a vetch or tare.
_Tammerat el filfil._ A large pod, in shape resembling a walnut,
and containing many small seeds of a very pungent taste, equal to
Cayenne pepper.
_Zoogoo._ A kind of cotton cloth of great strength and thickness.
_Elephants’ teeth._ Not often brought.
_Leather jars._ For containing oil, butter, or grease of any
description. Honey is also brought in them: they are called Butta.
_Leather bags._ Capable of containing about a sack of corn; made
of the hide of the black buffalo.
_Bowls_, called Kaffala, highly carved and ornamented, made of
gourds; others are of wood; and wooden spoons.
_Mortars_, called Karroo, made of any hard wood, and used for
pounding corn.
Leather, and skin ornaments, ivory armlets and finger rings,
little fancy baskets, and many other trifles, complete the list,
and serve to supply the deficiency of a camel’s load. Blue
parrots are brought from Noofy, and sell at astonishing prices,
some as high as twenty dollars. They are carried by the negresses,
who soon teach them to speak. They are not found east of Noofy. A
sweet cake, called Aaoud el Kagh (or cough wood) made of spice and
honey, is another article of commerce. Occasionally they bring a
few sheep and goats, as presents to the Sultan, or to the families
of the traders; lions’ skins, and sometimes those of tiger cats.
_To Egypt the Fezzan Merchants carry_
_Slaves_, chiefly female.
_Gold_, procured from the interior.
_Red pepper_, native produce.
_Trona_, or soda, which is procured in the Wadey Shiati, and is
chewed with tobacco.
_Ostrich feathers._
_Tiger cat and lions’ skins._
_Majiggri_, or long-tailed sheep of Soudan, which are bought in
Egypt as high as thirty dollars each.
_Parrots_, procured from Soudan.
_Dates_, which they obtain at Siwah, half-way on the road to
Alexandria.
_Leather_ of Soudan.
_Dark blue Soudan cloths_ in pieces, &c. &c.
In return, the Egyptian traders, who are generally natives of Augela,
a midway town, bring
_Muslin turbans_, which are only worn by great and rich people.
_Silk_, in stuffs, raw, and in thread.
_Gold_, thread and lace.
_Striped stuffs_ of silk and cotton woven together, much worn by
the merchants in the interior.
_Cashmere shawls_, which are not often brought, are generally bought
up by the Morocco traders.
_Striped silk stuffs_ for women’s under garments, and ready made
up shirts.
_Silk and cotton_, sewed together in ribbons; also for shirts.
_Cotton shirts_, with coloured stripes for women.
_Silk handkerchiefs_ for women.
_Copper pots and basins_, tinned inside and out.
_Plates_, cups, and bowls, of earthen ware.
_Glasses_ for lamps, and brass and tin lamps.
_Carpets of cotton_, in coloured stripes.
_Green leather_, called Zengarr.
_Gilt leather_, called Smanto, which the women cut into small
stripes, and plait with their hair.
_Spices_ of several kinds.
_Woollen cloth_ of the most brilliant colours, but of the coarsest
and worst quality.
_Kaftans_, ready made and lined, of the above cloth.
_Beads_ of various kinds and colours.
_Agates_ and cornelians roughly cut in the form of hearts.
_Armlets_ of glass, of various colours.
Brass anklets, armlets, and ear-rings; blunderbusses, pistols,
swords, powder, and daggers; gilt stirrups, tents, soap of
an inferior quality, musk, sugar, brown and white, in loaves,
attar of roses, and jasmin; rosewater, aloes wood and camphor for
perfuming the dead, zebed (or civet) of Mecca, and several other
perfumes; silver ornaments for women; horses occasionally; bottles,
ornamented boxes, tobacco and bowls for pipes; bead headbands for
female slaves; sheet tin, and tin articles; red caps, Luban, a gum
tasting much like resin, which people chew, and gum mastic; Habsia;
handsome girls from Abyssinia, educated in Mecca or Egypt. They
are now but seldom brought, the Fezzanners not being rich enough
to purchase them as formerly.
_From Bornou the Tibboo bring_
Slaves, wooden bowls, kaffala, or gourd bowls; a few tobes or shirts;
sheep, goats, and a little honey. Lion’s skins were once brought,
but they are not now to be had, owing to the Sultan of Bornou buying
them all up for his negresses to sleep on, to prevent their bearing
children, as he has already a large family. It is implicitly believed
that a woman who sleeps on a lion’s skin never can become pregnant.
_From Tuat the Tuarick bring_
Gold procured from Tembuctoo in dust and bars; now, however, rarely
and in small quantities.
_Silk and gold belts_, with cases to hang the books in.
_Tinned copper pots_, basins, &c.
_Light jereeds_, or abas, of wool or cotton.
_Horses_, hair sacks, red, black, and yellow leather, ornamental
bridles.
_Korans_, and other religious books, elegantly written, and often
illuminated with letters of gold or rich colours.
_Kohol._ The black powder used for the eyelids.
_Aaoud el Kagh._ A sweetmeat made of honey.
_Atria._ A perfumed powder of cloves, wild lavender, and other sweet
herbs, with which the Fezzan women powder their hair: the smell is
by no means unpleasant.
Trifles and toys are also brought in great quantities.
* * * * *
In Soudan the people ride on Maherries.
Half-way between Nooffy and Ashantee is a country of great extent,
called Gonja. It is said that the people have the power of taming
the elephants, which there, as in Soudan, are found in great
numbers. This country is traversed by the traders in their way to
the Gold Coast.
The mountains of Kong, near Dagomba, are said actually to exist, but
I know not whether under the same name. Beyond Dagomba the country
is low and marshy, and at certain seasons is overflowed. All the
people, who are not Moslems, in Soudan, Bornou, or indeed over the
greater part of the interior, are called Kerdi, which means Kaffir,
or “unbeliever,” and is considered as a term of reproach;
but no distinct tribe called by that name exists.
The women of the whole of the interior have no hand-mills to grind
their corn, but pound it in large wooden mortars, enlivening their
labour by songs. The want of salt is much felt. The Tuarick of
Aghades and Asben, of the tribes of Kelliwe and Atesin, trade to
great advantage in that article, which they bring from the salt lakes
of Agram (Doomboo of the maps), on the Desert of Bilma, the position
of which I shall mention when speaking of the country of the Tibboo.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
COSTUME OF SOUDAN.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
The women of Soudan are much famed for their singing. They accompany
themselves on a little instrument made of a gourd, with a skin
stretched over it like a drum, having a handle and one string, which
is played by a bow made with horse-hair. This instrument is called
Erbab. Their other instruments are drums, bagpipes, rude cymbals,
and a long gourd called Zantoo, which has a hole at each end, and is
beaten against the calf of the leg, and stopped quickly by the hand.
The women of Bornou have not so many attractions as those of
Soudan. They are neither so handsome, well formed, clean, nor
good-tempered; and, in consequence, the slaves from the latter
country bring much higher prices. The costume of the women of
both these places is very remarkable, particularly in the manner
of dressing their hair; those of Soudan stretching it over a high
pad raised like a helmet, and the Bornou girls plaiting it in some
instances close to the head, and in others letting it hang down
like little bobbins. They wear a large shirt of cotton, or striped
silk, and a wrapper in the form of a petticoat, called Zeneh. Their
silver ear-rings, bracelets, and anklets, form a very pretty contrast
with their jetty skins. In their own countries they wear no shirts,
but a long wrapper tied over the breasts and under the arms.
Ghadams. I have frequently had occasion to speak of this place, which
is situated on the Desert, fifteen days south-west of Tripoli. It
is there that merchants going to Tembuctoo or Tuat assemble before
starting for their long journey. This place was once independent,
but a few years since was taken by the son of the Bashaw of Tripoli,
and has ever since remained tributary. The natives are constantly
trading to Tembuctoo, and there are few of them who do not speak
the language of that country, and of the Tuarick also. It is a
singular fact, that two tribes live in Ghadams without having any
communication with each other. From a person who had often traded
there I obtained the following account, and he drew on the sand
the small plan here shown.
[Illustration]
A large circular wall is divided in the middle by another broad
one, which separates the two towns. It has a gate through the
centre, which is shut during any disturbance. The inhabitants of
both towns were always at war with each other, and have even now
occasionally very dangerous quarrels. Outside the towns are the
gardens and date groves. The streets are all covered in, and are
so dark in consequence, that at sunset a person is unable to find
his way without a lamp. The houses are good, formed of mud, and
of one story. The natives are Arabs. Those who reside in the two
towns seldom see, and are as perfect strangers to each other, as
if living many miles apart. No intermarriages or civilities exist
between them, and a chance visitor from one town seldom escapes
insult from the people of the other. In Benewazeed is a spring
sufficiently large to supply both these places, as well as their
gardens. There are five channels from it, by which the water is
distributed in equal shares, at a certain allowance, in proportion
to the houses or gardens to be watered. When the allowance for one
place is poured into its proper channel, it is then dammed up, and
another is supplied. There are people regularly appointed from each
town to attend the distribution. The water is said to be rather
warm and quite fresh, and runs in a channel communicating with
the Mosque, through which it passes. There are many small rooms,
into which those who wish to bathe in performing their ablutions
may retire. The mouadden, or minaret of this Mosque is very high,
and may be seen at the distance of a day’s journey. Each town has a
Sheikh, and the two are under the command of a Kaid appointed by the
Bashaw. There are no manufactories, but it is well supplied by the
constant concourse of traders who pass through it. Many ostriches are
caught in the neighbouring desert, and the feathers form an extensive
article of commerce with Tripoli. In the southern half of the walls
is a tribe of Arabs living by themselves, called Oulad Belail. From
Ghadams to Iddri, in the Wadey Shirghi of Fezzan, is eight days;
and to Ghraat, twenty days short journeys, or fifteen summer days.
September.—All the people were this month busily employed in
getting in their soft dates, which were in great plenty, and
became their chief support. There are two harvests of this fruit;
one while the dates are soft, the other the latter end of October
and beginning of November, when they are dried and candied.
Reports were brought from Tripoli that it was the intention of the
Bashaw to send out another Sultan to supersede Mukni, and that a
larger tribute was expected than had ever been paid. These reports,
corroborated by one or two private letters, very much alarmed the
Sultan, and caused him to fall sick and take to his bed. He began,
for the first time in his life, to pray at the regular hours ordered
by the law; he ceased to swear, talked much of Paradise, and of
the superiority of the other world to this. Mr. Ritchie was at this
time very weak, and began again to be indisposed, but he constantly
visited Mukni, and at last succeeded in restoring him to health;
thus returning by kindness the ill treatment we had received from
him. We both went frequently to the Castle, and learnt by degrees
that some strong expressions of Mukni’s had come to the ears of the
Bashaw, whose emissaries he expected would be sent to strangle him,
and take all his wealth. Never was a haughty tyrant so completely
humbled by his fears as this man: he sat constantly in a dark room,
would receive only one or two visitors, and was nursed by negresses
day and night; always speaking in a low voice, and, in his terror,
betraying all his secrets.
Affairs were in this state when he determined on sending his chief
man, Aboo bekr boo Khalloum, to Tripoli, that he might endeavour
to mediate for him with the Bashaw. Presents of negresses and
perfumes were to be sent as a propitiation. Ten fine girls of the
Sultan’s household were intended for the Bashaw, with about one
hundred dollars’ worth of civet, and three negresses for the bey,
the heir apparent; two for his brothers, and one for each of the
principal people about the Bashaw. I took this opportunity of sending
my bill to the Consul, and Aboo bekr was to bring me back the money,
Mr. Ritchie having written to state our distressed situation. Soon
after the man’s departure we received a present of a sheep, and
two loaves of Egyptian sugar, from Mukni, who now began to feel a
little more at ease; but at the same time made secret preparations
for flight (of which we, however, were informed), by getting several
of his horses shod at night, and causing all his women to grind corn
and to make provision for a long and sudden journey. We were well
aware, that should he be under the necessity of flying, he would
not go empty handed; and it was pretty generally supposed that he
would first revenge himself on the Mamlukes, whom he suspected of
informing the Bashaw of his evil doings, and then take possession
of our effects, which by his artful schemes had remained so long on
our hands unpurchased. Our friends Yussuf and the old Hadje stole
to our house several nights to give us an account of what was going
forward, and, in consequence, we held consultations for our general
safety. It was some satisfaction to know that all the Mamlukes,
to the number of about ten, would have flocked to our house in the
event of any disturbance; and our arms and ammunition being very
superior to those of the Sultan, we should have stood a good siege
had we been attacked.
Mukni’s treacherous intentions were, in the meantime, too apparent
to allow of our feeling quite at ease, though he frequently came
to visit us, and still professed the same friendship for us as
before. One of our amusements on these occasions was to fire pistols
at a mark at the end of the room. He was very fond of this kind of
practice, and appeared to understand our arms; but we happily always
succeeded in firing much better than himself or his followers;
a circumstance of which, at this time, we were glad to have an
opportunity of convincing him. I had some very small pistols,
which he much admired, and he had given me frequent hints of his
desire to purchase them, even many months prior to this period,
but I did not choose to understand him. Mr. Ritchie agreed in the
propriety of keeping our arms loaded and ready, and we frequently
went into our yard to practise at a mark.
Mukni was at this time even more courteous and civil than usual;
indeed so much so, that he overshot his mark, and confirmed us in
our determination to be prepared for him. One of his Eunuchs who
came to ask for medicine for a woman of the castle who wanted to
bear children, hinted to us, that Mukni was preparing for a sudden
escape, and that much mischief was apprehended before he turned
his back on Morzouk. We could not be indifferent to this caution,
and therefore lay all night with our pistols under our heads, and
our other arms in readiness, conceiving we might soon be called
upon to make use of them.
In this state we continued for some days, Mr. Ritchie lying on one
side of the large room, I on the other, and Belford in a small room
adjoining.—One night, at about 12 o’clock, I was awakened by
Mr. Ritchie’s crying out in Arabic, “Who are you?” “Lyon,
there is a man on the house top.” We all instantly started up;
and I, being the most active of our emaciated party, was pushed
up to the roof, while Mr. Ritchie and Belford ran to our yard,
to cut off the retreat of the intruder. I saw no one, however,
and though I ran along the tops of some neighbouring houses, could
make no discovery. Our old Mamluke was sleeping on the top of his
house, and rose instantly with his gun in his hand, to assist in
the search. Meanwhile we all shouted to our neighbours, begging
their assistance to look for any strangers who might endeavour to
get on their terraces. In an instant all our friends were up, and
on the look out; but, after the strictest examination, no person
could be found.
Mr. Ritchie said, that as he was lying in bed, awake, he heard a
slight noise overhead, when, in looking up, he saw a man stooping
over our sky-light, or opening in the roof, as if for the purpose of
examining into the room. After ascertaining where Mr. Ritchie slept,
he knelt down, hanging his head as far over as he could, to observe
where I lay. Mr. Ritchie moved very gently, so as to reach his
pistol, when the intruder disappeared, and he instantly called out
to me. He stated, that he saw as low down as the man’s waist, that
his body appeared naked, and that he had a white cap on his head.
The buildings here being covered with a mixture of sand and clay
which easily receives the impression of feet, I endeavoured to
trace on the top of ours the tracks of our visitor, and succeeded
in finding one long print of a foot, exactly in the direction
in which Mr. Ritchie had first observed this man. The impression
did not resemble the shape of any of our feet; but was longer, and
entirely flat, like those of most Negroes. Little doubt, therefore,
could remain that a stranger had been there, evidently with no
good intentions.
The next morning we waited on Mukni, informing him of what had
occurred, when he affected to think Mr. Ritchie must have been
delirious, and laughed very much at our alarm. Old Hadje Mahmoud
was firmly persuaded it was Iblis, who had haunted our house ever
since a man was murdered in it. The foot-mark, however, staggered
him a good deal, and he offered to bring a Marāboot, who would by
smelling it, and reciting a few prayers, tell us who had imprinted
it. The more rational people agreed in our opinion, that it was a
spy, but this was only ventured in private; in public they pretended
to treat the matter as lightly as the Sultan did.
The preparations we had made, and our being observed to start up
ready armed, perhaps secured us from any farther visits of the kind,
and we took especial care to announce openly, that we would shoot
the first person we saw even looking into our back yard. We never
could positively ascertain why such a mysterious visit was made
to us, but we strongly suspected Mukni to be the sole instigator
of it. He soon after again fell sick, and constantly professed his
great regard for us.
After Boo Khalloum’s departure, some Arab Sheikhs were established
as inmates of the castle, and Mukni frequently walked hand in hand
with one of them, who was Chief of the tribe Barooda. This man
was considered as being better acquainted with all the roads of
the desert, than any other person in Fezzan. His own tribe were,
at this time, near Egypt; and many suspected, that Mukni intended,
with his assistance, to go off in that direction. But whatever
might have been his destination, every route would have been
equally dangerous for him, since he was detested by all the Arabs,
and liable to be tortured and put to death by the Negroes, should
he fall into their power.
For the present, however, leaving him confined in his castle,
I shall speak more of the people of Morzouk. The ablest person of
our sick party always went to the gardens to shoot pigeons, which
had been numerous, but which now had emigrated to the countries
to the southward. These visits to the date groves gave us many
opportunities of observing the manner of cultivating the grain and
esculents. The wells are generally about 20 or 30 feet in depth,
and more resemble large deep ponds than what we call wells. The
water lies on a stratum of grayish clay, is salt, and generally
smells very badly: it is raised by means of sheers made of date
trees, lashed together, and placed slopingly over the centre of the
pit. One or two asses, according to the number of buckets used, are
attached by a light harness and run down a steep bank, which renders
their work less laborious. The men who attend also draw with them,
and quicken their pace by pricking them on the flanks, with their
small reaping hooks, in so rude a manner, that many of the poor
animals are quite scarified. The water runs into small channels,
which are formed round the garden, while the women and children,
with scoops, distribute it as it may be wanted.
In some places where it is intended to allow the ground to
“drink,” the embankments are opened, and the garden is completely
flooded; thus the labour is very great, and absolutely necessary,
as rain is unknown, and no dews ever fall. The people who attend
the gardens, live in little huts constructed of palm branches, and
about six feet in height. The dates, when quite dry, are buried in
square holes, dug in the sand, and are afterwards covered over with
it. Corn is made into little sheaves, and laid out until wanted:
it is then beaten with long date-sticks, and asses are made to
run over it. The ground on which these operations take place is
a circle firmly clayed and quite clean: much sand is, however,
unavoidably mixed with their corn. Pomegranate and fig-trees form
an agreeable shade near some of the wells; they are so planted, as
to stand in the centre of the water channels. The gardens are, as I
have before stated, very small; yet it sometimes happens, that one
alone produces all the vegetables and fruits peculiar to the country.
Near our house was the principal Mosque, to which the Sultan and
ourselves went every Friday, as a matter of course; and every other
day, we found it necessary to appear there once or twice. It is a
low building, having a shed projecting over the door, which, being
raised on a platform, is entered by a few steps. A small turret,
intended to be square and perpendicular, is erected for the Mouadden
to call the people to prayers. One of the great lounges is on the
seats in front of the Mosque; and every morning and evening, they
are full of idle people, who converse on the state of the markets,
and on their own private affairs; or, in a fearful whisper, canvass
the Sultan’s conduct.
The men of Morzouk, of the better sort, dress nearly like the
people of Tripoli; the lower orders wear a large shirt of white
or blue cotton with long loose sleeves, trowsers of the same,
and sandals of camels’ hide: the shirts being long, many wear
no other covering. When leaving their houses, and walking to the
market or gardens, a Jereed or Aba is thrown round them, and a red
cap, or a neatly quilted white cotton one, completes the dress: on
Fridays they perhaps add a turban, and appear in yellow slippers. In
the gardens, men and women wear large broad-brimmed straw hats to
defend their eyes from the sun, and sandals made from the leaves
and fibres of the palm-tree. Very young children go entirely naked;
those who are older have a shirt: many are quite bare-headed, and
in that state exposed all day to the sun and flies. The men have
but little beard, which they keep closely clipped. The dress of
the women here differs materially from that of the Moorish females,
and their appearance and smell are far from being agreeable: they
plait their hair in thick bobbins, which hang over their foreheads,
nearly as low down as the eyebrows, and are there joined at the
bottom, as far round to each side as the temples.
The hair is so profusely oiled, that it drops down over the face
and clothes; this is dried up by sprinkling it with plenty of a
preparation made of a plant resembling wild lavender, cloves,
and one or two more species, pounded into powder and called
Atrïa: it forms a brown, dirty looking paste, and, combined with
perspiration and the flying sand, becomes in a few days far from
savoury in appearance or odour. The back hair is less disgusting,
as it is plaited into a long tress on each side, and is brought to
hang over the shoulders; from these tresses, ornaments of silver
or coral are suspended. Black wool is frequently worked in with
these back locks, to make them appear longer. In the centre of the
forehead, an ornament of coral or beads is placed, hanging down to
the depth of an inch or two. A woollen handkerchief is fastened on
the back of the head; it falls over behind, and is tied by a leather
strap under the chin. Each ear is perforated for as many rings as
the woman possesses, some wear even six on one side; the largest,
which is about five inches in diameter, hanging lowest, supported
by a string from the head. Round the neck, a tight flat collar of
beads, arranged in fancy patterns, is worn with coral necklaces,
and sometimes a broad gold plate immediately in front. A large
blue shirt is generally worn, the collar and breast ornamented
with needle-work: the women also wear white shirts, and striped
silk ones called Shāmi, which are brought from Egypt;—a Jereed
and red slippers complete their dress.
They generally have those wrappers of a darker colour than those
of the men. Some of the better class of women wear trowsers, not
fuller in the leg than those worn in Europe; they are very prettily
embroidered with silk at the bottom of the leg, and form a handsome
contrast to the black skin of the wearer. Cornelians or Agates,
roughly shaped in the form of hearts, are much worn as necklaces,
and they have a variety of rings for the thumbs and fingers. A band
of silk cord hanging round the body from one shoulder is generally
filled with pendent leather or cloth bags containing charms. Round
the wrists and above the elbows, Armlets of silver, gold, glass,
horn, or ivory, are worn according to the ability of the wearer to
purchase them; and on the ankles they have silver, brass, copper,
or iron shackles. I have seen a pair of silver ones, which weighed
128 ounces; but these ponderous ornaments produce a callous lump on
the leg, and entirely deform the ankle. The poorest people have only
the Jereed and sandals. Both men and women have a singular custom
of stuffing their nostrils with a twisted leaf of onions or clover,
which has a very disgusting appearance. The men, not using oil,
are much cleaner than the women; but the whole race of them, high
and low, apparently clean or otherwise, are abominably lousy; and
they make no secret of it. I have frequently observed the Sultan,
when detecting an interloper, moisten his thumb to prevent its
escape, and then demolish it with great composure and dignity. Some
of the neighbours whom we visited, whilst reposing on their carpets,
would send for a slave to hunt for these tormentors on their shirts;
and it is a great recommendation to a female slave, on sale, to
say that she is well skilled in this art, and in that of shampooing.
About the 20th of September, Mr. Ritchie again became ill, and
was confined to his bed; and though Belford had, in some degree,
recovered his health, he was completely deaf. We hired a woman to
cook for us, at a dollar a month; but she was only required to come
once a day to bake our bread, or to make our cusscussou, as we were
now on an allowance. It often happened, that when she had stolen
half our pittance, we were obliged to fast until the morrow. In
all our troubles, however, I struggled to keep up my spirits; and,
in the evenings when Mr. Ritchie had composed himself to sleep,
I sometimes accompanied Mohammed (who was civil to me on account
of some tobacco I possessed) to the parties of the natives, where I
joined them in dancing, and drinking Lackbi and Booza. The latter is
a liquor resembling in taste bad thick beer, and is made of dates,
the flour of Gussub, and water; it ferments in the course of a
night, and on becoming sour, is fit for drinking: it is preferred
when thick, and it soon intoxicates.
As these meetings were not very select, I was obliged to promise
secresy; for, had it been known that Mohammed or myself ever tasted
such unlawful beverage, we should have been looked on as downright
kaffirs. The people who formed these parties were generally of the
lower class, although I once detected amongst them the religious
old Kadi himself, in a state very far from sober, and listening
to a woman playing the Erbab; but I found, by occasionally mixing
with them, that I became better acquainted with their language and
customs, which I knew would be of essential advantage as I proceeded
southward. I also acquired many friends who, as far as their power
extended, were of much assistance to me. Mohammed condescended
to join in the dances, becoming always very much intoxicated,
and I frequently remained the only sober person amongst them; so
that I was able to make observations, and to be much amused by my
companions. As on all these occasions we were with closed doors,
in an open court, the women played to us on the Erbab, and really
produced a very pleasing, though a wild melody: their songs were
pretty and plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which
is very musical.
At some of our parties, a woman sang a song, which she said was
much admired by the brother of the last Sultan, whose name was Sidi
Montesor; and from certain expressions in it, I discovered that it
was the same mentioned by Horneman; and what was singular enough,
it was sung by the same woman: she recollected that traveller, as
having often been at the castle when she performed there. Some of
these songs abound with poetical images;—for example, a lover will
compare his mistress to a young date just ripened; the jetty hue of
her skin, to the wing of a raven; her teeth to pearls; her eyes to
the sun; and her breath to the attar of roses; her words to musk;
her voice to the erbab; and her kisses to honey, or the sugar brought
from Egypt. The Arab songs are also very pretty, and generally in
the same style. A young man once took much pains to teach me one;
composed, as he said, by a relation of his own. He sang it, as is
the Arab custom, in a voice low and monotonous, though far from
disagreeable. The hero of the piece is one of the Waled Suliman;
he is riding to see a girl whom he admires, but who belongs to
another tribe.—As nearly as I can recollect, the words ran thus:
“Here I am, well mounted, on a horse whose ears are like pens,
who runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My new
red cap becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols well cleaned,
and my belt shines in the sun. As the heart of a pigeon beats when
she finds she is robbed of her young, so will my love’s heart
beat when she sees me. She will not allow the dog to bark, and she
will leave the tent as if in search of wood. Should her kinsmen
see her with me, she shall not fall under their displeasure. I will
lift her on my horse, and fly with her; for my steed has ears like
pens, he runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My
new tagaïa becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols clean,
and my belt shines in the sun.”
The natives have a variety of dances, of which two or three are
peculiar to the country. The parties assemble on the sands, in the
dusk of the evening, when a number of young men and women range
themselves side by side, and dance to the sound of drums, to which
they keep very good time. The men have a rude kind of iron cymbal
in each hand, which opens and shuts: this they beat in the manner
of castanets; both sexes singing at the same time in chorus. The
movements consist in stepping forward, the whole line at once,
at a particular turn of the tune, as if to catch something with
their two hands, which they hold out; they balance themselves a
short time on the advanced foot, and then step back, turning half
round, first to one side and then the other. The whole line then
moves slowly, in a circle, round the musicians who form the centre,
and who all join in the dance.
There is nothing improper or immodest in this exhibition; but
on the contrary, from its slowness and the regularity of its
movements, it is extremely pleasing and elegant. Another dance
is performed by women only, who form a circle round the drummers,
and occasionally sing a lively chorus; one advances, and with her
arms extended, foots it to and from the drummers, two or three
times, until a change of tune, when she runs quickly backwards,
and falls flat down. The women behind are ready to receive her,
and by a jerk of their arms, throw her again upright; on which she
once more turns round, and resumes her place, leaving the one next
in succession to her to go through the same movements, all of which
are performed in the most just time; the whole party occasionally
enlivening the music, by their shrill and extraordinary cry of
joy. The dancing in the houses is not quite so pleasing as that
in public, and as for decency it is quite out of the question;
no man or woman standing up, unless to throw themselves into a
variety of indelicate postures. The male slaves have many dances,
in which great activity and exertion are requisite. One consists
in dancing in a circle, each man armed with a stick; they all move,
first half and then quite round, striking, as they turn, the sticks
of those on each side of them, and then jumping off the ground as
high as they can. Another is performed by boys, and they have no
drum, but keep chorus, by singing in a particular manner, La illa il
’Alla لاالله الاالله. “There is no God but God.”
The Sultan had frequently requested Mr. Ritchie to visit his
children, and some of his negresses, when they were indisposed,
and he had, in consequence, frequently attended them; but now being
himself confined by illness, I was allowed to prescribe for them,
and had, therefore, frequent opportunities of observing the interior
of his family, which would not otherwise have been afforded me. I
was much struck with the appearance of his daughters, one of three,
the other of one year and a half old, who were dressed in the
highest style of barbarian magnificence, and were absolutely laden
with gold. From their necks were suspended large ornaments of the
manufacture of Tembuctoo, and they had massive gold armlets and
anklets of two inches in breadth, and half an inch in thickness,
which, from their immense weight, had produced callous rings round
the legs and arms of the poor infants. They wore silk shirts,
composed of ribbons sewed together in stripes of various colours,
which hung down over silk trowsers. An embroidered waistcoat and cap
completed this overwhelming costume. Their nails, the tips of their
fingers, the palms of their hands, and the soles of their feet,
were dyed dark brown with henna. I had viewed with amazement and
pity the dress of these poor little girls, borne down as they were by
finery; but that of the youngest boy, a stupid-looking child of four
years old, was even more preposterous than that of his sisters. In
addition to the ornaments worn by them, he was loaded with a number
of charms, enclosed in gold cases, slung round his body; in his
cap were numerous jewels, heavily set in gold in the form of open
hands, to keep off the effects of the “Evil Eye.” These talismans
were sewn on the front of his cap, which they entirely covered. His
clothes were highly embroidered, and consisted of three waistcoats,
a shirt of white silk, the women only wearing coloured ones, and
loose cloth, silk, or muslin trowsers.
The costume of the Sultan’s court, or hangers on, is strictly
Tripoline, and as fine as lace or presents of cast off clothes can
make them. It is the custom with Mukni, in imitation of the Bashaw,
to bestow occasionally on his principal people some article of
dress. These presents are made with much affected dignity, by
throwing the garment to the person intended to be honoured, and
saying, “wear that;” the dress is immediately put on in his
presence, and the receiver kneels and kisses his hand in token of
gratitude. I once saw the old Kadi, who is very corpulent, receive
as a gift, a Kaftan, which was so small for him, that when he had
squeezed himself into it, he was unable to move his arms, and was
in that condition obliged to walk home.
Each of the Sultan’s sons has a large troop of slaves, who attend
him wherever he goes; they are generally about the same age as their
master, and are his playmates, though they are obliged to receive
from him many hearty cuffs without daring to complain. The suite of
the youngest boy in particular forms a very amusing group, few of
them exceeding five years of age. One bears his master’s Bornouse,
another holds one shoe, walking next to the boy who carries its
fellow. Some are in fine cast off clothes with tarnished embroidery,
whilst others are quite, or nearly naked, without even a cap on
their heads; and the procession is closed by a boy tottering under
the weight of his master’s state gun, which is never allowed to
be fired off.
In Morzouk the luxuries of life are very limited, the people
subsisting principally on dates. Many do not, for months together,
taste corn, and when obtained, they make it into a paste called
Aseeda اسيد, which is a softer kind of Bazeen. Fowls have now
almost disappeared in the country, owing to the Sultan’s having
appropriated all he could find for the consumption of his own family.
The sheep and goats are driven from the mountains near Benioleed,
a distance of four hundred miles; they pass over one desert, which,
at their rate of travelling, occupies five days, without food or
water. Numbers, therefore, die, which of course raises the price of
the survivors. They are valued at three or four dollars each when
they arrive quite skeletons, and are as high as ten or twelve when
fatted. Bread is badly made, and baked in ovens formed of clay
in holes in the earth, and heated by burning wood; the loaves,
or rather flat cakes, are stuck into the side, and are thus baked
by the heat which rises from the embers. Cusscussou, Dweeda, and
Mogatta, are the best food they have.
The mills are of the same description as the hand-mills of the
Arabs. The corn, when ground, is tolerably fine; but the unavoidable
friction of the stones causes much grit to mingle with it. In all
their food, those who can afford it mix as much grease and red pepper
as possible. A quart of butter is sometimes poured over the doughy
mess for one man, who generally manages to finish it. This butter is
brought in goats’ skins from the Syrtis, and other parts of the
sea-coast; is very rancid, and from having been boiled previously
to putting it in skins, is as liquid as oil: it is considered a
great dainty, and is very dear. Shahm, or salt boiled suet, is
brought by the same people who trade in butter. Oil is the produce
of Benioleed, Mesurāta, and the Gharian Mountains. All the animals
live on dates. Horses and asses are fed on the fruit; camels, sheep,
and goats, on the stones, which the women break up by hammering them
on some hard substance. This is the general occupation of females,
who are not employed to work in the gardens.
October 1st.—This was the great feast called Aid el Kebire,
which is to commemorate the meeting of the pilgrims at Mecca, and
their offering sacrifices on holy ground. On this occasion each
master of a family feeds his wives, children, and slaves on meat,
and it is considered meritorious in him to kill, with his own hands,
any animals he may purchase. By chance the Sultan recollected us
at this festival, and sent us a lamb, which was a treat we little
expected. Mr. Ritchie being weak and nervous, I, as in duty bound,
became the butcher, and performed my task with great alacrity. Animal
food was such a novelty to us, that we actually were tempted to
eat too much, and in consequence the next day we all fell ill.
No good Moslem will eat of an animal which has not had its throat
cut in a particular way, and “In the name of God.” We had never
offered meat, having, indeed, none to offer but such as was killed
in the markets; but on this occasion we found the most scrupulous
ready to accept, and perfectly satisfied with the lawfulness of
the food, although when we first came into the country they would
not eat pigeons, which were killed by us, fancying that in cutting
their throats we had omitted the prescribed ceremonies.
At this period the Sultan became a little better, and began to give
Belford a great deal of trouble, by employing him to repair his three
field-pieces, the wheels and carriages of which were much out of
order. There was great difficulty in explaining to the blacksmiths
how to make large nails, or to bend the iron for the wheels, and,
in Belford’s weak state, he found it a very laborious task to
overlook and instruct them. He, however, was rewarded with wholesome
food, with which we could not have supplied him at home, the Sultan
daily sending him some rice and meat whilst at his work. The poor
fellow often thought of us, and wished we could have partaken of
his good fare. This job being at last finished, I was consulted
by Mukni respecting the construction of a coach, and I promised
him that if he could manage to procure good wood for the purpose,
Belford should make it, provided Mr. Ritchie did not object, and
that I would train four horses to run in it.
I anticipated much pleasure and amusement in this new occupation, as
I had at the time nothing to interest or divert me. Mukni sometimes,
in high good humour, sent us a few fresh dates of a peculiar kind,
of which Mr. Ritchie was very fond, and even extended his generosity
so far as to allow of our cutting two palm-trees out of a million
and a half, for Lackbi.
Belford now began to contrive the coach in question, and out of
an old Shiblia and some boxes, he made a body, six feet in length,
three in breadth, and four in height. This he covered over like a
higgler’s cart, with an arched top, having a door open behind,
by which a person could easily get in; but Mukni finding he could
squeeze himself into a smaller compass, had it reduced in such a
way, as to render it necessary for him to be pushed in and shot out
like a sack of coals. The body being completed, and springs being
out of the question, it was mounted on two strong poles, which did
duty as shafts; and to these were fixed two wheels from one of the
field-pieces, so that the carriage stood at about three feet from
the ground. The Sultan never for a moment quitted the place where
Belford was at work, and was all delight at the progress which he
made. Numbers of people came to see it, and many asked if that was
the kind of vehicle in which our King and his wives used to ride. I
was frequently puzzled how to answer; for to say the truth, though
Belford, considering his want of materials, had done wonders, it very
much resembled one of those little market carts which are dragged
about London by donkies. It soon, however, lost that appearance,
by being covered with a splendid hood of scarlet cloth, and having
a bed laid inside of it. The shafts, body, and wheels were painted
green, though not very durably. The Sultan had some verdigris, which
he had brought from Tripoli; part of this was mixed with olive oil,
which, not drying, was scraped off, but the rest being prepared with
vinegar, formed a wash which answered his fondest expectations. The
carriage was now as gaudy as the Sultan could wish, and he was the
sole and happy possessor of it; but a serious inconvenience soon
presented itself: the coach was not large enough to allow of a
place for a driver, and his horses were too spirited to be trusted
alone with such a small state-carriage. After devising many plans
to remedy the defect, we found we had but one expedient left, which
was to convert the vehicle into a gig. Accordingly, a jack of all
trades, who was a very ingenious fellow, made, by my directions,
a set of harness tolerably well, except that the little pad on
the horse’s back weighed above fifty pounds. This, however,
was soon reduced; but when the animal was put into the shafts,
we discovered that the carriage was so low as to form an angle of
at least twenty-five degrees with the ground. The Sultan’s head
would consequently be about a foot lower than his feet; but as he
intended at any rate sitting with his face to the horse, he thought
nothing of this inconvenience.
His Majesty indulged himself with many rides in the space near the
Castle, and in one instance through the town, the coach being drawn
by slaves. He, however, at last determined to venture a ride into
the country with the horse to draw him. The animal being put into
the vehicle, and led slowly through one little gate to where Mukni
stood, made an attempt to run through another to his stable; the
man who led him being frightened, suffered him to set off at full
speed. The gate brought him up, one of the wheels knocking down the
gate-post and part of the wall, but the carriage itself remained
undamaged. This proof of its great strength quite charmed every
one, and it was at last decided that a large saddle should be put
on the horse, and that Baba Ismael, the Turkish cannoneer, should
ride him, and direct the whole machine. Mukni, by way of showing
his approbation of Belford’s talents, gave him seven dollars,
which he brought home to us in triumph, and which really saved
us when on the very brink of starvation. This piece of good luck
was soon followed by another, for within a day or two afterwards
I managed to sell a saddle for eight dollars to a Tibboo.
Mr. Ritchie again got a little better by the middle of the month,
but continued so very silent and low spirited, that we feared he
would soon relapse.
Some Kafflés of the Tibboo now came in with slaves, and our
horses having got a little more into condition, owing to the great
cheapness of the dates at harvest time, we made many attempts
to sell them. From my having sent a bill to the Consul, we soon
expected money, and Mr. Ritchie empowered me, in the meantime,
to dispose of one of our horses. Accordingly, after a good deal of
manœuvring, I succeeded in getting the Tibboo to come and examine
them, the Sultan having given us leave to sell them if we could. I
often drenched the horses with water when they were not thirsty to
increase their size, and to improve their appearance, and at length
sold a grey horse, given by the Bashaw to Mr. Ritchie, for seventy
dollars, twenty of which, with a negress, valued at thirty-two,
were paid us on taking the animal away; the remainder was to be
given us when the man had sold his slaves. We sent the girl, who
was a native of Mandra in Bornou, and about thirteen years of age,
to Hadje Mahmoud’s daughters, until she was able to cook for
us. Mr. Ritchie was witness with Belford to my liberating her in
due form from slavery; but as we were much in want of a servant,
it was settled that she was not to return to her native country, my
ticket of freedom being only to prevent all chance of her being sold.
We economised, as well as we could, our small allowance of money,
which, however, soon became much reduced, as we had incurred many
debts, which we now punctually paid. We laid in a stock of corn,
which for a time afforded us a secure resource. Within the last two
or three months we frequently had passed a whole day without food.
Belford and I fell ill about this period, and were both confined to
our beds; he with a bilious fever, and I with severe pains in my back
and head, which frequently caused delirium. I had repeated attacks
of ague and fever (called Hemma by the natives) from the beginning
of August, generally about three times a week, and sometimes more
frequently, which had much weakened me, and brought on a decided
liver complaint, as well as an affection of the spleen. Fortunately,
however, my spirits were good, or I must have sunk under so many
attacks. In this month about twenty Tripoli merchants died from
the effects of climate, bad water, and the want of nourishing food;
even many of the natives were very ill, and it was quite rare to see
a healthy looking person. I remained a week in bed, and arose from
it quite a skeleton; Belford was still in a very dangerous state.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
NEGRESSES OF SOUDAN.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
One night, as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our friend
Yussuf, the Mamluke, came in, and addressing Mr. Ritchie, said,
“Yussuf, you and Saïd are my friends; Mukni has behaved to you
as he has done to us, and hopes you may die that he may secure to
himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy, and never speak;
answer me one question, do you want money?” Mr. Ritchie having
acknowledged that he did, Yussuf rejoined, “I do not myself
possess any, but I will go and borrow some for you: how much do
you require?” Twenty dollars being the sum named by Mr. Ritchie,
our kind friend went out, and soon after returned, bringing us
thirty! an act of generosity so unlooked for, that we were wholly
incapable of thanking him as he deserved. This seasonable supply
enabled us to buy good food, and to make some amends for our late
privations. We soon became in better health, and Mr. Ritchie’s
spirits began to brighten up.
Belford, on his recovery, assisted me to make a little flag-staff
with a topmast, on which we placed rigging and a small vane
instead of colours, Mr. Ritchie not wishing to hoist our little
union jack. This contrivance brought us many visitors, who were
much entertained at seeing the vane turn round; but the greatest
part of them hinted pretty plainly, that we must be fools for
wishing to see what quarter the wind came from, which they could
not possibly imagine to be of the least consequence to us. At this
season, Scorpions were very numerous in all the houses, and I think
more particularly so in ours. I had acquired, at Tripoli, a knack
of catching without receiving harm from them, and in consequence
had the credit of possessing a charm against them; however, I once
received a very severe sting. When going to sit down on our mat,
I inadvertently put my hand, it being dark, on a small scorpion,
which instantly stung me. Aware of what it was, I procured a light,
and hastened with a lancet, to cut to the bone and to suck out the
blood: Mr. Ritchie then burnt a deep hole with caustic. The pain
remained very acute for some time, and my right side felt rather
paralysed; but, owing to the precautions which I had taken, I passed
a good night, and the next morning found no inconvenience except a
little swelling, and the usual soreness attendant on a burn. Many
instances are known of children dying of the sting in three days.
There is a little reptile found in the sand here, called Aselis; it
somewhat resembles a lizard in form, and has the power, when alarmed,
of instantly burying itself in the sand. If one is thrown down from
the hand, it sinks so perpendicularly on the spot where it falls,
that it can immediately be found again. These little creatures are
eagerly bought by the girls and married women, for the purpose of
ascertaining how many children they shall have. By stretching them,
the spine will immediately crack, and the women most religiously
believe, that for every sound they shall bear a child.
The reptiles are few, and consist of lizards, and small snakes,
some of a venemous kind, called El Effa. Scorpions and spiders are
also very numerous; one of the latter being of an immense size, and
called Agrab el riahh عقرب الريح or scorpion of the wind,
from its great swiftness in running; its bite is venomous, but not
dangerously so. There is a large species of lizard called Warral,
which is about thirty inches long from the nose to the tip of the
tail; it is very fierce, and when it bites, never relinquishes its
hold until it dies, or has its mouth forcibly opened. We had one
which kept a piece of rope in its mouth for four or five days, and
in that state died. A blow from the tail of this reptile, which it
uses like a whip, is much dreaded, as the natives suppose, that a
person so struck can never be the parent of a child. One of these
having struck my horse on the nose, I was seriously told that he
would be incapacitated from becoming the father of a foal.
Tobacco is very generally chewed by the women as well as the men;
they use the Trona or Soda with it. Smoking is rather the amusement
of a great man than of the lower class, the mild tobacco being very
dear, and pipes not easily procured.
On the 28th October, during the time I was in bed, we had another
grand rejoicing day, called Aid el Tagtāga, which is to welcome
in the new year of the Hegira, 1235 years having now passed since
the flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina. Mukni having given
a couple of his cast off women to two of his slaves, one of whom
was secretary and barber, and the other groom, we had gay doings
in the little square before our Mosque. The first night the barber
and secretary (who was the greatest man of the two) was seated in
state on a carpet and mats placed on the ground, in the centre of the
square, supported on each side by a friend, who, as well as himself,
was covered with fine borrowed clothes, though the bridegroom, of
course, shone most bright. He was very solemn and dignified, having
a lighted candle and lamp placed on the ground before him. The
men and women sung round him until near midnight, treating him
with great respect. He held a fan in his hand, and occasionally
bowed to the company. The bride was then brought from the castle,
surrounded by a great concourse of women, who were vociferating
in rapid succession, their cries of joy. She held a lighted candle
in her hand, and had on a profusion of silver and bead ornaments:
she was quite black and very handsome, and had borne three children
by the Sultan, all of whom had died. The bridegroom did not deign to
look at her, but suffered the procession to pass along to his house;
when, after waiting about half an hour, he rose in a stately manner,
and leaning his hands on the friends who walked on each side of
him (in the manner of the Bashaw of Tripoli, and the Sultan of
Fezzan), he slowly proceeded home; the dancers following him and
singing songs of congratulation. The second night passed in much
the same manner; and, on the following day, I saw the bridegroom,
who had been a few hours before glittering in scarlet and gold,
cleaning a horse in the street, with a ragged shirt on.
I had many opportunities of observing the Fighi and their scholars,
sitting on the sand. The children are taught their letters by
having them written on a flat board of a hard wood, brought from
Bornou and Soudan, and repeating them after their master. When quite
perfect in the alphabet, they are allowed to trace over the letters
already made; they then learn to copy sentences, and to write such
small words as are dictated to them. The board generally used is
in this form:
[Illustration]
The master often repeats verses from the Koran, in a loud voice,
which the boys learn by saying them after him; and when they begin to
read a little, he sings aloud, and all the scholars follow him from
their books, as fast as they can. Practice at length renders them
perfect; and in three or four years, their education is considered
complete. Thus it is that many who can read the Koran with great
rapidity, cannot peruse a line of any other book. Arithmetic is
altogether out of the question.—For children who learn by the
month, the general pay is about two Saa, or two quarts of corn,
and by the year one dollar.
When the boy is considered to have finished his studies, the parents,
if they can afford it, present the master with some clothes, or a
few dollars; if poor, they give him something to eat, and the usual
salutation of Alla iebārek, or God prosper you. On breaking up for
the day, the master and all the scholars recite a prayer. The school
hours are by no means regular, being only when the Fighi has nothing
else to do. Mornings early, or late in the evenings, are the general
times for study. The punishments are, beating with a stick on the
hands or feet, and our good old English custom of whipping, which is
not unfrequently practised. Their pens are reeds, their rubber sand.
While learning their tasks (and perhaps each boy has a different
one), they all read aloud, so that the harmony of even a dozen boys
may be easily imagined.
In the time of the native Sultans, it was the custom, on a fixed day,
annually, for the boys who had completed their education, to assemble
on horseback, in as fine clothes as their friends could procure for
them, on the sands to the westward of the town. On an eminence, stood
the Fighi, bearing in his hand a little flag rolled on a staff: the
boys were stationed at some distance, and on his unfurling the flag,
and planting it in the ground, all started at full speed. He who
first arrived and seized it, was presented by the Sultan with a fine
suit of clothes and some money, and rode round the town at the head
of the others. These races have ceased since the arrival of Mukni,
and parents complain that their sons have now no inducement to study.
All the houses are infested by multitudes of small ants, which
destroyed all the animals we preserved, and even penetrated into
our boxes; their bite was very painful, and they were fond of coming
into our blankets.
One singularity I must remark of Fezzan, which is that fleas are
unknown there, and those of the inhabitants who have not been on the
sea coast cannot imagine what they are like. Bugs are very numerous,
and it is extraordinary that they are called by the same name as
with us. There is a species of them which is found in the sands,
where kafflés are in the habit of stopping; they bite very sharply,
and fix in numbers round the coronet of a horse: the animals thus
tormented often become so outrageous as to break their tethers.
The revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise,
and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their
entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars. In some years the number
of slaves amounts to 4000. For a camel’s load of oil or butter,
seven dollars; a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars;
and of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs who buy dates pay a dollar
duty on each load (equal at times to the price of the article)
before they are allowed to remove it. Above 3000 loads are sold to
them annually. Date trees, except those of the Kadi and Mamlukes,
are taxed at the rate of one dollar for every 200: by this duty,
in the neighbourhood of Morzouk, or more properly, in the few
immediately neighbouring villages, the Sultan receives yearly
10,000 dollars. Of all sheep or goats he is entitled to a fifth. On
the sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head money,
a dollar and a half, which, at the rate of 4000, gives another
6000 dollars. The trees, which are his private property, produce
about 6000 camels’ loads of dates, each load 400 pounds weight,
and which may be worth, at a low estimate, 18,000 dollars. Every
garden pays a tenth of the corn produced; presents of slaves are
frequently made, and fines levied; each town pays a certain sum,
which is small, but as the towns are numerous, may be averaged to
produce 4000 dollars. Add to this, his annual excursions for slaves,
sometimes bringing 1000 or 1500, of which one-fourth are his, as
well as the same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses;
which he buys for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the
Arabs, who come to trade and cannot maintain them; and makes a great
profit by obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are
fed by the public, and he has no money to pay but to the Bashaw,
which, until the recent quarrel, was 15,000 dollars per annum. I
have enumerated his general income, but there are various other
ways in which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the Sultan
inherits great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary
to kill a man, he becomes his entire heir! All his people are on an
allowance from him, out of what he takes from others, at about the
rate of two Kail, or above two gallons, of corn, and four of dates,
per month. His negresses are also allowanced in corn, dates, oil,
&c. according to their size and age.
In company with Mohammed the Mamluke, I rode to Tessouwa, an
inconsiderable town about twenty miles west of Morzouk. It has
the remains of an old Arab castle, built of mud. The palms are not
numerous, and the inhabitants amount to about 300. It is divided
from Morzouk by a plain of sand.
On the 8th of November, 1819, Mr. Ritchie being again attacked by
illness, I much wished him to allow of my selling some of our powder
to procure him a few comforts; but to this he would not consent. On
the 9th I also fell ill, and was confined to my bed; and Belford,
though himself an invalid, attended on us both. Our man servant
was of no use to us whatever; but, on the contrary, presuming on
our poverty, did exactly as he pleased. Our little girl, however,
assisted in nursing us. After lying in a torpid state for three or
four days, without taking any nourishment or even speaking to us,
Mr. Ritchie became worse, and at last delirious, as in his former
illnesses. In the interval, my disorder having abated, I was enabled
to rally a little, and to attend my poor suffering companion.
After he had somewhat recovered his intellect, he appeared very
anxious to know whether any letters had arrived, announcing to
us a further allowance of money from Government; but when I,
unfortunately, was obliged to reply in the negative, he avoided
all comment on the subject. He would not drink any tea, of which we
still had some remaining; but preferred vinegar and water, our only
acid, which he drank in great quantities. Being entirely free from
pain, he flattered himself that he should, in a day or two, recover,
particularly as he was not at all emaciated, but rather stouter than
he had been for some months previous to his illness. One day (the
17th) he appeared so far recovered as to be able to get up and be
dressed. We placed him on the mat in the centre of the room, when he
seemed much refreshed, and thanked us for the trouble we had taken;
he then expressed a wish to have a little coffee, which, for a time,
I was unwilling to give him, fearing it might injure him: he was,
however, so earnest in his request, that I was obliged at last to
comply with it. As he complained of the closeness of his room, and
appeared determined on lying that night on the mat, we made his bed
on it; and I laid myself down by him. In the afternoon he examined
his tongue in the glass, and appeared a good deal alarmed at its
colour; but presently said, “I was frightened at the blackness
of my tongue, but now recollect I have been drinking coffee; had I
observed that appearance without knowing the cause, I should have
said I had a bilious fever, and should bid you good bye.” In the
evening one or two of the Mamlukes came in; he spoke to them for
a little while, and soon after fell asleep. I remained awake the
greater part of the night, during which he slept soundly; but in the
morning I found he had crept from his bed, and was lying uncovered,
and in a state of delirium, on the cold sand. We immediately put
him to bed in his own room, and he appeared to rally again.
On the 20th we got a fowl, of which we made a little soup for him;
and while he was taking it, a man came in, and told me a courier
had arrived from Tripoli with letters. I went out, but returned,
to my sad disappointment, empty-handed, the man having no despatches
for us. The broth which Mr. Ritchie drank was the first nourishment
he had taken for ten days, though we had used all our endeavours to
prevail on him to eat. He said he felt much revived by it, and turned
round to go to sleep. I placed my bed at the entrance of his room,
and remained watching him. He seemed to breathe with difficulty;
but as I had often observed this during his former maladies, I was
not so much alarmed as I should otherwise have been. At about nine
o’clock, Belford, on looking at him, exclaimed in a loud voice,
“He is dying!” I begged him to be more cautious, lest he should
be overheard, and immediately examined Mr. Ritchie, who appeared to
me to be still in a sound sleep; I therefore lay down on my bed, and
continued listening. At ten I rose again, and found him lying in an
easy posture, and breathing more freely: five minutes, however, had
scarcely elapsed before his respiration appeared entirely to cease;
and on examination I found that he had actually expired, without
a pang or groan, in the same position in which he had fallen asleep.
Belford and myself, in our weak state, looked at each other,
expecting that in a few days it might probably be our lot to follow
our lamented companion, whose sad remains we watched during the
remainder of the night. And now, for the first time in all our
distresses, my hopes did indeed fail me. At daylight I went out
and informed our kind friends, Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud, of our
misfortunes; at which they were much affected, and offered us all
the assistance in their power. Belford, as well as he was able,
hastened to form a rough coffin out of our chests; and a sad and
painful task it was. The washers of the dead came to us to perform
their melancholy office, and Mr. Ritchie’s body was washed,
perfumed, and rubbed with camphor; and I procured some white linen,
with which the grave-clothes were made. During our preparations for
the burial, the women, who are always hired to cry at the death of
persons whose friends are able to pay them, proposed to perform
that disgusting office in our house; but I would not allow it,
and very unceremoniously shut the door against them. While I was
out of sight, either our servant or some of our officious visitors
stole several of our effects, and I clearly saw that we were now
considered as lawful plunder. The coffin being completed, I hired
men to carry it with ropes, but one of them having suddenly gone
away, poor Belford was obliged to take his place; when, attended by
our small party of Mamlukes, we proceeded at a quick pace to the
grave, at about ten o’clock. The clay below the sand was white,
which was considered as a good omen; and Belford and myself threw
the first earth into the grave. During the night we had, unknown
to the people, read our protestant burial service over the body;
and now publicly recited the first chapter of the Koran, which the
most serious Christian would consider as a beautiful and applicable
prayer on such an occasion.
Having thus performed the last sad duties to our unfortunate
friend, we returned home to pass a day of misery. It was necessary
to distribute food to the poor who surrounded our door in great
numbers, and we had no money even to purchase a morsel for ourselves;
Yussuf’s kindness again having supplied our wants, and I succeeded
in getting the house a little more quiet. Within an hour after the
funeral had taken place, a courier arrived from Tripoli bringing
a truly welcome letter, announcing that a further allowance of
£1000 had been made by our Government towards the expense of the
mission. Had this letter reached us a little sooner, many of our
troubles and distresses would have been prevented.
I waited on the Sultan to announce to him Mr. Ritchie’s death,
at which the hypocrite affected to be much grieved, though he must
have been well aware that had his inclination equalled his power
to serve us, he might have enabled us to procure the necessaries
of life, and thus perhaps have averted, or at least tranquillized
the last moments of Mr. Ritchie. I informed him of the additional
allowance which I expected, begging him to lend me some money. He
talked much of his regard for me, but dwelt a great deal on his
poverty; and ended by saying, he might perhaps be able to furnish
me with a _little_, which he expressed with particular emphasis,
reminding me that I already owed him eight dollars. I was not then,
I own, in the humour to remonstrate with such a wretch, and plainly
told him I would never more ask for his assistance or friendship;
and that according to his law, ingratitude, such as he had so cruelly
shown to Mr. Ritchie and myself, was the highest and blackest crime
a man could be guilty of, and would one day be visited on him.
On my return home, I found poor Belford greatly overcome by the
efforts he had made, whilst I was equally so from the exertions
of mind I had undergone. The consequence was, that a strong fever
confined us both to our beds, at the mercy of any one who chose to
pillage us. Before I took to mine, however, I contrived to write
despatches to England, which I sent off by a courier.
During the whole day a constant succession of visitors came to pay
their compliments of condolence, and I seriously thought that, with
such an accession of evils, we should in a few days more be hurried
to our graves. Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud attended on us, as did our
little girl, who was our principal nurse, and was very humane and
careful. We lay ten days in this state, and during that time Yussuf,
by my desire, sold about 100 lbs. of our powder, so that we now
again obtained a little money; but we were too ill to enjoy any
benefit which our riches might procure us. Mr. Ritchie’s horse,
which had never recovered its flesh since coming from Tripoli,
and which was very old, I sold, through the medium of Yussuf,
for seventy dollars, to the Sultan. By the sale of many trifles,
which the Sultan no longer made an objection to our disposing of,
I cleared, after paying my debts, about 150 dollars, including
the money for the horse and powder, and now determined, should I
recover, on penetrating still farther to the southward of Morzouk,
though incapable of making such progress as I wished, from not
possessing sufficient funds for the purpose.
I found myself under the absolute necessity of soon returning to
England to receive instructions for my further proceedings (supposing
me still to be employed on the mission), for although money for the
additional grant of £1000 could have been procured from Tripoli,
much time must have elapsed before I could have obtained it; and
even then, I must have gone in person for it. I had no one whom
in my absence I could have left in charge of my goods at Morzouk,
Belford being too sick and helpless either to keep guard over them,
or to remain alone in that place. Added to this, £1000 was a sum
by no means adequate to carry me through Africa; as it would be
requisite to purchase merchandise totally different from that which
had already been provided, and without which I could not have made
my way. Belford, from his weak state, could not accompany me far,
and to proceed alone would have been actual madness, until the
necessary arrangements for my future operations, and regulations as
to pecuniary matters had been fully understood and arranged. Under
all these circumstances, therefore, and to my great regret, I could
only resolve on a short progress into the Interior.
As soon as we recovered sufficient strength to get up stairs,
I opened Mr. Ritchie’s sitting-room, where we found only a few
scattered papers, an unfinished journal, and some letters. These I
collected, and in Belford’s presence burnt all which were private;
but every other document bearing Mr. Ritchie’s handwriting I
carefully preserved. We were both much astonished at his having left
so few memoranda, as we felt confident, that though for many months
he had, from repeated illness, been unable to write, that at least,
prior to his arrival in Morzouk, he must have made many notes,
as well as composed a regular journal.
I knew that he had always trusted much to his singularly retentive
memory, and was also aware that he expressed great impatience for the
arrival of more cool weather, when he might, with less inconvenience,
commit his ideas to paper; and these reasons might probably account
for his having left so few mementos of the scientific mind with
which he certainly was gifted. It is also to be regretted that
Mr. Ritchie, during his illnesses, would never avail himself of
my repeated offers to take down in writing any observations which
he might have considered worthy of note; and from this unfortunate
circumstance much, very much valuable information has been lost.
I caused all the chests of merchandise to be removed into our large
room, and with Belford’s assistance opened them, in order to
ascertain their contents. They had been packed before my arrival
in Tripoli, and Mr. Ritchie had determined that they should not
be opened until we reached the Negro country. I found in them,
amongst other things, about 600 lbs. of lead, one camel load of
corks for preserving insects on, and two loads of brown paper for
preparing plants. As these amounted in all to about five loads,
which were not worth carrying back to Tripoli, I sent them,
with two large chests of Arsenic bottles into Yussuf’s house,
taking a proper receipt for them, so that any future traveller or
myself might be enabled to receive them. I found that the other
goods, including five cwt. of books and two chests of instruments,
would load about eight camels: we therefore commenced taking a
list of them, and putting them carefully away, when we were again
attacked with fever, and confined to our beds, remaining with all
our merchandise at the mercy of Arabs and natives.
I had at this time occasion to turn off our man, and the woman
also who cooked for us, as I had strong reason to doubt their
honesty. Yussuf lent us, in our distress, a fine intelligent boy
called Barca, who, with our Negro girl, greatly assisted us.
The weather having become very cold, we had a fire made in a hole
in the ground, round which we sat in the evenings with some of the
friends who came to see us. On these occasions they told us many long
stories; but Belford’s deafness prevented his being amused with
them as I was. Religion was generally the subject of these tales,
which, when related by the old Hadje, were usually prefaced thus:
“When a man has been three times to the holy house, as I have
been, he begins to know something, thank God!” He repeated many
marvellous stories of the country of Sindi, or Persia, in which is
the bed of the sun, and where grows a tree bearing a fruit resembling
a coffin. This growing daily larger until ripe, at last bursts,
and out of it a man drops to the ground, who cries “Wauk, wauk;
in the name of the merciful God,” and instantly expires, sinking
suddenly into the earth. He told me that in Paradise the prophets
are permitted by God to ride on animals of extraordinary beauty,
called Borāk, whose form is something like that of an antelope,
and their swiftness such, that in the twinkling of an eye they can
spring out of sight. All the prophets on the bare backs of these
animals, but Allah, out of love for Sidina (our Lord) Mohammed, gave
him a golden saddle, on which he parades before the faithful. Many
more stories equally extraordinary are told and believed all over
the country; and in Morzouk are a few copies of some of the Arabian
Nights’ Entertainments, and the voyages of Sindèbad the Sailor,
which are as fully accredited as the Koran itself.
Yussuf generally amused me by singing, and ridiculing the Arabs. The
Tuarick were always subjects for his wit, and he related many
curious anecdotes of them. One which, though greatly exaggerated,
is much in character of these people, was of a man sent as a
courier from Ghraat to Ghadāms, eighteen days’ journey, for
which he received sufficient provision to support him the whole
time, but which devouring at a meal, and girding his loins with
a belt, he mounted his camel, and performed the journey without
other sustenance! These people, however, really can abstain from
food for three or four days without any apparent inconvenience.
On the 8th of December news arrived that the slave hunters had made
but little booty, the people having been warned of their coming,
and that they were on their return home. We also heard that the men
of Waday had cut the throats of eighty-two white traders in Wara,
the capital, and had determined to suffer no Moors to trade again
in their country, but to kill them immediately on their entering it.
I now began a little to recover my health, and Belford, though
still quite deaf, was without fever.
I remarked that our negress invariably used the letter P for F; she
would say, for instance, Yussup instead of Yussuf, Patoo for Fatoo;
and I found that this was general amongst the natives of Bornou and
Baghermee. These people, as well as the natives of Fezzan, always
pronounce _s_ as _sh_, and vice versâ. Another peculiarity which
I have often observed is, that all the Fezzanners and slaves, in
cutting onions or other vegetables, cut downwards on the forefinger
of the left hand, and however sharp the knife may be, they seldom
injure themselves.
Mukni now received more enlivening news from Tripoli, and he began
again to show himself. Orders came that all the traders of Augela,
a town between Tripoli and Egypt, should be put in prison, and their
slaves and goods taken on the Bashaw’s account, as he was at war
with their countrymen, and had sent an army against them. Fourteen
were accordingly confined under the Castle, and orders were sent to
the southward to take up those who came from the Interior, and to
the eastward to secure those coming from Egypt. There was one of
these people who was much disliked by Mukni, and who, on hearing
of the proceedings against his countrymen, escaped with nineteen
negresses, his property. The Sultan sent after him, and having cut
off his access to a watering-place, he was secured, almost dying from
thirst. His life had been promised to him before he surrendered;
but the next morning he was deliberately shot through the breast
by those who had him in custody, and his head and property brought
back to Morzouk. Had this man been aware of the treachery intended,
he was of so powerful a form, and of such bravery, that his capture
would have been very difficult. Previously to his being shot,
he exclaimed, “Tell Mohammed el Mukni that he is a villain:
Paradise is shut against him, and he will die by treachery. There
is no God but God, and Mohammed is his Prophet.”
Our friend Yussuf brought to me a very old man, who had been to
Ashantee, and who gave some very extraordinary and rather improbable
accounts of the people there. He said that there were white traders
at the coast whom he had himself seen. This I would not at first
believe, until he related some distinct accounts of the habits of
the people he met with, peculiar to Europeans.
In Morzouk there are sixteen Mosques, which are covered in, but some
of them are very small; each has an Imaum, but the Kadi is their
head, of which dignity he seems not a little proud. This man had
never been beyond the boundaries of Fezzan, and could form no idea
of any thing superior to mud houses and palms; he always fancied
us great romancers when we told him of our country, and described
it as being in the middle of the sea.
It may be necessary before I take leave of Morzouk, and indeed
of Tripoli, to explain that our adoption of the Moorish costume
was by no means a sufficient safeguard in either of those places,
or in traversing the interior of Africa; for though it might, to
a casual observer, blind suspicion, yet when we had occasion to
remain for a time at any place, or to perform journeys in company
with strangers, we found that it was absolutely requisite to conform
to all the duties of the Mohammedan religion, as well as to assume
their dress. To this precaution I attribute our having met with so
little hindrance in our proceedings; for had we openly professed
ourselves Christians, we might, in Fezzan, have experienced many
serious interruptions; whilst farther in the interior, even our
lives would have been in continual jeopardy. The circumstance
of our having come from a Christian country, which we always
acknowledged, frequently rendered us liable to suspicion; but by
attending constantly at the established prayers, and occasionally
acknowledging the divine mission of Mohammed, or, more properly,
by repeating “There is no God but God, Mohammed is his Prophet,”
we were enabled to overcome all doubts respecting our faith.
In attending the Mosque we found that it was not necessary for us
to use any prayers addressed to, or in praise of, Mohammed; the
three which are recited by day being in an under voice, and the
morning and evening ones only being repeated aloud. These latter we
easily avoided, and during the others we made use of what orisons
we pleased, only taking particular care that our prostrations and
outward observances should be at the proper times. The only prayer
we ever recited audibly was the “Fatha,” or first chapter of
the Koran, the sentiments of which are really beautiful.
I am confident that it would never be possible for any man to pass
through Africa, unless in every respect he qualified himself to
appear as a Mohammedan; and, should I myself return to that country,
I would not be accompanied by any one who would refuse to observe
these precautions. It is possible, that as far as Fezzan, a traveller
might, by great good chance, escape detection; but the farther
south he proceeded, the more bigoted would he find the people, and
a cruel death would, in such case, inevitably terminate his journey.
Though the Mohammedans profess and appear to be strict in obeying
the ordinances of the Koran, they most grossly violate one of
its principal laws relating to Unbelievers. It is expressly said,
that Moslems may take or destroy all those who do not believe in
Islamism; but that they should first endeavour to instruct, and on
their refusing to acknowledge the Koran, then make them slaves. The
same law distinctly teaches that those who are already Moslems
cannot be taken captive or sold. Nothing, however, is farther from
the idea of a Mohammedan, than to instruct the Negroes; for, instead
of endeavouring to convert them to his faith, he appropriates and
sells them for his own advantage. This is sufficiently unjust, but
the conduct of Mukni and his men is infinitely more so; for they
seize on the inhabitants of whole towns where the only religion is
that of the Koran, and where there are Mosques; and this without
scruple or remorse. I have frequently pointed out the clause in
the Koran, forbidding such injustice; but never could obtain a
satisfactory reason for this violation of their religious tenets.
Of the various ceremonies incident to the faith of the Moslems,
I shall make no mention, as they have already been so frequently
touched on by other travellers.
CHAPTER V.
Departure for Tegerry, through Zuela and Gatrone — Arrival at
Zaizow — Pass on to Traghan — Visit Gardens and Springs —
Arrival at Zaitoon and Touela — Pass Villages of Maghwa and Taleb
— Arrival at Hamera — Illness — Leave Hamera — Bearings
of its neighbouring Villages — Large Salt Plain — Arrival at
Zuela — Description of Inhabitants — Author’s Illness —
Ancient Buildings — Hospitality of the Shreefs — Leave the
Town — Arrival at Terboo — Its Wretchedness — Curious Story
of Marāboot — Arrival at Mejdool — Journey across the Desert,
and Arrival at Gatrone — Feast of Milood — Costume, Character,
and general Description of the Tibboo — Description of Gatrone
— Accounts of Tibesty and Waday, from a Tibboo Trader — Tibboo
Language — Leave Gatrone in order to meet the Grazzie — El
Bakkhi — Tibboo Manner of making Tar — Arrival at Tegerry.
On the 9th of December we began our preparations, and by the 13th,
had succeeded in nailing and lashing up all our effects, which we
lodged in the Koudi or sitting-room of old Hadje Mahmoud, who was
to take charge of them. I bought a very fine brown Maherry seven
feet six inches in height, and able to carry 5 cwt., of a little
one-eyed boy, of about 12 years of age, who drove a bargain harder
than any man I ever saw. My health was very bad, and I suffered
severe pain from diseased liver and enlarged spleen; but having
considered that it would be necessary for me, before I returned to
Tripoli, to ascertain the situation of other parts of the kingdom
of Fezzan beyond Morzouk, I determined, notwithstanding my extreme
weakness, to visit the southern and eastern provinces, proceeding
in the first place to Zuela زويله in the east, and from thence
passing the desert to Gatrone قترون and Tegerry تجرّي in
the south. I persuaded Belford, who always entered into my views,
to try what change of air would do for him as well as for myself,
and he agreed to accompany me, although we more resembled two
men going to the grave, than fit persons to travel over strange
countries. Yussuf ben el Hadge Khaleel kindly lent us his little boy,
Barca, who was to act as our servant, and to lead our camel.
On the 14th we set out, having received a Teskera from the Sultan, on
all the villages through which we might pass, so as that ourselves
and animals might be fed. I also had an order for the Kaid of
Zaizow زيزو and the brother of the Kaid of Traghan طرعغن
to accompany us: but it was not until 1.50. P.M. that we were able
to get away. We were weak and helpless; and the Arabs, according to
custom, gave us so much trouble, by their officiousness, that the
poor camel and our horses were loaded and unloaded a dozen times at
least. At 2.50. we passed a small nest of huts on our left, named
Mangelly منجلّي having another village to the south of it,
about one mile distant, called Ghrowāt غروعت. At 4. after
crossing a sandy plain, we came to a little village in the gardens
of Hadge Hajeel حاج حجيل where we found our friend, Mohammed,
measuring and burying the Sultan’s dates. The heap he was employed
on was about twelve feet in height, and thirty in length, and had all
been collected in the immediate neighbourhood. Mohammed gladly left
his work; and having ordered some Lackbi to be brought, and a fowl
or two to be seized upon, carried us to the hut he was living in.
We proceeded this day E. and by S. about seven miles.—Mohammed made
us welcome in the evening, and brought a fifer and two bagpipers
to stun us, while the women of the village, to do us honour, beat
tin-pots, singing, and dancing before us.
The village of Hadge Hajeel is half a mile south of the gardens,
and has about 250 inhabitants; this is the place which Horneman
mentions under the name of Sidi Besheer, whose tomb stands near it.
Dec. 15th. Therm. 9°. 30′.—At 8.30. A.M. we started with
Mohammed, who was to take us to Zaizow, and at a mile S.E. of the
gardens, arrived at the tomb of Sidi Besheer, where we recited the
Fatha, or first chapter of the Koran, and where I gave a dollar to
purchase food for the poor. It was a small mud hut, white-washed
in front, covered at the top with palm branches, and standing on a
sandy plain. Custom, and the sanctity of the Marāboot, induce all
Kafflés coming from the Interior to stop and refresh the slaves
and animals at this spot, previously to their entering Morzouk; and
here, too, all travellers assembling for the Interior, meet. Hard
by are the ruins of an old Arab Castle, called Gusser Hamādi.
On leaving this plain, we got into a most excellent beaten road,
running S. and by E. to Zaizow, and passed four of the Sultan’s
men on horseback, escorting three poor Augela Arabs, bound on camels,
with thirty-eight slaves, once their property. These people had been
six years trading in Soudan, and were now on their way to prison. We
left fourteen of their countrymen in confinement when we set out.
At 10.35. arrived at the small village of Zaizow, where we found
the Kaid Saad, who was to be our attendant, sitting on the sand, at
his own door, making women’s red shoes. On seeing the Sultan’s
order, he sprung up with alacrity, and carrying his tools into
the house, returned to us in a short time, in a gay dress, with a
sabre hanging over his shoulder. He was a fine honest looking black,
very fat and well oiled, and had the appearance of a great eater,
which qualification he soon gave proof of. While waiting here,
we saw a black woman with lips of a pale pink colour, and one or
two marks on each hand, of the same hue. I wished to ask her some
questions, but she looked so sulky that I desisted.
Zaizow is prettily situated in a little dell, thickly planted
with palms, and having a ruined castle on a rising ground in the
centre. The houses are nearly all in ruins, and many had palms
growing in them: the population, according to the Kaid, amounted
to about 70 souls. It is E. and by S. seven miles from Hadge
Hajeel. Mohammed left us in charge of our new friend, the Kaid,
who soon found a donkey to carry him on with us to Zuela, at which
place he was to find his horse.
At 11.30. A.M. set out, and at 2.30. passed a village on the
left, named Areg el Libban, and an old castle, called Gusser
Bighia. 2.45. Passed the ruined village and castle of Mokhāten
مخعتن. 3.12. arrived at a place called Deesa ديس where we
found the Kaid of Traghan, who promised to come to us on the morrow,
and to send his brother as soon as he returned home. The village
of Ershādi faces Deesa to the southward of the road. Leaving
Deesa, we passed for an hour over a flat, so completely encrusted
with salt, that it had the appearance of a hoar frost in England;
indeed, the whole of the road from Hadge Hajeel bore, more or less,
the same resemblance.
At 5. we entered the gardens and date groves of Traghan طرعغن
which appeared in a higher state of cultivation than any we had yet
seen, and at 5.45. arrived at the town, which stands clear of the
gardens, on a flat desert plain. Yussuf having offered us his house,
we put up there, although not without a great deal of clamour from
an over-civil Negress and her husband, who, to do us more honour,
shifted us and our baggage about without mercy. The Marāboot,
the principal man here, sent to apologise for not being prepared
to provide us with bread and meat. At 2. this day the thermometer
was 25°.
{from Hadge Hajeel 7 miles.
We had travelled E. and by S.{
{from Zaizow 16 miles.
--
23 miles.
Dec. 16th. Therm. 9°. Fine clear morning. I paid a visit to the
Marāboot, who was sitting on an earthen mound, half naked, and in a
very dignified manner, enjoying the heat of the sun. His dependants
were seated round on the sand, listening with mute attention to the
sagacity of his remarks. He was very fat, greasy, and consequential,
and told me that all his family had been Marāboots, and equally
eminent for learning with himself. On leaving him, full of admiration
at his modesty, I went out to the gardens to see the springs, of
which I had heard so much. As I was a stranger, and these springs
were the pride of Fezzan, several people left their work to follow
me, and to witness my surprise and admiration at the first sight of
them. There are four ponds, each 30 or 40 feet in diameter, covered
with a green crust, and containing innumerable frogs. Insignificant,
however, as they were, I dismounted and drank heartily from them,
although the water, even here, was not perfectly fresh. The gardens
which are supplied from them are altogether as white with salt as
those watered from the wells. A number of strange birds, resembling
thrushes, but with longer tails, fluttered about us; but having no
gun with me, I was unable to kill one. The date trees here are very
thickly planted, and form a most agreeable shade.
I got a meridian altitude of the sun, 81°. 1′. 30″. which
gives the latitude 25°. 55′. N.
On our return to the town, I observed that its walls and houses
were of a light green colour, while the castle in ruins appeared
of a reddish clay; but I soon discovered that the earth and clay
all round the town were actually green, and I collected specimens
of them. This place appears to have been once of some consequence,
but is now nearly in ruins, and has not, I should imagine, above
five or six hundred inhabitants. At 2 P.M. thermometer 19°. The
Marāboot sent us a couple of fowls and some bread; and as the Kaid
of the town followed the present to know if we were properly served,
he came in for his share. I observed here, with much satisfaction,
that Belford seemed quite recovered from his giddiness, though he
remained very thin and weak.
Dec. 17th. Thermometer 8° 30′. Raw misty morning, with the wind
in the north-east. We visited the Gusba, or castle, the ruins of
which show it to have once been a place of some importance as an
Arab fortress. The Marāboot informed me that it had been built
prior to Morzouk, in which case it must be nearly six hundred years
old. A story is told, that of the asses employed in bringing the
materials for building it, 500 died before it was finished, of
mere fatigue. About sixty years ago it was inhabited by a brother
of the native Sultan’s, who governed the eastern provinces, and
was styled “Sultan el Shirghi,” or Sultan of the East. From the
castle we were enabled to observe that the town stood on a plain,
bounded to the southward by palms, and from east-south-east to west
by the Desert.
The following towns bore thus: El Glaib, south-west three or
four miles; Ben Gleif, south-south-west four miles; Māfen,
south-half-west eight miles; Zebbār, south four miles; and Zaitoon,
south-east by east seven miles.
There are four mosques in Traghan, having small mud minarets. The
houses are many of them large, but are now in ruins, owing to the
great alteration in the circumstances of their owners. That of our
friend Yussuf had been one of the best. We had, however, a proof
of its present altered state, in finding the roof breaking in upon
us, which obliged us to change our quarters. Three beams gave way
at once, and no doubt the whole would have fallen in before night;
though the old man and woman stood fearlessly under it, and asserted
that it could not happen, because no roof had ever fallen in their
master’s house. The people here have an idea, that corn grows more
luxuriantly in salt earth than in any other, and from the appearance
of the crops, I am inclined to be of the same opinion. At eleven
I sent the Maherry on, and waited, at the Marāboot’s request,
to partake of a mess which he was preparing for us. I observed that
Kaid Saad’s horse seemed in very poor case, and was greedily eating
date leaves; but this was soon accounted for, on my learning that
the allowance of food which he received for the poor beast was all
sent home to the favourite wife. The people of this place have (if
possible) a more whining tone in their salutations, than those of
Morzouk. I sent the Marāboot a knife and pair of scissars; and at
12.45. left the town, attended by Yussuf’s slaves, who saw us well
on our road, and then took their leave of us. At 3.15. came up with
the Maherry, and at 3.25. entered a miserable assemblage of about two
dozen mud and palm huts, called Zaitoon, زيتون, having proceeded
east-south-east seven miles over a gravelly plain. We met the Kaid
of Traghan on the road, with some other horsemen who were bringing
eight slaves and some sheep, the property of Augela merchants.
As the huts promised but little comfort, we pitched our tent in the
midst of them, to the astonishment of the natives; who, on hearing
from Saad (who never forgot to order a dinner) that we were very
great men, and friends of the Sultan, dispersed themselves about the
village to catch all the unlucky fowls that came in their way, and,
in consequence, we had six served up in an hour after we arrived. The
Kaid felt much hurt at my paying for them, as he was afraid it would
be the means of spoiling the people, who would always, in future,
expect remuneration.
Dec. 18th. Thermometer 5° at the tent door. Fine clear morning,
with the wind to the eastward. We had much difficulty in catching our
horses, which had broken their tethers, and run out on the desert;
even the Kaid’s Rosinanté was capering about: my horse, however,
stopped at the sound of my voice, and by 9.15. we were enabled to
proceed. At about three-quarters of a mile south-east by east of
Zaitoon, is another village of the same description, called Touela,
طويله. We passed through it, and, I believe, shook hands with
every male inhabitant in the place. Near this village is a large heap
of ruins, said to have once been a castle, the walls of which are,
though roughly built, very curious. Between a rising ground a little
to the eastward, and the principal well, there are twelve others,
each about four yards apart, and having arched communications
sufficiently high for a man to walk erect in. Leaving Touela, we
ascended to a bleak stony plain, running on to the desert on the
left, and having very irregular sand hills, about the distance of
two miles to the right. We directed our course north 65° east. A
strong north-east wind was blowing, and I observed, as in coming from
Tripoli, that in the coldest days the sun has the greatest power
of burning the skin. Belford and myself were completely disfigured
about the nose, which became very red, and smarted painfully. At
eleven the sand hills closed in, and we came again to a few palms
and a small village called Maghwa, مخوه. We remained to warm
ourselves in the sun by a well side, and were joined by Besheer el
Dthucker, the Kaid of Traghan’s brother, who had followed us full
speed from Morzouk. At 11.45. the camel having passed, we went on;
and at 1.30. came again to sand hills. At 2.10. we arrived with the
horses at Taleb, طالب, (Fox), a village with about eighteen palm
trees, and four or five mud huts: the Sheikh brought us out some
dates and very salt water. The mountains between us and Hamera,
حميره, called El Gāra, القار, bore north 60° east. At
three, the camel having passed, we went on. At 4.10. passed El Gāra
on the right. From hence Hamera bore north 55° east. We travelled
all this day, with the exception of the villages, over a gravelly
desert. On the plain we visited a well which is haunted by Iblis,
or the devil; for the Arabs cannot conceive that the echo which
proceeds from it can arise from any other cause. At five we arrived
at Hamera. I found myself greatly exhausted in consequence of the
pain in my liver, and the debility occasioned by the mercury I had
taken. The Kaid promised me much comfort here, as we were to have
the Sultan’s own house; but we waited so long in the midst of the
village, before we could find any one to get it ready, that I was
obliged to produce my Teskera, which soon set the people in motion,
and converted a set of impudent lazy Arabs into the most submissive
people in the world, and every one of them seemed equally anxious to
do us honour. We soon found the house, which was a miserable ruin,
having only two roofed rooms. The one destined for our reception
was occupied by five or six half naked Arab women, and a small flock
of sheep; but they all made way for us, and we took possession of it.
Dec. 19th.—I was so ill that I remained in bed, and was stared
at by the whole village.
December 20th. Thermometer 3° 30′. This place is now nearly
unwalled by time, and is completely wretched; it stands on
the desert, but is surrounded by a few straggling palms, and
gardens. The ground near the walls is covered with bushes of
Agool (or thorn of the desert), which, at a little distance, has
a pleasing green effect, and was then quite a novelty to us. The
Sheikh brought his two wives to me for advice: the first, who
had a head-ache and sore eyes, I was able to do something for;
but as for the second, her case was hopeless; for, according to
her husband’s and her own account, she had been three years
with child. Such mistakes are frequent here, as many women take
this method of deceiving their husbands, to avoid being divorced
for sterility. The lady left the house very much irritated at my
giving her no remedy for her complaint. At 11.20. we started,
and I observed the following bearings from Hamera. El Bedere,
east by north two miles. (It is from this place that the people of
the neighbouring districts supply themselves with salt, as it is
here free from earth, and of a beautiful whiteness.) Omelerāneb,
west-south-west two miles. This is the town of Sheikh Barood,
of the Boowadie Arabs; and from this place Teweewa is south-west
two or three miles. As usual, the desert is to the left, and high
sand hills to the right. The first part of our road was over a
barren plain, and we then, for an hour and a half, travelled over
a plain of salt, broken up in large slabs by the heat of the sun,
and having the appearance of a brown disturbed sea. We found the
footing very difficult for ourselves and animals. At 1.40. arrived at
the village of Omesogueen. Stopped here for a short time, and sent
the camels on. I consider this place seven miles and a half east
8° north of Hamera. Low table-topped hills bound the view to the
northward. The plains which occurred at intervals between the sand
hills, were covered by brittle stones, resembling pieces of yellowish
earthen ware, and ringing when struck by iron. At 2.15. we set off,
and proceeded east 17° north; met three more Augela prisoners, and
eight camels laden with merchandize, which they had brought from
Egypt, and which, with themselves, were seized on their entering
Zuela. At four we passed a flat hill on the left, running east and
west for many miles, called Mengār; some talhh trees are scattered
on the plain at its foot, which afford a lasting joke against the
people of Zuela. A man coming from thence, in great dread of meeting
the Waled Suliman, a band of Arabs who were pillaging the country,
was so blinded by his fears, that he mistook these trees, which he
had seen from his infancy, for horsemen, and in great trepidation
galloped to Zuela with the news: the Zuela men, in consequence,
putting their women and children in safety, went out in a body
towards evening to reconnoitre, when, after the usual caperings of
a party of Arabs, they came up with their enemy, which proved to be
the trees in question! After passing over another rough salt plain,
we arrived at 5.10. at Zuela, having on each side heaps of ruins
within the walls. On an eminence near the town, the principal people
(who are Shreefs) had been assembled for four or five hours in order
to welcome us. We were shown to a very good house, and numberless
visitors came, bringing provisions of all descriptions. For each
mess Kaid Saad, who was highly delighted, paid some compliment
to the bringer, though not till he had first dipped his finger in
and tasted. I was here so ill, that I was obliged to apply a large
blister to my side, and to go to bed, leaving my party listening to
the wonders which the Kaid was relating about Belford and myself,
whom he represented as two very extraordinary personages.
Dec. 21st. Thermometer, at nine A.M. 7°. Being too unwell to leave
my bed, Shreefs in numbers came to see us. About twelve different
bowls of meat, soup, and bread, were sent in to us, which the Kaid
and Besheer (for neither Belford nor myself had much appetite)
successively despatched.
December 22nd. Thermometer 9°, wind east-north-east, and at
two P.M. thermometer 21°. I found myself better until noon,
when a severe attack of hemma seized me, and my spleen became so
very hard and painful, that I was unable to lie down. At night,
the attack having ceased, I had a very large party to visit me,
and to examine my curiosities, amongst which the compass, and a
phosphoric match-box, were the most admired, and of course in great
danger of being broken. A venerable Shreef, named Mohammed Ali, came
late, and it was therefore necessary to go through my exhibition a
second time, at which he seemed highly gratified. He paid me great
compliments on my sagacity in having turned Moslem, and invited me
to an assembly at the great Mosque on the Friday following.
The inhabitants of Zuela are nearly all white, and Shreefs, and
they are particularly careful about intermarriages with other
Arabs, priding themselves much on their immediate descent from
Mohammed. They are certainly the most respectable, hospitable,
and quiet people in Fezzan, and their whole appearance (for they
are handsome and very neatly dressed) bespeaks something superior
to the other whites. I observed this evening that these people, as
well as all other Arabs and Negroes, invariably express admiration
by laughter, which is generally accompanied by holding the open hand
with the back towards the forehead. The more they are surprised or
amused, the more boisterous and loud they become.
December 23rd. Thermometer 9°, wind easterly. This morning my
curiosity was much excited respecting a very extraordinary fowl,
of which the Shreef, Mohammed el Dthābi, last night told me some
wonderful stories. He described it as being almost white, and above
a foot and a half in height; very stately and dignified in its
gait. He had brought a cock and a hen from Egypt, and what was most
remarkable, though the cock crowed very loud, and unlike other cocks,
the hen crowed also, and nearly as well as her mate. The eggs were
very large, and an omelette, which he brought me, was composed of
five of them, though, from its size, I really thought twenty would
have been requisite. A very large crowd assembled to witness what
would be my surprise at the sight of this creature, and while the
Sidi went out to fetch it, each told me some curious story respecting
it. At last it arrived, and Mohammed having begged that the way might
be cleared, walked up to me with great importance, and opening his
abba, set before me a goose, which waddled off with great dignity,
hissing as it went; while I, to the great disappointment of the
company, fell back and laughed immoderately.
We rode out of the town to see the extraordinary ruins, so much
spoken of by the commentators on Horneman’s travels, but which
Horneman himself never saw or heard of, unless as two or three
miserable mud edifices of the early Arabs. The one most esteemed by
the Shreefs is an old Mosque, standing at about half a mile to the
westward of the town. It is a large oblong building of evidently an
early date, though certainly of Arab origin. The walls are built with
a neatness now unpractised and unknown, of unbaked rough bricks,
and strong binding clay. At the north-west corner is the Mouaden
(or minaret), much dilapidated, but still of a height sufficient to
command an extensive view of the surrounding country. The length
of the Meseed inside is 135 feet, and its breadth is 90, immense
dimensions for an Arab building, which has no cross walls to support
the roof. It is quite open overhead, and nothing remains to give
an idea of what it once was covered with. There are two niches for
the Imaum; one is in a partition built partly across, near one end,
for that purpose; the other is in the wall, and in the form of a
pulpit, and I suppose has been used for the purpose of addressing
the people when assembled on the plain below, a custom prevailing
at Morzouk after Rhamadan, at Milood, and other feast days.
From this Mosque we went to a spot half a mile east of the town,
to examine five buildings, the appearance of which was much more
interesting. These are in a line with one another, and have a
passage between them of three or four feet in breadth. They are
square; their diameters are about twenty feet, and their height
about thirty. They have dome tops, and two windows; one low near
the ground, the other high and narrow, and situated about ten feet
above it. The rough skeleton of the building is of sun-dried bricks
and clay, which have hardened to nearly the consistency of stone;
over this, to about half the height of the building, are laid
large flat stones of a reddish colour, and unhewn, as found in the
neighbouring mountains. Few of these, however, still adhere.
The interior of the buildings are perfectly void, and appear never
to have had any floors or partitions. From the smallness of the
lower windows, it strikes me that these places were the tombs of
the Shreefs, who first settled here about five or six hundred years
ago; at all events, they now answer this purpose, as each contains
a Shreef, whose grave is ornamented with the usual complement of
broken pots, shreds of cloth, and ostrich eggs. The people here
look with much reverence on these edifices, and tell many wonderful
stories of the dead now enshrined in them.
On these tombs are the inscriptions about which so many ridiculous
tales are told; but two only at present retain them, and these are
on the point of falling.
The Zuela people, like all other Moors, attribute strange buildings
and writings to the Christians, so that some excuse may be offered
for those who have circulated such pompous stories of Fezzan.
The inscriptions are on the upper part of the walls, and on the
sides instead of the front, which makes it very difficult to see
them, owing to the neighbouring buildings not allowing sufficient
space to walk back in order to distinguish them more clearly. The
least perfect has only one or two lines, resembling the tops of
letters, on a white cement of about a foot square; the other has
about two feet of plaster, and some long letters are sunk in it,
apparently Arabic, and much broken. The Shreefs said that these were
the only ones they recollected, and that they were written by the
Christians soon after the time of our Lord Noah. Having fancied
I could distinguish Arabic characters, I made my friends sit on
the sand, whilst with my finger I traced them one by one. They
immediately saw the resemblance, but said, that having fancied
them to be of Christian origin, they had taken it for granted,
and never troubled their heads about decyphering them.
The letters I drew were these,
[Illustration]
which I conceive clearly prove the Arabic origin of these
buildings. Under these characters is a small piece of very neat
cornice, of the size of a cocoa-nut, having little flourishes on it.
One of the people told me that papers and parchments had been
discovered amongst the ruined houses in the neighbourhood of the
town; but no one could inform me who had found them, or where they
were deposited.
On my return I went to see the Castle, or rather the ruins of
one, which occupies a large space in the centre of the town. Its
walls must once have been of great strength, as in some places I
observed them to be above thirty feet in thickness, and built in
the same manner as the houses at Tripoli. The Castle had nothing
to boast of but the solidity of its materials. Near the town my
horse stumbled and fell into a grave, which, from its being hollow,
led me to examine it; and I found, that instead of resembling the
shallow graves of Morzouk, those at Zuela are rather in the form of
vaults. From the side of the first pit a chamber of the same length
is excavated in the gravel, which lies under the surface of the sand,
and the body being placed in the vault, the pit alone is filled with
earth. The present walls of Zuela are of the same materials as the
Castle. The town has but few good houses in it; but, judging from
the ruins I saw, I should conceive it must once have been of much
consequence, and built in a manner rather superior to the Arab
towns in general. The inhabitants boasted that the door of Zuela
was in Egypt, which leads me to conclude, that some town there may
have so named one of its gates, and that the Arabs have taken it
literally. Zuela is even now called Zella by old people. The town
has three very good Mosques, and three gates of entrance.
December 24th. Thermometer 8°. I found that the hour of Friday’s
prayer had been put off on my account, a deputation being sent
to announce to me that the Imaum only waited my arrival to begin
prayers. The Shreefs were already at the Joumma, and as they are
persons of consequence, this attention on their part was a mark
of great honour done me. I therefore did not hesitate to obey
the summons, and was received by them most graciously, although
I perceived that several of them very narrowly scrutinized me,
and appeared evidently watching the manner in which I went through
the ceremonies. After the prayers the Imaum showed me the Mosque,
of which he seemed very proud, and with some reason, for it was
certainly the neatest I had seen in this country.
We were constantly attended by an idiot, who took a particular
fancy to me, and my reputation as a good man became established
in consequence, it having been invariably remarked that he never
distinguished any person by his notice who was not deserving of
it. His name was Boo Mousa (or Father Moses), and many miracles
were attributed to him. The Sheikh here told me, that for some
offence this fool had been guilty of, he had once beaten him,
but had soon cause to repent his imprudence; for on the same
night, Iblis, and a troop of gholes, appeared to him, and under
the directions of Mousa, who stood in the midst, and appeared of
gigantic stature, beat, pinched, and scratched him to such a degree,
as to deter him from ever again daring to insult a saint. They were
afterwards, and still continued to be, good friends. In one of the
slave-hunts the men and cattle had been without water for two days,
and were consequently reduced to great distress, when a Zuela man,
recollecting the miraculous powers of his countryman, immediately
implored him to pray to God in their difficulty. This person soon
after falling asleep, Boo Mousa appeared to him, and pointing to
a particular spot on an adjoining mountain, assured him that he
would, on going there, find what he wanted. The man, on awaking,
followed his directions, and happily found a sufficient supply of
water for the whole army! This poor creature is readily admitted
into all the houses, where, however foolish in other respects,
he never fails to show his talents in eating.
I cannot omit mentioning the names of the Shreefs here, from whom
we experienced the greatest kindness.
Mohammed ben Ali.
Ali el Hindi.
Abd el Rahman.
Ali Aboo Becker.
Mohammed el Dthābi.
They were all related to each other, and appeared sensible and well
behaved men, and, what is really worthy of remark, never asked us
for any thing. Kaid Saad, who was a great cook, undertook to dress
for us a whole sheep, which was to last us the remaining part of
our journey to Gatrone. As this was one of the Arab methods of
preparing meat for a journey, I shall here describe it. The sheep
is deprived of all its fat, and cut into small pieces; the fat is
melted in a large pot, and the meat, with garlic, onions, and red
pepper, is then stewed in it without any water, and with a lid on
the pot, for three or four hours, when it is taken out, and having
been cooled, is put into a goat skin. The grease is kept for mixing
with cusscussou, bazeen, and other dishes; and meat thus prepared
will remain perfectly fresh for two or three weeks. He made us a
very good mess of sheep skin, which is sliced and stewed with onions.
On the 23rd December I got a good meridian altitude of the
sun 80°. 10′. 10″. which gives the latitude of Zuela,
26°. 11′. 48″. N. I also took an observation on this day;
but owing to the interruption I met with from some of my visiters,
unfortunately lost my reckoning.
I found myself obliged to hire another camel here, as we were to
cross a three days’ desert, and it was necessary to carry water
for our horses; our load too was much increased by large presents of
zumeita, dweeda, dates, flour, and other provisions from the Shreefs.
Dec. 25th. Therm. 9°. At 10.45. A.M. we were attended out of the
town by the kind natives, who promised to renew their acquaintance
with us at Morzouk.
Belford was now much recovered; but I still continued in a very
weak state. Our road lay over the highest and most irregular
sand hills I ever saw; the horses with great difficulty ascending
without their riders. I was too weak to walk, and was pulled up by
Besheer. The hired camel and its load took a most terrific roll,
and I greatly feared we should be at a stand: fortunately, however,
a man travelling our way came up with us, and helped us to re-load
the camel, so that by 11.45. we cleared the hills, and arrived on
a heavy sandy plain, over which we toiled until 4. when we arrived
at Terboo, the most wretched mud village I had as yet met with. All
the men were mere skeletons, and the women equally miserable in
appearance; yet they were obliged, poor and wretched as they were,
to feed us and our horses without expecting a reward. I bought,
however, a quantity of corn, and distributed amongst them; and they
declared I was the first person coming from the Sultan, who had not
distressed them by taking their small stock of provisions. Nothing
could exceed the wretchedness of this place but the water, which
was of a much worse quality than any we had tasted, from its close
resemblance to sea water. A few old walls of about 12 feet high
were in the centre of the huts, and were dignified by the name of
the Castle. There are but few palms here, and the people subsist
chiefly by attending camels, sent to feed on the Agool; and for
the right of pasture they receive, in return, some very trifling
payment in corn or dates. We made this day S. 12°. W. 10 miles. As
it was Christmas day, Belford and myself drank to the health of
our friends in England, in a bumper of coffee.
Dec. 26th. Therm. 3°. 40′. A beautiful morning; but being cold,
we had a good fire, and at 8.50. A.M. the camels started. We were
much amused by the blacksmith of the village, who had his forge
in the sand at the gate. A man from a neighbouring place came to
ask his advice for a liver complaint, which had for a long time
troubled him; and having been so frequently burned with a red hot
iron, in order to alleviate his complaint, his side was literally
covered with scars. The blacksmith having felt the man’s side,
and asked many questions, told him, that the most certain remedy
for his disorder would be three long burns across the back, which
he assured him would soon put all to rights. Feeling compassion for
the poor sufferer, I told him if he would follow me to the camels,
I would give him some medicine which would relieve, instead of
putting him to the torture; but he refused, and I have no doubt
paid the accustomed fee of corn, and submitted to the prescribed
burning next morning. This operator showed us a file of his own
making, of which he was very proud. It was a small bar of iron,
and when red hot, had been notched by a flint. He boasted, that
although its appearance was not in its favour, it was a far better
file than any bought in Morzouk.
From this place some remarkable mountains bore Mengār Mejdool,
S. 75°. W. Mengār Omesogueer, S.W. two miles; and Mengār Terboo,
N.E. one mile. We followed the camels, and arrived with them at
10.20. at Omesogueer, 3½ miles S.W. by W. of Terboo. Here we were
shown the tomb of a very great Marāboot; and, as usual on such
occasions, repeated the Fatha. This holy man was named Sidi Saïd
el Tare, (or lion the bird); because, on every Friday, according
to the people of the plain, he appeared in the form of a beautiful
green bird during the Asr, or afternoon prayer; but he was visible
only to a few of his own relations and brother Marāboots.
We passed over a salt plain, and came to some scattered palms, after
which we entered on a larger plain, and arrived at Mejdool مجدود
at 1.50.; having travelled S. 75°. W. from Omesogueer. Mejdool is
a large straggling village of mud and palm huts, and not surrounded
by a wall; it has, however, a castle in about the same state of
repair as the others we had seen. The people appear more lively
and animated than the generality of Fezzanners.—Behind the town
a continuation of the mountains from Terboo runs nearly north and
south, as far as the Mengār.
This evening we had large bowls of sweet lackbi sent us, and we soon
perceived that the people were great lovers of this liquor. Five
or six drunken men came and honoured us with their company without
any invitation. Kaid Saad sold to the women a great quantity of
tobacco which he had brought from Zaizow, with which they were
very glad to recruit their stock. We hired a guide for the desert,
our two attendants being unacquainted with the road.
Dec. 27th. Therm. 5°. At 9.30. A.M. we set out, having taken water
for three days in our gerbas. Our road lay over a plain of gravel,
bounded by mountains close at hand, to the westward, and a distant
range to the eastward. At 10.30. Mejdool bore from a rising ground,
N. 44°. E. At 11. the mountains closed in, and our road lay through
them. At 12.10. we ascended to a rough stony plain, resembling, in
colour and badness of footing, some parts of the Soudah. Indeed,
all the mountains here appear composed of nearly the same black
irregular masses of basalt. Five or six Tibboo passed us on camels;
they were the first I had seen fully armed: every man had his three
light darts, and his spear. At 2. we descended to a level plain,
by a very precipitous pass. The mountain we descended is the most
western of a low black chain, which bounds the view as far as the
eye can reach, to the eastward. The rocks here, which are of a clay
stone, are, in many places, fantastically streaked with veins of a
light pink colour. We stopped to rest ourselves under some Talhh
trees, when I was alarmed by seeing my Maherry come towards me,
foaming at the mouth, and champing like a mad animal. Besheer soon
eased me of my fears, by telling me that he was eating bones,
a circumstance I was not before aware of. I now found, however,
by observing the camels, that whenever we passed any skeletons,
they selected a mouthful of such bones as they could easily break.
At 5.30. P.M. we pitched our tent on the plain, the pass bearing
from us N. 44°. E. The whole of this flat is covered with beautiful
rounded pebbles of the size of a pea, and even smaller. We made
30 miles.
Dec. 28th. Therm. at tent door, 4°. 50′. At 7.35. A.M. we
went on, still over the plain, until 3.30. when we came to sand,
having small shrubs on it, called Omeladam Tafsert, and here met a
Tibboo bringing sixteen Negresses from Waday. We found a small well,
and having watered our horses, proceeded to another, near which we
were to pass the night. At 6.30. we came to it, but found it had
fallen in. Whilst cooking, we caught a young Gerboa, which came
foraging. During our journey this day, Besheer shot a crow with a
single ball, very adroitly. We observed the Kaid seize the bird,
and pretend that he was desirous of obtaining the wing feathers; but
I discovered that he had pulled off the head, intending to keep it
about his person, as a charm against a pain in the elbow. We made,
this day, S. 45°. W. 35 miles, slept on the sand, and were much
disturbed by the howlings of jackals. This well is called Jufāra.
Dec. 29th. Therm. 2°. 30′. At 7.45. A.M. we left the well,
and passing over an uneven country, arrived at 9.30. at a few
scattered palms, and the wells of Wūdakaire, where we found
the water excellent, when compared with that of Morzouk. Having
previously heard from our attendants that it was particularly clear,
I carried a small tin pot at my saddle-bow, and a paper containing
a little tea, with which I hoped to regale myself. In this I was
not disappointed, and was content to obtain the luxury, even though
destitute of its usual auxiliaries, milk and sugar, articles which
had now become almost unknown to us. Proceeded S. 50°. W. At 2. the
camels arrived at the gardens, and we went on to the town of Gatrone,
where we arrived at 3°. 30′. At 4.50. the camels came in, having
made twenty miles.
Besheer and Belford having stopped at Gatrone gardens to water their
horses, I rode into the town with Kaid Saad, alone, which greatly
mortified him, as he wished me to have made my entrance with four
horses abreast, thinking it would look more dignified, and in
character for such a great person as myself. He was astonished
when I told him, that even the Sultan of my country was neither
ashamed nor afraid to ride unattended, and that his soldiers never
rode or fired before him on his entering a town. This he wisely
supposed must be owing to the excellence of our gunpowder, which
our king would not suffer to be wasted unnecessarily. We put up at
the house of a Tibboo woman: it had a garden and palms in front,
and stood at a short distance from the walls of the town.
Gatrone is surrounded by sand hills, on which are built the low palm
huts of the Tibboo, who appear to form a separate community; the
people within the walls pretending to call themselves Fezzanners,
although the language of Bornou is more generally spoken than
the Arabic.
As this was the evening of the feast of Milood, Mohammed’s
birth-day, every thing promised a gay meeting, and the young Tibboo
girls were adorned for the occasion in all their finery. These
females are light and elegant in form, and their graceful costume,
quite different from that of the Fezzanners, is well put on. They
have aquiline noses, fine teeth, and lips formed like those of
Europeans; their eyes are expressive, and their colour is of the
brightest black: there is something in their walk, and erect manner
of carrying themselves, which is very striking. Their feet and
ankles are delicately formed, and are not loaded with a mass of
brass or iron, but have merely a light anklet of polished silver
or copper, sufficient to show their jetty skin to more advantage;
they wear also neat red slippers.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TIBBOO WOMAN IN FULL DRESS.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
The costume for the head is almost universally the same, the hair
being plaited on each side, in such a manner as to hang down on the
cheeks, like a fan, or rather in the form of a large dog’s ear. A
piece of leather is fastened from the front to the back of the head,
in the centre, and through this are passed twenty or thirty silver
rings, each linked within the other, ending behind in a flat silver
plate, which is suspended from a few tresses of hair; and in front,
by a silver ornament composed of several rings, in this form:
[Illustration]
On each side of the head, they wear an ornament of gold and rough
cut agate, and round it, above the ears, a bandeau of coral,
cowrie shells, or agates; several light chains of silver, having
round bells at the end of them, are attached to the hair, and
when dancing, produce a pleasing sound. Their necks are loaded
with gaudy necklaces, and one-half of their well-formed bosoms
is shown by the arrangement of their drapery: their arms are bare
to the shoulders, having above the elbow neat silver rings of the
thickness of a goosequill, and on the wrists one or two broader and
flatter. In the ear they wear three or four silver rings of various
sizes, the largest in circumference hanging the lowest. Their most
singular ornament is a piece of red coral, through a hole in the
right nostril, which really does not look unbecoming. The dress
is a large shawl of blue, or blue and white cotton, of which they
have a variety of patterns, fastened over the shoulders and across
the bosom, and hanging in graceful folds, so as to show the back,
right breast, and right arm bare. These dresses are very short,
and exhibit the leg to the calf; but with all this display, their
general appearance offered nothing offensive or immodest.
They tripped about all the evening to exhibit their finery, and
were proudly pointed out by their mothers, who were visiting in our
neighbourhood. As our hostess had a very pretty daughter, all the
young people came to call on her, which afforded them a pretence
for looking at the two new Mamlukes, who had just arrived. I sat on
the sand, at the door, and was much gazed at, not in the Arab way,
but by stealth, from behind their little shawls, and peeping through
the palm bushes.
As it was the custom on this night, for the girls to dance through
the town, in every direction, I heard drums, bagpipes, and the usual
accompaniment of tin-pots. At midnight I was called up to see them
perform at our door. They were directed by an old woman, with a torch
in one hand and a long palm branch in the other, and sung, in chorus,
verses which she recited to them. Three men sung and played on drums
with their hands; and by their motions regulated the dancers, who
were to advance, or to retreat accordingly. The tallest girls were
placed in the centre, while the younger ones formed the wings, and
they then danced in a circle, round their governess. The lookers-on
had torches of palm leaves, and sung occasionally, in chorus.
The chief object in the dance seemed to be the waving, gracefully,
from right to left, and in time with the music, a light shawl, which
was passed over the shoulders, the ends being in the hands. They
employed their feet, only to advance or retreat occasionally; but
accompanied the change of time by movements of the head from side
to side. At a given signal they all knelt, still going through
the same motions of the head, and chanting their verses. They
danced so exactly in time, and were dressed so much in uniform,
that it appeared like witchcraft; when, on a sudden, every torch
was extinguished, and the fairies vanished, to exhibit in some
other part of the town.
The Tibboo women do not, like the Arabs, cover their faces; they
retain their youthful appearance longer than the latter, are much
more cleanly, better housewives, and particularly careful of their
children, of whom they have a multitude. Their chief occupation
seems to be basket-making; and they also form drinking bowls out of
palm leaves, which they ornament with stripes of coloured leather,
and execute with much taste and neatness. All the Fezzanners who
come here to trade return loaded with these baskets, as presents
for their families.
Having said so much of the agreeable qualities of the Tibboo, I feel
it but candid to acknowledge their immoderate fondness for tobacco,
with a great portion of which almost every mouth is crammed. Their
teeth are, nevertheless, quite white, owing to the custom which is
peculiar to the Mohammedans of cleaning them after eating, with a
piece of stick.
The Tibboo men are slender and active in their form, and have
intelligent countenances; their agility is proverbial; and they
are frequently, by way of distinction, called “the Birds.”
The tribes which inhabit the southern parts of Fezzan are, from
circumstances, quiet and civilized; but those of the interior
live chiefly by plunder, are constantly making inroads on their
neighbours, and are not famed for fidelity one to another. They are
not disposed to cruelty, but are most impudent thieves; and their
well known character secures them the almost exclusive commerce
of Waday and Baghermée, no strangers, at least very few, choosing
to risk a passage through their country. They are chiefly Kaffirs,
and live in a state of nature, being clad with the skins of beasts,
and inhabiting holes in rocks, or wretched grass huts. Their camels
or maherries enable them to perform extraordinary journeys, from
which circumstance they are constantly shifting their abode.
Mukni has several times desolated different parts of the
country of the Tibboo of Borgoo, and Kawar, and these people now
revenge themselves on whatever luckless whites may fall into their
power. Their arms in the interior are three light spears and a lance,
a dagger and sword, and missile weapons called Shangar, which do much
execution. The Tibboo men of Gatrone are armed nearly in the same
way; but their weapons are better finished, and they sometimes add
a pistol to the list. The wild tribes live chiefly on dome dates,
and the flesh of their flocks: they have but little corn, and are
unacquainted with the art of making bread. The seeds of the Khandal,
or colocynth apple, form a principal article of food amongst the
Tibboo, Tibesty, and Kawār. It is not the ordinary custom amongst
these people to tattoo or score the skin.
Of the Tibboo slaves who are brought to Fezzan, the females meet
with the readiest market, on account of their beauty: the males
are generally too light for hard work, and are not brought in any
considerable number.
December 30th. Thermometer 4°. This day got a good meridian altitude
of the sun, 83° 26′ 50″; which makes the latitude of Gatrone
24° 47′ 57″ North.
Gatrone is a town of itself, principally inhabited by Fezzanners, who
are all black, and having, as I before observed, the Tibboo living
outside in huts, with occasionally houses, of which we occupied
one. There is a castle in the centre of the town, surrounded by
a wall. The Tibboo do not appear to mix with the town’s people,
but form a separate community, and adhere to their ancient manners,
language, and costume. Gatrone has a plentiful stock of Marāboots,
for which profession the Fezzanners are admirably adapted. News
now arrived of the Ghrazzie, or slave hunt, being within three
or four days of Tegerry; corn in consequence became very dear,
being one kail, or about two gallons for a dollar. In the afternoon
our pretty dancers paid us another visit, and passed through the
town. I certainly never saw dancing performed with more modesty,
which is saying a great deal for Africans, who, generally speaking,
regard decency as the last consideration, and totally incompatible
with their ideas of grace.
I at this time visited Hadge el Raschid, a great Marāboot, and a
very cunning fellow, who gave me much information about Waday and
Tibesty, and offered to accompany me to all the Tibboo tribes, if I
would give him a watch and a long telescope. It had been my intention
to have accepted his terms; but I gave up the idea for the present,
in consequence of Belford’s health, which was now very precarious,
and which he feared would be unequal to the journey of seven days
from Tegerry, over the rocks of Tibesty, without wood or water. The
Marāboot treated me to a dish of the Taberca, or seeds of the
colocynth apple, which were brought from Tibesty. I found them very
palatable, and not at all partaking of the bitter of their outward
covering. He told me many stories of the southern Tibboo; of their
great love of plunder, and appropriating to themselves the property
of others. They will sometimes carry off a camel in the night,
which before morning will be entirely devoured; and many traders
have been so completely fleeced by them as to be obliged to wait
for other Kafflés, before they could return to their own country.
Of Tibesty, and the road to Waday, he gave me the following
information. “In Tibesty there is a large spring of hot water,
which appears to boil as if over a fire. The soil in which this
spring is situated is composed entirely of sulphur, in many places
quite pure. The water is drank medicinally by the natives, as well
as strangers who go purposely from other countries to drink it. In
taste it is acid.” This man affirmed, “that all blind people,
on washing their eyes with the water in question, are restored to
sight; while all sores and rheumatic pains are completely cured by
it.” In short, according to his account, its properties are most
wonderful. The existence of such a bed of sulphur and spring water
may throw some interesting light on the idea that the mountains of
Tibesty are of volcanic origin.
To Waday the road from the Tibboo Borgoo is thus:
South-east by south.
Borgoo to Kermedy 2 days, a well.
Kermedy to Bokalia 2 days, a well.
Bokalia to Boushasheem 2 days, a large lake during the rainy season.
Boushasheem to Kharma 2 days, a well.
South.
Kharma to Sobboo 2 days, a town of Tibboo.
Sobboo to Emharaije 1 day, a town in Waday.
Emharaije to Kermedy 2 days, a town.
Kermedy to Wara 2 hours. This is the principal town of Waday,
and is the residence of the Sultan.
My informer had never seen Fittre, but described it as a large lake,
full of fish, which is dried and salted, and sent to great distances
for sale. He did not know of any river communicating with it.
Wara to Fittre 5 or 6 days south.
to Muddago 5 days south-west.
to Bahr el Ghazal 7 days north-west.
to Kaugha 6, 7, or 8 days south-west.
Muddago is the name of some very high mountains of black stone.
Battali, which is laid down as a river, was the bed of an immense
stream, now dried up entirely. He had himself seen in it large
skeletons of fish and animals, shells, and trunks of trees, as in
Bahr el Ghazal, from which it is north-west 5 days, and to which,
perhaps, it was once attached. It still retains its name Bahr or
river. He said, that from Gatrone to Wara there was not a river,
or even a rivulet of any importance, except in the rainy season,
when the torrents form themselves temporary beds in the Wadeys.
The slaves brought from Waday are procured from Kooka, or Kaugha,
Kola, Tama, Runga, and various petty states in their vicinity.
The Tibboo have a particular breed of sheep and goats here, of the
same race as those of Bornou and Soudan. The tails of the sheep are
in some so long as to touch the ground, and are very taper. These
animals are distinguished from the other species, by being called
Majiggri; they are hairy, and generally of a dark colour. The goats
are elegant little creatures, and have hair as sleek and shining
as that of a horse. They are plentiful, and tolerably cheap.
December 31st. Thermometer 4°. I was unable all yesterday to procure
one dollar’s worth of corn, owing to its extreme scarcity; and even
Gaphooly, or Indian wheat, bore the same price as corn at Morzouk.
My Maherry being in very poor case, the Marāboot promised to take
care of him until my return from the southward. This morning I
gave to the woman of the house in which we had stopped a dollar,
which being a large sum, she appeared very grateful for, but at
the same time begged a little butter also. When packing up, and
preparing for my departure, she again attacked me, saying, “What,
then, will you not give me a little corn or some gaphooly, or other
little present? You can come again, you know:” a specimen of
Tibboo covetousness so closely allied to the Fezzan, that I suspect
one tribe must have obtained some valuable hints from the other. A
Fezzan proverb says, “Give a Morzoukōwi your finger, he will
beg first the elbow, and then the shoulder-bone, as keep-sakes.”
The Tibboo on meeting after absence do not shake or touch hands,
as the Arabs do; but, squatting on their heels at some distance from
each other, with their spears in their right hands, turn their backs,
and continue for a time saying, “La La! La La! La La!” which is
their salutation, and which signifies “peace.” They then rise,
and, approaching each other, enter into conversation. The Tibboo
speak very fast; and their language, which is full of liquid letters,
is really very pretty, and not resembling any of the other Negro
dialects. Many of the women came to ask for medicine to make them
bear children[3], some wanting boys, others girls; I was, however,
obliged to disappoint them, declaring I had none which could ensure
their wishes. This they one and all disbelieved, observing that
they supposed I was unwilling to tell the secret to strangers;
but that in my country, the land of the Nazarines, every one was
acquainted with it.
_Tibboo Language._
One Trono. Horse Askee.
Two Chew. Cow Farr.
Three Agozoo. Ass Agurr.
Four Tuzzaw. Camel Gōnee.
Five Fo. Sun Tooggoo
Six Dessee. Moon Aowree.
Seven Tootoosōo. Hot Winnighi.
Eight Oossoo. Cold Wow.
Nine Issee. Blood Gherra.
Ten Mordum. Bone Soorroo.
Bird Woogghe. Take Gon.
Fowl Kokaiya. Rise Yerroo.
Pot Goorroo. Eat Woo.
Come Eery. Drink Ia.
Go Yustoo. Wood Aka.
Bring Kortoo. Stone Aai.
Fire Oonee. Good Tirri.
Water Aee. Bad Zuntoo.
Food Tibbi. Man Aaih.
Meat Yinni. Woman Adi.
Dates Timbi. Girl Do.
Sheep Hadinni. Boy Kallih.
Salt Gillayli. Pepper Borkono.
Face Enguddi. Hand Awana.
Head Dāfoo. Eye Soaa.
Arm Kay. Mouth Ichee.
Shoulder Afhirri. Nose Tchā.
December 31st. We started at twelve o’clock, and on the sands met
about fifty girls neatly dressed, dancing in two lines, and preceded
by a couple of drummers. They advanced to us, and surrounded our
horses, kneeling and singing choruses. After this they rose and
danced round us, when Besheer most ungallantly fired his gun,
and rode amongst them as in a slave-hunt, which threw them into
great confusion, and convinced me that I had never in my life seen
better runners.
The music of the Tibboo, as well as of Fezzan, consists chiefly
of drums, which are made of a block of palm-tree hollowed out,
and having a skin stretched at each end, beaten on one side by a
stick, and on the other with the hand. (This instrument is called
Gongāa قنقع). They have a kind of rude bagpipe, called Zuccra,
زكّرا, and smaller drums than the Gongāa, called Dubdaba,
ظبظبه.
Our road was over sand, with small clumps of young palm bushes and
Attila scattered at intervals, until two, when we arrived at the
little village of El Bakkhi, and pitched our tent before a neat
house belonging to the Sheikh, who was a Marāboot. We were much
delighted at having two large trees of Gurda, some fig-trees, vines,
and palms, in front of us.
The water of the well was comparatively good, and the Marāboot’s
son, in the absence of his father, was very civil to us. So much
verdure, though within the compass of half an acre, made this
place appear to us quite a Paradise; but on turning again, we saw
with very different feelings the wide desert, stretching like an
immense sea as far as the eye could reach. The women appeared here,
as at Gatrone, busy in making their baskets.
The Marāboot’s son, a boy of about sixteen years of age (whom
the Kaid always styled “Sidi Marāboot,” particularly when he
brought any thing to eat), was all attention, and we dined rurally
under the first shady tree of any size we had yet seen.
The Gurd is a species of Mimosa, having a yellow flower, and small
delicate leaves resembling the acacia. It produces a pod, also called
gurd, which, from its great astringency, is used in the preparation
of leather, as well as in dying black. It is frequently employed
from its healing qualities.
[Illustration]
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by M. Gauci._
TIBBOO OF GATRONE.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
January 1st, 1820. Thermometer 5°. Our new year’s morning was
beautiful, and we felt quite refreshed, and free from pain. On
striking our tent we found in the top about two quarts of flies,
which had taken refuge from the cold, and were quite torpid, and
which we buried. At 8.15. we left with much regret this delightful
spot, and I gave the young man a knife and some beads.
We rode over a plain, and at 10.15. arrived at Medroosa,
مدروسا, a small neat village, having come south-west by
south six miles. We found a large bowl of lackbi awaiting us,
and I afterwards discovered that the Kaid had sent overnight to
order it. We took from hence a supply of dates for our horses, and
endeavoured to buy a kid; but the price of it being two dollars,
and its size not exceeding that of a small cat, I was unwillingly
compelled to relinquish it. At 11.25. the camel passed; we mounted
and followed it to a well outside the town, where we watered our
horses. Near this well are some holes for making tar, according to
the manner of the Tibboo, which is thus: a pot is buried deep in
the ground with the mouth upwards, which is covered by a piece of
another pot with a hole bored in it; a large jar is then filled with
bones and date stones, and its mouth is filled with a handful of
the fibres of the palm. This is inverted on the perforated piece,
and round it a strong fire of wood and camels’ dung is burnt,
until the pit is full of red hot ashes. The tar then filters into
the lower pot, which is dug up when the upper one cools: it is
immediately fit for use. Gerbas (or water-skins) are rubbed with
this composition, which resembles coal tar in smell and appearance;
and it is applied to the sores of camels.
I observed that every man we met after leaving Gatrone was armed
with the Harba, or long spear, and wore the dagger at his wrist.
At 4.15. arrived, after traversing a plain literally covered with
the tracks of hyænas and jackals, at a few palms, and a well, called
Kasarawa. The unevenness of the road delayed the camel until 6.15. We
had travelled south 40° west, fourteen miles from Medroosa. It was
not necessary to pitch our tents, as we found some palm branches,
which formed a comfortable shade, in which, by the light of the full
moon, we took our new year’s dinner of bazeen. There is a great
deal of Deesa, a kind of light rush, growing here; and we collected,
while our dinner was cooking, a quantity for our horses. It requires
much beating with a stick before these animals can eat it. This is
the fodder which is always taken from Tegerry to feed the horses
and camels, in Kafflés passing the Tibesty mountains.
We were agreeably surprised by the Kaid’s producing a couple
of fowls, which he had, unknown to me, gratuitously procured at
Medroosa, to make amends for the disappointment we had experienced
in not purchasing the kid.
As the Tibboo are not famed for respecting the goods of travellers,
we prepared all our arms, and having a large fire in front of us,
we lay down very snugly in our Bornouses. Our fears were, however,
groundless, nothing disturbing us but the wild rats in their
foraging expeditions.
January 2nd. Thermometer 1° 40′, which was the lowest we had
yet seen in Fezzan; we were, however, taught to expect ice before
the winter should pass. The ground we had gone over since leaving
Gatrone was a narrow stripe of three or four miles, and sometimes
only half a mile in breadth, bounded on either side by the desert,
from which it was only distinguishable by being here and there able
to produce a miserable dwarf thorn bush.
Our camel had disappeared in the night, and we were all in confusion,
searching for him in different directions, and doubting whether
he had been stolen by the Tibboo, or had strayed on the desert,
either of which events would have been equally unhappy for us.
A severe attack of hemma prevented my joining the party which had
gone out in search of the camel, and at two the driver returned
with the animal. We learnt that he had tracked the fugitive back to
Medroosa, in the gardens of which place he was wandering, probably
to look for the Maherry, to which he was much attached. The skill
of the Arabs is really extraordinary in tracking their animals over
plains covered with the feet-marks of other camels and men.
We soon set out, and from a rising ground observed that the desert
was skirted by distant hills from north-east to south. Thermometer
25°. An old castle, called Gusser Hallem, bore south 50°
west. At 3.15. we passed it: our road was very uneven, the ground
being covered with little hummocks bearing small bushes. My horse,
which felt no compassion for my liver complaint, started every five
minutes at the dead wood, and caused me extreme pain. This little
stripe of sand was never above a mile in breadth, and sometimes
ceased altogether in a gravelly desert. We observed several locusts
flying about. At 6.30. arrived at Tegerry, the southern limit of
Fezzan, and obtained a tolerably good house; indeed, the only whole
one in the place, built within a space surrounded by the walls of
the ancient castle. Here we procured good stabling for our horses,
and were free from interruption. No one could come to stare at us,
and we were able to shut the castle gate in due form at night.
We made south 55° west, fourteen miles. No news had arrived of
the Ghrazzie.
CHAPTER VI.
Castle of Tegerry — Description of the Town — Some Accounts
of the Desert of Bilma — Salt Lake of Agram — Ride out on the
Desert — Leave Tegerry — Belford’s dangerous State — Return
to Gatrone — Arrival of the Grazzie, or Slave-hunters, with many
Captives and Camels — Account of their Excursion, and of Borgoo and
Wajunga — Manner of making Captives — Leave Gatrone in Company
with the Grazzie — Mestoota — Reception at Deesa — Feast at
Zaizow — Return to Morzouk — Go out to witness the Triumph of
the Slave-hunters — Sultan’s Reception of his Son — Remarks on
Grazzies — Accounts of Slave-markets — Arrival of Aboo Becker,
and Continuation of Mukni in Command — Further Accounts of the
Countries of the Tibboo — Arrangements in the Sale of Slaves,
so as to ensure the Sultan his Share.
January 3rd. Thermometer 10° on the house-top before the sun
rose. This was a striking difference from the temperature of the day
before. The Castle walls were about thirty feet thick at bottom,
and ten at top, and were composed, as usual, of mud, having small
loopholes for musquetry. It formerly had commanded the town, but was
at this time in a ruined state. There were wells in the Castle of
very salt water. The similarity of the Arab and French names for
an embrazure is striking, the former calling it embrāza. Close
to the Castle we observed several large stagnant pools of water,
which had been caused by taking the clay away to re-erect the
walls. I cannot conceive that these places contribute much to the
healthiness of the town. The date trees are in and close round
the houses. The inhabitants are very little superior to savages,
and the Arabic is scarcely understood. The language spoken is Bornou.
This being the resting-place of Kafflés from Bornou, Waday, and
sometimes Soudan, provisions are always very dear, the inhabitants
selling to the half-starved merchants, who arrive from those
places, at whatever price they please. Corn is not to be procured;
but gaphooly and barley, poor substitutes! are sold at the rate of
three quarts for a dollar. Dates are certainly very cheap, a camel
load selling at about three quarters of a dollar. The people of
Tegerry have not the custom of burying their dates as in Morzouk,
but put them in bins built for that purpose in their houses, and
cover or mix them with sand: others keep them on the flat roofs,
as there is no fear of their being injured by rain.
A few years ago this country was famed for the excesses committed
by the inhabitants, who robbed, and not unfrequently murdered,
travellers. Even large Kafflés were not secure from them, until
Mukni took several into slavery, and otherwise regulated them.
It must be confessed, that the Arabs and Fezzanners have not the
least compassion for the people on whom they may be quartered. A
Fezzanner, if obliged to feed one man and horse for a day, considers
himself cruelly treated, though he dares not complain; but should
he himself obtain an order from the Sultan to go to a distant place
with five or six horsemen, he will eat at every cluster of huts,
insisting on meat (which is extravagantly dear), for the whole party,
and taking besides a few live fowls, or a sheep, and a dozen or
two of loaves with him.
As I made a practice of paying in money, trinkets, or cutlery for
whatever we required, I was continually advised not to do so, but to
avail myself of my order from the Sultan, which warranted my taking
what I pleased. The people were indeed so accustomed to imposition,
that they were themselves astonished at receiving any remuneration
for the articles they supplied us with.
Some of the places at which we stopped, contained scarcely a dozen
huts. We were six in number, with four horses and two camels, yet a
feast was always ordered, until I discovered what shameful advantage
was taken of the poor inhabitants; I then instantly forbade the
Sheikh at his peril to deprive them in future of a fowl, or any
other article of food. The Fezzanners will drink pure fat, butter,
or oil, with the greatest avidity; this occasions their complaining
continually of bile.
Tegerry is the southernmost town in Fezzan, and here the cultivation
of the palm ceases. The dates are very fine, and generally in great
plenty. The Desert is close to the town, which lies to the southward
of its palms.
Sun’s meridian altitude, 85° 2′ 50″, which gives the latitude
24° 4′ north. In this place they do not cultivate Lifts لفت
(turnips), or radishes; a very few dwarf carrots, some onions and
pompions, are their chief garden productions. The corn here is not
in so forward a state as that of Morzouk.
Belford again complained of a bilious attack, and was, as in former
cases, so giddy as to be scarcely able to walk. I greatly feared
that this return of his complaint would finally prevent my going
as far as Tibesty, which I fully intended doing.
In the course of our cooking I observed that a date plastered
over a hole in a leaky pot renders it quite tight for one boiling,
and as dates are more easily procured than tinkers on a journey,
this hint may be worth noticing by those who may hereafter travel
in this country.
January 4th. Thermometer 2°, wind northerly.—I was again very
severely attacked with hemma, and, as usual, suffered much pain
in the spleen and liver. I imagined this attack to proceed from
the coarseness of our bazeen, which was made of bad gaphooly,
and resembled dough. The Sheikh brought me a dome date, which was
a curiosity rarely seen in Fezzan; it was the size of a large cob
walnut. The rind, which is hard and dry, is the only part eaten,
and is gnawed off; under it is a hard covering, which encloses the
stone; the outer shell is so strong as to resist a hammer, and even
to break knives. The taste of the rind is not much unlike that of
stale gingerbread, which it resembles both in smell and colour. There
were four trees of the dome date here, which I purposed seeing. I
was so fortunate as to purchase a dried and smoked fish from the
Niger near Kashna, which I intended taking to England.
This evening, while lying in my bed, I heard the mewing of a cat,
which our people imagined must be the devil. At first they attempted
to laugh; but the boy significantly remarking that “the Castle was
a very old place,” Besheer and the Kaid hastened to load their
guns, and to fire them off in the Skeefa; Iblis, or the devil,
being much averse to gunpowder, or any thing of which sulphur
forms a part; each then, taking a lighted palm branch, rushed out
to look for the cause of their alarm; the poor cat had, however,
in the meantime escaped. On their return, the camel man, whom they
considered a great scholar, roared out the Korsi, a most powerful
charm against every kind of spirit, from Iblis and the little
Shiateen, or young devils, down to gholes and afrites. After this
comforting stave, he hurried over several chapters of the Koran in
the same key; but owing to the Kaid’s musket not going off until
he had snapped it four or five times, their fears remained in full
force, and they continued talking and praying until a late hour,
convinced that Iblis was still in the house. They were not much
pleased with my ridiculing their fears, observing, that although
in my country there might be no devils, I ought not, therefore,
to doubt their existence in Fezzan, for there were plenty in every
old house. Even the discovery of the cat after this disturbance,
could not in any way remove their prejudices.
January 5th. Thermometer 7°, wind north-east.—Belford and myself
better to-day; the water very brackish, which not a little increased
our weakness.
From a Zuela Arab, who had lately returned from Benghāzi and Derna,
I obtained the following account, which I have reason to suppose
correct, as he was a better informed man than the generality
of Arabs.
Zuela to Temissa, 2 days of eight hours each; the first east,
the second north.
Temissa to Fuggha, 2 long summer days, and three and a half in
winter, north-north-east. It is one day west of the Harutz el
Abiad, and is situated in a wadey between two mountains, which run
north-east and south-west.
They make very good jereeds and abas at Fuggha.
North-east.
Fuggha to Zella (Zala of the maps) 4 days. A well.
Zella to Marada 4 Well.
Marada to Zdābia 4 Well.
Zdābia to Benghāzi 4 Large town on the
sea-coast.
--
Fuggha to Benghāzi 16 days of 7 or 8 hours.
_Benghāzi to Derna._
Benghāzi to El Abiar f’il Naga 1 long day.
El Abiar to Saas ou el Khōf 1 day.
Saas to Marawa 1 day.
Marawa to El Homrie (so named
after a celebrated Marāboot
whose tomb is there) 1½
East.
El Homrie to Garinna 1
Garinna to Legbaiba 1
Legbaiba to Derna 1 Town.
--
7½ days.
All these are watering places. Derna is a considerable town on the
coast; it is walled, and has a large Mosque with sixty arches.
_From Tegerry to Bilma, according to the Account of some Travellers
recently arrived from thence._
South
Tegerry to El Haat 1 day. Resting place.
El Haat to Meshroo 1 Well.
Meshroo to Teneïa 1 Rocks.
Teneïa to El Wata 1 Resting place.
El Wata to El Warr 1 A well.
El Warr to El Hammer 2 A well.
El Hammer to Maffrus 2 A well.
Maffrus to Zhai 2 A well and domes.
Zhai to El Mara 1 Well and domes.
El Mara to Hatait el Dome 1 A well.
Hatait to Uguira 1 Large town of Tibboo Kawār.
Uguira to Kesbi ½ Town.
Kesbi to Shenumma ½ Large town.
Shenumma to Dirki 1 Large town.
Dirki to Bilma 2 Very large town.
--
Thus Tegerry to Bilma is 18 days of 8 or 9 hours.
I found no one who knew of the salt lakes of Domboo, laid down in all
the maps; but there is abundance of salt at Agram, (which is four
days from Bilma west-south-west,) and a large lake, on the borders
of which this article is collected. The Tuarick of Aghades go there,
and carry away great quantities to Soudan. This agrees with the
accounts of Domboo; and from the circumstance of the Tuarick going
to Agram, and the position of that place, I am led to imagine it
may be the same with Domboo, though under another appellation. The
Tibboo immediately to the northward of Bornou are Wandela, Gunda,
and Traita, which tribes are all mingled together. Tibesty is east
of the Bornou road, and on the road to Waday. I here saw a woman
who pretended to tell fortunes by examining the palm of the hand;
which is the first instance of the kind I have met with.
Belford considering himself quite unable to go to El Wiekh, whither
I was about to proceed, I resolved on leaving him with the Kaid and
Barca, to recruit his strength, proposing to return about the sixth
day. I went to the gardens to see the dome trees, and obtained a
few of the domes, but they were not quite ripe. The trees, which
I saw were considered by the natives as small ones, being about
twenty feet in height, and seven or eight in a cluster. I learnt
that the fruit ripens in the spring about the same time as the
corn. These trees have the trunk of the common palm, though covered
with branches; and the domes grow from the sides, as well as the
top of the tree. The leaves are all curved, and being very thick,
form a pretty head; they are of a light green; and along their
edges, and from their tops, a fibre resembling long black hair
hangs down. They all unite at about three inches from their common
stalk. This tree is the palm of Bornou, the Tibboo, and the Tuarick.
January 6th. Thermometer 4°; wind southerly.—It had been my wish
this morning to proceed to the well called El Wiekh, in hopes of
there meeting the Ghrazzie; but fearing to leave Belford for so
long a time, I determined on riding out to the southward as far as
the day would allow me: my object in so doing was to see the state
of that part of the desert, which I found the same as the one we
had passed. I returned at night, and learnt, that at Mogreb the
Kaid of the town had arrived from Morzouk, with two camels laden
with clothes, oil, butter, and other articles for Aleiwa and such
of the Sultan’s immediate household as were with him: as this
man brought news that the army would pass Tegerry on the morrow,
it made my proposed journey unnecessary.
January 7th. Fine morning; thermometer 4°.—Myself much better,
Belford very weak. At half past eight the camel started, and at
nine we followed; quite rejoiced at escaping from the salt water,
damaged barley, and miserable people of Tegerry. At six we arrived
at Medroosa, where, even for money, I could procure no food, and
where they totally disregarded the Sultan’s order. Unfortunately
my character had preceded me: “He is a fool who actually pays for
every thing, and yet has the power of taking it.” They carried
their resistance so far, that I was at last obliged to exercise the
power given me in the Teskera; but it was so late before I got the
better of them, that nothing could be cooked that night. My custom
of paying for every thing at the places we had passed would actually
have exposed me to the risk of being nearly starved all the way back,
had I not at last made them sensible of my power.
I now began to feel much alarm respecting Belford, whom we had
left some hours before, slowly following with the camel and
its driver, but who did not come up with us. After having made
frequent and anxious search for him, to our great relief he
arrived at 11.45. P.M.; though in a most deplorable condition,
having fallen from his horse in consequence of excessive weakness
and dizziness. The camel man saw the animal without its rider, and
was still more fortunate in observing Belford as he lay extended and
helpless on the desert; where, but for this providential discovery,
he must have remained all night, at the risk of his life; exposed
to severe cold, and in danger of being devoured by the immense
herds of jackals and hyænas which were prowling about the plain,
and whose howlings we heard all round the village. The poor fellow
was so deaf, that our voices could not have reached him, even at
the highest pitch; and the night being very dark, every attempt to
find him would have been fruitless. Much as he required food and
restoratives, we had, unhappily, none to give him, the people of
the village refusing to supply us. A little coffee was all we could
prepare for him, and that his stomach rejected. In this dilemma, all
that remained was to cover him up as comfortably as we could, and to
place him on the sandy floor, where we left him, in the hope that his
total exhaustion would at least produce quiet and undisturbed sleep.
January 8th. Thermometer 2° 40′; wind northerly.—Belford was
this day a little better. At eight the camel started. We observed
a Fakeer, or schoolmaster, sitting with his scholars on the sand;
one roaring, the others squeaking sentences of the Koran. This man
hearing me reproach the natives for their want of hospitality on
the previous evening, in refusing assistance to a sick stranger,
went into his house, and brought out five eggs, all the food he
possessed, which he hoped Belford would eat. This kind action
redeemed the character of the village; for had it not been on this
good man’s account, I should certainly have complained to the
Sultan, and he would, in consequence, have imposed on the offenders a
fine of a certain number of dollars, slaves, or cattle, a plan he is
very expert in. Indeed, he never loses sight of any opportunity of
exacting such penalties, as they not only enrich him, but make his
subjects stand in awe of him. At ten we proceeded: Belford still
better, but remaining very giddy. At four, having stopped at El
Bakkhi to drink the excellent water there, we arrived at Gatrone,
and put up at the house of our former hostess.
January 9th. Thermometer 1° 40′.—Belford was much recovered. The
Kaid this morning made me some excellent ink of the pods of the
Gurd tree, of which I have already spoken, and a bright yellow earth
resembling sulphur in colour, easily dissolvible in water, and acid
to the taste, called Shahaira, and brought from Bilma by the Tibboo.
The news of the return of the army had so frightened the people here,
that I could not find either a sheep or goat, and was obliged to
kill a beautiful Majiggri (which I had brought from Tegerry, and
intended taking to England) to make soup for poor Belford.—My
hostess informed me that she had lost three children in three
successive years by the sting of scorpions. Each child was, at the
time it died, two years of age: all were boys, and all had received
the sting in the room in which we were.
The fondness of these people for show is quite as great as at
Tripoli. This afternoon a Marāboot, brother to my friend El Hadge
el Raschid, and one of the chief men here, came in from the Ghrazzie,
which he had left at El Bakkhi. He arrived in the gardens early, but
could not enter the town until some gaudy clothes, and a fine horse,
had been sent out to him, that he might make his entrance as a great
personage. In the evening I heard the Tubbel sounded for the first
time. This is a large drum, which is generally kept at the house or
hut of the Sheikh. When sounded, it is to announce to the natives
that news, or some order from the Sultan has arrived, which is
loudly proclaimed by the Sheikh, or people who may be ordered to do
so. Those who are at a distance come and listen to the proclamation,
and carry it to their neighbours. This evening it was an order to
every family to supply a certain quantity of food on the morrow
for the Ghrazzie “of our Lord the Sultan,” and a proportionate
allowance of straw and dates for the horses; we took the hint, and
secured three days’ fodder for ours. I was informed that all the
towns south of Morzouk have these drums, but I had never seen one;
the poor people consider this kind of sound as not very agreeable,
for they never hear the music without paying the piper.
In the course of our journey Besheer often mentioned his having been
at the Bahr el Ghazal; and his account agrees with almost every one I
have heard. He says that there must once have been a great sea there,
as he himself has picked up handsome shells, (according to the Arabs,
Beit el Khoot, بيت الخوت, or fishes’ houses,) imbedded
in the earth, and as large as his double fist; also backbones of
fish the size of his arm, (no small one,) which were petrified;
and he added, that if the pieces were joined together, it would
appear that the fish, when alive, must have been ten or twelve
feet in length. The Kaid dressed and dried, with the hair on, the
skin of the sheep I had killed, by stretching it on the ground,
and rubbing it with Gurd pods pounded, and afterwards with salt;
he allowed it one day to dry, and then softened it by rubbing it
with butter, the hair remaining perfectly firm.
January 10th. Thermometer 2° 30′. Went out to meet Sidi Aleiwa
and the Ghrazzie, whom I joined at El Bakkhi. The horsemen were in
a body, and the foot and captives followed. After many compliments,
and shaking hands with all my old friends, I returned with them
to Gatrone. They had brought with them 800 lean cripples, clad in
skins and rags, between 2000 and 3000 Maherries, and about 500
asses: 180 of the mounted Arabs, and about 300 foot, were still
left behind in the negro country; 100 horses came with Aleiwa, and
400 Arabs; nearly 1000 camels, and many captives, had died on the
road, besides children: the death of the latter was not included,
as they were not considered of any importance. If a brutal Arab
found a child in a plundered village, so young as to require milk,
it was considered sufficient to try to keep the poor infant a day
or two on dates and water mixed, and if it sickened, to throw it
on the road side to die, or to be devoured by the jackals. A wretch
of the Boowadie Arabs, endeavoured to laugh at an acknowledgment of
his having followed this odious practice; and he was much astonished
at my driving him out of the house in consequence.
I could not in any instance find that these cowardly ruffians ever
dared to attack an armed man, whilst they inflicted every species of
cruelty on invalids, old people, and children. Mohammed el Lizari,
a friend of ours and a principal Mamluke of Fezzan, was the actual
commander of this expedition, though Aleiwa was the nominal one. This
man was so disgusted at the scenes which he had witnessed, that he
determined never again to accompany the Ghrazzie; indeed his having
now done so was not with his own consent, but in consequence of an
order from Mukni, which precluded all possibility of refusal. The
Ghrazzie had been six months absent, during which time they had
overrun Bergoo (of the Tibboo), Wajunga, and the southern part
of the Bahr el Ghazal. In Bergoo their success was not great, as
the Tibboo were warned of their approach, and had nimbly betaken
themselves to their native fastnesses in the rocks. Afraid to follow
them, these wretches made themselves amends by firing at the poor
Negroes, well aware that they had no guns with which to defend or
revenge themselves. On the return of these people through Tibesty,
with which country Mukni is at peace, they endeavoured to take a
few of the Tibboo camels (in a friendly way,) and for that purpose
sent three of the Sultan’s household slaves to demand that they
should be given up; these the Tibboo seized and put to death,
considering them as nothing less than robbers. Aleiwa’s people,
however, succeeded in taking prisoners some of this tribe, cutting
the throats of fifteen men and women, and making captive 130 young
men and girls, with 200 camels. I was induced to ask who were the
aggressors in this case. “Oh! the Tibboo assuredly, for they are
Kaffirs and thieves: we only wanted 300 or 400 camels for the Sultan,
and were at peace with them, and did not intend making any slaves;
therefore they ought not to have resisted us.”
The Tibboo of Borgoo are all Kaffirs, but are quiet inoffensive
people, living in houses made of palm-leaf mats, called Booshi, which
are so closely woven, that the rain cannot penetrate them. I have
seen huts of this description at Gatrone and Tegerry, and consider
them superior to the Fezzan houses in general. Very little corn is
cultivated in Bergoo, the inhabitants subsisting chiefly on dates,
which grow there in immense quantities, of an inferior kind, and on
the flesh of their sheep, goats, and camels: they have also a small
breed of black cattle, but these are chiefly used for milking. The
arms of these people I have spoken of in a former page. Their
dress has very little variety; and except the skins of animals
they have only such coarse cloths as they sometimes obtain from
their trading neighbours, which they wear, having a piece before and
another behind, hanging down as low as the knees. Boys and girls are
entirely naked, and few of the men have any other covering than a
leather wrapper round the loins; all have the head bare. Marriage,
according to the accounts of the Arabs, who vilify them in order to
excuse their own cruelties, is unknown among them, and the women are
in common: brothers and sisters live together, and confess it when
asked. They have no knowledge of a God; they are, nevertheless,
peaceable and neighbourly towards each other. One or two whom I
questioned, admitted that there was a great Spirit who, made them;
but laughed when I asked where he was to be found? They imagine
thunder and lightning to be produced by their deceased friends,
and are therefore very fearful during a storm. They eat the blood of
camels when baked over a fire; and they also will eat animals which
die a natural death. Lizari came and lodged with us; we provided him
with clothes, and made him as comfortable as we could. Neither he,
nor any of the Ghrazzie, had for the last forty-two days tasted any
other food than dates; he was fat, however, and so were they all,
which is a strong proof of the nutritious quality of that fruit.
Mukni, who was very jealous of Lizari, and bore him great ill will,
sent orders to certain people to murder him, by firing ball at
him whilst at their evenings’ diversions; but his situation as
a great man in Fezzan, and his excellent private character, had
made him so respected, that those who had orders to kill him came
and informed him of his danger, promising to defend rather than
to injure him. He remained, however, in most unpleasant suspense,
lest a second order should be more effectual. Even in our house,
and in the same room with us, he slept with his pistols cocked
under his head, and his sabre by his side.
The people of Wajunga are much allied to the Tibboo in their habits,
arms, &c.; but the men have a way of plaiting their hair which is
very remarkable, and in some it resembles the curling of a ram’s
horn, in size and shape.
I saw this day a fine young Tibboo woman of Gatrone, who was
inquiring amongst the Arabs if any one of them had a child to
sell. She soon found one, whose mother had died on the road: it was
about three weeks old, and miserably thin. As she wanted to suckle
it, having lost her own infant, she bargained for it, and at last
purchased it with a wooden bowl of about the value of sixpence, and a
gallon of dates, worth about a penny more. She however soon returned
with the child, which she tossed back to the man who had sold it,
complaining that it would not take the breast, and demanding the
purchase money back. The dates had been eaten, but the bowl was
returned to her; and so ended the bargain, an Arab taking charge
of the poor infant, and promising to carry it home to his wife.
A sick child whom I took under my care, and to whom I administered
medicine, amused me much by his alarm at the sight of bread when
shewn to him for the first time. I offered him a little flat loaf,
and he was for a long while considering whether he should venture
to touch it, but at last mustered courage to take it up, apparently
in great trepidation, holding it between his fingers and thumbs,
and frequently turning it round. Having first smelt to it, he began
to nibble; and being very hungry and cold, and finding it not quite
so terrific as he imagined, the poor little fellow despatched it
very soon. I continued to feed him for the two or three days we
remained together, and his mode of expressing his gratitude, was
by coming close to me, and looking up in my face.
Many of the children were carried in leather bags, which the Tibboo
make use of to keep their corn in; and in one instance I saw a nest
of children on one side of a camel, and its young one in a bag,
hanging on the other. The Arabs brought many asses and sheep from
Borgoo: the former are very large and fine, and arrived in high
condition, whereas the horses and camels were skeletons. I here had
an opportunity of seeing the manner of chaining the prisoners. Five
Wajunga men, fierce, well made, handsome people, about 25 years
of age, were linked together. The right hand is fastened to the
neck, round which is an iron collar, having two rings in the back;
through this the heavy chain is passed and locked at each end on the
unhappy slaves. The owner sleeps with this chain tied to his wrist,
when in fear of their escaping. I was informed by their masters,
that these men had been so confined during three months, “because
they were fierce fellows, and had actually resisted their captors;
but above all, they had been guilty of endeavouring to make their
escape when taken.” Their cowardly owners dreaded them even
in Fezzan. These were the only strong young men in the Kafflé;
almost all the other males being little boys, or infirm old men.
The Tibboo of Borgoo are represented as a timid race, in such dread
of a gun or horse, that the bare sight of an Arab, and particularly
a mounted one, is sufficient to put a number of them to flight. They
run with great swiftness, and when endeavouring to escape, use many
successful and ingenious feints. For instance; if pursued on rocky
ground, they will kneel suddenly in such a manner, as to resemble a
rock or stone, the mountains in their own country being black like
themselves; if where wood is lying, they embrace the trunk of a tree:
if on sandy ground, they stand on an eminence, until their pursuer
is in the hollow near them, they then run to the next hollow, and
change their direction or even bury themselves before he gets to
the rising ground. They show equal skill in eluding the vigilance
of their keepers when caught. Mukni has often told me stories of
their cunning, with evident astonishment and anger, that these poor
wretches should dare to use their wits to such advantage. One of his
remarks was, “if you catch one, and do not immediately bind him,
when you turn away from him, he will run off.”
The country from whence these poor victims come produces sufficient
dates to furnish the whole army, and the conquerors brought away
enough to supply their slaves and animals. There are in this country
some singular insulated rocks, which are almost inaccessible, and
which stand on plains of sand. On these many of the Tibboo live, and
by means of large stones and arrows are able to keep off any people,
who, like themselves, are without muskets. The Sultan’s army, in a
former Ghrazzie, stormed some of these fastnesses; and though they
were superior in number and arms, and the Tibboo naturally timid,
they met with very severe loss.
The plan adopted by the Arabs in taking these people is described in
the following manner.—They rest for the night, two or three hours
ride from the village intended to be attacked; and after midnight,
leaving their tents and camels, with a small guard, they advance,
so as to arrive by daylight; they then surround the place, and,
closing in, generally succeed in taking all the inhabitants. As those
who elude the first range have also to pass several bodies placed on
the look-out, and armed with guns, their chance of escape is almost
impossible. On a rising ground, at a convenient distance, is placed
a standard, round which are stationed men prepared to receive and
bind the captives, as they are brought out by those who enter the
town: when bound, the pillagers return for fresh plunder. In the
course of one morning, a thousand or fifteen hundred slaves have
sometimes been procured in this manner, by two or three hundred men
only. When the inhabitants are all secured, the camels, flocks, and
provisions, come into requisition; and these dreaded Arabs march
on and conquer other defenceless hordes, in the same manner. The
Tibboo of Borgoo are of a lighter complexion than other Negroes,
and are handsome people. The females braid their hair, which is
not very woolly, in long plaits, which hang down round their head
in bobbins of sometimes eighteen inches in length.
The Arabs found many pigeons in Borgoo; these birds emigrate from
Fezzan in October and November, to Kawār, Bilma, Borgoo, and other
places to the southward.
January 12th. Therm. 3°. Left Gatrone, and preceded the Ghrazzie
to the wells of Wudakaire, from which place I have already noted
the bearings to Gatrone. We slept here, and took care that it
should be at least a mile distant from the Arabs. My Maherry was
now in tolerable condition, owing to the care taken of him by the
Marāboot, to whom I sent a six-bladed knife, as an acknowledgment
for his trouble; this he considered so splendid a present, that
his house had a constant succession of visitors, to see and admire
its wonderful blades, saws, &c. which were opened with great care,
and looked on with astonishment.
January 13th. Therm. 2°. 10′.—We left Wudakaire at 7.20. and
passed over a desert of sand, without a break in the horizon,
N. 10°. W. 35 miles, when at seven we arrived at Mestoota
مستوته, a small spot of about two miles in circumference,
covered with palm and Attila bushes; and having a low marsh,
abounding in rushes, and the favourite shrubs of the camels,
viz. Deesa ديسه, Agool عقول, and Dthamaran ظمرعن. There
are many wells here, and an old ruined Arab castle. We observed
the Ghrazzie to encamp about five miles short of this place. The
Jerboas were here in immense quantities, and ran over our heads
the whole night: they were even bold enough to attempt stealing a
piece of bread from under my head.
Friday 14th. Therm. 2°. 30′. below zero.—Water which we had
left in a bowl over night, became ice of the thickness of half an
inch; and the Gerbas (water skins) were so completely frozen up at
the necks, that we were obliged to melt them over a fire. What must
the poor naked Negroes, who know no winter, have suffered during
the whole of this night, lying out uncovered, on the sand! We had a
long chase after our horses, which had broken loose and gone away,
until 10.20. when, after much trouble in securing them, we set off,
passing as before over a flat plain of sand until 3.20. when we
arrived at some dangerously high sand hills; down which I every
moment expected the Maherry, which carried myself and two sacks
of dates, would tumble. At 7.30. we arrived safely past the hills
at Māfen معفن, a small village which I saw from Traghan,
when first I went there. We had travelled, when on the plain,
N. 35°. E. 15 miles, and over the sand hills, N. 10°. E. 12 miles.
Saturday 15th. Therm. 2°. Fine morning.—Started at nine from
Māfen, and passed over a most curious plain of salt and earth, so
broken by the sun, that it resembled the rough and irregular lava
of Vesuvius; large slabs of four or five feet in height, with sharp
points, were sticking up in every direction, and as hard as stone. I
think it next to an impossibility for a man to walk even a few yards
over this ground. A poor path, barely wide enough for a camel, has
been cut and worn through it; but many accidents still happen by
animals falling on their journey over it. This extraordinary bed
extends east and west above twenty miles, and is about three in
breadth at this part. I paid it a much longer visit than I could
have wished, being attacked so severely by hemma, as to be obliged
to dismount and lie in the road, until the afternoon, without water
to relieve me, or any thing at hand to assuage the pain in my liver.
On my recovery, we passed Traghan, without entering the town; and
having refreshed ourselves at a well of tolerably good water, went
on with Besheer to his house at Deesa, where he killed the fatted
calf, and gave us the most cordial welcome. His mother and young
wife came out to receive us, and with his sisters, wept for joy at
his return. I gave the old woman some eye medicine, for which she
wanted me to accept a fine fat-tailed sheep; and his sister furnished
us with eggs, fowls, and sour milk in abundance. Kaid Saad would
not stop here; but after taking Lackbi enough to make him merry,
set off for Zaizow, to prepare a welcome for us on the morrow.
January 16th. Therm. 4°. We set out at ten for Morzouk. I suffered
Belford and the camel to go on, and remained amongst the surrounding
little hamlets, with Besheer, who introduced me to his friends
and neighbours, many compliments passing on both sides. He also
presented me to a very pretty girl whom he had fixed on as his new
wife, making two his complement. About noon, we heard the firing of
the Ghrazzie’s people on entering Beedan بيدان a village near
Zaizow, and soon after, arriving at the latter place, we alighted
at the residence of Kaid Saad. We found him lying on the ground,
most amusingly drunk and communicative, and surrounded by fowls
and bread, eggs, cakes, soup, sweet and sour lackbi, and dates.
He was all generosity, and would have given us his whole house,
and into the bargain, even his old wife, who waited on us during
the meal, and was highly oiled for the occasion. We soon discovered,
as he was not in condition to keep a secret, why he had recourse to
such large draughts of lackbi. He had boasted, all the time he was
with me, of his second wife, and had promised I should be treated
with a sight of her, if he could prevail on so beautiful and bashful
a creature to show her face to any other man than her husband: no
sooner, however, had he left Zaizow to accompany me a month before,
than this charming person decamped. She first collected as much
corn as she could find, and a dollar or two which were hoarded
up; and after abusing her house-mate, the elder wife, set out for
Morzouk. Report spoke unfavourably of her conduct there, and the
old man was endeavouring, in consequence, to drown his sorrows in
his favourite liquor. The lady of the house presented me with a
bowl of Soudan manufacture.
This afternoon, a man came to me for medicine, for a pain in the
chest, and opening his shirt, displayed the most sickening sight
I ever beheld: he had been so burnt over the whole of his breast,
that it had festered, and become a sore of above a foot in diameter,
and had so eaten into his skin, that I imagined he could not
survive many days. I had nothing with me which would relieve him,
but advised that his sore should be kept clean, a precaution which
had never entered his head. His friend, who brought him to me, said,
that for all the world he would not suffer him to be washed, as he
had read in a book, that using water to a burn occasioned certain
death. Thus, owing to their ignorance and prejudice, this poor man
probably lost his life. After being nearly killed with kindness,
we set out. The Kaid, though almost incapable of sitting his own
poor lean horse, amused himself by riding at full speed before and
across mine, screeching and discharging his gun out of compliment
to me; but happily for his own neck, and I may add for mine also,
in about half an hour his powder failed him.
In the evening we arrived at Morzouk, and found that my kind friends,
Yussuf and the old Hadje, had prepared a feast for me. I went to
visit Mukni, who received me very graciously, and thanked me for
going to meet his son, whom he pretended to be ashamed of, for not
having presented me with a couple of Maherrys; one to eat, and the
other to ride on. Yussuf and the old man spent the greater part
of the night with us, relating all the city news; and I promised
them, that on the morrow, I would set out with the Sultan’s two
youngest sons, to Hadge Hajeel, to meet and return with the Ghrazzie
to Morzouk.
January 17th. Therm. 6°.—I set out as I had proposed, with the
Mamlukes and a large body of Fezzanners, to meet their friends;
for which, on joining Aleiwa’s people, I received many thanks
and compliments: having only slept one night at my own house,
I was not expected to leave it again so quickly. I here found
my little patient, whom I mentioned before, quite recovered, and
able, by his master’s instruction, to thank me in a few words
of Arabic. This little fellow’s patience, during illness, had so
won on his master, a shoemaker of Morzouk, that he had adopted him;
and intended, instead of selling, to bring him up to his own trade,
in which, if the boy succeeds, he is to make me a pair of boots on
my return. We spent this afternoon in singing and eating, and every
one assumed a new appearance: instead of the dirty ragged wretches
whom I had last seen, they were transformed into a gay multitude,
dressed in silks, scarlet, and embroidery; their friends collecting
for them such finery as would enable them to enter the capital with
becoming dignity. Many of the Arabs smelt most odoriferously of
attar of roses, and affected to look as if they had been accustomed
to it all their lives.
The whole procession would have been very amusing, on the morning of
the 18th, but for the multitude of poor dejected captives;—their
swelled and sore feet, and emaciated bodies, formed such a sad
contrast to the finery and ostentation of the conquerors, that it not
only completely checked all inclination to laugh, but gave rise to
the most painful feelings. Six flags preceded the army with a large
band of musicians, who formed a melodious concert, each disdaining
time or tune, and playing such airs as their own taste dictated. On
approaching Morzouk, the dancing women and bagpipers came out, and
added to the din; and the Arabs, dividing as usual into two bodies,
skirmished with very good effect. At noon we entered the town, and
I rode ahead of the Sultan’s son, to observe what would be his
father’s reception of him. I found Mukni sitting in the greatest
agitation, pale, and alone in the Mezlis, or Court of his Castle,
and scarcely able to welcome me. The crowd assembling, a lane was
formed from the place where Aleiwa was to alight, to the great
chair in which the Sultan sat. The boy dismounted, and, supported
by his younger brother, ran and threw himself on his knees to kiss
his father’s hand. A general silence prevailed, when the father,
overcome by his feelings, reclined on the son’s neck, and wept
aloud. At that moment I felt that I could have forgiven him all his
unkindness to Mr. Ritchie and myself, and the numerous murders he
had committed; had I not recollected that this favourite boy was
returning with many poor children, whose existence was not less dear
to their own parents than his was to Mukni. When the Sultan had
become a little composed, and had re-assumed his look of dignity,
a splendid Bornouse of cloth of gold was brought, and Aleiwa being
stripped of that which he then wore, by some of the principal people,
the new one was thrown over him, for which he knelt and kissed his
father’s hand. This, I find, is the customary present in all the
Barbary states to generals returning victorious. The ceremony over,
all the Arabs commenced kissing hands, and the Sultan then, having
vouchsafed a smile on the crowd, entered the Castle, leaning on
the shoulders of his two sons.
January 19th.—All this day the Sultan was sitting outside the
Castle gate, surrounded by Sheikh Barood and the Arabs, and buying
of them, slaves and camels.
The square near the Castle presented quite a novel appearance,
being filled with above 1000 Maherries. The town was all alive,
and formed a very amusing spectacle. Merchants from neighbouring
countries, Tibboo, Tuarick, Arabs, and camels, were all in motion at
once, while the poor Negroes, who occasioned the assemblage of so
many strangers, sat naked and shivering in the sun, and were oiled
all over to better their appearance. Some were paraded for sale,
whilst others went about with broken pots to collect the blood of
the numerous camels, which people were slaughtering, and which,
on being baked over a fire, they eagerly swallowed. Such skeletons
as were seen amongst them might really have moved the pity even of
their owners. Slaves were selling as low as ever, and the market
was full: a fine girl of thirteen years of age was worth about
thirty-five dollars; a boy of the same age about fifteen or twenty;
occasionally the price was greater for the females, if particularly
handsome; but boys seldom rose higher than the sum I have mentioned.
None but the Bedouins appear to approve of these Ghrazzies; their
wandering manner of life, and total want of every social feeling,
their having no lands to cultivate, or houses to take care of,
may account for it. Those who have possessions are aware that these
predatory excursions are the ruin of the country and of trade; but
their fear of Mukni is even greater than their love of home, and they
therefore must engage, however unwillingly, in this service. Every
man who attends the Ghrazzies is obliged to furnish himself with
arms and provisions, and he is at liberty to make what plunder or
captives he can, which, with the exception of one-fourth, is his
own private property. A general attack, in which all are engaged,
allows of no man appropriating to himself the slaves he takes,
as all are carried to the standard, and thus divided; the Sultan
has one-fourth, every footman is entitled to one slave, and every
horseman to two. Should the number of captives exceed that of
the captors, a second sharing is made after each man has received
his first portion; but should the number of slaves not amount to
that of the captors, they are divided, one between two or three,
in proportion. Two little children are considered as equal to a
young boy, and two boys of about nine or ten years of age, or one
girl of the same age, make a share.
About this time I frequently visited the slave-markets, which are
conducted with the same degree of indifference to the feelings of
the captives as at Tripoli. There are many auctioneers, as well
for slaves, as for other articles of trade; each runs from side to
side of the street, crying in a shrill voice the price last bidden,
and standing on tiptoes: should he be selling a slave, the poor
creature follows him at a trot, like a dog, to the different groups
of merchants who are sitting on the sand.
Aboo Becker Boukhalloum ابوبكربوخلّوم, the Sultan’s
head man, arrived from Tripoli, bringing with him the Bashaw’s
Teskera, continuing Mukni in the command of Fezzan for three years,
on condition of his paying to the Bashaw 80,000 dollars. In order
to treat this person with great respect, and to show he was “the
man the King delighted to honour,” the Sultan’s three sons,
and all the horsemen to be found, were sent to meet him at Dgleim,
and accompany him to the town; drums and colours preceding him,
and the inhabitants, who cared not if he were alive or dead, roaring
for joy. This man had been an Augela Arab five or six years before;
but now, covered with gold and scarlet, was as great as fine clothes
(the African standard of dignity) could make him. On his arrival at
the Mezlis, the Sultan received him sitting in his chair of state;
and having read the Bashaw’s letter (or affected to do so, for
his Majesty is no scholar), he thrice kissed and put it to his
forehead. The Fighi then read it in a loud voice to the people,
who all exclaimed, “Thank God!”
A fine yellow Bornouse, ornamented with lace, having been sent as a
present, Mukni descended from his throne, and after being stripped
by his slaves of the one he then wore, he put on the new one,
first kissing, and thrice putting it to his head.
I received a large packet of letters by Bookhalloum, who said he
had often seen the Consul and Dr. Dickson; he also brought me money
from a kind friend, who was aware of our distressed situation.
From a number of persons, who had been on the recent expedition,
I obtained the following account of the routes they had taken,
which, as the narrators pretty generally agreed in them, I have
reason to believe correct.
_Tegerry to Borgoo._
South.
Tegerry to Meshroo 2 days. South, a well.
Meshroo to El Warr 2½ Well amongst rocks.
El Warr to El Fezzn 2 A well.
South-east.
El Fezzn to Aboo 4 {This is a town of Tibesty,
{Febaboo of maps.
South-south-east.
Aboo to Wadey Khareet 1 A well.
Wadey to Tow 1 Well in a wadey.
Tow to Zooar 1 {Rain water in the rocks.
Zooar to Marmar 1 {
Marmar to Subka 2½ Well, and dome dates.
Subka to Turké 1 Well.
East.
Turké to Borgoo 4
--
22 days.
The chief town is called Yen.—The above are not towns, but
resting-places.
_Yen to_
Kermedi ½ day.
Wann 2
Gorr ½
El Bummel ½
Tikki 2
Beddou 2
Werda 2
Yen is more properly a large nest of mud huts than a town. Its
inhabitants are, in time of peace, very numerous, and are all
Kaffirs. It is to this place that the natives of Waday come in
Kafflés to trade for slaves. Several of the King of Waday’s men
were taken captive by Mukni’s people near this place.
_Tegerry to Bilma._
South.
Tegerry to Meshroo 2 days. A well.
Meshroo to El Warr 2½ Well on a rock.
El Warr to El Hammer 2
El Hammer to Maffrus 2½ A well.
Maffrus to Zhaia 2 Rain water and dates.
Zhaia to Siggidum 1½ An old castle and well.
Siggidum to Annai 1 Well and domes.
Annai to Kisbi 1 Town. Tibboo of the
Kisbi to Dirki ½ Town. tribes Kawār,
Dirki to Shenumma 1 Town. Wandela, Gunda,
Shenumma to Bilma 1 Town. and Traita.
--
Total 17 days.
All these are resting-places.
Kawār and Bilma are not distinct countries, but are names of two
parts of the same, having little villages, and scattered families
all over the desert; the people are Mohammedans and Kaffirs, though
the latter are the most numerous.
Wajunga, a country also pillaged during the last excursion, is
eight days east of Borgoo. It is a considerable tract, and has two
large towns or districts one day east and west of each other. The
eastern one has a very large river running north and south through
it, five or six hundred yards in breadth, and of great depth. The
water is brackish, and in it are abundance of very fine fish. The
Ghrazzie passed this river on rafts, and the horses, having been
previously slung with inflated gerbas, or water-skins, were towed
across. The whole of this country is very mountainous, having large
rocky tracts of perfectly black stone, which they say not a little
favoured the escape of the greater part of the inhabitants, who
were not easily distinguished from them. Some of the rocks here,
as well as in Borgoo, are so perpendicular and high, that, to use
an Arab expression, “You could not see their tops without losing
your tagaia, or red cap.”
The western Wajunga has three rivers running through it, two of
which are sweet “as honey,” and one salt; the largest, which
the Arabs say is the Nil, is of great breadth, and very deep,
and runs from west to east. Dates are in great plenty here, and
the cattle very numerous; there are also elephants in this country,
and multitudes of ostriches. The people of both sexes are clothed in
skins; some, however, wear a curious leather gown. They are a fine
race of people, and are swift runners; but the Arabs consider them
in the light of Kaffirs, asserting that they were not made by God,
but that they came by chance.
Wajunga to Waday is ten days south. On the road Terraweiya is three
days from Wajunga.
_Borgoo to_
Bahr el Ghazal 5 days, south.
Kanem 12 south-west.
Waday 14 south-south-east.
From the well of El Wiakh, which is two days to the southward of
Tegerry, is another road to Tibesty, shorter, yet at the same time
more difficult than the other, being seven long days from thence to
Braï, at which place rain water is found. These seven days are over
a black range of mountains, which are destitute of water, grass,
shrubs, or living animals; and in many places so very difficult of
ascent, that camels and horses often meet their death by falls in
passing them. The plain round the well of El Wiakh is said to be
quite covered with human and other bones. In the Kafflés coming
from Waday, many of the slaves and animals are often so exhausted
by fatigue in passing this dreary road, that on being allowed a
day’s rest, they become too stiff and sore to be able to proceed,
and are thus left to perish. Many poor sinking wretches are deserted
by their masters while yet alive, and it not unfrequently happens,
that in order to get the healthy slaves to a resting-place, the
sick ones are left to their fate.
Arna and Braï are three days apart. Berdai (which I take to be
the Berdoa of the maps) is two days east of Tibesty. From Braï to
Marmar is nine days south-east.
A tribe of Tibboo, called by some Febaboo, is not known. I suspect
Aboo, in Tibesty, is the name from which it has been taken by
mistake. It is a small town, and not, as has been supposed, a tribe.
January 24th.—This morning I sat in the Mezlis, and saw the Arabs
and Sultan’s people buying and selling the recently captured
slaves. The manner of conducting the sale was quite new to me,
and let me into the secret of the method taken by the great
man to ascertain how much was due to him out of every private
capture. Bookhalloom, old Sheikh Barood, and some more of the
Sultan’s people, amongst whom are one or two of his scribes,
summon the slaves of every person concerned in the Ghrazzie before
them, the masters attending also. Each slave is then put up to
auction at a certain price; the Sultan’s brokers only bidding
high for the finest, the other people, who sit round in crowds,
also bidding vociferously. The owner bids against them until he
has what he considers the value of the slave offered him, when, if
he chooses to sell, he has three fourths of the money paid to him,
while one-fourth is paid by the purchaser to the Sultan. Should he
not wish to part with his slaves, he buys them in, and the sum which
he last names is considered as the price, from which he has to pay
the Sultan’s share. The scribes write down each slave-owner’s
name, and the sum due from him to the Sultan, and thus the account
is easily kept between them.
Last night an entertainment was provided for me by Mohammed el
Lizari, to celebrate my birthday. Lilla Fātma honoured his house
with her presence, and was covered with silks, gold, and red paint,
which she took care occasionally to show as she accidentally, or
rather purposely, dropped her Aba from her face. About a hundred
noisy, greasy Morzouk women amused the company, and nearly stunned
me by playing on erbabs, drums, tin-pots, and gourds; there was also
much dancing, with Lackbi and pipes in abundance. I was sensible of
this kindness on the part of Lizari, but I certainly never wished
again to pass so noisy and tiresome a birthday. These compliments
were followed up by a present of a young camel, on which I was
to feast.
As it was Lizari’s wish to accompany me to Tripoli, he held daily
consultations with his friends on the subject; and this plan was
at length arranged, as a security against the acts of Mukni, who,
we greatly feared, would cause him to be privately murdered before
I left Morzouk. In the meantime it was considered necessary that he
and his household should be always armed; and as I did not quite
understand Mukni’s behaviour to myself, I also determined to be
on my guard, constantly concealing a pair of pistols in my dress. We
found great difficulty in procuring camels, the Arabs, who let them,
being busily occupied in the slave-markets. Some Kafflés at this
time came in from Soudan and Bornou, bringing about 1000 slaves,
chiefly female.
As I am now about to leave Morzouk, and have been enabled from
actual observation in my journey to the extremity of Fezzan to form
an opinion of that kingdom, I shall subjoin all the information
I have been able to collect on its general state, as well as the
habits and customs of the natives.
CHAPTER VII.
OF FEZZAN.
Aspect of the Country — State of Cultivation — Minerals —
Animals — Birds — Vegetable Productions — Fruits — Esculents
— Time and Manner of cultivating Grain — Water — Towns — Food
of Inhabitants — Possibility of improving Agriculture — Tenure
of Lands — Weights and Measures — Government — Principal
People — Character of the Natives — Inroads into the Negro
Countries — State of the Slave Trade — Crimes and Punishments
— Character of the Natives — Religion — State of Literature
and Ingenuity — Language — State of the Women — Records —
Slavery and the Slave Trade — Laws relative to the Issue of Slaves.
The northern boundary is Bonjem, in latitude 30° 35′ north,
of which I have already spoken; and Tegerry, in latitude 24° 4′
north, is the southern, which is inhabited by Tibboo of the mountain
tribes. Its eastern boundary is the Harutz mountains behind Temissa,
and Oubāri in the west.
The general aspect of the country presents an almost universally
barren appearance; fine yellow sand, and a species of gravel,
covering the whole face of the plains, save where the Soudah and
Harutz extend. The country is very dry, there being only three
springs in this immense tract; they are near Traghan; but water is
found in many places at ten or twenty feet below the surface, in
clay or beds of salt. There is no vegetation on the desert, unless
in some of the wadeys, where are found prickly bushes for camels,
called Agoul اقول, Thamaran ظمرعن, and Deesa ديسه,
and a few trees of the mimosa species, called Talhh ظالح. It is
only in the immediate vicinity of towns that palms are cultivated,
and a little corn and a few esculents raised with much difficulty
and labour. Nothing is more incorrect than the opinion so generally
held of the fertility of the Oases.
Fezzan may, without scruple, be said to stand in the desert, and is
not to be distinguished from it on the score of fertility. The soil,
where soft, is almost all sand; but under the surface, near Morzouk,
a kind of white clay is found, which, on being mixed with the sand,
becomes tolerably productive. The small spots of ground which are
at all cultivated, are fertile; but the immense labour requisite to
keep the ground moist, deters the labourers from forming gardens of
above an acre in size. Some of the spots so called, are not above
forty or sixty feet square. The water is drawn by asses, and the
machinery is very complicated. Soda, called Trona الطرون,
rock salt, alum, Shub شب, gypsum, saltpetre, and, as I was told,
sulphur, are found in this country; the first three in very large
quantities, which form articles of trade. The Soda is produced at or
near Germa, in the wadey Shiati; the salt and alum in many places,
but more particularly in the eastern districts. There is one plain
of solid salt near Mafen, which is nearly thirty miles in length.
The animals found in Fezzan are,
_The Tiger Cat_, rather fierce.
_Hyæna_, in great numbers, and very savage.
_Jackal._ Numerous. They approach very near the towns.
_Fox._ Scarce, and much smaller than those of Europe.
_Wadan._ A very fierce buffalo, of the size of an ass, having large
tufts of hair from the shoulders, and very long heavy horns.
_Red Buffalo._ A clumsy animal, easily taken.
_White Buffalo._ A small white animal, very swift, and courageous
when wounded.
_Antelope._ Few are found near Morzouk.
_Wild Cat._ Found in the rocks.
_Porcupine._ Living in the wadeys near Bonjem.
_Hedgehog._ Met with about the wells, and eaten by the Arabs.
_Rat._ Of two colours, yellow and brown; the latter are found in
houses, the yellow on the desert: both have hairy tails.
_Guntsha._ An animal of the rat species, black, having a bushy
tail, and head resembling that of a badger: lives in palm-trees,
and is easily tamed.
_Mouse._ Of two kinds, like the rats; one yellow, the other brown.
_Gerboa._ Found only on the desert.
_Rabbits._ Few wild; some tame in Morzouk. Brought from the coast.
_Hare._ Found in the wadeys; rather scarce.
_Camel._ The Maherry, or running Camel. Horse, ass, very few cows;
sheep and goats also very scarce. Dogs, two only in Morzouk of the
greyhound species.
_The Birds are,_
_The Ostrich._ Found in the mountains of Wadan.
_Eagle._ Scarce.
_Vulture._ Common on the desert.
_Hawk._ Common.
_Wild Turkey._ In the wadeys north of Sockna.
_Raven._ Numerous on the desert.
_Duck._ I have seen some flights, but cannot tell whence they come,
probably from some waters on the desert.
_Coot._ A coot was one night picked up in the street, and brought
to our house. It was the first seen in Morzouk.
_Sparrow._ The male is slate-coloured, with black marks; the female
as in Europe: very numerous.
_Swallow._ Slate-coloured, and very small.
_Butcher Bird._ Slate-colour.
_Owl._ Small species, having horns or feathered tufts.
_Wren._ Small, having black wings and yellow breast.
_Wagtail._ Resembling a mule Canary-bird.
_A bird_ resembling a thrush, but having a long tail.
_Wild and tame Pigeons._ The former emigrate in August to Bornou
and the Tibboo countries.
_Partridges._ North of Sockna.
_Domestic fowls_ not very plentiful.
_Goose._ A few at Zuela.
_Vegetable Productions._
_Gafooly Masr._ Indian corn.
_Gafooly Abiad._ A small grain.
_Gussub._ A small round brown grain. Dhourra of Egypt.
_Gussub Tamzawi._ Another species of the same.
_Gussub Albawi._ Another do.
_Gummah._ Wheat.
_Shair._ Barley.
_Tareedi._ Another species of barley, of a red colour.
_Bishna._ A small grain resembling canary seed.
_Lubia._ A small bean.
_Gilgillān._ A small pea.
_Latila._ A small black tare.
_Kerwia._ Caraway seeds.
The seeds of sun-flowers are also eaten, as well as those of the
colocynth apple.
_Fruits, &c._
_Grapes._ Grow near the wells: almost every garden has a vine.
_Pomegranate._ Very fine; not plentiful.
_Apricot._ Scarce, and bad.
_Peach._ Never comes to maturity.
_Apple._ Woolly, tasteless, and scarce.
_Melons._ Water melons; good, but scarce. The musk melons are only
over-ripe cucumbers.
_Figs._ Small, but good.
_Corna._ A small round fruit, resembling an apple in form and smell,
though not larger than a nut. It has three stones, is very sweet,
and eats well when fresh. It grows on a tree sometimes thirty feet
in height. Mr. Ritchie conceived this to be the Rhamnus or Lotus.
_Esculents._
_Pompion._ Large, yellow, and good.
_Kalabash._ Very good, and plentiful.
_Geroo._ A fruit much resembling a cucumber in smell, taste, and
appearance, when young; but when ripe, it smells like a melon,
and is eaten as such.
_Turnip._ Tap-rooted, and small; scarce.
_Carrot._ Small, no flavour, and scarce.
_Radish._ Good, and pungent.
_Melochia._ A kind of salading.
_Bāmia._ A small pod, used in soup.
_Birtigallis._ A juicy leaved salad.
_Mustard and cress._ Good, but scarce.
_Onions._ Fine, and plentiful.
_Garlic._ Scarce, but very good.
_Red pepper._ Very good, and plentiful.
_Tomata._ Scarce, but good.
Corn and barley are sown in October and November, and reaped in
March and April; during which time, and until the last month,
the crops are watered twice a week, with much labour, by means
of small channels cut from the reservoirs at the wells. Guddub or
Sufsafa, قدّن صفسفه, which is a species of clover, is sown
in small squares, in January and February, and will bear cutting
once a fortnight until November, when it ceases to grow, and the
roots are given to cattle. It is very expensive, but fattens horses
and camels very quickly. Gussub قصب, and Gafooly قفولي,
of both kinds, are sown at midsummer, and ripen in the autumn;
they are sometimes given in a green state to horses; the stalks
then are very sweet, and resemble sugar-canes in taste. Many people
cultivate these plants, without the intention of allowing them to
ripen, but merely to supply the horses: by pulling the stalks up
by the roots, the land is soon again fit for other crops. The dry
straw is the winter fodder, but extravagantly dear. The stalk of
the Gafooly sometimes grows to the height of seven or eight feet;
the Guddub resembles clover, but is more delicate. The water of
Fezzan is universally brackish, and in many places quite salt; and
by constantly using it, and comparing the best with the worst, some
wells appear almost fresh. There are no rivers of any description;
but there are stagnant ponds which produce salt, and generally
cause the agues so prevalent in some parts of the country.
The capital of Fezzan is Morzouk, the latitude of which is 25° 54′
north, and longitude 15° 52′ east. The other towns of note are,
Sockna in the north, Zuela in the east, and Gatrone in the south. The
people derive their subsistence from dates which may almost be said
to be the only support of the country, and from the small quantity
of grain and vegetables, which they raise with so much toil in the
gardens: they occasionally treat themselves with a little camels’
flesh. Sheep and goats are too expensive for the poorer class;
and I believe, that even among the opulent, there is no man who can
afford to eat meat above three times a week. They do not carry on any
particular trade, except with Bornou, Soudan, and Waday, for slaves,
and the barter attendant on the dealings with the Kafflés. Many
of the plants which are cultivated in the southern parts of Europe
would, no doubt, flourish in this country, with the usual attention
which is paid to the gardens. European spades, rakes, light hoes,
and ploughs, might be introduced in this part of the world with
great success, and would be most gratefully received. Machines
for winnowing corn, which is generally mixed with chaff, sieves,
&c. would also be very beneficial. The people would not at first
comprehend their use, but I conceive that those few articles would
soon become familiar to them, and be much prized. There is not any
kind of timber which can be used for building, or, more properly,
which can be cut into planks. The palm is the only tree they have,
and is used for doors, props, and frames for wells; it is likewise
employed for beams, by cutting the trunk in four quarters; it is
very porous, dry, and subject to rot, and is easily broken.
Landed property is generally in the possession of the better classes,
and is cultivated for them by the free servants and slaves, who work
alike, and experience exactly the same treatment. Lands generally
descend to the nearest relations at the decease of the owner; but
if he dies without heirs, or is put to death for an alleged crime,
the Sultan claims them as his right: the owner, notwithstanding,
can, if he pleases, buy or sell, without being bound by any sort of
entail or clause, against parting with family property. Houses are
held in the same way as the lands. When grounds are leased, or sold,
the price is generally proportioned to the number of wells and date
trees on the premises: it happens, however, not unfrequently, that
the palms are the property of one man, while the land on which they
grow belongs to another. The gardens are entirely cultivated by the
paddle or hoe, and parcelled out into squares of about three feet,
having little channels to them, for the purpose of irrigation. Much
dung is used, and the sandy soil of old gardens almost assumes
the appearance of earth. From the great labour requisite to keep
these spots in order, it would not repay any non-resident to have
lands in Fezzan; though I am confident that such possessions would
be respected, as there are many absentees who have large groves of
palms, which their relatives, or those employed by them, keep, and
render up an exact account of. The difficulty of finding willing,
honest, faithful, or contented workmen, is very great; and each
master or agent is obliged to attend constantly to his own immediate
property or charge; some gardens, however, are, and have been,
attended for generations, by the same family of labourers.
The commerce is chiefly in slaves, and I have already given
a list of such articles as are marketable. They have but few
weights; these are, the Kantar, قنتار, 150 lb.; the Rottal,
الرتال, 1½ lb.; the Oghia, الوقَيه, or ounce; and
the weights used in the purchase or exchange of gold, which was
once the money of the country. The weights, with little scales,
are generally kept in a small box. The largest is called Groowi,
33⅓ Mitgals; the next is 13¾ Mitgals; another is 6⅔ Mitgals,
and is called Oghia, and weighs one dollar; the smallest brass
weight is 1⅓ Mitgal. 24 Kharoubas, خروبه, or beans of the
locust tree, weigh 1 Mitgal. There are also three small weights
of iron or lead, weighing 16, 8, and 4 Khoroubas. The small red
and black West India bean, so well known in England, is here named
Ain el deek, عين الديك (or cock’s eye,) and is the half
Kharouba. The boxes containing the gold weights have also a small
spoon for the dust, and a trying stone.—The measures at present
in use are, Ghefeese, 24 Khail; half ditto; Webba Fezzan, 8 Kail;
half ditto; Kail, 8 Saas, equal to 8 quarts; Saa, a quart. This
last measure is divided into halves and thirds, for which there
are small baskets made to contain that quantity; these are, by
particular ways of placing the hand, again divided into fourths
and sixths. The current money of the country is a Spanish dollar;
the smaller payments are made in corn. A comparative idea of the
value of the above measures may be obtained by knowing that one
dollar is generally worth one kail and a half, or three gallons of
corn. A quart, or saa, is therefore worth fivepence. Dates average
twenty-four kail, or a ghefeese for a dollar.
The government of Fezzan was once hereditary, in a black family,
which above 500 years since took possession of the country. They
were Shreefs, and of a tribe near Fez, in the kingdom of Morocco;
but the intrigues of Mukni have succeeded in destroying them all, and
the public offices, government, and revenues have assumed entirely
another form. Mukni is absolute while in his hired government, though
in Tripoli he is considered only as a private individual. He derives
his power from a few armed followers, of whom I have spoken, and
from the fear which the people have of the Bashaw in their present
state of weakness; but above all, from the great dread they have
of himself. He governs with a rod of iron, punishes most severely,
and his opinion is the law; money is his chief aim, and he leaves no
means untried to extort it from his miserably oppressed subjects. No
one has the least voice in the state but himself, and such of
his favourites as have gained some ascendency over him; but their
interest with him is very precarious. All weighty matters, such as
wars of consequence, are submitted to the Bashaw, though Mukni always
acts before he has time either to receive instructions or permission.
The Kadi, being supreme head of the law and of the church, or
nominally so, is rather more privileged with the Sultan than others
are; but his opinions are always expected to assimilate with those
of his master. In Morzouk there are some white families who are
called Mamlukes, being descended from Renegades, whom the Bashaw
had presented to the former Sultans. These families and their
descendants are considered noble; and however poor and low their
situation may be, are not a little vain of their title. There is no
such thing as nobility, except with these people and the Shreefs,
who are, throughout the Mohammedan world, highly privileged; yet are,
generally speaking, not better men than the rest. The Kadi, Sheikhs
of districts, Kaids, or Governors, Chowses, Hadjes, Marāboots, and
all who have money, possessions, and, above all, fine clothes, are
considered great people, and respected as long as their situation,
money, or garments hold out: but in the event of any failure in these
uncertain advantages, they become as low and unnoticed as slaves.
The office of Kadi is hereditary, and has been in the same family for
150 years. Talents are by no means necessary in this high office;
the ability to read is all that is required, and the next in the
family, after the death of a Kadi, is, whether wise or foolish,
immediately vested with the authority. The Kadi of Morzouk is a black
man, named Mohammed el Habeeb; he is able to read pretty fluently,
is very superstitious, and writes charms of more efficacy than any
other man in the country. All the principal towns have Kadis; but
the office is not, as in the capital, hereditary. The better class of
the people, or those who have some property, are distinguished from
the poor by being admitted into the Sultan’s presence, and living
in every respect better than the Arabs and the other natives. They
have great power to oppress and ill treat their inferiors; yet
are as free with their slaves as with each other, and associate
as much with them. A slave will come and sit down with his master,
though not on the same mat, and join in the conversation, amusement,
or meal, even without a shirt on his back; when the master wears his
best clothes, however, he is too dignified to permit such freedom.
The Fezzanners are possessed of but little courage, spirit,
or honesty, and are as completely submissive to their tyrants as
oppression could wish: they seem insensible of their abject state,
never having known freedom, or having been exempt from the caprice
of their rulers. There is little chance, therefore, that amongst
such men, any struggles for liberty should be made; and it never
enters their heads to take advantage of the power they possess from
their situation in the desert to render themselves independent
of Tripoli. The Arabs, and particularly those of the tribe Waled
Suliman, of whom I have already spoken, were once dangerous, lawless
freebooters, but are now at an end. When the Sultan goes to Tripoli,
which he generally does once a year, he leaves his eldest son to
command in his absence, under charge of whoever may, at the moment,
be most in favour; this decision, or more properly those of his
governor, are equally to be enforced as the Sultan’s own orders.
Mukni’s military force, if he presses the Arabs into his
service, may, on an emergency, amount to 5000 men. No Fezzanners
are ever allowed to go on military excursions, being considered too
pusillanimous to be trusted; but they pay deeply for their exemption
from bearing arms, by being obliged to support those who do. There
are no wars in which the Sultan is called upon to engage; but his
love of gain, and the defenceless state of the Negro kingdoms to
the southward, are temptations too strong to be resisted. A force
is therefore annually sent, not to fight (for the Negroes cannot
make any resistance against horsemen with fire-arms) but to pillage
these defenceless people, to carry them off as slaves, burn their
towns, kill the aged and infants, destroy their crops, and inflict
on them every possible misery. These inroads have sometimes been
conducted by Mukni in person, and in his absence, by some of his
principal men; his son, however, is now thought old enough to make
his initiatory campaign. In addition to the people usually ordered
to attend these expeditions, many Bedouins from the desert near
Sockna and Benioleed join them; also some of the Tibboo of Tibesty
and Gatrone, in hopes of obtaining a share in the plunder. The
wars thus made for the purpose of carrying off slaves, or invading
enemies countries, are called Ghrāzzie. There are no permanent or
hereditary feuds existing between tribes, or even families in Fezzan,
as the warlike race of independent Arabs no longer exists. The Tibboo
and those Arabs who inhabit the southern districts of Fezzan, are
distinct from each other; and the native people, living in towns,
cannot have the appellation of tribes applied to them.
No Barbary or Negro Chief, or indeed any of their people, are
able to resist a bribe; much might therefore be done by securing
the good will of the Sultans of the interior kingdoms; and they
might, by presents properly applied, form together such a barrier
against the inroads of Mukni, as would enable them to secure their
independence, and prevent the annual seizure of multitudes of their
subjects. Though amongst themselves slavery might (and doubtless
would) exist; yet it would not, with such arrangements, extend so far
as it does at present. The blacks alone, in consequence chiefly of
Mukni’s incursions, are always engaged in indemnifying themselves
for the losses he occasions them. All their prisoners are sold as
slaves, and the money or goods arising from such sale appropriated
chiefly by the kings of the country.
In Fezzan the punishment for crimes is as in Tripoli, though hanging
is not commonly practised, strangling being more to the Sultan’s
taste. If a man is found murdered, and the authors or instigators
of his death are unknown or unconvicted, the inhabitants of the
town, in or near which the body is found, are obliged to pay to
the Sultan a fine of 2000 dollars. If a corpse is found on the
desert with marks of violence on it, the people of the districts
which border that desert must pay the requisite sum. Should the
murderer return after a few months, he escapes notice, provided the
penalty be paid; but this cannot be done either by the principal
or his relations. Mukni was himself in this predicament some few
years since, when he murdered the broker of the British consulate
at Tripoli; the Bashaw affected to be ignorant of his flight, and
after he had remained six months with the Arabs, allowed him to
return to Tripoli, where he was as well received as if he had been
an innocent man. The family of a criminal is never involved in his
punishment, that is to say, they are not dishonoured or disgraced;
but if the convicted person is sentenced to lose his property, all
his immediate dependants are reduced to beggary. A grand-daughter
of the last rightful Sultan is at this moment a common beggar; yet,
while every one allows her to be noble, they are unable to relieve
her, except with a little corn or some dates.
The general appearance of the men of Fezzan is plain, and their
complexion black; the women are of the same colour, and ugly in the
extreme. Neither sex are remarkable for figure, height, strength,
vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of countenance,
which distinguishes them from other blacks; their cheek bones are
higher and more prominent, their faces flatter, and their noses less
depressed and more peaked at the tip than those of the Negroes. Their
eyes are generally small, and their mouths of an immense width,
but their teeth are frequently good: their hair is woolly, though
not completely frizzled. The females bear children at 12 and 13
years of age, and at 15 or 16 their breasts fall, and they assume
the appearance of old women; in some few instances, however, they
bear children until 35 years of age. They are a cheerful people,
fond of dancing and music, and obliging to each other. The men
almost all read and write a little; but in everything else they
are very dull and heavy: their affections are cold and interested,
and a kind of general indifference to the common incidents of life
marks all their actions: they are neither prone to sudden anger
nor exertion, and are not at all revengeful.
In Morzouk the men drink a great quantity of Lackbi, and are very
good humoured drunkards. The Arabs practise hospitality generally,
but amongst the Fezzanners that virtue does not exist; they are,
however, very attentive and obsequious to those in whose power
they are, or who can repay them tenfold for their pretended
disinterestedness. Their religion enjoins, that should a stranger
enter while they are at their meals, he must be invited to partake;
but they generally contrive to evade this injunction, by eating
with closed doors. The lower classes are, from necessity, very
industrious, women as well as men; they draw water, work in the
gardens, drive the asses, make mats, baskets, &c. in addition to
their other domestic duties. People of the better class, or more
properly who can afford to procure slaves to work for them, are, on
the contrary, very idle and lethargic; they do nothing but lounge
or loll about, inquire what their neighbours have had for dinner,
gossip about slaves, dates, &c.; or boast of some cunning cheat
which they have practised on a Tibboo, or Tuarick, who, though
very knowing fellows, are, comparatively with the Fezzanners,
fair in their dealings. Their moral character is on a par with
that of the Tripolines, though, if any thing, they are rather less
insincere. Falsehood is not considered as odious, unless detected;
and when employed in trading, they affirm that it is allowed by
the Koran for the good of merchants. However this may be amongst
themselves, I must say that I never could find any one able to
point out the passage, authorising these commercial falsehoods.
The Marāboots are greater liars and rogues than other people,
their reputation shielding them from suspicion. I have, indeed,
seen amongst these saints some really good and honest men; but these
are lost in the general wickedness of the community. Generosity is
a virtue so completely unknown here, that it may be said scarcely
to exist. Contempt of religion, of holy men and books, are crimes
equally heinous with theft. They are rigid and bigoted Mohammedans,
of the sect of the learned Malek, one of the four expounders of the
Koran, and they worship with all the prostrations and rites peculiar
to that sect. The Mamlukes, and ourselves, who were considered as
such, are authorised to worship as Hanefis, which is the superior
of the four sects; but the Maleki being the form here used, every
one complies with it. A belief of the evil eye, devils, gholes,
genii, and spirits, is universal; charms and fasting till sunset,
are a sure preventive of mischief.
The people attached to the Mosques are the Kadi, who is the head;
the Imaum or priest, who, in the absence of the Kadi, prays and
preaches; and the Mouadden or crier, who calls the people to
prayers, and repeats the responses. None of these men, except
the Kadi, have any privileges, but are, in every respect, like
the rest of the town’s-people, having the same complement of
wives and concubines, and dressing in the same manner. It was the
custom with former Sultans to grant them a handsome allowance; but
this is not observed by the present ruler, and should they not be
fortunate enough to possess any garden of their own, they subsist on
charity. They are not connected with, or have any thing to do with
the state, neither have they any influence over each other, or the
people, unless they are outwardly or really religious; in which case,
their prayers, either verbal or written, are much sought after and
well paid for. Intellectual knowledge is here at a stand, or rather
I should say, on the decline, as none of the Mohammedans, in this
part of the world, have books on any but religious or superstitious
subjects. Their prejudices and fanaticism prevent the introduction
of any new customs, and put a stop to all chance of improvement.
There are persons called Fighi (from “faquire,” a poor man),
who subsist by writing letters, and are employed to read those
received by the principal inhabitants, who pay them in corn. All
the Sultan’s papers and letters pass through the hands of his
scribes, who, in consequence (though his purchased slaves), are
men of importance, and they accordingly give themselves great airs,
knowing that their master, being unable to read, cannot do without
their services. Few men can read from any book but their own, which
they have used from infancy. Old Hadje Mahmoud, our neighbour, had
gone through the same volume every morning for forty years, and yet
was unable to repeat one page of it by heart. There were certain
passages of it, which, on reading, regularly caused him to exclaim,
“God bless me! wonderful! extraordinary! God is great!” as if he
had never seen or heard of the contents before. Many of the Fighis,
however, have good memories, and by constantly repeating sentences
of the Koran for thirty or forty years, manage to know it by heart.
The lower classes work neatly in leather; they weave a few coarse
barracans, and make iron work in a solid though clumsy manner. One
or two work in gold and silver with much skill, considering the
badness of their tools; and every man is capable of acting as
a carpenter or mason. The wood being that of the date tree, and
the houses being built of mud, very little elegance or skill is
necessary. Much deference is paid to the artists in leather or
metals, who are called (_par excellence_) “Sta,” or master;
as, “leather master,”—“iron master,” &c.
No individuals arrive at any eminence of character, or, from their
abilities, are exalted above the people, except such Marāboots as
have most cunning and hypocrisy. They become privileged, courted,
and revered while living, and prayers are addressed to them for
their mediation, after they are dead. The language here is Arabic,
but differs materially from the dialect of Egypt.
From the constant communication with Bornou and Soudan, the
languages of both these countries are generally spoken, and many
of their words are introduced into the Arabic. The family slaves,
and their children by their masters, constantly speak the language
of the country whence they originally come. Their writing is in the
Mogrebyn character, which is used, I believe, universally in western
Africa, and differs much from that of the east. The pronunciation
also is very different, the Kāf ق being pronounced as a G, and
only marked with one nunnation, thus ف, and the F is pointed below
ڢ. They have no idea of arithmetic, but reckon every thing by dots
on the sand, ten in a line; many can hardly tell how much two and
two amount to. They expressed great surprise at our being able to
add numbers together without fingering.
Though very fond of poetry, they are incapable of composing it. The
Arabs, however, invent a few little songs, which the natives have
much pleasure in learning; and the women sing some of the Negro
airs very prettily while grinding their corn.
The lower class and the slaves, who, in point of colour and
appearance, are the same, labour together. The freeman, however,
has only one inducement to work, which is hunger; he has no notion of
laying by any thing for the advantage of his family, or as a reserve
for himself in old age; but, if by any chance he obtains money,
remains idle until it is expended, and then returns unwillingly
to work.
The females here are allowed greater liberty than those of Tripoli,
and are more kindly treated. The effect of the plurality of wives is
but too plainly seen, and their women in consequence are not famed
for chastity. Though so much better used than those of Barbary,
their life is still a state of slavery. A man never ventures to
speak of his women; is reproached if he spends much time in their
company; never eats with them, but is waited upon at his meals,
and fanned by them while he sleeps; yet these poor beings, never
having known the sweets of liberty or affection, are, in spite of
their humiliation, comparatively happy.
The authority of parents over children is very great, some fathers
of the better class not allowing their sons even to eat, or sit
down in their presence until they become men: the poorer orders,
however, are less strict.
There are no written records of events amongst the Fezzanners,
and their traditions are so disfigured, and so strangely mingled
with religious and superstitious falsehoods, that no confidence can
be placed in them; yet the natives themselves look with particular
respect on a man capable of talking of “the people of the olden
time.” Several scriptural traditions are selected and believed. The
psalms of David, the Pentateuch, the books of Solomon, and many
extracts from the inspired writers, are universally known, and
most reverentially considered. The New Testament translated into
Arabic, which we took with us, was eagerly read, and no exception
made to it, but that of our Saviour being designated as the Son
of God. St. Paul, or Baulus, bears all the blame of Mohammed’s
name not being inserted in it; as they believe that his coming
was foretold by Christ, but that Paul erased it: he is, therefore,
called a Kaffir, and his name is not used with much reverence.
SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE-TRADE.
In Morzouk about a tenth part of the population are slaves, though
many have been brought away from their countries so young as hardly
to be considered in that light. With respect to the household slaves,
little or no difference is to be perceived between them and freemen,
and they are often entrusted with the affairs of their master. These
domestic slaves are rarely sold, and on the death of any of the
family to which they belong, one or more of them receive their
liberty, when, being accustomed to the country, and not having any
recollection of their own, they marry, settle, and are consequently
considered as naturalized. All slavery is for an unlimited time,
unless when a religious feeling of the master induces him to set
a bondsman free on any great festival, on the occasion of a death,
or, which not unfrequently happens, from a wish to show his approval
of the slave’s services.
It was, when the people were more opulent, the custom to
liberate a male or female on the feast of Bairam, after the fast
of Rhamadan. This practice is not entirely obsolete, but nearly
so. The slaves are procured from the inland traders, or on those
lawless expeditions I have already mentioned.
Respecting the offspring of slaves, it may not be uninteresting to
observe the regulations existing in Fezzan, which are, as far as
I can collect, the same as in all Moslem countries.
A Khādem خعدم, or negress, bearing a child by her master,
cannot afterwards be sold, but must be maintained for the remainder
of her life by him, or any person to whom he may marry her; and
her child is free, and equally entitled to support.
A negress having a child by any man but her master (even though the
parties should be married), is the mother of a slave, she herself
not being free.
Should the female slave of one man be with child by the male slave
of another, the infant so born becomes the property of the master
of the female, and can, as well as its mother, be sold.
A child, the offspring of a free woman by a slave, partakes of its
mother’s state, and is free.
It not unfrequently happens that masters allow family slaves to
marry without liberating them; but their children are slaves, and
can be sold, although it is not considered honourable so to dispose
of them. These children, and, indeed, all those born in the country,
are called Shushan شوشان.
CHAPTER VIII.
Arrangements for our Departure from Morzouk — Parting with the
Sultan — Leave Morzouk to return to Tripoli — Sleep at Dgleim
— Mode of conducting a Kafflé of Slaves — Arrival at Ghroodwa
— Pass two Days at Sebha — Are joined by more Kafflés —
Marriage of an Arab — Account of the Wadey Shati — Arrive at
Temenhint — Zeghen Om el Abeed — Pass of Kenair — Pass over
the five Days Desert to Sockna — Troubles at Sockna — Further
Description of that Place.
During the few days I remained in Morzouk after my return from the
south, my time was much taken up in visiting and endeavouring to
relieve a poor boy who had a locked jaw. He was in a state of great
debility when I first saw him; one of his hands, which had been
injured by a weight falling on it, and which accident occasioned
the disease, was in a terrible condition, uncleaned, and smelling
most offensively. He had not for many hours taken any nourishment;
but I succeeded in forcing out one of his front teeth, and making
him swallow some soup and milk, with a dose of bark twice a day. He
died on the 5th of February of exhaustion, in defiance of my utmost
care, and the numberless charms which were written on his skin. I
have observed that the Fighis, who compose these charms, hold out
that it is wicked to read or copy one of them if it has been written
for any particular person, and that the original alone may be read
by the owner. In order to avoid unthinkingly reading charms which
they have purchased, the Fezzanners immediately enclose them in
a small case of leather or cloth; if this is not to be procured,
they carefully tie up the paper with cord or thread.
It has erroneously been supposed that the Moors or Arabs will
not permit any one to draw views or figures, in consequence of a
prohibition to that effect in the Koran, evidently taken from our
Second Commandment. As far as regards myself, I certainly found no
opposition in taking sketches, farther than being told that it was
forbidden to make likenesses on paper or otherwise, as the Romees,
or Christians, worshipped such images. I explained to them, however,
that it was not for a religious purpose that I employed my pencil,
but merely to make resemblances of my friends: all jealousies then
vanished, and I was ever after quietly suffered to proceed. It was a
matter of much speculation and wonder that I could possibly contrive
to represent such little men on paper, and they never failed to trace
a likeness to some one of the company present, even although the
colour of the skin, or the costume itself, might be different. In one
instance I excited evident jealousy in the Sultan, who could not be
persuaded that a Negress I had drawn was not one of his favourites;
and he asked me, in no very gentle manner, how and where I could have
seen her, as she was confined to the Castle, and was visible to no
one but himself? Many of the people, on first taking up a drawing,
did not appear much struck with it; but no sooner had they discovered
the eyes than their astonishment and delight were expressed by loud
laughter, by cries of Allah! Allah! and by placing the back of the
open hand against the forehead. Few, however, confined themselves
to this mode of admiration, but boldly pushed at the drawing with
two fingers, one for each eye, to the great risk of its entire
destruction, exclaiming, “There are his eyes; ’tis Abd Allah,
Mohammed, or some other of our friends. Look at his eyes! there
are two of them! God is merciful! How wonderful! Well! I never
thought a man could be put upon paper. That’s the very Kaftan
he bought of Hadje Mahmoud! And look, he has a nose and mouth too,
oh! oh! oh! Allah! Allah! Allah!”
Fighi Sālem, a friend of ours, was particularly anxious that I
should give him, before my departure, a stock of medicines, such as
would enable him to become a father. I constantly made some excuse,
but he was so pressing, that, unwilling to own my want of ability
to comply, I gave him a compound of the dust of our medicine chest,
which I pompously assured him was excellent, and would produce the
desired effect. I recommended to him, when taking the prescription,
to shut one eye while he drank, or to hold his ears; which he
promised faithfully to observe, and I make no doubt was anxiously
awaiting the result.
I made up some packages of medicine, which I presented to Mukni,
begging him to accept also a small still which he had borrowed,
and which I knew he never intended to return. He asked it first for
the purpose, as he said, of making caraway water; but I strongly
suspect it was employed in composing something more congenial to his
palate, as his Negresses kept the still on the fire night and day,
and much mystery was observed on the occasion. Belford was sent
for once or twice to put it in order, Mukni allowing him to enter
the Haram attended by one of his sons.
I sold our small horse for twenty dollars, and hired camels to bring
home our goods as far as Sockna at one mitgal (or at the rate of
the exchange of gold, one dollar three-fourths), the kantar.
We had a japanned tea-tray, which was considered by far the finest
thing ever seen in Morzouk. This I presented to Hadje Mahmoud for
the improvement of his family. He had often extolled it highly,
and whenever he brought any one to visit us, begged that his friend
might be indulged with a sight of it. We at last discovered that
he wanted it to show to his Negress, who was with child by him
(to his great boast, as he was seventy-five years of age), that she
might produce a handsome boy, all his family being horridly ugly,
and, like their father, very short; and the lady being near her
time, the gift was most thankfully received. I was promised a very
handsome ewe and ram of the Soudan breed, which were to accompany me
to England; and Aleiwa sent me, as a present, a very fine Maherry,
which he had ridden himself from Borgoo. It was quite white, and
very fleet and docile.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
A TUARICK ON HIS MAHERRIE.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Hateeta, a Tuarick of the tribe of Benghrasāta at Ghraat, of whom
I have before spoken, came to take leave of me. He now pressed me
very much to promise him, that on my return to Africa, I would pass
through his country, of which he is Chief, and take him with me to
the Negro land, adding, that if I would bring him a sword like the
one I wore, he should be perfectly content. He is the only Tuarick
I ever saw, who was not an impudent beggar, or who made presents
without expecting a return. He brought me some curious little cords,
made of the hide of an antelope; and as a proof of attachment,
gave me the dagger he wore on his wrist, and which was finished
in a superior style: he gave me, besides, a saddle cloth for my
Maherry, and instructed me how to mount it. I made him accept, in
return, a pound of gunpowder; and we parted with mutual promises of
being always friends. Yussuf’s mother made me a large quantity
of dweeda, cusscussou, and tikkery, a cake made of dates, flour,
and spices, and sent me some very fine dates for my friends in
England. I spent my time, whenever I was free from the attacks of
hemma, which generally confined me about four hours daily to my
bed, in visiting the slave markets, and attending the merchants,
with many of whom I was on very good terms; which led me to expect
a good reception from them, in case, according to my promise, I
should visit their native countries, on my return to Africa. Every
thing being in readiness for our departure, and Lizari having,
though with some difficulty, obtained the Sultan’s permission to
go to Tripoli, we took leave of our friends.
JOURNAL FROM MORZOUK TO TRIPOLI.
Wednesday, Feb. 9th. Therm. 1°. 30′. below 0.
This morning we prepared to go, and at nine all was ready, and I
went to take my farewell of the Sultan, who affected to shed tears,
and to feel as much regret at parting with me as if I had been his
own son. He very injudiciously reminded me of Mr. Ritchie’s having
asked him to cash my bill, declaring his readiness to have done so,
and adding a great deal in favour of himself and his willingness
to accommodate us on all occasions. For the credit of my deceased
friend, I thought proper to contradict him; and without farther
ceremony taxed him with telling me an untruth, which at once
silenced him on this subject. He then confided to me his intention
of going in a few months into Bornou, in which kingdom he proposed
establishing himself as Sultan. He begged that I would soon return,
to accompany him thither, and teach his people how to fire his three
four-pounders. Of course I made him no promises on this head. On my
rising to take leave, he said, “Sayd, I hope you will come and see
me again; for I have always been your friend, and was Yussuf’s
also. I am convinced that you will tell this to your Sultan, and
that I have done every thing you required of me.” I at once put
a stop to these false assertions, by exclaiming, as before, that
he did not speak truth; and waving my hand in token of farewell,
took my departure, though certainly not without some apprehension
that he would endeavour to detain me. These apprehensions naturally
arose from an idea that my return might perhaps be arrested in the
same manner as that of Hadge Osman, which will be better explained
by the following anecdote. When Mukni first obtained possession of
Fezzan, Hadge Osman, the principal Mamluke, had a severe dispute with
him, which appeared to have been amicably settled, Mukni laying his
hand on his heart, and professing much friendship, as he was in the
habit of doing when most disposed to mischief. On leaving Mukni’s
presence, however, the unfortunate Mamluke, with his two sons, was
hurried to a dungeon, and immediately strangled! That I should have
been suffered to quit without interruption the territories of this
treacherous man, was a subject of amazement to all; particularly
as I had openly espoused the cause of Lizari, and it was known
that he intended accompanying me to Tripoli. I succeeded, however,
in reaching the house of Lizari, whence we rode away together. We
were accompanied by some of the principal people as far as Dgleim,
where we arrived at sunset, having journeyed east by north thirteen
miles from Morzouk. My Kafflé consisted of Belford and myself, and
eight loaded camels, four Arabs, our two Maherries, two sheep, and my
horse. Lizari’s was composed of sixteen Khādems, or females, and
three male slaves, his own Negress, four loaded camels, a Maherry,
which he rode, and two Arabs. We were all in high spirits, our
little party rejoicing at the idea of returning home, and Lizari
at having escaped the malice of Mukni. Our friends remained with
us all night, and we arranged together many plans of future meeting.
February 10th. Thermometer 0°.—At 8.15. our kind friends took
leave of us, Yussuf and old Hadge Mahmoud sobbing loudly, and
Mohammed looking very gloomy. Poor little Barca, the boy whom Yussuf
had lent us for so long a period, appeared quite inconsolable. I
wished to have brought him away; but, to my great regret, his master
would not sell him to me, though I offered my horse in exchange for
him. I really felt much concern at parting from these kind-hearted
people, who had, to the best of their abilities, often befriended
us, and to whom we owed so many and weighty obligations. The day
was fine, our camels good, and we set out at a brisk pace. The
Shreef Sadig, who had been encamped at a little distance from us,
now became our messmate. His Kafflé consisted of four girls,
three men, four camels, and three Arabs. Lizari and myself joined
our stock, which Rahmata his Negress, who was an excellent cook,
made into a nice mess for us every night.
Had I trusted to Mukni’s professions, I should have been in some
danger of starving on my road homeward. He told me repeatedly not
to think of preparing food for my journey, as he had commanded his
slaves to make for me cusscussou, flour, and dried meat. He also
assured me, that on the day of my departure, I should receive from
him an order on all the towns through which I should pass to supply
myself and animals with dates, &c.; but, after all, no one part of
these fine promises was fulfilled, which added one more proof to the
many I had before received, of Mukni’s falsehood and insincerity.
Our road lay over a desert, without the least sign of a shrub, or any
living creature. A strong cold east wind blew with great force, as it
met with no impediment, and quickly chopped our lips and skin. The
Negroes wore their travelling dresses, which being new and clean,
looked very neat. The girls have green or yellow caps, with a large
flap on each side; shirts of blue or white cotton, a petticoat or
wrapper of the same, and a good warm jercad or barracan. It is to
be observed, that masters do not at all times take equal care of
their slaves; but that fearing the bad effects of cold weather, the
merchants are in winter more attentive to their comfort than at any
other season; and this for their own advantage, since it prevents the
Negresses from becoming thin and consumptive (which want of clothing
would otherwise subject them to be), and makes them bring a better
price to their owners. The males are not so carefully attended to,
having generally only a long shirt and barracan. Both sexes have
sandals of camel’s hide; the girls walk by themselves, and the
men follow the camels. At one o’clock they are all watered like
cattle, out of large bowls, placed on the ground, from which they
kneel and drink. Children are thrown with the baggage on the camels,
if unable to walk; but if five or six years of age, the poor little
creatures are obliged to trot on all day, even should no stop be
made for fourteen or fifteen hours, as I have sometimes witnessed. We
passed a Kafflé of about twenty camels from Tripoli, with a chowse
of the Bashaw, loaded with corn for Morzouk; they informed us that
the Bashaw had sent an army against Augela, and that the plague had
ceased at Tunis and Jerba. At four we turned from the road to go to
a well, Ghroodwa being considered too long a journey for the slaves:
we had travelled until that time north 40° east nineteen miles. At
7.30. we arrived at Neshoua (a Wadey running east-north-east), having
cleared north by west seven miles. A well of good water was here,
and we lay down amongst the palm bushes. In unloading the camels,
Belford’s Maherry took fright, and running on to the desert, his
saddle fell off, and the beast lamed himself sadly by striking his
toe against it: some Arabs from the neighbourhood seeing us cooking,
came and supped with us. The mess of the slaves is provided before
that of their masters; it consists of Bazeen, of which each one has a
portion about as large as the double fist; and a bowl is filled with
grease and pepper, into which they occasionally dip their paste. The
daily allowance of food is a quart of dates in the morning, and half
a pint of flour made into Bazeen at night. Some masters never allow
their slaves to drink after a meal, unless at a watering place. When
the meal is finished, they all lie down, the females in one line, the
males in another, and are covered over with sacking until morning.
February 12th. Thermometer 30° below 0°.—Water frozen, and the
poor Negroes in great distress from the cold. At 8.20. loaded and
proceeded along the edge of the Wadey. Belford walked for a time,
and his camel appeared much swelled about the foot. Course north
75° east; Wadey about one mile in breadth, bounded on each side by
the Desert. At one P.M. we stopped at Ghroodwa, having made twelve
miles. Here is a fine Mosque and a tomb (which is kept constantly
white-washed) over the grave of the third brother of Sidi Besheer,
the Marāboot of whom I have before spoken. I bought a fine sheep
for a dollar and a half.
February 12th. Thermometer 2° 30′.—At eight proceeded along the
Wadey; at 9.30. arrived at the end of it, and found a well called
Bir el Whishki, or well of the palm bushes. We were joined here by a
chowse of the Bashaw of Tripoli, who had just come from thence with
thirty camels’ load of grain; he said it was reported that the
English Consul was coming to meet me at Benioleed. On leaving the
well we entered again on a stony desert, and at 6.15. descended a
rugged pass called Taneïa, to a plain hemmed in on every side by
conical-shaped hills. At 6.40. we stopped for the night, having
travelled north 33° east twenty-six miles. A large Kafflé of
natives of the Wadey Shiati, وادي شدتي, passed us on their
way to Morzouk, with grain, and to compliment the Sultan on his
son’s return. We had many Arab games while sitting with the
camel-men round our fires; and I now began to be well acquainted
with these people, having occasionally been under the necessity of
honouring one or two of them with a box on the ear. We were all very
merry, and one of my people, Ibrahim el Fetaima, an Arab of Hoon,
told us some very amusing stories.
Sunday, 13th of February. Thermometer 3°.—Proceeded at 7.45. along
the plain. At nine the hills opened on to a broad flat plain,
bounded at about ten miles to the eastward by hills, which were
a continuation of those we had passed. At 1.40. arrived at Sebha,
having travelled north 33° east fifteen miles. Strong south wind
blowing. We found under the walls where we encamped two Kafflés
who were awaiting our arrival; one belonging to Hadge Mohammed
el Turké, who had twenty-three Negresses and five men slaves;
the other belonging to an old lame Turk called Baba Hassein, and
consisting of twenty-one females and seven males: they had left
Morzouk two days before us. In the evening all the village assembled
outside the walls, to carry a bride in procession to her husband’s
house. A camel was ornamented with a frame-work, covered over with
carpets, shawls, and ostrich feathers; and the bride placed within
it on his back. The camel was led by a relation of the bride,
preceded by dancing people, music, mounted and dismounted Arabs,
who shouted and fired, running backwards and forwards in front of
the procession. The bridegroom walked before them, with a fan in his
hand, and his fingers dyed with henna, loaded with tawdry clothes,
and looking very solemn. The bride was carried round the town and
gardens, and in the end conducted to her husband’s house. The
village all night resounded with songs, and the shrill voices of
the women; and we had several bowls of provisions sent out to us. We
found the flies here very tormenting.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
CAMEL CONVEYING A BRIDE TO HER HUSBAND.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
As I have frequently had occasion to mention Shiati, I now take an
opportunity of saying that it is a district lying to the westward
of Sebha; it is situated in a Wadey, and contains many towns. This
Wadey runs east and west, or nearly so; and is divided into Wadey
Shirghi, or eastern Wadey, and Wadey el Ghrarbi, or western Wadey.
In Wadey Shirghi the towns are thus situated, beginning from the
east. Ashkiddi اشكد, Ghiddi قدّي, Gelwas قلوس, Brak
براك, which is two-thirds of a day from Sebha, and ten days
from Gharian, is the largest of these towns. Zooiat زويات,
Tamzawa طمرعوه, Gusser Sallām قسرسللم, Aggar
اقار, Maharouga محاروقه, El Gerda القرد, Taroot
طروت, Gootta قوته, Berghen برغن (two of that name),
Temissan طمسان, Iddri يدري, which is a large village,
and westernmost in the Wadey Shirghi. It is two days from Brak,
and eight days from Ghadams.
Another wadey called El Agaal اللقعر runs parallel to the
above. It is one day from Sebha, and has the following towns in it:
El Abiad اللبياض, El Hamra الحمره, Khalifa خليفه,
Bendoobaïa بندباي, Zueïa زويا, Ergābi ارقعبي,
Tenāhmi طنامي, Gusser Saad قسر سعد, Gusser Sbaida قسر
زبيده, Kharaig خريق. This is all the Wadey Shirghi.
The Wadey Ghrarbi begins from the east at Iddri Fegaige فقيج,
Kertibi كرتبي, Garragarra قراقرا, Tuash طواش,
Teweewa طويوه, Germa جرما, the ancient capital of Fezzan;
Ghraraifi غرّايفي, Oubāri وببعري, seven days from
Ghraat, which is about W.S.W. two long days from El Abiad, which
is one day from Sebha. This is the Wadey Ghrarbi.
The people in the Wadeys are blacks and mulattoes as in Morzouk,
and Arabs live amongst them. The villages contain from thirty to
two hundred houses; many, however, are composed of palm huts. The
people are very poor, but in the time of the Waled Suleman,
who resided much amongst them, they were opulent. In some of the
pools of stagnant water in the Wadey Shaiti are found small worms,
of about the size of a grain of rice; these are collected in great
quantities, and pounded with a little salt in a mortar, until they
form a black paste, which is made into balls of about the size of
the double fist, and then suffered to dry in the sun. These worms,
which are called Dood, form one of the very few luxuries of Fezzan,
as the poor people, when they have a mess of flour, mix some of them
with the sauce, to their Aseeda. They resemble very bad caviar in
taste, and the smell is extremely offensive; but habit and necessity
overcome all prejudices in this country, and I soon became very
partial to them. Sand is an unavoidable ingredient in this paste,
and the natives consider it as more wholesome in consequence. One
or two families gain a good subsistence by preparing these worms
for the market of Morzouk, and the neighbouring towns.
Monday, Feb. 14th. Therm. 3°.—Another Kafflé joined us from
Morzouk, belonging to a native of Tripoli named Khalifa: those
I mentioned before, set out this day for Temanhint. Belford’s
Maherry was here so lame, that I had him fired all round the foot by
Ibrahim, who was now become very useful to us. The manner of firing
camels is by a very thin red hot iron, which is curved so as to be
easily turned round the foot: they have these irons of different
lengths and sizes, for the particular part to be burned. I hired
another camel for Belford to ride on, at the rate of two dollars,
from hence to Sockna, agreeing that it should carry two skins of
water on passing the Soudah.
As I had nothing better to occupy me, I mounted my own Maherry, with
a Tuarick Rahela, or saddle, and practised riding him according to
their manner, which is very difficult, and not used in Fezzan. I
fortunately succeeded much beyond my expectation. A town called
Gurda قردَه, is S.S.E. one mile from Sebha.
Tuesday, 15th Feb.—At 7.30. went on, after having been most
hospitably treated by Lizari’s friends. Our road was over a
barren plain, until 8.30. when we ascended a mountain called Ben
Areif بن اريف, by a pass named Hormut ben Areef, bearing
N. 55°. E. of Sebha. At nine we descended to a stony plain,
bounded close to the right by table-topped hills: to the left were
a few insulated sugar-loaf hills of yellow limestone. At eleven the
plain became more distinct; distant hills to the right, and desert
plain extending to the left: this latter was called El Ghrazzie
الغرازي. At 1.15. mountains closed in, in the form of a
crescent, having two black hills half a mile from the road, called
Roos Ghraab روس غرعب, or the heads of the ravens. At two
arrived at Temenhint طمنحنت, having travelled N. 56°. E. 15
miles. In the evening we had occasion to buy straw for the camels,
in a way I had never before seen, of the people who came out from the
town to trade with us. Shreef Sadig soon instructed me in this new
mode of barter. The person who has to sell mentions what he wishes
in exchange for certain commodities, whether oil, liquid butter, or
shahm, which is a kind of salted fat much resembling bad tallow in
taste and smell. If liquids, he pours water into a pot in proportion
to the quantity of oil or butter he requires; if solids, he brings
a stone of the size of the shahm, or other article demanded. The
buyer pours out water, or sends for smaller stones, until he thinks
a fair equivalent is offered. The quantities then agreed for are
made up to the size of the stone, or the depth of the water.
Temenhint is so completely surrounded by date trees, that it is not
seen from the road. It is a small walled village, and considered
by traders as the most inhospitable in Fezzan.
Wednesday, 16th. Therm. 1°.—At 7.30. started. Stony desert to
the left and right, with bushes occasionally. At 9.45. descended to
a sandy hatïa, called Hatia Gurmayda حاتيم قرميده. At
4.30. arrived at Zeghen زيغن; having travelled N. 75°. E. 22
miles. We built up our goods under the walls, and lay there. Having
been so long accustomed to black faces, I fancied that the natives,
who are entirely a white population, looked sickly. The women are
reputed to be very handsome; but I did not enter the town, and if
I had done so, should not have seen them. We had numerous visitors,
and a large supply of food, Lizari’s general acquaintance enabling
us to procure whatever we wanted. They gave us an account of a
wedding which had taken place that morning, speaking much of the
beauty of the bride; and on hearing her named, we found that she
was the very girl whom Lizari intended demanding of her father on
his return from Tripoli. He was much confounded, but bore with great
good humour our joking him at being too late. The successful lover
was aware of Lizari’s intentions; and on hearing he had set out
from Morzouk, instantly demanded, and bore off the prize.
Thursday, February 17th. Thermometer 0.—At eight we set off over
an uneven plain to a stony desert, a cold north wind blowing. After
passing some hills, we arrived at the Hatïa, and wells of Om
el Abeed, ام العبيد, having gone north 50°. E. twelve
miles. We met a few Arabs from Sockna, who said that Sidi Mohammed
ben Shaib was expected, on his way to the Sultan of Bornou, with
presents from the Bashaw: they also said an Englishman was with
him; but I concluded the report to have originated in its being
known at Tripoli, that Belford and myself were to have accompanied
him. In the evening, we filled and mended our Gerbas, and otherwise
prepared for passing the five days’ desert now before us. The Arabs
amused themselves by placing a camel’s skull on a rising ground,
and firing ball at it, all resting their guns; only one, however,
struck it. I rose to fire; but they all laughed at me for not placing
my gun on a branch, or otherwise steadying it; I nevertheless struck
the head twice, when, resolving not to lose my reputation as a good
shot, I laid down my gun with indifference, pretending I could hit
it as often as I pleased. The Arabs were astonished (and I must
own I was equally so, being but an indifferent shot in general),
and gave me the title of Bendag, or marksman.
Baba Hassein, whom we again joined at Zeghen, had never given
his Boozaferr, بوزفرّ, or footing in the country, which I
mentioned our having done at Sockna, or more properly in the Soudah
mountains. The Arabs in these cases procure either the skeleton of
an animal, or some carrion, and, digging a grave, bury it, howling
as if for a deceased friend. All the night they imitate the cries
of wolves and hyænas, as if in search of food, saying, “Where
is our Bouzaferr? we are crying for our Bouzaferr; the natives are
starving; give your Bouzaferr.” The buried bones are intended to
imply a starved friend, who is supposed to be unable to rest till
the survivors are fed. The old man was, however, deaf to all their
hints, and in consequence the Arabs made a little grave (for him,
as they said), and left him, not without a few hearty wishes that
some harm might befall him.
As we sat round our little fires, during our march over the desert,
we amused ourselves with a variety of Arab games and puzzles, and
a few clumsy tricks with date stones, and much laughing and joking
passed off our evening very pleasantly, until sleep seized us, and
we then laid ourselves down on the sand round the fire until morning.
Friday 18th. Thermometer 2°.—As there was at this place great
plenty of Agool, and other shrubs for the camels, they were, owing
to a concerted scheme of the Arabs, not to be found; we therefore
were destined to pass the day here, in spite of all our threats
and remonstrances. One of a party of Arabs, who had joined our
Kafflé at Sebha, and from whom I hired the camel which Belford
rode, offered one for sale. It would not, like other camels, eat
dates, and no food was to be found in the track we were to pass. We
consequently despaired of its being able to get through the desert;
and I, thinking to make a good bargain with him, offered him for
it two dollars, or ten shillings. He refused this, and went away;
but an Arab soon after brought me the animal, having purchased
it for me for a dollar and one third, 6_s._ 8_d._! I killed it,
and made every one merry, as it was sufficiently large to afford,
for freemen and slaves, each two days’ allowance; it was a Maherry
from Borgoo, and I suppose weighed upwards of 600 lbs. The hungry
Arabs had many quarrels in cutting it up; and I sometimes feared
there would be mischief amongst them; but the altercation ended,
like other quarrels amongst these people, in great noise, and biting
tongues at each other.
I never before had an opportunity of observing how water is
procured from the belly of a camel, to satisfy the thirst of an
almost perishing Kafflé. It is the false stomach which contains
the water and undigested food. This is strained through a cloth,
and then drank; and from those who have been under the necessity of
making use of this beverage, I learn that the taste is bitter. As
this animal had recently drank, its stomach was nearly full. I
amused myself in making observations on its skin and skeleton,
and in planning the formation of a boat; and I found that a most
excellent contrivance might be made from them, for the purpose of
crossing rivers; the back-bone being used as the keel, and the ribs
as timbers. The formation of the chest of a camel resembles the
prow of a Portuguese bean-cod, or fishing-boat. Indeed, it was in
consequence of hearing the Arabs always calling it Markab, or ship,
that the idea first occurred to me.
Saturday, 19th February. Thermometer 1°.—Having filled water
for five days, we set out over black stony hills, bounded to the
north-westward at the distance of a mile from our track by a sandy
desert. At nine, a hillock of a singular form, resembling a turret,
and called Amaymet Saad, bore north 52° east. As it stands at the
entrance of a pass we were to ascend, we proceeded towards it; a
strong east wind blowing very sharply. We met a man on his way from
Sockna, who informed us that the Consul had been at Benioleed. The
Negresses had, from the time of our setting off, been collecting
wood, and the poor creatures were each laden with stock for two
days. We passed a grave, which was ornamented by an inverted gourd
at the head. The person buried there was a drunken man, a native
of Sockna, who had been in the habit of carrying letters or orders
across the desert, whenever the Sultan required it, and was able to
pass it on foot in three days, at about forty miles a day. It once
happened that a letter was to be brought from Sockna to Zeghen, and
this man was selected for the purpose; he was drunk at the time, yet
insisted on having his gourd full of Lackbi, instead of carrying,
as usual, a small skin of water at his back, promising, however,
to drink enough at Gutfa, a well at the foot of the mountains. He
set out in this condition, and was found dead with his empty gourd
by his side, within an hour’s walk of the well we had left, and
so finished his task; he was accordingly buried here, as a warning
to all topers.
At 12.6. P.M. came to the sand, and passed over it until 1.30. when
we reached very steep, irregular sand hills, which we found great
difficulty in ascending, the camels falling repeatedly. Having
cleared these hills, we ascended a plain by a pass called Kenaire
كنير, to the eastward of which, at the distance of a mile,
is the turret I have already mentioned. Through the sand hills,
I observed a singular line of rocks, resembling the scoria of the
lava of Vesuvius, and about ten feet in breadth, running north
and south for about five hundred yards. The mountains over Om el
Abeed, which we had just left, run east and west, until lost in the
distance. The hills we ascended were of limestone and flint, very
precipitous, and facing to the southward, running east-south-east
and west-north-west. The plain was covered with a white crust or
clay, with here and there bare rock intervening.
At 3.40. P.M. we passed over a few sand hills, called El Ramle
Shraiya, or the small sands. At 4.15. came to a black stony
flat. 4.45. passed a long line of stones facing the east, called
“Sala el Sultan, or the praying place of the Sultan;” a former
Sultan having prayed here while passing the desert with a numerous
army. At 6.30. arrived at a spot called Gheranfāta, which is
generally a resting-place, and is marked by two or three basaltic
heaps: we had advanced to the pass, north 45° east, twelve miles,
and from it north 52° east, the same distance.
Observed this day that the driver of one of the camels, which had
joined us at Zeghen, was a blind man: he held by the animal’s
tail, and was in the habit of going constantly over this uneven,
and, in some places, dangerously steep track between Sockna and
Morzouk. I learnt from Khalifa that one of his Khādems had died
in the morning, and that he had stopped behind to bury her.
Sunday, 20th February. Thermometer 30′ below 0°.—At 7.30. passed
over some gravelly plains as the day before. The horizon was as
perfectly level as that of the sea. We saw a great deal of Shrab
شراب, or false water. This plain is scattered with the carcasses
of the numerous animals which have died on it after passing the
mountains. No ravenous animals are found here, so that it is rare
to see a skeleton deprived of flesh. At 1.30. we passed El Ramle
Kebeer, or the large sands, which is a range of sand hills running
to a great distance to the east-south-east from our right hand. At
6.30. stopped, having travelled north 35°, east 35 miles. The slaves
were much fatigued, and I placed a couple of little children on my
horse, whilst I rode on a camel. Belford’s Maherry was in very
poor plight; but I determined, if possible, to get him to Sockna. The
hills of El Gaaf, which are placed on the right and left of the road
before us, bore thus: north-east point of the western range north
27° east; west point of the eastern range north 66° east. A raw
night, much sand blowing over us.
Monday, 21st February. Thermometer 3°.—At 7.15. set off. At
nine, passed the eastern Gaaf, and at ten the western. 11.20. rose
gradually to the beginning of Soudah. I walked, and my two camels
were made use of by some of the poor fatigued Negresses, who were
ready enough to mount them. We passed over a plain of white shining
stones, called El Maytba Bayda الميتبايده, and then
over a black one called El Maytba Soudah الميتباصوده,
which is covered with large detached black masses of basalt. At
2.15. descended to a long wadey, having a few Talhh trees طالح,
and running north and south, called Temesheen طمشين. At four
passed this, and ascended with difficulty to another mountain
top. At five we descended by an equally dangerous track to a narrow
wadey, called Finger فنقر, where, as the slaves were very much
exhausted, we lay for the night. My own Maherry had fallen very lame
this day in consequence of the sharpness of the rocks we passed over;
I therefore lightened his load, and allowed no one to mount him. A
remarkably high and black mountain, called Kohol كخل, or black,
bore north-west about ten miles. We had proceeded this day north
35° east, 30 miles.
Tuesday, February 22nd.—At 7.20. went on. Thermometer 5°. A
very fine morning. At noon we passed over a wadey, called Zayra
زيرا, with many shrubs in it, on which a few poor shepherds
from Sockna were feeding their flocks. From 2. to 2.50. passed over
a mountain top, called Dahr t’moumen دانحر تمومين,
or “the Believer’s back.” At 5 stopped on a wadey, having
travelled north 35°, east 14 miles. We were every evening much
amused by a little Tibboo boy, called Moosa, about five years of
age, whose master was always in the Kafflé next to us. This child
had picked up a few words of Arabic, and spoke very prettily. The
chief amusement of his master, and the Arabs who were with him,
was to make Moosa dance, and then fight another boy of double his
age. Whilst sitting opposite to each other by the fire, their masters
made them fight with lighted sticks. Moosa, who always was the first
to be enraged, began to call the other boy an infidel, to curse his
father, and to use many other equally insulting speeches, which the
Arabs taught him. The elder boy, provoked in his turn, then rose to
revenge himself, when the little fellow darted at his legs, and by
biting them unmercifully, was always sure of gaining the victory. The
Moors never took the trouble of collecting wood for their fires,
but waited until every Kafflé had supplied itself, when they sent
Moosa to steal what he could. Owing to his small size, he succeeded
in these pilferings, to my great amusement, for I found that though
he stole from every one else, he never robbed me, but even supplied
me when I was in want of fuel. He was repeatedly offered to me as
a present by his master, and I have since been sorry I refused him:
he was jet black, and extremely pretty. In all the difficult passes
he rode on my right knee, telling me the way in which he was caught,
and many long stories besides. If his master’s camels or mine
chanced to stray, he would arm himself with a stick and go in search
of them, nor would he give up the chase till he had driven them back;
he was indeed a most engaging child, and I became very fond of him.
Wednesday, 23rd February. Thermometer 4°.—At seven the camels took
the road by a wadey to the left, whilst I and the slaves went over
an almost inaccessible mountain, called Nufdai نوفدي, which
brought us to the well at its foot, called Gutfa قتفا, about
three miles distant from our last sleeping place; the water here is
very good. We stopped an hour at the well to water and refresh the
slaves and animals, and then wound along a wadey having many small
Talhh trees in it, until we had made about six miles north-east,
the mountains opening out on the left.
Old Baba Hassein, the Turk of whom I have made mention as not
giving his Bouzaferr, was now become quite a standing joke amongst
the Kafflé. He spoke very bad Arabic, which, with his being very
lame, and always requiring, when he walked, to be supported by
two Negresses, made him the constant subject of ridicule. He had
almost famished his slaves and camel-men, allowing them to drink
once a day only, though he had a plentiful stock of water. Having
a pipe, he amused himself with it day and night; and as smoking
was to him the height of enjoyment, and he always rode a camel,
he affected to wonder that the poor slaves should be fatigued or
in want of refreshment. Every other owner had brought ready ground
corn with him for the food of the Negroes; but Baba obliged his
poor tired females to pound their corn every evening after their
fatiguing march, in wooden mortars, which he had brought for the
purpose. Though the whole Kafflé had been straitened for water,
he actually brought two whole skins full to the well, and the Arabs
told me that his slaves lay down and drank of it like camels. This
man had been, about six years before, robbed of all his goods by the
Tuarick, of the tribe of Haggar, when on the confines of the kingdom
of Kashna, on his way from Tunis; but his address, or roguery,
more than supplied his loss. He arrived almost naked at Sakkatoo,
the residence of Bello (son of the celebrated Hatman Danfodio), the
Sultan of the Fellata, introducing himself as a Shreef, or descendant
of the Prophet, and telling a piteous story of his losses, which
he since owns to have been greatly exaggerated. Bello, believing
him to be a Shreef, took compassion on him, and made him a kingly
present of a hundred Negresses, some of whom, then with him, were
really beautiful; he also supported him for some time. The old man
had traded with the Negresses, and had made a great deal of money,
with which he was now returning.
We were also accompanied from Zeghen by an old Arab, who appeared
to have nothing to do with loading or unloading the camels, and
who always prayed and slept apart from the Kafflé. I supposed him
to be the father of some of the camel-men, and frequently gave him
food, until I learnt that he was related to none of our companions,
and that he had but one object in coming with us, which was to
live upon us. He had a voracious appetite, and finding he could not
obtain food at home without working for it, had been for many years
in the habit of passing this desert with the Kafflés, on whom he
quartered himself: his character was well known, yet the Arabs were
unable to shake him off, fearing he would spread a report that they
allowed him to starve, while they had plenty, which would have been
a great reproach to them. At the well where I killed the camel,
I gave him two days’ allowance, or about four pounds of food,
which he devoured at once: he then dined with my drivers, and
again with the Shreef Sadig’s men, and even managed to coax the
hungry slaves out of part of their dinner. Having lost his teeth,
he never chewed, but bolted his food, and was a complete glutton.
Thursday, Feb. 24th. Therm. 4°.—The Sheikh of Sockna, who
was on his way to congratulate the Sultan, met us here and gave
me fifty dollars, with letters from the Consul, Dr. Dickson,
and Mr. Carstensen, who were all well. He also informed us of
the death of the Bashaw’s eldest Mulatto son Sidi Mourad, of
a pestilential disorder, which, he said, was reported to be the
plague. We dressed ourselves in our best clothes, and passed on,
in company with Lizari, before the Kafflé, for the town of Sockna,
to prepare houses. After proceeding for about two hours over a plain
sprinkled with shrubs, we passed a sandy flat and date trees: at
about two miles from the town, having traversed north-east nearly
fourteen miles, arrived at the town of Sockna. Before we entered
it above a hundred friends of Lizari, who was once acting, and is
now nominal Kaid of Sockna, came out to welcome him; and I, as his
friend, received every attention. We had good houses provided for
us; and the Kafflé arrived soon after; but notwithstanding the
respect shown us by some of the inhabitants, there were others
who very much molested us; and the boys were, I think, the most
impudent I ever met with, even in the most riotous and disorderly
streets in London. Finding we were strangers in the country, they
amused themselves with rushing by dozens into our room, to stare
at, and to rob us, if they could. When their curiosity had ceased,
their talents for tormenting commenced; and a good camel whip
became at last my only resource against their impertinence. After
I had succeeded in turning them out, they surrounded the door,
all being ready for a run, and called out, “Bring the whip, bring
the whip! d——n your father! here are plenty of boys peeping!”
At last I was obliged to rush out upon them, and catching two of
the offenders, flogged them heartily; they then began to discover,
that though a stranger, I was not to be trifled with.
I must observe that some of the men of Sockna were also most
intrusive and impudent beggars. They crowded in upon us ten and
twenty at a time, one party leaving us only to make way for another
equally troublesome; one asked for powder, another for flints,
knives, scissars, and all kinds of articles: at first I felt
ashamed to turn them out, and therefore had recourse to entreaty
that they would go away; but this had not the slightest effect,
and I was obliged finally to show that I had profited by Mukni’s
instructions, and to get rid of them by main force.
Sunday, February 27th.—To my great dismay I was again attacked
by hemma, and was also under the painful necessity of killing my
largest Maherry, finding he had broken his toe. I had intended him
for Sir Joseph Banks. He was the finest I had ever seen: seven feet
eight inches from the ground to his hump, which was a low one. I
was offered two dollars for him, but preferred killing him, to feed
ourselves and fellow travellers. As we had to hire fresh camels
here, we discharged those which had brought us from Morzouk, and I
was heartily glad to get rid of the Sockna drivers, who are never
contented, always trying to deceive, and never assisting any one.
We found that the Bashaw had sent chowses with eight horses,
the property of his late son, to be disposed of in Fezzan for
Negroes, and the purchasers were to sell them in the interior, so
that they might never again be seen at Tripoli. The news brought
by these people occasioned a general mourning, and the women,
this day and the preceding one, were out on the sands, howling,
beating the Tubbel, or alarm drum, tearing their hair and faces,
and committing all sort of extravagancies, which always ended in
frenzy, though they would in their hearts have rejoiced to learn
that the whole Koramanlie race was extinct.
Almost all the houses here have, in the principal rooms, a black line
drawn round them about breast high, with wetted gunpowder. If the
woman of the house is delivered of a male child, this precaution
prevents Iblis and the devil’s children, or imps, from coming
into the room to tease or injure him; or, what is worse, to make
him squint.
Our friend and travelling companion, Sadig, who had always been very
agreeable and cheerful, this day left us, to our great regret, on his
return to his native town, Wadan; whither he invited me to accompany
him, assuring me that I should drink nothing but sweet milk and
Lackbi, and that at every meal a new dish of whatever description
I chose should be prepared for me. It was his intention to send
his slaves to Mesurata on the sea-coast, to exchange them for sheep.
The mothers here, and indeed all the town’s-people, were at
this time in great alarm, having heard that an Orfilly, or Arab
of Benioleed, was prowling about in search of some child, whom he
intended to kill and eat. This wretch had, from the effects of a
loathsome disease, lost his nose, and been otherwise disfigured. Some
one had prescribed to him, or he himself had conceived this dreadful
remedy for his sufferings; and, in consequence, was on the watch
for some young victim, in whose warm blood he was to wash himself,
and then devour its flesh. An infant girl of two or three years of
age had, a short time before, been rescued from him, and he was now
wandering about the neighbourhood in search of another child. The
Sockna Arabs had all agreed to shoot him if they could meet him,
and Lizari had also given his promise to despatch him if he came
in his way.
The Orfilly Arabs have almost universally a bad character, and
are much disliked, not, however, without reason. A man murdered
or robbed, a house fired, a camel stolen, or any lawless act, is
almost always traced to an Orfilly; and certainly a more insolent,
thievish, and begging set of men I never saw. They even exceed the
Sockna men in this particular: “Give me, give me,” is their
cry from morning till night.
The language of Sockna, as I mentioned when first we visited it
on our way to Morzouk, is the same as that of the Tuarick, and is
only spoken in this town; their neighbours of Hoon and Wadan not
understanding it at all. I subjoin a few words, supplied by one of
the natives.
One Idgen.
Two Sunn.
Three Shard.
Four Erba, A.
Five Khamsa, A.
Six Setta, A.
Seven Sebbah, A.
All the numbers above three are
as in Arabic.
Hand Foos.
Head Ighrof.
Sun Tefookt.
Dog Edee.
Bitch Edeat.
Cat Yatoos.
Fish Khoot, A.
Meat Aksoom.
Flesh Tagilla.
Moon Tajeeri.
Eat Itch.
Drink Soo.
Boy Moozain.
Girl Temuzzeet.
Horse Aghemar.
Cow Lebgurr.
Sheep Teele.
Goat Teaghsee.
Male Kid Eghraid.
Female Kid Teghradot.
Stick Tagaghreet.
Water Aman.
Dates Izgarun.
Bones Eghruss.
Money Floos, A.
A Rat Agherdi.
An Ass Amketarr.
Camel Laghrum.
House Taskha.
Town Tamoort.
Wall Jadeer.
Garden Tamda.
Date tree Tesdai.
Grass Lasheb, A.
Linen Akhooli.
Cloth Melf, A.
Shirt Ghukkoot.
Bowl Wijjra.
Hot Yehamma.
Cold Tasunti.
Walk Achel.
Run Uzzel.
Sheep Utus.
Cry Ell.
Hungry Floozukh.
Thirsty Foodukh.
Stars Erān.
Man Mar.
Woman Tamtoot.
Fire Isghrāran.
Wood Shejjer, A.
Stone Teghrooghan.
Sand Omlal.
How are you? Aish haalek, A.
Well Taïb, A.
What’s this? Mattawa.
That Kanno deenek.
Yours Enick.
Mine Ennoo.
I Shik.
You Neish.
He Netta.
We Oodan.
They Etene.
Here Da.
There Ghrādi, A.
Where Maneela.
Many Gootunn.
Few Reehassan.
Sword Awoos.
Pot Ligder, A.
Carpet Majeer.
Black Settuf.
Blue Agrag, A.
Green Wurrugh.
Yellow Asfar, A.
Red Zuggo.
Old Wusserr.
Young Muzzee.
Dear Yeghulla, A.
Cheap Erkheese, A.
Hard Yekkoor.
Soft Murkhee, A.
Fat Smeen, A.
Thin Daif, A.
Mouth Eemi.
Ears Tamazookh.
Neck Takaroomt.
Breast Sudder, A.
Good Zain, A.
Bad Afāan, A.
Day Azill.
Night Yettee.
Lackbi Aman tesdeed.
Beard Tamart.
Bring Aweet.
Take Akh.
Come Aeed.
Cotton Tabdookht.
Honey El Asell, A.
Door Tawert.
Shoes Erkaas.
A fly Eezaan.
A Bird Azdeah.
Ostrich Aseed.
Feather Terjaalem.
Egg Terdaaleen.
Language Awall.
Butter Lemman, A.
Oil Odi.
Pepper Afillfill, A.
Salt Teesunt.
Heart Ool.
Skin Illum.
Foot Tishkunt.
Nose Luckshum, A.
Eye Teeat.
Knife Oozall.
Blood Eddāman.
Leather Illum.
Bag Takhareet.
Fire Timsi.
Jereed Tagareet.
Milk Akhi, or Ashfai.
To-morrow Teefoot.
Yesterday Dullain.
Month Yoor.
Year Aam.
Hair Zaoo.
Wool Dooft.
Bread Tegrāri.
Flour Aruna.
Go Maat.
Run Azzil.
Listen Sill.
Brother Nitta.
Sister Ootima.
Stupid Williseen.
Those words which I have marked with A are either Arabic, or derived
from that language. The natives call their language Ertāna.
Monday, February 28th. Thermometer 9°.—This morning being the
first of their Spring, and a day of general rejoicing, it is the
custom to dress out little tents or bowers on the tops of the houses,
decorating them with carpets, jereeds, shawls, and sashes. A gaudy
handkerchief on a pole, as a standard, completes the work, which
is loudly cheered by the little children, who eat, drink, and play
during the day in these covered places, welcoming the spring by
songs, and crying continually, “O welcome spring! with pleasure
bring us plenty.” The women give entertainments in their houses,
and the day is quite a holiday. From the top of our house these
little bowers had a very pretty effect, every roof in the town
being ornamented with one. They are called Goobba.
I saw this day four ears of corn perfectly ripe, which was very
early for the season. The gardens here are excellent, comparatively
with the others in Fezzan. They are surrounded by mud walls. Lemon
trees had been lately introduced from Tripoli, and promised well,
but too young to bear fruit. The dates here were very fine, and
there were several sorts peculiar to Sockna. I was confined the
chief part of the day to my bed with hemma.
No Arab that I ever met with has any idea of sweet milk, or, more
properly, cannot conceive why it is not equally good when sour. As
I was unable in my weak state to eat the food of the country, I
made all the exertions I could to procure sweet milk; for though a
great deal was brought me, it was always sour, and when I objected
to it on that account, they said, “It is but now from the ewe,
we mixed it with other to make it good.” Thus they always milk
their ewes, mixing the fresh and the stale milk. As I had been four
days confined to my bed, and constantly longed for this beverage
in its sweet state, my repeated disappointments were severe.
In the gardens are found two kinds of rats, which, from the
description given of them, must be curious. I despatched a man
to catch me some, promising him a dollar if he brought four. One
sort is black, and burrows in the ground; the other yellow, with a
white belly and red eyes, and lives principally amongst the boughs
of the palm trees.
Tuesday, Feb. 29th.—A man arrived from my friend, the Shreef
Sādig, bringing two letters, one from himself, and the other from
his brother the Shreef Abd el Ateef. These letters contained many
kind wishes that I might succeed in all my undertakings, and return
to their country; and concluded by saying, that prayers had been
offered up in their Mosque for my safety. Four ostrich eggs, and
two skins of peculiarly fine dates, accompanied these kind epistles.
Never was I so much out of patience with any people as with the
natives of this place; night and day my door was surrounded, not by
the poor alone, but by high and low. I really envied poor Belford
his deafness, for had I too lost my hearing, I might have enjoyed a
little peace. If any of these people obtained admittance, they sat
down, and could not be induced to move for an hour or two, all the
time flattering and begging. Ill as I was, these tormentors never
allowed me to close my eyes. Belford, besides being deaf, understood
but little Arabic, and could not assist me in keeping them off;
consequently I was continually obliged to answer questions, to admit
some, and to turn out others, and was thereby thrown into a fever far
more severe than that which at first attacked me. The flies literally
covered the walls, and fell by spoonfuls into all we eat or drank;
in fact, so many evils overwhelmed me at once, that I have ample
reason to recollect Sockna, and the miseries I endured there are
too strongly imprinted on my mind to be ever forgotten. I managed,
in spite of my weakness, the foregoing night, to go out with a man
to see his wife, who was afflicted with sore gums. She was handsome,
with large black eyes, and a complexion almost as fair even as that
of an Englishwoman. I prescribed as well as I could, by advising her
to bleed, and then to wash her gums with bark, which I gave her,
and which, I afterwards heard, completely cured her. My fee was
honey from Soudan, meat, and what was of far more value than all,
about a gill of sweet milk. We heard this day of the arrival of
our friend Bouksaysa at Hoon, his native place, with a large Kafflé.
Wednesday, March 1st.—We were to have set out this morning; but,
like true Arabs, our camel-men said their animals were ready, when
they knew the contrary, and after being kept all day in suspense,
we were obliged to defer our departure until the morrow. I know not
how I should have managed to hire camels here, had it not been for my
friend Lizari, who, while I was ill, took a great deal of trouble on
himself. I was very anxious to obtain the longitude of this place,
and twice corrected the chronometer by equal altitudes; but it went
so badly, and stopped so often, that I gave up the attempt. I was
this evening much amused by a boy who came from Hoon to see me, or
rather to beg some money. He was the person I mentioned, as having
advocated slave-hunting so amusingly to Mr. Ritchie and myself, when
we were at that place: he came to the door and begged admittance,
knowing that we were eating; some others also came begging at the
same time, and wishing to turn him away; on which a vehement dispute
arose as to who had the greatest right to my bounty. The boy said he
came with me from Tripoli, the year before, in the same Kafflé,
which they all agreed was no reason at all; but when he added
that Mr. Ritchie and I had given him some money, and that he was
therefore my friend, and had a right to expect more, all yielded
to his superior claims. An Arab, when you have once treated him
kindly, thinks himself entitled to be ever after a burthen on you,
and to beg, or perhaps to steal, from you as long as he lives.
The Tripoli money is the currency of Sockna, which occasions great
losses to the people, who are obliged to pay their taxes to Mukni
in Spanish dollars, which they buy at extravagant prices. The
Bashaw’s coin is now almost worthless.
It is not the custom here to bury the dates, which in consequence
are very fine, and free from sand; but they keep them in store-huts
built for the purpose. I imagine that their being so exposed may
account in some degree for the multitude of flies found here.
All the houses are built on the same plan, having a small square
court in the centre, from which a few steps lead to an open
gallery, which is the principal room. The other rooms are on the
ground-floor, and one or two open from the gallery; they have no
windows, but receive their light from the doors, which are all
curiously chequered and striped with a kind of black paint made
from burnt wool, mixed with gum-water. As they are composed of many
rounded pannels of date-wood, some appear like the backs of large old
books. A little blackish rat was brought to me, which was really very
curious; it had a head resembling that of a badger, with the same
peculiar marks by the side of the face; its tail was long, black,
and rather bushy. Belford and myself contrived to make a cage for
it out of a tin canister, and I discovered that it had the power of
clinging to the bars, and climbing with its back downwards: it was
very fierce, but I had great hopes of being able to bring it home,
as well as three other animals, called by the Arabs Dthub ظمب,
which resembled lizards in many respects, but were much more clumsily
formed, and slower in their motions: their tails were broad, and
covered with scaly spikes, and they could hang by their fore paws,
which they had the power of closing on any object: their head and
nose much resembled those of the hawk’s-bill turtle, and to a
certain degree, they changed their colour as cameleons do.
I was rubbed this day with a mixture, which the Arabs consider
excellent in cases of fever, and which really, though it made me
very dirty, rendered my skin quite comfortable: it was composed of
a small aromatic seed, the name of which I have forgotten, with
lavender from Tripoli, and cloves, pounded together, and mixed
with oil and vinegar; it is rubbed over the whole body and head,
until nearly dry. My doctress was a white woman of Tripoli, who,
in fear of her life, had escaped from thence.
About eighteen months before this period, the Bashaw, one evening,
surprised his black wives and a party of their female friends, making
merry, or in other words, very drunk and noisy, and playing all sorts
of extraordinary pranks; on sight of him they fled in all directions,
leaving in his presence, his wife or wives, with this Tripoline woman
and a Negress slave. The latter had her throat cut immediately in
the presence of her mistress, the wives were threatened with death,
and the white woman, named Sleema, the doctress above-mentioned,
received five hundred bastinadoes; she was then allowed to depart,
but the Bashaw afterwards thought proper to send after her, with
an order that she should be strangled. She was fortunate enough to
escape, and after wandering about for some time, attached herself to
Lilla Fātma, who was also exiled and given to Sheikh Barood, with
whom she arrived safely at Fezzan. The poor woman, owing to severe
illness, was on the brink of the grave during her stay at Morzouk,
which made her determine on leaving the place, and braving every
danger by a return to Tripoli. On my coming away, she put herself
under my protection, and I promised to intercede with the Bashaw for
her pardon. As she was emaciated and very weak, I allowed her to
mount my camels, and I fed her during the journey. She certainly
was not a very interesting figure, being much marked with the
small-pox, and resembling, in form and person, a little fat man;
and I was well aware that I should not make a very beautiful or
virtuous addition to the Tripoli ladies: feeling, however, great
pity for her, I consented to take her under my charge. Lilla Fātma,
whom this unfortunate female had served for a whole year, allowed
her to come away without giving her even a shirt, or money to help
her on her journey.
Thursday, March 2nd.—We left Sockna, and rested for the day at some
palms and sand hills, called Hammam, جمّام, four miles north
of the town, where we found our former fellow-travellers already
lying with their Kafflés. I last night had one of the yellow rats
brought me, much resembling those found in Morzouk, having a sandy
red back, and white belly; I put it into the cage with the other, who
killed and partly ate it before morning. The first is called Guntsha
قنشا. Before we set off this day, our friend Abd el Rahman gave
us a fine bowl of milk and dates. My camels were hired at the rate
of two dollars the Kantār, the drivers feeding themselves: some of
the animals carried six Kantār, and were very fine creatures, in
excellent condition. I perceived here that my Maherry, which I had
sent out while we were at Sockna to feed in company with the camels,
had received some injury in his foot, and was again lame. None of
the camel men would allow Sleema, the white woman who had escaped
from Tripoli, to ride, even though I offered three dollars for her
passage, their animals being too heavily laden. The poor creature
was therefore, in despair, obliged to return to Sockna. I gave her
all the money I could afford, which was three dollars, promising
to mention her to the Consul, in case she came to Tripoli and took
refuge under our flag. She was all gratitude, and went crying back
again to the house of a woman she had known when at Tripoli, and
who had maintained her while we were at Sockna.
CHAPTER IX.
Leave Sockna — Stop at Hammam — Well of Temedd — Sufferings of
the Slaves — Arrive at Bonjem — Danger on the Desert — Zemzem
— Sofageen — Storm in the Mountains — See two Roman Ruins —
Arrive at Zleetun — Description of that Place — Leave Zleetun
— Visit Lebida — Illness — Arrival at Tripoli — Account of
the Negroes of the Kafflé — General Notices of the Desert —
Belford’s bad State of Health — Departure from Tripoli — Pass
Quarantine at Leghorn — Return over the Continent to England.
Friday, 3rd of March.—Hadge Mohammed brought a poor girl to me
for advice. She was very feverish and light-headed, and complained
of excessive pain in the chest, for which I bled and gave her some
cooling medicine. At seven we proceeded, having filled water for
three days, the well immediately before us being unfit to drink; our
road lay over a gravelly plain. At 12.15. mountains closed in from
the left to those on the right, which at the distance of half a mile
ran parallel to our road; they were of yellow limestone and sand,
and all table-topped. We passed along a Wadey closely bounded by
mountains, until two, when we stopped for my patient, who had lagged
behind; her unfeeling master, contrary to my earnest request, having
suffered her to walk, while he lazily rode a camel. She arrived in
about an hour, very weak, and in much pain; and would have been
beaten, had I not interposed. I gave her some cotton impregnated
with lemon-juice, to steep in water, which a little refreshed her. A
strong sand wind set in from the westward, and much distressed us:
we had no remedy for it, but to lie down, and occasionally to rise
and free ourselves from the heaps of sand which rapidly collected
over our clothes. We had made this day north by east seventeen
miles. In the evening, the wind having somewhat abated, I got a
piece of leather sewed on to the hard skin under my Maherry’s foot.
Saturday, March 4th.—Fine morning. We went on about two miles to
a well called Temedd, the water of which is black, and resembles in
taste Glauber’s salts, and cabbage water. My horse refused to drink
it; but a large supply was laid in for the poor slaves. At 9.30. left
the well, and at 10.15. turned off through two mountains north-east
by east. The Wadey we had just left runs three miles north of the
well, and is called Tarr. At 10.15. opened on a gravelly plain;
at five stopped amongst a few little low bushes. The pass through
which we had come bore south 15° west, and we had made from it
about fourteen miles. We had a strong blinding sand wind blowing
over us all this day from the westward.
The poor girl who had ridden on a camel was now free from fever,
but very weak and low-spirited. I gave her good water and cusscussou.
Sunday, 5th of March.—At 7.30. we went on, still over a sandy
plain, with a few small shrubs; a strong wind, with much sand,
blowing from the north-west. These winds blow in sudden gusts,
and remind me of the whirlwinds called “cats’-paws” in the
navy. The Negress being unable to sit upright, was lashed on the
camel she rode. She continually asked for water, and complained of
a severe pain in her side. I had applied a blister to it overnight,
but I suspect the pain it gave her caused her to remove it. Her
master troubled his head very little about her; and her voice was,
in consequence of her sufferings, so feeble, that had I not rode
near her, and supplied her with water, she would have perished from
thirst. At 4.50. came to rugged ground; and at 5.20. mountains closed
in to the left: passed at the foot of one. At six stopped, having
made about twenty-five miles north. I persuaded the girl’s master
to let her remain under my care until she was a little recovered,
as I should then be enabled to bestow more attention on her than
he could, or was inclined to do: at this time she was very cold,
quite speechless, and unable to swallow. I wrapped her up in my
carpet, and made two of her fellow slaves chafe her hands and feet;
but our efforts to save her were useless, and she breathed her last
at eight o’clock, having, poor girl! suffered much agony. Her
fellows in misery exhibited a striking difference between the
mourners of civilized towns and those of savage countries: instead
of screaming, and working themselves up into frenzy, they sat silent,
dejected, and bathed in tears, their scanty meal remaining for a time
unnoticed and untouched. The country of this poor girl was Waday,
where Arabic is spoken. She was handsome, and about fourteen years
of age. She told me in the morning that the fatigue of the day would
kill her; and that I was the only person, except her companions,
who had treated her kindly since she was taken from her mother. She
had been ailing for a long time, as she said; but her master was
a hard man, and she feared to complain.
[Illustration:
_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._
_On Stone by D. Dighton._
A SLAVE KAFFLE.
_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._
_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]
Monday, March 6th.—The girl was buried near the road; and at
7.30. we went through a pass called Hormut t’uziz, خرموت
توزيز, for five miles. At ten passed an insulated hill
of gravel, resembling a tent in form, and called El Khayma,
الخيما, or the tent. We proceeded north 25° west through the
pass, a strong south wind blowing. At twelve the tent bore south
15° east four miles. At 1.15. came from an uneven stony desert,
bounded on the right by mountains, to heavy sand, called Wadey
Booatila, وادي قواتلا, or “the father of Atila trees.”
At 2.30. entered a broad pass; had steered from the last bearing
north 16° east four miles. Two little black boys this day rode my
horse, which I led; and one of them showed his gratitude to me by
bringing me as a present, his allowance of dates, tied up in the tail
of his shirt. At 5.45. came through Hormut t’Mohalla, خرموت
المخالّه, or “the pass of the army,” to a broad plain,
on which we stopped at six, having from 2.30. steered north seven
miles. The slaves were very much fatigued, and with great difficulty
came up with us. I always observed that the females were much less
exhausted by travelling than the males; the former walked together
and sung in chorus, nearly the whole day, which enlivened them and
beguiled the way. Lizari had four little girls, of whom the eldest
was about eight, and the youngest four years old; these children
were continually playing and running after each other, yet the
smaller one was always as lively after a day’s march, as at first
setting out: she was apparently so little fatigued in an evening,
as to be frequently reproved for keeping every one awake by her
gambols. There was a merry boy too, who frequently kept the Kafflé
in a roar of laughter, by mimicking the auctioneer who sold him, and
several of his countrymen, at the Morzouk market a few weeks before.
Tuesday, 7th March, very cloudy close weather.—At 7.30. set
out over very uneven stony ground and small sand hills, which
at half a mile to the eastward, increased in size and formed a
large belt of sand, about nine miles in length:—observed very
distant mountains in the same direction. The road was over a bed
of gypsum, partially covered in several places, by sand and white
snail shells. At three passed the natural turret called Bazeen
برزين, and came to the Wadey Klia قليه. We had proceeded
north to Bazeen, and from it N.N.W. Myriads of sand flies distressed
us very much by the sharpness of their bite. At seven we stopped at
the wells and castle of Bonjem بنجم, having made thirty-five
miles. We were all on the alert this night, having been informed
that a party of Orfilly, or Arabs of Benioleed, were encamped in
a small cluster of date trees which were in sight from the well,
and robbing every one that passed. They had tapped all the palms,
and were living on lackbi, and the flesh of any stray camels they
could find. A little artful boy, under pretence of wanting a skin
of water, came to the well to reconnoitre, and on being questioned,
gave some very suspicious answers; however, I suppose the report he
made of our being constantly on guard secured us a quiet rest. A
very heavy dew fell during the night; and we were aware that wild
animals were prowling round us.
Wednesday, March 8th.—Having filled four days’ water, at
twelve went on and encamped about four miles N.W. of Bonjem, to
let the camels feed on the bushes, which were in great number. The
day was very sultry, and the slaves had oil given them to grease
themselves. I observed, that near the wells of Bonjem, the ground
swarms with a species of tick, which attacks man and beast, is very
nimble, and causes severe pain by its bite.
Thursday, March 9th.—We set off at eight in a very thick fog,
which rendered it impossible to distinguish objects at a few yards
distance. Our road was over a hilly gravelly ground, and we passed
one or two Wadeys thickly set with bushes of talhh. Here I had an
attack of hemma, and remained behind with my horse, that I might
lie down and relieve the pain. At about one o’clock, being a
little recovered, I mounted and followed the track of the camels,
but soon lost it in a gravelly plain. I proceeded, in hopes of again
finding it; but as we were amongst steep hills, all of nearly the
same appearance, I could form no idea between which of them the
Kafflé had taken its course. I ascended the highest hill to look
for it, straining my eyes in all directions, but to no purpose:
I succeeded, however, in galloping back to the spot where I had
last seen the tracks, and fired my gun, but nothing replied to me,
or broke on the awful stillness around. My situation now became very
alarming, and my spirits began to sink, when I viewed the fearful
prospect before me, which, if I failed to regain the Kafflé,
threatened me with the horrors of a lingering and painful death.
I examined my saddle-bags, and found that they contained not a single
article of provision; my powder-horn had unfortunately been left on
my camel; my note-book, however, was luckily in my possession, and on
looking over it, I found, what was of some importance to me, that I
had marked all the back bearings. I knew, that whether I advanced or
retraced my steps, I should equally be two days distant from a well,
and was aware that, even in reaching one, I might not have power to
get at the water; my horse, at any rate, was not likely to survive
two days’ privation of it. In this extremity, and not knowing
what direction to take, I found my only resource to preserve life,
supposing I obtained water, would be to kill my poor animal, and
to subsist on his flesh, with the hope of being, in the meantime,
relieved by some passing traveller: but this chance was very remote,
the road we were pursuing being but little frequented; and as to any
other means of extricating myself, I could devise none. After some
time passed in reflecting on what might probably be my melancholy
fate if left on the desert, a sudden impulse induced me to trust
to the guidance of my horse, and, giving him the reins, I allowed
him to take what course he chose, little imagining how nearly I
approached the end of my difficulties. Whilst proceeding on my
way, almost hopeless of extricating myself, and in a direction
quite contrary to that which I had fancied to be the right one,
I unexpectedly perceived that I had crossed the track, and was
actually in a Wadey full of talhh trees, bearing evident marks
of having been recently passed over by our camels. Following this
sure guide, I soon found myself once more in the safe path, and my
feelings at such unlooked for and providential deliverance may be
more easily imagined than described. As I was riding slowly along,
I discovered, out of the track, a poor Negress lying under a bush,
where, overcome by fatigue and illness, she had stopped behind,
unregarded, to die.
Having myself so recently escaped the horrors of a lingering death,
I felt tenfold commiseration for this poor helpless being; and
having with some difficulty placed her on my horse, I took her
quietly along; at such a pace indeed, as much to retard coming up
with my people, whom I found in great alarm about me. They feared
I must have strayed on the desert, or have fallen on the road from
sickness; and such were their kind feelings towards me, that they
sent a camel and a supply of water, provisions, and a carpet, with
two men, to seek for me in all directions. I met them at 5.30. soon
after they set out, and found that the Kafflé had, on my account,
stopped for the night two hours before.
When I took the slave to her master, who was not aware of her being
missing, he gave me no thanks, nor allowed the poor exhausted
creature any food or refreshment; and had I not been present to
prevent it, he would no doubt have added to her sufferings by a
severe beating. We had made, as nearly as I could judge from our
winding roads, N. 15°. E. twenty-five miles.
Friday, March 10th.—At seven we set off; road over small stony
hillocks. As Hadge Mohammed, who was master of the Negress, preferred
riding his camel to letting her do so, I gave her up my horse. We
passed through many Wadeys full of bushes—a light shower at noon,
with the wind from the northward—saw several hares; and many
snakes, not venemous, were killed by the people. I astonished them
by taking one or two live ones in my hand: saw a very large herd
of antelopes, which I was silly enough to follow; but, of course,
without reaching them. At five stopped, having made about twenty
miles N.E. We had a fine night, with much dew. The poor Negress
was very ill and weak, although in no pain; her master pretended
to be convinced that she was only affecting sickness, and beat
her accordingly.
Saturday, March 11th.—At 7.30. A.M. we set out; road as
yesterday. At noon came to the Wadey Zemzem زمزم, in which we
found a well, of apparently Roman workmanship, and 84 feet in depth:
the water was salt, and very putrid. This Wadey is of great length,
running N.E. and S.W. Gherzeh is situated in it, and it runs to the
sea at Tawurgha. We made eight or nine miles north; my poor Maherry
was again very lame; put another sandal on him: fine warm day. A
general washing and greasing took place with the whole Kafflé.
Sunday, 12th March.—We proceeded at 7.30. A.M.; road as yesterday:
had a stock of water for three days. I saw a large bird resembling a
goose in form; body and neck white, wings of a dusky white, barred
with dark brown; it escaped me in the bushes. At four came to a
stony plain, with small shrubs. At six stopped, having made about
twenty miles N.W. by N.: thick oppressive weather, with swarms of
sand flies; the slaves very much fatigued. I saw several coveys
of partridges, and shot some birds resembling thrushes in size,
but with longer tails, and of a reddish brown colour: they fly in
flocks, and in their restlessness and twittering much resemble
sparrows. We lay amongst some bushes, and secured our animals,
as we were on the centre of a desert, and feared their straying.
Monday, 13th March.—We went onwards at 7.30. over a stony plain
until noon, when we came to a broad Wadey of sand, having a few
scattered shrubs, and a strong south wind darkening the air with
clouds of sand. Came to a well, but found it dry: our water was out,
having been distributed without restriction. This caused no little
sensation in the Kafflé, as we were said to be two days from any
other well; fortunately, however, the Arabs, in wandering about,
found one which had been newly made amongst some hillocks, about
a mile from our track. Many flocks of large blue pigeons were
flying round us. I shot one in very good condition. We travelled
north-north-west ten miles.
Tuesday, 14th March.—At 7.30. went on, the weather very fine;
had two fruitless chases after partridges and gazelles. The sick
Negress rode my horse, and was abused every five minutes by her
master for feigning sickness. I yesterday shot an owl of the size
of a dove, and having very beautiful plumage; its eyes were marked
black and yellow in circles, and it had those bunches of feathers,
called horns, on each side the head. This day it became so putrid
that I was obliged to give up the idea of stuffing it. At about
a mile from our resting-place, was the water I have spoken of. We
filled our gerbas there, but it was very bad, and my horse, as in
a former case, refused to drink it. At 5.30. we halted, not having
made more than fifteen miles, as our camels stopped repeatedly to
eat. We went on about north-north-west: passed this day several
spots with young corn growing, belonging to the Orfilly Arabs. The
wadey we were in is called Sofajeen صوفجين, and is of great
extent from east to west.
Wednesday, 15th March.—We found that three of our camels had
strayed in the night, two of mine, and one of Lizari’s. We sent
Arabs in search of them, and waited until noon, when we loaded the
other camels, leaving the loads of the stray ones with two Arabs,
together with some water and provisions. As there was no water for
the slaves, we were obliged to move on, intending to send camels back
from Zleetun, when, fortunately, our wanderers made their appearance.
A fine cold north wind from the sea reminded us that we were once
again in its vicinity. At three, clouds rose round us, and very
heavy rain fell on the neighbouring hills, accompanied by thunder
and lightning: it soon after reached us, and we encamped in a
small wadey, having travelled north six miles. The provisions of
the whole Kafflé had nearly failed, and many of the Arabs had,
during this day, only a handful of dates.
Thursday, 16th March.—Heavy black clouds all round us. At 7.15. we
set off, but at eight were obliged to stop again (having gone
north one mile and a half). The rain falling in torrents, we put up
our tents and goods, as well as the time would admit, on a rising
ground near a wadey, which was soon partially flooded. I sheltered
twenty-six poor shivering girls and four boys in my tent, and we
were of course pretty well crowded. I managed to put dry clothes on
some of them, and to make them more comfortable. At noon the rain
ceased for a time, and we had occasionally light showers during the
rest of the day. Belford and myself sallied out, and, kneeling down,
drank sweet water for the first time since leaving Tripoli, with a
zest greater than any toper ever felt on tasting the most exquisite
wine. I observed that the fresh water caused me very severe pain in
the bowels, and occasioned a sensation of fulness in the chest. A
snake was killed by the Negroes, nearly seven feet in length,
but so much mutilated that it was impossible for me to skin it.
Friday, March 17th.—Last night the poor sick Negress died from
fatigue and the united effects of cold and rain. Showers during the
night. The morning was fine, and at seven we took our road over a
flat of yellow sandy earth, covered with grass and small bushes;
in many places the ground bore marks of the plough. At noon we
had travelled north 10° west, ten miles, when the sky became much
overcast. We lost our road until this period, and now having found
it, proceeded north 20° east. At five the rain came on, and we
encamped on some small hillocks in the wadey, having made fourteen
miles since noon. Total, twenty-four miles. The latter part of our
road was hilly and full of wadeys. Our tents were no sooner pitched
than very heavy rain came on, in a tremendous storm (called Gherra
قرّه by the Arabs): thunder and lightning close to us. The noise
was tremendous, and the wadey before us was quickly filled with a
roaring torrent, sweeping all before it: happily, the tents were on
a rising ground, which prevented them from being washed away. The
mountain torrent continued all night. I had often heard these storms
spoken of, but always imagined that the accounts given of them
were much exaggerated; I now found that the description did not at
all come up to this night’s tempest. Sixteen poor Negresses took
shelter with me, and remained under the carpet, full of gratitude at
being protected from a storm, the noise of which made them tremble.
Saturday, 18th March.—A fine morning; fresh north-east wind
blowing. We had a general clothes drying, and the slaves were
oiled. At nine went on over high hills covered with stinted
bushes. We saw a few Arabs with their cattle and flocks in the
wadeys. At noon, having passed over a green plain, came to the
gardens and corn-fields of Zleetun زليتن. The country was
very flat, and some spots of near a mile in length appeared as if
they had been flooded during the night. The ground was so slippery
that some of the camels fell with their loads, and were with great
difficulty re-loaded and placed upon their legs again. The nature of
the foot of a camel is such, that the animal never falls or stumbles
when on flat or dry ground; even on rocks it is sure-footed, but on
mud it feels its inability to walk, and trembles at every joint,
slipping, or rather sliding as it goes. It sometimes happens that
a fall on wet ground occasions the death of the animal by splitting
open its fore legs. Old Baba Hassein’s camel fell first, with him
upon it, which raised a general shout of joy throughout the whole
Kafflé. The Arabs most religiously believed that the tempest of
yesterday, and the falls of to-day, were owing to his never having
given his Bousaferr; and to the same cause was attributed our many
delays in coming from Sockna, because “Ma fi el Barca مافي
الباركا” there was not the blessing on the Kafflé.
A considerable time elapsed before we succeeded in finding the Gusba,
or Castle; at last, to our great delight, we gained an entrance,
though not till after we had all been well drenched by two or three
heavy showers. My fellow travellers took such rooms as had roofs
water proof, while Belford and myself preferred pitching our tent
in the yard; by that means avoiding, in some measure, the multitude
of fleas found in these buildings. We had travelled this day north
15° east, seven miles.
I think it necessary to mention, that near our last resting-place I
found two Roman ruins, one about a mile north-east of the other. In
one, the foundations of two or three rooms are perfect, as are
the bases of some very large pillars; the other has part of a wall
standing, with several square niches in it. The stones which compose
these buildings are some of them seven feet in length by three in
breadth, and appear to have been mortised into each other.
On our rising the tops of the mountains we observed with great joy
the sea, beating on some shoals at a distance from the shore; but
we could not see the beach, as it was hidden from us by the sands
of Zleetun. To the great astonishment of my fellow travellers,
who no doubt thought me mad, I chanted God save the King, and Rule
Britannia, as loud as I could roar. The poor slaves looked forward
to the mighty river before them with wonder and fear, and I believe
at that moment all the stories they had heard of “the people on the
great waters who eat the Blacks,” recurred to their imagination. It
blew a heavy gale from the north-east, and the white foam added not
a little to the imposing appearance of this (to them) terrific water.
The houses of Zleetun are scattered about amongst palms and olive
trees, which cover a space of ground of three or four miles in
extent. Corn is cultivated in great quantities.
Sunday, 19th March.—This place is particularly blessed in
possessing the remains of a great Marāboot, who is buried in a
really handsome Mosque, ornamented with minarets and neat cupolas,
and white-washed all over. The name of the Saint is Sidi Abd el
Salām. His descendants are much respected, and are called Waled
el Sheikh والدالشيخ, “Sons of the Elder;” they think
themselves authorised to be the most impudent begging set of people
in the whole Regency of Tripoli. I was on the point of kicking out of
my tent one of them who would not understand the monosyllable _no_
in answer to a request which he made me for some powder in the name
and on account of his illustrious ancestor; but luckily Lizari came
in at the moment and prevented me; and he afterwards told me I might
as well have thought of kicking a descendant of the Prophet himself.
The whole of the surrounding country is most luxuriant in corn,
dates, and olives, and is quite level. The Castle in which we
were is of the true Arab character, built of mud and gravel, and
swarming with vermin. The rooms are round the large courtyard,
and their roofs, being flat, are the platforms for one or two
four-pounders. Two markets are held here weekly; one on a Friday, in
front of the Castle, the other on a Tuesday, near the Marāboot’s
tomb. The country is governed by a Mamluke of the Bashaw, who has
the title of Kaid. If I may judge from the number of drunken men who
were at the market, Lackbi is pretty universally drank. I bought
a very fine sheep for a dollar and a quarter. Every thing here,
as in Tripoli, is in the hands of the Jews: they are artisans and
merchants, having dealings from one farthing up to hundreds of
dollars; they also distil brandy from the dates, and find a very
ready sale for it. Some small vessels bring goods to Zleetun; but
as there is no roadsted, they anchor in the offing when the wind is
from shore. Hills of sand obstruct the view of the sea at about a
mile from the houses, and goods are carried that distance by camels.
I here unfortunately lost my black rat, which I had rendered
quite tame; having appeared sick and drooping, I let it out of
its cage, and wrapped it up in my barracan, the warmth of which
so far recovered it, that, to my great regret, it made its escape:
my other animals and serpents were alive and well.
Monday, 20th March.—As the corn was not ready for the slaves, we
were obliged to stop over this day. I was much amused by the songs
of the Negresses while pounding wheat; they sang all their country
airs in chorus, and there was in their wildness much beauty. Their
Boori, or songs used in sorcery, were particularly striking, and they
kept time to the music with their wooden pestles and glass armlets,
which sounded like cymbals. One of the songs was thus explained to
me: the three girls who sung it were pounding in the same mortar,
and regulated their beating according to the circumstances of which
they sung. At first they pounded slowly, one telling the other two
that they must keep up their spirits, as the warriors would soon be
at home, and their lovers would bring more trophies than any one
else; they then increased their time, and sang a song of triumph,
the warriors being supposed to have returned; when suddenly they
beat without measure, singing in a very shrill and rapid manner
as for one who was dead. They then ceased beating altogether, and
sung a trio, in which two endeavoured to comfort the girl who had
lost her lover, she appearing inconsolable. At length they agreed
to have recourse to sorcery, to ascertain if he died nobly. A goat
was supposed to be killed, each of them examining its entrails, and
singing several incantations, until a happy sign was discovered,
when they resumed their pestles, winding up with a very beautiful
chorus. The master of the girls forbade their singing any more, even
though I earnestly requested that they might be suffered to continue;
he said it was unholy, and that they were as great Kaffirs now, as
before they acknowledged our Lord Mohammed to be the Prophet of God.
Tuesday, 21st March.—At eight we left the Castle, and passed over
a sandy flat, the sea being hidden from us by the sand hills. At
noon we crossed a romantic water-course, having a small limpid
stream running through it. We saw here the remains of a magnificent
aqueduct, which once ran to Lebida. At a short distance from one
another were many small edifices resembling the mouths of wells,
which were once used as communications with the aqueduct; these
little buildings are seen all the way to Lebida, and show what course
the aqueduct takes. At two we separated from the Kafflé, and went to
the ruins of Lebida, which stand near the sea, and are surrounded by
sand hills formed against them. The country inland of these hills,
being highly and most luxuriantly cultivated, presents a pleasing
aspect. As I was still very unwell, and little able to walk up the
sand hills, I visited but three or four of the buildings, of which
the lighthouse appeared the most extraordinary. Other ruins, which
have once been fortresses, are formed of immense masses of stone.
The remains of the foundation of the ancient city wall are on
a gigantic scale, and several pillars yet remain of the same
description as those taken away in the Weymouth store-ship. My
time being limited, and this place having before been visited and
described by persons of more science and ability than myself, I did
not attempt to search for any inscriptions. My short visit, however,
afforded me much gratification, and I returned to the track of my
companions, whom I came up with at seven, having travelled north-
north-west thirty miles.
Wednesday, March 22nd.—I found myself much better. Fine morning. At
seven we pursued our course over mountains covered with verdure,
and at nine came to a Roman well standing at the foot of an old
castle, which appeared to have an arched communication with it,
to be used in time of war. This well was in a narrow deep ravine,
which the castle commanded. We found the old Turk and his slaves
waiting for us at the well; they had gone past us in the dark. The
old man was in great wrath; some thieves having come in the night
and robbed him of five hundred weight or a camel load of dates:
suspecting his own hungry Arabs, he had ordered them to lie at a
distance from the sacks. They told him they would pray to God that
he might suffer for his suspicion; and were therefore not sorry to
see him so soon punished for it. Some Bedouins among the rocks in the
pass were the robbers; one of his Negresses saw them in the act, but
feared to wake her master, because he once beat her for disturbing
him while asleep. When the old man related to me his misfortune,
I gave him no consolation, but said I admired the ingenuity of the
thieves; and all our Arabs tauntingly told him that he had now paid
his footing.
We passed many fine corn-fields, and several enclosures with vines
and figs, apparently very flourishing. Many large flocks were feeding
on the plains. At three we stopped, one of Hadje Mohammed’s
camels having fallen from weakness. Lizari’s Maherry followed
his example, on which he sent the Arabs back to kill the animal,
and they brought the meat to the Kafflé, portioning it out to
all. Many hints were given me that I ought to kill my lame animal,
but I would not understand them, as I thought he might still be
serviceable to me. Several Arab wanderers came to partake of our
feast; and we were obliged, when it grew dark, to give warning that
any stranger seen walking near the Kafflé would be fired at. One
of the Sheikhs, who had flocks near us, sent us some oranges, which
we devoured, rind and all, in a moment. Our road had been so very
circuitous that I could not be accurate as to the bearings, but as
near as I could judge we had gone west-north-west eighteen miles.
I was so ill on our march this morning as to be under the necessity
of stopping with the camel I rode, and lying on the ground, an
Arab remaining with me. I was seized with such violent trembling,
that the man was obliged for some time to sit on and hold me down
to prevent my injuring myself. I suffered much agony, and the most
intolerable thirst; to assuage which the kind Arab went about two
miles back on his road to bring me water. He was so long absent,
that I began to despair of his return; my fever each moment
increased, and my thirst, in consequence, became so excessive,
that observing my camel, which was at a little distance from me,
making water, I resolved to attempt reaching him, and endeavouring
to avail myself of a resource, which, under any other circumstances,
would have filled me with disgust. Weak and exhausted as I was,
and with no alternative but to drink, or, as I thought, to expire,
I was about to catch and swallow the nauseous draught, when, at that
moment, I perceived my trusty Arab ascending a hill, and advancing
towards me. Those only who have experienced the agonies of suspense,
or the torments of parching thirst, can conceive my sensations when
he joined me, bringing the wished-for beverage; which, after all,
was only dirty water in a goat-skin, but which I thought delicious,
and drank with delight and gratitude. After about three hours my fit
went gradually off, and my man holding me carefully on the camel,
brought me at nightfall to the Kafflé, which had waited for me. We
were encamped at Wad el Meseed واد المسيد, a river of no
magnitude, running through steep sandy cliffs. We had made about
twenty miles west-north-west.
Friday, 24th March.—I found myself very weak, but much
better. Belford continued quite deaf, but we were in high spirits
at the idea that our journey would soon be at an end, and that we
should once again behold our dear friends. We proceeded at seven,
our road being chiefly along the sea-coast. At eleven passed
Wad el Ramle, or “the sandy river,” which is a small stream,
running through sand hills: on its borders are luxuriant fields of
corn. At three the man whom I had sent forward with a letter to the
Consul brought me news that he proposed coming out to meet us. At
four we entered Tejoura تاجوره. I was on a camel anxiously
looking out for him, when himself, his two sons, Dr. Dickson, and
Messrs. Carstensen, came galloping towards us. I soon slipped down
on my legs, but was obliged to stop them, for they would otherwise
have passed on without recognizing either Belford or myself, so
much was our appearance altered. We pitched our tent in a space
near the great Mosque, and passed the evening most agreeably. The
Consul’s sons remained with me, but the rest of the party were
obliged to go on to Tripoli, promising to meet me on the morrow,
and to accompany me into the town. We had a fine Arab supper cooked
by Lizari’s Negress, and were all Kaffirs enough to drink wine,
and even to eat some pork, when Lizari was out of the way.
Saturday, March 25th, 1820.—Exactly one year from the day we
left Tripoli, we re-entered the town, accompanied by the Consul
and Mr. Carstensen. All our friends received us most kindly, and
I was fortunately enabled on that evening to send a letter to Lord
Bathurst, informing his Lordship of our safe return. I lodged our
goods in the Portuguese consular house, with which Col. Warrington
had kindly accommodated us, though not without having repeatedly
pressed us to make his own house our home.
Notwithstanding my happiness at once more joining my Christian
friends, I really felt no small regret at taking leave of our poor
fellow travellers, many of whom I knew were destined to proceed to
Tunis and Turkey. Their good humoured gaiety and songs had lightened
to me many hours of pain and fatigue, and their gratitude for any
little benefits I had it in my power to confer had quite warmed
my heart towards them. Even when so exhausted as to be almost
unable to walk, these poor creatures showed few instances of
sulkiness or despondency; the first stanza of a song having been
sung by one, enlivened the whole Kafflé, who immediately joined
in chorus. Their patience under fatigue, and endurance of thirst,
was very extraordinary. Khalīfa’s girls were allowed to drink
only once in twenty-four hours, yet they were always cheerful.
I was frequently amused by observing the pains taken by these
innocent savages to adorn themselves; their love of finery never
ceasing, even when no one was near to admire them. Though overcome
by privation of every kind, and by the fatigue of a long day’s
journey, they employed themselves in converting into neck ornaments,
snail shells, berries, or any other whimsical objects they could
meet with. Those who possessed rings, bead bands for the head, or
silver ear-rings, never failed to put them on when they stopped
for the night, washing and oiling their skins whenever they had
an opportunity; they also constantly used Kohol to blacken their
eyelids, and to make different marks on the face.
One of the women of the Fellāta had a little male child, which was
carried by turns by the whole Kafflé. Her milk had failed her, and
this poor infant had nothing to nourish him but a mixture of cold
water and flour, unless I sometimes gave him some cusscussou. He,
as well as his mother, was a shade lighter than a mulatto, which
is generally the colour of their tribe.
Several of the girls carried with them an instrument called
Zantoo. It is a long gourd hollowed out, having a hole at each end,
and is played by striking one end against the calf of the leg, and
occasionally stopping the other by a quick blow of the open hand. It
has a very pleasing effect when well played, and the glass armlets,
which are sometimes worn to the number of eight or ten on each arm,
add to it a pretty tinkling sound. Whenever a party had a little
outwalked the Kafflé, and sat down to rest, the Zantoos were set in
motion, and were accompanied by their plaintive national airs. The
wild music and picturesque appearance of these resting-parties was
very pleasing, and I seldom passed one of them without having a
lively chorus addressed to me.
There is a small bush found on the Desert, called by the slaves
Wussawussa, with leaves resembling those of box in form, but tender,
and having a very salt taste; these the slaves collected whenever
they could, and boiled with their evening meal; and the flavour is
not unpleasant.
In some of the wadeys were many thorny bushes bearing small black
berries, called Dummagh ظماخ or “brains,” which have a
very sweet, but at the same time astringent taste, and of which
these poor girls always brought me large supplies, in return for
my assisting those who were fatigued or thirsty. In fact, Belford
and myself, being the only persons who did not beat or ill treat
them, became great favourites; and my talents in particular were
so highly appreciated, that not a male or female slave tore or wore
out their sandal leathers, but they were immediately brought to me
to be repaired, as I had always some leather in my pocket for that
purpose: I thus became cobbler to the whole Kafflé.
None of the owners ever moved without their whips, which were in
constant use; that of Hadje Mohammed more so than the rest: in
fact, he was so perpetually flogging his poor slaves, that I was
frequently obliged to disarm him. Drinking too much water, bringing
too little wood, or falling asleep before the cooking was finished,
were considered nearly capital crimes, and it was in vain for these
poor creatures to plead the excuse of being tired; nothing could
at all avert the application of the whip. No slave dares to be ill
or unable to walk; but when the poor sufferer dies, the master
suspects there must have been something “wrong inside,” and
regrets not having liberally applied the usual remedy of burning
the belly with a red hot iron; thus reconciling to themselves their
cruel treatment of these unfortunate creatures.
I settled with my camel-men the day after my arrival in Tripoli,
and having great reason to fear that Belford’s health was too
much injured to proceed immediately, I agreed to remain there a
short time, that he might be benefited by the advice of my friend,
Dr. Dickson, who had kindly taken him under his care: he had been
for six months afflicted with dysentery, was quite deaf, and so
reduced as to be nearly a skeleton.
I think it right to account for what otherwise might be attributed
to neglect, my having, in the latter part of our journey, omitted to
notice the variations of the Thermometer from the 28th of February
to the present time. Not using my tent, I found much difficulty, in
so large a Kafflé, in preventing stray camels or the slaves from
treading on the Thermometer; and it was so frequently in danger
of being broken, that I found no correct rate could be kept, and
therefore gave up the attempt.
OF THE DESERT.
Having, from the time of leaving Tripoli until my return from
Fezzan, been constantly on the Desert, I shall endeavour to give
a description of the country so called. In all our maps, Sahāra
is the appellation used to distinguish that immense tract, known
also by the name of the Great Desert.
Oasis is the term used for fertile spots or islands, said to be
situated on the Sahāra; and Fezzan is supposed to be one of these
Oasis: whereas, it is now evident, that it also is a Desert, with the
exception of palms and small gardens, cultivated with great labour
and difficulty, in the immediate vicinity of towns. No herbage
ever grows spontaneously, except in wadeys or amongst rocks; and
these in such small patches, that I never yet saw a spot covered
with verdure of the size of a table, unless in the mountains near
Tripoli. The Arabs have a name for every description of waste or
desert, viz. the following:
1 Sahār سحعره.
2 Ghrood غرود.
3 Sereer سرير.
4 Warry وعر.
5 Hatïa حتيه.
6 Wishek ويشك.
7 Ghraba or Jezeera غابه.
8 Soobker صوبكر.
9 Wadey وادي.
10 Gibel جبل.
Sahār is the name commonly used to particularise that description
of Desert which is of sand alone, forming a plane surface, without
either stones, rocks, water, or any sustenance capable of supporting
animal or vegetable life, with a smooth horizon and without beaten
paths.
Ghrood are those species of sand hills which I mentioned having
once or twice passed in Fezzan: they are of an indefinite height,
some being so steep as to be entirely impassable: others, and indeed
all of this particular name, are traversed with difficulty. In some
instances, palms grow on these hills; which are generally situated
on the borders of stony plains, where the wind has collected and
formed them.
Sereer is the appellation of gravelly plains, from which the sand
has been swept by the force of the winds; and it is on this kind of
Desert alone that sand hills are found. The gravel is generally of
a small size: in some instances, rounded as pebbles on a sea beach;
in others, sharp and pointed, as if recently broken; and a third kind
is not unfrequently seen, covering spaces of many miles in extent,
of stones which have a shining exterior, as if highly polished.
Warr is a rough plain, covered with large detached stones lying in
confusion, and very difficult to pass over. The tops of mountains,
particularly the Soudah, are distinguished by this name: it is,
in fact, applied to such tracts of country as are only travelled
with the greatest fatigue and difficulty, on account of the many
obstacles thrown in the way by stones, small hillocks, &c.
Hatïa implies a spot which possesses, in a slight degree, the
power of fertility, and produces a few small stinted shrubs,
scattered at intervals, on which camels may make a scanty meal,
or travellers a fire.
Wishek: sand hills or plains, which afford only wild, unproductive,
or uncultivated date bushes, are called by this name. All Wishek
bear the appearance of having been formerly what are called
Ghrāba, which is a term always used to distinguish parts which
produce cultivated or fruit-bearing palms, but having no town
near them; the owners of the dates only coming in the season to
collect them. Zezeera is a term also used in common with Ghrāba,
but I believe only by Fezzanners.
Soobker is the designation of salt-plains, which are marshy in
winter, and in summer become broken and rough by the influence
of the sun; or of that particular species found in Fezzan, where
the salt and earth or sand are so closely combined, as to form a
substance resembling stone, and equally hard to cut or break. One
of these plains, between Trāghan and Māfen, is about three or
four miles in the broadest part, and above twenty-five in length.
Wadey is a term of which I have frequently made use, yet I have
given but a slight explanation of. It is a valley in which shrubs
grow, or through which the rains form a temporary stream. Near
Tripoli the Wadeys are sometimes the courses of impetuous torrents;
but in Fezzan, where rain is almost unknown, they are smooth dells,
very rarely producing a single plant. A small rift in the mountains,
capable of containing only eight or ten camels abreast, is as much
a Wadey as a large valley containing a town or towns, and the date
trees belonging to such settlements.
Gibel, or Mountain, is a term I need not explain; but merely as
showing that it is by no means a matter of course that a Desert
must be flat, or nearly so, as even in the kingdom of Fezzan,
mountains are very numerous.
Sahāra, therefore, is only applicable to sandy districts, and
the Arabs only use the word Berr بار, or country, as a general
term. In no part of the Desert, which I have seen, or of which I
could obtain accounts, does it appear that water is found on the
surface: hence it seems extraordinary, that wild animals should
exist; yet antelopes, buffaloes, and some other animals, are,
in different places, very numerous. Rats are frequently found to
burrow in plains twenty or thirty miles distant from shrubs, and
their food is unknown; no birds being found there, and the small
lizards and snakes, as well as the few insects, being too active to
be caught by them. In some parts, the only living creature seen for
many days is a small insect somewhat resembling a spider, called Naga
t’Allah نعقاتالله, or the “She camel of God.” Beetles
are also seen where Kafflés rest, or in the vicinity of shrubs;
and their curious tracks in the sand are so marked, that I have
sometimes traced the same insect for a mile or two as I rode along.
Nothing can be more awful than the stillness which prevails, more
particularly when the surface is sandy. I have sometimes walked
at night from the Kafflé, so as to be beyond the noise made by
the camels or horses, and have experienced a sensation I am unable
to describe, as I felt the wind blow past me, and heard the sound
which my figure caused it to make, by arresting its progress. Near
towns, or in places where animals can exist, the slow melancholy
cry of the hyæna or jackal is frequently heard during the night,
when these animals prowl round the Kafflé.
The appearance of water on the sandy and gravelly deserts is
very frequent, and is generally so well defined, that it would be
difficult to distinguish it from a river, were it possible that both
could be seen at the same time. It is called Shrab شراب by the
Arabs, who often amused themselves by calling to us that water was
in sight, until we became accustomed to the appearance. Of this
curious phenomenon so much has been said by various writers, that
any attempt at description on my part would be unnecessary. The
looming of objects when the sun is at its greatest strength,
is very striking; as from the vapour which rises, they are, at
a slight distance, much obscured. I have frequently, in riding
along, been delighted at observing in the distance, a tree which
appeared sufficiently large to shade me from the sun, and to allow
of my reposing under it, until the camels came up; and have often
quickened my pace in consequence, until, on a near approach, it has
proved to be nothing more than a bush, which did not throw a shade
sufficient even to shelter one of my hands. Sand hills deceive still
more, always appearing very distant when the sun is on them; and
it has often happened, that I have been startled by seeing a man or
camel rise close to me, on the top of one of the apparently distant
hills. The excessive dryness of the Desert is in some places very
extraordinary, particularly to the southward of the Soudah mountains,
where, in going to as well as coming from Fezzan, I observed that
our clothes, and the tails of our horses, emitted electric sparks.
Water is not to be found by digging in all parts of the Desert;
but is more particularly difficult to find in the Sereer, or gravel,
which generally lies over sand stone. In two instances I have seen
remains of pits which had been dug to one hundred feet without
coming to water. The wells which are on the Desert are generally
found in Wadeys or in the sandy country; and in all those I have
seen, the water was salt and putrid, but the putrescence diminished
after a quantity had been drawn. Some wells have only a sufficiency
for the supply of five or six horses at once, and are a long time
before they again fill. These wells which were so scantily supplied,
I observed, were always in a soft clayey rock; but those which kept
themselves tolerably full, were in a yellow clay. The depths vary
from 6 or 8 feet to 70 or 80.
In almost every part of the stony desert, small piles of stones are
frequently discovered, which are erected by travellers as marks to
direct them across the country, or in the event of their missing
their route, to assist them again to find it. These little heaps
are called Aālum علم, or “teachers;” and some become
so remarkable, as to acquire other names, and to be favourite
resting-places for Kafflés.
* * * * *
About the beginning of April, a dangerous fever broke out and was
making great ravages in Tripoli, many of the inhabitants dying daily
in the town and gardens. On my arrival, I made an attempt to obtain
an interview with the Bashaw, but his highness was not at first
sufficiently disengaged to allow of my paying my respects to him. At
the end of a fortnight, however, I was admitted to an audience,
and was accompanied by the British consul; who jointly with myself,
thanked him for the attention which had been shown to the Mission,
by the people of the interior, in consequence of his patronage.
The Bashaw was much amused by my having acquired the language and
accent of Fezzan, and conversed with me for some time, asking me
a variety of questions respecting what had occurred to me on my
journey. He promised, that on the event of my returning to Africa,
I should always be secure of his friendship: and on my taking leave
of him, desired I would offer his compliments to my Sovereign.
It would be useless and uninteresting were I to relate the trifling
incidents which occurred to me during the remainder of my stay at
Tripoli. I shall therefore merely mention, that on the 14th of May
I procured a passage to Leghorn for Belford and myself, taking with
me my horse, which was a gift from the Bashaw, and a Maherry, or
courier camel, which I intended to present to his Majesty George IV.
Dr. Dickson was unwilling to allow of Belford’s undertaking the
voyage, fearing that his weakness would not enable him to resist any
severe weather; but as Belford thought himself equal to the attempt,
and as we were naturally impatient to return to England, I resolved
no longer to delay my departure. I cannot omit the opportunity
here offered me of expressing my sense of the kindness invariably
shown me by Col. Warrington, the British Consul; from whom, as well
as from his family, I received the most unremitting attention. I
can only sincerely lament my total inability to do justice to his
friendship, evinced towards me not only in his official capacity,
but individually, and on all occasions where he had the power of
serving me. To some other most kind friends, who assisted me in
the hour of need, I have also to offer my sincere tribute of thanks.
Myself and suffering companion left Tripoli on the 19th of May; and,
after a passage of ten days, arrived at Leghorn. Belford was again
so ill, that I found it necessary to call in the assistance of a
medical gentleman, who visited him frequently at the Lazaretto. Our
quarantine was twenty-five days, in a good airy situation; on leaving
which we removed to the town, prior to setting out overland for
England. We hastened to change our dresses, and to shave our beards,
though not before we had been unwillingly exhibited to many curious,
and, in some cases, troublesome visitors, who came to view us in
our Moorish costume.
During the time of our quarantine the minister of Mohammed Ali,
the Bashaw of Egypt, honoured me with a visit; and after asking me
many questions, and ascertaining my knowledge of Arabic, made known
to me that his master was about to send, on a progress of discovery,
a large armed force, southward and westward from Egypt, and that he
was particularly anxious to engage some European to accompany them,
in order to survey the countries which they proposed exploring. He
hinted, that on the event of my offering my services, I should,
no doubt, be very flatteringly received, and that a most liberal
allowance would be made for my outfit, as well as for my services;
and the month of November was the period fixed for the departure
of the expedition: in short, he held out so many advantages,
that I only refused on the score of my being in the service of my
own government, who might, perhaps, again require me to return to
Africa. From the plan thus laid down to me, I saw clearly, that
on the event of my accompanying the Bashaw of Egypt’s army, I
could with ease ascertain the situation in which the Niger ended,
as I should have to pass into a country from whence I well knew
how to proceed, and to which, should I ever again return to Africa,
I would immediately make my way.
On the 29th of June we left Leghorn; and passing overland, arrived
in London on the 29th of July, 1820. In travelling through France
I was so severely attacked by ophthalmia, as to be nearly deprived
of sight; but on my arrival in England, I soon recovered. Belford
continued still deaf and much emaciated, and, as I feared, with
little prospect of ever regaining health or strength. I must observe,
in justice to this my faithful, though humble companion, that during
the service on which we were engaged, both prior to, and after the
death of Mr. Ritchie, his conduct was such as to ensure my perfect
esteem and confidence. He did not possess the advantages of birth
or education; but his quiet, unobtrusive manners, and excellent
disposition, made ample amends for these deficiencies. In the most
trying moments, when all distinction between man and man is levelled,
he never lost sight of the respect he considered due to me; but in
sickness faithfully nursed me, and in health implicitly obeyed all
my directions.
On my arrival in London, I waited on Earl Bathurst, to acquaint
his lordship with the result of the mission; and delivered up the
whole of the public papers belonging to the late Mr. Ritchie.
APPENDIX.
=APPENDIX.=
* * * * *
METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER.
MORZOUK.
------------+------------------------+-----------+------------------
| THERMOMETER. | |
DATE. | REAUMUR. FAHRENHEIT. |HYGROMETER.|
------------+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+ WINDS.
| 5 | 2 | 5 | 2 | 5 | 2 |
|A.M. |P.M. |A.M. | P.M. |A.M. |P.M. |
1819. +-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+------------------
May 4| 22 | 33 |81.½ |106.¼ | 60 | 54 |East.
5| 22 | 34 |81.½ |108.½ | 61 | 53 |
6| 23 | 33 |83.¾ |106.¼ | 60 | 54 |
7| 21 | 33 |79.¼ |106.¼ | 58 | 53 |East-north-east.
8| 20 | 31 | 77 |101.¾ | 58 | 50 |
9| 21 | 32 |79.¼ | 104 | 60 | 54 |East.
10| 22 | 33 |81.½ |106.¼ | 60 | 51 |East-north-east.
11|23.5 |33.1 | 85 |106.½ | 61 | 52 |East by south.
12| 22 | 34 |81.½ |108.½ | 60 | 53 |North-east.
13|22.2 | 33 | 82 |106.¼ | 58 | 52 |
14| 23 |33.2 |83.¾ |106.¾ | 60 | 51 |
15|23.4 | 34 |84.¾ |108.½ | 61 | 60 |North.
16| 23 | 35 |83.¾ |110.¾ | 63 | 58 |North-east.
17| 22 | 34 |81.½ |108.½ | 64 | 61 |East-north-east.
18|23.8 | 36 |85.½ | 113 | 59 | 54 |East.
19| 23 | 37 |83.¾ |115.¼ | 60 | 54 |
20| 23 | 34 |83.¾ |108.½ | 63 | 60 |
21| 22 | 35 |81.½ |110.¾ | 61 | 56 |
22|21.1 | 34 |79.½ |108.½ | 62 | 59 |
23| 22 | 36 |81.½ | 113 | 60 | 57 |East-south-east.
24| 23 | 37 |83.¾ |115.¼ | 61 | 52 |
25| 24 | 37 | 86 |115.¼ | 61 | 57 |East.
26| 23 | 36 |83.¾ | 113 | 60 | 59 |
27| 23 | 37 |83.¾ |115.¼ | 60 | 54 |North.
28|25.1 | 35 |88.½ |110.¾ | 58 | 60 |
29| 26 | 34 |90.½ |108.½ | 57 | 57 |North-west.
30| 25 | 37 |88.¼ |115.¼ | 56 | 58 |
31|24.2 | 34 |86.½ |108.½ | 59 | 55 |North-east.
June 1| 25 | 38 |88.¼ |117.½ | 56 | 47 |
2|24.3 | 39 |86.¾ |119.¾ | 58 | 43 |
3| 25 | 40 |88.¼ | 122 | 54 | 54 |
4| 25 | 39 |88.¼ |119.¾ | 58 | 56 |South-east.
5| 24 | 38 | 86 |117.½ | 58 | 56 |
6| 24 | 37 | 86 |115.¼ | 57 | 56 |East.
7| 25 | 38 |88.¼ |117.½ | 58 | 51 |East.
8| 26 | 40 |90.½ | 122 | 61 | 58 |
9| 27 | 38 |92.¾ |117.½ | 60 | 58 |
10| 26 | 36 |90.½ | 113 | 61 | 55 |North-east.
11|25.3 | 39 | 89 |119.¾ | 60 | 58 |
12| 26 | 39 |90.½ |119.¾ | 62 | 60 |
13| 25 | 38 |88.¼ |117.½ | 63 | 60 |East.
14| 25 | 37 |88.¼ |115.¼ | 64 | 51 |
15| 24 | 41 | 86 |124.¼ | 62 | 60 |East-north-east.
16| 25 | 38 |88.¼ |117.½ | 61 | 60 |
17| 26 | 41 |90.½ |124.¼ | 62 | 60 |East-south-east.
18| 26 | 40 |90.½ | 122 | 58 | 56 |
19|25.4 | 44 |89.¼ | 131 | 54 | 52 |
20|27.3 |44.8 |93.¼ | 133 | 55 | 54 |North-east.
21|26.1 | 43 |90.¾ |128.¾ | 60 | 58 |
22|27.3 | 42 |93.¼ |126.½ | 63 | 53 |Calm.
23| 26 | 43 |90.½ |128.¾ | 55 | 53 |South-east.
24|26.3 | 42 | 91 |126.½ | 52 | 54 |
25| 26 | 43 |90.½ |128.¾ | 56 | 54 |North-east.
26| 26 | 42 |90.½ |126.½ | 60 | 55 |North.
27|25.3 | 39 | 89 |119.¾ | 60 | 63 |
28| 26 | 38 |90.½ |117.½ | 62 | 60 |
29| 25 | 38 |88.¼ |117.½ | 63 | 63 |
30| 25 | 38 |88.¼ |117.½ | 64 | 62 |East-north-east.
July 1| 25 | 36 |88.¼ | 113 | 60 | 60 |North-east.
2| 27 | 38 |92.¾ |117.½ | 58 | 58 |
3| 28 | 36 | 95 | 113 | 54 | 40 |South.
4| 26 | 36 |90.½ | 113 | 65 | 65 |
5| 27 | 36 |92.¾ | 113 | 64 | 62 |North-east.
6| 26 | 36 |90.½ | 113 | 66 | 66 |
7|25.1 | 35 |88.½ |110.¾ | 62 | 60 |
8| 26 | 36 |90.½ | 113 | 64 | 60 |North-east.
9| 24 | 36 | 86 | 113 | 63 | 60 |
10| 24 | 36 | 86 | 113 | 60 | 60 |
11| 24 | 35 | 86 |110.¾ | 64 | 64 |
12| 24 | 36 | 86 | 113 | 64 | 64 |
13| 24 | 36 | 86 | 90.½ | 62 | 63 |
14| 23 | 36 |83.¾ | 113 | 64 | 64 |
15| 25 | 37 |88.¼ |115.¼ | 62 | 55 |East.
16| 26 | 28 |90.½ | 95 | 55 | 55 |
17|26.3 | 37 | 91 |115.¼ | 60 | 54 |
18| 26 | 38 |90.½ |117.½ | 50 | 50 |
19| 27 | 38 |92.¾ |117.½ | 50 | 50 |
20| 26 | 38 |90.½ |117.½ | 52 | 50 |
21| 22 | 38 |81.½ |117.½ | 50 | 50 |North-east.
22|21.3 | 39 | 80 |119.¾ | 50 | 50 |
23| 22 | |81.½ | | 51 | 50 |North-east.
24| 24 | 40 | 86 | 122 | 50 | 50 |
25| 26 | 39 |90.½ |119.¾ | 50 | 50 |North-east.
26| 27 | 40 |92.¾ | 122 | 52 | 52 |
27|25.1 | 40 |88.½ | 122 | 52 | 50 |
28| 26 | 40 |90.½ | 122 | 52 | 52 |
29|25.3 | 39 | 89 |119.¾ | 52 | 50 |North.
30| 23 |40.3 |83.¾ |122.½ | 55 | 55 |
31| 24 |41.3 | 86 | 125 | 55 | 55 |East.
August 1| 25 | 40 |88.¼ | 122 | 67 | 55 |North-east.
2| 24 | | 86 | | 66 | |North.
3| 25 | 39 |88.¼ |119.¾ | 75 | 67 |East.
4| 23 | 40 |83.¾ | 122 | 77 | 61 |North.
5| 24 | | 86 | | 67 | |
6| 25 | 39 |88.¼ |119.¾ | 70 | 67 |North-east.
7| 25 | |88.¼ | | 72 | |
8| 25 | 40 |88.¼ | 122 | 72 | 64 |South.
9| 22 | 40 |83.¾ | 122 | 74 | 62 |South-east.
10| 25 | 40 |88.¼ | 122 | 80 | 65 |
11| 23 | 45 |83.¾ |133.¼ | 74 | 60 |East-north-east.
12| 23 | 41 |83.¾ |124.¼ | 69 | 68 |South.
13| 24 |40.1 | 86 |122.¼ | 66 | 55 |East-south-east.
14| 23 | 41 |83.¾ |124.¼ | 72 | 60 |East.
15| 24 | 44 | 86 | 131 | 68 | 56 |South-east.
16| 26 | 42 |90.½ |126.½ | 60 | 56 |
17| 26 |42.2 |90.½ | 127 | 71 | 58 |
18| 26 | 42 |90.½ |126.½ | 64 | 60 |East.
19|25.1 |41.5 |88.½ |125.¼ | 71 | 59 |
20| 20 |42.5 | 77 |127.½ | 70 | 59 |South-east.
21| 26 |43.5 |90.½ | 130 | 69 | 56 |
22| 25 | 43 |88.¼ |128.¾ | 66 | 56 | {
23|25.8 |42.5 | 90 |127.½ | 67 | 57 |East. {
24| 24 | 38 | 86 |117.½ | 76 | 66 |South-east. {
25|25.5 |40.5 |89.¼ | 123 | 71 | 70 |East-south-east.{
26| 24 | 38 | 86 |117.½ | 76 | 66 |East-north-east.{
27| 23 | 39 |83.¾ |119.¾ | 75 | 61 | {
28| 24 | 41 | 86 |124.¼ | 70 | 61 |North-east. {
29| 23 | 42 |83.¾ |126.½ | 69 | 67 |East. {
30| 28 |43.5 | 95 | 130 | 67 | 60 |South-east. {*
31|24.5 |43.5 | 87 | 130 | 65 | 53 | {
September 1| 26 | 45 |90.½ |133.¼ | 64 | 55 | {
2| 26 | 42 |90.½ |126.½ | 61 | 52 | {
3| 25 | 43 |88.¼ |128.¾ | 64 | 55 | {
4|25.5 | 43 |89.¼ |128.¾ | 63 | 55 | {
5| 27 | 41 |92.¾ |124.¼ | 67 | 60 |East-north-east.{
6| 26 | 42 |90.½ |126.½ | 67 | 55 |East. {
7|24.8 | 41 | 88 |124.¼ | 67 | 60 |South-east.
8| 26 | 41 |90.½ |124.¼ | 69 | 59 |
9| 24 | 42 | 86 |126.½ | 70 | 55 |
10|24.5 |41.5 | 87 |125.¼ | 69 | 60 |
11|24.8 |41.5 | 88 |125.¼ | 69 | 55 |South-east.
12| 25 |42.5 |88.¼ |127.½ | 66 | 55 |
13|25.8 | 41 | 90 |124.¼ | 55 | 55 |East-south-east.
14| 25 | 42 |88.¼ |126.½ | 66 | 56 |South-east.
15| 26 | 40 |90.½ | 122 | 69 | 65 |East.
16|25.5 | 37 |89.¼ |115.¼ | 74 | 71 |East-north-east.
17| 23 | 39 |83.¾ |119.¾ | 81 | 66 |
18| 23 |40.2 |83.¾ |122.½ | 75 | 63 |South-east.
19| 23 |39.5 |83.¾ | 121 | 71 | 63 |East-north-east.
20|22.2 |39.5 | 82 | 121 | 69 | 60 |
21| 23 |39.5 |83.¾ | 121 | 69 | 60 |
22| 24 |39.5 | 86 | 121 | 69 | 60 |
23| 22 | 39 |81.½ |119.¾ | 67 | 59 |South-east.
24| 23 |38.4 |83.¾ |118.½ | 68 | 61 |
25|22.8 | 39 |83.¼ |119.¾ | 74 | 61 |
26| 23 |39.5 |83.¾ | 121 | 72 | 60 |
27|23.2 | 38 | 84 |119.¼ | 70 | 62 |
28|22.5 |39.5 |81.½ | 121 | 71 | 59 |
29| 24 |37.8 | 86 | 117 | 82 | 72 |
30|22.6 |36.8 | 83 | 115 | 82 | 72 |
October 1| 23 | 36 |83.¾ | 113 | 84 | 72 |
2| 20 | 36 | 77 | 113 | 83 | 72 |East.
3| 19 | 32 |74.¾ | 104 | 85 | 72 |
4|16.8 | 32 | 70 | 104 | 86 | 70 |South-south-west.
5| 16 |32.4 | 68 | 105 | 80 | 68 |
6| 15 |32.5 |65.¾ | 105 | 76 | 67 |South.
7| 17 | |70.¼ | | 77 | |South-west.
8| 20 | 33 | 77 |106.¼ | 90 | 76 |North.
9|15.8 | 31 |67.½ |101.¾ | 82 | 72 |North-west.
10|16.7 |31.2 |69.½ |102.¼ | 86 | 75 |South.
11| 17 | 32 |70.¼ | 104 | 91 | 75 |South-west.
12|17.3 |32.4 | 71 | 105 | 85 | 73 |South.
13| 17 | 33 |70.¼ |106.¼ | 83 | 69 |
14| 17 |33.2 |70.¼ |106.¾ | 80 | 65 |
15|15.5 | 33 | 67 |106.¼ | 76 | 63 |
16|16.1 |35.1 |68.¼ | 111 | 74 | 59 |South-east.
17|19.5 | 35 | 76 |110.¾ | 68 | 55 |South.
18| 19 |35.5 |74.¾ | 112 | 65 | 52 |
19| 18 | 36 |72.½ | 113 | 62 | 53 |
20| 18 | 34 |72.½ |108.½ | 62 | 56 |
21|17.5 |35.5 |71.½ | 112 | 67 | 60 |South-east.
22| 18 |36.5 |72.½ | 114 | 68 | 59 |South.
23| 17 |36.5 |70.¼ | 114 | 68 | 59 |
24|16.8 |34.8 | 70 |110.½ | 68 | 57 |
25| 18 | 35 |72.½ |110.¾ | 67 | 55 |
26| 17 | 33 |70.¼ |106.¼ | 65 | 60 |
27|14.8 | 31 |65.¼ |101.¾ | 67 | 63 |
28| 14 | 33 |63.½ |106.¼ | 63 | 59 |
29|13.2 | 27 | 62 | 92.¾ | 68 | 54 |South-west.
30|12.5 | 29 | 60 | 97.¼ | 64 | 60 |
31| 13 |28.4 |61.¼ | 96 | 63 | 58 |
November 1| 12 | 24 | 59 | 86 | 65 | 57 |West.
2|11.5 | 23 | 58 | 83.¾ | 68 | 55 |
3| 14 | 26 |63.½ | 90.½ | 65 | 51 |North-west.
4|12.5 | 22 | 60 | 81.½ | 68 | 52 |North.
5| 11 | 27 |56.¾ | 92.¾ | 59 | 59 |
6|10.5 |25.2 |55.½ | 88.¾ | 59 | 54 |
7|12.2 | 28 |59.½ | 95 | 57 | 54 |North-west.
8| 10 | 24 |54.½ | 86 | 58 | 54 |
9| 7.5 |22.4 | 49 | 82.½ | 59 | 51 |
10| 9.5 | 25 |53.¼ | 88.¼ | 61 | 60 |
11| 8.8 |24.2 | 52 | 86.½ | 60 | 51 |West-south-west.
12| 9 |22.4 |52.¼ | 82.½ | 61 | 53 |
13|10.2 | 27 | 55 | 92.¾ | 60 | 50 |
14| 14 | 29 |63.½ | 97.¼ | 58 | 54 |
15|14.2 | 27 | 64 | 92.¾ | 54 | 54 |North-east.
16|11.2 | 25 |57.¼ | 88.¼ | 58 | 51 |West.
17|10.4 | 27 |55.½ | 92.¾ | 57 | 52 |
18|14.2 | 29 | 64 | 97.¼ | 51 | 50 |East.
19| 14 | 31 |63.½ |101.¾ | 51 | 51 |
20| 11 | 30 |56.¾ | 99.½ | 57 | 58 |
From this time until the third of December Belford and I were
confined to our beds.
December 4|10.2 |22.4 | 55 | 82.½ | 54 | 52 |Westerly.
5|11.4 |27.2 |57.½ | 93.¼ | 58 | 54 |West.
6| 9.2 | 25 |52.¾ | 88.¼ | 59 | 58 |
7| 8.5 | 22 | 51 | 81.½ | 58 | 60 |North.
8|11.2 | 25 |57.¼ | 88.¼ | 61 | 54 |North-west.
9| 10 | 27 |54.½ | 92.¾ | 58 | 51 |
10|12.2 | 26 |59.½ | 90.½ | 51 | 51 |East.
11| 11 | |56.¾ | | 53 | |
12| 10 |25.2 |54.½ | 88.¾ | 56 | 50 |East-north-east.
13| 9.5 | 20 |53.¼ | 77 | 59 | 52 |North.
------------+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+------------------
[*: Fevers very prevalent, and often fatal.]
We set out at this time on our journey to the south; for account
of Thermometer see Journal.
OBSERVATIONS.
I here subjoin a short account, by Professor Buckland of Oxford,
of a few specimens of the rocks and minerals of Tripoli and Fezzan,
which I was enabled to collect in the course of my tour.
It appears to Mr. Buckland, from these specimens, that the kingdoms
of Tripoli and Fezzan present, in their geological structure,
a striking resemblance to the rocks of Europe; and are composed
of strata, which are distinctly referrible to the three following
formations:
1. _Basalt._
2. _Tertiary Limestone, of nearly the same age with the Calcaire
Grossier of Paris._
3. _New Red Sand Stone._
1. The Basaltic Rocks appear to constitute the great chain of the
Soudah or Black Mountains, near the northern extremity of the
kingdom of Fezzan, not far from Sockna; they extend in breadth
nearly 100 miles from north to south, and run as far as the eye
can reach from east to west.
2. The Tertiary Limestone, or Calcaire Grossier, containing marine
shells in a state of delicate preservation, is found in Tripoli,
on the two opposite edges of the desert that lies between the town
of Benioleed and castle of Bonjem, and appears to be of the same
age and formation with depositions of a similar kind that occur
in Malta and Sicily, and on the north side of the Mediterranean,
on the coasts of Italy and France.
3. The New Red Sand Stone formation appears under its usual form
of loose red sand, accompanied by salt and gypsum, and associated
with beds of a calcareous breccia, cemented by magnesian limestone,
and with beds of compact dolomite.
There are no primitive rocks, and one specimen only which seems
referrible to a granular quartz rock, more ancient than the new
red sand stone.
A short descriptive catalogue of the specimens which have been
brought home, with the assistance of the map in which all the names
alluded to are inserted, will give the most ready information they
are calculated to afford.
The specimens are as follow:
BASALT.
No. 1. Basalt, nearly black, much impregnated throughout with
carbonate of lime, and interspersed with small circular cells,
that are partly or wholly filled with common or with magnesian
carbonate of lime. The decomposition of this rock forms small
spherical fragments of considerable hardness, the surface of which,
by long exposure, has acquired a kind of polish or glossy aspect,
and is irregularly pitted or indented all over with small cavities
of various depths, from the destruction of the calcarous matter
that originally filled them.
A similar appearance of glossy polish is found on all the calcareous
specimens from this country, which appear to have been long exposed
to the action of the atmosphere. In some of these the surface
is entirely smooth and even; in others, it is furrowed over with
minute grooves and channels, intersecting each other with irregular
curvatures, and resembling the appearance produced on the surface
of compact limestone that has been submitted to the action of acids,
or corroded by small marine worms.
It is not easy to determine the cause of this irregular destruction
of the surface of limestone, whose substance appears to be entirely
uniform: it is probably the same that gives it the glossy polish;
but it seems doubtful, whether the agent producing it be the
continual drifting of fine siliceous sand, or the action of the
atmosphere under exposure to a burning sun. A similar gloss appears
on the surface of many fragments of flint and compact siliceous
limestone that have been long exposed on the surface of the soil,
on the summit of Martre near Paris; and in this case, I think,
it can only be referred to the action of the sun and atmosphere.
The chain of the Soudah or Black Mountains appears to be composed
of this basalt; they rise to an elevation of about 1500 feet,
being situated at a short distance on the south from Sockna,
and extending about 100 miles in breadth from north to south,
and in length as far as the eye can reach, from east to west; they
are perfectly barren, of irregular form, occasionally broken into
detached masses, and sometimes rising into cones. Their elevated
plains are in some parts covered with the small spherical shining
fragments above described. The latitude of this chain is from
28·40. to 27·30. north. Traces of basalt occur also near Tripoli,
in lat. 32. at a spot called Black Dog, on the north of Beneabbas,
and in a valley through which the road passes from Beneabbas to
Benioleed.
2. An unrolled agate from Om el a Beed, near Zeghen, on the south
of the Black Mountains. The occurrence of fragments of basalt, in
this same neighbourhood, renders it probable that basaltic rocks
exist in Situ, near the Pass of Kenair.
TERTIARY FORMATIONS.
3. Two species of cardium, in a state of delicate preservation,
resembling that of the shells of Grignon, near Paris, and embedded in
a loose white sand, which has the appearance and degree of adhesion
of coarse white sugar, from a gravelly plain on the north of Bonjem.
4. Slightly crystalline limestone, of a dark yellow colour, and
loaded with fragments of organic remains, amongst which the most
distinct are referrible to the genus Ostrea and Pecton. It is found
in a mountain of Tripoli, thirty miles south of Benioleed. This
limestone appears to be nearly of the same era with the Calcaire
Grossier of Paris, and is separated only by a large desert plain
from the deposit of shells last mentioned at Bonjem. The probable
connexion of these strata with the tertiary formations in other
adjacent parts on the coast of the Mediterranean, has been already
suggested.
5. Soft, highly calcareous marl stone, of a light mottled gray
colour, resembling in appearance the chalk marl of England: it is
said occasionally to be streaked with red, and to contain modules
of flint. It occurs in the Mountains of Mejdool, in lat. 26.
6. Quartzose sand dispersed through a matrix of indurated green clay,
and affording the materials of which the town of Traghan is built.
It is probable that these two last specimens, 5 and 6, are from
strata not more ancient than the chalk of England, and possibly
connected with the tertiary formations, No. 3 and 4.
NEW RED SAND STONE.
7. Sand collected fifty miles on the north of Sockna, during a gale
of wind from the drift sand, which is blown about the desert. It is
composed of extremely minute grains of red semi-transparent quartz;
observed with a lens, these grains appear to be rounded fragments,
and present no crystalline facets. They possess, in a strong degree,
that peculiar tint of red, which has caused the name of red sand
stone to be applied to certain extensive formations which it pervades
in Europe.
The frequent occurrence of salt springs, and of rock salt and
gypsum in the deserts of Africa, goes far to identify the sand
of this continent with the new red sand in the south of England,
which is characterised by containing similar mineral substances. It
is still farther allied to it in being accompanied by strata of
calcareous breccia and beds of limestone; in all of which magnesia
is a considerable ingredient.
8, 9, 10. Ferruginous concretions, forming aetites or geodes in
the red sand shore. The broken fragments are compact, sonorous,
and of a dark liver colour, having a shining polished surface. The
sand which formed their matrix still adheres to the exterior of
some of them. They occur on a plain and a mountain near Om el
a Beed. In lat. 27°⁵⁄₁₀: they are here so abundant, as
almost entirely to cover the ground, and impart to it a dark red
colour. This accumulation of them probably arises from the wind
having drifted away the fine sand, in which they were formed,
leaving behind the heavy bodies in question.
A little farther north, at the foot of the Pass of Kenair, near some
steep sand hills, is a narrow bed almost entirely composed of tubular
concretions of iron of similar origin, irregularly ramifying through
the sand like roots of trees, and producing a rugged appearance,
which at first sight resembles a bed of lava.
11. Flat lamina of variegated sand stone, held together by a
calcareous cement, and covered on each side by small spherical
tubercles closely studded by the side of each other. Similar
concretions are common in the imperfect beds of sand stone strata
of all formations.
12. Flesh-coloured marl, full of small irregular crystals of
selenite. The colour of this marl resembles that of the rock marl
of England: it is from a plain near Gatrone, lat. 25°.
13. Fibrous gypsum passing into foliated, apparently from a matrix
of ochreous marl stone.
14. Crystals of calcareous spar imbedded in yellow-ochre. Found
with No. 13, in the same mountain with the Calcaire Grossier, No. 4,
thirty miles south of Benioleed.
15 and 16. Fibrous and foliated gypsum from a similar matrix of
ochreous marl to No. 13 and 14, and found on the same plain, near
Bonjem, with the two species of cardium, No. 3.
It is probable these last four specimens come from a stratum more
nearly allied to the gypsum formation of Paris than to the red marl
to which I have referred the other specimen of gypsum, No. 12.
MAGNESIAN LIMESTONE, OR DOLOMITE.
17. Limestone, very compact, and strongly impregnated with magnesia,
and is of a yellowish white colour; occurs split into small laminated
fragments, like broken tiles. The ground is covered with these
fragments, which break and rattle under the feet like pottery. It
is found in the plain between Zuela and Omesoguin, lat. 26°.
18 and 19. From the plain that lies between the Black Mountains and
Pass of Kenair. Both these specimens are compact limestone, of a
dark flesh colour, and contain much magnesia. This plain is covered
with small shining fragments of this limestone, particularly near
El Gaaf; and their exposed surfaces are corroded and furrowed over
with the small irregular grooves and channels already mentioned in
the note to No. 1.
20. Flesh-coloured dolomite, mottled with yellow. From the north
base of the Black Mountains.
21. Hard compact dolomite, of an ochre yellow colour. From the Well
of Gutfa, between the north base of the Black Mountains and town
of Sockna.
22 and 23. Brecciated dolomite, of yellowish white colour, full of
knobs and concretions of the same. Found on the plain near Sockna.
24 and 25. Brecciated dolomite, of dark flesh colour, full of small
angular concretions of the same substance, but in more compact
state than that which forms the cement by which they are held
together. These are found near the compact flesh-coloured dolomite,
No. 18 and 19, in the plain of El Gaaf.
All the above specimens, from 17 to 25, are much impregnated with
magnesia, and distinctly referrible to similar strata that form
subordinate beds in the new red sand-stone formation of England;
and they seem to occupy a similar position in the red sand-stone
of the desert plains that lie on the north and south side of the
basaltic chain of the Black Mountains in Fezzan.
26. A pudding-stone, composed of pebbles of dolomite, united
by a granulated calcareous cement. Taken from a Roman castle at
Bonjem. The surface of this specimen has the same glossy polish
which has been before mentioned in some others.
27. Specimen of the materials of which the Castle of Zuela and many
other old castles are constructed. It is an artificial compound,
made up of small grains of quartz of the size of millet seed,
imbedded in a cement or paste of yellowish marl, which effervesces
rapidly with acids: there is no more marl than is sufficient to
hold together the grains of quartz. Buildings are constructed of
this material by pressing the composition into cases, which are
removed when it is dry.
28. Milk-white compact carbonate of lime. From the plain between
the Black Mountains and Pass of Kenair. It is beautifully furrowed
over with small channels and grooves, like No. 18 and 19.
29. White limestone, of coarser grain. From ditto.
30. White limestone, filled with grains of fine white quartz. From
ditto.
31. White limestone. From the north base of the Black Mountains.
32. Compact yellow carbonate of lime, having a polished glossy
surface, beautifully furrowed, and resembling a bit of yellow
bees’ wax. From the north base of the Black Mountains.
These last specimens of carbonate of lime are found with those of
dolomite described immediately before, and seem to belong to the
same formation with them.
It appears then, as far as can be collected from the few specimens
above described, that on each side of the central basaltic chain
of the Soudah or Black Mountains, the plains of the desert are
composed of red sand and sand-stone, containing gypsum and rock
salt, and associated with beds of dolomite and common carbonate of
lime. All these characters identify most distinctly the sand of the
desert of Africa with the new red sand-stone of England. There are
no specimens which indicate the existence of any other formations
on the south side of the Black Mountains from lat. 29° to 24°,
except the marl-stone and green clay (No. 5 and 6); which lead us
to suspect strata of tertiary formation in lat. 26°, near Mejdool,
on the east of Morzouk. At the north base of the central chain,
strata belonging to the same red sand-stone formation seem to extend
nearly to Bonjem on the frontiers of Fezzan and Tripoli; where the
basis formations appear, and probably repose on them in irregular
patches in the desert that divides this place from the mountains
on the north of the town of Tripoli. These mountains extend east
and west nearly parallel to the coast of the Mediterranean, from
long. 15° to 13°; but as no specimens have been brought home from
them, it is impossible to do more than conjecture to what formation
they belong: from notices inserted in the map, they appear to contain
trap and calcareous rocks. The nearest point from which we have a
specimen is Benioleed (No. 4): and this is probably referrible to
the calcaire grossier of Paris.
One solitary specimen from the eastern extremity of these calcareous
mountains possesses no character sufficiently distinct to show
whether it be calcaire grossier or jura limestone. It seems, however,
to belong to one of these two formations.
The only specimen remaining to be described is No. 34; a yellow
quartzose sand-stone, having a glassy fracture, and in some of
its component grains having a sapphire blue colour. It resembles
the sandstone of which is composed the statue of the Old Memnon in
Egypt; and was found near the north base of the Black Mountains. As
it is not a rolled pebble, it indicates, that in addition to basalt
there are strata of ancient quartzose sandstone in this chain,
which forms nearly the centre of the line along which the specimens
above described have been collected.
INDEX.
* * * * *
_Afno_. See _Soudan_.
_Aghades_, a district of Soudan, notice of, 131, 132.
_Agrab el rah_, or scorpion of the wind, notice of, 184.
_Agram_, salt lakes of, 245. Probably the same with the salt lakes
of Domboo, ibid.
_Agriculture_, of the Arabs, 44. Of Fezzan, 275.
_Amaymet Saad_, pass of, 305
_Amusements_, of the African Arabs, 52.
_Animals_, found in Fezzan, 271—273.
_Antiquities_, ruins of, discovered at the well of Bonjem, 66. Near
the castle of Zleetun, 334. At Zelida, 337, 338.
_Ants_, devastation of, in Fezzan, 187, 188.
_Arabs_, general character of, 38, 39. Their dress, 39, 40. Arms,
40. Two classes of, 41. Their tents described, ibid. Government of
their tribes, 42. Religion, ibid. Marriages, 42, 43, 299. Their
cattle, accustomed to subsist without water, 44. Their agriculture,
ibid. Produce of their flocks, 45, 46. Quality and value of their
horses, 46, 47. Mode of shoeing adopted by them, 48. Diet of the
Arabs, 48—52. Their amusements, 52. Forms of courtesy, 53. Their
ignorance respecting Europe, 53, 54. Account of the tribe, called
Waled Suliman, 54, 55. Notice of the Orfilly tribe, 34—36. And of
the tribes of Sockna and the frontier of Fezzan, 79, 80. Their
method of preparing meat for a journey, 219.
_Areg el Libben_, (village), 205.
_Arms_ of the Tripolines and Arabs, 40, 41. Of the Tuarick, an
African tribe, 110.
_Aseēda_, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 49, 50.
_Aselis_, a species of reptile at Morzouk, described, 184.
_Atila_, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
_Baba Hassein_, a Turkish trader, anecdotes of, 303, 304, 310. Is
plundered by some Arabs, 338.
_Bahr el Ghazal_, a province in the interior of Africa, notice of,
127. Productions, ibid. Dress and manners of the inhabitants, 127,
128. Vast quantities of petrified bones found there, 128.
_Bairam_, feast of, how observed, 108, 109.
_Barracan_, an article of African dress, described, 17, 39.
_Barter_, singular mode of, 302.
_Bashaw_ of Tripoli, public progresses of, described, 15, 16.
Funeral of his grand-daughter, described, 19, 20. Interview of the
author with, on his return from the interior, 349.
_Bastinado_, punishment of, how inflicted, 17.
_Baths_ of Tripoli, described, 16, 17.
_Batus_ or _Battus_, (Mountain), 22. Account of the Sheikh of, 27,
28. And of the Jews who are resident there, 28.
_Bazeen_, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 49, 50.
_Bedouins_, or wandering Arabs of Northern Africa, account of, 41—54.
_Belford_ (John) accompanies the mission to Africa, 2. His Arabic
appellation, 7. In imminent danger of being stung by a venomous
snake, 82. Is employed to construct a carriage for the Sultan of
Morzouk, 179. Success of his work, 180, 181. Account of his
illness, 194, 195, 241, 247, 350. Returns to England, 351.
The author’s honourable testimony to his character, ibid.
_Bello_, a Fellata chief, account of, 138.
_Ben Arief_, mountain and pass of, 301.
_Beneish_, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
_Benewaleed_,}town of described, 161—163.
_Benewazeed_,}
_Benghāzi_, (town) itinerary to, 243. And from thence to Derna,
ibid, 244.
_Beni abbas_, a village in the Gharian mountains, arrival at, 25.
Description of its subterraneous habitations, ibid, 26. Hospitable
reception of the author and his party, by the Sheikh of, 26, 27.
_Benioleed_, village of, 34. Wretched condition of its inhabitants,
ibid, 35, 36. Their number, 36.
_Bergoo_, or _Borgoo_ country, productions of, 251, 255. Character
and manners of the inhabitants, 251, 252, 254. Arab mode of
making them captives, 255. Itinerary from Tegerry to, 264.
And from Borgoo to Waday, 267.
_Bidriah_, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
_Bilma_, itinerary to, from Tegerry, 265.
_Bir el Wishki_, well of, 298.
_Birnie_, a town in the Bornou country, account of, 123. Bearings of
various places there, 126, 127.
_Bones_, (petrified), discovered in the interior of Africa, 128.
_Bonjem_, (well of), 65. Account of Roman antiquities in its
vicinity, ibid, 66. Revisited by the author, on his return to
Tripoli, 327.
_Borgoo_. See _Bergoo_.
_Bornou_ (country), boundaries of, 123. Vocabulary of its language,
122. Chief towns, 123. Rivers and lakes, 124, 125. Dependent
provinces of, 126—128. Bearings of different places in, 126, 127.
Government, 128, 129. Dress and customs of the people of Bornou,
130. Itinerary from Kashna to, 141. Exports to, from Fezzan,
152—154. Imports thence, 154—157. Articles of commerce between
Bornou and the Tibboo, 159. Description of the women of
Bornou, 161.
_Bornouse_, or African and Arab cloak, described, 6.
_Bouzafer_, a kind of footing analogous to that of crossing the
line, notice of, 81.
_Bread_, Arab mode of baking, 51.
_Buckland_, (Professor), observations of, on the rocks and minerals
of Tripoli and Fezzan, 361. Basaltic rocks, ibid, 362. Tertiary
formations, 361, 363. New red sandstone, 361, 364—366. Magnesian
limestone, 366—369.
_Buffaloes_ of North Africa, notice of, 76.
_Bugs_ of Fezzan, 186.
_Burials_, African mode of, 19, 20. Account of the burial-places at
Morzouk, 99.
_Camels_, extraordinary mode of travelling on, 114, 115. Arab mode
of firing, when lame, 301. Water, how obtained from the stomach of,
to satisfy the thirst of almost perishing travellers, 305.
_Cannibalism_ practised at Yemyem, 142, 143.
_Castle_ of Morzouk, description of, 98, 99.
_Cattle_ of the Arabs, accustomed to subsist without water, 44. High
prices of, at Morzouk, 177.
_Charms_, prevalence of, among the Arabs, 31, 52.
_Coffee_, a preventive of thirst in hot climates, 93.
_Commerce_, articles of, between Fezzan, Soudan, Bornou, and Waday,
152—157. Between Fezzan and Egypt, 157—159. Between Bornou and the
Tibboo, ibid. Between Tuat and the Tuarick, ibid, 160.
_Corn_, African mode of grinding and preparing, 178.
_Corna_, a species of fruit, notice of, 274.
_Cookery_ of the Arabs, described, 49—51.
_Costume_ of the Tripoline men, described, 6, 7. Of the women, 17,
18. Of the Arabs, 39, 40. Of the people of Sockna, 73. Of the
Tuarick, an African tribe, 109, 110. Of Bornou, 130. Of the women
of Bornou and Soudan, 161. Of the inhabitants of Morzouk, 168—172.
Particularly of the children and court of the Sultan, 176, 177. Of
the Tibboo women, 225, 226. And of the Tibboo men, 228.
_Courtsey_, forms of, among the Arabs, 53. And among the Tibboos,
232.
_Cuscussou_, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 48, 49.
_Dahr t’Moumen_, plain of, 81.
_Dances_, indelicate, of the Northern Africans, 63. Account of the
dances at Morzouk, 172—175. And of a Tibboo dance, 226, 227, 233.
_Date-trees_, at Sockna, notice of, 72. Notice of the date harvests,
163. And of the dome-date, 242, 245. Mode of preserving dates at
Sockna, 320.
_Deesa_, a species of rusk, used as fodder for horses, 236.
———, (village), hospitable reception of the author at, 257, 258.
_Derna_, (town), itinerary to, 243, 244.
_Desert_, near Tripoli, described, 21. Of Sbir ben Afeen, 83.
Perilous travelling through, 84. Of five days’ journey through,
305—312. Description of the Great Desert, 344. Various appellations
given to parts of it, ibid, 345, 346. Awful stillness of, 347.
Phenomenon of the Seráb, 347. Wells, occasionally found there, 348.
Extreme heat of the desert, 83.
_Dgleim_, village of, 87.
_Diseases_, prevalent at Morzouk, and their treatment, 106, 107.
_Doodroo river_, course of, 133.
_Door_, a species of worm, notice of, 300. Prepared as an article of
food, 301.
_Drawing_, not prohibited by the Arabs, 291.
_Dress_ of the Tripoline men, 6, 7. Of the Tripoline women, 17, 18.
Of Bornou, 130. Of the women of Soudan and Bornou, 161. The men at
Morzouk, 169, 170. And of the women, 170, 171. Especially of the
children and court of the Sultan, 176, 177. Of the Tibboo women,
225, 226. And men, 228.
_Drunkenness_, prevalence of, at Tripoli, 13.
_Dummagh_, a mountain shrub, notice of, 29.
_Dupont_, (M.) joins the mission to Africa, as naturalist, 1.
Assumes an Arabic appellation, 7. Resigns his office, 20.
_Dweeda_, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
_East wind_, effects of, 94.
_Education_, state of, at Morzouk, and in Fezzan, 186, 187.
_Effa_, a venomous snake, account of, 82.
_Egypt_ and Fezzan, state of the commerce between, 157—159.
_El Bakki_, (village), notice of, 234.
_El Bedere_, bearings of, 211.
_El Gaaf_, hills of, 307.
_El Grarat Arab Hoon_, plain of, 69.
_El Guasem_, (village of), 29.
_El Ramle Gebeer_, a range of sand hills, 307.
_El Kelb Assoud_, (mountain), 23.
_El Khayma_, mount, bearings of, 325.
_El Maytba_, Bayda and Soudah, plains of, 308.
_El Ramle Kebeer_, sand hills of, 83.
_El Ramle Shraya_, sands of, 83.
_El Wiakh_, well of, 267.
_Elood_, (mountains of), 68.
_Emzairaat_, (wadey of), 81.
_Eructation_, filthy practice of, at Tripoli, 14.
_Evil eye_, charms against, 31.
_Farmela_, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
_Fever_, Arab remedy for, 321.
_Fezzan_, boundaries of, 270. Aspect of the country, ibid. The
author’s entry into the kingdom of, 68. Journey in, 69—152. State
of cultivation, 271. Articles of commerce carried thence, to
Soudan, Bornou, and Waday, 152—154. Articles received in return,
154—157. Exports of the Fezzan merchants to Egypt, 157. Imports,
158. State of education in this country, 186, 187. Abundance of
ants and bugs there, 187, 188. Revenues of the Sultan, 188, 189.
Character of the Fezzaners, 240, 280. Their appearance and manners,
283, 284. Mineral productions, 271. Animal productions of this
country, 271—273. Vegetable productions, 273, 274. Agriculture,
275. And horticulture, 277. Chief towns, 275. Chief diet of
the inhabitants, 276. Division and tenure of landed property, ibid.
Weights and measures current in commerce, 277, 278. Government,
278—280. Punishments, 282. Character of the Marāboots, 284. State
of education, 285. Manufactures, 286. Condition of slaves, 287. Of
the women, ibid. Parental authority, absolute, ibid. Laws relating
to the issue of slaves, 289. Traditions prevalent there, 287, 288.
Geological observations on the mountains and rocks of, 361—369.
_Fighi_, or men of letters, notice of, 285.
_Flocks_ of the Arabs, account of, 45, 46.
_Food_ of the Arabs, account of, 48—52.
_Fossil Bones_, discovered in the interior of Africa, 128.
_Fuggha_, (town), notice of, 243. Itinerary thence to Benghazi, ibid.
_Funerals_, how solemnised at Tripoli, 19, 20. Of Mr. Ritchie, 192.
_Gafooly_, a species of clover, notice of, 275.
_Gatrone_, (town), arrival at, 224. Described, ibid, 228.
The author returns thither, from an excursion, 248. Fondness of
the inhabitants for show, ibid. Arrival of the Ghrazzie,
or slave-hunters, there, 249.
_Ghadams_, a Tuarick town, notice of, 112. Its situation described,
161. Occupied by two hostile tribes, 162. Water, how distributed
there, 163.
_Gharian Mountains_, the author’s journey to, described, 21, 22.
General appearance of the country in their vicinity, 23. Arrival
at the foot of the Gharian pass, ibid. Its inhabitants nearly
extirpated, 24. Account of their subterraneous habitations, 25.
Hospitable reception of the author and his party, by a Gharian
Sheikh, 26, 27. Arrival at Castle Gharian, 28. Ruin of a Roman
building discovered in these mountains, 30. Account of the people
of Gharian, 32, 33. Journey thence to Benioleed, 33, 34.
Geological observations on the Gharian mountains, 361—369.
_Ghraat_, a Tuarick town, notice of, 112, 113. Manners of the
inhabitants, 113.
_Ghràba_, a species of desert, defined, 345.
_Ghrazzie_, or slave-hunters, arrival of at Gatrone, 249. Account of
their excursion, 250. Their manner of making captives, 255. Their
return to Morzouk, 261. Observations on the Ghrazzie, 262. Mode of
dividing the captives, ibid. Slave markets, 263.
_Ghrood_, a species of desert, defined, 344.
_Ghroodwa_, (village), notice of, 86, 87, 298.
_Ghrowāt_, (village), 203.
_Gibbi_, or south wind, effects of, 94.
_Gla_, (mountain), 64.
_Gooberr_, a Fellata town, notice of, 141.
_Gonja_, country, notice of, 160.
_Government_ of the Arab tribes, 42. Of Bornou, 128, 129. Of
Tembuctoo, 147. Of Fezzan, 278—280.
_Guasem_, (village), notice of, 29.
_Guatela_, (mountains), 68, 69.
_Guddub_, a species of clover, notice of, 275.
_Gundy_, an animal so called, described, 31, 32.
_Gurd_ or _Gurda_ tree, botanical notice of, 234. Its pod and leaves
delineated, 235.
_Gussar Hallom_, castle of, 257.
_Gusser Turk_, castle of, described, 28, 29.
_Gutfa_, well of, 81, 309. Curious ceremony performed there, 81.
_Hadje Hajeel_, (village), notice of, 203, 204.
_Hamera_, (village), notice of, 210.
_Hand_, cutting off, a punishment for theft, 17.
_Haousa_, country, boundaries of, 149. Vocabulary of its language,
149—151.
_Hatia_, a species of desert, notice of, 345.
_Hegira_, festival of the commencement of, 185.
_Hoon_, (a town of Fezzan), notice of, 75. The author attends public
worship at the Mosque there, 77, 78.
_Hormut Emhalla_, pass of, 68.
——— _t’Mohalla_, pass of, 326.
——— _Taad atar_, pass of, 69.
——— _t’Uziz_, pass of, 325.
_Hornemann_, the traveller, notice of, 133.
_Horses_, Arabian, account of, 46, 47. How shod, 48. Singular mode
of swimming them over the river Tsad, 124, 125.
_Horticulture_, state of, in Fezzan, 277.
_Houses_ at Morzouk, described, 96. At Sockna, structure of, 320.
_Ibrahim Zubbo_, an Arab tribe, notice of, 142.
_Inscription_, ancient, at Tripoli, 18. At Bonjem, 66.
_Itinerary_, from Kashna to Sakkatoo, 140. Into Bornou, 141, 142.
From Morzouk to Tuat, 144. And to Kashna, 131. From Fuggha to
Benghāzi, 243. From Benghāzi to Derna, ibid, 244. From Yent Werda,
265. From Tegerry to Bilma, ibid.
_Jerba_, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
_Jibn_, or Arabian cheese, notice of, 45.
_Jufara_, wells of, 223.
_Kabra_, the port of Tembuctoo, notice of, 145.
_Kadi_, jurisdiction of, in Fezzan, 279, 280.
_Kaffir_, or unbeliever, who are so called, 160.
_Kanem_, barbarous irruption into, by the Sultan of Fezzan, 129.
_Kasarawa_, (well of), 236.
_Kashna_, Itinerary from Morzouk to, 131. Account of the road from
Kashna to Soudan, 132. Rivers of this district, 133. Cowries
current there for coin, 138. Manufactures, 139. Itinerary from
Kashna to various places in Soudan, 140—142.
_Kattagum_ river, course of, 133, 134.
_Kenaire_, pass of, 306.
_Khod el Khadem_, mountain of, 69.
_Klia_, (desert), painful journey across, 68, 69.
_Kohol_, mountain of, 308.
_Language_ of Bornou, vocabulary of, 122. Peculiarity in, 198.
Vocabulary of the language of Sakkatoo, 135—138. Of Tembuctoo,
146, 147. Of Soudan, or the Haoussa tongue, 149—151. Of Baghermee,
peculiarity in, 198. Of Tibboo, 233. Of Sockna, 314, 316.
_Lebida_, ruins of, 337.
_Lilla Fatma_, an extraordinarily fat woman, account of, 62, 63.
Accident to, in travelling, 86.
_Liver complaint_, extraordinary remedy for, 220, 221.
_Lizards_ found in Northern Africa, notice of, 184, 185.
_Lyon_, (Capt.) obtains permission to accompany Mr. Ritchie to North
Africa, 2. Arrives at Tripoli, ibid. His interview with the Bey of
Fezzan, 5. Assumes an Arabic name, 7. Acquires the habits of the
Moslems, 8. Journey of, to the Gharian mountains, 21. Hospitable
reception of him and his party by the Arabs of the Tripoline desert,
22. Arrive at the Gharian pass, 23. Journey through the mountains,
24—33. Arrival at Benioleed, 34. Description of the place and its
inhabitants, 34—36. Return to Tripoli, 38. Journey thence to
Morzouk, 55—87. Arrival there, 88. Exerts his medical skill in
behalf of the Arabs, 67, 68. His residence in Morzouk, described,
96. Illness of, and of his companions, 100, 101. His mode
of keeping the fast of Ramadan, 102. Prescribes for the Africans,
115—117. Prescribes for the children and negresses, 175. Sells one
of his horses for the support of himself and his companions, 182.
Generosity of a Mamluke to them, 183. Is stung by a scorpion, 184.
Buries his friend, Mr. Ritchie, 192. Narrative of his own illness,
194, 195. Proceedings with respect to Mr. Ritchie’s effects,
195, 196. Apology of, for conforming to the Mohammedan worship,
199, 200. Journey to Tegerry, the southern limit of Fezzan,
202—238. Hospitable reception at Deesa, 257. And at Zaizow, 258.
Returns to Morzouk, 259. A fête given to him by his friend Mohammed
el Lizari, 268. Arrangements for his departure from Morzouk,
290. Takes leave of the Sultan Mukni, 292, 294, 295. Arrives
at Dgleim, 295. At Temenhint, 302. At Zegen Om el Abeed, 303.
At the pass of Kenaire, 306. Traverses a desert, of five days in
extent, to Sockna, 305—312. Illness of the author and his alarming
situation in the desert, 327, 328. His providential deliverance,
329. Overtaken in a tremendous thunder storm, 333. Feelings on
again beholding the sea, 334. Experiences a dangerous relapse
on his journey, but recovers, 339, 340. Arrives at Tejoura, 340.
And re-enters Tripoli, ibid. Has an interview with the Bashaw,
349. Embarks for Leghorn, 350. And arrives in England, 351.
_Mabrook_, a town at the end of the great desert, notice of, 144.
_Mafen_, (village), 257. Account of a remarkable plain of salt and
earth, in its vicinity, ibid.
_Maghna_, village, 209.
_Mahmoud_, (Hadge), a friend of the author’s, notice of, 103, 104.
Instances of his kindness, 192, 194, 196, 197.
_Mahommed el Mukni_. See _Mukni_.
_Mamlukes_, at Tripoli, engross all offices, 14. Disinterested
generosity of one, to Messrs. Ritchie and Lyon, 183.
_Mandra_, a tributary province of Bornou, notice of, 126.
_Mangelly_, village of, 203.
_Manufactures_ of Soudan, 139. Of Tembuctoo, 146.
_Marāboots_, or Mohammedan saints, two classes of, 8, 9. Procession
of, described, 9—11. The author initiated by one, 12. Their tombs,
regarded as sanctuaries, 38. The author visits one, near Morzouk,
102. Interview with one at Traghan, 205. Hospitable reception
of the author by one at Gatrone, 229. General character of the
Marāboots of Fezzan, 284.
_Marādi_ country, notice of, 143.
_Marriages_, notices of, at Tripoli, 18. Of the Arabs, 42, 43.
Ceremonial of a marriage at Morzouk, 185, 186. At the village of
Sebha, 299.
_Matta Imhammed_, mountains of, 69.
_Meat_, Arab modes of cooking, 51. And of preparing for a long
journey, 219.
_Medicine_, state of, among the Arabs, 51, 52. And at Morzouk, 106,
107.
_Medroosa_, (village), 235. The author’s dilemma there, 246.
_Mejdool_, (village), 221, 222.
_Mejnine_, castle of, 21. Arrival of the author and his party at,
ibid.
_Melghra_, wells of, 37, 61.
_Mellona_, governor of Kashna, notice of, 135.
_Messhia_, or gardens, near Tripoli, notice of, 15, 21.
_Meteorological Register_, from May to December 1819, 355—359.
_Milk_, different sorts of, used by the Arabs, 45.
_Mogatba_, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
_Mohammed ben Abd Alla_, a friend of the author, account of, 104,
105.
_Mohammed el Lizari_, a friend of the author, notice of, 104, 203.
His unpleasant situation, 252. Gives a fête to the author, 268.
Departs for Tripoli, 269.
_Mohammedans_, treacherous conduct of, 200, 201. The absolute
necessity for European travellers assuming their costume and
mode of worship, illustrated, 199, 200.
_Mokhaten_, (village), 205.
_Mountains_ of Fezzan and Tripoli, geological observations on the
structure of, 361. Basaltic mountains, 361, 362. Tertiary
limestone, 361, 363. New red sandstone, 361, 364—369.
_Morzouk_, the capital of Fezzan, the author’s journey to,
described, 55—87. Arrival there, 88. Account of the place, 97.
Castle, 98. Burial-places, 99. Diseases prevalent there, and their
treatment, 106, 107. Itinerary thence to Kashna, 131. To the
country of Tuat, 144. Water, how raised for irrigating the gardens
in its vicinity, 169. Description of the principal Mosque, ibid.
Dress of the men, 170. And of the women, ibid. 171. Notice of
favourite dances there, 172, 173. Prices of provisions there, 177.
Their quality, ibid. 178. State of education there, 186, 187.
Number of Mosques, 199. Manner of selling slaves there, 268.
Their condition, 288. Meteorological Register, kept at, 355—359.
_Mukni_, (Mohammed el), Bey of Fezzan, character of, 3. Account of
the manner in which he obtained his power, ibid. 4. Expresses
himself favourable to the mission to Africa, ibid. The author
introduced to him, 5. Extirpates the Waled Suliman tribe of Arabs,
55. His people live at free cost, among the natives, 64. His entry
into the town of Sockna described, 70—72. In what manner he
collected his tribute, 74. Ceremonies paid him on his departure
from Sockna, 80. His reception on approaching the town of Morzouk,
88. His sentiments on English customs, 89. His lenity to one of
his concubines, 91. Expedition of, against the Arab tribe of
Tibboo Borgoo, 106. Ungenerous conduct of, to Messrs. Ritchie
and Lyon, 117, 119. Invades the defenceless people of Kanem,
129. His barbarous treatment of the captives, ibid. Is
apprehensive of being superseded by the Bashaw of Tripoli,
163. Whom he endeavours to propitiate, 164. Prepares for flight,
165. Is continued in his office, 263. His treacherous intentions
towards Messrs. Ritchie and Lyon, 165, 166. Cultivates acquaintance
with some Arab Sheikhs, 168. Extraordinary dress of his children,
176. Costume of his court, 176, 177. Has a carriage constructed for
him, 179—181. Ceremonial of marrying one of his cast-off women,
185. Sources of his revenues and their amount, 188, 189. Anecdote
of his treachery to a trader, 198. His reception of his son,
on his return from a slave-hunting expedition, 261. Suggestions
for preventing his predatory incursions into the Negro kingdoms,
281. His expedient for securing his duty on captured slaves, 268.
_Music_ of the Tibboos and of Fezzan, 234.
_Negroes_, ill treatment of by the Mohammedans, 79. Painful march of
some liberated Negroes, across the deserts, 92. Account of the
traffic in, 120—122. And of the songs of the captive Negroes, 336,
337. Amiable character of the women, 140. In what manner the
Negroes are taken captives, 255. Markets for the sale of, 263.
Their condition in Fezzan, 287. Especially at Morzouk, 288.
Sufferings of some Negroe-captives in their journey across the
deserts to Tripoli, 296, 323, 325, 329, 332, 343. Scanty allowance
of food to them, 297. Their cheerfulness, under all their
sufferings, 341, 342.
_Neshoua_, (well of), 297.
_New Year’s Day_, Mohammedan rejoicings on, 185.
_Nil_, or Niger, a river of Bornou, notice of, 127. Its course, 145,
148.
_Nufdai_, (mountain), 81, 309.
_Omeladam Tasfert_, well of, 221.
_Omesogueer_, (village), notice of, 221. Fabulous account of a
Marāboot there, ibid.
_Ongornoo_, a town in the interior of Africa, notice of, 127.
_Orfilly_, tribe of Arabs, wretched condition of, 34—36. Their
character, 314. Anecdote of one, ibid.
_Ostriches_, observations on the natural history of, 77.
_Ovens_ of the Arabs, form of, 51.
_Parental authority_, absolute, at Fezzan, 287.
_Park_, (Mr.), observations on the fate of, 146.
_Population_ of Tembuctoo, accounted for, 145.
_Prostitutes_, regulations concerning, at Tripoli, 13.
_Punishments_, (Moorish), 16, 17. Of Fezzan, 282.
_Rats_ of Fezzan, notice of, 317, 318, 320.
_Religion_ of the Arabs, 42. Of Soudan, 139. Of the Tuarick, 112.
_Reptiles_ of Morzouk and its vicinity, 184, 185.
_Revenues_ of the Sultan of Fezzan, 188, 189.
_Rhamadan_, fast of, strictly observed, 102. Extravagant rejoicings
on its termination, 107.
_Ritchie_, (Mr.) accepts the author’s offer to accompany him to
Africa, 2. Arrives at Tripoli, where he is joined by Mr. Lyon,
ibid. Makes an excursion to the Gharian Mountains and Benioleed,
21—38. Preparations for a journey into the interior, 56, 57.
Journey from Tripoli to Morzouk, 58—87. Arrival at Morzouk, 88.
His first appearance in a mosque, 95. Description of his residence
in Morzouk, 96. His distressing illness, 100, 103. Recovers, 117.
And prescribes for the Africans, 116, 117. Imposed upon by Mukni,
119. Whose treacherous intentions towards himself and Mr. Lyon,
he discovers, 165, 166, 167. Relapse of Mr. Ritchie, 189. His
death, 190, 191. And funeral, 192.
_Rocks_ of Fezzan, observations on the geological structure of, 361.
Basaltic rocks, 361, 362. Tertiary limestone, 361, 363, 364. New
red sandstone, 361, 364—369.
_Sadig_, (Shreef), kind behaviour of, to the author, 313, 318.
_Sahār_ or _Sahāra_, a species of desert, defined, 344, 346.
Phenomena of, described, 346, 347. Wells occasionally found there,
348.
_Saints_, Mohammedan, account of, 8—12.
_Sakkatoo_, a town of Soudan, notice of, 134. Itinerary from Kashna
to, 140, 141. Vocabulary of the language of, 135—138.
_Sala el Sultan_, or praying place of the Sultan, 307.
_Salt_, remarkable incrustations of, in Fezzan, 205, 206. Plain of,
211.
_Salutation_, Arabian mode of, 53.
_Samnoo_, (village), notice of, 85.
_Sand winds_, 70. Effects of, 83, 84.
_Sbir ben Afeen_, a desert so called, notice of, 83.
_Scorpions_, prevalence of, at Morzouk, 183, 184. Notice of a
species of, called the scorpion of the wind, 184.
_Sebha_, (town), notice of, 85. Description of a wedding there, 299.
_Sereer_, a species of desert, notice of, 345.
_Shahm_, a preparation of sheep’s fat, notice of, 46.
_Shiati_, (region of), account of, 299, 300.
_Shiblia_, or camel litters, described, 59.
_Shirgi_, or the east wind, effects of, 94.
_Shrab_, or false water of the desert, 307.
_Sidi Besheer_, (tomb of), notice of, 204.
_Sidrea_, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
_Slaves_ and slave trade, of the interior of Africa, account of,
120—122. Amiable character of the females, 140. Account of an
expedition of slave-hunters, 250. Their manner of making captives,
255; and of dividing them among the captors, 262. Notice of the
slave markets, 263. Condition of slaves in Fezzan, 287. Especially
at Morzouk, 288. Regulations concerning the offspring of slaves,
289. Sufferings of some negro captives in their journey across the
deserts to Tripoli, for sale, 296, 323, 325, 329, 332, 343. Their
allowance of food, 297. Cheerfulness under all their sufferings,
341, 342. Account of the slave market at Morzouk, 267, 268.
_Smeeran_ (mountain), 22.
_Sockna_, a town of Fezzan, entry of the Sultan into, described,
70—72. Account of it, 72, 73. Its former state, 74. Ceremonies
paid to the Sultan, on his departure thence, 80. The Author’s
return thither, 309. Is beset with sturdy beggars, 310, 318, 319.
Vocabulary of the language there spoken, 314—316. Festival of the
return of spring, 317. State of the gardens, ibid. Mode of
preserving dates there, 320.
_Songs_ of the Arabs, account of, 173, 174. Of some captive negroes,
336, 337.
_Soudan_, _Afno_, or _Haousa_, rivers of, 133. Vocabulary of the
language of, 135—138. Notice of the chief provinces and places in,
131, 132, 134. Manufactures of, 139. Ignorance almost universal
among the natives, 139. Religion, ibid. Itinerary from Kashna, to
various places in, 140—142. Exports to, from Fezzan, 152—154.
Imports from, to Fezzan, 154—157. Description of the women of
Soudan, 161.
_South Wind_, effects of, 94.
_Spring_, return of, celebrated as a festival, 317. _Studies_,
course of, in Fezzan, 186, 187.
_Suarit_ (Mountain), 64.
_Subterraneous_ habitations, in the Gharian Mountains, described,
25, 29, 30.
_Sun_, extraordinary effect of, 209.
_Superstitions_ of the Tuarick, an African tribe, 111.
_Taleb_, village of, 209.
_Tar_, how made by the Tibboo tribe, 235, 236.
_Tarr_, Wadey of, 324.
_Tegerrina_, village of, 32.
_Tegerry_, the Southern limit of Fezzan, narrative of the Author’s
journey to, 202—237. Arrival there, 238. Description of its
castle, 239. Price of provisions there, 240. Its productions, 241.
Superstitions of its inhabitants, 242, 243. Itinerary thence to
Bilma, 244. The Author’s return there, 245. Itinerary thence to
Bilma, 265.
_Telemsen_, desert of, 148.
_Tembuctoo_, account of, 145. Its reputed immense population
accounted for, ibid. Notice of its port, Kabra, ibid. Manufactures
and dress of the people, 146. Government, 147.
_Temedd_, brackish well at, 324.
_Temenhiut_, or Temenhint (village), notice of, 85. Singular mode of
barter practised there, 302.
_Temesheen_, Wadey of, 308.
_Tents_, Arab, described, 41.
_Terboo_ (village), notice of, 220. Wretched condition of its
inhabitants, ibid.
_Terfaas_, a species of root, notice of, 37.
_Terhoona_, Arabs of, 37.
_Tessouwa_ (town), notice of, 189.
_Teweewa_, desert of, 211.
_Tghrasat_, Bazaar of, 32.
_Theft_, how punished at Tripoli, 17, 64.
_Tibboo_, or Slave Traders in the interior of Africa, account of,
120, 121. Articles of commerce between them and Bornou, 159. Dress
and character of the Tibboo women, 225—227, 232; and of the men,
227, 228. Notice of the animals produced in their country, 231.
Distance thence to Waday, 230, 231. Vocabulary of the Tibboo
language, 233. Tibboo forms of courtesy, 232. Music of this
people, 234. Their mode of preparing tar, 235, 236.
_Tibboos_ of Borgoo, account of, 251, 252, 254. Arab mode of making
them captives, 255. Anecdotes of a Tibboo boy, 308, 309.
_Tibesty_ (region), notice of, 230.
_Touela_ (village), notice of, 209.
_Trade_ of the Tuarick, 114. Of the Tibboo, 120—122. Between Fezzan,
Soudan, Bornou, and Waday, 152—157. Between Fezzan and Egypt,
157—159. Between Bornou and the Tibboo country, 159. Between Tuat
and the Tuarick, ibid. 160.
_Traghan_, date groves of, 205. Modesty of a Marāboot there, 206.
Account of the castle and town, 207, 208.
_Travelling_, mode of, across the deserts, 91—93. On camels,
extraordinary mode of, 114.
_Tribute_, how collected in Fezzan, 74.
_Tripoli_, markets of, 12. Bazaars, ibid. Schools, ibid. Prevalence
of drunkenness there, 13. Filthy practice of eructation, in all
classes, 14. All offices held by Mamlukes, ibid. Description of
the public baths, 14, 15. The Bashaw’s guards, 16. The punishment
of hanging, how performed, ibid. Torture in use there, ibid.
Bastinado, how performed, 17. Marriages and burials of, 18, 19.
Adventures of a Tripoline woman, 321. The Author’s interview with
the Bashaw of, on his return from his mission to the interior,
349. Geological observations on the mountains and rocks of,
361—369.
_Tripolines_, dress of, described, 6, 7, 17, 18.
_Tsād_, a river of Bornou, account of, 124, 125. Extraordinary
mode of crossing it, 124. Notice of the inhabitants in its
vicinity, 125.
_Tuarick_ (an African tribe), costume of, 109, 110. Arms, 110.
Superstitions, 111. Language, ibid. Their extraordinary aversion
to washing, ibid. Religion, 112. Notice of their chief towns, 113.
Their government, ibid. Trade, 114. Their extraordinary mode of
travelling on camels, 114, 115. Articles of commerce between them
and Tuat, 159, 160. Anecdote of one, 197.
_Tuat_ (country), situation, productions, and trade of, 143.
Itinerary from Morzouk thither, 144.
_Tubbel_, or drum of Fezzan, account of, 248, 249.
_Usadena_, villages of, 32. Their distressed state, ibid.
_Vocabulary_ of the language of Bornou, 122. Of Sakkatoo, 135—138.
Of Tembuctoo, 146, 147. Of Soudan, or the Haousa tongue, 149—151.
Of the Tibboo dialect, 232. Of Sockna, 314—316.
_Wadan_, (a town of Fezzan), notice of, 76. Character of its
inhabitants, ibid.
———, (an animal and chain of mountains so called), account of, 76.
_Waday_ country, articles of export to, from Fezzan, 152—154.
Articles given in exchange, 154—157. Distance from the Tibboo
country to, 230, 231. Itinerary to, from Borgoo, 267.
_Wad el Nommel_, or the valley of ants, wretched village of, 87.
_Wadey_, a species of desert, notice of, 346.
——— Shirghi, chief towns in, 300.
——— Ghrarbi, chief towns in, ibid. Character and manners of the
inhabitants of, ibid, 301.
_Wajunga_ people, notice of, 252. Account of their country, 266.
_Waled Suliman_, an Arabian tribe, account of, 54—56.
_Warr_, a species of desert, notice of, 345.
_Warral_, a species of lizard, notice of, 184, 185.
_Washing_, singular aversion to, of the Tuarick, an African tribe,
111.
_Water_, Arab mode of carrying across the deserts, 93. How raised
for irrigating the land near Morzouk, 169. How obtained from the
stomach of camels, to satisfy the thirst of almost perishing
travellers, 305.
_Wells_ of the great desert, observations on, 348.
_Werda_, itinerary to, from Yen, 265.
_Wishek_, a species of desert, notice of, 345
_Women_ of Tripoli, dress of, described, 17, 18. Arabian dress of,
39, 40. Conditions and dress of the women of Bornou and Soudan,
161. And of the Tibboo women, 224—227. Of the women in Fezzan, 287.
_Wudakaire_, wells of, 223.
_Yemyem_, inhabitants of, cannibals, 142, 143. Notice of this
country, 143.
_Yen_, (town), notice of, 265. Itinerary thence, to Werda, ibid.
_Yussuff_, a Moor, benevolent conduct of, towards the author and his
companions, 192—194, 203.
_Zaizow_, (village), notice of, 205. Hospitable reception of the
author at, 258.
_Zeighan_, (village), notice of, 85.
_Zgar_, wadey of, 81.
_Zibboon_, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
_Zleetun_, castle of, arrival at, 334. Notice of Roman ruins in its
vicinity, ibid. Notice of the village, 335. Impudence of a Marāboot
there, ibid. Markets and commerce, ibid. 336.
_Zuela_, arrival of the author at, 212. His reception there, ibid.
213. Character of the inhabitants, 213. Singular instance of their
ignorance, ibid. Description of a Mosque and other ancient Arabic
buildings in its vicinity, 214—216. Ruins of the castle, 217.
Hospitality of several Shreefs at, to the author, 217, 218.
_Zumeeta_. an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
THE END.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIARS.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: The inscription, which is over the northern face, is in
a perfect state, and is as follows:
IMP . CÆS . AVRELIO . ANTONIN . AVG . PP . ET . IMP . CAES . L .
AVRELIO . VERO . AMENIACO . AVG . SER . S . ORFITVS . PROCCOS . CVM .
VTTEDIO . MARCELLO . LEG . SVO . DEDICAVIT . C . CALPVRNIVS . CELSVS .
CVRATOR . MVNERIS . PVB . MVNERARIVS . IIVIR . Q . Q . FLAMEN .
PERPETVVS . ARCV . MARMORE . SOLIDO . FECIT.]
[Footnote 2: Narrative of a ten Years’ Residence in Tripoli.]
[Footnote 3: The Tibboo girls are betrothed some time before
they are married, in the same manner as the Arabs and Tripolines.]
Transcriber's note:
pg 35 Changed: Pharoah’s curse to: Pharaoh
pg 53 Changed: Bahr el blem, باحرالظﻠﻜ to: الظلا
pg 54 Changed: Mesunāta to: Mesurāta
pg 111 Changed: Socka to: Sockna
pg 209 Changed: his little boy, Barea to: Barca
pg 228 Changed: 24° 47′ 57′ North to: 57″
pg 272 Changed: whence they some to: come
pg 286 Changed: the F is pointed below ﺑ to: ڢ
pg 289 Changed: A Khādem خعدو to: خعدم
pg 298 Changed: Wadey Shiati, ولدي شدتي to: وادي
pg 300 Changed: Gusser Sallām قسرسللو to: سللم
pg 300 Changed: Khalifa خليوه to: خليفه
pg 301 Changed: Ben Areif بن اريغ to: اريف
pg 302 Changed: Roos Ghraab روس غرعن to: غرعب
pg 303 Changed: Om el Abeed, ام العبيل to: العبيد
pg 306 Changed: Kenaire دنير to: كنير
pg 307 Changed: El Kamle Kebeer to: Ramle
pg 372 Changed: Bouzatter to: Bouzafer
pg 374 Changed: El Kamle Gebeer to: Ramle
Below some plates Changed: F. G. Lyon to: G. F. Lyon
Added period between arabic words and the start of the
next sentence in several instances.
Other spelling inconsistencies have been left unchanged.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A NARRATIVE OF TRAVELS IN
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