The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Memoirs of Napoleon--1821, v16
#16 in our series by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne
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Title: Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, v16
Author: Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne
Release Date: December, 2002 [Etext #3566]
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The Project Gutenberg Etext of Memoirs of Napoleon, by Bourrienne, v16
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MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, VOLUME 16.
By LOUIS ANTOINE FAUVELET DE BOURRIENNE
His Private Secretary
Edited by R. W. Phipps
Colonel, Late Royal Artillery
1891
CONTENTS:
CHAPTER XIII. 1815-1821
(Chapter XIV. and the Appendix have not been included)
CHAPTER XIII
--[ This chapter; by the editor of the 1836 edition, is based upon
the 'Memorial', and O'Meara's and Antommarchi's works.]--
1815-1821.
Voyage to St. Helena--Personal traits of the Emperor--Arrival at
James Town--Napoleon's temporary residence at The Briars--Removal to
Longwood--The daily routine there-The Campaign of Italy--The arrival
of Sir Hudson Lowe--Unpleasant relations between the Emperor and the
new Governor--Visitors at St. Helena--Captain Basil Hall's interview
with Napoleon--Anecdotes of the Emperor--Departure of Las Cases and
O'Meara--Arrivals from Europe--Physical habits of the Emperor--Dr.
Antommarchi--The Emperor's toilet--Creation of a new bishopric--
The Emperor's energy with the spade--His increasing illness--
Last days of Napoleon--His Death--Lying in state--Military funeral--
Marchand's account of the Emperor's last moments--Napoleon's last
bequests--The Watch of Rivoli.
The closing scenes in the life of the great Emperor only now remain to be
briefly touched upon. In a previous chapter we have narrated the
surrender of Napoleon, his voyage to England, and his transference from
the Bellerophon to the Northumberland. The latter vessel was in great
confusion from the short notice at which she had sailed, and for the two
first days the crew was employed in restoring order. The space abaft the
mizenmast contained a dining-room about ten feet broad, and extending the
whole width of the ship, a saloon, and two cabins. The Emperor occupied
the cabin on the left; in which his camp-bedstead had been put up; that
on the right was appropriated to the Admiral. It was peremptorily
enjoined that the saloon should be in common. The form of the dining-
table resembled that of the dining-room. Napoleon sat with his back to
the saloon; on his left sat Madame Bertrand, and on his right the
Admiral, who, with Madame de Montholon, filled up one side of the table.
Next that lady, but at the end of the table, was Captain Ross, who
commanded the ship, and at the opposite end M. de Montholon; Madame
Bertrand, and the Admiral's secretary. The side of the table facing the
Emperor was occupied by the Grand-Marshal, the Colonel of the field
Regiment, Las Cases, and Gourgaud. The Admiral invited one or two of the
officers to dinner every day, and the band of the 53d, newly-formed,
played during dinner-time.
On the 10th of August the Northumberland cleared the Channel, and lost
sight of land. The course of the ship was shaped to cross the Bay of
Biscay and double Cape Finisterre. The wind was fair, though light, and
the heat excessive. Napoleon breakfasted in his own cabin at irregular
hours. He sent for one of his attendants every morning to know the
distance run, the state of the wind, and other particulars connected with
their progress. He read a great deal, dressed towards four o'clock, and
then came into the public saloon; here he played at chess with one of the
party; at five o'clock the Admiral announced that dinner was on the
table. It is well known that Napoleon was scarcely ever more than
fifteen minutes at dinner; here the two courses alone took up nearly an
hour and a half. This was a serious annoyance to him, though his
features and manner always evinced perfect equanimity. Neither the new
system of cookery nor the quality of the dishes ever met with his
censure. He was waited on by two valets, who stood behind his chair.
At first the Admiral was in the habit of offering several dishes to the
Emperor, but the acknowledgment of the latter was expressed so coldly
that the practice was given up. The Admiral thenceforth only pointed out
to the servants what was preferable. Napoleon was generally silent, as
if unacquainted with the language, though it was French. If he spoke, it
was to ask some technical or scientific question, or to address a few
words to those whom the Admiral occasionally asked to dinner.
The Emperor rose immediately after coffee had been handed round, and went
on deck, followed by the Grand-Marshal and Las Cases. This disconcerted
Admiral Cockburn, who expressed his surprise to his officers; but Madame
Bertrand, whose maternal language was English, replied with spirit, "Do
not forget, sir, that your guest is a man who has governed a large
portion of the world, and that kings once contended for the honour of
being admitted to his table."--" Very true," rejoined the Admiral; and
from that time he did his utmost to comply with Napoleon's habits. He
shortened the time of sitting at table, ordering coffee for Napoleon and
those who accompanied him even before the rest of the company had
finished their dinner. The Emperor remained walking on deck till dark.
On returning to the after-cabin he sat down to play vingt et un with some
of his suite, and generally retired in about half an hour. On the
morning of the 15th of August all his suite asked permission to be
admitted to his presence. He was not aware of the cause of this visit;
it was his birthday, which seemed to have altogether escaped his
recollection.
On the following day they doubled Cape Finisterre, and up to the 21st,
passing off the Straits of Gibraltar, continued their course along the
coast of Africa towards Madeira. Napoleon commonly remained in his cabin
the whole morning, and from the extreme heat he wore a very slight dress.
He could not sleep well, and frequently rose in the night. Reading was
his chief occupation. He often sent for Count Las Cases to translate
whatever related to St. Helena or the countries by which they were
sailing. Napoleon used to start a subject of conversation; or revive
that of some preceding day, and when he had taken eight or nine turns the
whole length of the deck he would seat himself on the second gun from the
gangway on the larboard side. The midshipmen soon observed this habitual
predilection, so that the cannon was thenceforth called the Emperor's
gun. It was here that Napoleon often conversed for hours together.
On the 22d of August they came within sight of Madeira, and at night
arrived off the port. They stopped for a day or two to take in
provisions. Napoleon was indisposed. A sudden gale arose and the air
was filled with small particles of sand and the suffocating exhalations
from the deserts of Africa. On the evening of the 24th they got under
weigh again, and progressed smoothly and rapidly. The Emperor added to
his amusements a game at piquet. He was but an, indifferent chess-
player, and there was no very good one on board. He asked, jestingly,
"How it was that he frequently beat those who beat better players than
himself?" Vingt et un was given up, as they played too high at it; and
Napoleon had a great aversion to gaming. One night a negro threw himself
overboard to avoid a flogging, which occasioned a great noise and bustle.
A young midshipman meeting Las Cases descending into the cabin, and
thinking he was going to inform Napoleon, caught hold of his coat and in
a tone of great concern exclaimed, "Ah sir, do not alarm the Emperor!
Tell him the noise is owing to an accident!" In general the midshipmen
behaved with marked respect and attention to Bonaparte, and often by
signs or words directed the sailors to avoid incommoding him: He
sometimes noticed this conduct, and remarked that youthful hearts were
always prone to generous instincts.
On the 1st of September they found themselves in the latitude of the Cape
de Verd Islands. Everything now promised a prosperous passage, but the
time hung heavily. Las Cases had undertaken to teach his son English,
and the Emperor also expressed a wish to learn. He, however, soon grew
tired and laid it aside, nor was it resumed until long afterwards. His
manners and habits were always the same; he invariably appeared
contented, patient, and good-humoured. The Admiral gradually laid aside
his reserve, and took an interest in his great captive. He pointed out
the danger incurred by coming on deck after dinner, owing to the damp of
the evening: the Emperor, would then sometimes take his arm and prolong
the conversation, talking sometimes on naval affairs, on the French
resources in the south, and on the improvements he had contemplated in
the ports and harbours of the Mediterranean, to all which the Admiral
listened with deep attention.
Meanwhile Napoleon observed that Las Cases was busily employed, and
obtained a sight of his journal, with which he was not displeased. He,
however, noticed that some of the military details and anecdotes gave but
a meagre idea of the subject of war: This first led to the proposal of
his writing his own Memoirs. At length the Emperor came to a
determination, and on Saturday, the 9th of September he called his
secretary into his cabin and dictated to him some particulars of the
siege of Toulon. On approaching the line they fell in with the trade-
winds, that blow here constantly from the east. On the 16th there was a
considerable fall of rain, to the great joy of the sailors, who were in
want of water. The rain began to fall heavily just as the Emperor had
got upon deck to take his afternoon walk. But this did not disappoint
him of his usual exercise; he merely called for his famous gray
greatcoat, which the crew regarded with much interest.
On the 23d of September they passed the line. This was a day of great
merriment and disorder among the crew: it was the ceremony which the
English sailors call the "christening." No one is spared; and the
officers are generally more roughly handled than any one else. The
Admiral, who had previously amused himself by giving an alarming
description of this ceremony, now very courteously exempted his guests
from the inconvenience and ridicule attending it. Napoleon was
scrupulously respected through the whole of this Saturnalian festivity.
On being informed of the decorum which had been observed with regard to
him he ordered a hundred Napoleons to be presented to the grotesque-
Neptune and his crew; which the Admiral opposed, perhaps from motives of
prudence as well as politeness.
Owing to the haste with which they had left England the painting of the
ship had been only lately finished, and this circumstance confined
Napoleon, whose sense of smell was very acute, to his room for two days.
They were now, in the beginning of October, driven into the Gulf of
Guinea, where they met a French vessel bound for the Isle of Bourbon.
They spoke with the captain, who expressed his surprise and regret when
he learnt that Napoleon was on board. The wind was unfavourable, and the
ship made little progress. The sailors grumbled at the Admiral, who had
gone out of the usual course. At length they approached the termination
of their voyage. On the 14th of October the Admiral had informed them
that he expected to come within sight of St. Helena that day. They had
scarcely risen from table when their ears were saluted with the cry of
"land!" This was within a quarter of an hour of the time that had been
fixed on. The Emperor went on the forecastle to see the island; but it
was still hardly distinguishable. At daybreak next morning they had a
tolerably clear view of it
At length, about seventy days after his departure from England, and a
hundred and ten after quitting Paris, Napoleon reached St. Helena. In
the harbour were several vessels of the squadron which had separated from
them, and which they thought they had left behind. Napoleon, contrary to
custom, dressed early and went upon deck: he went forward to the gangway
to view the island. He beheld a kind of village surrounded by numerous
barren hills towering to the clouds. Every platform, every aperture, the
brow of every hill was planted with cannon. The Emperor viewed the
prospect through his glass. His countenance underwent no change. He
soon left the deck; and sending for Las Cases, proceeded to his day's
work. The Admiral, who had gone ashore very early, returned about six
much fatigued. He had been walking over various parts of the island, and
at length thought he had found a habitation that would suit his captives.
The place stood in need of repairs, which might occupy two months. His
orders were not to let the French quit the vessel till a house should be
prepared to receive them. He, however, undertook, on his own
responsibility, to set them on shore the next day.
On the 16th, after dinner, Napoleon, accompanied by the Admiral and the
Grand-Marshal, Bertrand, got into a boat to go ashore. As he passed, the
officers assembled on the quarter-deck, and the greater part of the crew
on the gangways. The Emperor, before he stepped into the boat, sent for
the captain of the vessel, and took leave of him, desiring him at the
same time to convey his thanks to the officers and crew. These words
appeared to produce the liveliest sensation in all by whom they were
understood, or to whom they were interpreted. The remainder of his suite
landed about eight. They found the Emperor in the apartments which had
been assigned to him, a few minutes after he went upstairs to his
chamber. He was lodged in a sort of inn in James Town, which consists
only, of one short street, or row of houses built in a narrow valley
between two rocky hills.
The next day the Emperor, the Grand-Marshal, and the Admiral, riding out
to visit Longwood, which had been chosen for the Emperor's residence, on
their return saw a small villa, with a pavilion attached to it, about two
miles from the town, the residence of Mr. Balcombe; a merchant of the
island. This spot pleased Napoleon, and the Admiral was of opinion that
it would be better for him to remain here than to return to the town,
where the sentinels at his door, with the crowds collected round it, in a
manner confined him to his chamber. The pavilion was a sort of summer-
house on a pyramidal eminence, about thirty or forty paces from the
house, where the family were accustomed to resort in fine weather: this
was hired for the temporary abode of the Emperor, and he took possession
of it immediately. There was a carriage-road from the town, and the
valley was in this part less rugged in its aspect. Las Cases was soon
sent for. As be ascended the winding path leading to the pavilion he saw
Napoleon standing at the threshold of the door. His body was slightly
bent, and his hands behind his back: he wore his usual plain and simple
uniform and the well-known hat. The Emperor was alone. He took a fancy
to walk a little; but there was no level ground on any side of the
pavilion, which was surrounded by huge pieces of rock. Taking the arm of
his companion, however, he began to converse in a cheerful strain. When
Napoleon was about to retire to rest the servants found that one of the
windows was open close to the bed: they barricaded it as well as they
could, so as to exclude the air, to the effects of which the Emperor was
very susceptible. Las Cases ascended to an upper room. The valets de
chambres lay stretched in their cloaks across the threshold of the door.
Such was the first night Napoleon passed at the Briars.
An English officer was lodged with them in the house as their guard, and
two non-commissioned officers were stationed near the house to watch
their movements. Napoleon the next day proceeded with his dictation,
which occupied him for several hours, and then took a walk in the garden,
where he was met by the two Misses Balcombe, lively girls about fourteen
years of age, who presented him with flowers, and overwhelmed him with
whimsical questions. Napoleon was amused by their familiarity, to which
he had been little accustomed. "We have been to a masked ball," said he,
when the young ladies had taken their leave.
The next day a chicken was brought for breakfast, which the Emperor
undertook to carve himself, and was surprised at his succeeding so well,
it being a long time since he had done so much. The coffee he considered
so bad that on tasting it he thought himself poisoned, and sent it away.
The mornings were passed in business; in the evening Napoleon sometimes
strolled to the neighbouring villa, where the young ladies made him play
at whist. The Campaign of Italy was nearly finished, and Las Cases
proposed that the other followers of Napoleon who were lodged in the town
should come up every morning to assist in transcribing The Campaign of
Egypt, the History of the Consulate, etc. This suggestion pleased the
ex-Emperor, so that from that time one or two of his suite came regularly
every day to write to his dictation, and stayed to dinner. A tent, sent
by the Colonel of the 53d Regiment, was spread out so as to form a
prolongation of the pavillion. Their cook took up his abode at the
Briars. The table linen was taken from the trunks, the plate was set
forth, and the first dinner after these new arrangements was a sort of
fete.
One day at dinner Napoleon, casting his eye on one of the dishes of his
own campaign-service, on which the-arms of the King had been engraved,
"How they have spoiled that!" he exclaimed; and he could not refrain from
observing that the King was in great haste to take possession of the
Imperial plate, which certainly did not belong to him. Amongst the
baggage was also a cabinet in which were a number of medallions, given
him by the Pope and other potentates, some letters of Louis XVIII. which
he had left behind him on his writing-table in the suddenness of his
flight from the Tuileries on the 20th of March, and a number of other
letters found in the portfolio of Dia Blacas intended to calumniate
Napoleon.
The Emperor never dressed until about four o'clock he then walked in the
garden, which was particularly agreeable to him on account of its
solitude--the English soldiers having been removed at Mr. Balcombe's
request. A little arbour was covered with canvas; and a chair and table
placed in it, and here Napoleon dictated a great part of his Memoirs.
In the evening, when he did not go out, he generally contrived to prolong
the conversation till eleven or twelve o'clock.
Thus time passed with little variety or interruption. The weather in the
winter became delightful. One day, his usual task being done; Napoleon
strolled out towards the town, until he came within sight of the road and
shipping. On his return he met Mrs. Balcombe and a Mrs. Stuart, who was
on her way back from Bombay to England. The Emperor conversed with her on
the manners and customs of India, and on the inconveniences of a long
voyage at sea, particularly to ladies. He alluded to Scotland, Mrs.
Stuart's native country, expatiated on the genius of Ossian, and
congratulated his fair interlocutor on the preservation of her clear
northern complexion. While the parties were thus engaged some heavily
burdened slaves passed near to them. Mrs. Balcombe motioned them to make
a detour; but Napoleon interposed, exclaiming, "Respect the burden,
madam!" As he said this the Scotch lady, who had been very eagerly
scanning the features of Napoleon, whispered to her friend, "Heavens!
what a character, and what an expression of countenance! How different
to the idea I had formed of him!"
Napoleon shortly after repeated the same walk, and went into the house of
Major Hudson. This visit occasioned considerable alarm to the
constituted authorities.
The Governor gave a ball, to which the French were invited; and Las Cases
about the same time rode over to Longwood to see what advance had been
made in the preparations for their reception. His report on his return
was not very favourable. They had now been six weeks at the Briars,
during which Napoleon had been nearly as much confined as if on board the
vessel. His health began to be impaired by it. Las Cases gave it as his
opinion that the Emperor did not possess that constitution of iron which
was usually ascribed to him; and that it was the strength of his mind,
not of his body, that carried him through the labours of the field and of
the cabinet. In speaking on this subject Napoleon himself observed that.
nature had endowed him with two peculiarities: one was the power of
sleeping at any hour or in any place; the other, his being incapable of
committing any excess either in eating or drinking: "If," said he, "I go
the least beyond my mark my stomach instantly revolts." He was subject
to nausea from very slight causes, and to colds from any change of air.
The prisoners removed to Longwood on the 10th of December 1815. Napoleon
invited Mr. Balcombe to breakfast with him that morning, and conversed
with him in a very cheerful manner. About two Admiral Cockburn was
announced; he entered with an air of embarrassment. In consequence of
the restraints imposed upon him at the Briars, and the manner in which
those of his suite residing in the town had been treated, Bonaparte had
discontinued receiving the visits of the Admiral; yet on the present
occasion he behaved towards him as though nothing had happened. At
length they left the Briars and set out for Longwood. Napoleon rode the
horse, a small, sprightly, and tolerably handsome animal, which had been
brought for him from the Cape. He wore his uniform of the Chasseurs of
the Guard, and his graceful manner and handsome countenance were
particularly remarked. The Admiral was very attentive to him. At the
entrance of Longwood they found a guard under arms who rendered the
prescribed honours to their illustrious captive. His horse, unaccustomed
to parades, and frightened by the roll of the dram, refused to pass the
gate till spurred on by Napoleon, while a significant look passed among
the escort. The Admiral took great pains to point out the minutest
details at Longwood. He had himself superintended all the arrangements,
among which was a bath-room. Bonaparte was satisfied with everything,
and the Admiral seemed highly pleased. He had anticipated petulance and
disdain, but Napoleon manifested perfect good-humour.
The entrance to the house was through a room which had been just built to
answer the double purpose of an ante-chamber and a dining-room. This
apartment led to the drawing-room; beyond this was a third room running
in a cross direction and very dark. This was intended to be the
depository of the Emperor's maps and books, but it was afterwards
converted into the dining-room. The Emperor's chamber opened into this
apartment on the right hand side, and was divided into two equal parts,
forming a cabinet and sleeping-room; a little external gallery served for
a bathing-room: Opposite the Emperor's chamber, at the other extremity of
the building, were the apartments of Madame Montholon, her husband, and
her son, afterward used as the Emperors library. Detached from this part
of the house was a little square room on the ground floor, contiguous to
the kitchen, which was assigned to Las Cases. The windows and beds had no
curtains. The furniture was mean and scanty. Bertrand and his family
resided at a distance of two miles, at a place called Rut's Gate.
General Gourgaud slept under a tent, as well as Mr. O'Meara, and the
officer commanding the guard. The house was surrounded by a garden. In
front, and separated by a tolerably deep ravine, was encamped the 53d
Regiment, different parties of which were stationed on the neighbouring
heights.
The domestic establishment of the Emperor consisted of eleven persons.
To the Grand-Marshal was confided the general superintendence; to M. de
Montholon the domestic details; Las Cases was to take care of the
furniture and property, and General Gourgaud to have the management of
the stables. These arrangements, however, produced discontent among
Napoleon's attendants. Las Cases admits that they were no longer the
members of one family, each using his best efforts to promote the
advantage of all. They were far from practising that which necessity
dictated. He says also, "The Admiral has more than once, in the midst of
our disputes with him, hastily exclaimed that the Emperor was decidedly
the most good-natured, just, and reasonable of the whole set."
On his first arrival he went to visit the barracks occupied by some
Chinese living on the island, and a place called Longwood Farm. He
complained to Las Cases that they had been idle of late; but by degrees
their hours and the employment of them became fixed and regular. The
Campaign of Italy being now finished, Napoleon corrected it, and dictated
on other subjects. This was their morning's work. They dined between
eight and nine, Madame Montholon being seated on Napoleon's right; Las
Cases on his left, and Gourgaud, Montholon, and Las Cases' son sitting
opposite. The smell of the paint not being yet gone off, they remained
not more than ten minutes at table, and the dessert was prepared in the
adjoining apartment, where coffee was served up and conversation
commenced. Scenes were read from Moliere, Racine, and Voltaire; and
regret was always expressed at their not having a copy of Corneille.
They then played at 'reversis', which had been Bonaparte's favourite game
in his youth. The recollection was agreeable to him, and he thought he
could amuse himself at it for any length of time, but was soon
undeceived. His aim was always to make the 'reversis', that is, to win
every trick. Character is displayed in the smallest incidents.
Napoleon read a libel on himself, and contrasted the compliments which
had passed between him and the Queen of Prussia with the brutal-
behaviour ascribed to him in the English newspapers. On the other hand,
two common sailors had at different times, while he was at Longwood and
at the Briars, in spite of orders and at all risks, made their way
through the sentinels to gain a sight of Napoleon. On seeing the
interest they took in him he exclaimed, "This is fanaticism! Yes,
imagination rules the world!"
The instructions of the English Ministers with regard to the treatment of
Napoleon at St. Helena had been prepared with the view completely to
secure his person. An English officer was to be constantly at his table.
This order, however, was not carried into effect. An officer was also to
accompany Napoleon in all his rides; this order was dispensed with within
certain prescribed limits, because Napoleon had refused to ride at all on
such conditions. Almost everyday brought with it some new cause of
uneasiness and complaint. Sentinels were posted beneath Napoleon's
windows and before his doors. This order was, however, doubtless given
to prevent his being annoyed by impertinent curiosity. The French were
certainly precluded from all free communication with the inhabitants of
the island; but this precaution was of unquestionable necessity for the
security of the Emperor's person. Las Cases complains that the passwords
were perpetually changed, so that they lived in constant perplexity and
apprehension of being subjected to some unforeseen insult. "Napoleon,"
he continues, "addressed a complaint to the Admiral, which obtained for
him no redress. In the midst of these complaints the Admiral wished to
introduce some ladies (who had arrived in the Doric) to Napoleon; but he
declined, not approving this alternation of affronts and civilities."
He, however, consented, at the request of their Colonel, to receive the
officers of the 53d Regiment. After this officer took his leave.
Napoleon prolonged his walk in the garden. He stopped awhile to look at
a flower in one of the beds, and asked his companion if it was not a
lily. It was indeed a magnificent one. The thought that he had in his
mind was obvious. He then spoke of the number of times he had been
wounded; and said it had been thought he had never met with these
accidents from his having kept them secret as much as possible.'
It was near the end of December. One day, after a walk and a tumble in
the mud, Bonaparte returned and found a packet of English newspapers,
which the Grand-Marshal translated to him. This occupied him till late,
and he forgot his dinner in discussing their contents. After dinner had
been served Las Cases wished to continue the translation, but Napoleon
would not suffer him to proceed, from consideration for the weak state of
his eyes. "We must wait till to-morrow," said he. A few days afterwards
the Admiral came in person to visit him, and the interview was an
agreeable one. After some animated discussion it was arranged that
Napoleon should henceforth ride freely about the island; that the officer
should follow him only at a distance; and that visitors should be
admitted to him, not with the permission of the Admiral as the Inspector
of Longwood, but with that of the Grand-Marshal, who was to do the
honours of the establishment. These concessions were, however, soon
recalled. On the 30th of this month Piontkowsky, a Pole; who had been
left behind, but whose entreaties prevailed upon the English Government,
joined Bonaparte. On New-Year's Day all their little party was collected
together, and Napoleon, entering into the feelings of the occasion,
begged that they might breakfast and pass it together. Every day
furnished some new trait of this kind.
On the 14th of April 1816 Sir Hudson Lowe, the new Governor, arrived at
St. Helena. This epoch is important, as making the beginning of a
continued series of accusations, and counter-accusations, by which the
last five years of Napoleon's life were constantly occupied, to the great
annoyance of himself and all connected with him, and possibly to the
shortening of his own existence.
It would be tedious to detail the progress of this petty war, but, as a
subject which has formed so great a portion of the life of Napoleon, it
must not be omitted. To avoid anything which may appear like a bias
against Napoleon, the details, unless when otherwise mentioned, will be
derived from Las Cases, his devoted admirer.
On the first visit of the new Governor; which was the 16th of April,
Napoleon refused to admit him, because he himself was ill, and also
because the Governor had not asked beforehand for an audience. On the
second visit the Governor, was admitted to an audience, and Napoleon
seems to have taken a prejudice at first sight, as he remarked to his
suite that the Governor was "hideous, and had a most ugly countenance,"
though he allowed he ought not to judge too hastily. The spirit of the
party was shown by a remark made, that the first two days had been days
of battle.
The Governor saw Napoleon again on the 30th April, and the interview was
stormy. Napoleon argued with the Governor on the conduct of the Allies
towards him, said they had no right to dispose of him, who was their
equal and sometimes their master. He then declaimed on the eternal
disgrace the English had inflicted on themselves by sending him to St.
Helena; they wished to kill him by a lingering death: their conduct was
worse than that of the Calabrians in shooting Murat. He talked of the
cowardliness of suicide, complained of the small extent and horrid
climate of St. Helena, and said it would be an act of kindness to deprive
him of life at once. Sir H. Lowe said that a house of wood, fitted up
with every possible accommodation, was then on its way from England for
his use. Napoleon refused it at once, and exclaimed that it was not a
house but an executioner and a coffin that he wanted; the house was a
mockery, death would be a favour. A few minutes after Napoleon took up
some reports of the campaigns of 1814, which lay on the table, and asked
Sir H. Lowe if he had written them. Las Cases, after saying that the
Governor replied in the affirmative, finishes his account of the
interview, but according to O'Meara, Napoleon said they were full of
folly and falsehood. The Governor, with a much milder reply than most
men would have given, retired, and Napoleon harangued upon the sinister
expression of his countenance, abused him in the coarsest manner, and
made his servant throw a cup of coffee out of the window because it had
stood a moment on a table near the Governor.
It was required that all persons who visited at Longwood or at Hut's Gate
should make a report to the Governor, or to Sir Thomas Reade, of the
conversations they had held with the French. Several additional
sentinels were posted around Longwood House and grounds.
During some extremely wet and foggy weather Napoleon did not go out for
several days. Messengers and letters continually succeeded one another
from Plantation House. The Governor appeared anxious to see Napoleon,
and was evidently distrustful, although the residents at Longwood were
assured of his actual presence by the sound of his voice. He had some
communications with Count Bertrand on the necessity that one of his
officers should see Napoleon daily. He also went to Longwood frequently
himself, and finally, after some difficulty, succeeded in obtaining an
interview with Napoleon in his bedchamber, which lasted about a quarter
of an hour. Some days before he sent for Mr. O'Meara, asked a variety of
questions concerning the captive, walked round the house several times
and before the windows, measuring and laying down the plan of a new
ditch, which he said he would have dug in order to prevent the cattle
from trespassing.
On the morning of the 5th of May Napoleon sent for his surgeon O'Meara to
come to him. He was introduced into Napoleon's bed-chamber, a
description of which is thus given: "It was about fourteen feet by
twelve, and ten or eleven feet in height. The walls were lined with
brown nankeen, bordered and edged with common green bordering paper, and
destitute of skirting. Two small windows without pulleys, one of which
was thrown up and fastened by a piece of notched wood, looked towards the
camp of the 53d Regiment. There were window-curtains of white long-
cloth, a small fire-place, a shabby grate and fire-irons to match, with a
paltry mantelpiece of wood, painted white, upon which stood a small
marble bust of his son. Above the mantelpiece hung the portrait of Maria
Louisa, and four or five of young Napoleon, one of which was embroidered
by the hands of his mother. A little more to the right hung also the
portrait of the Empress Josephine; and to the left was suspended the
alarm chamber-watch of Frederick the Great, obtained by Napoleon at
Potsdam; while on the right the Consular watch, engraved with the cipher
B, hung, by a chain of the plaited hair of Maria Louisa, from a pin stuck
in the nankeen lining. In the right-hand corner was placed the little
plain iron camp-bedstead, with green silk curtains, on which its master
had reposed on the fields of Marengo and Austerlitz. Between the windows
there was a chest of drawers, and a bookcase with green blinds stood on
the left of the door leading to the next apartment. Four or five cane-
bottomed chairs painted green were standing here and there about the.
room. Before the back door there was a screen covered with nankeen, and
between that and the fireplace an old-fashioned sofa covered with white
long-cloth, on which Napoleon reclined, dressed in his white morning-
gown, white loose trousers and stockings all in one, a chequered red
handkerchief upon his head, and his shirt-collar open without a cravat.
His sir was melancholy and troubled. Before him stood a little round
table, with some books, at the foot of which lay in confusion upon the
carpet a heap of those which he had already perused, and at the opposite
side of the sofa was suspended Isabey's portrait of the Empress Maria
Louisa, holding her son in her arms. In front of the fireplace stood Las
Cases with his arms folded over his breast and some papers in one of his
hands. Of all the former magnificence of the once mighty Emperor of
France nothing remained but a superb wash-hand-stand containing a silver
basin and water-jug of the same metal, in the lefthand corner." The
object of Napoleon in sending for O'Meara on this occasion was to
question him whether in their future intercourse he was to consider him
in the light of a spy and a tool of the Governor or as his physician?
The doctor gave a decided and satisfactory answer on this point.
"During the short interview that this Governor had with me in my
bedchamber, one of the first things he proposed was to send you away,"
said Napoleon to O'Meara, "and that I should take his own surgeon in your
place. This he repeated, and so earnest was he to gain his object that,
though I gave him a flat refusal, when he was going out he turned about
and again proposed it."
On the 11th a proclamation was issued by the Governor, "forbidding any
persons on the island from sending letters to or receiving them from
General Bonaparte or his suite, on pain of being immediately arrested and
dealt with accordingly." Nothing escaped the vigilance of Sir Hudson
Lowe. "The Governor," said Napoleon, "has just sent an invitation to
Bertrand for General Bonaparte to come to Plantation House to meet Lady
Moira. I told Bertrand to return no answer to it. If he really wanted
me to see her he would have put Plantation House within the limits, but
to send such an invitation, knowing I must go in charge of a guard if I
wished to avail myself of it, was an insult."
Soon after came the Declaration of the Allies and the Acts of Parliament
authorising the detention of Napoleon Bonaparte as a prisoner of war and
disturber of the peace of Europe. Against the Bill, when brought into
the House of Lords, there were two protests, those of Lord Holland and of
the Duke of Sussex. These official documents did not tend to soothe the
temper or raise the spirits of the French to endure their captivity.
In addition to the misery of his own captivity, Napoleon had to contend
with the unmanageable humours of his own followers. As often happens
with men in such circumstances, they sometimes disagreed among
themselves, and part of their petulance and ill-temper fell upon their
Chief. He took these little incidents deeply to heart. On one occasion
he said in bitterness, "I know that I am fallen; but to feel this among
you! I am aware that man is frequently unreasonable and susceptible of
offence. Thus, when I am mistrustful of myself I ask, should I have been
treated so at the Tuileries? This is my test."
A great deal of pains has been taken by Napoleon's adherents and others
to blacken the character of Sir Hudson Lowe, and to make it appear that
his sole object was to harass Napoleon and to make his life miserable.
Now, although it may be questioned whether Sir Hudson Lowe was the proper
person to be placed in the delicate situation of guard over the fallen
Emperor, there is no doubt that quarrels and complaints began long before
that officer reached the island; and the character of those complaints
will show that at best the prisoners were persons very difficult to
satisfy. Their detention at the Briars was one of the first causes of
complaint. It was stated that the Emperor was very ill there, that he
was confined "in a cage" with no attendance, that his suite was kept from
him, and that he was deprived of exercise. A few pages farther in the
journal of Las Cases we find the Emperor in good health, and as soon as
it was announced that Longwood was ready to receive him, then it was
urged that the gaolers wished to compel him to go against his will, that
they desired to push their authority to the utmost, that the smell of the
paint at Longwood was very disagreeable, etc. Napoleon himself was quite
ready to go, and seemed much vexed when Count Bertrand and General
Gourgaud arrived from Longwood with the intelligence that the place was
as yet uninhabitable. His displeasure, however, was much more seriously
excited by the appearance of Count Montholon with the information that
all was ready at Longwood within a few minutes after receiving the
contrary accounts from Bertrand and Gourgaud. He probably perceived that
he was trifled with by his attendants, who endeavoured to make him
believe that which suited their own convenience. We may also remark that
the systematic opposition which was carried to such a great length
against Sir Hudson Lowe had begun during the stay of Admiral Cockburn.
His visits were refused; he was accused of caprice, arrogance, and
impertinence, and he was nicknamed "the Shark" by Napoleon himself; his
own calmness alone probably prevented more violent ebullitions.
The wooden house arrived at last, and the Governor waited on Napoleon to
consult with him how and where it should be erected. Las Cases, who
heard the dispute in an adjoining room, says that it was long and
clamorous.
He gives the details in Napoleon's own words, and we have here the
advantage of comparing his statement with the account transmitted by Sir
Hudson Lowe to the British Government, dated 17th May 1816. The two
accounts vary but little. Napoleon admits that he was thrown quite out
of temper, that he received the Governor with his stormy countenance,
looked furiously at him, and made no reply to his information of the
arrival of the house but by a significant look. He told him that he
wanted nothing, nor would receive anything at his hands; that he supposed
he was to be put to death by poison or the sword; the poison would be
difficult to administer, but he had the means of doing it with the sword.
The sanctuary of his abode should not be violated, and the troops should
not enter his house but by trampling on his corpse. He then alluded to
an invitation sent to him by Sir Hudson Lows to meet Lady Loudon at his
house, and said there could not be an act of more refined cruelty than
inviting him to his table by the title of "General," to make him an
object of ridicule or amusement to his guests. What right had he to call
him "General" Bonaparte? He would not be deprived of his dignity by him,
nor by any one in the world. He certainly should have condescended to
visit Lady Loudon had she been within his limits, as he did not stand
upon strict etiquette with a woman, but he should have deemed that he was
conferring an honour upon her. He would not consider himself a prisoner
of war, but was placed in his present position by the most horrible
breach of trust. After a few more words he dismissed the Governor
without once more alluding to the house which was the object of the
visit. The fate of this unfortunate house may be mentioned here. It was
erected after a great many disputes, but was unfortunately surrounded by
a sunk fence and ornamental railing. This was immediately connected in
Napoleon's mind with the idea of a fortification; it was impossible to
remove the impression that the ditch and palisade were intended to secure
his person. As soon as the objection was made known, Sir Hudson Lowe
ordered the ground to be levelled and the rails taken away. But before
this was quite completed Napoleon's health was too much destroyed to
permit his removal, and the house was never occupied.
Napoleon seems to have felt that he had been too violent in his conduct.
He admitted, when at table with his suite a few days after, that he had
behaved very ill, and that in any other situation he should blush for
what he had done. "I could have wished, for his sake," he said, "to see
him evince a little anger, or pull the door violently after him when he
went away." These few words let us into a good deal of Napoleon's
character: he liked to intimidate, but his vehement language was received
with a calmness and resolute forbearance to which he was quite
unaccustomed, and he consequently grew more angry as his anger was less
regarded.
The specimens here given of the disputes with Sir Hudson Lowe may
probably suffice: a great many more are furnished by Las Cases, O'Meara,
and other partisans of Napoleon, and even they always make him the
aggressor. Napoleon himself in his cooler moments seemed to admit this;
after the most violent quarrel with the Governor, that of the 18th of
August 1816, which utterly put an end to anything like decent civility
between the parties; he allowed that he had used the Governor very ill,
that he repeatedly and purposely offended him, and that Sir Hudson Lowe
had not in a single instance shown a want of respect, except perhaps that
he retired too abruptly.
Great complaints were made of the scanty way in which the table of the
exiles was supplied; and it was again and again alleged by them that they
had scarcely anything to eat. The wine, too, was said to be execrable,
so bad that in fact it could not be drunk; and, of such stuff as it was,
only one bottle a day was allowed to each person--an allowance which Las
Cases calls ridiculously small. Thus pressed, but partly for effect,
Napoleon resolved to dispose of his plate in monthly proportions; and as
he knew that some East India captains had offered as much as a hundred
guineas for a single plate, in order to preserve a memorial of him, he
determined that what was sold should be broken up, the arms erased, and
no trace left which could show that they had ever been his. The only
portions left uninjured were the little eagles with which some of the
dish-covers were mounted. These last fragments were objects of
veneration for the attendants of Napoleon they were looked upon as
relics, with a feeling at once melancholy and religious. When the moment
came for breaking up the plate Las Cases bears testimony to the painful
emotions and real grief produced among the servants. They could not,
without the utmost reluctance, bring themselves to apply the hammer to
those objects of their veneration.
The island of St. Helena was regularly visited by East India ships on the
return voyage, which touched there to take in water, and to leave
gunpowder for the use of the garrison. On such occasions there were
always persons anxious to pay a visit to the renowned captive. The
regulation of those visits was calculated to protect Napoleon from being
annoyed by the idle curiosity of strangers, to which he professed a great
aversion. Such persons as wished to wait upon him were, in the first
place, obliged to apply to the Governor, by whom their names were
forwarded to Count Bertrand. This gentleman, as Grand-Marshal of the
household, communicated the wishes of those persons to Napoleon, and in
case of a favourable reply fixed the hour for an interview.
Those visitors whom Napoleon admitted were chiefly persons of rank and
distinction, travellers from distant countries, or men who had
distinguished themselves in the scientific world, and who could
communicate interesting information in exchange for the gratification
they received. Some of those persons who were admitted to interviews
with him have published narratives of their conversation, and all agree
in extolling the extreme grace, propriety, and appearance of benevolence
manifested by Bonaparte while holding these levees. His questions were
always put with great tact, and on some subject with which the person
interrogated was well acquainted, so as to induce him to bring forth any
new or curious information of which he might be possessed.
Captain Basil Hall, in August 1817, when in command of the Lyra, had an
interview with the Emperor, of whom he says: "Bonaparte struck me as
differing considerably from the pictures and busts' I had seen of him.
His face and figure looked much broader and more square--larger, indeed,
in every way than any representation I had met with. His corpulency, at
this time universally reported to be excessive, was by no means
remarkable. His flesh looked, on the contrary, firm and muscular. There
was not the least trace of colour in his cheeks; in fact his skin was
more like marble than ordinary flesh. Not the smallest trace of a
wrinkle was discernible on his brow, nor an approach to a furrow on any
part of his countenance. His health and spirits, judging from
appearances, were excellent, though at this period it was generally
believed in England that he was fast sinking under a complication of
diseases, and that his spirits were entirely gone. His manner of
speaking was rather slow than otherwise, and perfectly distinct; he
waited with great patience and kindness for my answers to his questions,
and a reference to Count Bertrand was necessary only once during the
whole conversation. The brilliant and sometimes dazzling expression of
his eye could not be overlooked. It was not, however, a permanent
lustre, for it was only remarkable when he was excited by some point of
particular interest. It is impossible to imagine an expression of more
entire mildness, I may almost call it of benignity and kindness, than
that which played over his features during the whole interview. If,
therefore he were at this time out of health and in low spirits, his
power of self-command must have been even more extraordinary than is
generally supposed, for his whole deportment, his conversation, and the
expression of his countenance indicated a frame in perfect health and a
mind at ease."
The manner assumed by Napoleon in the occasional interviews he had with
such visitors was so very opposite to that which he constantly maintained
towards the authorities in whose custody he was placed, that we can
scarcely doubt he was acting a part in one of those situations. It was
suggested by Mr. Ellis that he either wished, by means of his continual
complaints, to keep alive his interest in England, where he flattered
himself there was a party favourable to him, or that his troubled mind
found an occupation in the annoyance which he caused to the Governor.
Every attempt at conciliation on the part of Sir Hudson Lowe furnished
fresh causes for irritation. He sent fowling-pieces to Longwood, and the
thanks returned were a reply from Napoleon that it was an insult to send
fowling-pieces where there was no game. An invitation to a ball was
resented vehemently, and descanted upon by the French party as a great
offence. Sir Hudson Lowe at one time sent a variety of clothes and other
articles received from England which he imagined might be useful at
Longwood. Great offence was taken at this; they were treated, they said,
like paupers; the articles, ought to have been left at the Governor's
house, and a list sent respectfully to the household, stating that such
things were at their command if they wanted them.
An opinion has already been expressed that much of this annoyance was due
to the offended pride of Napoleon's attendants, who were at first
certainly far more captious than himself. He admitted as much himself on
one occasion in a conversation with O'Meara. He said, "Las Cases
certainly was greatly irritated against Sir Hudson, and contributed
materially towards forming the impressions existing in my mind." He
attributed this to the sensitive mind of Las Cases, which he said was
peculiarly alive to the ill-treatment Napoleon and himself had been
subjected to. Sir Hudson Lowe also felt this, and remarked, like Sir
George Cockburn, on more than one occasion, that he always found Napoleon
himself more reasonable than the persons about him.
A fertile source of annoyance was the resolution of Napoleon not upon any
terms to acknowledge himself a prisoner, and his refusal to submit to
such regulations as would render his captivity less burdensome. More
than once the attendance of an officer was offered to be discontinued if
he would allow himself to be seen once every day, and promise to take no
means of escaping. "If he were to give me the whole of the island," said
Napoleon, "on condition that I would pledge my word not to attempt an
escape, I would not accept it; because it would be equivalent to
acknowledging myself a prisoner, although at the same time I would not
make the attempt. I am here by force, and not by right. If I had been
taken at Waterloo perhaps I might have had no hesitation in accepting it,
although even in that case it would be contrary to the law of nations,
as now there is no war. If they were to offer me permission to reside in
England on similar conditions I would refuse it." The very idea of
exhibiting himself to an officer every day, though but for a moment, was
repelled with indignation. He even kept loaded pistols to shoot any
person who should attempt an intrusion on his privacy. It is stated in a
note in O'Meara's journal that "the Emperor was so firmly impressed with
the idea that an attempt would be made forcibly to intrude on his
privacy, that from a short time after the departure of Sir George
Cockburn he always kept four or five pairs of loaded pistols and some
swords in his apartment, with which he was determined to despatch the
first who entered against his will." It seems this practice was
continued to his death.
Napoleon continued to pass the mornings in dictating his Memoirs and the
evenings in reading or conversation. He grew fonder of Racine, but his
favourite was Corneille. He repeated that, had he lived in his time, he
would have made him a prince. He had a distaste to Voltaire, and found
considerable fault with his dramas, perhaps justly, as conveying opinions
rather than sentiments. He criticised his Mahomet, and said he had made
him merely an impostor and a tyrant, without representing him as a great
man. This was owing to Voltaire's religious and political antipathies;
for those who are free from common prejudices acquire others of their own
in their stead, to which they are equally bigoted, and which they bring
forward on all occasions. When the evening passed off in conversation
without having recourse to books he considered it a point gained.
Some one having asked the Emperor which was the greatest battle that he
had fought, he replied it was difficult to answer that question without
inquiring what was implied by the greatest battle. "Mine," continued he,
"cannot be judged of separately: they formed a portion of extensive
plans. They must therefore be estimated by their consequences. The
battle of Marengo, which was so long undecided, procured for us the
command of all Italy. Ulm annihilated a whole army; Jena laid the whole
Prussian monarchy at our feet; Friedland opened the Russian empire to us;
and Eckmuhl decided the fate of a war. The battle of the Moskwa was that
in which the greatest talent was displayed, and by which we obtained the
fewest advantages. Waterloo, where everything failed, would, had victory
crowned our efforts, have saved France and given peace to Europe."
Madame Montholon having inquired what troops he considered the best,
"Those which are victorious, madam," replied the Emperor. "But," added
he, soldiers are capricious and inconstant, like you ladies. The best
troops were the Carthaginians under Hannibal, the Romans under the
Scipios, the Macedonians under Alexander, and the Prussians under
Frederick." He thought, however, that the French soldiers were of all
others those which could most easily be rendered the best, and preserved
so. With my complete guard of 40,000 or 50,000 men I would have
undertaken to march through Europe. It is perhaps possible to produce
troops as good as those that composed my army of Italy and Austerlitz,
but certainly none can ever surpass them."
The anniversary of the battle of Waterloo produced a visible impression
on the Emperor. "Incomprehensible day!" said he, dejectedly;
"concurrence of unheard-of fatalities! Grouchy, Ney, D'Erlon--was there
treachery or was it merely misfortune? Alas! poor France!" Here he
covered his eyes with his hands. "And yet," said he, "all that human
skill could do was accomplished! All was not lost until the moment when
all had succeeded." A short time afterwards, resuming the subject, he
exclaimed, "In that extraordinary campaign, thrice, in less than a week,
I saw the certain triumph of France slip through my fingers. Had it not
been for a traitor I should have annihilated the enemy at the outset of
the campaign. I should have destroyed him at Ligny if my left wing had
only done its duty. I should have destroyed him again at Waterloo if my
right had seconded me. Singular defeat, by which, notwithstanding the
most fatal catastrophe, the glory of the conquered has not suffered."
We shall here give Napoleon's own opinion of the battle of Waterloo.
"The plan of the battle," said he, "will not in the eyes of the
historian reflect any credit on Lord Wellington as a general. In the
first place, he ought not to have given battle with the armies divided.
They ought to have been united and encamped before the 15th. In the
next, the choice of ground was bad; because if he had been beaten he
could not have retreated, as there was only one road leading through the
forest in his rear. He also committed a fault which might have proved
the destruction of all his army, without its ever having commenced the
campaign, or being drawn out in battle; he allowed himself to be
surprised. On the 15th I was at Charleroi, and had beaten the Prussians
without his knowing anything about it. I had gained forty-eight hours of
manoeuvres upon him, which was a great object; and if some of my generals
had shown that vigour and genius which they had displayed on other
occasions, I should have taken his army in cantonments without ever
fighting a battle. But they were discouraged, and fancied that they saw
an army of 100,000 men everywhere opposed to them. I had not time enough
myself to attend to the minutiae of the army. I counted upon surprising
and cutting Wellington up in detail. I knew of Bulow's arrival at eleven
o'clock, but I did not regard it. I had still eighty chances out of a
hundred in my favour. Notwithstanding the great superiority of force
against me I was convinced that I should obtain the victory, I had about
70,000 men, of whom 15,000 were cavalry. I had also 260 pieces of
cannon; but my troops were so good that I esteemed them sufficient to
beat 120,000. Of all those troops, however, I only reckoned the English
as being able to cope with my own. The others I thought little of.
I believe that of English there were from 35,000 to 40,000. These I
esteemed to be as brave and as good as my own troops; the English army
was well known latterly on the Continent, and besides, your nation
possesses courage and energy. As to the Prussians, Belgians, and others,
half the number of my troops, were sufficient to beat them. I only left
34,000 men to take care of the Prussians. The chief causes of the loss
of that battle were, first of all, Grouchy's great tardiness and neglect
in executing his orders; next, the 'grenadiers a cheval' and the cavalry
under General Guyot, which I had in reserve, and which were never to
leave me, engaged without orders and without my knowledge; so that after
the last charge, when the troops were beaten and the English cavalry
advanced, I had not a single corps of cavalry in reserve to resist them,
instead of one which I esteemed to be equal to double their own number.
In consequence of this the English attacked, succeeded, and all was lost.
There was no means of rallying. The youngest general would not have
committed the fault of leaving an army entirely without reserve, which,
however, occurred here, whether in consequence of treason or not I cannot
say. These were the two principal causes of the loss of the battle of
Waterloo."
"If Lord Wellington had intrenched himself," continued Napoleon, "I would
not have attacked him. As a general, his plan did not show talent.
He certainly displayed great courage and obstinacy; but a little must
be taken away even from that when you consider that he had no means of
retreat, and that had he made the attempt not a man of his army would
have escaped. First, to the firmness and bravery of his troops, for the
English fought with the greatest courage and obstinacy, he is principally
indebted for the victory, and not to his own conduct as a general; and
next, to the arrival of Blucher, to whom the victory is more to be
attributed than to Wellington, and more credit is due as a general;
because he, although beaten the day before, assembled his troops, and
brought them into action in the evening. I believe, however," continued
Napoleon, "that Wellington is a man of great firmness. The glory of such
a victory is a great thing; but in the eye of the historian his military
reputation will gain nothing by it."
"I always had a high opinion of your seamen," said Napoleon one day to
O'Meara, in a conversation arising out of the expedition to Algiers.
"When I was returning from Holland along with the Empress Maria Louisa we
stopped to rest at Givet. During the night a violent storm of wind and
rain came on, which swelled the Meuse so much that the bridge of boats
over it was carried away. I was very anxious to depart, and ordered all
the boatmen in the place to be assembled that I might be enabled to cross
the river. They said that the waters were so high that it would be
impossible to pass before two or three days. I questioned some of them,
and soon discovered that they were fresh-water seamen. I then
recollected that there were English prisoners in the barracks, and
ordered that some of the oldest and best seamen among them should be
brought before me to the banks of the river. The waters were very high,
and the current rapid and dangerous. I asked them if they could join a
number of boats together so that I might pass over. They answered that
it was possible, but hazardous. I desired them to set about it
instantly. In the course of a few hours they succeeded in effecting what
the others had pronounced to be impossible, and I crossed before the
evening was over. I ordered those who had worked at it to receive a sum
of money each, a suit of clothes, and their liberty. Marchand was with
me at the time."
In December 1816 Las Cases was compelled to leave St. Helena. He had
written a letter to Lucien Bonaparte, and entrusted it to a mulatto
servant to be forwarded to Europe. He was detected; and as he was thus
endeavouring to carry on (contrary to the regulations of the island) a
clandestine correspondence with Europe, Las Cases and his son were sent
off, first to the Cape and then to England, where they were only allowed
to land to be sent to Dover and shipped off to Ostend.
Not long after their arrival at St. Helena, Madame Bertrand gave birth to
a son, and when Napoleon went to visit her she said, "I have the honour
of presenting to your Majesty the first French subject who has entered
Longwood without the permission of Lord Bathurst."
It has been generally supposed that Napoleon was a believer in the
doctrine of predestination. The following conversation with Las Cases
clearly decides that point. "Pray," said he, "am I not thought to be
given to a belief in predestination?"--"Yes, Sire; at least by many
people."--"Well, well! let them say what they please, one may sometimes
be tempted to set a part, and it may occasionally be useful. But what
are men? How much easier is it to occupy their attention and to strike
their imaginations by absurdities than by rational ideas! But can a man
of sound sense listen for one moment to such a doctrine? Either
predestination admits the existence of free-will, or it rejects it.
If it admits it, what kind of predetermined result can that be which a
simple resolution, a step, a word, may alter or modify ad infinitum?
If predestination, on the contrary, rejects the existence of free-will it
is quite another question; in that case a child need only be thrown into
its cradle as soon as it is born, there is no necessity for bestowing the
least care upon it, for if it be irrevocably decreed that it is to live,
it will grow though no food should be given to it. You see that such a
doctrine cannot be maintained; predestination is but a word without
meaning. The Turks themselves, the professors of predestination, are not
convinced of the doctrine, for in that case medicine would not exist in
Turkey, and a man residing in a third floor would not take the trouble of
going down stairs, but would immediately throw himself out of the window.
You see to what a string of absurdities that will lead?"
The following traits are characteristic of the man. In the common
intercourse of life, and his familiar conversation, Napoleon mutilated
the names most familiar to him, even French names; yet this would not
have occurred on any public occasion. He has been heard many times
during his walks to repeat the celebrated speech of Augustus in
Corneille's tragedy, and he has never missed saying, "Take a seat,
Sylla," instead of Cinna. He would frequently create names according to
his fancy, and when he had once adopted them they remained fixed in his
mind, although they were pronounced properly a hundred times a day in his
hearing; but he would have been struck if others had used them as he had
altered them. It was the same thing with respect to orthography; in
general he did not attend to it, yet if the copies which were made
contained any faults of spelling he would have complained of it. One day
Napoleon said to Las Cases, "Your orthography is not correct, is it?"
This question gave occasion to a sarcastic smile from a person who stood
near, who thought it was meant to convey a reproach. The Emperor, who
saw this, continued, "At least I suppose it is not, for a man occupied
with important public business, a minister, for instance, cannot and need
not attend to orthography. His ideas must flow faster than his hand can
trace them, he has only time to dwell upon essentials; he must put words
in letters, and phrases in words, and let the scribes make it out
afterwards." Napoleon indeed left a great deal for the copyists to do;
he was their torment; his handwriting actually resembled hieroglyphics--
he often could not decipher it himself. Las Cases' son was one day
reading to him a chapter of The Campaign of Italy; on a sudden he stopped
short, unable to make out the writing. "The little blockhead," said
Napoleon, "cannot read his own handwriting."--" It is not mine, Sire."--
"And whose, then?"--"Your Majesty's."--"How so, you little rogue; do you
mean to insult me?" The Emperor took the manuscript, tried a long while
to read it, and at last threw it down, saying, "He is right; I cannot
tell myself what is written." He has often sent the copyists to Las
Cases to read what he had himself been unable to decipher.
We are now approaching the last melancholy epoch of Napoleon's life, when
he first felt the ravages of that malady which finally put a period to
his existence. Occasional manifestations of its presence had been
exhibited for some years, but his usual health always returned after
every attack, and its fatal nature was not suspected, although Napoleon
himself had several times said that he should die of a scirrhus in the
pylorus, the disease which killed his father, and which the physicians of
Montpelier declared would be hereditary in his family. About the middle
of the year 1818 it was observed that his health grew gradually worse,
and it was thought proper by O'Meara to report to the Governor the state
in which he was. Even on these occasions Napoleon seized the opportunity
for renewing his claim to the title of Emperor. He insisted that the
physician should not send any bulletin whatever unless he named him in it
by his Imperial designation. O'Meara explained that the instructions of
his Government and the orders of Sir Hudson Lowe prohibited him from
using the term; but it was in vain. After some difficulty it was agreed
upon that the word "patient" should be used instead of the title of
General, which caused so much offence, and this substitution got rid of
the difficulty.
O'Meara afterwards proposed to call in the assistance of Dr. Baxter, the
principal medical officer of the island, but this offer Napoleon refused
at once, alleging that, although "it was true he looked like an honest
man, he was too much attached to that hangman" (Lows), he also persisted
in rejecting the aid of medicine, and determined to take no exercise out-
of-doors as long as he should be subjected to the challenge of sentinels.
To a representation that his determination might convert a curable to a
fatal malady, he replied, "I shall at least have the consolation that my
death will be an eternal dishonour to the English nation who sent me to
this climate to die under the hands of . . ."
An important incident in Napoleon's monotonous life was the removal of
O'Meara, who had attended him as his physician from the time of his
arrival on the island. The removal of this gentleman, was occasioned by
the suspicion of similar conduct to that which brought about the
dismissal of Las Cases twenty months previously, namely, the carrying on
secret correspondence with persons out of the island. Napoleon
complained bitterly of the loss of his medical attendant, though he had
most assuredly very seldom attended to his advice, and repelled as an
insult the proffered assistance of Dr. Baxter, insinuating that the
Governor wished to have his life in his power. Some time after Dr.
Stokes, a naval surgeon, was called in, but withdrawn and eventually
tried by court-martial for furnishing information to the French at
Longwood. After this Napoleon expressed his determination to admit no
more visits from any English physician whatever, and Cardinal Fesch was
requested by the British Ministry to select some physician of reputation
in Italy who should be sent to St. Helena to attend on Napoleon. The
choice fell on Dr. Antommarchi, a young surgeon, who was accordingly sent
to St. Helena in company with two Catholic priests, the Abbes Buonavita
and Vignale, and two domestics, in compliance with the wish of Napoleon
to that effect. The party reached the island on 10th September 1819.
On his first visit the Emperor overwhelmed Antommarchi with questions
concerning his mother and family, the Princess Julie (wife of Joseph),
and Las Cases, whom Antommarchi had seen in passing through Frankfort,
expatiated with satisfaction on the retreat which he had at one time
meditated in Corsica, entered into some discussions with the doctor on
his profession, and then directed his attention to the details of his
disorder. While he examined the symptoms the Emperor continued his
remarks. They were sometimes serious, sometimes lively; kindness,
indignation, gaiety, were expressed by turns in his words and in his
countenance. "Well, doctor!" he exclaimed, "what is your opinion? Am I
to trouble much longer the digestion of Kings?"--"You will survive them,
Sire."--" Aye, I believe you; they will not be able to subject to the ban
of Europe the fame of our victories, it will traverse ages, it will.
proclaim the conquerors and the conquered, those who were generous and
those who were not so; posterity will judge, I do not dread its
decision."--"This after-life belongs to you of right. Your name will
never be repeated with admiration without recalling those inglorious
warriors so basely leagued against a single man. But you are not near
your end, you have yet a long career to run."--"No, Doctor! I cannot
hold out long under this frightful climate."--"Your excellent
constitution is proof against its pernicious effects."--"It once did not
yield to the strength of mind with which nature has endowed me, but the
transition from a life of action to a complete seclusion has ruined all.
I have grown fat, my energy is gone, the bow is unstrung." Antommarchi
did not try to combat an opinion but too well-founded, but diverted the
conversation to another subject. "I resign myself," said Napoleon, "to
your direction. Let medicine give the order, I submit to its decisions.
I entrust my health to your care. I owe you the detail of the habits I
have acquired, of the affections to which I am subject.
"The hours at which I obey the injunctions of nature are in general
extremely irregular. I sleep, I eat according to circumstances or the
situation in which I am placed; my sleep is ordinarily sound and
tranquil. If pain or any accident interrupt it I jump out of bed, call
for a light, walk, set to work, and fix my attention on some subject;
sometimes I remain in the dark, change my apartment, lie down in another
bed, or stretch myself on the sofa. I rise at two, three, or four in the
morning; I call for some one to keep me company, amuse myself with
recollections or business, and wait for the return of day. I go out as
soon as dawn appears, take a stroll, and when the sun shows itself I
reenter and go to bed again, where I remain a longer or shorter time,
according as the day promises to turn out. If it is bad, and I feel
irritation and uneasiness, I have recourse to the method I have just
mentioned. I change my posture, pass from my bed to the sofa, from the
sofa to the bed, seek and find a degree of freshness. I do not describe
to you my morning costume; it has nothing to do with the sufferings I
endure, and besides, I do not wish to deprive you of the pleasure of your
surprise when you see it. These ingenious contrivances carry me on to
nine or ten o'clock, sometimes later. I then order the breakfast to be
brought, which I take from time to time in my bath, but most frequently
in the garden. Either Bertrand or Montholon keep me company, often both
of them. Physicians have the right of regulating the table; it is proper
that I should give you an account of mine. Well, then, a basin of soup,
two plates of meat, one of vegetables, a salad when I can take it,
compose the whole service; half a bottle of claret; which I dilute with a
good deal of water, serves me for drink; I drink a little of it pure
towards the end of the repast. Sometimes, when I feel fatigued, I
substitute champagne for claret, it is a certain means of giving a fillip
to the stomach."
The doctor having expressed his surprise at Napoleon's temperance, he
replied, "In my marches with the army of Italy I never failed to put into
the bow of my saddle a bottle of wine, some bread, and a cold fowl. This
provision sufficed for the wants of the day,--I may even say that I often
shared it with others. I thus gained time. I eat fast, masticate
little, my meals do not consume my hours. This is not what you will
approve the most, but in my present situation what signifies it? I am
attacked with a liver complaint, a malady which is general in this
horrible climate."
Antommarchi, having gained his confidence, now became companion as well
as physician to the Emperor, and sometimes read with him. He eagerly
turned over the newspapers when they arrived, and commented freely on
their contents. "It is amusing," he would say, "to see the sage measures
resorted to by the Allies to make people forget my tyranny!" On one
occasion he felt more languid than ordinary, and lighting on the
'Andromache' of Racine; he took up the book, began to read, but soon let
it drop from his hands. He had come to the famous passage where the
mother describes her being allowed to see her son once a day.
He was moved, covered his face with his hands, and, saying that he was
too much affected, desired to be left alone. He grew calmer, fell
asleep, and when he awoke, desired Antommarchi to be called again. He
was getting ready to shave, and the doctor was curious to witness the
operation. He was in his shirt, his head uncovered, with two valets at
his side, one holding the glass and a towel, the other the rest of the
apparatus. The Emperor spread the soap over one side of his face, put
down the brush, wiped his hands and mouth, took a razor dipped in hot
water and shaved the right side with singular dexterity. "Is it done,
Noverraz?"--"Yes, Sire."--"Well, then, face about. Come, villain, quick,
stand still." The light fell on the left side, which, after applying the
lather, he shaved in the same manner and with the same dexterity. He
drew his hand over his chin. "Raise the glass. Am I quite right?"--
"Quite so."--"Not a hair has escaped me: what say you?"--"No, Sire,"
replied the valet de chambre. "No! I think I perceive one. Lift up the
glass, place it in a better light. How, rascal! Flattery? You deceive
me at St. Helena? On this rock? You, too, are an accomplice." With
this he gave them both a box on the ear, laughed, and joked in the most
pleasant manner possible.
An almost incredible instance of the determination of the exiles to make
as many enemies as they possibly could was exhibited to Antommarchi on
his arrival at Longwood. He states that before he was permitted to enter
on his functions as surgeon he was required to take an oath that he would
not communicate with the English, and that he would more especially avoid
giving them the least information respecting the progress of Napoleon's
disorder. He was not allowed to see his illustrious patient until the
oath was taken. After exacting such an oath from his physician the
attendants of Bonaparte had little right to complain, as they did, that
the real state of his disorder was purposely concealed from the world by
the English Government. It is more than probable that the constant
attempts observed to throw mystery and secrecy around them must have
tended to create the suspicion of escape, and to increase the consequent
rigour of the regulations maintained by the Governor.
Soon after the arrival of the priests Napoleon determined, we may suppose
partly in jest, to elevate one of them to the dignity of bishop, and he
chose for a diocese the Jumna. "The last box brought from Europe had
been broken open," says Antommarchi; "it contained the vases and church
ornaments. "Stop," said Napoleon, "this is the property of St. Peter;
have a care who touches it; send for the abbes--but talking of the abbes,
do you know that the Cardinal [Fesch] is a poor creature? He sends me
missionaries and propagandists, as if I were a penitent, and as if a
whole string of their Eminences had not always attended at my chapel.
I will do what he ought to have done; I possess the right of investiture,
and I shall use it." Abbe Buonavita was just entering the room, "'I give
you the episcopal mitre.'--'Sire!'--'I restore it to you; you shall wear
it in spite of the heretics; they will not again take it from you.'--
'But, Sire!'--'I cannot add to it so rich a benefice as that of Valencia,
which Suchet had given you, but at any rate your see shall be secure from
the chances of battles. I appoint you Bishop of--let me see--of the
Jumna. The vast countries through which that river flows were on the
point of entering into alliance with me--all was in readiness, all were
going to march. We were about to give the finishing blow to England."
The speech concluded with an order to Count Montholon to procure the
necessary dress for the abbe in order to strike with awe all the
heretics. The upshot of the whole was, that the scarlet and violet
coloured clothes necessary to furnish the new bishop with the only
valuable portion of his temporalities, his dress, could not be procured
in the island, and the abbe remained an abbe in spite of the investiture,
and the whole farce was forgotten.
We occasionally see the Exile in better moods, when he listened to the
voice of reason, and thought less of the annoyances inseparable from the
state to which his ambition, or as he himself always averred, his
destiny, had reduced him. He had for a long time debarred himself from
all exercise, having, as he expressed it, determined not to expose
himself to the insult of being accompanied on his ride by a British
officer; or the possibility of being challenged by a sentinel. One day
when he complained of his inactive life his medical attendant recommended
the exercise of digging the ground; the idea was instantly seized upon by
Napoleon with his characteristic ardour. Noverraz, his chasseur, who had
been formerly accustomed to rural occupations, was honoured with the
title of head gardener, and under his directions Napoleon proceeded to
work with great vigour. He sent for Antommarchi to witness his newly
acquired dexterity in the use of the spade. "Well, Doctor," said he to
him, "are you satisfied with your patient--is he obedient enough? This
is better than your pills, Dottoraccio; you shall not physic me any
more." At first he soon got fatigued, and complained much of the
weakness of his body and delicacy of his hands; but "never mind," said
he, "I have always accustomed my body to bend to my will, and I shall
bring it to do so now, and inure it to the exercise." He soon grew fond
of his new employment, and pressed all the inhabitants of Longwood into
the service. Even the ladies had great difficulty to avoid being set to
work. He laughed at them, urged them, entreated them, and used all his
arts of persuasion, particularly with Madame Bertrand. He assured her
that the exercise of gardening was much better than all the doctor's
prescriptions--that it was in fact one of his prescriptions. But in this
instance his eloquence failed in its effect, and he was obliged, though
with much reluctance, to desist from his attempts to make lady gardeners.
But in recompense he had willing labourers on the part of the gentlemen.
Antommarchi says, "The Emperor urged us, excited us, and everything
around us soon assumed a different aspect. Here was an excavation, there
a basin or a road. We made alleys, grottoes, cascades; the appearance of
the ground had now some life and diversity. We planted willows, oaks,
peach-trees, to give a little shade round the house. Having completed
the ornamental part of our labours we turned to the useful. We divided
the ground, we manured it, and sowed it with abundance of beans, peas,
and every vegetable that grows in the island." In the course of their
labours they found that a tank would be of great use to hold water, which
might be brought by pipes from a spring at a distance of 3000 feet.
For this laborious attempt it was absolutely necessary to procure
additional forces, and a party of Chinese, of whom there are many on the
island, was engaged to help them. These people were much amused at
Napoleon's working-dress, which was a jacket and large trousers, with an
enormous straw hat to shield him from the sun, and sandals. He pitied
those poor fellows who suffered from the heat of the sun, and made each
of them a present of a large hat like his own. After much exertion the
basin was finished, the pipes laid, and the water began to flow into it.
Napoleon stocked his pond with gold-fish, which he placed in it with his
own hands. He would remain by the pond for hours together, at a time
when he was so weak that he could hardly support himself. He would amuse
himself by following the motion of the fishes, throwing bread to them,
studying their ways, taking an interest in their loves and their
quarrels, and endeavouring with anxiety to find out points of resemblance
between their motives and those of mankind. He often sent for his
attendants to communicate his remarks to them, and directed their
observations to any peculiarities he had observed. His favourites at
last sickened, they struggled, floated on the water, and died one after
another. He was deeply affected by this, and remarked to Antommarchi,
"You see very well that there is a fatality attached to me. Everything I
love, everything that belongs to me, is immediately struck: heaven and
mankind unite to persecute me." From this time he visited them daily in
spite of sickness or bad weather, nor did his anxiety diminish until it
was discovered that a coppery cement, with which the bottom of the basin
was plastered, had poisoned the water. The fish which were not yet dead
were then taken out and put into a tub.
Napoleon appears to have taken peculiar interest in observing the
instincts of animals, and comparing their practices and propensities with
those of men. A rainy day, during which the digging of the tank could
not be proceeded with, gave occasion for some observations on the actions
of a number of ants, which had made a way into his bedroom, climbed upon
a table on which some sugar usually stood, and taken possession of the
sugar-basin. He would not allow the industrious little insects to be
disturbed in their plans; but he now and then moved the sugar, followed
their manoeuvres, and admired the activity and industry they displayed
until they found it again; this they had been sometimes even two or three
days in effecting, though they always succeeded at last. He then
surrounded the basin with water, but the ants still reached it; he
finally employed vinegar, and the insects were unable to get through the
new obstacle.
But the slight activity of mind that now remained to him was soon to be
exchanged for the languor and gloom of sickness, with but few intervals
between positive suffering and the most distressing lowness of spirits.
Towards the end of the year 1820 he walked with difficulty, and required
assistance even to reach a chair in his garden. He became nearly
incapable of the slightest action; his legs swelled; the pains in his
side and back were increased; he was troubled with nausea, profuse
sweats, loss of appetite, and was subject to frequent faintings. "Here
I am, Doctor," said he one day, "at my last cast. No more energy and
strength left: I bend under the load . . . . I am going. I feel that
my hour is come."
Some days after, as he lay on his couch, he feelingly expressed to
Antommarchi the vast change which had taken place within him. He
recalled for a few moments the vivid recollection of past times, and
compared his former energy with the weakness which he was then sinking
under.
The news of the death of his sister Elisa also affected him deeply.
After a struggle with his feelings, which had nearly overpowered him, he
rose, supported himself on Antommarchi's arm; and regarding him
steadfastly, said, "Well, Doctor! you see Elisa has just shown me the
way. Death, which seemed to have forgotten my family, has begun to
strike it; my turn cannot be far off. What think you?"--"Your Majesty is
in no danger: you are still reserved for some glorious enterprise."--
"Ah, Doctor! I have neither strength nor activity nor energy; I am no
longer Napoleon. You strive in vain to give me hopes, to recall life
ready to expire. Your care can do nothing in spite of fate: it is
immovable: there is no appeal from its decisions. The next person of our
family who will follow Elisa to the tomb is that great Napoleon who
hardly exists, who bends under the yoke, and who still, nevertheless
keeps Europe in alarm. Behold, my good friend, how I look on my
situation! As for me, all is over: I repeat it to you, my days will soon
close on this miserable rock."--"We returned," says Antommarchi, "into
his chamber. Napoleon lay down' in bed. 'Close my windows,' he said;
leave me to myself; I will send for you by-and-by. What a delightful
thing rest is! I would not exchange it for all the thrones in the world!
What an alteration! How I am fallen! I, whose activity was boundless,
whose mind never slumbered, am now plunged into a lethargic stupor, so
that it requires an effort even to raise my eyelids. I sometimes
dictated to four or five secretaries, who wrote as fast as words could be
uttered, but then I was NAPOLEON--now I am no longer anything. My
strength--my faculties forsake me. I do not live--I merely exist.'"
From this period the existence of Napoleon was evidently drawing to a
close his days were counted. Whole hours, and even days, were either
passed in gloomy silence or spent in pain, accompanied by distressing
coughs, and all the melancholy signs of the approach of death. He made a
last effort to ride a few miles round Longwood on the 22d of January
1821, but it exhausted his strength, and from that time his only exercise
was in the calash. Even that slight motion soon became too fatiguing.
He now kept his room, and no longer stirred out. His disorder and his
weakness increased upon him. He still was able to eat something, but
very little, and with a worse appetite than ever. "Ah! doctor," he
exclaimed, "how I suffer! Why did the cannon-balls spare me only to die
in this deplorable manner? I that was so active, so alert, can now
scarcely raise my eyelids!"
His last airing was on the 17th of March. The disease increased, and
Antommarchi, who was much alarmed, obtained with some difficulty
permission to see an English physician. He held a consultation, on the
26th of March, with Dr. Arnott of the 20th Regiment; but Napoleon still
refused to take medicine, and often repeated his favourite saying:
"Everything that must happen is written down our hour is marked, and it
is not in our power to take from time a portion which nature refuses us."
He continued to grow worse, and at last consented to see Dr. Arnott,
whose first visit was on the 1st of April He was introduced into the
chamber of the patient, which was darkened, and into which Napoleon did
not suffer any light to be brought, examined his pulse and the other
symptoms, and was requested to repeat his visit the next day. Napoleon
was now within a month of his death, and although he occasionally spoke
with the eloquence and vehemence he had so often exhibited, his mind was
evidently giving way. The reported appearance of a comet was taken as a
token of his death. He was excited, and exclaimed with emotion,
"A comet! that was the precursor of the death of Caesar."
On the 3d of April the symptoms of the disorder had become so alarming
that Antommarchi informed Bertrand and Montholon he thought Napoleon's
danger imminent, and that Napoleon ought to take steps to put his affairs
in order. He was now attacked by fever and by violent thirst, which
often interrupted his sleep in the night. On the 14th Napoleon found
himself in better spirits, and talked with Dr. Arnott on the merits of
Marlborough, whose Campaigns he desired him to present to the 20th
Regiment, learning that they did not, possess a copy in their library.
On the 15th of April Napoleon's doors were closed to all but Montholon
and Marchand, and it appeared that he had been making his Will. On the
19th he was better, was free from pain, sat up, and ate a little. He was
in good spirits, and wished them to read to him. As General Montholon
with the others expressed his satisfaction at this improvement he smiled
gently, and said, "You deceive yourselves, my friends: I am, it is true,
somewhat better, but I feel no less that my end draws near. When I am
dead you will have the agreeable consolation of returning to Europe. One
will meet his relations, another his friends; and as for me, I shall
behold my brave companions-in-arms in the Elysian Fields. Yes," he went
on, raising his voice, "Kleber, Desaix, Bessieres, Duroc, Ney, Murat,
Massena, Berthier, all will come to greet me: they will talk to me of
what we have done together. I will recount to them the latest events of
my life. On seeing me they will become once more intoxicated with
enthusiasm and glory. We will discourse of our wars with the Scipios,
Hannibal, Caesar, and Frederick--there will be a satisfaction in that:
unless," he added, laughing bitterly, "they should be alarmed below to
see so many warriors assembled together!"
He addressed Dr. Arnott, who came in while he was speaking, on the
treatment he had received from England said that she had violated every
sacred right in making him prisoner, that he should have been much better
treated in Russia, Austria, or even Prussia; that he was sent to the
horrible rock of St. Helena on purpose to die; that he had been purposely
placed on the most uninhabitable spot of that inhospitable island, and
kept six years a close prisoner, and that Sir Hudson Lowe was his
executioner. He concluded with these words: "You will end like the proud
republic of Venice; and I, dying upon this dreary rock, away from those I
hold dear, and deprived of everything, bequeath the opprobrium and horror
of my death to the reigning family of England."
On the 21st Napoleon gave directions to the priest who was in attendance
as to the manner in which he would be placed to lie in state after his
death; and finding his religious attendant had never officiated in such a
solemnity he gave the most minute instructions for the mode of conducting
it. He afterwards declared that he would die, as he was born a Catholic,
and desired that mass should be said by his body, and the customary
ceremonies should be performed every day until his burial. The
expression of his face was earnest and convulsive; he saw Antommarchi
watching the contractions which he underwent, when his eye caught some
indication that displeased him. "You are above these weaknesses; but
what would you have? I am neither philosopher nor physician. I believe
in God; I am of the religion of my fathers; every one cannot be an
atheist who pleases." Then turning to the priest--"I was born in the
Catholic religion. I wish to fulfil the duties which it imposes, and to
receive the succour which it administers. You will say mass every day in
the adjoining chapel, and you will expose the Holy Sacrament for forty
hours. After I am dead you will place your altar at my head in the
funeral chamber; you will continue to celebrate mass, and perform all the
customary ceremonies; you will not cease till I am laid in the ground."
The Abbe (Vignale) withdrew; Napoleon reproved his fellow-countryman for
his supposed incredulity. "Can you carry it to this point? Can you
disbelieve in God? Everything proclaims His existence; and, besides, the
greatest minds have thought so."--"But, Sire, I have never called it in
question. I was attending to the progress of the fever: your Majesty
fancied you saw in my features an expression which they had not."--
"You are a physician, Doctor," he replied laughingly; "these folks," he
added, half to himself, "are conversant only with matter; they will
believe in nothing beyond."
In the afternoon of the 25th he was better; but being left alone, a
sudden fancy possessed him to eat. He called for fruits, wine, tried a
biscuit, then swallowed some champagne, seized a bunch of grapes, and
burst into a fit of laughter as soon as he saw Antommarchi return. The
physician ordered away the dessert, and found fault with the maitre
d'hotel; but the mischief was done, the fever returned and became
violent. The Emperor was now on his death-bed, but he testified concern
for every one. He asked Antommarchi if 500 guineas would satisfy the
English physician, and if he himself would like to serve Maria Louisa in
quality of a physician? "She is my wife, the first Princess in Europe,
and after me you should serve no one else." Antommarchi expressed his
acknowledgments. The fever continued unabated, with violent thirst and
cold in the feet. On the 27th he determined to remove from the small
chamber into the salon. They were preparing to carry him. "No," he
said, "not until I am dead; for the present it will be sufficient if you
support me."
Between the 27th and 28th the Emperor passed a very bad night; the fever
increased, coldness spread over his limbs, his strength was quite gone.
He spoke a few words of encouragement to Antommarchi; then in a tone of
perfect calmness and composure he delivered to him the following
instructions: "After my death, which cannot be far off, I wish you to
open my body: I wish also, nay, I require, that you will not suffer any
English physician to touch me. If, however, you find it indispensable to
have some one to assist you, Dr. Arnott is the only one I am willing you
should employ. I am desirous, further, that you should take out my
heart, that you put it in spirits of wine, and that you carry it to Parma
to my dear Maria Louisa: you will tell her how tenderly I have loved her,
that I have never ceased to love her; and you will report to her all that
you have witnessed, all that relates to my situation and my death. I
recommend you, above all, carefully to examine my stomach, to make an.
exact detailed report of it, which you will convey to my son. The
vomitings which succeed each other without intermission lead me to
suppose that the stomach is the one of my organs which is the most
deranged, and I am inclined to believe that it is affected with the
disease which conducted my father to the grave,--I mean a cancer in the
lower stomach. What think you? "His physician hesitating, he continued
--"I have not doubted this since I found the sickness become frequent and
obstinate. It is nevertheless well worthy of remark that I have always
had a stomach of iron, that I have felt no inconvenience from this organ
till latterly, and that whereas my father was fond of high-seasoned
dishes and spirituous liquors, I have never been able to make use of
them. Be it as it may, I entreat, I charge you to neglect nothing in
such an examination, in order that when you see my son you may
communicate the result of your observations to him, and point out the
most suitable remedies. When I am no more you will repair to Rome; you
will find out my mother and my family. You will give them an account of
all you have observed relative to my situation, my disorder, and my death
on this remote and miserable rock; you will tell them that the great
Napoleon expired in the most deplorable state, wanting everything,
abandoned to himself and his glory." It was ten in the forenoon; after
this the fever abated, and he fell into a sort of doze.
The Emperor passed a very bad night, and could not sleep. He grew light-
headed and talked incoherently; still the fever had abated in its
violence. Towards morning the hiccough began to torment him, the fever
increased, and he became quite delirious. He spoke of his complaint, and
called upon Baxter (the Governor's physician) to appear, to come and see
the truth of his reports. Then all at once fancying O'Meara present, he
imagined a dialogue between them, throwing a weight of odium on the
English policy. The fever having subsided, his hearing became distinct;
he grew calm, and entered into some further conversation on what was to
be done after his death. He felt thirsty, and drank a large quantity of
cold water. "If fate should determine that I shall recover, I would
raise a monument on the spot where this water gushes out: I would crown
the fountain in memory of the comfort which it has afforded me. If I
die, and they should not proscribe my remains as they have proscribed my
person, I should desire to be buried with my ancestors in the cathedral
of Ajaccio, in Corsica. But if I am not allowed to repose where I was
born, why, then, let them bury me at the spot where this fine and
refreshing water flows." This request was afterwards complied with.
He remained nearly in the same state for some days. On the 1st of May he
was delirious nearly all day, and suffered dreadful vomitings. He took
two small biscuits and a few drops of red wine. On the 2d he was rather
quieter, and the alarming symptoms diminished a little. At 2 P.M.,
however, he had a paroxysm of fever, and became again delirious. He
talked to himself of France, of his dear son, of some of his old
companions-in-arms. At times he was evidently in imagination on the
field of battle. "Stengel!" he cried; "Desaix! Massena! Ah! victory
is declaring itself! run--rush forward--press the charge!--they are
ours!"
"I was listening," says Dr. Antommarchi, "and following the progress of
that painful agony in the deepest distress, when Napoleon, suddenly
collecting his strength, jumped on the floor, and would absolutely go
down into the garden to take a walk. I ran to receive him in my arms,
but his legs bent under the weight of his body; he fell backwards, and I
had the mortification of being unable to prevent his falling. We raised
him up and entreated him to get into bed again; but he did not recognise
anybody, and began to storm and fall into a violent passion. He was
unconscious, and anxiously desired to walk in the garden. In the course
of the day, however, he became more collected, and again spoke of his
disease, and the precise anatomical examination he wished to be made of
his body after death. He had a fancy that this might be useful to his
son." "The physicians of Montpelier," he said to Antommarchi, "announced
that the scirrhosis in the pylorus would be hereditary in my family;
their report is, I believe, in the hands of my brother Louis; ask for it
and compare it with your own observations on my case, in order that my
son may be saved from this cruel disease. You will see him, Doctor, and
you will point out to him what is best to do, and will save him from the
cruel sufferings I now experience. This is the last service I ask of
you." Later in the day he said, "Doctor, I am very ill--I feel that I am
going to die."
The last time Napoleon spoke, except to utter a few short unconnected
words, was on the 3d of May. It was in the afternoon, and he had
requested his attendants, in case of his losing consciousness, not to
allow any English physician to approach him except Dr. Arnott. "I am
going to die," said he, "and you to return to Europe; I must give you
some advice as to the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have shared
my exile, you will be faithful to my memory, and will not do anything
that may injure it. I have sanctioned all proper principles, and infused
them into my laws and acts; I have not omitted a single one.
Unfortunately, however, the circumstances in which I was placed were
arduous, and I was obliged to act with severity, and to postpone the
execution of my plans. Our reverses occurred; I could not unbend the
bow; and France has been deprived of the liberal institutions I intended
to give her. She judges me with indulgence; she feels grateful for my
intentions; she cherishes my name and my victories. Imitate her example,
be faithful to the opinions we have defended, and to the glory we have
acquired: any other course can only lead to shame and confusion."
From this moment it does not appear that Napoleon showed any signs of
understanding what was going forward around him. His weakness increased
every moment, and a harassing hiccough continued until death took place.
The day before that event a fearful tempest threatened to destroy
everything about Longwood. The plantations were torn up by the roots,
and it was particularly remarked that a willow, under which Napoleon
usually sat to enjoy the fresh air, had fallen. "It seemed," says
Antommarchi, "as if none of the things the Emperor valued were to survive
him." On the day of his death Madame Bertrand, who had not left his
bedside, sent for her children to take a last farewell of Napoleon. The
scene which ensued was affecting: the children ran to the bed, kissed the
hands of Napoleon, and covered them with tears. One of the children
fainted, and all had to be carried from the spot. "We all," says
Antommarchi, "mixed our lamentations with theirs: we all felt the same
anguish, the same cruel foreboding of the approach of the fatal instant,
which every minute accelerated." The favourite valet, Noverraz, who had
been for some time very ill, when he heard of the state in which Napoleon
was, caused himself to be carried downstairs, and entered the apartment
in tears. He was with great difficulty prevailed upon to leave the room:
he was in a delirious state, and he fancied his master was threatened
with danger, and was calling upon him for assistance: he said he would
not leave him but would fight and die for him. But Napoleon was now
insensible to the tears of his servants; he had scarcely spoken for two
days; early in the morning he articulated a few broken sentences, among
which the only words distinguishable were, "tete d'armee," the last that
ever left his lips, and which indicated the tenor of his fancies. The
day passed in convulsive movements and low moanings, with occasionally a
loud shriek, and the dismal scene closed just before six in the evening.
A slight froth covered his lips, and he was no more.
After he had been dead about six hours Antommarchi had the body carefully
washed and laid out on another bed. The executors then proceeded to
examine two codicils which were directed to be opened immediately after
the Emperor's decease. The one related to the gratuities which be
intended out of his private purse for the different individuals of his
household, and to the alms which he wished to be distributed among the
poor of St. Helena; the other contained his last wish that "his ashes
should repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French
people whom he had loved so well." The executors notified this request
to the Governor, who stated that his orders were that the body was to,
remain on the island. On the next day, after taking a plaster cast of
the face of Napoleon, Antommarchi proceeded to open the body in the
presence of Sir Thomas Reade, some staff officers, and eight medical men.
The Emperor had intended his hair (which was of a chestnut colour) for
presents to the different members of his family, and it was cut off and
kept for this purpose.
He had grown considerably thinner in person during the last few months.
After his death his face and body were pale, but without alteration or
anything of a cadaverous appearance. His physiognomy was fine, the eyes
fast closed, and you would have said that the Emperor was not dead, but
in a profound sleep. His mouth retained its expression of sweetness,
though one side was contracted into a bitter smile. Several scars were
seen on his body. On opening it it was found that the liver was not
affected, but that there was that cancer of the stomach which he had
himself suspected, and of which his father and two of his sisters died.
This painful examination having been completed, Antommarchi took out the
heart and placed it in a silver vase filled with spirits of wine; he then
directed the valet de chambre to dress the body as he had been accustomed
in the Emperor's lifetime, with the grand cordon of the Legion of Honour
across the breast, in the green uniform of a colonel of the Chasseurs of
the Guard, decorated with the orders of the Legion of Honour and of the
Iron Crown, long boots with little spurs, finally, his three cornered
hat. Thus habited, Napoleon was removed in the afternoon of the 6th out
of the hall, into which the, crowd rushed immediately. The linen which
had been employed in the dissection of the body, though stained with
blood, was eagerly seized, torn in pieces, and distributed among the
bystanders.
Napoleon lay in state in his little bedroom which had been converted into
a funeral chamber. It was hung with black cloth brought from the town.
This circumstance first apprised the inhabitants of his death. The
corpse, which had not been embalmed, and which was of an extraordinary
whiteness, was placed on one of the campbeds, surrounded with little
white curtains, which served for a sarcophagus. The blue cloak which
Napoleon had worn at the battle of Marengo covered it. The feet and the
hands were free; the sword on the left side, and a crucifix on the
breast. At some distance was the silver vase containing the heart and
stomach, which were not allowed to be removed. At the back of the head
was an altar, where the priest in his stole and surplice recited the
customary prayers. All the individuals of Napoleon's suite, officers and
domestics, dressed in mourning, remained standing on the left. Dr.
Arnott had been charged to see that no attempt was made to convey away
the body.
For some-hours the crowd had besieged the doors; they were admitted, and
beheld the inanimate remains of Napoleon in respectful silence. The
officers of the 20th and 66th' Regiments were admitted first, then the
others. The following day (the 7th) the throng was greater. Antommarchi
was not allowed to take the heart of Napoleon to Europe with him; he
deposited that and the stomach in two vases, filled with alcohol and
hermetically sealed, in the corners of the coffin in which the corpse was
laid. This was a shell of zinc lined with white satin, in which was a
mattress furnished with a pillow. There not being room for the hat to
remain on his head, it was placed at his feet, with some eagles, pieces
of French money coined during his reign, a plate engraved with his arms,
etc. The coffin was closed, carefully soldered up, and then fixed in
another case of mahogany, which was enclosed in a third made of lead,
which last was fastened in a fourth of mahogany, which was sealed up and
fastened with screws. The coffin was exhibited in the same place as the
body had been, and was also covered with the cloak that Napoleon had worn
at the battle of Marengo. The funeral was ordered for the morrow, 8th
May, and the troops were to attend in the morning by break of day.
This took place accordingly: the Governor arrived first, the Rear-Admiral
soon after, and shortly all the authorities, civil and military, were
assembled at Longwood. The day was fine, the people crowded the roads,
music resounded from the heights; never had spectacle so sad and solemn
been witnessed in these remote regions. At half-past twelve the
grenadiers took hold of the coffin, lifted it with difficulty, and
succeeded in removing it into the great walk in the garden, where the
hearse awaited them. It was placed in the carriage, covered with a pall
of violet-coloured velvet, and with the cloak which the hero wore at
Marengo. The Emperor's household were in mourning. The cavalcade was
arranged by order of the Governor in the following manner: The Abbe
Vignale in his sacerdotal robes, with young Henry Bertrand at his side,
bearing an aspersorium; Doctors Arnott and Antommarchi, the persons
entrusted with the superintendence of the hearse, drawn by four horses,
led by grooms, and escorted by twelve grenadiers without arms, on each
side; these last were to carry the coffin on their shoulders as soon as
the ruggedness of the road prevented the hearse from advancing; young
Napoleon Bertrand, and Marchand, both on foot, and by the side of the
hearse; Counts Bertrand and Montholon on horseback close behind the
hearse; a part of the household of the Emperor; Countess Bertrand with
her daughter Hortense, in a calash drawn by two horses led by hand by her
domestics, who walked by the side of the precipice; the Emperor's horse
led by his piqueur Archambaud; the officers of marine on horseback and on
foot; the officers of the staff on horse-back; the members of the council
of the island in like manner; General Coffin and the Marquis Montchenu on
horseback; the Rear-Admiral and the Governor on horseback; the
inhabitants of the island.
The train set out in this order from Longwood, passed by the barracks,
and was met by the garrison, about 2500 in number, drawn up on the left
of the road as far as Hut's Gate. Military bands placed at different
distances added still more, by the mournful airs which they played, to
the striking solemnity of the occasion. When the train had passed the
troops followed and accompanied it to the burying-place. The dragoons
marched first. Then came the 20th Regiment of infantry, the marines, the
66th, the volunteers of St. Helena, and lastly, the company of Royal
Artillery, with fifteen pieces of cannon. Lady Lowe and her daughter
were at the roadside at Hut's Gate, in an open carriage drawn by two
horses. They were attended by some domestics in mourning, and followed
the procession at a distance. The fifteen pieces of artillery were
ranged along the road, and the gunners were at their posts ready to fire.
Having advanced about a quarter of a mile beyond Hut's Gate the hearse
stopped, the troops halted and drew up in line of battle by the roadside.
The grenadiers then raised the coffin on their shoulders and bore it thus
to the place of interment, by the new route which had been made on
purpose on the declivity of the mountain. All the attendants alighted,
the ladies descended from their carriages, and the procession followed
the corpse without observing any regular order.
Counts Bertrand and Montholon, Marchand and young Napoleon Bertrand,
carried the four corners of the pall. The coffin was laid down at the
side of the tomb, which was hung with black. Near were seen the cords
and pulleys which were to lower it into the earth. The coffin was then
uncovered, the Abbe Vignale repeated the usual prayers, and the body was
let down into the grave with the feet to the east. The artillery then
fired three salutes in succession of fifteen discharges each. The
Admiral's vessel had fired during the procession twenty-five minute guns
from time to time. A huge stone, which was to have been employed in the
building of the new house of the Emperor, was now used to close his
grave, and was lowered till it rested on a strong stone wall so as not to
touch the coffin. While the grave was closed the crowd seized upon the
willows, which the former presence of Napoleon had already rendered
objects of veneration. Every one was ambitious to possess a branch or
some leaves of these trees which were henceforth to shadow the tomb of
this great man, and to preserve them as a precious relic of so memorable
a scene. The Governor and Admiral endeavoured to prevent this outrage,
but in vain. The Governor, however, surrounded the spot afterwards with
a barricade, where he placed a guard to keep off all intruders. The tomb
of the Emperor was about a league from Longwood. It was of a
quadrangular shape, wider at top than at bottom; the depth about twelve
feet. The coffin was placed on two strong pieces of wood, and was
detached in its whole circumference.
The companions of Napoleon returned to France, and the island gradually
resumed its former quiet state, while the willows weeping over the grave
guarded the ashes of the man for whom Europe had been all too small.
ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:
Every one cannot be an atheist who pleases
Grew more angry as his anger was less regarded
I do not live--I merely exist
Strike their imaginations by absurdities than by rational ideas
Those who are free from common prejudices acquire others
End of this Project Gutenberg Etext of The Memoirs of Napoleon, v16, 1821
by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne
