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Title: Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864
Author: Lemuel Abijah Abbott
Release Date: November 12, 2014 [EBook #47332]
Language: English
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* * * * *
[Illustration: MAJOR L. A. ABBOTT, U. S. A.
THE AUTHOR.
_Clinedinst, Washington, D. C._]
PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS
AND
CIVIL WAR DIARY
1864
By
MAJOR LEMUEL ABIJAH ABBOTT, U. S. A.
Late Captain 10th Regt. Vt. Vol. Infantry
BURLINGTON:
FREE PRESS PRINTING CO.
PRINTERS, BINDERS, STATIONERS.
1908.
DEDICATION.
TO THE PATRIOTS AND COMRADES
OF ONE OF VERMONT'S MOST GALLANT REGIMENTS,
THE TENTH VERMONT VOLUNTEER INFANTRY.
MAY ITS STATE PRIDE,
FIDELITY, _esprit de corps_ AND SPLENDID RECORD IN
THE CIVIL WAR SERVE AS AN EXAMPLE AND
INSPIRATION TO COMING GENERATIONS.
PREFACE
The following Diary covering the interesting period of the Civil
War from January 1, to December 31, 1864, and a portion of 1865 to
the surrender of General R. E. Lee at Appomattox Court House, Va.,
was kept by the Author at the age of twenty-two when an officer
of the Tenth Regiment Vermont Volunteer Infantry, Third and First
Brigade, Third Division, Third and Sixth Corps respectively, Army of
the Potomac, and is a brief war history as seen by a young soldier
literally from the front line of battle during General U. S. Grant's
celebrated campaign from the Rapidan River to Petersburg, Va., and
Gen. P. H. Sheridan's famous Shenandoah Valley campaign in the
summer and fall of 1864. During this time the Author passed from
the grades of Second to First Lieutenant and Captain, and commanded
in the meantime in different battles five or more companies in
his regiment which afforded an excellent opportunity to make a
fairly interesting general diary of the fighting qualities of his
regiment and especially of the companies which he commanded during
that most interesting period of the Civil War when the backbone of
the Rebellion was broken, which, together with Sherman and Thomas'
cooperations led to the surrender of General R. E. Lee at Appomattox
C. H. April 9, 1865.
For thirty-eight years the diary remained closed, and indeed had
been forgotten by the Author until he accidentally ran across it
one day in an old chest, when on leave of absence in Vermont, where
it had been placed after the war by someone for safe keeping, the
Author in the meantime having been an officer in the regular army
many years and honored with the degree of B. S. by his Alma Mater on
account of his supposed accomplishments in military science after
many years of hard service, a large portion of which was on the
frontier among the Indians whose civilization was finally largely
brought about through his recommendation to educate all the Indian
children throughout the United States, about 1877-9, when he was
considered an expert on the Indian question both by the War and
Interior Departments.
On reviewing the diary with the eye of an expert, it was found so
uniquely interesting on account of the many dramatic situations
simply given in a youth's unpretentious way that, from the fact
it contained so much of interest to the surviving men whom the
Author was honored in and fortunate enough to command during such
a historic period, and especially to the kinsmen of those who have
passed along to the higher life, he concluded to publish it in full.
It is not pretended that it is based on any official general orders
but is solid fact and experience simply told by a young soldier
who stood up to the rack in the front line of battle and took
uncomplainingly whatever was in store for him, steadily refusing to
accept whatever was offered which would remove him from the line of
battle to a safer place at home or in the rear because he not only
preferred to occupy a place in the front line of battle in command
of men, which he considered the most honorable place for a soldier
in the army at such a time, but because he had grown sincerely
attached to the brave men in the different companies and detachments
he commanded which comprised the whole regiment and some in others
who not infrequently by reason of superior physical endurance and
courage led and inspired him in some of the most noted battles of
ancient or modern times.
A diary was kept during a portion of 1865 to the close of the war,
but its whereabouts if preserved are unknown to the Author; so that
in 1865, only a few of the most strikingly dramatic scenes and
battles are given in the addenda as the curtain was falling on the
greatest civil conflict of modern times, one of the most impressive
of which was General Grant's magnificent bearing as he rode at a
goodly pace, silently with his retinue, along among his men inside
the enemy's works after they had been captured by the celebrated
fighting Sixth Army Corps which he had specially selected, as it was
said at the time, to break the enemy's line at the point where it
was broken in front of Petersburg, on the morning of the memorable
Second of April, 1865. This and other startling and unexpected
scenes crowded each other so closely the following week they are
indelibly photographed on the mind of the writer never probably
to be forgotten so long as time shall last; and they are _not_
overdrawn as no pen is sufficiently graphic to anywhere near do the
subject justice.
Had there been an artist on the ground to have seen Grant as he then
appeared, the very ideal of a silent, unassuming yet stern-looking,
determined and dignified conquering hero, who could have reproduced
the scene on canvas, his fame would have been established, for
the writer never saw him to better advantage nor could anyone
else, as the occasion and surroundings were all there, never to be
again exactly repeated in any gigantic struggle, i. e. the great
battlefield studded with unusually extensive, silent, deserted and
partially dismantled, formidable earthworks and military camps,
shattered, abandoned and captured ordnance, the defeated, struggling
and straggling enemy, the prisoners of war, the wounded, dead and
dying, the shocking sight of carnage, and last, but not least,
the victorious army headed by its intrepid but humane big-hearted
leader--Grant. It would be a historic picture before which the
civilized world would pause entranced; it was grandly impressive
beyond description. As an entrancing, dramatic incident, the
surrender of Lee, a few days later at Appomattox Court House, sinks
into insignificance.
The reader is cautioned not to expect too much from this
unpretentious diary, as some parts were frequently written by the
light of a camp fire or blazing pine knot, sitting on the ground,
and generally by a worn-out and greatly exhausted young soldier with
no expectation of ever publishing it; and besides, frequently there
was very little room or time to write much, so that on important
occasions there was no opportunity for entering into details, and
especially when shot and shell were whizzing and screeching overhead
almost as thick as bees about a hive. Some of it while on sick
leave of absence in Vermont on account of wounds, will not probably
greatly interest the average reader, but as much of historic
interest is frequently given in connection with the killed, wounded,
etc., during this time, after due consideration it has been thought
best to leave none of it out, and so it has all been printed. It may
possibly aid the future historian and genealogist, too, which is
another reason why the diary has been published.
It is only by gathering up the fragments from eye witnesses which
is too frequently ignored by military historians with the time and
opportunity to do such work thoroughly, that a fully rounded out
regimental or other war history can be written. The blue pencil is
too frequently used by unscientific military historians to get the
best results. The opinions of accomplished shirks in battle, because
it does not happen to be generally known they were such, having tact
enough to cover it up, and of those not versed in military science
or with too much honesty and unbiased judgment, are too frequently
accepted instead of solid fact as seen by others of reliability,
though obscure, who were intrepid enough to at least be with the
most courageous of their men who were generally in the vanguard of
any assaulting column and frequently individually led it.
But some who write war history unfamiliar with such experiences,
can never know of the inspiration and strength that comes to one
in command of any part of an assaulting column of grandly brave,
undaunted men, or what it is to feel that he is the very point of
the wedge of his part of an assaulting column which is perhaps the
first to cleave the enemy's line, and that he is conscientiously
doing without any thought of shirking whatever he finds before him
to do because it isn't his nature to be otherwise.
Finally, what decided the Author to publish this diary now _at
once_, old age being upon him, was to try and correct false history
in connection with the first assault at Sheridan's battle of
Winchester, Va., Sept. 19, 1864. Besides this, he was requested
to publish his personal observations, in July, 1908, just before
leaving Washington, D. C. of every battle he was in during the
Civil War by the Librarian of the War Department. He stated that as
regular army officers were trained in such work their accounts of
such battles would not only be of great help to future historians,
but better than from most any other source.
THE AUTHOR.
Washington, D. C., January 1, 1908.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page
Maj. L. A. Abbott, U. S. A., the Author. Faces Title
No. 1 Opequan Creek Crossing and Winchester
Pike do. 150
No. 2 Winchester Pike looking East from
Battlefield do. 153
No. 3 Sheridan's left center Battlefield do. 155
No. 4 Sheridan's right center Battlefield do. 157
No. 5 Sheridan's Battlefield looking Northwesterly do. 158
No. 6 Ravine Occupied by Enemy's Infantry
in front of Third Division Sixth
Corps do. 160
No. 7 Same Ravine in front of Second Division
Sixth Corps, Unoccupied by Enemy do. 162
No. 8 Same Ravine from head Occupied by
Enemy in front of Third Division
Sixth Corps do. 166
No. 9 Winchester Pike looking West from
Battlefield do. 178
No. 10 Taylor's Hotel, Winchester, Va., 1908 do. 210
No. 11 Cannon-ball House, Winchester, Va., 1908 do. 212
No. 12 Bronze Statue, National Cemetery, Winchester,
Va., 1908 do. 214
ABBREVIATIONS.
Besides the usual abbreviations of States and months, and those
commonly used for dispatch in writing and economy of space, the
following are made use of in this work:--
Adjt. Adjutant
A. G. Adjutant General
A. A. G. Assistant Adjutant General
Brig.-Gen. Brigadier General
Capt. Captain
Col. Colonel
Corp. Corporal
d. Died
Div. Division
Lieut. Lieutenant
Lieut. Col. Lieutenant Colonel
Lieut. Gen. Lieutenant General
Maj. Gen. Major General
Priv. Private
Q. M. D. Quartermaster's Department
Regt. Regiment
res. Resides
R. Q. M. Regimental Quartermaster
Sergt. Sergeant
U. S. C. I. United States Colored Infantry
U. S. C. T. United States Colored Troops
wid. Widow
CIVIL WAR DIARY[1]
AND
PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS
1864
[1] The most interesting part of this diary commences on May 3rd,
1864, when General U. S. Grant's campaign to Petersburg, Va.,
begins, and later General Sheridan's Shenandoah Valley campaign, etc.
IN WINTER QUARTERS,
NEAR BRANDY STATION, VA.,
FRIDAY, Jan. 1, 1864.
Although attached to Company B, Tenth Regiment Vermont Volunteer
Infantry, (Capt. Edwin Dillingham's of Waterbury, Vt.), Lieut. Ezra
Stetson commanding, I am Second Lieutenant of Company D (Capt.
Samuel Darrah's of Burlington, Vt.) of the same regiment, having
been promoted from First Sergeant of Company B last spring.
All are wishing me a "Happy New Year"! God grant that I may have
one. I was awakened long before daylight by the band serenading the
birth of the New Year. Lieut. G. W. Burnell took his departure
early this morning for Washington, D. C.; he has been promoted
Captain of U. S. Colored Troops and is about to take up other duties
in Baltimore, Md. It was quite pleasant early in the day but it is
very muddy under foot; had a grand New Year's dinner. There has
been a very cold wind this afternoon. This evening it is clear and
intensely cold. Will Clark has made me a short call; am feeling very
well but studying hard.
SATURDAY, Jan. 2, 1864.
Another day of the new year has passed but a very busy one for
me. It has been very cold all day. This afternoon I have been
papering my hut so our quarters are quite comfortable now. The
band has been out this evening and played some very pretty pieces,
and I am thankful for it relieves the monotony of dull camp life.
This evening Lieut. D. G. Hill and Captain Goodrich, the brigade
Quartermaster, called; they were in fine spirits. It is bitter cold,
but no wind as last night; have received no letters which of course
is provoking.
SUNDAY, Jan. 3, 1864.
Quite a comfortable day; no snow yet, but it looks likely to storm
in a day or two; wrote to Pert[2], and had our usual inspection
this forenoon. Since dinner, I have read "Washington's Farewell
Address", and the "Declaration of Independence". This evening quite
a number of recruits arrived for the regiment, but none for Company
B. Capt. J. A. Salisbury has been in to call on Lieut. Stetson, and
broken my camp chair. This is still more provoking than not to get a
letter from home for chairs are not plentiful here. He is a big man.
[2] Miss P. A. Thomson, a cousin and many years a teacher in Goddard
Seminary, Barre, Vt.
MONDAY, Jan. 4, 1864.
It has snowed nearly all day, but not very hard. To-night there
is about two inches on the ground and it is still snowing. Lieut.
Stetson started for Vermont this morning on the 9:30 train, and
Capt. H. R. Steele arrived from there this evening. I am told
to-night that Colonel Embic of the One Hundred and Sixth New York
Infantry has been reinstated. We have formed a quiz school to-night,
the members being Dr. Almon Clark, Lieuts. E. P. Farr and C. G.
Newton and Chaplain E. M. Haynes. We are to meet every night and ask
questions on geography, history, etc. I think it a grand idea. I
suspect they think me fresh from school, though, and want me to do
most of the quizzing, the same as in the class of about seventy-five
enlisted men in tactics and English branches which recites to me
daily now, fitting for examination for commission in colored troops.
TUESDAY, Jan. 5. 1864.
It has been a beautiful day, but the wind is blowing very chilly
to-night; drew clothing for the Company this afternoon; had a
very good dress parade considering the quantity of snow and mud
under foot. Our school met this evening but we didn't accomplish
much. Capt. E. B. Frost, and Dr. W. A. Child and wife dined with
us to-day; had a nice time. Herbert George, the band master, has
been in this evening relating his experiences during his leave in
Vermont. It almost makes me homesick: have got to go on picket early
in the morning beyond Culpeper, Va.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 6, 1864.
Chilly and cloudy but the weather is moderating very fast; got
cheated out of my breakfast this morning on account of going on
picket; formed line at 7.45 and so remained till nearly 10 a. m.
when the officer of the day came and started us for the picket line;
got on the wrong road and did not find the line until 3 p. m. It
has been quite pleasant all day, but looks likely to storm before
morning. No mail to-day.
THURSDAY, Jan. 7, 1864.
Quite cold and disagreeable; got up about 10 a. m. feeling as well
as could be expected after a hard day's march. The men had been to
breakfast and were in fine spirits; were relating their experiences
in the late engagement at Locust Grove. Banty--a little, jolly,
duck-legged Frenchman--started for camp this forenoon for more
rations and the mail, but after he had been gone about a half hour
a man from Company E. came from camp with both. The weather has
moderated and it is snowing this evening.
FRIDAY, Jan. 8. 1864.
It cleared during the night and this morning it was sharp and cold.
As I awoke the sun was peeping brilliantly up behind the eastern
hills and all nature was beautiful. About two inches of snow fell in
the night which added to the beauty of the sunrise. Three deserters
stole into our lines from the enemy in the night. They report that
many more want to get away; read two letters to-night one from home
and one from Hen.
SATURDAY, Jan. 9, 1864.
Still the weather continues fine. There is not a cloud to be seen or
a breath of air stirring, and yet it is quite a sharp morning. The
Company got another mail this forenoon but there was nothing for me;
was relieved from picket this afternoon about one o'clock: arrived
in camp about four p. m.; found plenty of Company work to keep me
busy all tomorrow. Lieut. C. G. Newton started for Vermont this
morning; have been studying tactics this evening; got my books from
home I sent for last week.
SUNDAY, Jan. 10, 1864.
A beautiful morning. Dan Bancroft came in to see me this forenoon, a
private in the Vermont Cavalry; had inspection at 11 a. m. and dress
parade this evening. Quite a number of recruits came this evening,
but only one for Company B. Col. A. B. Jewett and Lieut.-Colonel
W. W. Henry also returned from Vermont to-night. The band has been
serenading Colonel Jewett. It is cold and frosty with a little snow
still on the ground.
MONDAY, Jan. 11, 1864.
Another fine day; have been very busy attending to Company matters;
also received many calls--in fact it has taken me a goodly part of
the day to entertain visitors. Capt. Samuel Darrah, Herbert George
of the band and Lieut. W. R. Hoyt have just gone and now comes
Lieut. E. P. Farr, and it's after 10 o'clock; haven't studied a bit
to-day, yet, but I shall make up for lost time before I sleep.
TUESDAY, Jan. 12, 1864.
Retired at 2 a. m. last night; learned by heart before retiring
fifty pages in tactics; got up at 9 a. m. and went at it again;
have conquered fifty pages more to-day and recited them to Lieut.
Farr: had them fairly well learned before; only review; weather warm
and comfortable; had a dress parade at 5 p. m. This evening twenty
recruits armed and equipped arrived from Vermont for Company B; got
some newspapers from cousin Abby Burnham to-night.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 13, 1864.
It has been very muddy and dull in camp to-day; weather dark and
gloomy: no dress parade; have written to Pert; also received a
letter from J. R. Seaver, containing a plan of the hospitals being
built at Montpelier, now nearly completed. Lieut. Farr has been
in this evening and we have been studying tactics together; guess
he takes advantage of my being better posted than he, having been
a cadet at Norwich University, Norwich, Vermont, where I was well
drilled, and can explain things better. I wish they didn't consider
me the best drill in the regiment; it makes me lots of extra work
and takes much time. But I must be obliging--not mean and selfish.
THURSDAY, Jan. 14, 1864.
The weather still continues to be warm and pleasant; no wind and
not a cloud in sight; have received two letters from Vermont
to-night--one from home and another from one of my old scholars in
Chelsea. The teachers who succeeded me in my school there had very
poor success both last summer and this winter. When the teacher
announced to the school this winter one morning that I had died of
typhoid fever at Rockville, Md., it having been so reported, the
children refused to be reconciled and grieved so they had to be
dismissed, the same thing occurring the next morning. Poor things!
I never think of it but what my eyes--well, my throat gets lumpy
and my lips quiver. I had no idea they were so devoted. It seems as
though they would follow me in memory throughout eternity. Still,
as their teacher I was strict and firm, but always just, and never
struck one of the flock of sixty during either winter with them.
Will I ever make such devoted friends again? Alas! it's only a
memory now but will ever be a sacred one. May the recollection be as
blissful to them as it will be to me throughout the everlasting ages
of time. Nothing has occurred to-day worthy of note; have had my
cabin full all day. Lieuts. W. R. Hoyt and E. P. Farr have been in
this evening.
FRIDAY, Jan. 15, 1864.
It is by far the finest day we have had this year, but very muddy.
A part of the regiment has gone on picket to remain three days. It
is reported in camp that one entire regiment of "Johnnies" came
over from Cedar Mountain this morning and gave itself up. They
were miserably clad, a large majority having no shoes at all; they
started for Washington this evening. It's a beautiful moonlight
night.
SATURDAY, Jan. 16, 1864.
Another warm summer day; have been at work on clothing rolls,
also laying down sidewalk in front of my quarters. One of our new
recruits has gone to the hospital to-day sick with lung fever.
General W. H. Morris has returned from his home near N. Y. city with
his sister and a lady friend. This evening he rode through the camp
and was cheered by the men. The bands are serenading him to-night,
his headquarters being just about a hundred yards in rear of my hut.
It is bright moonlight.
SUNDAY, Jan. 17, 1864.
It has been a cold and disagreeable day; had Company inspection this
forenoon; have written home to-night; received a letter from Carl
Wilson and one from Pert; wind blew hard this forenoon, but it is
calm to-night; band played this evening. Five more recruits arrived
this afternoon for Company B. It's cloudy and looks like rain.
MONDAY, Jan. 18, 1864.
It has rained hard all day, but is not very cold. The mud is very
deep. It's rumored that Governor Smith and Mr. Baxter are to be
here to-morrow; have been studying hard all day only when engaged
in Company duty; cooler this evening; snows a little; pickets have
just come in wet and tired. Lieut. E. P. Farr has not been in this
evening to look up tactics.
TUESDAY, Jan. 19, 1864.
The wind has been blowing furiously all day from the northwest;
has rained very little; commencing to freeze this evening; have
been looking over ordnance returns this afternoon; no time to study
to-day. Lieut. Ezra Stetson is expected to-morrow, also Governor
Smith, as he didn't come to-night. Lieut. D. G. Hill has been in
this evening; wind blows a gale.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 20, 1864.
Quite a fine moon to-night--a little cloudy but no wind; froze
quite hard last night; have had so much company all day it has been
impossible to do anything but visit; band is serenading General W.
H. Morris; are proud of our band, it being one of best regimental
bands in the army. Lieut. Stetson has not come tonight; got no
letter from home, but received a good one from Carl Wilson. To-night
they have the Universalist festival at Barre, Vt.; would like to be
there, but my festival will be with tactics.
THURSDAY, Jan. 21, 1864.
It was quite frosty this morning, but pleasant and has remained so
all day; had regimental monthly inspection this forenoon. Company B
got the credit of having the best street in the brigade. I am proud
of my old Company; it always tries to please me. Nate Harrington
and Orry Blanchard of the First Vermont Brigade have been to see me
to-day. Lieut. Ezra Stetson has not come to-night, his time being up
last Tuesday; no letter from home yet; beautiful moonlight night,
but quite cool.
FRIDAY, Jan. 22, 1864.
As pleasant a morning as I ever saw. Lieut. D. G. Hill started
for Vermont this forenoon; have made out the final statements of
Corporals C. W. Beal, C. B. Lee and Private A. S. Parkhurst, but
Lee is dangerously ill in the hospital and not able to receive his
discharge papers. Private J. W. Sawyer, a recruit in B Company has
been in hospital but is gaining fast; received a letter from home
this evening. Lieut. Ezra Stetson has not come yet; fear he will
find trouble when he does come.
SATURDAY, Jan. 23, 1864.
It has been a beautiful day with a light southern breeze; have not
had a moment's time to myself all day someone being here all the
time. It's provoking for I want to study so much. Beal and Parkhurst
started for home to-day, Barre, Vt. Lieut. Ezra Stetson has not come
yet. Major C. G. Chandler received a letter from Capt. E. Dillingham
to-night, who is a prisoner of war at Richmond, Va. Private George
G. Brown was detailed this evening in the Company mess house.
SUNDAY, Jan. 24, 1864.
The day has been fair; started for picket at 9 a.m.; relieved
the One Hundred and Sixth New York Infantry about noon; made my
headquarters at Mr. Bowen's, an old man about seventy-five years
old; has a son who lives with him, a miller, which accounts for his
not being drafted into the Confederate army. A "yaller girl", as we
call them, keeps house for him. All's quiet on the picket line. It's
a lovely night.
MONDAY, Jan. 25, 1864.
Still another fine night; have been reading the newspaper to the
old gentleman, etc. Ain't I a good Yankee? One Johnny, a deserter,
came into our lines last night; reports that an entire brigade of
the enemy whose time has expired is fighting its way into our lines.
Perhaps this may be true but I can't vouch for it. I take it with
a grain of salt. It is evident, though, that a great number are
deserting to our lines; have finished my Company clerk book to-day.
The moon is shining brightly.
TUESDAY, Jan. 26, 1864.
It has been a lovely day. Some of the time it's been really
uncomfortable, the sun has been so warm. About 1 a. m. last night
when making the rounds considerable firing was heard towards the
right of the line. It was probably deserters trying to come into our
lines. Sergeant Daniel Foster came to the picket line this afternoon
to get some money to send Corporal C. B. Lee's remains to Vermont
who died last evening. Banty has come with some rations. Lieut. Ezra
Stetson arrived in camp Sunday evening.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 27, 1864.
It has been a delightful day; expect to be relieved this afternoon.
Two deserters came into our lines this morning; they report Lee's
army in a miserable condition--no rations or clothing, and the
citizens nearly starving. They say that "Secession is playing out."
The Thirty-eighth Pennsylvania Infantry relieved us about noon;
arrived in camp about 5 p. m. The roads are in splendid condition,
as good as I ever saw them in Virginia at this time of year. If the
weather was fine all the time picket guard would be more desirable
than so much camp duty.
THURSDAY, Jan. 28, 1864.
A fine morning. Most of the companies have been fixing their
streets; have been at work all day on Lieut. Ezra Stetson's
ordnance returns, and have not got them done yet; will try and
finish them in the morning. The regiment got no mail to-night.
Corporal C. B. Lee's remains were sent home Tuesday; had a dress
parade to-night in which the recruits took part. Those of Company B
never had a gun in their hands till this morning.
FRIDAY, Jan. 29, 1864.
It has been really uncomfortable all day, it's been so warm. Lieut
G. E. Davis started for Vermont this forenoon; have completed the
ordnance return but it's not mailed yet. Most of the officers have
been playing ball this afternoon. The non-commissioned officers have
given us a challenge to play for the oysters to-morrow, and the
Colonel has accepted it; received a letter from brother Roy and wife
and one from home; have been reading army regulations, etc. Colonel
A. B. Jewett has refused to approve Lieut. E. P. Farr's application.
SATURDAY, Jan. 30, 1864.
A cloudy, chilly day, but not much rain. One game of ball came off
this afternoon in which the commissioned officers won. Two more
games are to be played Monday if a good day. It's a cloudy, dark,
gloomy evening in camp; haven't studied much to-day, but read army
regulations some. Dr. W. A. Child and Lieuts. H. H. Dewey and E. P.
Farr have been in this evening.
SUNDAY, Jan. 31, 1864.
The wind has been whistling around the cabin all day. It's been
misty, but we've had little rain; have been to church and written
home. We have a goodly sized log chapel covered with the fly of the
new hospital tent. Mrs. W. A. Child was present and sang, a rich
treat, for it has been a long time since I've heard a lady's voice
at church. Sergeant J. M. Read has been in this evening.
MONDAY, Feb. 1, 1864.
A dull and miserable day, but no rain; have been studying very hard
in the second volume of tactics. No one has been in this evening
save Lieut. George P. Welch who has notified me I am detailed for
picket to-morrow. It is not my turn and is a great disappointment
as I have laid my plans to accomplish a good week's work, and had
this not happened, I could have sent in my application next week
to appear before General Silas Casey's board in Washington for
examination for a commission in colored troops. I want to be a field
officer and won't accept anything else.
TUESDAY, Feb. 2, 1864.
A cloudy morning. The sick have gone to the general hospital
to-day which indicates a general move; started for picket at 9 a.
m.; fine marching; arrived on the line about 12 noon; heavy wind
all afternoon; am in command of Company G on picket; have had a
thunderstorm this evening. All's quiet on the picket line to-night.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 3, 1864.
High wind, cloudy but no rain all day; have moved my tent down by
the men's, so am quite comfortable to-night. The officer of the day
came along about 4 a. m.; all was quiet along the line during the
night. The countersign is "Mexico." My rations are getting very
short.
THURSDAY, Feb. 4, 1864.
A fine morning, Captain Samuel Darrah has been down; have sent to
camp for the mail and more rations; quite a comfortable day. All's
been quiet through the day, but to-night there's been some firing
both sides of my post along the line; mail has come but no letter
for me. The countersign is "Vera Cruz." It's a beautiful night.
FRIDAY, Feb. 5, 1864.
It has been very much like a beautiful spring morning in Vermont. I
wish that I were there to take a walk on the snow crust, but this at
present cannot be; were relieved from picket about 1 p. m. by the
One Hundred and Twenty-second Ohio Infantry. It is quite cloudy this
evening and bids fair for a stormy day to-morrow; received a good
letter from home this evening, and have reviewed part fourth in the
second volume of tactics.
SATURDAY, Feb. 6, 1864.
I was awoke at 5 a. m. by the long roll; was soon directed to report
to Col. A. B. Jewett's headquarters and ordered to break camp and
march for the Rapidan, which is no pleasant thing to do at this
season; were ordered to march at 7 a. m. but didn't till near 4 p.
m.; marched to the picket line and bivouacked; has rained some all
day but not hard; considerable firing towards night at Jacob's ford.
SUNDAY, Feb. 7, 1864.
Resumed our march at daylight; halted about two miles from the river
and remained through the day. The Johnnies were on this very ground
yesterday in large numbers, but were repulsed by the First Corps and
fled across the river; no fighting to-day; got orders about sundown
to return to camp which we did without a halt. On arrival there we
found there had been a great scare from Mosby but it amounted to
nothing; wonder if he thinks guerrilla warfare manly? Some people
are born gorillas, though, and have no more conception of honor. I'd
go and drown myself before I'd practice that kind of warfare!
MONDAY, Feb. 8, 1864.
Chilly and cloudy; don't feel very well to-day, nor does anyone
else; all stiff and lame; don't wonder at it for we had to march
through mud and water ankle deep or more last night from the Rapidan
without a rest. The regiments were completely disorganized;
officers and men all got lost from their commands and both struggled
and straggled into camp as best they could. It was a mob and a
disgrace to the Third Corps.
TUESDAY, Feb. 9, 1864.
A chilly south wind has been blowing all day, and it looks likely to
snow before night; hope it will for if it does not, I fear we will
have to make another Rapidan campaign which I am not at all anxious
for. I have been over to Lieutenant Thompson's quarters studying
to-day, as I have been so annoyed in my own quarters that I could
not possibly study; am with Lieut. Ezra Stetson; got a paper from
Pert to-night and a New Year's Address.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 10, 1864.
The weather has been fine but rather cold with a chilly northeast
wind; had a good brigade drill this afternoon. Col. A. B. Jewett
had an officers' school this evening in the chapel which is very
essential to us all. Lieut. Ezra. Stetson has commenced to build an
addition to our hut, as he is expecting to have his wife come out
and remain with him the rest of the winter.
THURSDAY, Feb. 11, 1864.
The weather has been clear and pleasant, but intensely cold for this
latitude. Lieutenant C. F. Nye returned from Vermont this evening
looking as rotund and hearty as ever; received a letter from home;
all well; have got to start for a three-days' tour of picket
to-morrow. Capt. H. R. Steele is officer of the day; wind blowing
furiously to-night.
FRIDAY, Feb. 12, 1864.
Clear and cold but no wind; started for picket at 9 a. m.; arrived
on the line at 1 p. m. A part of our detail having through mistake
to go to Pony Mountain, has returned this evening, and consequently
I have had to move my headquarters up the line; am near Mrs.
Battles, historic because of Union officers' escapades there. The
house being between the lines the women connived in trying to get
them captured; countersign is "Perth."
SATURDAY, Feb. 13, 1864.
Clear and warm with no wind, and by far the finest day of the month
yet. Captain H. R. Steele came along this morning and took a part
of Companies B and G for the reserve thus leaving me in charge of
only five posts; wonder what he's afraid of? Have received our mail,
but none for me. All's quiet on the line to-night; countersign
"Bristeau."
SUNDAY, Feb. 14, 1864.
Clear and chilly but very little wind; fields and woods in front
of the line to-day all on fire. A squadron of Cavalry has been out
on a scout to-day and captured Billy Scott and two or three of his
comrades. He is a noted guerilla. It is also reported that our
cavalry ran onto the enemy in force. We are ordered to be on the
alert this evening; no countersign.
MONDAY, Feb. 15, 1864.
A chilly, cloudy morning but no wind; probably will snow before
night. At 10 p. m. was ordered by Capt. H. R. Steele to take my
command up to the reserve as soon as possible as the Johnnies were
advancing in eight (whew!) different lines: think the man who
reports this must be troubled with C. W. (commissary whiskey);
arrived in camp at 4 p. m.; snowed all the afternoon. But what's
become of the eight lines of C. W.?
TUESDAY, Feb. 16, 1864.
Cloudy with a furious wind--in fact one of the most terrific gales
of the winter--so piercing it's impossible to keep warm in our huts;
have called on Mrs. G. E. Davis and Mrs. Ezra Stetson. All hands
have been to prayer meeting this evening but me, and I have been
studying; am stopping with Captain Samuel Darrah now; wind still
high.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 17, 1864.
Clear and intensely cold, with high wind; have been studying in Dr.
Almon Clark's quarters to-day; had a mock court-martial this evening
at the chapel to entertain the ladies; sat up with Lieut. C. G.
Newton till 1 a. m. Lieut. H. H. Dewey left for home this morning;
no wind to-night, but very cold.
THURSDAY, Feb. 18, 1864.
Very cold but less wind than yesterday; had our monthly inspection
this forenoon at ten o'clock; received no letter from home to-night.
Dr. W. A. Child and wife have called this evening. He is a very
bright, polished gentleman, but I am afraid of him; probably because
he is older than I am; have been studying at Dr. Almon Clark's again
to-day; wind abated but cold to-night.
FRIDAY, Feb. 19, 1864.
Cold as ever but no wind to mention. Lieut E. P. Farr left for
Vermont this morning; spent three hours this afternoon in the chapel
with a class of non-commissioned officers who desire commissions
in colored troops, and have requested me to hear them recite in
tactics, etc., daily, before going before a board for examination in
Washington, D. C. Received a letter from home; all well there. Carl
Wilson is about entering a drug store in Montpelier, Vt.
SATURDAY, Feb. 20, 1864.
A very pleasant day but not warm. The men have been playing ball
this afternoon; very dull otherwise; paymaster has come; have been
very busy having men sign pay rolls. There is a detail for picket
tomorrow, but I am not going.
SUNDAY, Feb. 21, 1864.
Cloudy, but no wind, threatening rain before night; regiment left
for picket at 9 a. m.; very quiet in camp; religious services were
held in the chapel at 4 p. m. by Rev. Mr. Parker of Waterbury, Vt.
and a prayer service this evening, but I have not attended either.
All's quiet.
MONDAY, Feb. 22, 1864.
Cloudy and warm. The Second Brigade was out drilling this forenoon
as well as a battery; very busy this afternoon; paymaster paying
off the regiment; rained a little this evening; got a paper from
Vermont but don't know who sent it. There is a ball at First Corps
headquarters to-night.
TUESDAY, Feb. 23, 1864.
A very pleasant day, but lonely in camp; dancing in the chapel this
evening; moon shining brightly, and not a breath of air stirring,
but for all this I can't study; no letters from home; all's quiet as
midnight save the music in the chapel.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 24, 1864.
Pleasant day with northwest wind. Col. A. B. Jewett and a select
party have gone to Pony Mountain; picket guard came in about 4 p.
m. First Corps had a review to-day, as well as the Second Corps; no
letters from home; fine evening.
THURSDAY, Feb. 25, 1864.
Pleasant but windy. General French reviewed our division to-day--the
Third of the Third Corps; muster and payrolls have come; after
review spent three hours with my class at the chapel; reported the
ladies will have to leave camp next week; hope it isn't so.
FRIDAY, Feb. 26, 1864.
Cloudy, high north wind but fair; air full of dust all day; had
brigade drill this afternoon; dance in chapel this evening; General
W. H. Morris present: Governor Smith has arrived in the army.
SATURDAY, Feb. 27, 1864.
Pleasant but chilly. The Sixth Corps is on the move this morning
for Madison Court House--probably a reconnoissance. Governor Smith
arrived in camp this forenoon. I started for picket about 4 p. m. to
relieve the First Division of our Corps which is to accompany the
Sixth Corps to Madison Court House; arrived on picket line at 2 a.
m. Feb. 28.
SUNDAY, Feb. 28, 1864.
Did not get up till 9 a. m.; night march very fatiguing; not feeling
well; cloudy and threatening rain. Captain P. D. Blodgett visited
the line this morning; several Johnnies came into our lines this
forenoon; everything quiet this evening.
MONDAY, Feb. 29, 1864.
Am feeling better this morning; weather gloomy; chilly south wind;
considerable cannonading to-day towards Madison Court House;
reported General Kilpatrick has captured a portion of Lee's picket
line and penetrated to Orange Court House; pickets ordered to be
vigilant, etc.
TUESDAY, March 1, 1864.
Commenced hailing about midnight and has continued to alternate with
it and rain all day; trees and shubbery ice-covered and the day has
been dismal; not as much cannonading as yesterday; relieved from
picket about 6 p. m. by the Third Brigade; marched to camp on the
pike.
WEDNESDAY, March 2, 1864.
Cleared during the night; ground covered with snow; weather fine;
have been making out Lieut. Ezra Stetson's muster rolls; not with
my class this afternoon; have nearly completed the second volume of
tactics; no mail to-night.
THURSDAY, March 3, 1864.
The weather continues pleasant. Mrs. C. G. Chandler started for
Vermont this morning. Mrs. Lieutenant-Colonel W. W. Henry arrived in
camp this evening. Dr. Almon Clark has also arrived from Vermont.
The Sixth Corps passed our camp this evening on its return from
Madison Court House. General Kilpatrick has made a junction, it is
said, with General B. F. Butler; camp very lonely to-night.
FRIDAY, March 4, 1864.
Weather calm and fine; no mud; pickets came in this afternoon;
making muster and pay rolls; dance in chapel this evening; got a
letter from Pert; has finished her school and all well at home.
Lieutenant Thompson arrived in camp this morning.
SATURDAY, March 5, 1864.
Weather continues fine; completed B Company's muster and pay rolls
this forenoon; Sutler George Skiff gave a ball in the chapel this
evening; distinguished guests present; fine time. Dr. Child and wife
called this evening, also Mrs. Hunt and Morse; no mail.
SUNDAY, March 6, 1864.
A beautiful day, no wind and quite warm. General W. H. Morris has
had lady visitors from New York City. Our band has been playing
for him. There were services to-day in the chapel; several ladies
were present; good dress parade this evening; cheering news from
Kilpatrick's cavalry.
MONDAY, March 7, 1864.
Very pleasant but colder than yesterday; have been hard at work
all day with some men decorating the chapel with evergreens, etc.;
got some help from the ladies; reception and dancing this evening.
General J. B. Carr and lady were present and other distinguished
guests. Captain Samuel Darrah was floor manager. Captain E. B. Frost
looked after the supper; brilliant party.
TUESDAY, March 8, 1864.
It has been raining quite hard all day. The entertainment did not
close last night till 2 a. m. to-day; have been returning the things
borrowed for the hall last night; am feeling dull; no drill to-day;
expect to be reviewed by General French to-morrow.
WEDNESDAY, March 9, 1864.
The weather has been very pleasant, but it's been a long weary day;
have been at work on Company B clothing rolls, etc.; no recitation
to-day. The Second Brigade has been having a review and drill this
afternoon. The Third Corps review has been postponed till to-morrow,
but I expected to go on picket; got a speech from Congressman
Woodbridge; wonder what's come over him to be so civil; he's
Meader's (my student roommate) law partner, but he was barely civil
to me when I saw him in Vermont.
THURSDAY, March 10, 1864.
A lovely morning with a gentle south breeze; formed line at 9 a. m.
for picket. Captain H. R. Steele in command of the detail from our
brigade; commenced raining about 11 a. m. and continued all day. Our
regiment is on the reserve. Lieutenant-Colonel Egbert of the Third
Brigade, a fine man, is officer of the day.
FRIDAY, March 11, 1864.
It has rained hard all day. Lieut. J. S. Thompson and I have charge
of the post on the pike. It is not a desirable one to be on, as
the cavalry reserve is directly in front and they are continually
passing and repassing, and the orders are very strict about passing
anyone in or out of the lines. Colonel Ball is officer of the day
and a good fellow.
SATURDAY, March 12, 1864.
It cleared during the night and it's fine this morning. I was
on duty the last part of the night, but passed no one; wind blew
furiously all day. A large party of citizens came through the lines
destitute of nearly everything. A Colonel from the Third Brigade is
officer of the day, and a strange fellow.
SUNDAY, March 13, 1864.
This is truly a fine day. A squadron of cavalry passed on the pike
this morning to extend the cavalry picket line to Madison Court
House; was relieved this afternoon by the Sixth Maryland Infantry;
Major C. G. Chandler is officer of the day; arrived in camp about 5
p. m.; found Lieuts. Kingsley and Hill had returned from Vermont.
MONDAY, March 14, 1864.
Beautiful day. Most of the officers met at the hall this forenoon to
make arrangements for another ball this evening; am on the committee
to decorate the hall; have worked very hard all day, but am well
repaid as all seem to be pleased with what I have done. Pretty
decorations always add to the pleasure of all such gatherings. A
large party was present.
TUESDAY, March 15, 1864.
Cold but pleasant; no wind; four hours' drill to-day, but I was
excused being so busy at the chapel. I forgot to mention that
Captain J. A. Sheldon returned from Vermont last night where he has
been on recruiting service since November. The Third Corps is to be
reviewed to-morrow by Major-General French.
WEDNESDAY, March 16, 1864.
Very cloudy and a high gale all day; formed line for review at 9 a.
m.; moved a half mile out of camp, stacked arms, remained two hours
and then started for the parade ground about a half mile away on
John Minor Bott's farm; review passed off pleasantly, but it was
very cold. The Corps made a fine appearance; wonder what Vermont
people would think to see such a review; guess their eyes would pop
plum out of their head.
THURSDAY, March 17, 1864.
The weather still continues boisterous. Hon. Portus Baxter's son
arrived in camp last evening with several other Vermont gentlemen.
They gave an entertainment at the Colonel's mess house this evening
for the officers of the Tenth. I did not attend. Lieutenant E. P.
Farr returned from Vermont this evening; received a letter from home.
FRIDAY, March 18, 1864.
Am not feeling well; took cold on review yesterday. The wind is
blowing furiously, the air is full of dust, and it is a disgusting
time. A party has gone to Pony Mountain. The long roll was beat
and the regiment was hastily formed in line about 7 p. m. and so
remained until 9 p. m. when it broke ranks. It was a scare. Such is
army life in time of war.
SATURDAY, March 19, 1864.
The weather was truly fine this morning at sunrise, but about noon
the wind blew a gale. Captain Samuel Darrah's Co. D of which I am
second lieutenant challenged the regiment to play a game of ball for
$50--or rather Captain Samuel Darrah did--which it accepted but lost
the game. The regiment goes on picket to-morrow, but I don't expect
to go. It looks like rain.
SUNDAY, March 20, 1864.
Clear and fine but rather cold. General W. H. Morris inspected the
regiment this morning. A picket guard of two hundred and fifty
men and eight officers left this morning. Captain J. A. Sheldon
commanded the brigade detail. Services were held in the chapel at 4
p. m. Rev. Mr. Barnard of Williamstown, Vt. preached; weather cold.
MONDAY, March 21, 1864.
The weather continues fine but cold. General W. H. Morris inspected
and reviewed the brigade. Preparations are being made for an army
review; have been working on B Company's clothing rolls. Captain
Samuel Darrah has gone over to division headquarters this evening.
Captain Leonard, (Brigade Adjutant General), and Lieut. J. A. Hicks,
A. D. C., have called. It's a beautiful evening.
TUESDAY, March 22, 1864.
The wind has blown furiously from the southeast all day. It's by
far the most disagreeable day of the winter; commenced snowing
about 5 p. m. and now at 11 p. m. there is eight inches on a
level. My application to go before General Silas Casey's board
for examination for a field office in colored troops has not been
returned yet; shall put in another to-morrow.
WEDNESDAY, March 23, 1864.
Weather fine but very chilly. About eight inches of snow fell last
night. Major C. G. Chandler is division officer of the day. A review
of the army is expected in the course of two or three days. The army
is anxiously waiting to see General U. S. Grant; sent in another
application to go before General Silas Casey's board this evening;
the pickets returned to-night.
THURSDAY, March 24, 1864.
Weather fine; some snow on the ground yet. Messrs. Smith and Farra
arrived this evening from St. Albans, Vt. The regiment remained in
line nearly all day in anticipation of General Grant's visit to the
Army of the Potomac. A special train which he was probably on passed
about 2 p. m. But what was the use of keeping troops under arms in
line all day? It looks like C. W. again, or schoolboy management of
which there is too much; got a letter from home to-night.
FRIDAY, March 25, 1864.
Chilly wind from the southeast; very cloudy; looks like rain;
Company drill from 10 to 11 a. m. Our Third Division of the Third
Corps has been permanently transferred as Third Division of the
Sixth Corps, Brigadier-General Prince assuming command of the
division. General French is ordered to Washington, D. C. Our
regiment was a favorite with him, and the officers met in the chapel
this evening to pass resolutions of regret, although we are glad to
go to the gallant Sixth Corps if ours must be broken up.
SATURDAY, March 26, 1864.
It's a fine day; no wind; dull in camp; only ball playing for
amusement which isn't half as exciting as being shot at by a Johnny.
Our visitors from Vermont returned to St. Albans, Vt. this morning;
services were held in the chapel this evening by Rev. Mr. Roberts of
Williamstown, Vt.; weather fine.
SUNDAY, March 27, 1864.
It has been a beautiful day, warm and comfortable; snow all gone;
wrote home, also to Captain G. W. Burnell; have not heard from my
application yet. Chaplain E. M. Haynes preached a good sermon in the
chapel this afternoon; good dress parade tonight; cloudy.
MONDAY, March 28, 1864.
It has been quite warm all day. The ladies started for home this
morning but missed the train. We had a brigade review this forenoon,
the first since we joined the Sixth Corps, and brigade dress parade
in the evening which General Mead witnessed; picket in the morning.
TUESDAY, March 29, 1864.
An order came last night for us to move camp tomorrow. We hope it
may be countermanded. The ladies started for Vermont this morning.
Colonel A. B. Jewett went with them as far as Washington. A part of
the regiment started for picket at 9 a. m.; has rained hard since 11
a. m.
WEDNESDAY, March 30, 1864.
It rained hard all night; didn't sleep a wink; got very wet; men in
good spirits and everything working well in spite of the rain; have
seen no officer of the day. Lieut. George P. Welch came down to see
me this evening; very dark; camp quiet; looks like another storm
before morning.
THURSDAY, March 31, 1864.
Weather quite agreeable to-day. The Lieutenant-Colonel of the One
Hundred and Tenth Ohio Infantry is officer of the day, a very
pleasant, agreeable man; think I should like him. The Third Division
of our Corps has exchanged camp with our old First Division; have
very poor quarters.
FRIDAY, April 1, 1864.
A disappointing day; weather quite fine this morning; commenced
raining about noon and has continued all day; was relieved
from picket about 1 p. m. by the One Hundred and Thirty-eighth
Pennsylvania Infantry; marched to the bridge the other side of
Culpeper and waited for the officer of the day, but soon found to
our disgust that he had gone to camp. He's no soldier! ought to be
court-martialed!
SATURDAY, April 2, 1864.
Arrived in camp about dark last night and found the regiment in
a mud hole without quarters fit to live in. How white men could
be content to erect such winter quarters is beyond comprehension.
Even the Johnnies do better. These quarters are the worst ever
seen, besides being dirty. All are indignant and aggrieved at such
ill treatment. It has rained or snowed hard all day to add to our
discomfort; received a letter from C. B. Wilson and answered it;
am disgusted about not being ordered before the Casey board for
examination; fear I waited too long before making my application;
probably have all the officers they want.
SUNDAY, April 3, 1864.
It has rained nearly all day; mud very deep in camp: more stormy
weather the past two weeks than all winter before; most of the
officers are building new cabins, the huts occupied by the previous
regiment being uninhabitable. It's a dark and dismal camp, and very
depressing.
MONDAY, April 4, 1864.
It has been a terrible day. The wind has blown a gale, it has snowed
or rained incessantly all day, and we miss our old cabins greatly
near Brandy Station. I have kept fairly comfortable, though. Such,
however, is a soldier's life in the Army of the Potomac. It's a cold
blustering evening without and were I not so busy studying I should
be depressed and discontented.
TUESDAY, April 5, 1864.
The storm still continues, raged all night, and it was a tedious
one; no order for Washington yet; alas! I fear I am doomed to
disappointment all my life. Ah, well, so might it be, if it's God's
will. Dick Moon arrived to-night direct from Vermont. I am glad to
see him about again. It has ceased storming but the wind is still
high.
WEDNESDAY, April 6, 1864.
Cloudy and windy this morning, but it cleared up about noon; fine
evening, too, but no moon; have been over to the theatre, but hardly
got paid for my trouble except for the novelty of seeing a theatre
built of logs. It is as big as a city theatre, is of fine rustic
work and a curiosity. It was built by the Engineers and is handsome.
Of course in a big army like this there is plenty of fair theatrical
talent and some excellent. The band came out this evening and played
a few pieces, the first with their new instruments; am at work on
Company B clothing rolls; will finish in about two days.
THURSDAY, April 7, 1864.
Muddy under foot, but sunshiny and warm; received a letter from
home; all well there; have not been very busy to-day; men working
hard building cabins in the new camp four or five hundred yards
away; will probably complete it in season to break camp in when
the spring campaign opens. It's a handsome camp, every cabin being
exactly alike, commodious and is symmetrically laid out, the
handsomest I ever saw. But the Tenth Vermont leads the army in such
a way and is the pride of general officers from army headquarters
down; it is just the same in drill, parade, forced marching,
fighting or any place it is put. The men have great _esprit de
corps_, and strive not to be outdone by any other regiment in
anything. Were it not that the men's minds are kept occupied, I
should doubt the expediency of putting so much work into a new
camp so late in the season, but they seem to enjoy it, so it's all
right; it keeps them healthy and hard, too; besides, they will be
in splendid shape for the campaign close at hand; there's no moon
to-night but it's beautiful starlight; bands are serenading at
division headquarters. In the stillness of the night the distance
softens the splendid music and makes it enchanting. I sit outside
alone in deep thought and dream over it. War is such a strange
companion!
FRIDAY, April 8, 1864.
Weather warm and pleasant the fore part of the day, but towards
night it hazed up; probably will rain to-morrow; had a long and
tiresome brigade drill this afternoon that disgusted everybody, and
I think a useless one; received my order from the Secretary of War
to report to General Silas Casey's board; shall not go till Tuesday.
SATURDAY, April 9, 1864.
My predictions are fully realized, it has rained torrents all day;
haven't done a thing but mope over the fire; so muddy outside it's
almost impossible to get round even if it didn't rain so; have sent
in an application for three days' leave to go to Washington for
examination; very busy reviewing tactics; no letters.
SUNDAY, April 10, 1864.
Storm has ceased, but it's muddy and windy; part of the regiment
started for picket this morning. Lieut. Ezra Stetson has gone so
I will be alone; have been studying all day; Sergeant J. M. Reed
called this evening, also Dick who will stay all night, his quarters
being crowded; rather dull in camp all day.
MONDAY, April 11, 1864.
Rested finely last night; weather fair; had a three hours' brigade
drill this afternoon; proved more of a march than a drill; regiment
very small owing to so many being on detached service, and on other
details; men busy, too, on their log cabins in the new camp. Dick
is with me to-night; think he prefers being where he isn't so much
crowded as in his own quarters.
TUESDAY, April 12, 1864.
Weather comfortable and warm, but few clouds and very little wind.
If the weather still continues fine a few days longer the army will
make an advance without doubt; have been talking with our sutler's
clerk, Huntington, who was a lieutenant in the rebel army thirteen
months, but being a Vermonter, on the death of his wife and child
who were living in the south, he deserted to our army.
WEDNESDAY, April 13, 1864.
Warm and comfortable; mud drying up finely; application to go to
Washington to report to General Silas Casey returned this forenoon,
disapproved; had a brigade drill this afternoon, a better one than
usual; men busy on their cabins; wish they were done as their
present ones are very filthy; a beautiful moonlight night.
THURSDAY, April 14, 1864.
Weather fine, no wind or clouds and but little mud; had our
regimental monthly inspection at 10 a. m.; have written to Major
Fostor, Chief of Bureau for the Organization of U. S. C. T. in
regard to appearing before the Casey board for examination; no
letter from home to-night; several callers this evening.
FRIDAY, April 15, 1864.
Weather fine this forenoon but began to cloud up towards night.
Major Harper has paid off the regiment to-day. The sutler is also
selling off his stock of goods, as to-morrow is the time appointed
for all sutlers to leave the army; looks like a move in a few days;
am detailed for picket to-morrow; no letter from home to-night, am
sorry to say.
SATURDAY, April 16, 1864.
Corps review was ordered for to-day, but it is raining, so very
likely it will be postponed; started for picket about 9 a. m. with
Col. W. W. Henry as Officer of the Day, so we will fare well; rained
all forenoon; cleared about 1 p. m.; fair since. The Tenth Vermont
has the right of the line.
SUNDAY, April 17, 1864.
Weather fine and warm, but some windy with clouds; all quiet along
the line to-day; have very poor quarters; has been very quiet in
front; it's doubtless the calm which precedes the storm; have little
doubt but what the army will move within the next week; beautiful,
moonlight, calm evening; it seems ominous.
MONDAY, April 18, 1864.
It has been very comfortable on picket to-day without any fire. The
officer of the day has been at my post to-day for the first time.
Generals Grant, Meade and Sedgwick, are reviewing the Sixth Corps
to-day; regret not being present. One of the bough houses caught
fire this evening and burned up; otherwise all's quiet.
TUESDAY, April 19, 1864.
The weather is getting uncomfortably warm; no need of fire any more
on picket. A skirmish occurred last night about fifteen miles out on
the pike. One or two of the enemy were killed and as many wounded.
One of our men was wounded in the foot. A detachment of our cavalry
came in this morning with some prisoners.
WEDNESDAY, April 20, 1864.
Not very pleasant to-day; brigade drill this forenoon; regiment
so busy putting up quarters it is excused from all other duties;
officers of Tenth Vermont all ordered out to witness the new
movements in tactics at brigade drill. My leave has come back
approved, but shan't go to Washington till Sunday; clear moonlight
night.
THURSDAY, April 21, 1864.
A truly beautiful day, warm and pleasant with no wind at all;
regiment moved to a new camp this morning; most of the line officers
remain here yet. The three left Companies, B, G and K contested for
the medal Major C. G. Chandler proposed giving last winter, and B,
my old Company and the one I have been with all winter, won it. Of
course it would! It always honors itself and me; got a letter from
home to-night.
FRIDAY, April 22, 1864.
Weather pleasant and agreeable this morning, but towards night it
began to haze up and now it is sprinkling. A part of the regiment
went on picket this morning. Major Chandler is officer of the day;
had a dress parade to-night. Lieut. J. A. Hicks is relieved from
General W. H. Morris' staff. Most of the line officers have moved
over to the new camp.
SATURDAY, April 23, 1864.
It cleared during the night; quite fair this morning, but by noon
the wind blew a gale, and the air was loaded with dust and smoke,
but the sun was shining; shall start for Washington in the morning;
have written Dr. Jones to-night. It's lonely and I'm feeling
depressed.
SUNDAY, April 24, 1864.
It's been a beautiful day; left camp at 6 o'clock this morning and
reached Brandy Station at 9 a. m. One would hardly think it was
Sunday by the stir about camp and our base of supplies, but war
knows no Sunday; arrived in Washington at 4 p. m. and went to the
National Hotel. War rumors load the very air here.
MONDAY, April 25, 1864.
It has been a pleasant spring day; reported to General Silas Casey
this morning: will be examined tomorrow; sat at Bradey's this
afternoon for pictures. The streets are thronged with moving bodies
of troops. General Burnside's Corps passed through the city this
afternoon. President Lincoln reviewed it from the balcony over the
ladies' entrance of Willard's Hotel on Fourteenth street. This is
my first sight of President Lincoln and probably as good as I shall
ever have. I was just across the street opposite on the curb and not
crowded. He looked pale, very sad and greatly careworn. It depressed
me to look at him. The remembrance will ever be vivid. Burnside's
Corps has encamped near Alexandria for the night; saw Othello played
at Grover's Theatre tonight (now the New National).
TUESDAY, April 26, 1864.
Fine day. Several regiments have passed up Pennsylvania Avenue
during the day; have been before the board; am very much pleased
with its appearance with the exception of General Silas Casey who is
too old and childish for such business. To my surprise I was asked
what position I wanted, and I replied a field office; was told the
supply was more than the demand and as officers were absorbed in
the same order as passed by the board I would never be called on. I
replied that I should never accept anything but a field office; was
passed for a first class Captaincy, there being three grades, First,
Second and Third class; saw Edwin Forrest play Mattamora tonight at
Ford's Theatre. It was fine.
WEDNESDAY, April 27, 1864.
Pleasant but some wind; started for the front on the 9 a. m. train;
passed General Burnside's Corps south of Alexandria en route towards
Ft. Albany; arrived in camp about sundown; found everything as I
left it; am with my own Company (D) now, Lieut. J. A. Hicks having
returned to Company B, which is his own company.
THURSDAY, April 28, 1864.
A part of the regiment went on picket this morning; am officer of
the day. I forgot to mention that on my return I was surprised to
find that Col. A. B. Jewett had resigned and that his resignation
had been accepted; received a letter from Capt. Albert F. Dodge and
one from home tonight; have been very busy making out muster and pay
rolls all day.
FRIDAY, April 29, 1864.
It has been warm and pleasant; nothing going on in camp; men seem to
be enjoying themselves playing ball; completed Company D muster and
pay rolls. Lieut. G. P. Welch relieved me this morning as officer of
the day. Capt. E. B. Frost is now acting Major; very dull in camp
tonight. Colonel W. W. Henry is division officer of the day.
SATURDAY, April 30, 1864.
Weather uncomfortably warm this forenoon but cooler since. Major
C. G. Chandler mustered the regiment this forenoon; no drill this
afternoon. General Burnside's Corps has relieved the Fifth Corps
which has been doing duty on the railroad. The Third Division has
moved in on our left; all's quiet tonight.
SUNDAY, May 1, 1864.
Weather fine and pleasant. Major C. G. Chandler made a thorough
inspection of the regiment this morning. Lieutenant Clark from the
sharpshooters called on me this afternoon; pickets came in about 4
o'clock. Chaplain E. M. Haynes preached a good sermon today; have
written to J. R. Seaver.
MONDAY, May 2, 1864.
Still another fine day, and yet the army remains idle. The query
generally is, "when will the army move, and where?" I guess we will
wish it hadn't when it does move. General U. S. Grant seems to keep
his own counsel, like the silent man he is. It is well. A furious
wind-storm occurred about 5 o'clock p. m. but did not disturb us
much.
TUESDAY, May 3, 1864.
Pleasant in the forenoon, but a gale this afternoon; had brigade
drill two hours this afternoon. At last our query for the past two
weeks has been answered. A part of the army moved to-day, and no
doubt we shall go to-morrow; received orders at 6 o'clock p. m. to
march at 4 o'clock a. m. to-morrow. All is confusion in camp.
WEDNESDAY, May 4, 1864.
We were aroused this morning at 3 o'clock, formed line at daylight,
and took up our line of march for Germania Ford about sunrise. The
whole army is evidently on the move. It looks more like business
than ever before; arrived at the ford about 6 o'clock p. m.; found
that our cavalry crossed here last night without opposition; are
encamped on the south side of the river not over fifty yards from it.
THURSDAY, May 5, 1864.
Pleasant and warm; remained at the fort until about 8 o'clock a.
m. waiting for General Burnside's forces to relieve us, and then
marched about two miles up the plank road and formed line of battle
in a piece of woods to the right of the road; remained here until
noon when Burnside's corps again came up and occupied our line
when we pushed on to the front passing many corralled and moving
army trains, and through the outskirts of the field hospital near
the right of our army's infantry line of battle until we struck
the Orange turnpike when we turned to the right and followed it
some distance until near enough the enemy to draw the fire of
its artillery when seemingly the air was full of solid shot and
exploding shells as far each side the pike as could be seen. The
road here ran in a straight line ahead of us almost as far as the
eye could reach bordered on either side with a dense forest and
underbrush which was also being shelled in places. Shortly after,
when within shelling distance, the enemy fired a solid shot straight
along the pike which tore screeching through the air just a little
above the heads of the men in column in our regiment till it struck
the pike about midway the regiment, providentially where the men
had split and were marching on either side of the road, when it
viciously rebounded along the pike lengthwise the column to the
great consternation of the men all along the extended column in our
own and other regiments. This situation was most trying for every
moment I dreaded the effect of a better directed shot which would
go destructively through our long column lengthwise and do untold
damage.
Soon, however, we turned to the left or southerly into the woods
and formed line of battle almost as soon as there was room after
leaving the road with the enemy close in our front with a field
piece of artillery hardly a hundred yards away through the brush
which kept each from seeing the other. Before Captain H. R. Steele
had hardly finished dressing his company after forming line a shell
from this gun exploded in the ranks of Company K, killing a private
and wounding others. The shell had burst actually inside the man
completely disemboweling and throwing him high in the air in a
rapidly whirling motion above our heads with arms and legs extended
until his body fell heavily to the ground with a sickening thud.
I was in the line of file closers hardly two paces away and just
behind the man killed. We were covered with blood, fine pieces of
flesh, entrails, etc., which makes me cringe and shudder whenever
I think of it. The concussion badly stunned me. I was whirled
about in the air like a feather, thrown to the ground on my hands
and knees--or at least was in that position with my head from the
enemy when I became fully conscious--face cut with flying gravel
or something else, eyes, mouth and ears filled with dirt, and was
feeling nauseated from the shake-up. Most of the others affected
went to the hospital, and I wanted to but didn't give up. I feared
being accused of trying to get out of a fight.
The Division Commander and staff were about three hundred yards
more or less, behind us in direct line with this gun that was
shelling us. Another shell from it which went screeching close
over us--for we immediately after the first shot lay flat on the
ground--disemboweled Captain G. B. Damon's horse of the Tenth
Vermont on the Division staff, on which he was mounted, and killed
two others. This party could be seen from where I was in line
plainly. I was surprised at the quickness with which Company K got
into line again after being so disrupted by the exploding shell in
its ranks.
FRIDAY, May 6, 1864.
We slept on our arms last night. Report says that we forced the
enemy's right flank back about three miles yesterday besides
capturing a goodly number of prisoners, but I doubt it. It is also
rumored that the Vermont Brigade of our Corps was badly cut up
yesterday afternoon, but I hope it's not true; it was hotly engaged,
though, on our left. We were led further off into the woods this
forenoon to form another line of battle evidently, but General
Seymour who was in charge seemed to be dazed, and while poking
around alone in front of and too far away from his command without
a skirmish line in his front, was taken prisoner.[3] A part of our
brigade was finally detached and taken north of and just to the
right of the Orange turnpike including our regiment where we formed
line behind some natural breastworks with the enemy's earthworks
about fifty yards more or less in our front across a pretty, level,
green field, in the edge of the woods; this work of theirs was in
front, I am told, of the enemy's main line. We were shelled more or
less at times through the day until about mid-afternoon when we were
let alone.
[3] In a letter to Chaplain E. M. Haynes of my regiment by me which
he used in his history of our regiment, I state that Seymour was
taken prisoner when the right flank of our army was thrown into
confusion late May 6, 1864. From what source I got the information
I don't recollect, but supposed it correct. I had not then seen
my diary for many years, and had forgotten about the matter. My
diary is correct, for I recall having heard of Seymour being taken
prisoner that day before the fighting on our right flank later in
the day. I wondered when I saw him so far in front of his column
why he didn't have a skirmish line in his front. An alert General
wouldn't have been captured, I don't think.--L. A. A.
Later in the day all at once hearing heavy firing on the right flank
of our army not far away, Colonel W. W. Henry excitedly called us to
attention, faced us to the right and then turning the head of the
column directly to the rear we ran with all speed possible--there
was no double quick about it--for a mile or more into the woods in
rear of where the heavy firing on our right was, stumbling over
logs, ditches, brush, etc., till our faces, hands and shins smarted
from bruises and scratches, when we were halted all out of breath,
faced to the left and ordered to give the charging war cry which,
being a good deal wrought up, not knowing what had happened but that
a disaster had occurred to our forces as panic-stricken men were
hastening to the rear from our defeated right through our lines,
and not knowing our own position relatively speaking to any other
of our forces, or but what we would be pounced upon any moment, for
we had but a small part of our brigade even, with us, so far as I
could see in the woods, and annihilated, we, together with the One
Hundred and Sixth New York Volunteer Infantry and Fourteenth New
Jersey repeatedly gave the war cry as we had never given it before
or did give it again afterwards. It reverberated again and again in
the forest until the echo died away in the gloaming as softly as a
fond mother's lullaby, and it pleased me at the time to think that
perhaps it was God's offering through us and the medium of nature,
or His lullaby to the thousands of wounded and dying heroes both of
the blue and the grey within hearing, for the softly dying echoes
certainly were soothing and restful in the quiet twilight even to
me. This war cry had the effect not only to stop the enemy's firing
but its advance, thinking probably it was a counter-assault to meet
theirs, and it saved many a poor fellow from being captured, as
the enemy ceased its aggressive tactics in order to reform and be
prepared to meet our anticipated assault.
General Jubal A. Early's Division of three brigades had stolen round
in rear of General Shaler's veteran brigade of the First Division
and the Second Brigade (formerly General Seymour's) of green men of
the Third Division, Sixth Corps, which were on the right of our army
in the order mentioned, attacked vigorously both in rear and front,
threw Shaler's veterans into disorder as well later as the Second
Brigade, captured Shaler and created temporary confusion among the
trains and hospital corps nearby. Seemingly it was the result of
bad generalship by someone on our side. If I had been a General in
command there, I'll bet the Johnnies wouldn't have got away with me!
It was evidently lack of alertness, and the Johnny fellow got the
best of it because the most alert.
Generals Meade and Sedgwick probably returning from an investigation
of that part of the battlefield after the fight just after dark
near our regiment where I was, inquired what troops were there and
on being told it was the Tenth Vermont at that particular point
Sedgwick said to Meade, "We are safe enough with that regiment!" as
though they doubted the security of their surroundings.
SATURDAY, May 7, 1864.
Weather very warm, but suited to the work we have got to do. We fell
back about a half mile last night, just after Generals Meade and
Sedgwick passed our regiment, to some breastworks in which we lay
on our arms all night. This morning we were moved to a stronger
position on a ridge just to the left of the position we occupied
last night, and threw up very strong breastworks, several brass
cannon having been placed along the ridge before our arrival. We
have remained as support to this artillery all day, but it hasn't
been used. The enemy made an attempt to carry the works to our
left on the pike early this morning but were repulsed in less than
five minutes with a loss of two hundred. We have remained on the
defensive all day. The Second Corps repulsed the enemy just at dark,
as it was trying to carry their works.
Our regiment has not been engaged to-day, but the suspense has
been wearing. The rebel yell when they have made their various
assaults at other places on the line to our left, and the ominous
bull-dog-like silence along our lines till the roar of musketry
commenced when the enemy got in range, made one at the time almost
breathless and his heart to stand still on any part of the line.
It is awful! But the rebel yell makes one clinch his teeth and
determine that it shall be victory for us or death before we will
give up our works. But I don't like war and wish it was well over.
This is the _real_ thing, though! Grant don't _play_ fight.
Our casualties in the Wilderness including the Ninth Corps were
10,220 wounded, 2,902 missing, and 2,265 killed, making a total of
15,387. The Confederate loss was 6,000 wounded, 3,400 missing, and
2,000 killed, making a total of 11,400. The Tenth Vermont lost nine
wounded and three killed.
SUNDAY, May 8, 1864.
It has been _very_ warm and sultry. Our forces commenced a flank
movement last night. We withdrew from the enemy's front about 10
o'clock p. m. and marched, via the Chancellorsville turnpike--where
we passed many trains, our wounded and Burnside's Corps--through the
old battlefield of Chancellorsville of a year ago, as far as Piney
Branch Church, when we left the pike at Alsop's house, and after
marching southerly some time on the Todd's Tavern road formed line
of battle near Alsop's farm about 3 o'clock p. m., our Division
being on the right of the Sixth Corps. We advanced across the Ny
river--a mere creek--but meeting with a sharp artillery fire from
a rebel battery on the opposite ridge to us skirting the valley,
we were ordered to halt. This was about three miles north of
Spottsylvania Court House and is called the Battle of Alsop's Farm.
Our regiment lost sixteen men here. Generals Robinson and Griffin's
Divisions of the Fifth Corps took two thousand prisoners and lost
about one thousand.
We continued to change position from one point to another till just
after passing Spottsylvania when just before dark we found the enemy
in our front in force. It had felled trees across the road which
delayed us considerably, but our artillery soon opened the way for
us. We proceeded about two miles and found the enemy strongly
intrenched across an open slightly rising field from us in the edge
of the woods which was fiercely charged by us but without effect
except to be repulsed with the field covered largely with our killed
and badly wounded. General Meade was in rear of our regiment which
formed a rear line in our assaulting column, superintending the
assault, and when jocularly reminded by a wag that he (Meade) was in
a dangerous place, he graciously replied: "It's safe enough behind
a Vermont regiment anywhere!" Which was a clever thing to say to
the men and they appreciated it. We threw up breastworks after the
assault, uncomfortably close to the enemy and are well fortified,
but not in as naturally a strong position as the enemy. Assaulting
in the dark is unsatisfactory and very demoralizing. It ought not
to be done when it can be avoided, one is so apt to shoot his own
men and straggle into the enemy's lines and be captured; it's very
trying and nerve-taxing. It has been a strenuous day.
MONDAY, May 9, 1864.
Our army's line is about five miles long this morning and runs
northwest by southeast. General Hancock occupies the right followed
by General Warren, Generals Sedgwick and Burnside in the order
mentioned. Our batteries have been shelling the enemy fiercely all
day and this evening, but the heaviest fighting seems to be on our
left. Our regiment was terribly shelled when supporting batteries
which has been all day. We were ordered to lie flat on the ground in
one instant and there's no doubt but what we did for the ground was
a dead level and the shells whistled and shrieked very thickly and
closely over us. It was _terribly_ nerve-trying. The Johnnies didn't
want to see us bad enough though, to come over and call. We could
see many dead between the lines in our front a little to the left
of where we supported a battery this morning, of both armies, as a
result of the assault last night. It is a shocking sight, but such
is war.
TUESDAY, May 10, 1864.
Warm and sultry. The stench from the dead between the lines is
terrible. There has been hard fighting on our right all day. As for
the Tenth Vermont it has been supporting a battery most of the time.
According to rumor we have captured a large number of prisoners and
several pieces of artillery. About 6 o'clock p. m. our batteries
opened a tremendous fire on the enemy's works, and kept it up for
two hours, but with what result I do not know, except that the guns
in our front were silenced. It was a fine artillery duel and the
roar appalling even to a practiced ear. We are getting the best of
Lee in this battle but it's stubborn fighting on both sides.
The accuracy with which our gunners fire is wonderful. I have seen
one piece of the enemy's artillery opposite me turned completely
over backwards carriage and all, by a solid shot from one of our
guns in front of our regiment; it evidently hit the enemy's cannon
square in the muzzle. It is awe-inspiring to see the regularity,
the determined set look and precision with which our begrimed
artillerymen stick to their work; shot and shell screeching close
by don't seem to disturb them. I was spellbound and speechless with
awe and admiration for their splendid pluck and nerve for some
time, at first. No words can picture such a scene. I'd rather be
a "doughboy"[4] though--anything but an artilleryman, for I hate
shells and solid shot. I think I can face anything in a charge
without flinching after this splendid exhibition of nerve.
[4] An infantryman.
Our regiment relieved the One Hundred and Fifty-first Ohio Volunteer
Infantry on the skirmish line to-night. I am on lookout in a
grave-like hole about the length of a man some two feet deep on top
of a hillock with cut bushes stuck all about as a mask in the soft
dirt thrown from the hole. The cheerfully suggestive grave-like hole
is wide enough for two, and I have Corporal Shedd with me. Even such
a place is _fine_ under the circumstances for there is a constant
whizzing of bullets and shrieking shells over my abode. We are not
more than fifty yards from our main line so close are the two armies
at this point. We have to relieve each other at night stealthily
under the cover of darkness.
WEDNESDAY, May 11, 1864.
Very sultry until about 5 o'clock p. m. when the heavens became
shrouded with dark and threatening clouds and a terrific
thunder-storm followed, which continued till about dark, when our
whippoorwill again dolefully sang out "Whip-em-well! Whip-em-well!"
as our men are pleased to interpret it. A whippoorwill has appeared
midway between the lines every evening since we left winter camp,
with its solemn song, until the men regard it as a good omen. It
don't seem to occur to them that the enemy may regard it the same
way, as meant for them to whip us.
There has been a furious cannonading kept up by our side all day.
The enemy has made three or four fruitless attempts to plant
batteries, and return the fire in our front, but without success;
has been hard fighting on our left all day by the rest of the
Sixth Corps and General Hancock's men; was relieved from my pit by
Lieut. G. E. Davis. I ache all over from having been in the hole
twenty-four hours in the same position. It wasn't safe to stand up
nor did I try it, as it would draw the sharpshooter's fire up the
trees, etc. One could only occasionally raise his head high enough
to peek under the bushes, during lulls in firing, which masked our
position as the place was almost continually under fire. It is close
by on the ground occupied by our regiment and in its front that
General Sedgwick, our Corps Commander, was killed by a sharpshooter
when locating a battery, and where General W. H. Morris, our Brigade
Commander was wounded when changing the position of two regiments
which makes us doubly cautious. It's a dangerous point being high
and furthest advanced of any part of the line. The stench from the
dead is sickening and terrible.
THURSDAY, May 12, 1864.
Rained all night and incessantly till 10 o'clock a. m. There has
been desperate fighting by the Sixth and Second Corps on our left
all day at the "Bloody Angle" where they have held the enemy back
as well as tried to take its works, but with great loss of life.
This will evidently go down as one of the most bloody and desperate
battles of the war. The Tenth Vermont was relieved by some of the
Fifth Corps about 3 o'clock p. m., our Division having been ordered
further to the left adjoining the "Bloody Angle" or "Slaughter Pen."
Just after we had stacked arms under the brow of a slight ridge next
the bloody angle, Captain H. R. Steele wandered a little distance in
front and almost immediately returned hopping along holding up his
foot saying he was shot. I ordered some of the men to take him to
the hospital.
I am now in command of Company K. The men seem pleased, and I'm sure
I am for I like the Company. The men seem sensible, and I know them
to be reliable good fighters. I am not sure but what they will win
my esteem from Company B, but I never have been fickle; there's
room in my heart for all the men of the gallant old Tenth Vermont.
They have faith in me and it's mutual. They will never be turned
down by me. We are to bivouac on our arms in a dense growth of
pine forest with the enemy immediately a short distance in front.
_Surely_ this fierce struggle of giant armies can't last more than a
day more. Either one or the other will have to yield, and as we have
had the best of it here thus far, it will be Lee.
It is wet and depressing for the "Slaughter Pen" will be our portion
next without Lee withdraws to-night which God grant he may do if it
is His will. The thought that we may have to assault into the jaws
of death at the bloody angle in the gray of the morning is appalling
for I am told there are thousands of dead and uncared for wounded
on the field between the lines, and in the rebel works the dead and
wounded lay in piles, the wounded bound in by the dead several deep.
The rattle and roar of musketry and artillery is dreadful as I write
and may continue all night. I am about to lie down perhaps for my
last sleep, but I'm too exhausted to have the thought keep me awake
for seldom has sleep, sweet sleep, been more welcome. But I have
never thought I should be killed in battle. It's delightful to have
perfect faith--the faith of a child in such a way. It helps one to
go into battle, although I dread being wounded, it shocks the system
so. I never go into a fight or take a railroad journey, though,
without feeling reconciled to yield up my spirit to Him who gave
it if it is His will. This gives one calmness and reconciliation
unspeakable. God be praised for giving me such peace. This is my
prayer.
FRIDAY, May 13, 1864.
My prayer for Lee's withdrawal last night was granted. Our Division
moved to the "Bloody Angle" this morning; it virtually joined our
regiment's left last night. The enemy abandoned the angle during
the night after three days' _desperate_ fighting. No pen can fully
describe the appearance of the battlefield--and yet our wounded and
dead have been cared for, and some of the enemy's, by us and _such_
are mostly out of view. The sight of the enemy's dead is something
dreadful. There are _three_ dead lines of battle a half mile more or
less in length--men killed in every conceivable manner. The wounded
are fairly bound in by the dead. Lee abandoned his works leaving
most of his wounded, and all his dead in our hands unburied. Several
pieces of artillery were taken. Prisoners say that General Lee
fought in person as it meant the loss of his army if his line was
broken here, as well as Richmond.
No wonder from its present appearance this place has been christened
the "Bloody Angle" and the "Slaughter Pen." For several hundred
yards--fully a half mile or more--in the edge of the heavy oak
forest of immense trees skirting an open field, the enemy's works
are faultlessly strong of large oak logs and dirt shoulder high with
traverses fifty feet back every sixty feet or so. This breastwork is
filled with dead and wounded where they fell, several deep nearly
to the top in front, extending for forty feet more or less back
gradually sloping from front to rear, to one deep before the ground
can be seen. The dead as a whole as they lie in their works are like
an immense wedge with its head towards the works. Think of such a
mass of dead! hundreds and hundreds piled top of each other! At the
usual distance in rear of these breastworks--about ninety feet--are
two more complete dead lines of battle about one hundred feet apart
the dead bodies lying where the men fell in line of battle shot dead
in their tracks. The lines are perfectly defined by dead men so
close they touch each other. Many of the bodies have turned black,
the stench is terrible, and the sight shocking beyond description. I
saw several wounded men in the breastworks buried under their dead,
just move a hand a little as it stuck up through the interstices
above the dead bodies that buried the live ones otherwise completely
from sight. Imagine such a sight if one can! It is indescribable!
It was sickening, distressing and shocking to look upon! But, above
all, think if one can of the feelings of the brave men who, regiment
after regiment, were marched up in line of battle time and again
for several days to fight with such a sight confronting them! Could
anything in Hades be any worse? Only the misery I imagine, of an
uneasy conscience at some great wrong done an innocent person could
exceed it. It seems like a horrible nightmare! Such intrepidity is
worthy of a better cause. Was there ever before such a shocking
battlefield? Will the historian ever correctly record it? No pen can
do it. The sight of such a horror _only_ can fully portray it.
The First and Second Divisions of the Sixth Corps and Hancock's men
have done most of the fighting today at the "Bloody Angle." The
Sixth Corps has lost eight hundred and forty wounded and two hundred
and fifty killed. The loss of our army at Spottsylvania Court
House has been five thousand two hundred and thirty-three of which
number nine hundred have been killed. Our Division has lost in this
fight to-day twenty-three killed and one hundred and twenty-three
wounded. I examined this forenoon an oak tree fully eighteen inches
in diameter felled by being cut off by minie bullets at the apex of
the "Bloody Angle" occupied by the enemy. I could hardly believe my
eyes, but there stood the stump and the felled tree with the wood
for two feet or more all eaten away by bullets.[5]
[5] The stump of this tree is on exhibition at the War Department in
Washington, D. C., or was a few years since--L. A. A.
SATURDAY, May 14, 1864.
We were aroused several times during the night by sharp firing on
the skirmish line. About daylight we received an order to move
further to the left, and soon found ourselves on the extreme flank
of the old line of battle. Soon after we left our old position, the
skirmish line that had caused us so much trouble during the night
was captured. We found on examination that Lee's army fell back
during the night still further. We moved about two miles towards
Spottsylvania Court House, charged across the valley and Ny river,
and took possession of the heights where Lee's headquarters were
this morning relieving the First Division of our Corps which had
been hotly engaged. Thus we virtually part with the stage on which
was fought one of the greatest battles of modern times if not in
history, and no one regrets it; it seems like a horrible dream. But
how about the uneasy souls--the remorse of those who are responsible
for this war in the hereafter? What does it all mean, anyway? Is man
irresponsible? Should he not have a care? Verily!
SUNDAY, May 15, 1864.
Cloudy, with a bracing air; have thrown up a line of rifle pits
along our front. The army is quiet to-day; very little cannonading
heard. Divine services were held in nearly every regiment in the
Brigade; wrote to Pert this forenoon. The Sixth Corps is encamped on
as beautiful a plantation as I ever saw. It seems a pity to spoil
such finely laid out grounds, but such is war. The whole Division
got ready to move about 6 o'clock a. m. but as the enemy remained
quiet we did. There's no picket firing to-night. I'm so tired and
lousy I do wish we could stay somewhere long enough to wash and boil
our underclothing. However, the general officers are as lousy as
the rest of us for lice in war times know no caste. I saw a General
lousing to-day. I hope this won't shock anyone when they read it
after I have passed along. It's a part of the history of the civil
war though, and should be recorded.
MONDAY, May 16, 1864.
It was sultry and warm until 4 o'clock p. m. when relief came
through a fierce thunder-storm; no fighting; remained quietly in
camp all day; much appreciated mail came to-night; got two letters
from Pert, one from Abby and one from Dr. J. H. Jones. I know not
how long we shall remain in this position, but God grant that this
suspense will soon be ended. I dread another such battle as that of
last week and hope we may avoid one for a while, anyway.
TUESDAY, May 17, 1864.
Cloudy with wind; regiment has been on the skirmish line; have
advanced about a mile by swinging our left round nearly parallel
with our present line of battle; met with no opposition; enemy seems
to be in the valley between the two flanks of our army; no news
to-day; army very quiet; can't continue long, as Grant seems to
be cautiously working round both flanks of the enemy; things look
suspicious to-night; mistrust something's afoot.
WEDNESDAY, May 18, 1864.
We were ordered to withdraw our line this morning at 3 o'clock which
we did without difficulty; found our Corps had gone to the extreme
right of the line to reinforce the Second Corps, quite a little
brush having occurred between it and the enemy this morning which
was repulsed and driven back into the valley; occupy the same ground
we did yesterday; have orders to march in the morning at daylight;
another mail came this evening; all's quiet. Perly Farrer was killed
to-day on the skirmish line. He was a good boy, a member of my old
Company B, of which I am so proud and fond. His remains will be
numbered with the unknown dead, as it will be impossible to send
them north now. He was a brave man and died manfully doing his whole
duty. We can't even reach his body now.
THURSDAY, May 19, 1864.
We were ready according to orders to march early this morning.
General Burnside moved his Corps to the left of us during the night.
We all moved about a mile and a half to the left and threw up a
new line of entrenchments: enemy about twelve hundred yards in our
front; weather fine; small shower about 5 o'clock p. m. cooled the
air greatly; enemy quiet in our front, but heard heavy guns about
dark on the extreme left; don't know the cause or result.
FRIDAY, May 20, 1864.
Weather very warm and sultry; showery towards night; enemy in front
all day; neither side seem ready for another fight at present; no
picket firing to-day to mention. General Meade rode along the line
and seemed much pleased with our breastworks; said if we could hold
them eight days we should be all right; don't know what he meant by
this; mail to-day; all's quiet.
SATURDAY, May 21, 1864.
Very warm and sultry until about 5 o'clock p. m. when quite a
hard thunder-storm come up and cooled off the air; remained in
our breastworks until about 4 o'clock p. m. when the first line
was abandoned for the second where we remained about an hour when
all withdrew. Our Division was in rear and had not gone more than
twenty-five rods from our works when the rebs charged on our picket
line but without effect in our front, except to make us double
quick back and reoccupy our intrenchments where we remained about
two hours then quietly withdrew and marched all night. It's been a
worrying day. Since the fourteenth we've done nothing but march and
countermarch and change about.
SUNDAY, May 22, 1864.
The enemy appeared on our right flank about 3 o'clock a. m.
evidently with the intention of cutting us off from the rest of the
army, but didn't succeed. It has been very warm all day, and by
far the most difficult marching we have had during the campaign;
encamped near Bowling Green. General Hancock is reported ten miles
ahead of us; no fighting to-day.
MONDAY, May 23, 1864.
We were ordered to be in readiness to march at 4 o'clock this
morning, but did not start till near 9 o'clock a. m.; marched until
about 11 o'clock a. m., and encamped about three miles from the
North Anna river; heavy artillery firing heard in the direction of
the river; have not heard the result; very warm all day, but the
men bear the heat grandly. General Longstreet's Corps is only about
three miles ahead of us from which it would seem we are chasing
him--anyway, have captured many of his stragglers. It's intensely
hot.
TUESDAY, May 24, 1864.
The weather continues very warm, but thanks to the citizens along
our line of march for their ice houses we are doing very well by
helping ourselves to such needed comforts as happen to be in sight.
Probably they would rather the Johnnies should have them, but they
are on their last legs--they are playing out. We broke camp this
morning about 6 o'clock a. m.; arriving at the North Anna river
about 10 o'clock a. m.; found the Fifth Corps had crossed last night
after a hard artillery duel which was what we heard. We crossed the
river at Jericho Mills and laid on the south side of the river until
6 o'clock p. m., and then moved to the left to reinforce General
Russell; saw General U. S. Grant to-day for the first time, at his
mess table under a tent fly; was in his shirtsleeves; good view.
The men enjoyed the bathing this afternoon greatly. The whole army
seemingly has been in swimming. At any rate I never saw so many in
bathing at once before or those who seemed to enjoy it more. It was
a sight to be remembered. We marched towards the South Anna river
till 8 o'clock p. m. when we ran into the enemy's pickets, fell back
a little, camped and threw up breastworks.
WEDNESDAY, May 25, 1864.
It has been a very warm day, but we have not had to march much;
laid on our arms in line of battle last night behind our works at
Quarles' Mills; no skirmishing in front till this morning. A portion
of the Sixth Corps passed by us to the left and ran into the enemy
a few rods beyond. Our brigade started about 10 o'clock a. m. and
marched to Noles Station as did the First Division of our Corps. We
burned the depot, destroyed the Virginia Central Railroad for about
seven miles, and returned to the train; remained there about an
hour, changed position to the left about two miles and camped for
the night.
THURSDAY, May 26, 1864.
We were ordered on picket last night; no appearance of any enemy
in our front; men enjoying the novelty of foraging greatly; rained
hard about an hour this morning and has been cloudy and gloomy all
day; has been quiet most of the time along the line, too; not much
going on save the countermarching of troops; possibly General Grant
is covering another flank movement; enemy seem to be in force on the
south side of Little river.
FRIDAY, May 27, 1864.
As I expected the army has commenced another flank movement to
the left. We were ordered to hold the line until 11 o'clock then
withdraw quietly and overtake the balance of the army. Goodness! I
wonder if we are always to be rear guard? It's worrying, besides,
we have to march so rapidly, such duty should be passed round. We
crossed the North Anna about three miles below Noles Station. It has
been terrible marching the roads are so blocked with army supply
wagons or trains--however we have made a thirty-mile march and find
ourselves near the ford at Hanover Court House. The men stood the
march well for we are on the road to Richmond. Goodness! but I'm
tired.
SATURDAY, May 28, 1864.
I wrote hastily yesterday, as we were ordered to move about the time
I commenced; rested well last night; marched at 7 o'clock a. m.;
arrived at the Pawmunky river about noon and crossed at Nelson's
Ferry on a pontoon bridge without difficulty as our cavalry held the
place; did not advance far south of the river before we ran into
the enemy and captured two pieces of artillery; have been building
breastworks this evening; are camped on Dr. Pollard's plantation,
a lovely place, but much neglected owing to the war. Slight shower
just at dark.
SUNDAY, May 29, 1864.
Weather quite cool and comfortable; no fighting today; only twenty
miles from Richmond--Hurrah! The negroes were much frightened when
they saw the Yankee army approach, but have become very much tamed
in twenty-four hours; said the Johnnies told them we had horns,
would cut off their arms, etc. Poor things! they were actually
frightened, and showed it by their bulging eyes, looks and manner.
It was comical! General Russell has gone on a reconnoissance to
Hanover Court House. It's rumored that General R. E. Lee is dead,
but I believe it's a fake.
MONDAY, May 30, 1864.
Very sultry with intense heat; has not rained today as usual. We
were ordered to move from Dr. Pollard's in a westerly course to the
right about daylight; have been changing positions all day, and
yet we have been cautiously advancing on Richmond; are now within
twelve miles of the Confederate capital with the rebel army in our
immediate front. In order to get here we crossed Crump's Creek
towards Hanover Court House. When nearing Atler's Station about
noon we were ordered back to support the Second Corps which was
engaging the enemy near Totopotomy Creek. We marched in a sweltering
and almost exhausted condition to the Hanover turnpike which we
had left in the morning but soon again left it cutting cross-lots
through a swamp and heavy oak forest where a road was being cut
for artillery, and soon went into line of battle on the left of
General Birney's Division about mid-afternoon. We were ordered to
charge but the order was countermanded. The lines here ran about
north and south. The enemy's picket line kept up a sharp fusilade
all night, as a bluff to enable its force here to withdraw in order
to form another line called the Totopotomy, so as to cover several
roads leading to Richmond including the Shady Grove Church road
at Hantley's Corners, and the Walnut Grove Church road as well as
the Mechanicsville turnpike, etc. Our line was changed to meet the
enemy's, but we made no assault. The enemy was evidently greatly
worried as it kept up a heavy artillery fire and made one or two
fruitless assaults. Did they but know our strength they would know
better than to charge our works; but they are plucky fellows.
TUESDAY, May 31, 1864.
As beautiful a morning as I ever saw; men are feeling better since
they drew rations; had been without two days; heavy skirmishing in
front. Our artillery shelled the enemy out of its first line of
works about noon. We moved up and occupied them without difficulty;
enemy has made several useless attempts to shell us but have done no
harm. Our own batteries have been shelling the enemy over us, but
have wounded more of our men than the enemy. The Tenth Vermont is on
the skirmish line to-night. Today's experience when our batteries
threw shells over us at the enemy and hurt so many of our men was
the most exasperating of the campaign. Such stupidity ought to be
punished, as the artillerymen could plainly see that their shells
were exploding close over us and several hundred yards short of the
enemy.
WEDNESDAY, June 1, 1864.
It has been a terribly warm day. The enemy being too well posted
at Totopotomy to attack, Grant concluded to move to Cold Harbor
about fifteen miles away, last night. General Sheridan had taken it
yesterday afternoon but being hard pressed by the enemy's Infantry
he had started to leave when he was ordered by General Meade not
to do so. The Sixth Corps in accordance with this plan started
for that point at about 2 o'clock this morning over a narrow road
leading a part of the way through swamps which are the source of
the Totopotomy and Matadequin rivers, arriving at Cold Harbor which
was being held by General Custer's Cavalry, at about 2 o'clock this
afternoon. Characteristic of Custer when in a hot place, his band
was playing Hail Columbia while his men were fighting like Trojans
to hold their ground. He had had a goodly number killed and wounded
who lay on the field uncared for because all his men were absolutely
required for fighting in order to hold the place. Soon the dry grass
and underbrush took fire and the helpless wounded were roasted to
death, their charred remains being found afterwards. It was a sad
sight for any one, and especially a thoughtful person.
Our line of battle consists of the Sixth and Eighteenth Corps, Major
General W. F. Smith commanding the latter of about ten thousand
men just from Bermuda Hundred being on the right of the line. Our
Corps with its Third, First and Second Divisions in the order named
from right to left was on the left of the line. The Third Division,
Sixth Corps went into line about 3 o'clock p. m. just west of an
old tavern at Cold Harbor Cross Roads or Old Cold Harbor, from
which tavern the place probably took its name, owing to its custom
of entertaining especially at an early day when its grounds were
allowed for camping purposes to travelers and they cared mostly for
themselves.
Our part of the line was in an open field behind a narrow strip of
woods with the enemy's breastworks just beyond about a mile more
or less away in our front. We were formed by regiments four lines
deep. Our regiment was on the skirmish line all night on Totopotomy
Creek, but was relieved about daylight and after a hot dusty march
joined our Division in the foregoing position just in season for the
assault at about 6 o'clock p. m., our brigade being on the left of
our Division. We were all worn out from being on the skirmish line
all night followed by a rapid but all-day march, so near asleep at
times en route as to frequently actually unconsciously march into
scrub trees by the wayside or anything else in the line of march
before awaking. It was simply impossible to keep awake as overtaxed
nature had reached its limit.
We were ordered to guide left on the First Division of the Sixth
Corps in the assault, but owing to some misunderstanding at first
there was some delay, but our brigade soon got in motion and
advanced rapidly in unbroken lines soon all alone on its right,
until broken by the woods, leaving the troops on our right far in
the rear, which caused us to oblique to the right when, before we
were half-way through the woods and swamp which were wider in our
front than to our left, our brigade had deployed so we had only one
line of battle where I was with no support on my right whatever
which, owing to an enfilading fire from the enemy in that direction,
greatly handicapped the right of the line here. This caused quite
a sharp angle in the Union line of battle at this point, and when
we were afterwards drawn back a little to connect with our right it
brought our line of works here closer the enemy's than at any other
point. The fact is we had no support either in rear or to our right
and were in a precarious situation until drawn back in continuous
line of battle with the rest of the assaulting line.
It was a determined charge though, through the woods and swamp. It
was my first experience as Company Commander in an assault, and
it did seem queer to step in front of my men to lead them, one of
if not the youngest among them. But I was on my mettle and had I
known a solid shot would have cut me in part the next second, pride
would have kept me up to the rack, for the Company Commanders of
the Tenth Vermont did not follow but led their men in battle ever
after the first one at Locust Grove and some did there. The men of
Company K are splendid fighters, and I am proud of them. If there
was a man who shirked I didn't see him. They followed me splendidly,
have gained my respect and esteem, and I shall hate to give up the
Company when the time comes to do so.
A part of our Division together with General Emery Upton's Brigade
of our Corps, quite largely went over the enemy's works in the
assault to-night, but could not hold them because not supported on
either flank. It was a plucky fight. Our opponents were Generals
Hoke, Kershaw, Pickett and Field's Divisions. General Clingman's
Brigade was on the right of Hoke's Division, and was badly broken
up in the assault, as well as the Brigade on either side of his,
one of which belonged to Kershaw's Division. Our regiment captured
the Fifty-first North Carolina Infantry, the commanding officer of
which surrendered his sword to Captain E. B. Frost of Company A,
acting Major. Our Division and Upton's Brigade captured five hundred
prisoners, most of whom were probably taken by our regiment. Such
as were taken by it were sent to the rear, without guard, but were
again picked up en route so we got no credit for them. We could not
spare men to send them under guard for we had more than we could do
to hold the works after taking them.
The loss in the Sixth Corps was twelve hundred, of which over eight
hundred were from our Division. The splendid work of the Third
Division here put it in full fellowship with the rest of the Sixth
Corps. We had proved our mettle grandly even if a shorter time in
service than the Second and Third Divisions. The loss from our
Brigade was twenty-one officers, seven of whom were killed, ten
wounded and four were taken prisoners; one hundred enlisted men
were also killed and two hundred and seventy-five wounded. Our
regiment lost nineteen killed and sixty-two wounded, and Company K,
one killed and four wounded. Lieutenant Colonel Townsend of the One
Hundred and Sixth New York, Lieutenants Ezra Stetson of Company B,
and C. G. Newton of Company G, Tenth Vermont, were killed; Colonel
W. W. Henry and Lieutenant William White of the Tenth Vermont,
Colonel W. S. Truex of the Fourteenth New Jersey, commanding First
Brigade, Colonel Schall of the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania were
wounded, and Major McDonald of the One Hundred and Sixth New York
and Lieutenant J. S. Thompson of Company A, Tenth Vermont were taken
prisoners and two other officers.
THURSDAY, June 2, 1864.
Oh, dear, another shocking battle on hand! But we can lick them! I
dread it, though! We laid on our arms in line of battle last night;
heavy skirmishing continued in our front all night; built rifle pits
this morning; men very tired; ordered to assault this evening at 4
o'clock, but it rained and the order was countermanded until morning
thus prolonging the agony; drew rations for the Company to-night;
am getting very tired of this campaign and shall be glad when it's
over, but I suppose it will last a month longer. The enemy is doing
its utmost to gain a victory, but God grant that we may be the
victors if it is His will.
FRIDAY, June 3, 1864.
It still continues to rain a little, but for all this the Second,
Sixth and Eighteenth Corps in the order mentioned from right to
left, were ordered to charge at 4 o'clock a. m. and not to fire a
shot until we got on to the enemy's works, but the charge was not
a success. We never even reached the enemy's works. The attack
commenced on the right and ran along the line until it reached the
left. We advanced under a murderous fire in our front from the
enemy's artillery, sharpshooters and when in range of its main line
of battle and were simply slaughtered. We have lost to-day over
4,000 in killed and wounded. The total casualties June first and
third have been 12,000, of which about 10,000 have been killed and
wounded. The number killed in the Tenth Vermont since Tuesday is
twenty-two and one hundred and twenty-nine wounded; and in Company
K to-day one killed and five wounded. Two killed and nine wounded
in two days greatly weakens my command. Captains Lucius T. Hunt and
Pearl D. Blodgett were wounded, and Captain E. B. Frost was shot
through the head and killed after the assault, by a sharpshooter.
The Tenth Vermont lost sixty-two to-day in killed and wounded. We
are now intrenching and ordered to act on the defensive. The men of
Company K are cool, splendid fighters.
As I sat on the ground this morning with my back against a sapling
in the woods, a sharpshooter planked a bullet in the ground about
an inch from the calf of my right leg which covered me with flying
dirt. He could see my blue pants through the green foliage. I moved.
Colonel Schall who was wounded in the arm in the assault on June
first and carried it in a sling in the fight to-day, was again
wounded in the same arm. He is not a man to take advantage of a
wound not totally disabling him to get out of a fight, evidently.
SATURDAY, June 4, 1864.
The enemy made two unsuccessful assaults last night. Reinforcements
are arriving rapidly. The rain yesterday and this afternoon has
greatly cooled the air. There has been considerable cannonading on
both sides and heavy skirmishing all day. The lines of battle in
our immediate front are only about eight hundred yards apart and
the skirmish lines are very near each other. The One Hundred and
Sixth New York Volunteer Infantry, our favorite fighting companion
as a regiment, are digging another line of rifle pits in our front
for the pickets. I got a letter from Captain H. R. Steele this
afternoon. General Grant issued an order to-day for the army to act
on the defensive. Good!
SUNDAY, June 5, 1864.
It rained nearly all the forenoon, but the skirmishers didn't seem
to mind it, but kept on fighting. It was cloudy and sultry all this
afternoon, but there was no rain. The enemy tried to assault about
dark last night, but gave it up as our artillery had an enfilading
fire on them. There was a very heavy rolling musketry fire on our
distant right about midnight, but I don't know the reason of it. The
enemy tried to carry our left flank about dark by storm, but failed.
The roll of artillery and musketry fire was appalling for about a
half hour, and the slaughter must have been great. Golly! this is
stubborn fighting again! I'm proud of both armies. I wonder what
the Johnnies think of us as fighters now? I'm sure they fight hard
enough for me.
MONDAY, June 6, 1864.
To-day has been sweltering hot. We lay in our works until about
dark when a part of our regiment was ordered for picket. I am not
detailed this time. Lieutenants Merritt Barber and George E. Davis,
Tenth Vermont, reported for duty this afternoon. Lieutenant-Colonel
W. W. Henry's commission as Colonel Tenth Vermont came, also Major
C. G. Chandler's as Lieutenant-Colonel. Captain Samuel Darrah was
shot through the head this afternoon by a sharpshooter while sitting
by his Company, and died at 2 o'clock p. m. His remains will be sent
to Vermont. He was my captain and I am very sorry for his untimely
end. He was a brave little fellow, jolly, clever and kind, always
full of life and will be greatly missed. A flag of truce was sent
out in front of our division to-day; don't know what it was for; has
been quiet all day; men all burrowed under bomb-proof covers. We
sunk big square holes in the ground about two feet deep large enough
to hold about eight or more men, and roofed them with logs, brush
and dirt, but it's very warm to have to live so. It's fine, though,
when bombs are bursting which they often do.
TUESDAY, June 7, 1864.
It has been very quiet along the lines all day; both sides seem
to be tired of sharpshooting. Another flag of truce was sent out
to-day, I think to get permission to bury our dead between the
lines of which there are _many_ plainly to be seen and they are
commencing to smell bad; am told Major Crandall of the Sixth
Vermont, just to the right of us, was shot to-day by a sharpshooter.
He was a popular student once at Barre Academy, Vermont. Captain
Edwin Dillingham reported for duty to-day; has been prisoner of war
at Richmond since the battle of Locust Grove, Va. last fall; never
saw him looking better; is a handsome man, anyway, and a gentleman.
Our army seems to be lying idle now, except the heavy artillery
which is building forts in our rear; occasionally hear the report of
siege guns to our left--or we suppose them to be siege guns.
WEDNESDAY, June 8, 1864.
Still we remain in the same position. Both armies seem to be
preparing for defense operations. I have no doubt but what Grant
intends to hold this line, but I think it far from his intentions to
attack the rebs here again. Probably he will soon move round Lee's
left flank and then perhaps build another chain of forts; really
hope he will manage in some way to get round so much assaulting;
enemy threw a few shells just at dark which all went over us; no
change to-night.
THURSDAY, June 9, 1864.
Very warm all day; sharpshooters keep pecking away at us but don't
accomplish much. Occasionally a shell has been thrown by each side
all day; enemy seems to throw shells oftener at night; shall be
glad when we are out of range of the enemy's sharpshooters for one.
It's not comfortable to be shot at every time one shows himself in
daylight; have been writing letters to-day, one to Pert and another
to Susan Wheeler; enemy shelling quite lively to-night, but shells
all go over us and explode far in our rear among the camp-followers
and hospitals where it is said to be more dangerous than here at the
front, they suffer greatly from shells there.
FRIDAY, June 10, 1864.
Oh, dear! Another day finds us in the same old position. I wonder
if this awful war will ever find an end? It looks worse to me than
ever. Here we are within ten miles of Richmond, and I can't see
any prospect of our ever getting nearer to it without sacrificing
half our noble army, and this in my opinion won't pay. But I fear I
am getting faint-hearted! I must have more faith in our Generals.
Indeed, I think I have faith in them, but they can't do what they
want without they have the men to do it with.
SATURDAY, June 11, 1864.
Goodness! We traveled all night and haven't got out of sight of our
old position. Did ever anyone see such stupidity? I'm getting more
fault-finding than an old maid, but loss of sleep and shattered
nerves from being overtaxed in every way will account for it. Nature
will collapse when continually over-taxed. I'm all out of patience,
but it will do no good to mutter, so I'll stop. We relieved a
portion of the Second Corps to-day; don't know where they are going;
probably some strategic movement afoot; was sent out on picket about
noon. It's not a very agreeable job to relieve the skirmish line in
daylight when the enemy is so near, yet we did it; heavy cannonading
to-night.
SUNDAY, June 12, 1864.
Relieved the skirmish line yesterday without great difficulty; all
quiet through the night; not a gun fired to-day thus far in front
of us; can hear the rebs talk and sing quite plain in our immediate
front; was informed this afternoon the army would move to-night at
7 o'clock; dread leaving the skirmish line, but I suppose we can do
it; very quiet this evening; bands playing and big guns booming;
wonder if it isn't a bluff? The moon is shining brightly.
MONDAY, June 13, 1864.
The effective force of our regiment now is twelve officers and three
hundred and fifty-two enlisted men. We left Vermont with a thousand
enlisted men or more. I wrote hastily last evening, being crowded
for time. I left the skirmish line in the dark without difficulty,
but it was very nerve-trying. My post was in second growth hard
timber, and the enemy could be plainly heard creeping up close--very
close, within a few feet, to see if we had gone after dark. When
one's alone in the dark under such circumstances and he don't
know but what all his comrades are miles away on the march except
his part of the skirmish line, such conditions are disconcerting,
for pickets are sometimes sacrificed when an army moves. The enemy
mistrusting our designs followed us up closely--so close we had to
run with hair on end to get away without drawing their fire for
if we did it meant perhaps that we would be abandoned to our fate
by the assembled picket a goodly distance off awaiting us. But O,
what a relief it was when we joined the reserve! We were on the
extreme left and the last to leave the enemy's front as our position
protected our army in its flank movement. It was the most trying
similar position I have ever been in up to this time during the war.
We traveled like racehorses all night and to-day, and I, at least,
was frequently so near asleep while marching in the heat of the day,
as to unconsciously walk right up against any object in my path
which would of course arouse me; marched about twenty miles, but I
should think it was forty--indeed, forty is what we called it at the
time--via Charles City Court House and bivouaced at Jones bridge
on the Chickahominy. I don't think I was ever so tired in my life
as to-night; don't think I _could_ march much further; got a daily
paper to-day for the first time since we left our winter quarters.
We were the rear of the army last night, and it was a trial to wait
after leaving the skirmish line till all the men of the Division
assembled before taking up our line of march. I got testy several
times in the night walking into scrub trees by the wayside half
asleep. We laughed at each other for doing it, though, for we have
our fun even under the most trying circumstances.
TUESDAY, June 14, 1864.
Very cool and comfortable for this season; marched about six miles
this morning and went into camp; have remained here all day and
possibly shall tonight; hope to at any rate for I am very tired
and need rest; was ordered back to take command of Company D this
morning; am not much sorry for the change for it's my Company.
We are only a short distance from the James river; can hear the
steamboats whistle plainly. It does seem _so_ good not to hear
musketry and picket firing, but from force of habit I hear both in
my sleep nights. Our army excepting the First and Third Divisions
of our Corps crossed the river here to-day on a pontoon bridge. It
took one hundred pontoons to construct the bridge which is held
in place by large vessels at anchor above and below the bridge,
especially during the ebb and flow of the tide which is about four
feet. For the last ten miles before reaching here we passed through
a fine country and community with fine old plantations and houses
surrounded with lovely flowers and beautifully embowered.
WEDNESDAY, June 15, 1864.
Weather quite warm all day; about 9 o'clock a. m. changed positions
to the left; remained till night, and then moved still further to
the left and finally camped for the night. A part of the regiment
has gone on picket. I am not going; no news to-day. I have been
thinking quite seriously that I will go home this winter and fit
myself for a profession--not that I am getting tired of military
life but think it for my interests in the long run; am undecided
what I will do. I don't believe I shall be a quitter, though, for I
am not weak that way. No patriot resigns in the face of the enemy
when his country needs his services.
THURSDAY, June 16, 1864.
About 5 o'clock a. m. a small force including our regiment, moved
down within about three quarters of a mile of the James river,
formed line of battle and threw up rifle pits; remained here until
about 4 o'clock p. m. when we were relieved by General Burnside's
Division of colored troops. We then marched down to the river and
took transports for Point of Rocks; the Tenth Vermont was favored
by going on the dispatch boat; had plenty of room and a fine time.
The quiet moonlight night and cool river breeze were delightfully
enchanting after such war experiences as we had passed through. It
seemed heavenly! I withdrew to a lonely corner by myself and gave
myself up to reflection and feelings of thankfulness; has been hot
all day. It is reported that General W. F. Smith has taken the outer
works of Petersburg, Va., captured sixteen pieces of artillery and
twenty-five hundred prisoners. I hardly believe it. I know what such
fighting means too well. Such victories don't grow on bushes to be
plucked by every one passing.
FRIDAY, June 17, 1864.
We arrived at Point of Rocks at 1 o'clock a. m., marched about three
miles, got coffee and joined our brigade in General B. F. Butler's
breastworks at the front; have been idle all day. About dark our
skirmish line was driven in, and our regiment was sent out to
support the line until reestablished, but as they could not succeed
in this we withdrew and went back to camp. We expected to have to
assault the enemy's formidable fortifications, and were greatly
relieved when we were withdrawn. General H. G. Wright opposed
General Butler in an assault on the enemy's works here and won his
point, it is said.
SATURDAY, June 18, 1864.
The number of prisoners captured yesterday by General Smith was
only about five hundred, not twenty-five hundred as reported. The
works were carried by storm by colored troops, but they couldn't
have taken them if the forts had been fully garrisoned, by veterans
instead of citizens. We have remained behind our works all day;
brisk skirmishing in front, and cannonading towards Petersburg;
gunboats have thrown a few shells into the enemy's lines. I got
letters from home to-night; all well there.
SUNDAY, June 19, 1864.
It was warm and sultry in the middle of the day. We remained in our
works till about 5 o'clock p. m. when on being relieved by General
W. F. Smith's command, we at once started for Petersburg about
eight miles away to rejoin the Army of the Potomac, crossing the
Appomattox river on the pontoon bridge, and arriving at the outer
works about 8 o'clock p. m. where we bivouaced. Generals Grant
and Butler rode along the lines together at Bermuda Hundred this
afternoon. It was my first sight of Butler; queer-looking man; his
beauty won't kill him.
MONDAY, June 20, 1864.
Have just returned from the heights. The City of Petersburg looks
lovely at a distance, but our guns command it and can at any time
lay it in ruins. The enemy occupy the heights on the other side
of the Appomattox river. Siege guns are shelling back and forth,
but it's no such fighting as we have seen since we broke winter
quarters. We have remained in the woods all day, it's been so warm.
Orry Blanchard called to-night; am detailed for fatigue--probably to
work a detail on fortifications.
TUESDAY, June 21, 1864.
I worked a fatigue party on a fort all night arriving in camp about
5 o'clock a. m. tired and hungry; slept until about 6 o'clock p.
m. when we were ordered to march. We moved out on the Jerusalem
plank road to where our cavalry were skirmishing on the ground to
the left of our army which we were expected to occupy, and halted
about 9 o'clock p. m. Although it was dark we threw out a skirmish
line, forced the enemy back, captured several prisoners, camped and
commenced to throw up breastworks having joined our line with the
Second Corps on our right. The First, Second and Third Divisions,
Sixth Corps, in the order mentioned from the right now form the left
of our army. General Grant is simply extending his line to the left.
Colonel W. W. Henry took command of the regiment last night. I have
received a letter from Lieutenant G. E. Davis at Annapolis; is doing
well. The One Hundred and Sixth New York captured a Johnny to-night
under singular circumstances but I've not room to relate them.
WEDNESDAY, June 22, 1864.
It's very warm and dry and the dust is intolerable it's so sandy.
We remained in our rifle pits until about 9 o'clock a. m. when we
advanced and finding the enemy gone occupied their works till about
3 o'clock p. m. when we threw up another line of pits, and were
then ordered to fall back to our line of last night, but finally
charged through the brush about two miles and captured another line
of works without resistance. There has been considerable confusion
to-day. While on the skirmish line the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania
of our brigade came near being captured from the fact that for some
unaccountable reason the picket line next on one of its flanks was
withdrawn unknown to Colonel Schall, when the enemy crept through
the opening and captured about a dozen men, but seeing what was the
matter, Colonel Schall, a splendid officer, took such action as was
necessary and saved his regiment. In another instance the First
Division of our Corps, which had moved more slowly than ours and
not as wished, found itself and its skirmish line partly a goodly
distance behind our division. It was amusing to say the least, at
any rate to us. We finally got things straightened out with the
Second Division on our left but considerably in rear with its left
refused to protect its flank. The first Division occupied a similar
position on our right but a goodly distance in our rear.
THURSDAY, June 23, 1864.
This has been the warmest day yet this summer, and no sign of
rain. We remained in line all day without intrenching when the
enemy began to make quite a demonstration on our left. We threw
up rifle pits but our division was so far in advance of the other
two of our Corps, the rebs had a cross fire on us. Our skirmishers
have been on the Weldon railroad most of the day until finally the
First Division of our Corps began to destroy the track. It had
only just begun when the force sent from the Vermont Brigade and
the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania of our brigade to protect it, were
attacked, surrounded and about five hundred, including four officers
and seventy-nine enlisted men from the Eighty-seventh, were either
killed or taken prisoners. The Eighty-seventh had twenty-six killed
and wounded. After this we all retired to the line occupied by us on
the 21st of June.
FRIDAY, June 24, 1864.
Intensely warm and still; no prospect of rain; remained in our rear
line of works until about 9 o'clock a. m. when we received orders
to move out by the left flank into our first line of works. Our
skirmish line has been driven in once and probably five hundred were
taken prisoners by the enemy. This is rather discouraging but we
must expect to meet with some reverses. Rebel prisoners have been
sent in to-day; they speak hopefully of their cause, but I have _no_
doubt but what the _Union_ cause will triumph.
SATURDAY, June 25, 1864.
Still we are behind our works sweltering in the sun. The only way
we can possibly keep comfortable is to stick up brush which gives
us a little shade; enemy made no attack last night as expected on
our left. The Second Corps was attacked during the night, the enemy
gaining some advantage, but our troops rallied and regained what
they had lost. It's quite comfortable this evening; the bands
are all playing, and seem determined to help us pass the time as
pleasantly as possible in spite of our uncomfortable surroundings.
But if we are uncomfortable what condition must the enemy be in?
It's a poor soldier who never thinks of such things.
SUNDAY, June 26, 1864.
Another Sabbath morning has dawned, and finds us in the same
uncomfortable position as yesterday, yet I will not complain of
the intense heat as long as we can remain quiet. We get plenty of
lemons and ice from the Sanitary Commission which alleviates our
discomforts considerably. The enemy still permits us to remain
quiet, but are less lenient to those on our right, as fighting was
kept up all night. Burnside was attacked but held his own.
MONDAY, June 27, 1864.
There was considerable thunder during the night, but no rain here,
yet it has been cooler to-day than yesterday. We have a few lemons
left. Captain Edwin Dillingham's commission as Major came this
forenoon; regiment goes on picket to-night; slight shower with
thunder about 4 o'clock p. m. and it's cooler.
TUESDAY, June 28, 1864.
We relieved the Fourteenth New Jersey from picket; all quiet through
the night; made my headquarters with the reserve in an orchard
where we got plenty of green apples, etc.; was relieved by the One
Hundred and Sixth New York after dark. On returning from picket was
happily surprised to find that preparations had been made to go into
camp, and that the men of my Company had a tent all up for me. The
Company (D) generally looks after me very nicely. This Company, too,
is a splendid fighting one with me, anyway; but, as we have been in
tight places, I guess K Company has won my admiration as a valiant
one over all others, except Company B, which will follow me anywhere
I lead, as it did over the fence at Locust Grove, Va. in a plucky
charge for which we never got credit. It was only bandbox soldiers
who were seen that day and mentioned in orders.
WEDNESDAY, June 29, 1864.
Very warm and dry again this morning. General H. G. Wright, our
corps commander, had an inspection and review at 7 o'clock this
morning. It seemed so strange to be called out again for parade
I hardly knew how to act. But what seems strange is that they
should commence this thing when the men are all tired out. They
need a day's rest more than anything else. I do wish they would
consider the welfare of the men more. Well, here we are again! have
marched all afternoon and turned up at Reames Station on the Weldon
railroad; didn't know but what we were marching round to go into the
back door of Petersburg or Richmond. I'm half dead with fatigue.
THURSDAY, June 30, 1864.
Quite warm, but a fairly cool breeze. The First and Second Divisions
of our Corps worked all night destroying the railroad and are at it
now, our forces having burnt the depot; have made thorough work of
it; think it must have been quite a business place here once, but it
is now a mass of ruins. Our division has been building breastworks;
had just got them nicely completed when we were ordered back late
in the day to our old position as we supposed, but 9 o'clock p. m.
finds us in camp for the night two miles from there.
FRIDAY, July 1, 1864.
Well, here it is the first day of July! Who would think it? We have
been fighting two months, and the time (July 4th), set by thousands
for the downfall of the Confederate capital is close at hand, yet
it cannot be taken by that time. Still I have no doubt there are
thousands at the North who are expecting to hear of its capture, and
perhaps many who are foolish enough to believe that it will surely
fall on July 4th. I have no doubt but what it will fall before
another summer, but it will take time and hard fighting, and many a
poor fellow on both sides will bite the dust first; wonder if all
think of this? Many never think of anything till it happens, they
are too selfish; remained all day in the position we took up last
night, but just at night we moved a quarter of a mile to the front
and formed line of battle.
SATURDAY, July 2, 1864.
This morning we started about 7 o'clock for camp and arrived about
10 o'clock a. m.; have had directions to fix up quarters as there
is a prospect of remaining in camp several days; are obeying orders
of course, but I suspect we shall move before three days; very warm
day--sweltering.
SUNDAY, July 3, 1864.
We have made arrangements so that we are quite comfortable in spite
of the intense heat; has been very quiet in camp all day. All are
anticipating a good time to-morrow if General Grant don't conclude
to have us fight, and I don't think he will, for I don't believe
he considers it of any use to attack the enemy, so long as he can
oblige it to come out and fight him. Lieutenant G. E. Davis came
to-day. Lieutenant H. W. Kingsley called to-night.
MONDAY, July 4, 1864.
Again another Fourth of July has come and, not as usual for the
past three years, all is quiet. Who could have anticipated it with
such conditions? It's very warm and dusty. Lieutenant Hill and I
have been down to the Division hospital to see Lieutenant H. W.
Kingsley. It has been the quietest time in camp to-day we have had
in two months; have enjoyed it greatly. Colonel Henry Powell--a
good soldier--formerly First Sergeant of Company F, Tenth Vermont,
but promoted Colonel of U. S. C. T.[6] called to-day. I don't think
he has a very exalted opinion of colored troops and he may be right;
he's a man of good sense and judgment.
[6] United States Colored Troops.
TUESDAY, July 5, 1864.
Quite comfortable all day. Lieut. G. E. Davis has completed the
Muster and Pay rolls, but I've not felt very well and have been abed
all day. Captain G. W. Burnell, formerly Second Lieutenant, Tenth
Vermont, has been with us to-day; he's about the same old chap,
but I don't think he has a very high opinion of colored troops,
either. It's reported the enemy is making a raid into Maryland with
General Jubal A. Early in command. I have been expecting this.
They will doubtless make us much trouble, but they can't checkmate
Grant in that way; he has too many men. He won't budge from
here--_never_--until he takes Petersburg which means Richmond, too.
Up to this time our First Brigade has lost in killed, wounded, etc.,
over eight hundred men since we broke winter camp.
WEDNESDAY, July 6, 1864.
Our Division was ordered to move to City Point at daylight to take
transports for Baltimore, Md., and thence by rail to Harper's Ferry,
Md., or vicinity. I said we'd move shortly when ordered to fix camp
on the second of July. We arrived at City Point about 3 o'clock p.
m. after a hot dusty march and much suffering, and sailed about 4
o'clock p. m. It's quick work to load a boat in an hour, but Grant
was there. The contrast from marching through sand ankle deep as dry
as an ash heap with the air so thick with dust one a few steps away
is invisible, and being on the cool river is a great transformation
we much appreciate--Hallelujah!
THURSDAY, July 7, 1864.
I was told last night that we should reach Fortress Monroe at
daylight, and I was up to see it, but we passed it about midnight.
We are evidently greatly needed to head off a raid in Maryland. I
saw the sun rise on the water this morning. It has been quite warm
all day although on the water with the boat making good time. We
arrived at Baltimore at 4 o'clock p. m. but have not been allowed to
leave the boat yet.
FRIDAY, July 8, 1864.
Two boat-loads of our Division landed last night at 11 o'clock.
We took the cars at once for Frederick, Md., and arrived there at
10 o'clock a. m. to-day, finding the city nearly deserted by its
inhabitants, and only a small force of hundred days' men, etc., to
defend it having skirmished yesterday with the enemy's advanced
guard and kept it from entering the town. The place is full of
rumors, but it's impossible to get any reliable information. We
were followed this afternoon by more of our Division, and all have
been kept busy by General Lew Wallace who is in command, marching
about the city, forming lines of battle to the north of it, etc.,
presumably to try and deceive the enemy as to our strength.
There were in Frederick on our arrival here together with such
troops as have arrived since, not including our Division,
twenty-five hundred green troops under Brigadier-General E. B.
Tyler, which have never been under fire to any extent, as follows:
Five companies of the First Regiment Maryland Home Brigade, Captain
Chas. J. Brown commanding; the Third Regiment Maryland Home Brigade,
Colonel Chas. Gilpin commanding; the Eleventh Regiment Maryland
Infantry, Colonel Wm. T. Landstreet commanding; three companies
of the One Hundred and Forty-fourth Regiment Ohio National Guard,
Colonel Allison L. Brown commanding; seven companies of the One
Hundred and Forty-ninth Regiment Ohio National Guard, Colonel
A. L. Brown commanding; and Captain F. W. Alexander's Baltimore
(Md.) Battery of six three-inch guns; Lieut. Colonel David R.
Clendenin's squadron of Mounted Infantry from the Eighth Illinois
National Guard; a detachment of mounted infantry--probably two
companies--from the One Hundred and Fifty-ninth Ohio National Guard,
Captains E. H. Lieb and H. S. Allen commanding, respectively; the
Loudoun (Va.) Rangers, and a detachment of mixed cavalry, Major
Charles A. Wells commanding. The Eleventh Maryland and all the Ohio
troops are hundred days' men.
The Third Division, Major General James B. Ricketts commanding, of
the Sixth Corps, consists of two brigades and now has here nine of
its twelve regiments or a force of three thousand three hundred and
fifty men as follows: The First Brigade is commanded by Colonel W.
S. Truex of the Fourteenth Regiment New Jersey Infantry, and is
composed of the One Hundred and Sixth Regiment New York Volunteer
Infantry, Captain E. M. Paine commanding; the Tenth Regiment
Vermont Volunteer Infantry, Colonel W. W. Henry commanding; the
One Hundred and Fifty-first Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry,
Colonel William Emerson commanding; the Eighty-seventh Regiment
Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel J. A. Stahel
commanding, and the Fourteenth Regiment New Jersey Infantry,
Lieutenant-Colonel C. K. Hall commanding. The Second Brigade,
Colonel Matthews R. McClennan commanding is composed of the Ninth
Regiment New York Heavy Artillery, Colonel Wm. H. Seward, Jr.
commanding; the One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Regiment Ohio National
Guard, Lieutenant-Colonel Aaron W. Ebright commanding; the One
Hundred and Tenth Regiment Ohio National Guard, Lieutenant-Colonel
Otho H. Binkley commanding; the One Hundred and Thirty-eighth
Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry, Major Lewis A. May commanding; and
a detachment of the One Hundred and Twenty-second Ohio Infantry
commanded by Lieutenant C. J. Gibson. The Sixth Regiment Maryland
Infantry, Sixty-second Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry and most of
the One Hundred and Twenty-second Regiment of Ohio National Guard of
the Second Brigade have not yet arrived.
With the Georgetown or Washington and Baltimore turnpikes both
passing through Frederick, it is easy to see why this is an
important point as viewed from a military standpoint. The latter
runs in a westerly direction from Baltimore, crosses the Monocacy
river over a stone bridge about three miles from, and on through,
Frederick centrally, and thence on to Harper's Ferry, Frederick
being about thirty-five miles from Baltimore. The Georgetown
turnpike runs northwesterly crossing the Monocacy river on a
covered wooden bridge at Frederick Junction, about three miles from
Frederick, on through the city which is also about thirty-five miles
from Washington, and thence northwesterly to Sharpsburg, the two
pikes crossing each other centrally in Frederick at right angles.
The Georgetown wooden and railroad steel bridges across the Monocacy
at Frederick Junction are about one-fourth of a mile apart, and the
distance between the Georgetown pike wooden bridge and Baltimore
turnpike stone bridge is about three miles with Crum's Ford about
midway between. There are also several fords within two miles or
so below the Georgetown pike wooden bridge where it crosses the
Monocacy at Frederick Junction.
SATURDAY, July 9, 1864.
We left Frederick under the cover of darkness last night, and after
marching a round-about way which took nearly all night, brought
up at Frederick Junction, about three miles away on the Baltimore
and Ohio railroad, where on a ridge of hills skirting the Monocacy
river probably on an average eighty feet high more or less across
and on the east side of the river opposite the junction the railroad
steel and Georgetown turnpike covered wooden bridges, the latter of
which we burnt early in the day to keep the enemy from crossing--we
formed line of battle in a naturally strong position about 7 o'clock
a. m. probably about three miles long. The river was virtually
crescent-shaped opposite the Third Division with the concave side
towards Frederick, but a little way above the railroad bridge ran
northwesterly for fully six miles or more, it being about three
miles distant from the Baltimore pike stone bridge northeasterly
from Frederick, and the same distance southeasterly to the
Georgetown pike wooden bridge. A skirmish line of two hundred and
seventy-five enlisted men and three officers was established as soon
as practicable under the command of Maj. C. G. Chandler. It was also
crescent-shaped with the convex side also towards Frederick with its
flanks resting practically on the river. Captain C. J. Brown and
two hundred enlisted men were from General E. B. Tyler's command,
and Major C. G. Chandler, First Lieut. G. E. Davis and seventy-five
enlisted men were from General J. B. Rickett's Third Division of
the Sixth Corps, the latter officers,--Davis and Chandler,--being
from the Tenth Vermont. Here we waited for the enemy to approach.
We didn't have long to wait for soon the whole country across the
Monocacy was alive with Johnnies who attacked us with overwhelming
numbers about 8 o'clock a. m. and kept it up till about 5 o'clock p.
m.
It was a brilliant little fight on our part, although when we formed
line we were much depressed for we knew we were greatly outnumbered.
General E. B. Tyler guarded the Baltimore pike stone bridge with a
goodly portion of his command, and Crum's Ford with three companies
of Colonel Gilpin's regiment of the Potomac Home Brigade. At first
three pieces of Captain Alexander's Battery were given General
Ricketts who protected the railroad bridge and Georgetown pike, and
three pieces were given General Tyler but later only one piece. The
left of our main line was refused or bent back just north of the
Thomas house, Colonel Clendenin's squadron of cavalry being far to
our left. Our infantry left ran along the Georgetown turnpike which
led to the wooden bridge burnt early in the morning to keep the
enemy from crossing. The pike runs as a whole from the river about
southeast forming an obtuse angle with it, and it was along it which
runs through a slight cut here, which formed an excellent natural
breastwork, Company D of Burlington, Vt., and two other companies
of the Tenth Vermont were stretched out fully a quarter of a mile
or more under Major E. Dillingham of our regiment his right being
near the junction of the Georgetown pike and the Urbana road. It was
little more than an attenuated skirmish line but nevertheless the
main line of battle. The command of Company D fell to me as Lieut.
G. E. Davis was on the skirmish line. It was an anxious time for
having little faith in our cavalry I feared a cavalry charge from
the enemy down the pike to my left, as a sharp cavalry skirmish had
occurred here when this part of the field had been first occupied
by our forces in the morning before my arrival. The skirmishers in
my front were very busy, too, exchanging shots with the enemy's
skirmishers till the first assault by the enemy in the afternoon
about 2 o'clock on the east side of the river which was a brilliant
one. The enemy in strong force had forded the river a goodly
distance south of us, left its horses out of sight and appeared from
the edge of the woods on top of a high hill bordering the river
about three-quarters of a mile away to the south in solid lines
which moved in double time down the long green sloping open field in
perfect order all the while shouting their ominous defiant battle
cry. It was General McCausland's Brigade of dismounted cavalry in
two lines; and let me say right here that if this was an average
sized brigade in Early's army then half the truth as to its numbers
has not been told. I could see this assaulting column being nearest
to it probably, better than any other officer on the field, and
_know_ whereof I write.
The long swaying lines of grey in perfect cadence with glistening
guns and brasses, and above all the proudly borne but to us hated
banner of the Confederacy with its stars and bars, was a spectacle
rarely surpassed in the bright sunlight of a perfect summer day. I
for one looked on the scene with mingled feelings of bitterness,
dread and awe, for they were so far away there was nothing else to
do. As soon as they first appeared on the hill all firing largely
ceased in my front on the skirmish lines and everything was as
hushed later save the indistinct distant battle cry of the enemy as
on a Sabbath day even the men looking at the spectacle in silent
awe for apparently the enemy which greatly outnumbered us, was
making directly for our part of the line. On, on, they came down the
long slope, through a wide little valley out of sight every moment
seeming an age until finally they appeared about a half mile away
still in excellent order when they slightly changed direction to
their left along the hills near the river which greatly relieved
my anxiety inasmuch as we wouldn't have to bear the brunt of the
attack; but a suspicion of being cut off from the rest of the line
and captured, which I feared a little later, made the situation
still more trying. On they came, swaying first one way and then
another, keeping us in breathless suspense, but determined to hold
our ground as long as possible when the shock of battle should
come. Finally as they got near enough to be shelled our artillery
opened on them to our right and then the infantry supporting it
when the enemy's lines wavered and broke and they were temporarily
repulsed until reinforced.[7] I was then ordered with Company D
about a half mile more or less to my right nearer the left centre
of our line from the railroad to support with others four or more
guns of Alexander's battery, in a sharp artillery duel with the
enemy across the Monocacy in which First Lieutenant C. E. Evans, an
unassuming, quiet officer, but good fighter, took an active part and
did excellent work, together with Second Lieutenant P. Leary--now
Brigadier-General U. S. A., retired--of that battery. It was here,
too, that I was painfully wounded by an exploding shell from the
enemy on the tip of the right hip bone. It was so bad that Major J.
A. Salsbury of my regiment advised me to go to Colonel Henry for
permission to go to the rear as it was well known that soon the
Union forces would have to hastily retreat as the enemy had crossed
the Monocacy river on both flanks and were fast surrounding our
intrepid little force with overwhelming numbers, which, when the
order came to retreat meant a rapid one and Salsbury, an elderly
man, did not think me in condition to keep from being captured.
[7] It was here that General Early mentions in his "Personal
Memoirs" of this battle, an extract from which will be found further
along, that he had to send General Gordon's Division to reinforce
McCausland under the superintendence of General Breckenridge,
etc. This was what kept us waiting so long after McCausland's
repulse, it took so long to get reinforcements across the river.
It was the desperate fighting here, too, where there were three
or more separate assaults, that years afterwards drew forth an
acknowledgment from Gordon that it was one of the hardest fights he
had ever been in or to that effect, and that it caused the waters of
the Monocacy to run red with the mingled blood of the blue and the
gray.
Knowing that every one who possibly could should remain on the
fighting line in such a vital emergency as the possible loss of the
National Capital, and especially an officer, for the effect such an
example would have on the men, and being the only officer with and
in command of my Company, I declined to ask for such permission.
Major Salsbury rather emphatically in effect replied: "If you don't
go and ask Colonel Henry for permission to go to the rear, I shall
go myself!" and he did. Before he returned, the whole limb having
been numbed by the shock produced by the shell, the reaction had
caused excruciating pain, especially at the sensitive point where
the glancing butt end of a shell in full flight had mangled the
flesh and turned it black and blue for several inches around.[8] It
was the sensitive end of the hip bone, however, which afterwards
affected the whole limb producing with age numbness especially
in the toes and heel of the foot and of the whole limb when on
horseback scouting for Indians after the Civil War, which disability
was one of the principal causes of my retirement from active service
in the regular army in 1885, that was most affected. Lying on the
ground with blanched face and clenched teeth to keep from crying out
with pain, which pride prevented, Major Salsbury returned, and to
my amusement, even in such circumstances, jerkily took the position
of a soldier, saluted his junior officer, then a Second Lieutenant,
who was still lying on the ground in great distress, in the most
respectful and dignified way saying, disappointedly, sympathetically
and snappishly, for obvious reasons, with an anxious look: "Colonel
Henry has denied my request!" or to that effect.
[8] As time and history has developed other facts in connection with
this battle and this wound, it is fitting that the facts should be
introduced here, which will be the case from this time on in the
case of battles.
While these events were transpiring, First Lieutenant G. E. Davis,
of Company D, Tenth Vermont, who after Captain Samuel Darrah of that
Company--a most intrepid fighter,--was killed at Cold Harbor, had
commanded Company D, but was now in command of the skirmish line on
the opposite or west side of the Monocacy River where he so ably
directed, fought and finally withdrew it with so much dash,--he and
some of his men sensationally escaping by running along the ties
under fire across the open railroad bridge forty feet above the
water, Private Thomas O'Brien of Company D, Tenth Vermont, falling
through the bridge into the river and escaping,--as to attract the
attention of General Lew Wallace, and thereby won lasting fame
and was also awarded a Medal of Honor later on. For some reason
Major C. G. Chandler had left his command, when it fell to Captain
C. J. Brown, the next in rank, who, being inexperienced, and the
skirmishers in a hot place and hard pressed, sensibly relinquished
his command to Lieutenant Davis who had had more experience, and
thus had enviable fame and valor most dramatically forced upon him,
although he was grandly equal to the emergency.
Within a very short time after I was wounded the valiant little
command was in places virtually cutting its way through the enemy's
lines, which almost completely enveloped it, in full retreat. It was
during this time that one of the color guard, Corporal Alexander
Scott, a brave and efficient soldier of the same Company (D, of
Burlington), who was retreating near me under a hot fusilade of shot
and shell, saved the regimental colors from capture for which he
deservedly afterwards, partly on my recommendation, received a Medal
of Honor. But I did not take to being captured as some who were even
able-bodied did, and hobbled away. Feeling piqued, however, because
not allowed to go sooner to the rear from the battlefield in my
maimed condition--although I would not have gone anyway, but wanted
permission because I thought I deserved it, as up to that time I had
never asked to do so in any battle--still I made no complaint to
anyone afterwards, but stubbornly, grieved and in constant pain,
marched with my command all night and the following day to the Relay
House, near Baltimore, bathing the wound occasionally en route with
cool water from a friendly well or running stream as I passed,
which was a great relief. But my feelings were greatly wounded at
the lack of consideration received, as I thought, from Colonel
Henry. As my pride got the best of my judgment I have suffered in
consequence ever since. Had I ridden instead of marched, it would
have at least saved a game leg and hip of undue strain and possibly
from disappointing results afterwards, for had I been in active
service at the breaking out of the Spanish-American war, as I would
have been but for this wound, it goes without saying that I would
then have been given high rank with others of my rank at that time
and in the end retired from active service with the rank any way of
Major-General.
Owing to a greatly superior force we were obliged to fall back in
disorder having eleven officers and five hundred and forty enlisted
men captured and leaving most of our wounded and dead on the field.
For some unaccountable reason the three regiments of the Second
Brigade mentioned in this diary yesterday as not having arrived
were detained at Monrovia, Md., a station on the Baltimore and Ohio
railroad about eight miles east of Monocacy and were not in the
fight. If they had been, I believe we could have stood the enemy off
even longer than we did, and Early might not think of appearing
before Washington--though this is doubtful--which he may now do. I
cannot understand though, why veteran troops should have been kept
in reserve if such was the case in such a contingency--the capital
of the nation being in jeopardy--instead of hundred days' men or in
fact any force whatever. It seems to me that in case they were not
kept in reserve purposely by competent authority, someone should
be courtmartialed and punished, let it fall where it may, and that
General Lew Wallace should insist upon it in justice to himself and
to the gallant men who so valiantly fought of the Third Division as
to hold an enemy so greatly outnumbering us at bay for almost an
entire day.[9]
[9] Colonel J. W. Keifer of the Second Brigade says in his
official report of this battle that the regiments at Monrovia were
unnecessarily detained by Colonel J. F. Staunton.--See Haynes'
History Tenth Regiment Vermont Infantry.
If General Lee knew the _facts_ in the premises it would not redound
to General Early's military valor, genius or judgment so far as
his conduct of this battle is concerned, any way. He ought to have
driven us from the field at once, and would with his usual dash.
Had he done so, he might capture Washington and may now if other
troops haven't been sent from the Army of the Potomac, but I'm sure
they have. The enemy is estimated at 20,000 strong. At any rate it
is many times our size as I could see it from a hilltop where I was
during a part of the battle. We are falling back over the pike to
the Relay House.
General Early says in his "Memoirs" in regard to this fight:
"McCausland, crossing the river with his brigade, dismounted his men
and advanced rapidly against the enemy's left flank, which he threw
into confusion, but he was then gradually forced back. McCausland's
movement, which was brilliantly executed, solved the problem for
me, and orders were sent to Breckenridge to move up rapidly with
Gordon's Division to McCausland's assistance, and, striking the
enemy's left, drive him from the position commanding the crossings
in Ramseur's front, so that the latter might cross. The Division
crossed under the personal superintendence of General Breckenridge,
and, while Ramseur skirmished with the enemy in front,"--which
didn't deceive us at all--"the attack was made by Gordon in gallant
style, and with the aid of several pieces of King's artillery, which
had been crossed over, and Nelson's artillery from the opposite
side, he threw the enemy into great confusion and forced him from
his position, Ramseur immediately crossed on the railroad bridge and
pursued the enemy's flying forces; and Rhodes crossed on the left
and joined in the pursuit. Between six hundred and seven hundred
unwounded prisoners fell into their hands, and the enemy's loss in
killed and wounded was very heavy. Our loss in killed and wounded
was about seven hundred. The action closed about sunset."
According to General Grant's "Memoirs," Early's command at this time
consisted of four divisions or twenty brigades, composed of the very
sinew or hardened veterans made so from the constant fighting of
sixty-five depleted regiments of infantry, three brigades of cavalry
and three battalions of artillery since the commencement of the war.
It must be taken into consideration, too, that the corps, divisions
and brigades of the Confederate army were just as big again when
its army was reorganized in 1863, as ours. The foregoing does not
include the brigades of infantry composing Breckenridge's division
as its composition is unknown to me, but all of which confronted
us on some part of the field together with the other foregoing
mentioned organizations. At one time we were fighting in our two
fronts to our left center, facing southerly and westerly, forty-five
infantry regiments and more, McCausland's brigade of dismounted
cavalry, and several pieces if not all of Nelson's and King's
artillery either on one side of the river or the other; fourteen of
which infantry regiments were with Ramseur on our west front across
the river and thirty-one with Gordon in our south front near the
Thomas house on the east side of the river behind which a line of
McCausland's dismounted cavalry was formed by Gordon, after it was
defeated in its first assault.
Although General Early admits that it took until about sunset to
fairly dispose of us, it being then mid-summer when the days are
about the longest of the year, what he says as a whole, in some
respects is misleading. He did not at once rout us as soon as
Gordon's assault commenced at about 3 o'clock p. m. as even with
the help of McCausland's brigade and Nelson's and King's artillery
he was repulsed, when he says himself he asked twice that another
brigade be sent him from the west side of the river and even then
after getting it he was held in check some time when, General Rhodes
having forced a crossing on our right at or near the Baltimore pike,
and having to weaken our line at the railroad bridge to reinforce
our line in front of Gordon, we were so weak that a retreat was
ordered, being fast surrounded, but we didn't give up until told
to. The Ninth Regiment of New York Heavy Artillery, one Hundred
and Sixth, One Hundred and Tenth, One Hundred and Twenty-sixth and
One Hundred and Fifty-first Regiments of New York Infantry, and
the Fourteenth New Jersey not being fortunate as was the Tenth
Vermont in finding natural breastworks in their front at first,
their casualties were larger than in the other regiments or at least
than in the Tenth Vermont. General Tyler's command lost one officer
and fourteen enlisted men killed, four officers and seventy-nine
enlisted men wounded, seven officers and one hundred and sixteen
enlisted men were captured or missing, making a total of two hundred
and twenty-one casualties all told in that command. Early levied a
contribution of $200,000 on Frederick, burnt Governor Bradford's
suburban residence, Postmaster-General Blair's home at Silver
Springs, in the suburbs of Washington, D. C., and later Chambersburg
and Williamsport, as well as other small places which did not pay
tribute in money.
General Gordon, when speaking of this fight to a survivor on the
Union side afterwards, stated that it was one of the hardest fights
he saw during the war and he was in many, many of them. A division
of his command and McCausland's brigade confronted six or more
regiments of the Third Division, including the Tenth Vermont, and
still the enemy here had to be reinforced. Let us hope that Time,
our kindliest and truest friend in all things but One, will yet
place the brilliant little Battle of the Monocacy in history before
the world as it belongs.
General Grant in his "Personal Memoirs" makes this interesting
reference to Monocacy: "The force under General Wallace was small
in numbers to move against Early. The situation in Washington was
precarious. Wallace moved with commendable promptitude and met the
enemy at Monocacy. He could hardly have expected to gain a victory,
but hoped to cripple and delay the enemy until Washington could be
put in a state of preparation to meet Early. With Rickett's Division
at Monocacy on time, Wallace succeeded in stopping Early for the day
on which the battle took place.
"The next morning Early started on his march to the capital of the
Nation, arriving before it on the 11th. Learning of the gravity
of the situation, I ordered Meade to send the other two Divisions
of the Sixth Corps to Washington for the relief of the city. The
latter reached there the very day that Early arrived before it. The
Nineteenth Corps, under General Emory, arrived in Washington from
Fort Monroe about the same time.
"Early made his reconnoissance with the view of attacking the city
on the 12th, but the next morning he found intrenchments fully
manned. He commenced to retreat, with the Sixth Corps following.
There is no telling how much this result was contributed to by
General Lew Wallace's leading at Monocacy what might well have been
considered almost a forlorn hope. If Early had been but one day
sooner, he might have entered the capital before the arrival of the
forces I had sent there.
"Whether the delay caused by the battle amounted to a day or not,
General Wallace contributed on this occasion a greater benefit to
the cause than often falls to the lot of a commander of an equal
force to render by means of a victory."
One would get the impression from the foregoing, that the whole of
Rickett's Division was engaged at Monocacy. It was not. Two and a
half regiments or more, I was credibly informed at the time and have
been since, was in a train of cars eight miles to the rear as before
stated. The reason for this, it was said, was because the engineer
refused to go with the train any nearer the front; but, if so, why
not have marched, or better still, have compelled the engineer at
the point of a bayonet and loaded gun to have taken the train to
the front? Surely the commanding officer of that force could not
have been a model soldier or man of force, and much less an ardent,
devoted patriot, in this instance.
According to Dr. E. M. Haynes' History of the Tenth Vermont, the
Union loss in killed, wounded and missing in this fight was 1,294,
of which 1,072 were of Rickett's Third Division of the Sixth Corps.
There were eleven officers and five hundred and forty-nine enlisted
men taken prisoners, thirty-five officers and five hundred and
seventy-five enlisted men wounded and ten officers and one hundred
and thirteen enlisted men killed. Early mentions the killed and
wounded of his command in his official report as "about" seven
hundred, which was about the same as ours, showing when the strength
of the two commands is taken into consideration, about three to one,
how desperately our force contested every inch of ground at Monocacy
in this fight. The Third Division lost fully one-fourth or more of
its men engaged. General Ricketts, one of the best fighting generals
in the army and much beloved by his men, commanded the Third
Division, Sixth Corps and was second in command to General Wallace
of all the forces there.
The Battle of the Monocacy for obvious reasons, was one of the most
stubbornly contested fights and the most important in its result
of any I was in during the war. It is remarkable when it is taken
into consideration that the Union force of about 5,850 men--of whom
about 2,500 had never fired a gun in real battle--and seven pieces
of artillery, with no trains or reserve ammunition of any kind, not
even a newspaper reporter, so suddenly by reason of Early's invasion
had everything come about, could fight from 8 o'clock a. m. to 5
o'clock p. m., a force of from 15,000 to 20,000 of Lee's veterans,
and about forty pieces of field artillery with plenty of ammunition,
under such a dashing, strategic commander as General Early. But
through the grace of God, it is thought he was over-cautious in this
fight; he had lost his accustomed dash. It will ever be a disputed
point, however, exactly how many men Early had, as twenty-five years
after the battle General Lomax who was in it under Early, informed
me that many of Early's organizations had been so reduced from
constant fighting in the summer's campaign, that even regiments with
but few men left were commanded by non-commissioned officers who
made no morning reports and that the exact strength of Early's force
was unknown. Lomax placed it under 13,000 all told, but I think it
was more.
Great credit is due General Wallace for his excellent judgment in
his selection of a battlefield, as but for that to have fought
against such odds, whatever it was, would have been folly outside
the strong fortifications of Washington; but Baltimore had to be
protected, too, which necessitated the Battle of the Monocacy.
Wallace should have been commended in orders and thanked by Congress
for his splendid judgment and pluck to confront such an overwhelming
force as well as for the indirect benefits which resulted from his
having had the intrepidity to undertake, from a purely military
viewpoint, as Grant says "almost a forlorn hope"; but instead
of this he was ignominiously treated by General Halleck because
Wallace's command had not accomplished an impossibility, it is
presumed, by defeating Early. It should be vigorously resented in
history by every honest, fairminded man who is an advocate of fair
play, and especially by the surviving members of that intrepid
little army, discredited by General Halleck by his treatment of
Wallace, the stubbornness of which army, according to General
Gordon's official report of the fight, caused the waters of the
Monocacy to run red with the mingled blood of the blue and the gray
on that memorable day when it fought not only to save the National
Capital, but to prevent the disastrous moral and other effects its
loss would have produced, and the comfort it would have given to
northern copperheads, allies of the Confederacy, and especially to
the enemy wherever found. If Washington had fallen into the hands of
the enemy, even though only temporarily, at this time, it would of
course have been sacked and its public buildings destroyed; Grant's
plan of campaign, even if it hadn't put an end to his military
career, might have been changed, the Confederacy might possibly have
been recognized by foreign powers--for it is no small matter for an
enemy to occupy a belligerent's capital--and the war might have been
somewhat prolonged, if nothing more.
The ovation given that part of Rickett's Division of the famous
historic fighting Sixth Corps, which bore the brunt of the Monocacy
infantry fighting, as it marched up Pennsylvania Avenue a few
days later, and especially the bullet, shell, weather-beaten and
battle-torn flags of the Tenth Vermont, as they appeared along the
line of march, is a proud and pleasant memory never to be forgotten.
It was the event of the day, no other regiment within hearing,
receiving such a continuous and noisy reception. It will go with
the men of that most excellent regiment throughout eternity; it was
a proud day. The regiment had been one of the most valiant of some
nine or more in the Monocacy fight to save the capital; it was known
in Washington and it was pleasant to feel the city understood and
appreciated it. It has never been thought, though, by the survivors
of the command who fought in the Monocacy battle that the general
public did appreciate, or has since appreciated it, as a defeat
is generally looked upon as a disaster and with discredit; but
indirectly in this case it was a great victory, one of the most
important of the war for obvious reasons aside from having saved
the National Capital, as without the delay of a day or more, caused
by this fight. Early certainly would have found no veteran troops
to defend the city, for even as it was some of them had to double
quick through the city--a fact not before given in history it is
believed--into line of battle just north of it at Fort Stevens from
the transports which had brought them from in front of Petersburg
to fight Early whose appearance before the city they were just in
season to confront with hardly a moment to spare. Says Hon. L. E.
Chittenden, Registrar of the Treasury in his "Recollections of
President Lincoln and his Administration": "The importance of a
battle is determined by its ultimate consequences rather than its
immediate results. If that fought on the Monocacy did delay General
Early so as to save the capital from his assault and probable
capture, it was one of the decisive battles of the world."[10] Thus
we have the matter summed up here in barely two sentences for it did
delay Early just enough to save the capital.
[10] Haynes' History of the Tenth Regiment Vermont Infantry.
This was forty years ago this 9th day of July, 1904, when many
of the survivors, including myself, have been celebrating the
anniversary of the Monocacy fight at Frederick, Md., and on the
battlefield; and even now old department clerks who largely formed
the Home Guard in 1864, and were in the trenches in front of
Washington when Early approached the city, mention with wonder the
apparent indifference and yet alertness with which the veteran Sixth
Corps skirmish line double quicked from in front of the works to
meet and repulse Early's advance. They did it in a matter of fact
way, it seemed to the clerks, as though going to the drill ground in
time of peace for manoeuvres. Those were days though, when we fought
with clenched teeth, and learned to smother our emotions. We had
no time to growl over rations, as in the Spanish-American War, in
more recent times, and did not murmur if at times we got but a hard
tack a day and nothing else and most of the men not even that, as at
Mine Run, and many other places. We were in the field to preserve
the Union and to eliminate the National parasite of human slavery,
and constant fighting had taught every man who from conscientious
motives could always be found when well, on the fighting line and
nowhere else, exactly what to do under most circumstances; and
hence, they were generally cool having thoroughly learned the
science of war.
SUNDAY, July 10, 1864.
Oh! I'm so tired and used up I can hardly write; have been marching
all day on the pike, and my feet are badly blistered, besides being
so lame, sore and stiff from my wound I can hardly move without
groaning and crying out with pain after being still a little while.
We arrived at Ellicott's Mills, Md., about 4 o'clock p. m. where
we remained about two hours and took the cars for the Relay House.
The Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania is with us. The balance of the
division is yet at the mills. Stragglers still continue to pour
in. Our regiment was never before in such disorder, i. e. so many
stragglers. The tension was so great though, having held the enemy
all day with such an attenuated line, that when it did collapse,
being nearly surrounded, it was every man for himself in order
to keep from being captured. The stragglers report the enemy's
cavalry close after them all along the retreat in order to pick up
prisoners. We arrived at the Relay House at sundown with only about
ninety men. But the regiment fought valiantly yesterday up to the
last moment when we were obliged to fall back in disorder or be
made prisoners of war, and anybody could have played checkers on my
coat-tail, I know, if they could have kept up, for Libby Prison had
terrors for me, and I have always looked upon it as being a disgrace
to be taken prisoner by the enemy; but in this I am wrong--_still_
it would hurt my pride to be captured. We found no troops but
a regiment of hundred days' men here, and they were greatly
frightened. We are camped a short distance in rear of the hotel on a
side hill in the woods.
MONDAY, July 11, 1864.
We shall probably remain here several days and rest; am stiff and
do not feel like moving on account of my bruise which is all black
and sore and my hip is stiff. It's reported the enemy is close by
Baltimore. The greatest excitement prevails accordingly, among
citizens, and for fear communication will be cut with Washington. We
can hear everything except reliable news. I've arrived at that stage
where nothing excites me, I've been through so much in the last
seventy days.
TUESDAY, July 12, 1864.
Still the Tenth and Sixty-seventh regiments are allowed to remain
undisturbed by the enemy while it is having things pretty much its
own way in the vicinity of Baltimore and Washington. It's reported
this evening Gilmore's rebel cavalry have burned the Gunpowder
Bridge, destroyed a railroad train, robbed the passengers, etc. The
greatest consternation prevails throughout the country, as the enemy
is reported to be only three miles from the National Capital. We
wait anxiously for the next news.
WEDNESDAY, July 13, 1864.
Good! I have been looking for it! The First and Second Divisions of
the Sixth Corps arrived in Washington last night just in season by
double quicking through the city from the boats to drive the enemy
from the fortifications; can hear heavy guns in that direction this
morning; don't know what the difficulty is but if the rest of our
Corps is there the Johnnies will never take the capital, and we
are all right. Hurrah! I am on picket to-day at Mr. Donaldson's,
a wealthy Union man who has a lovely home and family. This is an
aristocratic neighborhood, and people embarrass me with their
courteous attentions. I would much rather be left to myself, for
I'm tired and haven't anything with me but the clothes worn through
so many battles, besmeared, ragged, riddled with bullets and torn
by exploding shells; so I am not dressed to appear at table with
conventional people; but still they insist upon it, and what plagues
me more make a lion of me. Oh dear! I'd rather make an assault on
such a place as the "Bloody Angle" at Spottsylvania! The young
ladies are awfully pretty, so nice and attentive, too, that I feel
overwhelmed. I'm not sensible enough, though, not to wish myself
somewhere else, for I'm dirty and unpresentable. It's truly a sunny
spot in a soldier's life, though, to run across such families
occasionally when presentable. General Tyler has come in to-night;
all's quiet.
THURSDAY, July 14, 1864.
Major Dillingham, with a detachment of the Eighty-seventh
Pennsylvania, went through on the train tonight to Washington to
open the railroad. There is no truth in the report that the road
was torn up. We took the cars at the Relay House at 11 o'clock a.
m. and arrived in Washington at 3 o'clock p. m. The excitement has
mostly subsided in the city. The rest of our Corps is reported at
Poolesville, Md. We stay in Washington to-night.
FRIDAY, July 15, 1864.
Remained in camp until 8 o'clock a. m. and then marched up
Pennsylvania Avenue by the Treasury, White House and War Department,
amidst a continuous ovation for fully three miles. Great respect
was shown our Division, as it was known that it was its stubborn
fighting at Monocacy that had saved Washington, and the sidewalks,
windows, balconies, housetops, etc., were thronged with enthusiastic
people. The business-like appearance of our regiment, its proud
bearing, fine cadence and marching, its weather-beaten, tattered
old battle flags all in strings from shot and shell, as well as
the men's clothes, its splendid band, together with the evergreen
sprig proudly worn by some of us, which always gains us recognition,
captured the crowd, and the heartiness of our deserved ovation over
all other regiments in line was very noticeable. It was a proud day
for the plucky Tenth Vermont, never to be forgotten--even prouder
than when showered with flowers on our return home at Burlington
a year later--for we were the feature of the parade--real live
heroic Green Mountain Boys, as true and valiant as was ever Ethan
Allen. We had a right to be proud, for hadn't we proved to the world
many times what Meade said to us at Spottsylvania and Sedgwick at
the Wilderness, when some wag said to Meade at Spottsylvania when
in rear of our regiment, as the lines were being hastily formed
for assault on the enemy a stone's throw away, that he was in a
dangerous place, and he replied, "I'm safe enough behind a Vermont
regiment, anywhere?" We marched via Georgetown and Tennallytown to
within a few miles of Offutt's crossroads and bivouacked. It is
rumored that we are to join our corps at Poolesville. Probably we
shall have to chase the enemy down the Shenandoah Valley again. As
the Sixth Corps is the best marching, fighting and most reliable one
in the army, I reckon Grant and Meade knew what they were about when
they concluded to send it after Early. Now, if they will only send
us Sheridan, we will lick the whole rebel army if they will set it
on to us in detail, and finish up the war.[11]
[11] As General Sheridan was soon sent us, this prediction was as
good as proven, but many a poor fellow bit the dust first.
SATURDAY, July 16, 1864.
Arrived at the crossroads about dark and camped for the night.
Lieut. Merritt Barber and I went on a scout for some supper, but
couldn't find much, as the rebels have taken everything in the
country. The men are very tired; arrived at the Potomac about dark
and waded the river two miles below Edward's Ferry at Young's
Island; are in camp for the night on the Leesburg pike just on
the south side of Goose Creek. The rest of the Sixth Corps is at
Leesburg.
SUNDAY, July 17, 1864.
Oh, such a horrid night's rest! Being near the mountains it was cold
with a heavy dew, and I had nothing but a rubber poncho for cover,
and am not feeling very well in consequence of being so chilled
after marching all day in the hot sun. We marched at 7 o'clock and
arrived at Leesburg at 8 o'clock a. m., where we rested an hour. We
found Col. Stephen Thomas here with the Eighth Vermont Infantry,
now of the Nineteenth Corps. The balance of our Corps was about two
miles ahead, and we overtook it at 6 o'clock p. m. and are camped in
a shady grove for the night. General H. G. Wright of our Corps is
in command of this army now, which numbers about 25,000 men. It is
composed of the Sixth Corps, two Divisions of the Nineteenth Corps
under General Emery, and General George Crook's Eighth Corps of
about 7,000 men, which has operated largely in West Virginia and the
Shenandoah Valley.
MONDAY, July 18, 1864.
Marched at 4 o'clock a. m., passed through Snickersville on a narrow
stony road, and arrived at Snicker's Gap about noon. We went through
the gap, but on arriving at the Shenandoah river at Island Ford
about 6 o'clock p. m. found that some of Crook's force had crossed
and was skirmishing; did not fight very well; fell back to the river
in a stampede, plunged in and some were drowned; probably green
troops. Mosby's guerillas have been in our rear all day and robbed
some of our stragglers. The artillery shelling this evening made us
feel uncomfortable, as the shells landed right among us.
TUESDAY, July 19, 1864.
The enemy did not press us further than the river last night, nor
have they made an advance to-day, yet they remain in our front. They
are busy caring for their wounded. Both sides are within shelling
distance; have remained in our works all day which we built last
night.
WEDNESDAY, July 20, 1864.
We shelled the enemy about 3 o'clock a. m. It left our front during
the night. We crossed the river about noon to-day, marched about
four miles and halted in a hard thunder shower. We fell in soon and
the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps started on our back track, supposedly
for Petersburg via Washington. General Crook's Corps followed Early
on up the Shenandoah Valley.
THURSDAY, July 21, 1864.
Marched hard all night and daylight found us nearly through the gap;
have marched hard--fairly raced--all day; brought up on the east
side of Goose Creek again, where we are in camp for the night tired
and worn out. We marched through Leesburg with stars and stripes
waving and bands playing national airs, something unusual for us to
do without it's a large place. Rumor says that our rear guard burned
the place, but I don't believe it, although it has the reputation
of being strongly rebel--a regular hotbed.
FRIDAY, July 22, 1864.
The Tenth Vermont has been train guard to-day; marched reasonably;
are in camp east of Difficult Creek for the night. Yesterday a boy
soldier was shot down in cold blood by a guerilla within sight of
the ambulance corps; only heard of it to-day.
SATURDAY, July 23, 1864.
I was awakened at 4 o'clock and told the Corps would march at 4.30
o'clock p. m., but it didn't till much later. We are train guard
again to-day; crossed the Chain Bridge at 3 o'clock p. m. and camped
just below Tennallytown on the Georgetown pike. Major Harper is
paying off some of the troops. Probably we shall be paid before
we go to Petersburg, but rumors are such we may not go. Early has
driven Crook back to Martinsburg with loss.
SUNDAY, July 24, 1864.
Have been in camp resting all day. Adjutant Lyman is fixing up
the pay rolls. I can't find my valise; guess it's lost. We had
inspection at 10 a. m.; cloudy; looks like rain.
MONDAY, July 25, 1864.
Got supper in town last night. It began to rain about 10 o'clock p.
m. and continued to hard all night. I stayed at the National Hotel;
went to camp early this morning; regiment paid last night; went to
town again and bought clothes; went to the Canterbury Theatre in
the evening; stayed at the National Hotel again. There's no sign of
a move to-night.
TUESDAY, July 26, 1864.
I was aroused early this morning by Major Dillingham, who said
the army had moved at daylight. I engaged a hack and went up to
camp, but found everything as we left it. We marched at 9 o'clock
a. m. for Rockville; passed through the town just before dark and
camped for the night about two miles out on the Rockville road. I
have called on the Henning, Higgins and Dr. Stonestreet families;
enjoyed the visits greatly. These families were very kind to me in
the winter of 1862-63 when ill with typhoid fever; splendid people.
General Crook's back on the Maryland side of the Potomac again and
Early's forces are raiding the country again, too.
WEDNESDAY, July 27, 1864.
Marched about 5 o'clock a. m.; took a crossroad and went to the
Rockville and Alexandria pike; hard march; camped at Hyattstown; are
headed for Frederick Junction on the Monocacy River, where we had
our fight July 9, 1864.
THURSDAY, July 28, 1864.
Very dry; no prospect of rain; wish we might have some; marched at
6 o'clock a. m. for Frederick Junction; band played as we passed
through Urbana; arrived at the Junction at 1 o'clock p. m.; remained
about two hours and marched for Jefferson City; arrived there at 11
o'clock p. m. and camped.
FRIDAY, July 29, 1864.
Marched at 7 o'clock a. m. for Harper's Ferry; passed through the
town about noon and camped on the Winchester pike about two miles
to the south; warm and sultry; am not well to-night; hope to get a
day's rest here; all's quiet, except rumors of Early's raiders.
SATURDAY, July 30, 1864.
Oh, it's been _so_ warm! I do wish we could have some rain, it would
be so refreshing! We remained in camp until 3 o'clock p. m., when it
was reported the enemy was passing through South Mountain, and of
course we had to "get." Our brigade is train guard; got a large mail
to-night. My commission came as First Lieutenant of Company E, Tenth
Vermont, but I cannot get mustered, as Captain Smith, our mustering
officer, is in Washington.
SUNDAY, July 31, 1864.
Remained on Bolivar Heights last night; regiment went on picket
about 10 o'clock p. m.; train mostly crossed the river last
night, but did not all move till near noon to-day; heat intense,
but haven't marched hard. The train, as anticipated, did not go
further than Sandy Hook, as the mules were completely fagged out,
so our brigade was ordered to join the Corps which is at Frederick;
camped at Jefferson City. We were startled yesterday afternoon when
half-way up the mountain, by the explosion of a magazine filled with
ammunition. The report was alarming and was followed by a shower
of stones, gravel, sticks, pieces of shell and dirt which was very
demoralizing, besides, we didn't know what to make of it at first.
It gave us quite a scare; suspected a mine at first. Many men have
had sunstrokes and died to-day.
MONDAY, Aug. 1, 1864.
Marched for Frederick at 5 o'clock a. m.; dusty and hot; arrived
at 9 o'clock a. m.; camped in a shady grove; Chambersburg reported
burnt by the enemy because it couldn't or wouldn't meet a levy by
McCausland of $500,000 in currency; also that Grant has blown up a
sixteen-gun battery and taken one complete line of works; have been
mustered today; took command of Company E as First Lieutenant of
that Company.
TUESDAY, Aug. 2, 1864.
Have remained in camp; rest much appreciated; have written Dr. Almon
Clark. It's reported to-night that Grant fell back again to-day
to his old position; also reported that forty families here in
Frederick who sympathize with the rebels are to leave for the South
in the morning; don't believe it; can hear all sorts of improbable
things when so much excitement prevails.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 3, 1864.
Received orders to march at 5 o'clock a. m., but as we were train
guard we did not move till 7 o'clock a. m.; camped at 1 o'clock p.
m. near Buckeystown at Monocacy Mill on the Monocacy river; bathed
in the river; all's quiet to-night.
THURSDAY, Aug 4, 1864.
Remained in camp all day; services were held today over the remains
of the First Division Inspector; various rumors about moving.
FRIDAY, Aug. 5, 1864.
Received marching orders at 4 o'clock a. m. to be ready to move at 5
o'clock, and thus it has been all day, but night finds us still in
the same camp. It's rumored our pickets were driven in last night at
Harper's Ferry. I have pitched my tent and made arrangements to stay
all night, which is the only indication of a move; generally move
when I do this.
SATURDAY, Aug. 6, 1864.
As I expected, I hadn't more than nicely gotten asleep when the
bugle sounded the assembly, and in less than thirty minutes we were
on the march for Frederick Junction; arrived there about midnight;
got orders to make ourselves comfortable for two hours, and then
take the cars for Harper's Ferry, but did not start until about
noon; saw Grant at the Junction; looks like fighting ahead; is
probably arranging the campaign in his car with others.
SUNDAY, Aug. 7, 1864.
This morning found us in line about two miles outside of Harper's
Ferry, but no signs of an enemy in our immediate front; has been
quite warm all day; have written Pert and Will Clark; most of the
regiments have had dress parade, but Colonel Henry can't see it
quite yet that way. It is rumored that General Sheridan is to
command this army--good!
MONDAY, Aug. 8, 1864.
All quiet in camp to-day. Lieut. D. G. Hill and Sergt. J. M. Read's
commissions came this afternoon. Lieut. Hill has been mustered;
haven't done much but read Harper's Weekly and visit; baggage came
up this evening; warm and sultry; rumors of a move to-night; men
have been enjoying themselves to-day.
TUESDAY, Aug. 9, 1864.
Am making out muster and pay rolls; got a letter from J. R. Seaver
and another from Aunt Nancy Merrill of Chelsea, Vt. Lieut. J. M.
Read reported to his Company for duty this afternoon. Captain L. D.
Thompson and Lieut. G. E. Davis have gone on picket this evening;
good news from Sherman and the Gulf Department to-night; rumors of a
move this evening.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 10, 1864.
Marched this morning at 5 o'clock about fifteen miles to
Charlestown, West Virginia, and camped about three miles from
Berryville at Clifton; very warm; many fell out from sunstroke and
heat; rained this evening; no signs of the enemy.
THURSDAY, Aug. 11, 1864.
Marched at 6 o'clock a. m. Our regiment has been train guard;
cavalry has had warm work in the locality of Winchester, Va., as
considerable cannonading has been heard in that vicinity. We are
camped on the same ground the rebs were on last night; should judge
we were making for Manassas Gap by the course we are taking; made an
easy march to-day.
FRIDAY, Aug. 12, 1864.
Another day still finds us marching in dust and under a scorching
sun. The heat has indeed been intense. Many a poor soldier has
fallen out on the way from exhaustion and sunstroke. We have passed
through Newtown and Middletown, both of which were nearly deserted,
and those left are bitter secessionists. We have been chasing the
enemy, which accounts for our marching so hard; its rear guard left
Newtown as we entered it. We camped for dinner here and to wait for
stragglers to catch up.
An amusing thing occurred here. Three young officers, Lieutenants
D. G. Hill, G. P. Welch and myself, went to the only hotel to
get dinner, but found the front door locked and the blinds all
drawn. The back yard and garden containing vegetables, fruit
trees, flowers, etc., in luxuriance, was inclosed by a high brick
wall about eight feet high with an entrance on a side street. A
matronly-looking attendant unlocked the door at our request, and
admitted us to the garden and back door of the hotel, which stood
open to the kitchen, which we entered, the attendant remaining
within hearing. Here we found the landlady, who declared in an
assumed, distressed manner that she had nothing in the house to
eat, the enemy having taken everything she had, at the same time
relating a tale of woe which I presumed might be partially true, if
not wholly so. Soon, however, after parleying, she produced a plate
of fine hot tea biscuit, nervously forcing them into our very faces,
saying, "Have biscuit! have biscuit!" which, rest assured, we did.
After this I started to leave. The colored woman who had admitted
us, having heard all that was said, hid by the corner of the house
en route to the garden entrance, and when I passed shyly told me
that a table in the parlor where the curtains were down, was loaded
down with a steaming hot dinner with the best the house afforded,
prepared for a party of rebel officers who had fled about when it
was ready because of the approach of our army. I returned to the
kitchen bound to have that dinner just because it had been prepared
for rebel officers and told the landlady what I had discovered,
and that we _must_ have that dinner, but were willing to pay her
for it. Seeing she was outmanoeuvered and that her duplicity was
discovered, she looked scared and laughing nervously led the way to
the parlor, where we found the table actually groaning with steaming
viands as though prepared for and awaiting us. She graciously bade
us be seated, presided at the table with dignity and grace as
though nothing had happened, and we met her with equal suavity,
laughter and dignity as though she was the greatest lady living, she
admitting when through, that she had had a "real good time." We
paid for the dinner and parted good friends.[12]
[12] The landlady had a young son--a lad--who a few years later,
after the war, graduated from West Point and was assigned to the
Sixth U. S. Cavalry, my regiment. One evening years afterwards in
quarters at Camp Apache, A. T., among other stories I related this
to a lot of officers, when Lieutenant ----, who was present, to
my surprise informed me it was of his mother we got our dinner,
and that he had heard her laughingly relate the incident. He was a
good officer and fellow, but knowing what rabid secessionists some
members of the family were, including himself, the charm of his
friendship was gone, but I never let him know it. He is now many
years dead. The landlady was very stubborn, and unwilling to oblige
us until cornered, when her detected duplicity disconcerted her, and
with a nervous laugh she yielded to our demand because she thought
she had to. Otherwise we should have only helped ourselves in a
courteous way and paid her for what we got.
SATURDAY, Aug. 13, 1864.
Well, were it natural for me to be despondent, I should say that
things looked rather gloomy for our cause. I do not doubt but what
General Grant is doing all in his power to prosecute the war.
Apparently, however, there is little doubt but what there are those
under him who fail to perform their whole duty. If there were only
more fighting generals and fewer get-along-easy fellows, what a
splendid thing it would be for the country. But Grant will weed 'em
out in time--see if he don't! We arrived at Cedar Creek and went
about a mile when we again found Early in our front; have remained
here all day.
SUNDAY, Aug 14, 1864.
Have remained idle all day; enemy occupy the other side of
Strasburg. Our pickets are just this side of town; very warm and
sultry; are in the shade. Captain Merritt Barber and Lieut. J. M.
Read have gone on picket; no skirmishing to-day; rations and mail
expected to-night.
MONDAY, Aug. 15, 1864.
Have remained quietly in camp to-day; skirmishing and artillery
firing along the line this afternoon; warm, but cooler than
yesterday; army moved back across Cedar Creek about 9 o'clock a. m.
to our old position; wagons have come, but have got to make three
days' rations last four, as Mosby captured some of our train; all's
quiet to-night.
TUESDAY, Aug. 16, 1864.
Such trifling! I'm tired of it! Must be we are waiting for
something--aren't ready. I am glad to lay quiet, but such suspense
keeps us from resting. We can't depend on quiet. It's rumored we are
to fall back this evening. Quite a game of chess seems to be going
on between the armies.[13] It has been very dull since we left
Harper's Ferry. We have done nothing but march without mail and time
drags; are nearly out of rations.
[13] The reason of General Sheridan's caution was that General Grant
had warned him from Petersburg while at Cedar Creek, that General
Lee had sent a reinforcement to General Early of General Anderson's
Corps of two divisions of infantry under General Fitzhugh Lee, and
to be cautious. General Sheridan's army then consisted of the Sixth
Corps, two divisions of the Nineteenth Corps, General Crook's Eighth
Corps, two divisions of cavalry and the usual amount of artillery.
The other division of the Nineteenth Corps and one division of
cavalry were en route to join him, which, when they arrived, would
give him a force of about 30,000 men, and Early would have about the
same number. Thus both sides were similarly situated--waiting for
reinforcements--and neither after Sheridan received word from Grant
of Early's expected reinforcements, were ready to fight; hence the
seemingly at the same time unnecessary game of chess between the two
armies which so wore on us and which caused the petulant outbreak
in my diary. Had Sheridan known of Early's reinforcements before
going to Strasburg, of course he would not have gone. Early, of
course, was retreating towards his reinforcements purposely so that
when he met them he could then give battle. It was a narrow escape
for Sheridan. He sent Wilson's division of cavalry to Front Royal
to investigate, where he found Kershaw's division of infantry and
Fitzhugh Lee with two brigades of cavalry at the ford, and then left
to report to Sheridan.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 17, 1864.
We were ordered to commence our retrograde movement at 8.30 o'clock,
but didn't till about 10 o'clock a. m. As usual our division goes
as train guard. We passed through Middletown about midnight; didn't
stop to do much foraging; arrived at Newtown about 2 o'clock a.
m., and passing through, the men nearly stripping the place of
everything; got breakfast at Winchester and stopped near Clifton
farm. Foraging is allowed, owing to the levies made for money on
places by the enemy, which if not paid have been burnt, in Maryland
and Pennsylvania, such as Williamsport, Chambersburg, etc. It is
desired, too, to strip the Shenandoah Valley of all supplies in
order to keep the enemy out of it.
THURSDAY, Aug. 18, 1864.
The enemy followed us and overtook our rear guard at Winchester
where Generals Torbert and Wilson and the New Jersey brigade of the
Sixth Corps had a sharp little fight last night losing it's said,
one hundred and eighty in killed, wounded and prisoners. We were
aroused to form line of battle this morning at 4 o'clock. We got
breakfast and marched about 6 o'clock a. m. It rained constantly all
forenoon and was lowering this afternoon; dined at Clifton farm;
marched to Charlestown and bivouacked at 9 o'clock p. m. We have got
to make three days' rations last five.
FRIDAY, Aug. 19, 1864.
Arose at a late hour this morning, but not in the best of spirits;
have been in camp all day; haven't made preparations to stay long;
don't now-a-days; can't tell what we are to do; rained early, but
broke away by noon; have been quite indisposed since 3 o'clock p.
m.; fear I'm going to be ill; got a letter from Pert this evening;
first mail received in a week; all's quiet on the line to-night.
SATURDAY, Aug. 20, 1864.
Arose early this morning and am feeling better; over-tired yesterday
from hard marching and fatigue, I reckon, was all; took an early
breakfast and soon learned my baggage was close at hand; put up my
tent and got ready for work to-morrow provided we stay here; put in
a requisition for clothing. Lieut. C. H. Reynolds, R. Q. M. has come
from City Point; have written to Dr. J. H. Jones this evening; all's
quiet.
SUNDAY, Aug. 21, 1864.
Well, a soldier's life is a strange one to lead! I got up about
8 o'clock a. m. received an order for inspection at 9 o'clock
a. m. got nearly ready when it commenced raining and inspection
was delayed. Then before we had inspection about 10 o'clock a.
m. a lively fusilade commenced on the pike in our front with the
skirmishers; looks to me like a surprise; everybody acts so, too;
have been hustling all day to throw up rifle pits and to-night
finds us in line behind a formidable breastwork; skirmishing still
continues briskly. The Vermont brigade reestablished the skirmish
line. Our brigade has lost two men killed and eleven wounded.
MONDAY, Aug. 22, 1864.
Am not feeling well; marched nearly all night; arrived at Halltown
heights at daylight; went into our old position; am now on picket on
the right of our line; enemy followed us up and skirmished with our
rear guard "right smart" all day. About 11 o'clock a. m. the First
Division was sent out on the pike; rumored it's driven the enemy
back; hard thunderstorm from 3 o'clock to 4 o'clock p. m.; quite
cool this evening.
TUESDAY, Aug. 23, 1864.
It was chilly and foggy this morning, but it cleared about 9 o'clock
a. m. Skirmishing still continues on the pike and on the left of
the line. It's rumored the Nineteenth Corps charged the enemy this
morning driving it back in confusion. The Tenth Vermont moved to
the right this forenoon giving room for a battery on our left. Our
forces have thrown up breastworks, but I don't anticipate any attack.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 24, 1864.
This is my twenty-second birthday; enemy still in front; skirmishing
still on the left; don't think it amounts to much; heavy cannonading
in front of the Nineteenth Corps from 2 o'clock to 3 o'clock p. m.
Dr. Almon Clark and Lieutenant E. P. Farr returned to the regiment
to-day. I have been busy on clothing rolls and Company books and
wrote to James Burnham this evening; not feeling well to-day; very
warm; all's quiet.
THURSDAY, Aug. 25, 1864.
Well, another birthday has passed and with it another year has
gone, and one of great military experience, and I trust it has been
profitably spent; very warm till about 3 o'clock p. m. when it
showered; had monthly inspection at 4 o'clock p. m. General Wilson's
division of cavalry started this morning on a reconnoissance towards
Martinsburg; heard heavy cannonading about 3 o'clock p. m.; can't
learn any particulars.
FRIDAY, Aug. 26, 1864.
As usual we were ordered to be under arms at 4 o'clock a. m. but
the enemy has not yet appeared on our right, nor do I think they
will; have had charge of a fatigue party nearly all day policing in
front of the rifle pits. Captain L. T. Hunt of Company H returned to
the regiment this afternoon looking well; has been absent wounded.
Captains C. D. Bogue and A. W. Chilton's commissions came by
to-day's mail; no skirmishing all day.
SATURDAY, Aug. 27, 1864.
Were under arms again early this morning. Colonel Foster visited the
Tenth this forenoon; is truly a fine-looking man. I have been very
busy making out final statements. The heavy musketry heard yesterday
on our left about 3 o'clock p. m. was occasioned by the enemy's
making a charge on the Nineteenth Corps. The Johnnies were repulsed
with considerable loss. Rumor says we captured one entire regiment
and two stand of colors, etc. It's child's play, though, compared to
the fighting from the Rapidan to the James. I don't believe there
will be any more such fighting; it's more than human beings can
stand without one side or the other collapsing. As I look back upon
it, I marvel.
SUNDAY, Aug. 28, 1864.
Received marching orders for to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock last
evening. We were up at 3 o'clock a. m. and ready to march at
daylight, but did not until near 8 o'clock. The Nineteenth Corps
marched on our left in three different columns and the Sixth Corps
moved on the right in the same order. We took dinner about two miles
from Charlestown, and marched again about 1 o'clock p. m.; went
through Charlestown about 3 o'clock p. m., with the bands playing
"Old John Brown" to the accompanying chorus of the entire column.
It was grand! We camped on our old ground just outside the city; no
signs of any enemy yet.[14]
[14] It is a fact that General Crook's Corps, when forming line near
Berryville, was "blundered" into by General Kershaw's Division of
infantry and artillery en route to Petersburg via Ashby's Gap. After
a little brush in which Kershaw got the worst of it, he fell back.
This was a great disappointment to General Sheridan, as Kershaw was
detained fifteen days longer.
MONDAY, Aug. 29, 1864.
A cool comfortable day; laid out Company streets this forenoon and
everything looks as though we were to remain in camp several days.
Torbet's cavalry has been engaged all day, but was driven back about
4 o'clock when our Division was sent out to support it. The enemy
fell back as soon as they discovered our infantry. We followed
the rebs about five miles, returned about half way to camp, and
bivouacked. There's good news from Grant's army to-night. We await
anxiously for the returns from the Chicago convention.
TUESDAY, Aug. 30, 1864.
We were under arms at 3 o'clock a. m., but no signs of an enemy.
It's a beautiful cool morning. Some think Early has gone to
reinforce Lee; guess not; at any rate, an enemy is in front. The
Third Division hasn't moved back to its original position as
anticipated last night. Time hangs heavily and were it not for the
bands I should be almost homesick; got a mail but no news from home.
WEDNESDAY, Aug. 31, 1864.
Pleasant and warm; got our muster and pay rolls this morning;
completed two; not much skirmishing to-day; paper states that
probably General McClellan will be the Democratic nominee for
president; got a mail but no letter for me.
THURSDAY, Sept. 1, 1864.
This is the anniversary of our muster into the U. S. service at
Brattleboro, Vt., 1862. Thus far, as a regiment, we have been
prospered. God grant that we may continue to be, and that as many as
is consistent with His will, may be allowed to pass one more year if
necessary in the service, and then be returned home happy, feeling
that we have endeavored to do our duty as soldiers faithfully to our
country and our God; have completed two more rolls; shall try and
finish the other in the morning; all's quiet in front.
FRIDAY, Sept. 2, 1864.
Cloudy and cool; think it will rain in a day or so; have completed
my roll. Lieutenant George P. Welch returned from Vermont this
afternoon; has been absent sick since we left City Point. We moved
back to our old camp at 5 o'clock p. m.; arrived about dark; shall
probably stay here several days; are laying out camp.
SATURDAY, Sept. 3, 1864.
Got an order at 10 o'clock last night to be in readiness to move
at 4 o'clock a. m.; didn't start until about 6.30 o'clock a. m.;
marched up the valley towards Clifton Farm; did not rest until
about three miles of it, and probably shouldn't then had we not run
onto the enemy and had a brush; don't know the result; heard to-day
Atlanta had fallen. It's glorious news! I was detailed for picket
to-night. It looks like rain.
SUNDAY, Sept. 4, 1864.
Got our line established about 10 o'clock last night; rained hard;
got very wet; day has passed quietly; moved our skirmish line about
fifty yards to the front this forenoon. The enemy appeared on the
left of our division about dark and commenced skirmishing, but all's
quiet at 9 o'clock p. m. Dr. Clark has been down to see us this
afternoon. He's always welcome. It's cloudy and cool; will probably
rain before morning.
MONDAY, Sept. 5, 1864.
Was aroused this morning at 4 o'clock by the Vermont brigade. It
moved round on to our right in the night and built works to protect
our right flank; rained hard last night; got very wet; was relieved
from picket by the Fourteenth New Jersey; no skirmishing to-day. The
enemy has evidently fallen back to Winchester. It's quite cloudy.
TUESDAY, Sept. 6, 1864.
O, such a terrible day! Rain, wind, sleet and everything to make
it gloomy. The Vermont troops have voted to-day as directed by
the Governor. My Company (E) cast seven votes for the Republican
candidate. The other men didn't know who the Democratic candidate
was and so didn't vote. Nothing has disgusted me so since I left
Vermont. I'm sadly disappointed politically, in my Company, but
the men are good fighters and I like them. They seem devoted to
me. It is disappointing, though, to have to send such a report to
Vermont! It's mortifying! But I mustn't let the men know how I feel
for it can't be helped now. It makes me feel queer, though, for my
Republicanism is as staunch as the granite hill (the Barre granite
quarries) on which I was born. I am dazed at the result of the vote
in Company E! I guess I'm in the wrong pew politically; very few
democrats in Barre.
WEDNESDAY, Sept. 7, 1864.
Was happily surprised to find it pleasant this morning; has turned
out the finest day of the fall. Lieutenant H. W. Kingsley came up
with the day's rations; ate supper with us. The moonlight, band
music and charm of the night has killed the monotony.
THURSDAY, Sept. 8, 1864.
Such freaky weather; cool and rainy nearly all day. Chaplain Roberts
of the Sixth Vermont, has called this afternoon. He's a fine man. I
have been reading East Lynne. It's very dull in camp. I've written
to Aunt Thompson this evening. The papers state the North is
jubilant over our recent victories, and well they may be.
FRIDAY, Sept. 9, 1864.
A fair day. Lieutenant H. W. Kingsley ate supper with us. He brought
up three days' rations. Pert writes she is having a fine time in
East Boylston, Mass. teaching. She sent me a letter from Cousin
Byron Bradley. Cousin Abby Pierce is coming East this fall. I have
finished reading East Lynne; it's a fine story.
SATURDAY, Sept. 10, 1864.
It's a cool day. Company and battalion drill was ordered this
afternoon but we didn't drill as the Major is on picket. Lieutenant
G. E. Davis came out of the Division hospital this afternoon. He's
had a boil. I have made my election returns. It's very pleasant
this evening in camp, but dull. I have written Pert.
SUNDAY, Sept. 11, 1864.
A very quiet dull day; am looking for news from the Army of the
Potomac; nothing has occurred since we left; those armies watch
each other, while we do what little fighting there is done. So much
constant chasing of the enemy night and day, frequent brushes,
laying on our arms from 3 o'clock till daylight, etc., is very
wearing and I shall be glad when Early is licked, as he surely
will be for Sheridan fights like a tornado--_he_ does things. He's
getting a good ready, and we'll be heard from soon. Ta, ta, Early!
Run back to Petersburg! The peace party seems to be dissatisfied
with McClellan. In my opinion his stock's below par, at the same
time if his party nominate a new man it will be the best thing that
can happen for us; wonder if most of Company E don't sympathize
with the peace party? Hope my men are not fickle politically--like
Jacob's coat of many colors. It takes a strong man in these times,
though, to stand up to the rack when there isn't much in it but
ammunition, and it's grimly give and take with no white feather mix,
and neither army will give up. Wonder if we won't be abused for all
this bye and bye by other than copperheads?
MONDAY, Sept. 12, 1864.
We are having a nice long time in camp, but will probably make up
for it when Grant and Sheridan get this little army fixed to suit
them. I have been in fights thus far with Companies B, D, and K,
having commanded the two latter in a number of hot places, and now
I am First Lieutenant Commanding Company E. I don't stay with a
Company long enough to learn all the men's names, but they impress
me with the idea that they are not dissatisfied with me even if I
only know them by sight. Company B is from Barre, Montpelier and
Waterbury. D from Burlington, E from Bennington, and K from Derby
Line, and the men are _splendid_ fighters, at any rate with me. I
don't try to drive them into a fight but am lucky to keep up with
the intrepid leaders and most of the rest follow. Except the bravest
of them, the others are not apt to go where their Commander won't,
and I get better work out of them by keeping ahead of them if I only
can. Some of them are so dauntlessly courageous they inspire me.
TUESDAY, Sept. 13, 1864.
Well, the papers begin to speak encouragingly, and reinforcements
are rapidly being sent Grant and Thomas. We have got but few yet,
but rumor says that six hundred left Vermont on the seventh of
September for our regiment. It's cloudy and there's a chilly south
wind. It threatens rain. McClellan's party is demanding a new
candidate. Well, let it have one, it will be all the better for Mr.
Lincoln. All's quiet to-night.
WEDNESDAY, Sept. 14, 1864.
Rather a gloomy day. It rained hard from 9 o'clock a. m. until about
noon. Lieutenants Davis, Welch and Wheeler have gone on picket
with a hundred men from our regiment. There was Company drill this
afternoon. It rained so this forenoon that battalion drill was
suspended; rained hard this evening, too. Election returns from
Maine this evening show that State to be strongly Republican.
THURSDAY, Sept. 15, 1864.
It was fair until 5 o'clock p. m. when it sprinkled slightly and
prevented dress parade. We had battalion drill this forenoon and
Company drill this afternoon. The Commissary came up this forenoon,
too, with rations. We have received a large mail. All well at home.
The Second Division of the Sixth Corps and a brigade of cavalry
made a reconnoissance to-day toward Opequan Creek where the Vermont
Brigade skirmishers located the enemy just beyond Opequan Creek with
its line facing east, its right flank resting on the Berryville pike
and its left on the Martinsburg pike with Winchester in its rear.
Our armies are about six miles apart.
FRIDAY, Sept. 16, 1864.
It's a delightful evening; has been pleasant all day. There
was battalion and company drill this forenoon and afternoon
respectively. Extracts from the Richmond Examiner and other Southern
journals state that Lee's army about Richmond is in terrible
condition, is living on half rations, clothes worn out and no
prospect of getting more. It has got so they have to use negroes to
transport supplies, etc. I wouldn't blame that army for changing its
politics or anything else to get out of the scrape it's in.
SATURDAY, Sept. 17, 1864.
Warm and pleasant: gentle south breeze; looks like a southern storm.
General Grant came to-day, but has gone. It looks like a move.
Fifty men from our regiment went on picket this afternoon. We have
been moving camp, another indication of a move. Let it come. Orry
Blanchard and Nate Harrington have been over this evening.
SUNDAY, Sept. 18, 1864.
It's cloudy with a gentle south breeze. We had company inspection
at 9 o'clock this forenoon and monthly at 4 o'clock this afternoon.
The supply train came at 8 o'clock a. m. with four days' rations.
We got orders at 3 o'clock p. m. to strike tents which we did, and
march at once, but the order was countermanded. We shall probably
move early in the morning. There's a high south wind this evening,
but it doesn't look like rain. Sheridan's army now consists of
three infantry corps, three divisions of cavalry and the usual
complement of artillery, in all about 30,000 men, as follows; The
Sixth Corps, Major General H. G. Wright, U. S. V. commanding; the
Eighth Corps, Major-General George Crook, U. S. V. commanding; the
Nineteenth Corps, Brevet Major-General W. H. Emery commanding;
Brevet Major-General A. T. A. Torbert, U. S. V., Chief of Cavalry;
the First Division of Cavalry, Brigadier-General Wesley Merritt, U.
S. V. commanding; the Second Division of Cavalry, Brigadier-General
W. W. Averell, U. S. A. commanding; and of the Third Division of
Cavalry, Brigadier-General James H. Wilson, U. S. V. commanding.
Lieutenant-General Jubal A. Early commands the Confederate army with
about the same force.
MONDAY, Sept. 19, 1864.
We received orders at 10 o'clock last night to march at 2 o'clock
this morning which we did. Daylight brought us up near Opequan Creek
on the Winchester-Berryville pike. Wilson's Cavalry had charged and
carried the enemy's picket line and earthworks protecting the pike
near both the East and West entrance of the gorge through which
this road runs, taken a goodly number of prisoners, and it looked
like business again. A large number of troops moved in two or more
columns across the Opequan for about a mile and then up the narrow
winding pike in one column through a little valley or gorge, known
as the Berryville canyon to us, but as Ash Hollow locally, with
second growth or scrub oak and ash trees and underbrush coming close
down its scraggy abrupt banks two hundred feet high more or less in
places after crossing Abraham Creek, to the road and rivulet winding
along the gorge for nearly three miles--the source of which
stream is wrongly given on all maps pertaining to this battle--on
past General Sheridan near the west end of the canyon towards
Winchester sitting on his horse a little off the road to the right
in the open field on slightly ascending ground watching the column
our brigade was in which, owing to its plucky fight under great
disadvantages at the Battle of the Monocacy which largely saved the
city of Washington barely nine weeks before, he had selected for
the most important point in his line of battle at the head of the
gorge on the pike to Winchester with our valiant regiment and the
Fourteenth New Jersey planted across it even the colors of each
which were in the centre of the regiments, being in the center of
the pike and the rest of the army ordered to guide on us. _Surely_
this _was_ the place of honor in the battle that day for the Sixth
Corps followed the pike in all the assaults of the day which was
quite crooked including the first one until the enemy was driven
completely routed through the city of Winchester when night put
an end to the fighting Sheridan restlessly urged the men across a
small ravine opposite where he sat, his eyes wandering occasionally
everywhere over the large open space which gradually rose to the
vast comparatively level but slightly rolling battlefield in our
front, as the men looked curiously at him so near I could touch him
as we marched, little dreaming that three years after I should be
honored for my work that day, which he saw, by being a member of
his staff, or that he would be instrumental in saving my life when
ill with malignant yellow fever and threatened with fatal black
vomit in New Orleans, La. in 1867, by sending his cook, a faithful
old colored woman, who was an expert nurse of yellow fever patients,
to care for me. It was the nearest we had ever been to him, and
as our regiment passed slowly by fours, the line being congested
ahead, the men took a good look at him for he was already famous and
every soldier's ideal hero; and as they did so they unconsciously
slackened their sauntering pace a little which was what caused
Sheridan to urge them on.
[Illustration: No. 1.
Where Sheridan's army crossed Opequan Creek, Va., Sept. 19, 1864;
steel bridge built 1907; view of Winchester-Berryville pike looking
west towards Wood's Mill and Winchester, taken from the spring June
29, 1908.]
We were on the eve of the most brilliant spectacular battle of the
war, at any rate that I had seen, and my ideal genius developed by
the great Civil War--Sheridan was to lead us; and the valor of the
renowned Sixth Corps, his pet of all the splendid corps of as grand
and valiant an army as ever existed--the Army of the Potomac--was
about being placed by him at the most important point in line of
battle ready to do and die for him, the Vermont troops or "Green
Mountain Boys," as we were called through every city we passed, and
especially our regiment being one of two to occupy the keystone
position or place of honor on the famous historic Berryville and
Winchester pike in the great assaulting line on a battlefield
slightly rolling but level in places as a house floor when once
fairly on it, to take another stitch out of rebellion, and to
help immortalize our hero, and we did both. Aye! we shall glorify
Sheridan continually as a military genius, even as he has honored us
as his ideal soldiers and fighters heretofore, now and probably will
evermore, the grand old Sixth Army Corps which fights everything
everywhere, and rarely gives up fighting till called off, but, alas!
which will soon only be a hallowed, glorified memory; and--still--I
like to think of it in reflective moments as in a celebrated
painting of a bivouacked army at night asleep watched over by an
army of hovering angels in midair; that it as a hallowed spiritual
body finally at peace in a heavenly paradise, will go marching on
throughout the boundless everlasting realms of eternity ever to
hover approvingly when occasion shall require over other mortal
armies of dauntless valor and constancy such as it has been in the
great Civil War--_one of God's instruments for the betterment of
humanity and civil liberty_--the most admired, honored, trusted and
beloved by military geniuses of its period.
[Illustration: No. 2.
Straight view of about 800 yards of the pike looking easterly
towards Opequan Creek from the top of the divide about midway to the
enemy's line of battle in the ravine, from where Sheridan formed
line of battle. The narrow belt of timber has been cut away behind
which we formed.]
After passing Sheridan about two hundred yards we arrived at the
height of the land westerly from Opequan Creek where the Sixth and
Nineteenth Corps were finally formed in lines of battle running
about North and South behind a narrow belt of timber, except a
little in front of the reserve, facing nearly west toward Winchester
about two miles away. The formation of the ground at this point
occupied by the Tenth Vermont and Second Brigade was unusually
peculiar.[15] The turnpike from this place virtually runs along the
divide westerly towards Winchester between the nameless Creek we
came up after crossing the Opequan and Abraham Creek, now on our
right and north and the latter on our left to the south for a goodly
distance the reason for which is obvious as in all such cases where
streams have abrupt banks, while at the point where we debouched
from the gulch we came up and formed line of battle was another
little divide running north and south the east slope of which is
partially an easterly watershed for Opequan Creek, and the west
slope for the ravine or nameless rivulet running south about two
hundred and fifty yards in front of where we first formed line of
battle in which was the enemy's infantry in strong force--probably
two divisions or more--in front of our Third Division but not
shown on any map of this battlefield I have ever seen, not even
the official government one used in Haynes' "History of the Tenth
Vermont Volunteer Infantry." (See No. 3, 6, 7 and 8 illustrations).
It is the ravine through which the little short rivulet runs shown
on said map just in front of our "First position" running southerly
into a tributary of Abraham Creek. I am _emphatic_ in this statement
as having been on the battlefield twice since the fight occurred
within a year (1908) for the purpose of trying to correct false
history and maps, I know whereof I write. I desire to impress this
on all historians for I know of no one living who, owing to my
elevated advanced position on the battlefield knows more of it.
These two small divides before mentioned meet each other at right
angles forming a letter T. The pike crosses the horizontal part
of the T on leaving the gulch we came up from the Opequan in, and
virtually runs along the first mentioned divide slightly to the left
of all rivulet sources running southerly, forming the perpendicular
part of the T towards Winchester.
[15] For nearly a score of years after the Civil War while in the
Sixth U. S. Cavalry, I, as well as all other officers, had to map
the wild country over which we scouted for hostile Indians on the
plains between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. We
used the prismatic compass bearings and odometer measurements,
at the same time sketching the country passed over, showing all
springs, rivulets and streams, their bank formations, all divides,
buttes, mountains, etc., with elaborate notes, and sent the same
to the Engineer Officer of the Department, from which all public
maps have since been made of that country now largely in use. This
in a measure had made me expert in treating such matters as well
as battlefields. Never having seen a map that was correct of the
locality about Winchester regarding Sheridan's battlefield in the
first assault on Sept. 19, 1864, or the position of the enemy's
infantry, artillery, etc., and as so many writers wrongly describe
this assault, I concluded before having my diary typewritten for
publication to visit this part of the battlefield in order to give a
fairly correct description of it; and the one herein is as accurate
as can be given without the use of the prismatic compass, odometer,
etc.
[Illustration: No. 3.
Sheridan's Sept. 19, 1864, Winchester, Va. battle-field looking
southerly from the hill just north of the pike running along the
east side of the ravine occupied by the enemy's infantry. The sunk
pike borders the edge of the wood from left to right. The foreground
was assaulted over by the Tenth Vermont. The distant open field
through the gap in the trees was charged over by the Vermont Brigade
and Second Division, Sixth Corps.]
About a half mile to the right or north of the pike and about two
hundred and fifty yards in front of our line of battle before
advancing, a little to my right, the rivulet before mentioned, where
the enemy was, heads, running in a partial semicircle the slightly
convex side towards the right half of the Tenth Vermont and the
concave side caused by a bend in the rivulet virtually at its source
was largely in front of the Second brigade; (See No. 8 illustration)
the stream runs southerly and drops rapidly after crossing the pike
thus forming a gulch similar to the one we came up from the Opequan
in, but apparently deeper and narrower near the left front of the
Second Division. This sudden drop to the left of the turnpike made
the divide here running north and south quite decided being fully
ninety feet high or more which will probably partly account for
the enemy's mostly being to the right of the pike there being no
protection immediately west from the divide running North and South.
In my front on the right of the pike this divide was about fifty
feet high running out rapidly on to almost level ground in front of
the right of the Second Brigade of our division to my right,[16]
which made its position untenable as the ground was swept by both
the enemy's artillery and infantry.
[16] In my letter about this battle to Chaplain E. M. Haynes, our
regimental historian, which he used in his history of the Tenth
Vermont, I stated that this ravine headed near my front towards
the pike and ran northerly, the bottom spreading out fan-shaped to
my right in front of the Nineteenth Corps. I got this impression
from the fact that the pike is considerably raised where it crosses
this ravine to my left, and looked so much higher than the source
of the rivulet to my right that I supposed it headed there and ran
northerly. The stress of circumstances or conditions were such when
I was advancing under a scorching fire and twice wounded, and the
divide is so very flat at the point where the creek first starts,
that a hasty glance such as one would get in assaulting, will easily
account for such an optical illusion. Under such conditions, too,
distances seemed greater than they really were.
[Illustration: No. 4.
Sheridan's Winchester, Va. battle-field looking northerly from near
the pike showing the height of the divide running east and west:
also the infantry and artillery swept flat ground in front of the
Tenth Vermont and Second Brigade, Third Division, Sixth Corps; also
the open distant ground over which the Nineteenth Corps charged with
virtually no enemy's infantry in its front, but a little artillery
in its distant front. Its unbroken advance over the open distant
field was a beautiful sight. Numbers 3 and 4 illustrations show the
ground over which our entire infantry line of battle swept in the
first assault. The Nineteenth Corps was beyond the first timber on
the ravine running centrally across the picture its left resting
about on the extreme right of the ravine. Russell assaulted largely
over the foreground in No. 4.]
The formation in front of the Nineteenth Corps which was our
infantry right in the noon or first assault of the day was entirely
different. (See Nos. 4 and 5 illustrations). Its whole front
after about three hundred yards down a gentle slope was broad and
comparatively level with slight breaks several hundred yards across,
but not probably impassable for infantry at any point, where three
or more small rivulets apparently headed with banks so undefined and
flat as to give no defensive protection in a military sense so the
enemy had no men or infantry there so far as I could see, but did
have at least a small showing of artillery which I could see far
across the breaks. These rivulets run northerly probably into the
rivulet we came up from the Opequan or the Red Bud, but I do not
know this. They help to form a morass it is said, probably about a
mile more or less from where I was about fifty feet wide in front of
where Crook's Corps was later in the day and it was probably here
that Colonel R. B. Hayes (Nineteenth President, U. S. A.) later in
the day, at the head of his brigade plunged in on his horse which
at once mired when he dismounted and waded across alone under fire
followed as soon as he waved his hat to them to join him, by about
forty of his men to try and capture a battery which, led by him,
they did after a hand-to-hand fight with the gunners, the enemy
having deemed the battery so secure that no infantry support had
been placed near it,[17] which indicates that in this assault the
bulk of the enemy's infantry force confronting our infantry was at
first largely in front of our division on the pike. The trees in
number 4 illustration along the breaks in 1864 were not there then.
The open foreground is the divide running east and west in this
illustration so it can be easily seen why the Nineteenth Corps had
no considerable fighting to do here.
[17] See "Descendants of George Abbott of Rowley, Mass.," p. 37.
The left of the enemy's line of infantry in the ravine in my front,
so far as I could see, ended about nine hundred yards to my right at
the head of the ravine as there was no cover further north except
beyond the divide running east and west a good distance away to
the north in front of the Nineteenth Corps, and its line was bent
to conform to the ravine's direction in my right front; (See No.
8 illustration) the head of the rivulet had quite flat banks the
convex side of the creek and its near and most abrupt bank being
toward us in my front, but the reverse at the head of the ravine.
This was the point in the enemy's line where the gap in our lines
occurred mentioned further on which owing to the flat artillery and
musketry-swept ground was untenable for the Second Brigade or any
force except large enough to drive the enemy's infantry from its
cover as was Russell's. (See Nos. 4 and 5 illustrations). If the
historian hereafter accuses the Third Division of breaking in this
assault, it will be but fair to state extenuating circumstances,
for a portion of the First Brigade was similarly situated and we
got no direct effective flank help from our critics on either flank
during the fight. The pike from our line of battle ran in an _air
line about nine hundred yards directly towards Winchester_ (See
Nos. 2 and 9 illustrations) and was practically level except where
it crossed the divide and little rivulet near my front where in
the ravine the enemy had such a strong force in front of us about
a regiment of which moved there across the pike from in front of
the left of our First Brigade, (See No. 6 illustration) the Second
Division having nothing in its immediate front in the ravine and the
Vermont Brigade only a weak force in its distant left front beyond,
but what a regiment could probably have easily handled and probably
less than that did; but, nevertheless, that part of the Second
Division next to us obliqued to the left to attack it which was what
caused that Division to pull away from the Third Division's left
at the same time the Nineteenth Corps pulled away from our right
causing wide gaps--as the position which should have been occupied
by the Second Brigade was vacant, too--thus leaving our brigade and
especially our regiment, alone at a critical time when the gallant
General Russell with his magnificent Division so grandly marched
in and filled the gap on my right and lost his life in the act.
(See No. 5 illustration). Our colors were on the pike thus bringing
the right half of our regiment to the north or right side of it on
open ground (See Nos. 3 and 5 illustrations) and leaving only about
three regiments of our Division to the left of it on the wooded side
hill (as shown in Nos. 3 and 7 illustrations) soon sloping abruptly
towards the ravine in front which gave all our troops to the left
of our colors on the pike some welcome cover but the right of our
regiment and the Second Brigade, none. (See Nos. 3, 4, 5 and 6
illustrations).
[Illustration: No. 5.
Sheridan's Sept. 19, 1864, Winchester, Va. battle-field looking
westerly showing the source of the ravine in which was the enemy's
infantry in front of the right of the Tenth Vermont and the Second
Brigade, Third Division, Sixth Corps. The enemy's artillery was on
the further side of the smooth mid-ground to the left beyond the
corn-field and ravine; also on the left mid-ground not shown in the
illustration. It was opposite the barn, pool and trees on the right
where the Second Brigade collapsed but 200 yards before reaching
where they now are. Who wonders! Still the Tenth Vermont didn't
collapse, nor did it when it advanced over the ground where the
corn-field now is in the illustration. We preferred death instead,
many of whom accepted it, including Gen. Russell, Majors Dillingham,
Vredenburg, and Lieut. Hill. Russell's command assaulted over the
ground where the barn, pool and trees now are.]
The distance locally from where we crossed the Opequan to Winchester
is called five miles; and to where we formed line of battle three
miles, and from thence to Winchester two miles. The local distance
from Winchester to Stephenson's Station by the railroad is six miles
and to Summit Station twelve miles. There is no map in existence
known to me giving the correct position of the enemy's infantry in
the ravine in front of the Third Division, Sixth Corps; it is placed
nearly a half mile too far back or west, and nearer where the second
assault of the day was. The illustrations which of course must be
correct herein place the enemy right in front of the Third Division
and I can make oath to it, in the first assault when I was twice
wounded. But I will now return a little and endeavor to describe
this brilliant battle.
[Illustration: No. 6.
View of the ravine occupied by the enemy's infantry looking north
from the pike where it crosses the ravine. Maj. Abbott was twice
wounded at the top of the hill looking under the long limb of the
first tree where the horizon shows so plainly. On the brow of the
hill was a line of rebel rail breast-works. The ravine was alive
with the enemy, to its head confronted by the Third Division, Sixth
Corps. The enemy's artillery stationed on higher ground in rear
of its infantry, firing over it together with its rapid firing
literally swept, singed and scalped, the flat ground over which we
charged; it was practically untenable. The continuation of this
ravine south is shown in No. 7 illustration.]
We were drawn up as before stated, in two lines of battle at the
west entrance of the canyon facing west on an open field about
midway between Abraham Creek on the south and Red Bud Creek on the
north just in rear of a long narrow strip of woods which served as
a great curtain to a grand, broad, slightly rolling plain several
miles in extent in every direction in our front, which was to be the
stage that day with the city of Winchester in the background, of
one of the most dashing, picturesque battles probably ever fought
in ancient or modern times at first with beautiful, silent nature
about the only witness. The Third Division, Sixth Corps, was in the
left and most important center of the line in two lines, the Tenth
Vermont on the Berryville-Winchester pike, the most important,
dangerous and stubbornly contested point in the whole line; the
Nineteenth Corps was on our right in two lines; the intrepid Second
Division, Sixth Corps in which was the gallant First Vermont
Brigade, was on our left, one of the easiest places in the line;
General Russell's valiant First Division, Sixth Corps, as reserve
was stationed en masse a short distance in rear of where the right
flank of the Third Division, Sixth Corps, and the left flank of
the Nineteenth Corps joined, which was within a short distance and
in plain sight of where I was, and our three Divisions of dashing,
picturesque cavalry--including Wilson on our left along Abraham
Creek running south of Winchester and Senseny Road, and Merritt
and Averill on our right along the railroad and the Martinsburg
pike--was massed on either flank for assault at the right moment on
the enemy's flanks or as occasion might demand, while Crook's Eighth
Corps was about a quarter of a mile en masse about in rear of the
right flank of the Nineteenth Corps.
At noon in the midst of a perfect bedlam caused by the roar of
artillery, shrieking, bursting, hurtling shells, and the voices of
many officers pitched high so as to be heard above the din, giving
orders, the assault was made through the thin strip of timber in
our front toward Winchester when we briefly halted and laid on the
ground, and then across an open field beyond the woods in all about
two hundred and fifty yards where I was, midst a perfect storm of
solid shot and shell, rattling musketry on my right and front, and
whizzing minie balls without being able to fire a rifle at first so
well was the enemy in my front protected by the lay of the ground
and its rail breast-works. We persistently advanced, though, but it
took a great deal of nerve and will power to do it in an open field
without the slightest cover, all the time midst a perfect storm of
iron and leaden hail and the cries of the wounded and dying which
were disconcerting, until we drove the enemy back pell mell from
its works in my front in the utmost confusion--yes, in a perfect
stampede for they were old soldiers and knew when they were whipped,
and when it was necessary to run with all their might to save
themselves from slaughter and ignominious capture. (See Nos. 3
foreground and Nos. 5 and 6 illustrations).
[Illustration: No. 7.
Ravine looking southerly from where the pike crosses it in front
of most of the First Brigade, Third Division, and the right of the
Second Division, Sixth Corps, mentioned by Col. A. F. Walker. Only
about a regiment of the enemy was here which crossed the pike to the
front of the right of the Tenth Vermont, early.]
The Tenth Vermont, Fourteenth New Jersey and the rest of our brigade
as usual, not only proudly led the Division at first by a good deal
in the advance through the woods but in this instance the whole
army. It was therefore not only the most aggressive and conspicuous
part of--being on high ground where I could see our line of battle
each way--but the most important point in the line; was first seen
when through the wood and the most dreaded by the enemy being on
the pike, and in consequence its artillery fire within reach was
concentrated on us, _and it was a hot place_. But soon, after
recovering from the collapse of the Second Brigade on my right which
wholly disappeared and nothing more was seen of it by me, with the
valor of the old-time "Green Mountain Boys" on we went undaunted
until, after we had advanced about seventy-five yards beyond the
woods now extinct behind which we had formed in the open field
where I was, being then on a high point where I could see the whole
battlefield, I glanced to my right and left and was appalled to see
that the troops on both flanks of my Brigade were obliquing rapidly
away from us, the whole Nineteenth Corps in perfect lines of battle
by an oblique movement to the right having pulled away from the
right of our Division until there was a gap big enough including
that made by the Second Brigade, to more than admit a Brigade line
of battle although it is said that Corps had been directed to guide
on our Division and that a similar state of affairs existed on our
left flank where the Vermont brigade was.[18] (See No. 3 through
opening in woods showing No. 7; also see No. 5 where I was in the
foreground). With a feeling of dismay I slackened my pace and nearly
halted for I saw that through the gap in the very center and most
vital point in our line on my right towards the Nineteenth Corps
opposite which point was a strong force of the enemy's infantry
awaiting us behind its works on the near edge of a little valley
which protected it from our fire until right on it, it would throw
its force so situated opposite the gap on our right and left flanks
caused by the gap and have us completely at its mercy; but glancing
almost immediately again to my right and rear, hearing loud military
commands there, my spirits rose as I saw the gallant Russell leading
his splendid Division en masse through the opening in the timber
in his front, magnificently forward as though at drill to fill
the gap. The appearance of his column greatly relieved us, as it
drew the concentrated artillery fire from our column by the enemy
largely to his. The whole battle scene at this moment at this point
was one of appalling grandeur, one which no beholders could ever
forget, provided they could keep their nerve well enough to preserve
their presence of mind sufficiently to take in the situation midst
the screeching shells and appalling musketry fire. The splendid
appearance of General Russell's Division elicited a cry of
admiration from all who saw it. It was the supreme moment or turning
point in the great tide of battle, and as Russell's men rapidly
deployed latterly under a galling fire on the march either way in
perfect order enough to fill the gap, it was magnificent--beyond
description--the grandest, best and most welcome sight I ever saw
in a tight place in battle, and so inspired me--seeing the danger
of a flank movement had passed--I again pushed forward to be in
front and was there when the intrepid General Russell, one of the
best fighters in the army, was twice shot and soon died a short
distance to my right rear just about the time I was also twice hit;
(see Nos. 5 and 6 illustrations) but when the enemy in my front and
all along the little valley caught sight of our reserve coming at
them so majestically and in such solid phalanx and splendid order,
it seemed to me the rebs couldn't run fast enough apparently to
get away. It was the most sudden transformation on a battlefield I
ever saw, as well as the most perfect stampede and rout; and it was
the enemy's last volley when it saw our reserve coming at them so
determinedly that put a stop to my fighting for several months; and
but for our reserve coming on the field just as it did I would have
been worse riddled than I was by the enemy and killed even lying on
the ground wounded, as I was wholly exposed where I lay close on
their works not a rod away, the ground sloping towards them.
[18] It is alleged by one or more writers that this gap was partly
caused by a turn in the pike to the left, and as the Tenth Vermont
had been ordered to guide on the pike its colors being on it, this
alleged turn in the pike caused the regiment to oblique to the left.
This is incorrect. The turn in the pike when this dangerous gap
was caused partially by the obliquing of the Nineteenth Corps to
its right, which General Russell's Division filled, was about six
hundred yards behind the rebel line of battle, a little beyond the
enemy's battery close to the right of the pike, an exploding shell
from which knocked me down, and this turn in the road at this time
was within the enemy's lines in the rear of this battery, and it was
_then_ shelling us. The pike was _perfectly straight_ from us to
this turn, about a quarter of a mile away, or about a half mile from
where we formed line of battle, the road being virtually straight,
as can be seen from Nos. 2 and 9 illustrations. Our line of battle
wasn't formed at right angles with the pike, hence the obliquing
alleged.
General Sheridan's plan of battle was perfect and I shall never
cease to admire him as the greatest military genius I have ever
seen on a battlefield, for by this and his pluck and dash, I see
the secret of his great successes. The plan of battle was fully
developed by the time I fell twice badly wounded--at first I
supposed mortally--only a few feet in front of the enemy's works,
and as I arose partially recovered from the shock of being twice
hit, quivering and bleeding profusely, one of the first things my
eye caught was Sheridan all alone without a staff officer or even an
orderly near him, about forty yards in my rear, sitting his splendid
thoroughbred horse like a centaur looking--all animation his
very pose suggesting it--intently through his field glass toward
the fleeing routed enemy and later after the third and last assault
of the day all in a jumble with our undaunted dashing cavalry in
perfect order sweeping across the great comparatively level plain
bordering Winchester, like a tornado, with banners, arms, brasses,
etc., brightly gleaming in the blazing autumn sunlight--a battle
scene, as badly as I was wounded, the forepart of which held me
entranced. As I again soon turned after the first assault, Sheridan
put spurs to his horse and off he dashed all animation to another
part of the field to reform his line and so on, going finally
like the wind into the very midst of the great congested jumble,
the enemy trying like a frightened flock of sheep to force itself
through the streets of Winchester all at one time, the men literally
piling themselves at the main street entrances on top of each
other in order to do so. No battle scene will remain photographed
so vividly on my memory as the first part of this for I could see
nearly the whole field from where I long remained.
[Illustration: No. 8.
View from near the head of the ravine occupied by the enemy's
infantry looking southerly towards the pike running along the edge
of the distant forest. This is now (1908) a fine farm: its building
on the left and those dimly seen in the edge of the distant wood
along which the sunken pike runs have been built since the Civil
War. Observe the perfect cover next to the pike for the enemy; it
was here the Tenth Vermont assaulted, and the Second Brigade, this
side as far north as the figure (Maj. Abbott), while the enemy's
infantry behind rail breast-works and its artillery several hundred
yards in rear to the right on higher ground swept the flat open
field over which we charged in their front. It was almost a forlorn
hope. Who would wish to criticise troops unfairly under such
circumstances? The divide running east and west was about a hundred
yards to Maj. Abbott's right. On its opposite or north side the
Nineteenth Corps charged.]
The fatal wounding in my sight near enough to hear his cry of
anguish of my old Captain--Major Dillingham--and the killing of
Major Vredenburg of the Fourteenth New Jersey from his horse by
having his heart torn out, and others; General Russell's brilliant
debouch with his dauntless division marching proudly on the
battlefield en masse with all its enchanting glitter and precision
to take a hand at the sacrifice of his life--unfortunate, gallant,
dashing Russell--Merritt, Averill and Custer's brilliant spirited
final charges on the fleeing enemy, its disorder and worst possible
rout all beggar description, our retreat at the battle of Monocacy,
July 9, 1864, being one of order and dignity comparatively speaking.
I felt revenged for my wound and at having to run so in retreat
at the Monocacy, and for my two wounds that day even if I did
totteringly tarry, maimed and speechless with paralyzed tongue, chin
and blanched face to look at such a brilliant battle scene until
I became so faint from loss of blood, shock and partial reaction,
I could hardly go steadily and finally did accept help, having
declined at first, from two faithful men of my Company who, when I
fell instead of stampeding stayed by me in one of the hottest places
I have ever been in on a battlefield, one of whom was Corporal
Joel Walker of Pownal, Vt. My first wound was from the butt end of
an exploding shell in the breast which maimed and knocked me down
and simultaneously as I fell a minie ball fired but a rod away
in my front just grazed my forehead, torn through my upper lip
crushing both jaws and carrying away eleven teeth, the most painless
dentistry I ever had done; but, Oh! the shock it gave my system and
the misery I suffered that night!
As I entered the long broad avenue running between the great tents
at the field hospital later in the day where there were hundreds of
wounded, dead and dying, Dillingham, Hill and others of my regiment,
among the number, Dr. J. C. Rutherford, one of my regimental
surgeons, seeing me with a man on either side--for here in sight of
others I wouldn't let them support me--close to and keenly watching
my unsteady carriage, came running, hastily examined my wounds,
bade me sit on the ground, ran for his instrument case, placed my
head upturned between his knees, sewed in place a triangular piece
of flesh extending from the right corner of my nose down hanging
at the lower right corner by a slight shred of flesh, which I had
held in place from the battlefield with my fingers, and that job for
the time being was done; but oh! my aching head, jaws and chest,
as well as the extreme feeling of lassitude for the balance of the
day. My face was like a puff ball, so quickly had it swollen, my
chest at the point of the wishbone--so to speak--was mangled black
and blue and resembled a pounded piece of steak ready to be cooked,
and I was so nauseated, lame and sore all over, I dreaded to move.
I guess the rebs came pretty near winging me--but Glory! Early
was licked. To add to my feeling of depression, I was told Major
Dillingham was mortally wounded and that he would soon pass away.
He had been a good friend, a brave man, faultlessly courageous, was
an elegant gentleman and good fellow, and was much beloved. A solid
shot severed a leg going through the woods; his cry of anguish was
distressing, and I shrink from thinking of it whenever it comes into
my mind.
I fell just in front of the enemy's hastily thrown up breastworks
of fence rails in the vanguard after advancing under a murderous
fire about a hundred yards or more, in the open field after passing
through the woods. I saw no other line officer with his men anywhere
in my vicinity so far in front, and there was no other officer there
in the open field except Adjutant Wyllys Lyman who was lauded for
it, but I, being a boy, got nothing but my two wounds as compliments
for my steadfastness, and they will stay with me through life. I
wonder if when across the Great River and in another world I will be
remembered any better for my faithfulness when so many others failed
at such an important moment?[19]
[19] Major Lyman was afterwards honored with a brevet as Major, but
I was only mentioned in routine official papers as wounded. Why he,
being Adjutant, and therefore representing the regimental commander,
and the only officer who saw me, didn't see to it that my services
were duly recognized as well as his, I have never been able to
understand. It always stirs my spirit when I think of it, for if
anyone deserved recognition for that day's work it was the leaders
in such an assault, for on such largely depended its success; and
certainly if Lyman deserved recognition who had no command, then
why shouldn't one who did, whose men largely followed him, as well
as some of the men of five other companies which I had successfully
led in other fights? It is hard to be reconciled to such unfair
discriminations. But brevets in many regiments were quite as apt to
be given for scheming and favoritism as for merit, and some of the
most meritorious line officers who fought gallantly on the front
line of battle through almost the entire war, received no such
recognition from their regimental commanders, although such line
officers' exhibitions of dash and daring, especially in the Tenth
Vermont, which was one thing that gave the regiment an enviable
reputation both in the field and at home, were very frequent. The
company commanders of this regiment did not follow their men into
battle, at any rate to commence with, but led them continually when
fleet enough to do so, and I always did. Being almost invariably
selected when a lieutenant to command a company without an officer,
I was with one exception alone with no company commander to observe
and report my work, and my different regimental commanders didn't
take sufficient interest to do so, even if where they could observe
it; but the fact that I was almost invariably selected to command
different companies in battle when needed and that I overslaughed
several lieutenants when promoted Captain, should have been reason
enough for at least one brevet during the war, if nothing more,
which since, in the regular army, would have saved me from frequent
undeserved embarrassment. A long experience, however, both in the
Civil War and the regular army since in the observance of the
bestowal of brevets and medals of honor has caused me to regard
with very little respect in many instances the recipient's methods
in obtaining such favors, and especially the system of bestowal of
the same, which is a sacred trust. And certainly if in most cases
such consideration was warranted, then many of my acquaintances who
were not recognized even once, especially in the Civil War, could
have been repeatedly decorated with the far greater propriety. But
with me such distinctions were not worth having except earned in
the estimation of others competent to judge, and came unsolicited.
Such, however, is rarely the case, even when repeatedly deservedly
won, and the only reward for such is to tell the truth about
it historically whenever the opportunity offers, regardless of
criticism.
I found the men of Company E good fighters, Corporal Walker and
another big man of my Company whose name I can't recall, being
so short a time with the Company--but believe it was one of the
Brownells, also of Pownal, Vt.--who helped me occasionally going to
the ambulance as I felt faint and weak, were brave fellows. They
followed me closely all through the assault as though they expected
me to be hit, fighting like heroes as they were at the same time,
and when I fell wounded they dropped close by me, Corporal Walker, a
giant, coolly saying: "Don't get up Lieutenant, they'll riddle you
if you do!" but I thought they already had. However, the nervous
shock of both wounds was too great to think of rising at once, and
almost immediately the rebs were running for dear life all branches
of the service mixed together in confusion--a perfect jumble. We
had licked them in a square stand up open field fight of their own
choice--and a very poor one, too, for them in case of defeat, as it
proved--and it was clean cut, the worst stampede and rout I ever saw.
Sheridan was as brave as a lion, and unlike some commanders who hunt
cover when their commands are fighting, went seemingly fearlessly
anywhere he wanted to in order to see what was going on and what
if any part of the line needed reinforcing. As before stated, my
position on the battlefield was sufficiently high to see nearly all
of it. It being a beautiful sunny Fall day with a clear atmosphere,
it was the most spectacular, and before the Infantry broke, the most
beautiful battlefield sight seen, and better yet, the most snappy,
brilliant fighting witnessed during the war. Sheridan hovered near
the centre in the neighborhood of the high ground where I was twice
wounded, and dashed back and forth the line on horseback like a
restless lion, an ideally alert fighter, almost as unmindful of shot
and shell as though both deaf and blind. It was here that I formed
my opinion that he was not only the ideal fighter, but the second,
if not the greatest military genius developed by the Civil War, and
I have never changed my opinion. Honest, alert, aggressive, dashing
and brave with splendid judgment, his equal will be hard to find,
and probably rarely surpassed. He was generally conceded a brilliant
cavalry fighter, but if the world has ever produced a better
planned, executed, dashing, brilliant, spectacular, snappy battle or
commander than he and this Battle of Winchester, where the different
branches of the service were combined, take it from first to last
during the day, it would be interesting to know on what occasion. It
was so unlike any battle ever seen by me that all others sink into
insignificance as dull affairs. Language or words even with the most
gifted talkers or writers can never describe this battle; no pen
picture, or ever so gifted talker can do it justice; it would have
to be seen by an expert to be fully appreciated. Ever afterwards the
Sixth Corps of all others was Sheridan's favorite. Said he later:
"Give me the Sixth Corps and I will charge anywhere."
Among the most admirable pictures of the fight--barring the
orderly, majestic advance to battle of the whole army in unbroken
lines--except after a little our division being unmercifully
shelled from the start on the pike it could not withstand it,
nor could any other have done so--as a whole after through the
wood resembling an immense gracefully waving blue ribbon along
the surface of the ground, caused by that enchantingly swinging,
billowy motion characteristic of regulars when marching in large
bodies, its fluttering banners, glittering arms, equipments and its
blue uniforms looking prettier than ever in the bright September
sunlight under a bright blue sky specked with fleecy white clouds
making a picture beautiful with perfect harmony of color,--was the
beauty, grandeur and majesty of both Russell and Custer's splendid
debouch on the battlefield with their valiant, intrepid commands,
the former's proudly and majestically en masse in perfect order and
cadence, line and bearing, coolly confident as though at parade, and
the latter's also in perfect lines and order, as well as dashing,
intrepid, spirited and assured bearing even the horses as though
vieing with each other in speed to run down the unfortunate enemy,
entering into the spirit of the occasion and sweeping rapidly like
an avalanche down on the demoralized, fleeing and awe-stricken
enemy with the fury and apparently almost certain destruction of
a tornado. These were pictures comprising awe, beauty, power,
grandeur, order and disorder, dash, magnificence, valor, terror,
confusion, inspiration and majesty to such an extent as to defy the
pen picture of any writer however gifted. This battle was different
from any other I ever saw. It was Sheridan's way of doing things--a
revelation in warfare.
So far as this first assault is concerned it can be summed up quite
briefly. The only considerable amount of the enemy's infantry in
the _immediate_ front of the Union infantry line of battle was in
the ravine in front of our division, and it was about two hundred
and fifty yards away from where we formed line behind the woods;
it was a very strong force. If the troops to our right and left
instead of instinctively obliquing away from us veteran like to
an easier place in their right and left fronts respectively, had
guided on our division as it is claimed they were directed to do,
they would have had an enfilading fire on the enemy on our front,
the same as General Russell's division would have had when it filled
the gap to my right which the enemy knew would make their position
untenable and so instantaneously retreated in a rout when it saw him
coming dangerously near, his right flank overlapping their left.
When Russell's movement was executed the Nineteenth Corps' lines
of battle hadn't even broken. There was no considerable number of
the enemy before it within striking distance so far as I could see,
and therefore _nothing_ to break its lines so far as the enemy was
concerned until it reached the breaks in its front.
The Vermont Brigade could have easily advanced at any time of the
assault or any other part of the Second Division, as there was
nothing to speak of--as virtually acknowledged by Colonel Aldace
F. Walker of that brigade in his "History of the Vermont Brigade in
the Shenandoah Valley, 1864"--in its immediate front except about
a regiment of the enemy which crossed the pike from his right and
the left of our Brigade to my front.[20] (See No. 7 illustration).
Had the Vermont Brigade borne to its right instead of its left it
would have done much more effective service, as it would have been
on high ground overlooking the enemy in my front when out of the
ravine. In this instance the credit given this excellent brigade
in at least one Civil War history is erroneous, without the Third
Division was expected to whip _at once_ and alone a considerable
part of the infantry and artillery of Early's army in its immediate
front, no small part of which was in our regimental front and its
immediate right. In proof that there was no considerable rebel force
in front of the Second Division to the _left_ of the pike until
Early's second stand, the reader is invited to examine the official
War Department map of this battle and note the fact; but aside
from this I _know_ there was none. What, therefore, was to prevent
the Second Division or Vermont Brigade from advancing? Unlike our
front, where the strip of timber was narrow, with the enemy strongly
posted just beyond, the scrub or second growth oak, etc., in front
of a part of the Second Division next to us, extended from the top
of the ridge or divide which ran several hundred yards southerly,
down to the bottom of the ravine a hundred yards more or less,
which covered here the Second Division's advance and the cleared
ground beyond, after emerging from the wooded side hill and ravine
towards Winchester, contained no force of the enemy, as there was
no immediate protection for it, sufficient to prevent its or even
the Vermont Brigade's advancing, or the enemy would have done so.
(See Nos. 3, 7 and 8 illustrations.) I mention this here because
I _know_ the facts in the premises, and because this Division is
complimented--unfortunately, but probably unwittingly so--in one
or more histories for advancing, in unpleasant contrast to our
Division, which was up against the _real_ thing, and its advancing
depended largely on the help or enfilading fire along our front, we
had a right to expect from the troops which should have guided on us
from both flanks, but which we never got, as they pulled away from
us. It was useless to try to take such a place as confronted the
right of our regiment and Division by assaulting from its immediate
front (see Nos. 5 and 6 illustrations), as the enemy had to be
flanked out of its position, which is what Russell's men would have
done on the rebel left in case the enemy hadn't seen them in season
to get away and thereby saved many casualties on both sides, and
probably largely there the enemy's capture.
[20] Haynes' "History of the Tenth Vermont Infantry," p. 253.
There were none of the Second Brigade of our Division on my right
after advancing through the woods, nor had there been up to the
time General Russell's command filled the gap occasioned by the
Second Brigade's absence, together with the space caused by the
Nineteenth Corps obliquing to its right. It being level, shell and
bullet swept, it was untenable until a force came large enough to
drive the enemy's infantry from cover, as Russell did. (See No.
5 illustration). I was the only officer except Adjutant Wyllys
Lyman, who is deceased, so far ahead at that time on my part of the
battlefield, and I can make affidavit to this statement. We and a
goodly number of scattering men who generally led in most assaults
were within a rod of the enemy's _strongest_ manned works, _which
no map in existence shows_ that I have seen, where I was twice
almost instantaneously wounded when the enemy ran as it saw General
Russell's Division coming, as though their lives depended upon it,
and I _know_ whereof I am writing.
General Sheridan made no mistake when he selected the First Brigade
for the centre and most important point of his line of battle,
nor was it a mistake to place our regiment and the Fourteenth
New Jersey--with direction for the rest of the army to guide on
our Division in the first assault, for the road was practically
straight--squarely across the pike, with their colors on it, with
such men as Corporals Alexander Scott, F. H. Hoadley, Tenth Vermont,
and other of the color guard like them, to keep them there, for
such men would go wherever told to, if into the very jaws of death.
The leaving off from the official map of this battle of the enemy's
infantry in the ravine in front of the Third Division (see Nos. 6
and 8 illustrations), is a great injustice to our regiment, which
never wholly fell back, but the usual per cent. of men under such
circumstances stubbornly pressed forward under the most trying
circumstances at any rate where I was. The leaving off of the
enemy's infantry in my front, where it was strongest, is misleading
and is doubtless what has caused so many wrong descriptions of this
fight. No one can give a correct description of it where I was
except at that point during the fight. The enemy contested this
point more stubbornly than any other during the day and it was here
the most intrepid of our men assaulted; it was the doorway to the
great battlefield, and if the enemy couldn't hold this point it
couldn't hope to any other, and didn't. Although our division was
smaller than either of the other divisions of our Corps, its loss
was much heavier. General Grant had one hundred shotted guns fired
on his lines in front of Petersburg in honor of this day's victory
by Sheridan. A citizen of Winchester told me that one of the saddest
things he saw during the day was a horse going through the streets
of the city with two badly wounded and one dead Confederate soldiers
on it--probably chums--the latter thrown over the horse's back with
his head and arms hanging on one side and his feet on the other;
but war is a cruel teacher and produces the most shocking sights
imaginable. It is not pleasant to record and much less dwell on them.
[Illustration: No. 9.
Straight view of about a half mile of the pike looking westerly
towards Winchester, Va., from the divide on Sheridan's battle-field,
Sept. 19, 1864. Observe the cut through the divide for the road.]
The following pertaining to Sheridan's battle of Winchester has
been discovered since writing the foregoing. It will be answered in
detail. Says Col. Aldace F. Walker in his "History of the Vermont
Brigade in the Shenandoah Valley, 1864," pp. 91-100:
"Our movement commenced at 3 o'clock Monday morning, September
19th, Getty's Division having the advance, the Vermont Brigade
being the last in the Division. Striking directly across the
country, at first in the darkness, we presently reached the
main road from Berryville to Winchester, and moved down it to
the crossing of the Opequan. This stream is considerably below
the level of the adjoining country, and the road on its further
side keeps the low level of the stream for a mile or more,
winding through a long, tortuous wooded ravine, our unobstructed
passage whereof was for the time a mystery. It seems that
Wilson's Division of cavalry had already cleared the way and
was then holding desperately a position that it had gained with
considerable loss, but which proved a most admirable one in
which to deploy our line of battle.
"As we filed out of the ravine which toward the last was lined
with wounded cavalrymen, we found Sheridan, his headquarters
fixed on a conspicuous elevation, personally superintending from
the commencement the operations of the day. It was to be our
first battle under his command, as well as his first independent
battle; the troops were hitherto destitute of all enthusiasm for
him; fortunately, however, no impression save a favorable one
had as yet been received, it being universally conceded that he
had so far handled his army handsomely. And it was with great
satisfaction that we found him in this early twilight at the
very front, and under the fire of the enemy, carefully attending
to details which we had been accustomed to see more celebrated
commanders entrust to their staff.
"Our Division promptly relieved the cavalry and formed its line
facing west, the Third Brigade which was in advance going to
what was to be the extreme left of the infantry line, resting
on Abraham Creek; the First Brigade following, took up its
position on the right of the Third, and our own Brigade filled
the remaining distance between the First and the road on which
we had reached the battlefield. It had been intended to place us
in two lines, but the unexpected extent of the ground we had to
cover forbade that formation. We were just on the hither edge of
a narrow fringe of wood that concealed us from the enemy; the
Sixth Vermont was thrown forward as a skirmish line perhaps one
hundred yards to the further side of the little forest, and at
once engaged the enemy's skirmishers."
About three regiments, I believe, of the First Brigade, Third
Division, Sixth Corps, were to the left or south of the road, so the
Vermont Brigade didn't reach to the pike.
"Near us in the road at our right was a rebel field work, taken
by Wilson in the night. The hill on which it was situated
commanded the country in both directions, and it was already
occupied by a battery engaged in feeling the enemy, which was
answered vigorously, many of the rebel shell plunging over into
the troops as they successively came up the road.
"Our Division thus formed in a single line was the only
Division on the south or left of the road. The Third Division,
Ricketts', followed us and prolonged the line across and on the
north of the road, placing its two Brigades in two lines. The
First Division, Russell's, came next, and was drawn up behind
the Third as a third line or reserve, also somewhat overlapping
the right of our Brigade."
About three regiments or more of the Third Division, Sixth Corps,
I believe, were south of the road, on the right of the Second
Division. When General Russell's Division charged it was about two
hundred yards to the right of the Tenth Vermont, or about seven
hundred yards or more to the right of Col. Walker's brigade.
"Then to our surprise no more troops appeared, and our Corps was
alone confronting the enemy. There were two or three anxious
hours, but Early was engaged in hurrying up his detachment from
Bunker Hill, which this delay gave him ample time to do, and
made no assault. It was said that the Nineteenth Corps, being
ordered to follow the Sixth, had filed into the road behind our
wagon train, instead of keeping closed up on our column. It is
certain that with this loss of time, from whatever reason it
occurred, we lost the opportunity of attacking the enemy in
detail, and gave him time to prepare for our reception. It was
noon before the Nineteenth Corps had reached its place and was
formed in three or four lines on the right of the Sixth."
The Nineteenth Corps was formed in two lines on the right of the
Sixth.
"Our men during the forenoon had been resting, sitting or lying
on the ground. When at last the disposition was completed and
the signal gun was fired, they sprang to the ranks, and the
line advanced. Particular instructions had been received to the
effect that the road was to give the direction of attack, and
that the guiding regiment was to be the left regiment of the
Third Division, just across the road from our right."
The guiding regiments were the Tenth Vermont and Fourteenth New
Jersey, on the right of the First Brigade, about the center of the
Third Division.
"In passing through the bit of trees in our front, which was
filled with underbrush, our line was necessarily thrown somewhat
into confusion. When we emerged from the wood and the ground
over which we must make our attack was developed, the prospect
was appalling. The hill gradually sloped away before us, for a
quarter of a mile, to a long ravine, irregular in its course,
but its windings extending either way as far as we could see.
The ascent beyond it was in most places sharp, and the enemy
held its crest in force, perfectly commanding with musketry and
artillery the long slope down which we must pass, though the
acclivity on the further side of the hollow was so steep as to
actually present a cover from their fire--if it could once be
reached.
"When this fearful prospect opened the line involuntarily
halted, and the men threw themselves on the ground as was their
wont when under fire. Our own Brigade was properly waiting for
the movement of the guiding regiment which lay across the road
a little to our rear, and which could not be prevailed upon to
stir. To add to the peril of the situation, the road, instead
of continuing straight on, as seems to have been expected,
here made a bend to the left so that our original orders could
not be obeyed without an amount of obliquing that would have
resulted in demoralization; from this cause our own Brigade was
soon afterwards thrown into temporary confusion, and the Third
Division was presently so disorganized as to be unable to
resist a counter-charge made against it by the enemy."
The whole line in front of the enemy's infantry in the ravine in
front of the Third Division halted after through the narrow belt of
timber behind which we had formed, as the trees, brush and terrible
shelling had broken the lines and the advanced men where I was laid
down to avoid the storm of shells which filled the air till the men
got together, which they soon largely did. It was here found the
Second Brigade on my right had excusably gone to pieces, the ground
in its front being untenable, which caused some delay; but soon we
advanced alone without that Brigade, as did the Nineteenth Corps.
This was why the Tenth Vermont or guiding regiment, at this time
where I was, didn't move forward sooner. The bend to the left in the
road is largely a myth. The line of battle wasn't formed at right
angles with it which, as the line advanced led to some confusion, as
our colors had to be kept on the pike. There was no counter charge
in front of where I was in the Tenth Vermont or disorganization,
except in the Second Brigade, but what was soon remedied. The enemy
could do more effective work by remaining in cover with little loss,
which it did.
"At length the commander of the Brigade at our right crossed to
our side of the road and urged us to set his men the example.
Col. Warner took the responsibility, brought the Brigade to its
feet, corrected the alignment, and gave the command to advance,
which was promptly obeyed. The Third Division followed and the
line was again in motion. But our point of direction was lost,
for we were in advance of our guides, and when it was seen
that owing to a curve in the ravine before us the cover on its
further side could be reached much sooner by obliquing sharply
to the left, we took that direction almost by common consent,
and left the road-side."
Why shouldn't Col. Warner with virtually no enemy in his immediate
front be able to set an example of advancing his line when the
Third Division was up against the real thing, it being confronted
with overwhelming numbers of the enemy's infantry in the ravine
and artillery back of it in our immediate front pretty much all
that confronted the army in that midday assault? The situation in
front of our lines is fully explained in this work elsewhere, and
an alleged "bend" in the road or a "curve" in the ravine will not
suffice to excuse the troops on our immediate left for not at once
helping to flank the enemy's infantry from in front of us in the
ravine, at once when on high ground across the ravine instead of
running off on the field on a comparatively useless easy task and
then have to come back. Where was there any infantry of any amount
except in the ravine in front of the Third Division? Why not give
the Third Division its due? The killed and wounded tell the story.
Didn't our Division have about as many killed and wounded as both
the First and Second Divisions together, although smaller than
either? No fair-minded soldier or person can study the illustrations
even, in this work, and fail to see the facts.
"Our whole Brigade, every man at the top of his speed, making
for the coveted protection of the hill beyond us, plunged pell
mell into the hollow. The troops at our right and left were
lost sight of. The ravine was of some considerable width and
its bottom was marshy, being the head waters of a little branch
of Abraham Creek. The steep slope on its further side was
covered with evergreens six or eight feet high. To our intense
consternation, as we reached its swampy bottom, we saw at our
right, at short pistol range, at least a full regiment of the
enemy drawn up in line near the point where the road crosses the
hollow, in anticipation of our taking precisely the course we
did, and firing coolly, as rapidly as they could load, directly
along our line, thus enfilading us completely. Its position
is indicated on the plan. The slaughter was for a few moments
murderous. We could not retreat, for we should again enter the
fire that had been mowing us down in the charge, now cut off by
the hill before us. We therefore floundered on, our coherence
entirely lost, entered the clusters of evergreens through which
the cruel bullets whistled fearfully, and at last, a confused
mass at best, those of us who escaped unhurt reached comparative
safety under the very crest of the hill, and high above the
deadly hollow."
The probabilities are that old soldier-like seeing or suspecting the
true situation, the men intuitively or purposely obliqued away to
an easier place of attack; at any rate they did it. Yes, the rebel
regiment which was seen in the ravine was in front of the left of
our brigade, but crossed to the north side of the pike to my front
early in the fight leaving no rebel force in the ravine south of the
pike in front of the Second Division on the left of ours.
"We now opened fire for the first time during the day, in the
direction of the regiment or brigade that had so frightfully
thinned our ranks, but they were almost out of reach from us,
as well as we from them. At this moment, however, the Third
Division approached them and they filed away."
It is difficult to conceive why if the enemy could fire at the union
forces here they could not return the compliment, at any rate to
one who has so recently studied the ground. It was a good thing the
Third Division was 'round to drive the rebs away, otherwise they
might have more "frightfully thinned" Col. Walker's ranks. It would
be interesting to know exactly how many men Col. Walker lost here.
"When this was discovered, and after gaining breath, our own
advance was resumed, but with little pretense at order. Emerging
upon the plain before us at the summit of the hill we had
climbed, we again turned obliquely towards the road and charged
upon a long breastwork filled with rebels, in our immediate
front. The retreat of their comrades from the ravine apparently
demoralized them; many fled, many more were captured; in fact as
we clambered over the parapet it seemed as if the prisoners who
then surrendered exceeded in number our entire Brigade."
I saw this movement when the men advanced seemingly to me in an
undeployed skirmish line over the open flat ground beyond the ravine
not shown in No. 7 illustration, but further to the right. It was a
weak force and could not have met any determined resistance from any
considerable body; indeed there was but a small force of the enemy's
infantry on that part of the field.
"But we did not stop to count them or to care for them. The
principal position of the enemy in this portion of the field had
now been gained, and we rushed onward toward the distant spires
of Winchester, with shouts and cheers, now thoroughly excited by
our unexpected success. A battery of the enemy was before us,
but it limbered up and retired as we advanced. Several times it
turned, fired a round of canister, and resumed its flight. At
our left the other Brigades of our Division were seen moving
on in our support. At our right an unfortunate ridge now rose,
parallel with our line of advance, along the top of which ran
the road so often referred to, and which hid our friends from
view; we could only hope that they were equally successful, and
push wildly forward. A point was reached probably three-fourths
of a mile beyond the entrenchments where we had captured
the prisoners, when luckily a ditch running across our path
suggested cover and a pause. This ditch was reached only by
the colors of the Fifth, with perhaps two hundred men from the
various regiments. Exhausted with running, they opened fire
as vigorously as they could, but a line of rebels was seen
gradually collecting in their front, as the fugitives were
rallied, and the position held by our troops was presently
dangerously threatened. And now to their dismay, the Brigade
on the higher ground to their left saw reason for retiring and
called for them to follow. What it could mean they did not know,
but it seemed prudent to withdraw, if only for the purpose of
keeping up the connection. An officer sent to investigate soon
reported that at least a Division of the enemy were far behind
their right in an orchard, which they supposed had been carried
by the Third Division. Orders were given therefore to fall back
to the line of the army, following the low ground on the left,
thus keeping under cover of the hill at the right, the enemy
meantime being absorbed in their movement against Ricketts;
and thus the detachment successfully escaped from its dangerous
position and re-formed with the balance of the Brigade near the
works we had carried, being as before on the right of the other
Brigades of our Division, connecting with and at first even in
front of the support which was put in to meet the emergency."
Having watched this whole proceeding, which Sheridan saw, too,
through his field glass just behind me, after I was wounded and the
enemy from the ravine in my front and its artillery were in full
retreat, it reads absurdly. The action of the enemy in Col. Walker's
front largely depended on that of the enemy in ours, which had been
routed and was in full pell mell retreat when Col. Walker's men were
advancing in small irregular groups away from the before-mentioned
ravine (see No. 7 illustration) they were so seemingly anxious to
leave. As a matter of fact if they had swung to the right in and
on the high ground west of the ravine, together with the left of
our brigade, they would have done much more effective service.
The retreating battery mentioned--and others further north not
mentioned--retreated because its infantry in the ravine in my front
was routed. As a matter of fact these Second Division men were
operating comparatively uselessly far on the enemy's rear right
flank and were in a dangerous situation as soon as the bulk of
the enemy's infantry in my front should reach that neighborhood.
I saw this, as did Sheridan, and it was one thing that caused him
to put spurs to his horse and dash away to send a staff officer
to recall these forces. The five succeeding quoted paragraphs
are disingenuously conceived and misleading. They are worse than
worthless for historical purposes because mischievous. The Vermont
Brigade was too grand a body of men to be mortified by exaggerations
and overdrawn situations. The truth is glorious enough, and to write
on such a basis is dignified and fair.
"We afterwards learned that a break had taken place on the right
which for a time seemed likely to result in complete disaster.
The report in our Corps was, that the Nineteenth, advancing
through a long stretch of forest and at first successful, had
afterwards been repulsed, and fled in disorder, many of the
fugitives even going back to the Creek, and that our Third
Division had been checked soon after we lost sight of it,
presently becoming more or less involved in the flight of the
Nineteenth Corps. On the other hand Gen. Emory, commanding the
Nineteenth Corps, in a letter published in the _World_, which
was fortified with affidavits, insisted that the break began at
the right of our Third Division, which led to the turning of
his left and the consequent retiring of his Corps. The official
reports disagree as much as the letters of the correspondents,
who of course reflected the opinions of the several headquarters
to which they were attached, and who created considerable
ill-feeling by the discrepancies in their accounts, and by their
insinuations; the truth is probably between the claims of both,
and the real cause of the enemy's temporary success seems to
have been the unfortunate bend in the road above mentioned,
which interfered with and destroyed the symmetry of our first
advance. Our Third Division obliqued to the left as it moved
against the enemy, following the order to guide on the road,
(there were few or no fences in that vicinity) and so left
an interval between its right and the Nineteenth Corps, which
appears to have gone in impetuously and with little order; the
enemy presently made a counter-charge, and, luckily for them,
struck the gap with a heavy force, crumbling off the troops on
either side of it, and causing the troops on each side of the
interval to think that the others had let the enemy through.
The front line of the Nineteenth Corps was almost entirely
disorganized, and was replaced by the second line, while only
the right of our Third Division was broken up, its left with our
own Division merely retiring a short distance under orders, as
was necessary in order to keep a continuous front."
This is widely erroneous; Emery's left was somewhat broken at first
by the terrific shelling from our front, but it was only in the
edge of the shell storm at first when going through the wood. His
alleged collapse virtually of the right of our Third Division, or
Second Brigade, going through the narrow belt of timber behind which
we formed, is correct as before stated, for it was immediately on
my right, and I know it; it was largely what we halted and laid
down for after getting through the timber. We feared being flanked;
but the delay was short, for I almost immediately moved forward
with my men and others alone over that flat, unsheltered ground,
then being unmercifully swept by artillery and musketry till it was
virtually untenable. The Nineteenth Corps instead of obliquing to
the left towards us to shorten the interval and help us, intuitively
obliqued the other way; but fortunately there was no road or bend
in it to blame it to. In my opinion it was as clear a case of
shirk as to the left of the Third Division, or a desire to find an
easier point to attack. Emery's corps didn't retire that I know
of, and our brigade I _know_ didn't. The marching of his troops in
two long lines was one of the spectacular sights of the day; it
was a beautiful feature. It assaulted to the north of the slight
divide running east and west, where I saw no infantry nor artillery
except a little of the latter far across the breaks. The enfilading
infantry and artillery fire from our front at first was about all
Emery had to fear, but his Corps soon obliqued away from it. There
was _no_ counter charge by the enemy in my front or to either side,
and in this I am _emphatic_, as well as in the fact that general
officers were not where they could see as well as I. There has been
more fiction written about this fight than any I was ever in.
"At the critical moment General Wright, who was for the day
in command of the Sixth and Nineteenth Corps, though (as he
says) 'it was too early in the battle to choose to put in the
reserves, still, seeing that the fate of the day depended on
the employment of this force,' promptly ordered in the First
Division with two batteries; it marched gallantly down, with its
full Division front, to the very face of the enemy, relieving
the Third Division, which, reforming, presently took up its
position still further to the right, where the interval had
before been left. Sheridan held back General Upton's Brigade
of the First Division until it could strike the flank of the
charging column of the rebels, when it made the most remarkable
and successful charge of the day, completely breaking up the
rebel assault, and permitting our shattered line again to knit
itself into coherence. General Upton was there wounded and
the brave unostentatious Russell, the idol of the Division he
commanded, was shot dead, while personally employed restoring
the broken line.
"The two hours following were spent in re-arranging the troops,
issuing ammunition, and making dispositions for another
advance." * * *
General Russell's Division started to march on the field _en masse_
and deployed en route; it was one of the grandest sights of the
day or entire war. I never saw such splendid discipline under fire
in a large body of men. It didn't relieve our brigade in the sense
taken above, but did in partially drawing the enemy's musketry and
artillery fire from us, which was appalling and effective. Our
Brigade didn't reform. I was close on the enemy's rail breastworks
in the ravine with my men leading the assault. There was no chance
to reform: it was give and take. Russell's men didn't even get the
opportunity of getting near enough the rebels to get satisfaction,
for they ran when my men and I were within a rod of their works
directly in front. There was no considerable bend in the road
or anything else that obliqued _my_ men either way to any great
extent. The enemy ran before Russell was within effective striking
or flanking distance. The enemy _didn't_ charge. If General Upton
assaulted its flank it _wasn't_ here. I am _emphatic_ in this, for
not twenty seconds after I was twice almost simultaneously wounded
during the enemy's last volley, it was running for dear life and
Sheridan thirty seconds later was on his horse on the high ground
close in my rear looking through his field glass to see where
the enemy was going to make a second stand, and at other things
evidently displeasing to him on his left, where Colonel Walker and
the Second Division were. The whole field of active fighting could
be seen from here. Five of the battlefield views herein were taken
from this point. Colonel Walker is such a graceful, fluent writer
it is a pity he couldn't know the whole facts about the battles the
Vermont troops were in. His works would doubtless then be charmingly
interesting and entertaining.
As several eminent persons, mistakenly as I think, in recent years,
in a moment of weakness and gush have classed General R. E. Lee as
one of the greatest of modern field marshals, and as the battles of
Opequan Creek or Winchester, Va., Sept. 19, 1864, and Gettysburg,
Pa., July 1-3, 1863, both of which I have carefully studied, furnish
an excellent opportunity for a few pertinent questions as to the
ability of Generals Grant, Sheridan and Lee to plan and manage
successfully great battles, I cannot refrain from taking up the
matter at this point, and I defy any honest man of expert judgment
to successfully controvert my stand.
It might as well be said of Sheridan or of Grant, as it has already
been of Lee by partial and incompetent judges, that either of the
former were the equal of Marlborough or Wellington, and far more
truthfully so than of Lee. Had the fortunes of war placed Sheridan
in command of the Army of the Potomac at any period of the Civil
War, there is no doubt but what that war would have developed in
him a field marshal exceeding in dash, ability and brilliancy any
military genius of either ancient or modern times. He was a born
soldier, unspoilt by training, success or anything else, and was
blessed with splendid common sense. _He_ was a _genius_, for, says a
popular poet:
"There is no balking Genius. Only death
Can silence it or hinder. While there's breath
Or sense of feeling, it will spurn the sod,
And lift itself to glory, and to God.
The acorn sprouted--weeds nor flowers can choke
The certain growth of th' upreaching oak."
One secret of Sheridan's success lay largely in his ability to so
plan a battle as to fight his whole command _effectively_ all at
once, and in such a way that with his dash and unexpected _coup de
main_, the enemy was usually whipped before the fight was fairly
commenced. With Sheridan in command during the Civil War, President
Lincoln would never have had to urge action on the part of the Army
of the Potomac as with McClellan and others, except Grant, when
ready to fight, nor would it have been fought in detail, which was
invariably a fatal fault with both armies, for Sheridan didn't
fight that way; there were no unfought reserves in his army. When
he struck it was with so much method, dash, determination and
judgment it brought brilliant results, such as astonished even his
own army, which always expected victory, as well as the enemy and
every one else; and in consequence he could accomplish more with
fewer men than any other General in the army; not only because he
used his force to the best advantage by fighting it all at once,
but because his personal magnetism, or hypnotism, enthused the
men and gave them confidence, which is a great thing in battle;
besides, they had implicit faith in his ability, splendid judgment
and quick perception on the battlefield, which are indispensable
gifts in a great General; and when combined with an alert, active
temperament such as his, it was _grand_. _He_ was a _great_ field
marshal. This is proven from the fact that anything he undertook
in the Civil War was not only _well_ done if decently supported,
but he proved himself grandly equal to any occasion on the field
of battle, wherever the fortunes of war placed him--not tamely so,
but _brilliantly_; he electrified his men as well as the world by
his splendid dash, pluck and surprisingly overwhelming victories.
A slight reverse not only left him undaunted but, like a raging
lion, it seemed to arouse his wonderful gifts and raise him to such
sublime heights it awed one; so that the moment the eye of his
command caught a vision of him at any distance on the battlefield,
his very pose and action was such it electrified and imbued his men
with the same spirit of conquer or die that dominated him, and no
enemy could or ever did stand for any length of time before his
intrepid command.
Who but Sheridan, as at Cedar Creek, Va., Oct. 19, 1864, just a
month to a day after his splendid victory at Opequan Creek, Sept.
19, 1864, or Winchester, Va., as now more properly known, could
have rallied a defeated and routed army en route to the front and
after and so enthused it in the act, simply by dashing, alert and
crafty through its broken ranks after a twenty mile race with time
from Winchester, with flashing eyes, bared head and waving hat, on
a spirited foaming horse, shouting to his men: "Get back into line,
men! Get into line, _quick_! We can lick 'em! We can lick h----l
out of 'em yet!" and do it almost at once, even as brilliantly so
as at Winchester a month previous? How often are such things done?
Such a man outclasses all others in military history, not excepting
Wellington or Marlborough, for such a man as Sheridan is without a
peer as a field marshal in the annals of warfare; and had he been
found sooner and given greater responsibilities he would not only
have surely proved it, but would have more fully electrified the
world than he did and have been its idol as a military genius and
hero for all time.
He or Grant would never have used such woefully poor judgment as
to have assaulted an army equally as valiant, splendidly posted,
fully as large, if not larger than their own, across an open,
level space without cover quite a mile in extent, as Lee did at
Gettysburg on July 3, 1864. If that act showed ability, good
judgment, or a military genius, then I am lacking in mature sound
judgment, and my lifetime of military training, including my three
years and threescore battles or more in the Civil War and in Indian
wars, has been in vain. This would be equally true even though the
armies had been equal in numbers. General Longstreet's suggestion
to Lee to place his army on General Meade's flank between him and
Washington would have been a splendid substitute for Pickett's
forlorn charge.[21] It was abler and just what Grant did with Lee
hardly a year later, successfully and repeatedly and forced Lee back
to Richmond and Petersburg, as the world now knows, which indicates
superior generalship both on Grant's part as well as Longstreet's.
[21] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 29-30.
Would either Grant or Sheridan have lost their cavalry for several
days, as Lee did, when on such a campaign in an enemy's country
or anywhere else?[22] Would either, with three such splendid
cavalry divisions as Meade, not have used a part of one division if
necessary to have patrolled barely seventy-five miles between York,
Pa., or the Susquehanna, and the Potomac river, in order to detect
any movement by the enemy on Washington? Would this have made the
Union Commander, whoever he might have been, timid about moving to
any point where battle was offered, fearing a fake attack by Lee in
order to cover a movement on Washington or Baltimore? One brigade
would have established a line of patrol posts less than a quarter of
a mile apart of six men each, which would have detected at once any
movement south by Lee, or if preferred, posts one-eighth of a mile
apart of three men each.
[22] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," p. 12.
Would Grant or Sheridan have remained so near a great battle as at
Gettysburg, July 1, 1864, and not have furnished an opportunity
for another soul-stirring poem like "Sheridan's Ride"? When they
were informed that the enemy had attacked their forces barely
three hours' ride away, would they have loitered a whole day away
like dullards, as both army commanders did at Gettysburg?[23] Aye!
either would have made the ride in two hours or even less, and even
though their steeds were as black as night, on their arrival at
Gettysburg they would have been as white as snow or as foam could
have made them; and, still better, they would not only have known,
too, through their cavalry, spies, etc., for we were at home among
friends, where Lee's army corps were, but when each broke camp to
concentrate at Gettysburg, and their own corps close by them would
have been there in season to have met the enemy in at least equal
numbers, instead of being outnumbered all day July 1, two to one, as
was the case.[24] If necessary, too, as at Opequan Creek, Sept. 19,
1864, the different corps would have marched at 2 o'clock instead
of 8 o'clock A. M. or even earlier if thought necessary.
[23] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 16-17.
[24] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 19-33.
Was there any excuse for the Confederates not driving the Union
forces from the field in a rout on July first? They would have
done so, too, except that their forces were fought in detail, its
reserves not even being brought into action when needed.[25] Did
Ewell take the best advantage of his opportunities? The enemy
outnumbered us quite two to one the first day from first to last
after the battle commenced, but still at the first dash of two
brigades of our Infantry--Wadsworth's Division--against two brigades
of the enemy, when Reynolds was killed, we placed _hors de combat_
over half of each of their brigades and captured Archer, a brigade
commander; and still the enemy had two brigades in immediate reserve
as support, but they were not used.[26] This is what I call fighting
an army in detail, a total waste of material. In case Sheridan
hadn't thrown his support or reserve--Russell's division--into
the fight at the right moment at Winchester, Va., Sept. 19, 1864,
his results would have been equally as ignominious as his victory
was brilliant, because he did use his reserve correctly on that
occasion; and so it would have been with the enemy at Gettysburg had
it used its reserve. It would probably have captured many of our
men and driven the balance of them from the field in a rout, as
Sheridan did Early at Winchester, Sept. 19, 1864; there was nothing
to prevent it.
[25] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 19-33.
[26] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 19-33.
Does Lee deserve being classed among the greatest field marshals
of modern times for such field marshalship as was displayed at
the first day's fighting at Gettysburg? But, says the incompetent
critic who forms his conclusions from gush, policy, favoritism,
sentiment, or weakly otherwise, instead of for the sake of truth and
correct history, Lee wasn't there! Aye! but wasn't it an _alert_
Commander's--a _genius's_--business to have been there? What was
he in Pennsylvania for or selected and paid for handling such an
important matter to the Confederacy for? Who gave the order to
concentrate for battle at Gettysburg but he?[27] Does not every
experienced soldier know that under such circumstances no one can
tell exactly at what moment a battle will commence? And would not an
alert, sagacious commander have made a forced night ride in order to
have been with the first of his forces on the field? Lee _knew_ he
was going to fight if the enemy would fight him, but Meade didn't;
hence Lee knew exactly what to do.[28] A _great_ field marshal would
have been more alert--on hand--it seems to me.
[27] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," p. 57.
[28] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 52-3.
Lee commanded in person the second day at Gettysburg, and not only
failed to attack early in the morning, when he should, but, as
usual, when he did, fought his army in detail using Longstreet's
corps largely against two of our corps in turn which, being
overwhelmed by numbers, and Meade failing to reinforce them, as
he should or not have sent them where he did, they were of course
forced back to their proper positions onto the correct line of
battle beyond which they should never have been advanced, and with a
sagacious, alert, competent commander would not have been except the
whole army advanced together in a general assault which it should
have done anyway after Wright's brigade was repulsed.[29]
[29] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 34-45.
From first to last in the battle of Gettysburg, I fail to see
anything to commend on the enemy's part in any of its generals
except in Longstreet; nor on the Union side so far as Meade was
concerned, but do in many others, and especially Buford, Reynolds,
Doubleday and Howard, each of whom in turn successively commanded
our forces in the order mentioned without being routed, against
great odds under exceedingly trying circumstances owing to Meade's
failure apparently, to fully grasp the situation _fourteen miles
away_. It shows what splendid fighters Buford, Reynolds, Doubleday
and Howard's men were to stand off double their number for an entire
day, with what help they got from Schurz's men.
That Lee did not grasp the situation is evident or else he would
have assaulted our lines early on the morning of July second before
Meade's forces arrived on the field. It is said he did give the
order to do so, but if he had been a _great_ military genius
wouldn't he have _seen_ that it was done? Instead of this owing
largely probably, to Meade's lack of alertness and enterprise, Lee
from lack of sagacity became apparently dizzy and unbalanced, as
was most of his command, because of his apparently misunderstood
partial successes, of the first and second days' fights, and was so
criminally lacking in good judgment on the third day as to be led
into the mistake of ordering Pickett's charge which, for obvious
reasons, could only result in calamity to the Southern cause.[30]
This even an amateur soldier of ordinary judgment should have been
able to have foreseen.
[30] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 34-45.
My sympathy in a military and every other sense so far as the enemy
is concerned, goes out to Longstreet sitting on the fence with bowed
head, a picture of despair and blasted hopes probably not only on
account of a useless slaughter of his brave men which he foresaw,
but because of a loss of faith in the ability of his chief and in
consequence the loss eventually of the cause of the Confederacy; and
what thoughtful military man of experience can't see what else for
scapegoats are always found for such occasions on which to try and
lay the blame. But it won't do with ripe scientific military men nor
would it with Lee were he living, for when too late he doubtless saw
his mistake, as he acknowledged like the _man_ he _always_ was to
his veterans, when returning from the slaughter after the assault
that the calamity of defeat was all his fault.[31] How pathetic!
[31] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 19-33.
Longstreet's heart was doubtless breaking when Pickett seemingly
too thoughtless to comprehend the situation rode up to Longstreet
and then "gaily" to his command in the midst of the artillery
fire preceding the assault, and asked if he should commence the
charge.[32] Longstreet's heart and tongue were doubtless as good as
paralyzed or at any rate refused to perform their function, and he
answered with a sad and silent nod.
[32] See Burrage, "Gettysburg and Lincoln," pp. 19-65.
How any military student of age and extended experience in
warfare--for few others are expert judges--who ever studied the
country north of the Potomac river, field and battle of Gettysburg
or Antietam, can class Lee with Marlborough and Wellington, it is
difficult to understand; and Lee's mistakes here were by no means
his only. He never found his superior, though, on the battlefield
until he met Grant when, for the first time, he found a _genius_
who didn't know what it was to retreat before the Army of Northern
Virginia, nor did Lee ever advance again but to be checkmated.
Prior to that the Army of the Potomac had taken care of itself
single-handed--so to speak--as it would have done anywhere after
1862, if placed in line and told to fight, if let alone: it would
have carried any man at its head through to victory, as it did Meade
at Gettysburg, and especially in such a place as that when so much
depended upon it.
It was the intrepid men with the guns, many of whom were more
competent in battle than some of their officers, who largely won the
battles, and not unfrequently because of greater physical endurance
and undaunted courage led in the hottest places by scores in all
assaults, for otherwise but few battles would have been won. To be
in such company was an inspiration for such men knew no fear and
they were not reckless either, but coolly alert in taking every
advantage of surroundings and conditions, as well as of the enemy.
Such needed no officer to lead them, but they would be devoted to
one who had the pluck to go with them, and fortunate was he who was
strong enough to put fear behind him and do it. It is more elevating
morally to be born with such a gift than rich.
Anyone who has read Lincoln's telegrams and letters to Meade
imploring him not to let Lee escape across the Potomac after
Pickett's suicidal charge which is only exceeded in American War
history in lack of ability by Abercrombie's maladministration of his
Ticonderoga campaign in the Colonial war in 1758. cannot possibly
think Grant or Sheridan would have showed so little military genius;
and it is a disappointment to one in mature years who fought
continually under Meade in youth about two years to find that
he was so lacking in sagacity and military enterprise as to not
take advantage of his great opportunities. He was all right when a
subordinate, but out of place as chief.
It was largely lack of ability on the part of commanders of the
Army of the Potomac as military men until Lee met Grant, which
in contrast makes Lee appear to some unread in civil war history
so much more brilliant than he really was as a military man. It
was very generally supposed during the war it was interference
from Washington that caused a lack of success on the part of the
Army of the Potomac, but official correspondence between Lincoln
and others at Washington with the different commanders of the
Army of the Potomac published since the Civil War shows that it
was largely due to their downright ignorance of how to conduct a
campaign until Grant took command, which rendered it absolutely
necessary to interfere. To a man of long expert military training
some of the questions asked by commanders of Lincoln and others, are
astonishing. They not only show a lack of judgment, self reliance
and ability, but in some cases utter incompetency; and when such
didn't asked to be relieved from force of circumstances, they _had_
to be. In most cases it was disingenuously claimed by the incumbent
that they were handicapped by the Washington authorities, which is
probably what largely created the false impression that they were
much imposed upon. The government doubtless considerately thought it
could not afford to let the truth be known for obvious reasons, and
besides it was doubtless thought such men might be efficient in a
less responsible position in cases of emergency and their usefulness
would be impaired if the real facts were made known; hence the
position of Lincoln and others near to him in Washington in such a
respect was not only a noble self sacrifice, but must have been even
more trying than at any time or even now generally known. Under such
circumstances any ordinary commander of the Confederate Army would
appear to good advantage as Lee did, which, to any but one who is
expert, is misleading. He had military talent but it even was never
fully developed. His was _not_ Genius:
"Genius spreads its wings
And soars beyond itself, or selfish things.
Talent has need of stepping-stones; some cross,
Some cheated purpose, some great pain or loss,
Must lay the groundwork, and arouse ambition,
Before it labors onward to fruition."
But Lee never in war arose to such sublime heights if indeed ever in
a military sense.
Even Longstreet's Chief of Artillery, General Alexander, a man
of splendid sense and judgment, in his "Military Memoirs of a
Confederate," holds that the real crisis of the War did not occur
until Grant's movement against Petersburg, which is correct,
and that his strategy in that campaign was well planned and
successfully executed. He acknowledges that Grant completely
outmanoeuvered Lee for the last three days during the Petersburg
movement, thus saving his army from attack by the combined forces
of Lee and Beauregard, which is also correct. Imagine Lee's
disappointment when he found out what had been going on after
Grant had crossed the James river! It completely checkmated him,
even his last kick--Early's Shenandoah Valley campaign--proving
worse than a failure it so weakened Lee's army. Think you Lee then
thought himself a greater field marshal than Grant? Or after being
continually flanked by him from the Rapidan to Petersburg and later
to Appomattox where his surrender occurred?
In bringing up this matter at this opportune time when contrasts
can be sharply and tellingly drawn as at Winchester and Gettysburg,
my purpose has not been to disparage anyone unfairly, but to get
at the truth as I see it for the sake of true history. So long a
time has elapsed since the war that I look upon it and its actors
dispassionately, and I can award praise or censure on either side
whenever deserved with calmness and impartiality. Therefore if, as
a veteran, I have advanced any new ideas on a subject necessarily
somewhat perplexing to the general public, at any period, my object
in treating it will have been accomplished.
Possibly there may be some excuse for such as did not fight in
the Army of the Potomac three years and have not read the latest
history on the Civil War and made it a study, erring in their
estimates of the leaders in that conflict. I always, even during
the war, thought the South had abler men to command its army of
Northern Virginia even in that army than Lee, but none more lovely
in disposition and character. He was a good man and good but _not_ a
_great_ general; and, much less, in the same class with Marlborough,
Wellington, and others of modern wars, or Grant, Sheridan, and
others of the Civil War, which facts prove. Any man who is a
military expert familiar with the subject both from participation,
history and study, if of good judgment and honest, will readily
concede this. Lee's distinguished lineage has nothing to do with his
military history. He should be judged on his own merits in such a
way, but his antecedents and charming personal character seemingly
makes it difficult for most writers to place him in a military sense
where he belongs. In my opinion, all things being equal, he was no
match for Grant.
TUESDAY, Sept. 20, 1864.
My wounds were very painful during the night, my lips and face are
terribly swollen and my jaws are in shocking condition, but I'm
thankful it is no worse. My side and chest are very lame, but I
hope it is nothing more serious than a bruise or contusion. Lieut.
Hill has had his leg amputated, but I don't think he can live, the
stump is so short--poor, brave, gallant, natty Hill with the most
of life before him. Sheridan's loss was 5018 of which 4300 were
killed and wounded. Early's loss was about the same. About 850 of
his wounded fell into our hands. Our division lost 600 in killed and
wounded and seventeen are missing, more than both of the other two
divisions of our corps together. Our regiment lost twelve killed
and forty-six wounded. Sheridan captured two thousand prisoners,
five pieces of artillery and nine battle flags. Generals Rhodes and
Godwin of Kershaw's Division were killed, and General York lost an
arm. I saw Major Dillingham at a distance as he lay stricken, when
I entered the hospital grounds yesterday. He was no shirk in battle
but valiant. We feel like sparing him least of any, and had not
looked for it, therefore it is a great shock. Only a moment before
the order to advance he was talking with several officers near me
and was in the best of spirits which, it occurred to me at the time,
greatly contrasted with my feeling for I never dreaded more to go
into battle. I was greatly but silently depressed.
WEDNESDAY, Sept. 21, 1864.
I was moved up to Winchester yesterday with the rest of the wounded.
The city is one vast hospital--in fact nearly every house is used
to accommodate the wounded, and it was a smart place of about four
thousand before the war, but now is one of about ten thousand, owing
to this battle. Most of the wounded officers were left at Taylor's
Hotel. The surgeons are very busy amputating limbs. It is said
that there are over 1300 wounded in this hotel. My wounds are doing
well considering but are very painful. Oh, what a horrible sight! I
have seen piles of arms and legs today at the hospital thrown from
the windows of operating rooms as big as haycocks. It's a shocking
sight! So many lying about dead, too! It is rumored that we have
again given Early battle and completely routed his forces capturing
a large number of prisoners, but this needs confirmation.
[Illustration: No. 10.
Taylor Hotel, Winchester, Va., used during the Civil War by the
Union and Confederate armies as Headquarters and Hospital, 1861-65.
Said to have sheltered 1,300 wounded of both armies after Sheridan's
battle of Winchester, Sept. 19, 1864; it was here Lieut. D. G. Hill,
Tenth Vermont Volunteer Infantry, died. It is now (1908) vacant.]
THURSDAY, Sept. 22, 1864.
Through the kindness of Chaplain Haynes who has been indefatigable
in looking after the wounded, I have today engaged board in a
private family, a Quaker lady--Mrs. Wright--the mother of the
celebrated Rebekah Wright, who sent Sheridan information of the
enemy before the battle Sept. 19, by a colored man in a piece
of tinfoil hid in his mouth, that Kershaw's division and twelve
pieces of artillery had returned to Lee, and that the enemy wasn't
as strong as supposed. She has a schoolroom at home here, is a
teacher, and very solicitous for our wounded--a modest, sensible,
interesting lady. They are very nice people, and exceedingly kind.
My wound is healing rapidly, and the swelling has disappeared fast
within the last twenty-four hours, but I can't speak or eat, taking
gruel through a tube only, and my jaws are paining me. Lieut. Hill
is doing well, and may get well, but the test will come in a day or
so. It's rumored that we've again whipped the enemy but I doubt it;
weather fine. My wounds are very stiff this evening.
FRIDAY, Sept. 23, 1864.
Well, I must confess that a good soft pillow is more comfortable
for one to rest a sore head on than an oak log; rested very well
last night considering the condition of my mouth. Mrs. Wright is
very kind. I wish Lieut. Hill could be moved up here. A long army
train loaded with wounded started for Harper's Ferry early this
morning, also about 1500 prisoners. Captain Goodrich and Lieut. H.
W. Kingsley of the Brigade staff called to see me to-day. My wound
is improving. I went with Rebeckah Wright and another young Union
lady--very pretty--to see Lieut. D. G. Hill this forenoon. He is
very gallant to ladies, always, and seemed cheerful, but I think the
poor fellow assumes it. He is a patient sufferer. I have to be for I
can't utter a word; am termed the interesting patient by the ladies,
and get lots of sympathy.
SATURDAY, Sept. 24, 1864.
I am expecting to go to Harper's Ferry; reported to the Surgeon in
charge this morning as directed, but the train hasn't come from the
front yet, therefore I shan't probably get off today. My wound has
been very painful this afternoon--in fact more painful than it's
ever been yet. The Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania went through the city
this afternoon en route for home. Well, let them go, they are
deserving of such joy! It's a good regiment. My wound has gotten
very sore and painful and don't give me a moment's peace. My system
is beginning to feel the strain, too, and my tongue seems paralyzed
yet. I can't utter a word. At any rate I'm not noisy company for
anyone--not even the ladies here who are very sympathetic.
[Illustration: No. 11.
Cannon ball house, Winchester, Va.; see solid shot embedded in the
brick wall, under the two lower end windows, during the Civil War.]
SUNDAY, Sept. 25, 1864.
I did not sleep much last night my wounds were so _very_ painful. I
removed some of the old fractures or splinters of the teeth and jaws
that were left, about 3 o'clock a. m. with my fingers, and after
that my face was easier and I rested some. I started in a private
wagon from Winchester at 11 o'clock a. m. for Harper's Ferry, and
at dark was still on the road near Charlestown _very_ tired; had
no scares from guerrillas; am beginning to feel weak, having eaten
nothing solid since I was wounded, but I was pretty vigorous. The
shock to my system has been greater than I was aware of, now that
the excitement is over.
MONDAY, Sept. 26, 1864.
Tonight finds me in the hotel at Harper's Ferry waiting for my leave
of absence which I expect tomorrow; arrived last night at 10 o'clock
tired and lame, but not discouraged although my mouth was sore and
painful. The swelling has largely gone, and I can eat a little quite
comfortably if the food is soft, but I couldn't if I wasn't nearly
famished. Major Goddard--our paymaster--paid me today. I expected
to have to go to Washington.
TUESDAY, Sept. 27, 1864.
O, what a delightful morning! And the scenery here about Harper's
Ferry is so grand that it makes it all the more enjoyable. Of
course, I awoke in fine spirits for how could I help it? I thought
I was to start for home at 1 o'clock p. m. but on going to the
hospital, I found that my leave had not been sent over for approval
therefore I can't go until tomorrow. The wagon train has started
for the front again. I am sure I shall start for Vermont tomorrow.
Sometimes I almost think it would be a good thing if some of the
Adjutants General could be wounded, too, perhaps they would see to
it then that wounded men's applications for leave to go home were
not delayed.
WEDNESDAY, Sept. 28, 1864.
It has been an anxious morning for me; went over to Sandy Hook and
waited until 11 o'clock a. m. when the clerk handed me my leave, and
I must say, I felt like a new man. I hurried back to Harper's Ferry
and found Mr. Hicks there in search of his brother Lieut. John Hicks
of my regiment, who was wounded in the thigh at Fisher's Hill. I
waited until 4 o'clock p. m. and took the cars for Baltimore, but
the train was delayed and it did not arrive there till 2 o'clock a.
m. Sept. 29.
[Illustration: No. 12.
An ideally artistic and realistic bronze statue of a young Union
soldier in campaign costume, erected by Massachusetts in the
National Cemetery at Winchester, Va., to its patriot dead there.
This cemetery is one of the prettiest and best kept outside of
Washington, D. C.]
THURSDAY, Sept. 29, 1864.
Stopped at the Eutaw House last night; arose at 6 o'clock a. m.
from necessity and went shopping; got breakfast at 8.30 o'clock a.
m. and took the cars for New York City; arrived at the Astor House,
New York, about 8 o'clock p. m.; looks like rain; city much excited;
good news from Grant.
FRIDAY, Sept. 30, 1864.
I intended to have taken the 7 o'clock a. m. train, but overslept;
left on the 10.30 o'clock a. m. train up the Hudson river. The
scenery is the most beautiful I have ever seen; arrived at Albany
about sundown; changed cars at Troy for Rutland; arrived there at 9
o'clock p. m. Ed. Russell has been with me today.
SATURDAY, Oct. 1, 1864.
Stayed in Rutland last night; took the 4 o'clock a. m. train for
Burlington, but to my disgust found it to be a freight; arrived at
Burlington at noon; took the 1 o'clock p. m. train for Montpelier;
arrived there at 4 o'clock p. m.; stopped at Burnham's Hotel; found
Carl Wilson; hasn't changed much in three years nor Montpelier;
think a boil is coming on my ankle; am half sick.
SUNDAY, Oct. 2, 1864.
Am in good old Vermont at last, if I have got a boil coming. Major
Dillingham's remains arrived in Waterbury last night, and the
funeral services have been today, but it has rained hard all day.
I am not able to be out. Carl Wilson and Frank French called to see
me today. My boil is very painful; have not been out of the house;
would like to have gone to Major Dillingham's funeral but can't get
about till my boil breaks on my ankle. I'm ill, too.
MONDAY, Oct. 3, 1864.
Cloudy and foggy; have taken cold in my face; ankle worse today,
too; have not been outdoors. Orry Blanchard has been in to see me;
saw Mr. Walters in the barroom, also Mr. Hanson, but did not know
the former. Sergeant Hogle has called. My wound is paining me more
than usual tonight; jaws in bad condition; hope the fractures will
heal all right. I thought the Johnnies had shot my whole chin off at
first; it was paralyzed a long time, and don't feel right yet; it
must be the jaw.
TUESDAY, Oct. 4, 1864.
Cloudy and gloomy; have been up to Carl's drug store, but found
it rather difficult walking; am not feeling very well; went up to
Carl's again this afternoon for pills; remained on the bed all
afternoon; didn't go down to tea; Carl Wilson called this afternoon;
wound pains me _very_ badly tonight.
WEDNESDAY, Oct. 5, 1864.
Somewhat better. Mrs. George Watson called to see me yesterday
evening, but I was unable to receive lady callers, although I did
not know it was her; went up to the office this afternoon; found Jo
Watson and took a stroll up to the State House; getting it ready for
the Legislature; am going to Williamstown in the morning.
THURSDAY, Oct. 6, 1864.
Am feeling very much better this morning; very foggy till about 9
o'clock a. m. when the sun came out brightly; got a team about 10
o'clock a. m. and Jo Watson took me to James Burnham's place in
Williamstown; arrived at Barre about noon; called at Mrs. David
Mower's; no one there but Hattie Glover; did not get out; arrived at
James' at 3 o'clock p. m.; all well; took them by surprise.
FRIDAY, Oct. 7, 1864.
Well, it seems good to get out in the country among relatives, where
it's quiet; my wound is worse than I thought it would be. My teeth
and jaws are feeling very badly and my lip looks irritated. Ezra and
Ro Benedict have been up to see me today. Ro has got some beautiful
little children. James has gone to Bradford to the fair.
SATURDAY, Oct. 8, 1864.
Rained all forenoon; gloomy day, but have passed the time
pleasantly; am reading Aurora Floyd, but like East Lynne, better;
pleasant but showery. James commenced reading East Lynne this
evening; mouth gaining rapidly.
SUNDAY, Oct. 9, 1864.
Gloomy morning; am feeling better. Ryland Seaver has been down
to see me this morning. Andrew Burnham and wife also called this
afternoon; think they are looking a little worn; marriage without
means is evidently not a bed of roses even for vigorous people on
a country hillside farm. Rodney Seaver has also been in to see me,
too; has married since I've been in the army. He is another good
man, but Ryle and I have always been firm friends and always shall
be. The three Seaver brothers are straight, reliable, splendid men.
MONDAY, Oct. 10, 1864.
A cold night for the season; froze quite hard; snow on the ground
this morning; don't seem much like Virginia climate; weather much
moderated tonight; looks like southern storm. Alma Seaver has
been in to see me this afternoon. My mouth wound is nearly healed
externally, but it is very stiff, awkward and clumsy; don't feel
right--the jaws ache; cooler tonight.
TUESDAY, Oct. 11, 1864.
Northwest wind; fair, comfortable day. James has gone to John Pane's
auction; have been down to Washington village this evening with
Jim; called to see his eldest sister--Mrs. Pepper; finished reading
Aurora Floyd this afternoon; expect Pert this evening; beautiful
night; not much thrilling diary data out here on this peaceful
hillside Vermont farm.
WEDNESDAY, Oct. 12, 1864.
Rather a gloomy morning; stormed till about 9 o'clock a. m. then
cleared off, but snowed this afternoon; wrote Dr. Clark. Pert didn't
come; very dull.
THURSDAY, Oct. 13, 1864.
Snowed all day; seems quiet after such an exciting life in the army.
Mr. Lyman Drury brought Pert down this evening. Byron Bradley writes
that Uncle Pierce and Cousin Abby are somewhere in the East. My face
wound troubles me tonight and I guess always will by spells.
FRIDAY, Oct. 14, 1864.
Well, I wonder if winter's come! It has rained and snowed all day;
face badly swollen today, but my jaws don't ache much for which I'm
thankful; shall go down to Aunt Polly Howe's to-morrow if it don't
storm. It's snowing tonight.
SATURDAY, Oct. 15, 1864.
It snowed nearly all the forenoon. In the afternoon it was quite
comfortable; thawed considerable, but night still finds the ground
covered with snow. My teeth and jaws have troubled me constantly,
but I feel more comfortable this evening; shall go down to Aunt
Howe's in the morning. Oh, dear! I shall be glad when I get so that
I can feel like other folks. It is still thawing this evening.
SUNDAY, Oct. 16, 1864.
Ryland came down to see me early this morning. Fernando Thompson
brought me some letters; got one from Dr. J. H. Jones; friends
in Chelsea all well; am at Uncle Howe's to-night; Jim brought
us down this forenoon; no one home but Uncle Howe; no change in
Williamstown; terribly quiet.
MONDAY, Oct. 17, 1864.
Went over to see Cousin George Simons last evening, who is in poor
health, as well as Cousin Martha. Aunt Sarah is usually well;
weather fair. Aunt Polly Howe seems depressed; expect she's anxious
about me; arrived at Mr. David Mower's this evening; came down in
Mr. Snow's crowded stage very uncomfortably.
TUESDAY, Oct. 18, 1864.
Cloudy with wind; have been to Montpelier with Mrs. David Mower
and Cousin Pert; had a good time; dined with the Watsons; visited
several Tenth Vermont men in the afternoon at the hospital; got my
dress coat and overcoat at Woolson's; got home about dark; rather
cold tonight.
WEDNESDAY, Oct. 19, 1864.
Cloudy, dismal day; took Cousin Pert and Hattie Glover out to Cousin
David Smith's in the afternoon, and visited at Ann Martin's in the
evening; returned to David's for the night; very dark with blinding
rain and snow, but got home safe; have enjoyed the day.
THURSDAY, Oct. 20, 1864.
Weather cloudy and gloomy; started about 9 o'clock a. m. to take
Hattie Glover home, then took Pert to call on Phineas Thompson's
family, and then in the afternoon we went to John Wilson's. It's
always a pleasure to see Mr. and Mrs. Wilson though a sad duty since
Em and the other children died. Pert and I called on Helen Thompson,
and I in the evening on Mrs. Oromal Dodge. Coming home our wheel set
over which we had quite a frolic, but we arrived safely.
FRIDAY, Oct. 21, 1864.
It has seemed a long day; have been in the village all day; called
on Charley French; wound fairly easy today. Pert, Hattie Glover and
I went up to the Academy Lyceum this evening; students much younger
than before the war; probably older boys in the army; dark and
gloomy to-night.
SATURDAY, Oct. 22, 1864.
Quite a fine day. James Burnham came down after Pert this morning.
Cousin Hattie Burnham is ill with diphtheria. I called on Mr. and
Mrs. Bliss this forenoon; am to stay at Nate Harrington's tonight.
Carl Wilson came up from Montpelier about 8 o'clock p. m. Several of
the girls came in in the evening and we had a pleasant time.
SUNDAY, Oct. 23, 1864.
Went with Carl up to his father's this morning; intended to go to
church this afternoon, but didn't get dinner in season; had a good
visit with Mr. and Mrs. John Wilson. Herbert and Laura Leonard, old
schoolmates, called; have grown greatly; was glad to see them. Carl
and I stopped at David Mower's in the afternoon.
MONDAY, Oct. 24, 1864.
Pert, Hattie Glover and I started for Montpelier en route for
Burlington this morning at 6 o'clock in a crowded stage. They were
on a frolic; had a half dozen bandboxes in the front hall they
pretended had got to go, because they knew I objected to traveling
with such. We had some backwoods passengers which amused the girls
greatly; arrived in Montpelier at 9 o'clock a. m.; shopped some
and took the 11 o'clock a. m. train for Burlington. Fred Johonnott
met us at the depot, who is engaged to Hattie, and took us to the
Stanton House; saw Hidden Hand played at the theatre in the evening.
TUESDAY, Oct. 25, 1864.
Went to see Dr. Thayer about getting my leave extended about 10
o'clock a. m.; found him at his house but cranky; would not, to
my surprise, give me a certificate for extension of leave. My
wound is not yet fully healed, the stitches are still in, it's
sensitive, inflamed and sore, can't eat solid food, am not fit
to go to the front, and I'm no malingerer either. It would teach
Dr. Thayer something to get in a hot fight and be wounded. I never
did like bandbox doctors, anyway! I'm afraid the board of surgeons
at Annapolis, Md. will discharge me for _they_ are practical men.
I'm disgusted with Thayer! All I need is a reasonable time for my
wound to mend. A man with a part of his head shot away can't be
expected to be fit for duty a month after. If I shirked battle,
I suppose Thayer would extend my sick leave! That's the way such
things usually go! Merit don't count though, with testy doctors if
approached too soon after breakfast. If I were a toady in manner
or reality, I suppose I could get anything, but I'm only a plain,
presentable, unassuming country lad while Thayer impresses me as an
aristocrat. Ed. Russell has taken me to ride about Burlington, a
very pretty little city; took the noon train for Montpelier; shall
go up and call professionally on Dr. James in the morning; he'll
give me a certificate.
WEDNESDAY, Oct. 26, 1864.
This has been the first pleasant day I've seen in Vermont since I
came home; met Captain P. D. Blodget on the street; was glad to see
him for he is a nice, _fair_ man. His wounded arm is looking very
badly; do not think he will ever return to the regiment again. I
went up to the hospital with him and he gave me an introduction
to Dr. James who examined my wounds and gave me a certificate for
thirty days extension of sick leave; have been up to the State
House this evening to hear Mrs. Chester read.
THURSDAY, Oct. 27, 1864.
It's not quite as pleasant this morning as yesterday; had Dr.
Forbush operate on my game jaws, teeth, etc., this forenoon; took
ether and I must say that I have no desire to ever take any more.
The doctor tells me my upper jaw is very badly injured. I suspected
it but hoped it might be the crushed teeth which gave me so much
pain; have been sick all the forenoon from the effects of the ether.
When I came out from under its influence I was crying like a great
booby, for just at that time I was living over my illness of typhoid
fever when I was reported dead at Rockville, Md. in the winter of
1862-63, and I thought I was all alone among strangers. It was more
real, though, as I was delirious at Rockville, and don't recall any
such genuine anguish as I was experiencing when I awoke from the
effects of ether. To awake from such hallucinations to the realities
of life comparatively well was a remarkable experience; it dazed
me for a moment on coming back to the world, but I rallied soon on
looking at the doctor and Pert and saw them relievedly smiling at
my surprised look and manner. I went to a band concert tonight, and
stayed with Carl Wilson.
FRIDAY, Oct. 28, 1864.
I did not get up till 10 o'clock a. m.; am feeling some better this
morning; rained hard all day. Roger Bixby brought me up to Barre
this afternoon. The Smith band came up to give a concert but as it
rained so hard it postponed it till next week.
SATURDAY, Oct. 29, 1864.
Fair day. The Smith band came up and gave a serenade this forenoon;
have had a pleasant time at Mr. West's. News came today that Captain
L. D. Thompson of Waterbury was decapitated by a solid shot in
battle at Cedar Creek, Va., and that Adjutant Wyllys Lyman, Captain
C. F. Nye, Lieuts. G. E. Davis, G. P. Welch, A. W. Fuller and
B. B. Clark were also wounded there. We have had seven officers
killed, twelve wounded and two captured since the first of June,
making twenty-one in all, the regiment's full quota not including
non-combatants, were they all present which is never the case,
being thirty-four. Who will say we haven't stood up to the rack? I
guess they intend to kill us all off--men and all! I may not have
included all the casualties among the officers in the foregoing.
Poor Dillingham, Stetson and Thompson! They were my original
officers in Company B--all gone--killed in battle. They were good
fellows--intrepid and valiant to a fault. Lieut. Stetson was a
considerate, kindly friend, and a man who was fair and manly, and
never took a mean, unfair advantage of anyone so far as I know;
he won my esteem. I became fond of Captain Thompson; he grew on
me constantly until we were good friends, and the manner of his
unfortunate death shocks me. Poor fellow! I sincerely regret his
tragic end; he was brave, always genial, obliging and friendly. They
grew to like, respect and esteem me, and I have lost three staunch
friends--probably among the best in the regiment with the officers.
They have all been martyrs to the cause of the Union. May their
souls go marching on and finally welcome mine in eternity!
SUNDAY, Oct. 30, 1864.
A beautiful day; have been to church twice. Mr. Bliss preached two
excellent sermons. He always preaches well; is a remarkably gifted,
brainy, interesting speaker from the pulpit. Dr. Carpenter's funeral
was this afternoon from the Congregational Church. Mr. Beckley's
funeral services were attended this afternoon from the M. E. Church;
beautiful evening; have been up to the cemetery with Mr. and Mrs.
Mower.
MONDAY, Oct. 31, 1864.
Stormed this forenoon; went up to see Nate and Ardelia Harrington
and remained all night; called on Mrs. Patterson and Mr. Hiram
Blanchard's family. Captain L. D. Thompson's remains arrived at
Waterbury this evening; funeral tomorrow; cold tonight; army news
good this evening.
TUESDAY, Nov. 1, 1864.
Mrs. Charles Scott, Ardelia Harrington and Cousin Pert have gone to
Montpelier. I came by stage to Chelsea and am with Dr. J. H. Jones
tonight; left So. Barre at 11.30 o'clock a. m.; rode to Tunbridge
with the doctor to visit a young lady ill with typhoid fever this
evening.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 2, 1864.
Cool and pleasant this morning. Dr. Jones has gone to Tunbridge;
have spent the day with Dr. Bagley's family; shall remain here over
night; called on Mrs. Hayward and her daughter, Susan, this evening.
THURSDAY, Nov. 3, 1864.
It's a lovely morning; went to Tunbridge with Dr. Jones; fine
evening; am to stay at Mr. Isaac Merrill's tonight.
FRIDAY, Nov. 4, 1864.
Has rained hard all day. Ike's a little off on the war; went to the
village about 4 o'clock p. m.; called on Mrs. Lyman Hinkley, am at
Mrs. Hayward's tonight.
SATURDAY, Nov. 5, 1864.
Have been to see Jo Watson to-day; weather cold and blustering all
day; am with Dr. J. H. Jones tonight; he's visiting a patient; am
alone.
SUNDAY, Nov. 6, 1864.
Left Chelsea at 10 o'clock a. m. for Barre; Jo Watson brought me
over; attended church this afternoon, heard an excellent sermon by
Rev. F. S. Bliss; called on Mrs. Oromal Dodge this evening.
MONDAY, Nov. 7, 1864.
Took the 7 o'clock a. m. stage for Montpelier, and thence by
11 o'clock a. m. train to Vergennes to see Levi Meader, my old
roommate at Barre Academy, Mr. F. E. Woodbridge's law partner; am
not impressed with the cordiality of Mr. Woodbridge; met him on the
train en route.
TUESDAY, Nov. 8, 1864.
It has rained all day. Well, this is a great day in the States!
Probably more depends on what it brings forth than any since
Washington's time. As for myself, though, I have no fear but what
all will come out right; am still in Vergennes, and have voted for
Abraham Lincoln--my first vote. The city's vote is as follows:
Lincoln 310
McClellan 15
Good! This is as it should be.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 9, 1864.
Was shown the city by Meader today. Hon. F. E. Woodbridge, who is
a representative in Congress, returned home from Washington last
night. He is Meader's law partner; was introduced this morning; took
the train for Williston, Vt. at 11 o'clock a. m. but being express
didn't stop; arrived in Montpelier at 4 o'clock p. m.; shall stay
here tonight; went to the theatre this evening.
THURSDAY, Nov. 10, 1864.
A gloomy, lonely day; visited the State House this afternoon; if in
condition would like to return to the front; am at Burnham's Hotel;
have been to the theatre; fine evening.
FRIDAY, Nov. 11, 1864.
Fair day; arrived in Barre by 7 o'clock p. m. stage; took my first
degree in masonry to-night. Webber Tilden did the work.
SATURDAY, Nov. 12, 1864.
A cold bleak day; went up to James Burnham's with Fanny West this
forenoon; took her and Cousin Pert and called on the Calefs and Alma
Watson at Washington; returned to and stayed at James'; Ryle Seaver
was there; had company in the evening.
SUNDAY, Nov. 13, 1864.
Snowed this morning; there's about three inches of snow on
the ground tonight; left James Burnham's at 9 o'clock a. m.
in a snowstorm; arrived at Barre just in season for William
Old's funeral; have attended the funeral this afternoon at the
Universalist Church of Lester Tilden. Captain Albert Dodge called
this afternoon; has stopped snowing.
MONDAY, Nov. 14, 1864.
The Academy examinations commenced today; attended morning prayers.
Mr. J. S. Spaulding looks and is the same as ever; nice old
gentleman; called at the Curriers this evening; were glad to see
me; clever old people; attended the examination of a class of
youngsters in geography at the Academy.
TUESDAY, Nov. 15, 1864.
Attended the examination at the Academy of classes in mathematics to
include geometry; nothing very exciting going on.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 16, 1864.
Have passed a pleasant day; met James Abbott of Williamstown, Vt.,
this afternoon at the Academy; fine looking and a fine fellow, too;
closing exercises come off at the Academy this evening. Carl Wilson
and Frank French called tonight.
THURSDAY, Nov. 17, 1864.
Am in Montpelier tonight. Mr. and Mrs. David Mower and Cousin Pert
are here, too; have been to the dentist's to have an impression
taken for my new teeth; am to have them in the morning; went to the
theatre tonight with George and Mrs. Watson; saw the good play of
East Lynne; shall stay with them tonight; very cold and much snow;
am getting worn-out with so much visiting.
FRIDAY, Nov. 18, 1864.
Have had some photographs taken; went up to the State House this
forenoon, and afternoon; had a torchlight parade this evening;
village illuminated; speeches by Governors Holbrook, Dillingham,
etc. General Stannard present; didn't get my teeth.
SATURDAY, Nov. 19, 1864.
Cold with chilly north wind; stayed at Burnham's Hotel last night;
hotel overcrowded; had to room with Mr. Orcutt of Roxbury; Captain
Albert Dodge and wife and Louise Dodge in town; went to the depot
with Mr. Orcutt; expect a visit from him in camp this winter; went
up to the hospital with some ladies; arrived in Barre at 7 o'clock
p. m.; took two degrees in masonry; am a Master Mason.
SUNDAY, Nov. 20, 1864.
Went to church this forenoon. Lester Hanson read a sermon, Mr.
Bliss being in Woodstock, Vt.; went to Henry Burnham's funeral, a
victim of the Civil War, in the afternoon at Williamstown; am at
Uncle Howe's tonight; have called on Aunt Sarah Simons; weather
threatening.
MONDAY, Nov. 21, 1864.
Not very cold; about two inches of snow on the ground this morning;
went with Cousin Pert to Cousin David Smith's this forenoon, and
then to Barre, arriving at Mr. David Mower's at 4 o'clock p. m.;
raining hard to-night; have been to a Masonic meeting; saw Mr. Jones
initiated.
TUESDAY, Nov. 22, 1864.
Northwest wind, cold and cloudy, with snow to-night; went up to
the old homestead this afternoon; called at Mr. Elijah Wheeler's,
also at his sister Susan's; am at Jim Burnham's to-night with Ryle
Seaver; shall both stay here. Aunt Thompson has gone over to Cousin
David Smith's.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 23, 1864.
Pleasant and not very cold; started for Cousin David's at 9
o'clock a. m.; called at Mr. Flint's, at Rodney Seaver's and on
Cousin Aurora Benedict; found Cousin Abby Howe at Ro's, too; took
Thanksgiving dinner with Cousin Lois and David Smith's family, and
went to Barre. Hattie Burnham is ill with diphtheria.
THURSDAY, Nov. 24, 1864.
Started for the front this morning at 6 o'clock, or rather for
Annapolis, Md. Cousin Pert went as far as Bellows Falls with me;
arrived at Springfield, Mass. at 8 o'clock, p. m., at N. Y. City
about midnight, and daylight found me between Philadelphia and
Baltimore.
FRIDAY, Nov. 25, 1864.
Arrived at Baltimore about 9 o'clock a. m.; remained at the Eutaw
House until 4.40 o'clock p. m.; arrived at Annapolis at about 8
o'clock p. m.; reported to the surgeon in charge at once who ordered
me to report to the Board of Examiners tomorrow morning; am in a
room with two other officers.
SATURDAY, Nov. 26, 1864.
Reported at the Examiners' room at 9.30 o'clock a. m.; was ordered
to report at 9.30 o'clock a. m. Monday; have been up town today;
very dilapidated looking place and dull; hardly know what to do
with myself. Three more officers have been assigned to my room
tonight. There are quite a number of officers here from my Division.
SUNDAY, Nov. 27, 1864.
Warm and pleasant; nothing doing; have been lounging about and
resting up; saw guard mounting this morning at the Marine Barracks
and also at the post; hope I shan't have to remain here long, it's
so dull; shall go to the front in the morning if they will let me.
MONDAY, Nov. 28, 1864.
Well, this has been an interesting day, a great surprise; have been
treated with great consideration--like a prince--by the board,
and I never saw one of them before, nor had they ever heard of me
that I know of. They made my mouth wound of so much interest it
embarrassed me; I felt as though I was being lionized. The board is
composed of a General and several other elderly medical officers
of rank and age, and they have the consideration and tact--unlike
Dr. Thayer--to treat any wounded officer and especially one who
fought with Sheridan at Winchester, with distinguished respect. The
first one who looked at my wound expressed great surprise at my
"unusually interesting mouth wound," as he termed it, and called for
the doctors in the adjoining rooms to come and see one of the most
interesting of the many wounds that had come before the board.[33]
They all came, each in turn examining it, expressing great wonder,
and asked many questions, indignantly inquiring why the Vermont
doctors had sent me back to the front with jaws in a condition
such as to render it impossible for me to chew solid food when it
was known that hard bread and meats were the principal articles
of food for troops in the field and with the stitches still in my
lip and it not solidly healed. In reply I gave them my experience
with Dr. Thayer of Burlington, Vt., and said I had not gone to
the hospital several times during the war because of my pride and
fear of inconsiderate treatment, although I had ought to have gone
twice before when wounded, but feared I might be criticised if I
did. They continued to examine the wound for some time expressing
astonishment that it should have healed as much as it had so soon
and would leave so little trace or scar externally in the end as it
would, and highly complimented Dr. Rutherford who attended me. They
finally drew aside for consultation, and when the examiner who had
charge of the case returned and said that I could have my choice,
take my discharge or return to the front, I was delighted, and chose
the latter. He seemed surprised, and after hesitating a little
looking steadily at me, said I had better consider the matter well;
but I told him I had, that I could soak my hard bread in water, fry
it with salt pork which would make it both soft and nutritious, and
that I could get along. Seeing that I really wanted to return, he
let me go. I received my discharge from the hospital this afternoon,
have got my transportation, and shall leave to-morrow at 2 o'clock
p. m. Captain Mattison, a fine little fellow, left this afternoon.
We are all in good spirits to-night. But the Annapolis board of
surgeons were clever gentlemen. Their sympathy and consideration was
unusual.
[33] This wound has since cost me several hundred dollars for
skilled medical treatment, and will probably never cease to trouble
me. It was one cause of my retirement from active service in the
regular army. Two or three expert doctors have written it up for
medical journals, and one, Dr. Anderson of Washington, D. C., only
recently for a New York medical journal.
TUESDAY, Nov. 29, 1864.
Left Annapolis for Baltimore on the 1 o'clock p. m. train; waited at
Annapolis Junction an hour and arrived in Baltimore about dark; am
at the Eutaw House to-night; no one here I know; very dull; shall
start for the front to-morrow.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30, 1864.
Took the 9 o'clock a. m. train for the west; lots of passengers
going to the front; found a freight train off the track at Ellicott
Mills, Md.; was about two hours late at Harper's Ferry where I stop
over night; shall take the first train to the front in the morning;
no news; very dull here.
THURSDAY, Dec. 1, 1864.
Well, I am a nine months' man! Good (?) I went into General
Stevenson's headquarters and found the Tenth Vermont was at
Petersburg. He ordered me to report to Col. Hunter commanding Camp
Distribution at Harper's Ferry; was ordered to take command of the
Twentieth Company, Sixth Corps--about 200 men; have got to receipt
for clothing, camp equipage, etc.; don't like it, but have to obey
orders. The camp is on a barren, bleak side hill long used for such
a purpose, and it is cold, windy and dirty with a great deal of
dust. I don't like the prospect.
FRIDAY, Dec. 2, 1864.
Cold and windy; no quarters or accommodations of any kind; have been
down to General Stevenson's to get relieved, but he won't listen to
it; went later to Colonel Hunter to get permission to go down town
to sleep, but he won't let me go; am to stay with the Quartermaster
to-night; have drawn fifty-four shelter tents for the men who are
out of everything are blue at having to stay here, and everything's
depressing. I am glad they are good men; wish I was out of this.
SATURDAY, Dec. 3, 1864.
Cold as ever; got an old rotten, dirty wall tent and put it up;
took the men's receipts for shelter tents; fingers very cold and
numb from writing; camp dirty; men complaining because they have no
clothes; quartermaster ordered to his regiment; no one to issue
clothing. Oh, dear! When will I get out of this? I'm disgusted with
the management here. General Stevenson wants to put me on his staff
as Depot Quartermaster at Harper's Ferry; sent for me and urged me
to accept; told him I preferred a fighting position to the end of
the war with my regiment at the front; think he was vexed with me,
but I can't help it. I'm no shirk from battle if I have been four
times wounded! I'm no quitter! besides I don't want to be filled
with remorse in years to come that I shirked the front when needed.
I propose to be able to look any man in the eye without flinching on
that score.
SUNDAY, Dec. 4, 1864.
Weather more comfortable this morning; more convalescents, etc.,
reporting in small squads; am feeling some better, but _do_ want to
go to my regiment: men complaining, but I can't help it, there's
no quartermaster; am busy with clothing rolls; looks like storm
to-night.
MONDAY, Dec. 5, 1864.
Cold northeast wind; am told by the Commanding Officer I shall
probably get an order to go to Washington to-night; am hurrying to
finish my clothing rolls; twenty men reported to-night for the Ninth
N. Y. Infantry; don't believe I shall get an order to move after all
to-night. Well I suppose this is all necessary to make a soldier!
TUESDAY, Dec. 6, 1864.
Laid out Company streets and had the men police; got a man to build
me a chimney; don't smoke; am feeling better; men in better spirits,
but anxious to go to their regiments; have had forty men turned
over to my command without tents, overcoats or blankets; had an
interesting, good man report belonging to the Fourth N. J. Infantry,
who can help me, and I like him; don't like being commanding officer
and everything else, though; too much to do to look after a regiment
of men without even a clerk. But they are good, and seem to like to
be with me, for they are all the time wanting to do something for
me--probably because I try to make them comfortable.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 7, 1864.
Pleasant and warm in the morning, but the wind began to blow about
noon, and to-night it's quite uncomfortable. My clerk has quite an
interesting history, and I like him the more I see of him; got an
order about 3 o'clock p. m. to get my men in readiness for the cars
for Washington; left about 9 o'clock p. m. in a rainstorm.
THURSDAY, Dec. 8, 1864.
Arrived at Washington Junction at daylight; were delayed by freight
trains till 8 o'clock a. m.; arrived in Washington about 10 o'clock
a. m. A man got shot in the foot; got breakfast at the Soldiers
Rest; am in charge of the guard. Colonel Hunter and the Adjutant
are up town looking for General Wright; am to stay in town to-night.
FRIDAY, Dec. 9, 1864.
Stopped at the National Hotel last night; looks like snow this
morning; got my pay this forenoon; returned to the Soldiers Rest
about noon; men in good spirits. Colonel Hunter was relieved this
morning by Major Jones; men started for the front this afternoon
at 4 o'clock; hated to lose them. I leave on the government boat
to-morrow for City Point.
SATURDAY, Dec. 10, 1864.
Stayed at the Kirkwood last night; roomed with Captain Briggs of
the One Hundred and Sixth N. Y. Infantry, but he was out all night;
went to the German Opera at Grover's Theater last evening; about
four inches of snow on the ground this morning; sailed with Captain
Briggs for City Point at 3 o'clock p. m.; dull, and cold wind down
the river.
SUNDAY, Dec. 11, 1864.
Arrived at Fortress Monroe at 7 o'clock a. m.; grand old place;
never saw so much shipping at one time before; left for City Point
at 9 o'clock a. m. arriving about 3 o'clock p. m.; stayed with
Lieut. S. H. Lewis, Jr. till 5 o'clock p. m.; arrived at brigade
headquarters about 8 o'clock p. m.; shall stay with Lieut. H. W.
Kingsley to-night.
MONDAY, Dec. 12, 1864.
Very cold all day; remained with Kingsley until about 11 o'clock
a. m. and then went over to the regiment some distance away; found
the men stationed at Ft. Dushane doing garrison duty. Colonel W.
W. Henry has sent in his resignation; sorry to lose him; has been
the most popular field officer we have ever had, all and all. Major
L. T. Hunt has gone for good. Colonel C. G. Chandler has been
courtmartialed; will probably go home; shall stay with Dr. Almon
Clark; quarters in a house near the fort; men are without quarters;
have never seen the regiment so uncomfortably fixed.
TUESDAY, Dec. 13, 1864.
Not quite so cold. Captain A. W. Chilton and Lieut. Wheeler came
off picket this morning; no orders to put up quarters; wonder if
some of the officers are not getting faint-hearted and getting out
of it; no one can accuse me of it after declining my discharge at
Annapolis and General Stevenson's offer. I find the army in poor
spirits; needs rest, at any rate Sheridan's Shenandoah Valley part
of it; give it rest and it will be all right for another campaign.
These enormous earthworks in our front seem to give everybody the
nightmare, but I anticipate a weakly manned part of the line will
be found, easily broken, and then, as the enemy is disheartened,
goodbye, Johnny! The next campaign will be virtually the last.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 14, 1864.
Has been quite warm and comfortable all day; dull in camp, and
no news from Generals Sherman or Thomas; got an order to fix up
quarters this morning which will do the men good as it will occupy
their minds; are getting out timber now; shall be glad when my hut
is fixed; am tired of changing about so much; wrote to Jim Burnham
this evening; expected to go on duty this morning.
THURSDAY, Dec. 15, 1864.
Very warm and comfortable all day; am on duty in the fort; have a
guard of one Sergeant, three Corporals and thirty-six men; duty
easy; rumors from General Thomas this evening but nothing reliable;
got a letter from Cousin Pert to-day; no news from Oakdale, Mass.;
was very sorry to learn of G. B. Putnam's death.
FRIDAY, Dec. 16, 1864.
Warm and pleasant; trains busy drawing hut timber; was relieved from
guard by the One Hundred and Thirty-eighth Pennsylvania Infantry;
am not feeling well; received a letter from David Mower and have
answered it; all well in Vermont; Captain H. H. Dewey and Lieutenant
Daniel Foster, Tenth Vermont, reported for duty this morning from
City Point; have been ill in hospital there; had an undress parade
this evening; good news from Thomas. Lieutenant Alexander Wilkey
starts for home in the morning.
SATURDAY, Dec. 17, 1864.
Fair, comfortable day; men busy putting up quarters; shall commence
my hut when the men finish theirs; good news from Generals Sherman
and Thomas this evening; have written Dr. J. H. Jones this evening;
southeast storm brewing; cannonading towards Petersburg to-night;
nothing unusual.
SUNDAY, Dec. 18, 1864.
Quite comfortable all day. Colonel W. W. Henry's resignation
came back last night accepted; will leave at 7.40 o'clock a. m.
to-morrow; officers gave him a farewell supper to-night. Captain
G. B. Damon comes back to the regiment to-night from the division
staff. I have been recommended for the Captaincy of Company G
overslaughing several other officers, provided he is made Major;
all's quiet.
MONDAY, Dec. 19, 1864.
Colonel W. W. Henry started for Vermont this morning; most of the
officers of the regiment went to the cars to see him off; commenced
raining about 8 o'clock a. m.; didn't rain long; men very busy on
their cabins; got a Washington Chronicle to-night; good news from
Generals Sherman and Thomas, the latter having captured fifty eight
guns and five thousand prisoners.
TUESDAY, Dec. 20, 1864.
It's rumored we are to move camp in a day or two; wish they would
allow us to stay here; had monthly inspection at 3 o'clock p. m.;
men in good condition considering. Captain Day was our inspecting
officer. Captain G. E. Davis has gone to City Point; returned at 9
o'clock p. m.; got me two wool blankets; rumored in camp Jeff Davis
is dead; don't believe it.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 21, 1864.
Rained hard most of the day from 7 o'clock a. m.; have suspended
work on the huts; expect to move in a few days; very muddy in camp;
clear, cold north wind and freezing at 9 o'clock p. m.; news still
good from Sherman and Thomas.
THURSDAY, Dec. 22, 1864.
Cold and windy; froze about four inches last night. Captain Bartruff
has been over to call on us; says that we will have to move over
with the rest of the brigade to-morrow, but why were we told to
build quarters here? Pretty rough, but we shall have to stand it!
Glorious news from General Thomas to-night; has captured sixty-one
pieces of artillery and nine thousand prisoners. We move at 9
o'clock a. m. to-morrow.
FRIDAY, Dec. 23, 1864.
Moved at 8 o'clock a. m.; weather freezing cold; only seven teams
at work with us; regiment excused from brigade dress parade this
evening. It's _very_ cold to-night; shall sleep on Captain G. E.
Davis's floor; men are without quarters; should think they would
freeze. It's rumored Savannah is captured; doubt it.
SATURDAY, Dec. 24, 1864.
Very cold, but more comfortable than yesterday; commenced putting
up my cabin this morning; not quite up to-night; regimental dress
parade this evening. General Butler's fleet is off Wilmington;
Savannah, Ga. reported captured through rebel sources; have written
to David Mower, and to Washington for my valise; weather moderating;
all's quiet in front.
SUNDAY, Dec. 25, 1864.
Rained all night; very muddy; working hard to finish my house by
to-morrow night; had 10.30 o'clock a. m. Company inspection; various
rumors about General Sherman; news good from General Thomas; good
regimental dress parade this evening.
MONDAY, Dec. 26, 1864.
Received official information from General Sherman this morning
that he had taken Savannah, Ga. with thirty-three thousand bales
of cotton, one hundred and fifty heavy guns, and eight hundred
prisoners; one hundred shotted guns fired in honor of it here;
Thomas reports seventeen thousand prisoners, eighty-one guns, etc.,
taken from General Hood; no news from the Shenandoah Valley; rumored
in camp that the Eighth Corps is at Dutch Gap; hut covered and
banked up; regimental dress parade to-night; mud drying up; reckon
the Confederacy is crumbling rapidly.
TUESDAY, Dec. 27, 1864.
Quite decent under foot; hut about done; shall move into it
to-morrow night. Captain Merritt Barber has been over and turned
over Company E property to me; good brigade dress parade this
evening; had a call from Lieut. Pierce of the Second Division
to-night; have written Levi Meader this evening; am to be brigade
officer of the guard to-morrow.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 28, 1864.
Mounted brigade guard at 8.30 o'clock a. m. as officer of the guard;
northeast chilly wind; brigade dress parade this evening; Tenth
Vermont worked on breastworks this forenoon; finished my cabin
to-day; wrote brother Charles this evening; received a letter and
diary for 1865 from Cousin Pert; weather very rough to-night.
THURSDAY, Dec. 29, 1864.
Weather has moderated since morning; quite muddy; had two hours
battalion drill; think it a big thing on ice. In my opinion we would
look better in the house, and I am sure we should feel better; got a
letter from Dr. J. H. Jones to-night. He was married Nov. 8, 1864;
received our muster and pay rolls to-day; have commenced a part of
two; hard cold north wind to-night. Sergeant Charles of the One
Hundred and Fifty-first New York is here to-night.
FRIDAY, Dec. 30, 1864.
Worked all day on muster and pay rolls; mild south wind; storm
brewing. Captain G. E. Davis drilled the battalion this afternoon in
the manual of arms; muddy brigade dress parade this evening; hardly
a gun to be heard on picket to-night; no letters or news; retired at
11 o'clock p. m. tired.
SATURDAY, Dec. 31, 1864.
Well, here I am again in winter quarters, but how different from
twelve months ago. I confess, though, that my prayer has been
answered, the year having been passed as happily by me as could have
been expected under the circumstances. I have been called upon to
pass through a great many ordeals but with God's grace have come
out alive. I shudder when I think how many have been killed out of
our little band, yet I am spared perhaps for some good purpose; I
hope so, anyway.[34] I'm about to commence another year. I feel sad
to bid the old one farewell. It has been a strenuous, eventful and
historic one. May the next end the war, if it is God's will.
[34] Possibly I was spared during the Civil War to be God's medium
to civilize the Indians--the most distinguished service of my
life--as I was greatly honored in 1877-78, by being selected from
the army to study them, and recommend what would be the best thing
to do to civilize and take them from the war path, which I did, and
the government adopted my plan, which was successful, in opposition
to most of the leading generals of the army, as they deemed it
impracticable. The history of this can be found in Addenda No. 2,
pp. 1057-80, Vol. II, Descendants of George Abbott of Rowley, Mass.,
which can be found in most leading libraries.
ADDENDA NO 1.
THE BATTLE OF LOCUST GROVE, VA., Nov. 27, 1863.[35]
[35] No diary was kept at this time by Major Abbott, hence the
details of this battle are given here.
This was the real christening fight of the regiment, and was badly
managed. In the assault on greatly superior numbers, the brigade was
marched in line of battle in quick time through the forest which was
fiercely shelled, as though at drill, the men not breaking--at least
not in the Tenth Vermont--until within about seventy-five yards of
the enemy's unusually strong and favorably posted skirmish line
behind a very high rail fence in the edge of a large cleared field
in the midst of the forest, a corner of which field opposite the
three left companies of the regiment formed an acute angle slightly
less than a right angle, the two long sides of which opposite us
being skirted by a Virginia rail fence eight rails or more in
height, in the edge of the woods, considerably higher than a man's
head.
When in the woods in a ravine running parallel to the long base of
the triangle directly in front--the sharp angle to the right--with
gradually upward sloping ground toward the enemy about seventy-five
yards away, the three left companies under severe fire had
considerably curved to the rear, each being a little further back
than the one on its right, as usual in such circumstances, which
brought Company B being on the left of the regiment, not only
exposed to the severest fire, but the furtherest to the rear of any.
With reason, as unwisely no order had been given to fire in Company
B, and the men being inexperienced and supposing they had got to
await orders to do so as at drill, the line commenced to waver, when
Colonel Albert B. Jewett approached from the rear and cried out
loudly, among other things: "Company B, what's the matter?" or to
that effect. As a matter of fact there _was_ matter enough, which
he soon found after arriving, as he not only wisely sought cover
himself, but someone ordered the men to do so by lying down. There
were no troops immediately on the left of Company B and it drew the
fire of the enemy's Infantry behind the fence, not only in front,
but for some distance to the left; and as the ground occupied by
the enemy was considerably higher the situation was most trying. I
am aware it is claimed that the regiment was in the centre of the
brigade,[36] but if it was, the regiment on its left was out of
sight, and as it was almost a dead level along the ravine as far
as the eye could reach through the woods from Company B which was
on the left of the regiment, it couldn't be seen by me. It is not
probable this and many other similar errors are the faults of the
painstaking and estimable Historian Dr. E. M. Haynes, but it is more
probably due to erroneous official reports of battles of regimental,
brigade and other commanders as well as unreliable verbal reports,
etc., which when once in history are hard to correct.
[36] See Haynes' "Hist. Tenth Regiment Vermont Infantry," p. 54.
When forming, too, for the assault, Lieut. Ezra Stetson who was in
command of Company B stood in front of it, and supposing he was
going to advance in that position, I (then Second Lieutenant Company
D, but assigned to fight with my old Company B that day), also took
my position in front of the Company expecting to advance in the same
way, but was finally ordered just before advancing, by Stetson,
to go to the right of the front rank in line, where I supposed in
my ignorance of warfare, although a fair tactician, I had got to
remain and did until the line broke in the second advance, Stetson
meantime being a novice in fighting men in battle, going to the rear
of the Company. As it may be convenient for the good of the service
for some to cite this battle, together with others, to Congressmen
as an important reason why men with no experience in battle should
never be placed in high position to command men especially in the
regular army where it can generally be avoided, I feel constrained
to state that the derisive smile and expression on the men's faces,
etc., as I turned to obey Stetson's order plainly showed that they
disapproved of any such arrangement and persistently hung back
in the advance in consequence, which to say the least, was very
embarrassing to a proud spirit, my pride being very much centered
in my old Company, which I knew, if properly handled, would give a
good account of itself. Several times I was greatly tempted to go
in front of the men and lead them, as it was plain to be seen they
sensibly wouldn't be driven at a slow gait into battle like so many
lambs for slaughter without even being given the command to fire
when within a stone's throw of the enemy, which with deadly aim was
shooting them down deliberately, for there was nothing to prevent
its doing so on our part, and why shouldn't it do so? It was war,
that's what we were there for, and being veteran fighters they took
advantage of the situation. Who wouldn't? The only trouble with us
was there wasn't anyone with authority from the highest officer down
on that part of the line, who knew how to fight the command or if
there was they didn't do it. But they were not to blame for it. Who
was? It was the Congress which makes the laws for the Government of
the army; it has never enacted a law as important as it is, making
it impossible to appoint men to high army positions who have never
been in battle enough to know how to take care of their men, or to
tell the officers of their command how to do so.
But realizing that to lead the Company and make a dash for the fence
would be virtually taking the command from my superior officer, and
only at that time having a crude idea of such things even in such
an emergency, I held my peace, although the comparatively simple
act of leading men in battle in the circumstances, as some Company
Commanders did in this fight, would have been much more satisfactory
to my troubled spirit than otherwise. As First Sergeant it was
generally acknowledged I had made Company B the best drilled and
disciplined Company in the regiment, and feeling much genuine pride
in the Company I had never felt more anxious for it than in this
battle, as I wanted it to give a good account of itself as a good
fighting Company as well, which it did in the latter part of the
battle, when it largely went over the fence in an endeavor to help
make the star movement of the day, but which it failed in helping to
do, because of the weakness of some of the left Company Commanders
of the regiment. Although General Wm. H. Morris in his official
report of the fight cites this movement as due to enthusiasm on
the part of the men on the left of the Tenth Vermont, had he been
on that part of the line he would not only have commended it in
stronger terms than he did, but if a good strategist would have
insisted on the movement being executed as if it was worth while
to engage the enemy at all here--which is now greatly doubted as
Meade's army wasn't then ready for a general engagement--it was
certainly worth while to try and turn the enemy's flank at this
point, which could have been done by advancing the three left
companies of the regiment by a two-thirds right turn or wheel across
the before-mentioned angle to the second fence. The enemy understood
the importance of the move, which was one reason doubtless that made
them contest so stubbornly the first line of fence. This we tried
to do and in the second assault the men, led by some of the most
daring wisely broke and made a dash for the first fence and over
it half across the open field of the triangle to the second fence
when we were recalled to the first behind which most had stopped
and opened fire, including Stetson, Captain Hiram R. Steele and
others. I was the only officer over the fence, so far as seen by
me, and had fearlessly endeavored seeing at a glance an opportunity
for an effective flank movement which would greatly relieve the
entire brigade to the right to take the second line of fence on the
opposite side of the triangle, which was just what was needed, and
which could have been done if the movement had been supported with
vim by the entire left wing of the regiment. During the day private
G. D. Storrs was killed, and Sergeant H. M. Pierce, of Montpelier,
and privates John Blanchard and Lafayette G. Ripley, of Barre, Peter
Bover, H. W. Crossett, J. M. Mather and W. M. Thayer, and perhaps
others of Company B, all brave good men, were so badly wounded as to
disable most of them, such as did not die, for the balance of the
war for duty at the front; but two or more of these died of their
wounds.
Feeling nettled, although not in command of Company B, and not
responsible for its behavior, at Colonel Jewett's brusque manner
towards it in the ravine, when it was discovered that the flank
movement before mentioned, would be a failure for want of support,
in order to say I had been the furtherest to the front of anyone
over the fence or in the regiment, I foolishly ran forward under
heavy fire a few steps after ordered back, to a big stump, hit
it with my sword savagely, as I was disgusted at not being fully
supported, when on turning round I found myself alone with bullets
flying about me faster than ever, and the men rapidly scaling the
fence twenty-five yards in rear on the left in full retreat from the
angle. The men of Company B had gone the furtherest ahead of any
over the fence, Stetson and others repeatedly calling, "Come back!
Come back!" As usual, whenever there was an exceedingly hot place
on the line of battle in our front, Alexander Scott, A. H. Crown
and others of the Burlington Company (D), as well as Z. M. Mansur,
the Bruces, W. H. Blake, Judson Spofferd, J. W. Bancroft and others
of Company K, were sure to be there fighting vigorously in the very
front, as most of them were on this occasion. Fully forty or more
men were with me from the three left companies, and it is regretted
more of them can't be remembered by name, but the movement was too
quickly executed, to go minutely into details, and forty years is a
long time for a professional soldier where he has had to do with so
many enlisted men meantime, to remember names.
Says General W. H. Morris in his official report of this battle
which as a whole is not in the best judgment, although he was a
brave, courageous man: "The enemy was holding a fence on the crest
of a hill in our front. I ordered the Tenth Vermont to charge and
take it, and the regiment advanced in gallant style and took the
crest. The left wing in its enthusiasm having advanced too far
beyond the fence, it was necessary to recall it * * * I cannot speak
of the conduct of the officers and men with too much praise." The
regiment's loss was seventy-one killed and wounded, of which eight
were from Company B. This loss was as needless as the fight, as we
suspected at the time, and as history has proved since.
Like most other engagements the most deserving who are generally
on the fighting line where their work is not usually seen by such
as can reward them in orders or otherwise, it was favorite staff
officers and pets who were mentioned for gallantry in general orders
afterwards. Had the men advanced less regularly in line as at drill,
more independently and rapidly, firing meantime when in range of
the enemy, our loss in comparison with what it was would have been
insignificant. All the rest of the brigade had a less trying time
of it than the three left companies of the Tenth Vermont, as they
were advancing through the woods with no open field in front with
two natural lines of breastworks, such as the formidable rail fences
which bordered both long sides of the triangle before mentioned.
This statement is in justice to the three left companies of the
Tenth Vermont. The manner in which they stood the galling fire
without breaking shows what splendid discipline they were under. I
commanded all three companies afterwards in battle separately, and
felt honored in doing so. There were few skulkers in these companies
in any battle they were ever in when under my command.
This battle is another illustration of the folly of appointing
men inexperienced in scientific warfare to high military office
if it can be avoided, and it generally can be in time of peace,
especially in the regular army. Every army, Corps, Division, Brigade
and Regimental Commander, should be a man who has had enough
actual experience in fighting to know how to take care of his men
in battle. If such had been the case in this fight, comparatively
few men would have been killed or wounded. It is criminal to make
any man a general, especially in the regular army, who has not
had enough experience in actual fighting to know how to fight his
command without an unnecessary loss of life; and Congress which
has the authority and is indirectly responsible in such matters,
should make laws such as will render it impossible to do so except
in emergencies, and until it does so every individual member of
Congress will be criminally guilty before God for every man so
sacrificed in battle. It is not known to me whose fault it was that
orders were not given to advance more rapidly, and to fire sooner in
the fight at Locust Grove.
ADDENDA NO. 2.
THE BATTLE OF CEDAR CREEK, VA., OCT. 19, 1864. AND THE STATUS OF THE
SIXTH CORPS WITH GENERALS GRANT AND SHERIDAN.
I was absent wounded in Vermont at the time of the battle of Cedar
Creek, Va., and only know that my regiment fought desperately and
lost heavily in killed and wounded. Captain Lucian D. Thompson of
Waterbury, Vt., was decapitated by a solid shot from the enemy
and Captain Chester F. Nye, Adjutant Wyllys Lyman and Lieutenants
George E. Davis, B. Brooks Clark, Austin W. Fuller and George P.
Welch were wounded. From June 1st to October 19, 1864, we had seven
officers killed which included all the officers who originally went
out with my old Company B, twelve wounded and two captured, making
twenty-one in all. Surely, the blood shed in the Tenth Vermont for
the preservation of the Union should satisfy the most exacting that
the regiment stood up to the rack all through the Civil War from
the time it entered it.
After the morning surprise at Cedar Creek, Oct. 19, 1864, just a
month after the battle of Winchester, the Sixth Corps, I was told
by officers of my regiment afterwards, was the only unstampeded
infantry organization in the command around which General H. G.
Wright soon rallied the better part of the surprised little army
which Sheridan, after his historic ride of "Twenty Miles Away" from
Winchester, found awaiting him ready to advance and again punish the
enemy which it most effectually did. It was the last fight in the
valley of the Civil War, and it was fitting that the Sixth Corps
should have been allowed so largely to have so brilliantly rung
down the curtain on the great Civil War stage in this section. The
Sixth Corps was the mainstay of Sheridan's brilliant little army
in the Shenandoah Valley campaign, and no one knew it better than
he. When the spring campaign opened in 1865, he wanted it at Five
Forks again, but Grant wanted it, too, at the same time to break
the backbone of the Confederacy by breaking its lines in front of
Petersburg on that memorable morning of April 2nd, 1865, which
was the greatest possible honor of the day, and it did it. When
given his choice by Grant of any corps in the army of the Potomac,
Sheridan again called for it, too, a few days later, April 6, 1865,
at Sailor's Creek, Va., the last real battle fought in the Civil War
by the Army of the Potomac, when the Sixth Corps was rushed forward
by Grant's order at pell-mell speed, where in another of Sheridan's
characteristic, snappy, short, effective, two-hour fights, it
largely helped to capture several--said to be eleven--general
officers, 13,000[37] prisoners and a burning wagon train, almost
an entire column, excepting about 2,000 of General Lee's fleeing
veterans, including himself, three days before his surrender at
Appomattox. It was fitting, too, here, that the Sixth Corps should
largely fight this battle and thus again brilliantly and virtually
finally ring down the stage curtain of the greatest war tragedy of
modern times--The Great Civil War.
[37] So reported then. Generals Ewell and Custis Lee surrendered to
our brigade. The guard was about to force them to wade a swollen
morass about fifty yards wide, waist deep, but Ewell demurred. The
guard said he had to wade it going over for them, and that it was no
more than fair that they should wade it going back. Ewell replied
that it took brave men to do it under fire, but that the necessity
no longer existed for any one to wade it going either way, and so
won the best of the argument, and his wish.
Surely with all the brag and conceit in late years by members
of other corps, that its corps was the best in the Army of the
Potomac--and the Second as well as the Fifth were fine corps, and
probably both these and the Sixth Corps were about equal--neither
Grant nor Sheridan could have regarded the Sixth as an unreliable
one, or second to any as a fighting corps however often members of
other corps may conceitedly dub theirs the best in the army. And
what other than the Sixth Corps can point to any such enviable
_repeated_ preferences on the part of both Grant and Sheridan, or to
such a proud record in the closing scenes of the great rebellion?
Would they not be glad to do so if they could? And still neither of
the able commanders of the Sixth Corps--Sedgwick and Wright--have
been honored by an appropriation for a monument by Congress in the
capital city of the Nation which the Sixth Corps twice saved, once
at the battle of the Monocacy, largely by the Third Division, July
9th, and again three days later largely by the First and Second
Divisions at the battle in front of Ft. Stevens in the suburbs of
Washington, July 12th, 1864, when Early came so near capturing the
city.
I do not believe in being invidious, but having been satiated for
years by the egotistic statements of the superior qualifications
by members of other corps of their particular corps, especially in
Washington, and knowing only too well from long experience that
frequently _true_ merit goes unrewarded in history and otherwise,
because of an over-modest inclination to mention facts by those
interested who _can_, when organizations and persons less worthy get
more than is due by being more aggressive, is one of the reasons
for my partially treating this matter. There was _no_ corps, during
the last few months of the war, to which Grant and Sheridan more
frequently turned in emergencies than to the Sixth Corps, which
is significant, as it shows their estimate of its merits as a
_reliable_ fighting corps, over all others. The Sixth Corps was
ever proud of the Second and Fifth Corps and felt honored in being
associated with such splendid organizations in the same army all
through the Civil War, but the Sixth Corps yields the palm to no
other in the whole Union Army east or west when it comes to fighting
or any other soldierly qualifications pertaining to a model army
corps.
Said General Grant in the closing scenes of the Civil War: "I can
trust the Sixth Corps anywhere." Said General Sheridan: "Give me the
Sixth Corps and I will charge anywhere."
ADDENDA NO. 3.
FINAL BREAKING OF THE ENEMY'S LINES BY THE SIXTH ARMY CORPS, APRIL
2, 1865, AT THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG.
This memorable siege extending over a period of several months, was
full of exciting, eventful fights, but none more so than the final
assault on the main works, April 2, 1865. For three nights the Sixth
Corps, which had been selected by General Grant to break the main
line of the formidable-looking fortifications in and near its front
to its left, around Petersburg, because of its known reliability for
any work assigned it, had been ordered out between the lines as
noiselessly as possible about midnight, and directed to lie in line
of battle on the ground about two hundred yards from the enemy's
picket line for the purpose of a morning assault. The First Brigade
of the Third Division composed of five regiments, the One Hundred
and Sixth and One Hundred and Fifty-first New York, Fourteenth New
Jersey, Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania and Tenth Vermont Volunteer
Infantry, was formed in three lines, the Tenth Vermont being on the
right and the One Hundred and Sixth New York on the left forming the
front line, the brigade being on the left of the Division and Corps
near Fort Fisher on the side towards Hatcher's Run. As the distance
between the works of the belligerent forces was the least here of
any point along the front of the Sixth Corps probably, as claimed
by Lieutenant-Colonel George B. Damon, in his official report, the
colors of the Tenth Vermont were the first over the enemy's works in
the Third Division though it is difficult to understand how in the
darkness and confusion anyone could _positively_ know this.
The nights were cold and after the first one those who were
fortunate enough to possess a rubber raincoat, as I was, put it
on over the blue overcoat which, when the sword belt was on made
one fairly comfortable even after lying on the ground for a long
time. We were not allowed to talk or move about which made the
blood sluggish, and lying on the cold frosty ground most of the
night, together with the surroundings, etc., was not conducive
to cheerfulness, warmth or comfort. To our right, in front of
Petersburg, the artillery firing was unusually brisk and even
appalling. The damp heavy powder smoke-laden atmosphere was stifling
as the dense smoke from the ominous artillery fire of hundreds of
guns all along the lines from Richmond to Five Forks, about forty
miles, except where General Park's Corps and the Sixth Corps were,
where later in the night in front of the Sixth Corps, the grand
finale of the battle that was to soon bring peace to our stricken
country and rest to two valiant armies, was to take place, settled
to the ground, which added to the gloom of a terrible night of
waiting and suspense, as had been the previous two when so situated.
The enemy's earthworks were very formidable,[38] fully eight feet
high and in places still higher between thickly interspersed forts
and redoubts and especially in front of our brigade, in front of
which works was a ditch or moat about eight feet deep and wide,
partially filled with water, bridged at intervals of about fifty
yards and in some places much less, with a single log hewn flat on
top for the use of the pickets. In front of this moat there were
_three_--_not "one or two"_ as stated in General H. G. Wright's
official report--lines of heavy _abatis_ and _chevaux-de-frise_
heavily wired together. With a strong force well in hand behind this
formidable array of works it would have been impregnable against
any assaulting column of infantry alone. The pioneer corps, Capt.
S. H. Perham commanding had been assigned the unenviable task of
cutting away the _abatis_ and _chevaux-de-frise_ in places as it
advanced with us to enable the men to pass. During the night word
was passed along the line that it was not known from which flank
the movement to advance would begin, but to follow it whichever way
it came from by advancing as it reached each company. This threw
great responsibility on me as my company was in the front line and
on the right of the brigade. I knew nothing of the signal gun for
the general advance to be fired from Fort Fisher at "about 4.45"
o'clock a. m.; indeed if it was fired amid the din I did not know
it or its significance. I had just been promoted Captain of Company
G, overslaughing several other First Lieutenants who had been less
regularly on the fighting line.
[38] The size of these redoubts, Fort, adjacent works, moat, etc.,
in front of our brigade in any description I have ever seen have
always been greatly dwarfed. I fought over them about three hours
and know whereof I write.
To the right of Company G, there was no connecting line that could
be seen, owing to the darkness. Not then knowing the division
formation I was much perplexed over this, and finally after
directing the men on the left of the Company, which joined the next
company to the left, to advance with the line in case the movement
forward commenced with the left flank, I concluded for obvious
reasons to take my position on the right of my company, where
intently watching and listening for any advance in that direction,
supposing I could hear it and that I could rely on the left guide of
my Company to do as directed, I paid no attention to the left flank;
but shortly after the line had advanced and before any firing had
occurred in our front on the advancing column, one of the men, more
conscientious than the guide on the left of the Company, who had
heard my orders to him came to me and said the line to the left had
advanced a little before, but it had done so so silently everything
on the person, canteens, etc., that would make a noise having been
tied fast, in the darkness, smoke and din the advance hadn't been
seen or heard by me to the left of the Company where it commenced.
There was no time for investigation or anything but prompt, vigorous
action, and greatly annoyed at being placed in a false position and
for other obvious reasons for I was no shirk in battle, I sprang
to the front of my Company intent on catching up with the column,
directed the Company to follow me which it did at first, but in the
darkness that was the last seen of it, for as in most battles, the
men broke, only the most intrepid taking the lead, and what became
of such in this instance is not known. It would have been much
better, easier and safer to have advanced when the movement first
commenced, as the enemy's pickets, except such as fell back into
their works, threw down their arms without firing and surrendered;
and those behind their works were largely in bed fast asleep except
a few in a strong fort and redoubt in front of the First Brigade,
to the left of where my Company lay in line, who seemed to have
been alert all night. These, as soon as they discovered we were
assaulting, swept the ground we and others advanced over in front of
the works--the two lines of works here of the two armies being about
two thousand yards apart more or less--with grape and cannister, the
firing commencing just as I was about half way to the enemy's works,
together with desultory musketry firing, showing that none of our
men were yet over them. The enemy fought most desperately in this
fort, for two hours or so after daylight. Indeed, it is plain to me
that it momentarily abandoned the fort at first until the bulk of
our men had passed by them to the left towards Hatcher's Run, and
then almost at once reoccupied it, as the discharge of artillery
from it was almost continuous excepting a few minutes after I
entered the enemy's works, until we took it about 8.15 o'clock
a. m. The fort was to my left front, hence I did not approach it
directly, but moved along to it later on after entering the works.
The first redoubt from the fort about one hundred and fifty yards
towards Petersburg had given up without much resistance there being
but one or two guns in it, after the first weak musketry volley, the
men in and infantry supporting it, running into the woods in rear,
such as did not surrender. The second redoubt from the fort towards
Petersburg had no artillery in it and was easily taken.
As soon as it was light enough to see, some of our heterogeneous
force in which were two or three artillerymen--for there was no
organized separate Union command anywhere either inside or about
the enemy's works here--turned the enemy's gun from this first
redoubt after moving it to a more advantageous point overlooking
the fort, on its intrepid little party which from the first was
supported by about a hundred of its infantry in the brush and
woods--a jungle--in rear of and running down a small ravine passing
between the fort and redoubt to within twenty yards of the fort and
its right environment or earthwork, until finally some of our men
in the last assault on it sprang into the fort, clubbed and knocked
down with their discharged muskets the few remaining men who had
not fled or been killed, some of whom, when lying on their backs,
seizing the lanyards just within reach and persistently endeavored
to fire the pieces, and were only prevented by some of our men
standing dramatically over the prostrate men with inverted guns and
fixed bayonet ready to impale them if they persisted. This ended the
fighting in front of where the First Brigade lay before the assault,
and probably in front of the whole Sixth Corps, at any rate in front
of the Third Division all the works having been taken, the capture
of these two works being the most difficult being nearer together
than any other similar fortifications in the Sixth Corps front,
which made it the hardest point to take in its front, especially
as the ground was high and the enemy's artillery commanded the
gradually sloping ground in front and to its right and left. There
were three or four pieces of artillery in this fort which also fell
into our hands. The woods a quarter of a mile in rear of the fort
was swarming with armed and unarmed Johnnies. It was plucky fighting
on both sides, for those engaged.
But what had become of Company G was a quandary, as not a man
could be found. I had run with all speed possible in order to
get over the shell-swept ground as soon as practicable in front
of the enemy's works supposing some of my men would follow me as
usual, and within a few minutes had scaled the works, having caught
up with the advance which had been delayed by the abatis, etc.,
greatly wondering at the few who had really reached the works which
were actually taken, all other flowery reports to the contrary
notwithstanding, for a distance of about six hundred yards or more
including finally the redoubts and fort by a very few determined
men such as generally lead any assaulting column and cannot be
turned back except greatly outnumbered; but this number was rapidly
increased by stragglers. There was no jumping into the ditch in
front of the works, and out again in my vicinity, for as our men
were not then taught to scale perpendicular walls eight or ten feet
high, they could not have gotten out of the ditch alone even if
they had gotten in and wanted to; besides, it had several feet of
water in it almost continuously, and for obvious reasons others
under stress of circumstances could not stop to help them out if
they wanted to even if any had fallen into the ditch by accident,
and they certainly wouldn't have gotten into it in any other way in
the circumstances. The ditch was the same as found around permanent
forts, _very_ formidable, and if anything even deeper. The works
and protections in front were _wonderfully_ strong; more so here
than at any other point in front of the Sixth Corps. The redoubt
and ugly-looking fort on a slight eminence in front of the First
Brigade a little to the left of where my Company lay in line, had
caused most of our brigade and other organizations within reach of
the fort's guns, to oblique--as I could see them doing it by the
momentary flash of the enemy's artillery from this fort which lit
up the ground in its front and on either side--both to the right
and left but largely to the left where most of such as went over
the works in the assault to the _left_ of the fort probably turned
along them towards Hatcher's Run--as the enemy once flanked in
their work would fall back from them except where there were forts,
etc.,--leaving the redoubt and fort with some half dozen pieces
of field artillery, which belonged to the rest of our corps to
help take to be subdued by such of the more intrepid of the Third
Division and other commands, as marched straight up to the rack
whether there was anything in it or not. At any rate, so far as
I know, no considerable number of our regiment or of any _other_
regiment was in the enemy's works opposite where the First Brigade
of the Third Division lay in line before assaulting shortly before
daylight, nor was any of the Tenth Vermont, or any other of our
forces in the last fort taken for obvious reasons for any length
of time till it _was finally_ taken about 8.15 o'clock a. m. There
was not a score of men in sight as soon as light enough to see, for
two hundred yards inside the works, everyone acting independently,
where I _first_ entered them to the right of the two redoubts and
fort with others of the assaulting men only two of whom were killed
immediately near the works in the assault, one just in front, and
another whose body fell on the front slope of the works where I
entered, which shows comparatively speaking, what a bloodless
affair it was at this point, which was generally the case, too, all
along the line except where there were forts, etc., and how little
resistance there really was in front of the First Brigade excepting
that of the one fort which so stubbornly held out. There were so
few of our men in the works it was lonesome after some of the men
had moved to the left in the darkness and could not be seen any
distance away by such as didn't know it was the plan of battle to go
to the left; and not one of the enemy even after dawn could be seen
for long intervals, dead or alive. What few had been in the works
except such as surrendered, mostly ran half-clad, save such as were
timely warned, into the woods back of the works before and at the
time we entered them, and hid. It was the most remarkable case of
stampede and temporary disorganization on the part of both veteran
armies seen during the war. The formidable-looking works supposed
to be fairly well manned, which we had faced for months, had had
their effect on our army, and the Confederates being surprised
and supposing they were attacked by an overwhelming number, but
were really not so confronted in their works except as the men
accumulated moving to the left, largely gave up in the darkness
without a struggle. Surely God was with us in this latter case. We
could never have assaulted these works successfully by daylight,
even with the force then in them of the enemy.
Rather cautiously after waiting a little inside the works for the
gray of the morning, as there were not men enough to be aggressive
in the darkness, I, with a couple of men, there being no other
officer in the neighborhood so far as I could see, commenced to
investigate the cabins to make sure the premises were as safe as
appearances would indicate. An investigation of one was startling.
On approaching it in the early gray of the morning, and peering in
at the open door, two of the enemy were dimly observed, one lying
on the floor, and the other sitting upon the edge of his bunk
apparently hesitating about dressing, but on cautiously going near
the door which faced the east and craning my neck so as to get
one eye on the men without exposing my body, I rather doubtfully
demanded their surrender, but they had already made their final
surrender to their Maker; they were both dead. The sitting man's
body had been so perfectly balanced when instantly killed it had
remained in its lifelike sitting position. I had seen one other
such case during the war before. The discovery that he was dead
was startling in the dim morning light which, on leaning forward
after a step inside the cabin, revealed the pallor of his face and
look of death. Afterwards gradually drifting and stumbling along
the works with others a short distance in the gloam of the morning
to the enemy's right to where the fort was, about seventy-five of
our men, the odds and ends of many different commands, frequently
increased by stragglers who had not entered the works at first,
were gathering to assault the fort containing the guns which had
shelled us so fiercely when approaching the enemy's works, those
undelayed by investigation as I was delayed, reaching it first.
Finding none of my men here or a familiar face--although it is
stated in the regimental history that Lieutenant-Colonel George B.
Damon and Major Wyllys Lyman were there--and seeing that the force
was small and made up promiscuously, and that as great a show as
possible should be made, I joined in the assaults, the result of
which has already been given. It's a mistake to suppose this was
a large affair; it was a hot fight for those engaged, but all told
on both sides, though, there wasn't three hundred men. The Second
Brigade never came to us during the struggle. The fight was wholly
by a heterogeneous lot of officers and men separated from their
commands by darkness in the general assault. As this was the first
fight I was in with my new Company, being but a short time with
it, and unfamiliar with the men's faces, a goodly number of whom
were recruits, and as all in such circumstances would be powder and
dirt-stained and very smutty, and as the men were unusually bundled
up for the occasion, it is possible that some of them may have taken
part in the capture of this fort unknown to me, the same as I did.
Corp. George W. Wise has since told me he did.
The fighting being over on this part of the line, and not knowing we
were to go along the line to the left or that the Sixth Corps had
any business in front of the Corps on its left such being unusual,
and never dreaming, being unable to see in the darkness, so few of
us had taken our part of the enemy's works alone, i. e. the redoubts
and fort--which together with the contiguous breastworks covered
our brigade front--but of course _knowing_ we _had_ captured the
fort alone, and wondering if it could be possible that others could
have followed the enemy's main body into the forest in rear of
their works when first entering, where I would possibly find some
of my men, I commenced to investigate. Going about a quarter of
a mile into the woods alone, soon individual members of the enemy
looking comical enough, commenced to appear from their hiding places
here and there half-clad, some without hats, pants, shoes, guns,
etc., showing how completely they had been surprised, offering to
surrender, but were afraid when directed to go to the rear of our
lines to go alone through them for fear of being misunderstood and
shot. In less time than it takes to tell it, three comical-looking
long haired, shriveled, half-clad and starved cadaverous-looking
specimens of humanity had surrendered within a space a rod square,
the woods being full of them, when it dawned on me that there could
be no Federal force in that direction, or these men would have been
taken and that I might be out of luck if I happened to strike alone
one or more of the unbeaten enemy with loaded gun; and so drawing
my loaded revolver ready for emergency, I returned to the works
with my numerous prisoners, others surrendering en route, just in
season to see General Grant, who had probably been waiting for
information that the fort had been taken, and his retinue of about
one hundred pass inside the enemy's works by the fort we had taken,
going towards Petersburg. He was mounted on a proud-stepping dark
charger, dressed with unusual care and never appeared to better
advantage. The occasion inspiring it, he was a perfect picture of a
conquering hero, but seemed all unconscious of it. The artist who
could put Grant and his suite on canvas as he appeared then would
win renown. As Grant's eye caught the motley group of prisoners
with me, who were regarding him with silent, open-mouthed wonder,
he slightly smiled, drew in his horse a little as though to speak
or in doubt of his safety, seeing the rebs had guns, but finally
dashed on, an impressive picture not only in the midst of war, but
surrounded by grand fortifications and the victorious and defeated
living, wounded, dying and dead, _real_ heroes of both the blue and
the gray, never to be forgotten by those who were fortunate enough
to see it.
But by this time, it being about 9 o'clock a. m. or later, being
nearly melted from over-exertion and affected with nausea from long
fasting and rushing about fighting and looking for my men from one
point to another, clad with two overcoats, which I had no time to
remove or place to leave them if I did, being without food and not
able to find any of my men, and feeling bad and worried about them,
I felt constrained to go to the hospital joining my Company which
had gotten together meantime by probably going along that portion
of the enemy's comparatively fortless works which when once broken
would have to be evacuated, about two miles to the right of where
I had gone over the enemy's works, towards Petersburg, the next
morning. As nothing but straggling men, the best fighters who lead
every assaulting column were found from the time I entered the
enemy's works before dawn up to about 9 o'clock a. m., owing to the
assault having been made in the dark, nothing was thought of it at
the time as I knew that where I had been all commands were similarly
disorganized. It was fortunate for the Union forces, though, there
was so few of the enemy behind its works near and in the fort before
mentioned; though as a whole taking the prisoners, the major part of
those who ran into the woods, together with those who stood their
ground and fought us, their number greatly exceeded ours _inside_
their works at this point. It was the easiest fight of the war, but
we expected it to be the hardest. But there were a goodly number of
dead and wounded about the last fort taken, where about a hundred
or more of the enemy had caused a needless sacrifice of life. There
was never any doubt but that we should take the fort from the first,
but it did seem provoking that the whole corps should shy by it in
the darkness and leave it for a few to do and especially not make
its work more thorough in taking prisoners; but I've always felt
reconciled to it, as it gave me such an excellent view of General
Grant at such an important time in his life.
It has always seemed strange that it wasn't fully understood by all
Company Commanders that a signal gun would be fired from Fort Fisher
"about 4.45 o'clock a. m." for obvious reasons, and that the Sixth
Corps was to turn to its left after entering the enemy's works and
sweep them in that direction to Hatcher's Run in front of the other
Corps. Of course it and the fact that Grant's headquarters were
close to the left of the First Brigade, Third Division, Sixth Corps
(See Grant's Memoirs p. 310), shows that he had implicit faith in
its ability to break the enemy's line of works and a possible doubt
as to whether the other three corps including the Second, all of
which were to the left of the Sixth, could do so or not in front
of where they respectively laid. It was fortunate, however, that
it wasn't fully understood that the Sixth Corps was to turn to its
left and sweep the works as in case it had been the men who ran
into the woods which was full of them, in rear of their works would
have probably retaken some portions of them and caused still larger
unnecessary loss of life. Probably it was thought instead, the enemy
would move along their works to their right towards Hatcher's Run,
no one ever dreaming they would become quite as badly disorganized
at once on our entering their works as we necessarily were after
passing through the obstructions in front of the same; but being
surprised and on suddenly waking up, and finding us right amongst
them, stampede followed. Aside from the foregoing defects in not
having the plan of attack, etc., fully understood, the preliminaries
of the assault were most admirably carried out; but the Creator
knew what was best, and His unseen hand predominated. The slight
shelling during the night to try and discover if we were preparing
to attack proved futile notwithstanding it did kill and wound a
few men in our Brigade. No shells reached Company G, prior to its
advancing. My Company being on the right of the Brigade, owing to
the long interval between it and the next Brigade on its right,
there were fewer men of either army where I entered the works than
any where else in the neighborhood. Most of the enemy from here ran
to the redoubt and fort just to their right before mentioned and
into the woods for obvious reasons, so fortunately there was hardly
any resistance at this point; still I saw the only two dead Union
soldiers in front of the enemy's work and our Brigade right here,
except after the fort was taken.
General Grant was more highly pleased with what the Sixth Corps did
than any other. He says in effect in his memoirs (ibid. p. 309),
among other things, that General Wright with the Sixth Corps "Swung
around to his left and moved to Hatcher's Run sweeping everything
before him," and after reaching there (ibid. p. 310), Wright "Sent
a regiment to destroy the South Side railroad just outside the
city." But does he mention any other Corps so pleasingly? Let the
misinformed or biased historians, and others of the so-called "best"
Corps of the Army of the Potomac, read what Grant says of each in
this fight in his Memoirs. He cannot be accused of fulsome praise
in regard to any Corps, but he does mention in flattering terms the
clean, brilliant work of the old reliable Sixth Corps which twice
almost single-handed saved the National Capital during the last
ten months of the war. Again _here_, too, at Petersburg as in the
Shenandoah Valley, it was more conspicuous than any other Corps in
ringing down the great stage curtain of this memorable siege.
Had a long strong skirmish line with an occasional reserve been
deployed at right angles to the enemy's works and swept to Hatcher's
Run or further in rear of their works, probably many thousand more
prisoners would have been captured than were. As it was, the Sixth
Corps took 3,000 prisoners, which Grant, whose headquarters were at
Dabney's Saw Mill (ibid. p. 310), says he met going out of their
works just as he was going over them to join the victorious Sixth
Corps within the enemy's works where I saw him a few minutes later
as before related. Grant does not say anything in his Memoirs about
any other Corps having captured any prisoners, in case they did.
Probably similar conditions existed all along the lines taken in
this closing, most unique and interesting battle of this historic
siege so far as both sides were concerned as herein described; and
this is one reason I have so fully gone into details never before
having seen them as fully given by any eye witness and participant.
Of course General Grant not being inside the lines he nor probably
any other general officer at the moment of their being taken, was
not an eye witness to the remarkable, stirring and unusual scenes
of the moment and which immediately followed, and could not go fully
into such details in their reports.
ADDENDA NO. 4.
The following congratulatory address by General Custer to his men
at the close of the Civil War is supplied by Hon. A. H. Farnam,
President of one of the largest Mill Companies of Aberdeen,
Washington, who served with Custer's Cavalry with credit which
served with the Sixth Corps at the battle of Winchester, Va., Sept.
19, 1864, and in other battles, is of interest:
Appomattox Court House, Va., April 9th, 1865.
Headquarters Third Cavalry Division.
Soldiers of the Third Cavalry Division:--
With profound gratitude toward the God of battles, by whose blessing
our enemies have been humbled and arms rendered triumphant, your
Commanding General avails himself of this his first opportunity to
express to you his admiration of the heroic manner in which you have
passed through the series of battles which to-day resulted in the
surrender of the enemy's entire army.
The record established by your indomitable courage is unparalleled
in the annals of war. Your prowess has won for you even the respect
and admiration of your enemies. During the past six months although
in most instances confronted by superior numbers, you have captured
from the enemy, in open battle, one hundred and eleven pieces
of field artillery, sixty-five battle flags, and upwards of ten
thousand prisoners of war including seven general officers. Within
the past ten days, and included in the above, you have captured
forty-six pieces of field artillery and thirty-seven battle flags,
you have never lost a gun, never lost a color, and have never been
defeated, and notwithstanding the numerous engagements in which you
have borne a prominent part, including those memorable battles of
the Shenandoah you have captured every piece of artillery which the
enemy has dared to open upon you. The near approach of peace renders
it improbable that you will again be called upon to undergo the
fatigues of the toilsome march or the exposure of the battle-field,
but should the assistance of keen blades wielded by your sturdy arms
be required to hasten the coming of that glorious peace for which
we have been so long contending, the General commanding is proudly
confident that, in the future as in the past, every demand will meet
with a hearty and willing response.
Let us hope that our work is done, and that, blessed with the
comforts of peace, we may be permitted to enjoy the pleasures of
home and friends. For our comrades who have fallen, let us ever
cherish a grateful remembrance. To the wounded, and to those who
languished in Southern prisons, let our heartfelt sympathy be
tendered.
And now, speaking for myself alone, when the war is ended, and the
task of the historian begins, when those deeds of daring which have
rendered the name and fame of the Third Division imperishable, are
inscribed upon the bright pages of our country's history, I only
ask that my name be written as that of the Commander of the Third
Cavalry Division.
G. A. CUSTER,
Brevet Major General Commanding.
Official:--
S. W. Barnhart,
Captain and A. A. A. G.
ERRATA AND CORRIGENDA.
Page 42 next to the last line read ford for fort.
Page 76 eighth line read is for are.
_LIST OF SOME OF THE LIVING VETERANS OF THE TENTH REGIMENT, VERMONT
VOLUNTEER INFANTRY, SEPTEMBER, 1908._
Abbott, L. A., Maj. U. S. A., care of Mil. Sec. U. S. A.,
Washington, D. C.
Aiken, Hiram, Co. A, Cabot, Vt.
Allen, Harvey H., Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
Apple, Conrad, Co. E, Leadville, Colorado.
Atwater, Alonzo, Co. C, Weston, Vt.
Atwood, Corp. J. B., Co. I, Chelsea, Vt.
Ayers, Lieut. J., Co. B, Stowe, Vt.
Bailey, George, Co. A, Goss Hollow, Vt.
Bailey, Jacob, Co. A, West Plymouth, N. H., R. F. D. No. 1, Box 38.
Bailey, Henry J., Co. A, Lyndon, Vt.
Bailey, William H., Co. F, Enosburg Falls, Vt.
Bancroft, Corp. J. W., Co. K, Boise, Idaho.
Banks, A. M., Co. I, Bradford, Vt.
Bartlett, Corp. O. F., Co. G, 465 Chestnut St., Manchester, N. H.
Bentley, Hiland L., Co. E, German, N. Y.
Blodgett, Corp. G. W., Co. K, Montpelier, Vt.
Bowen, S. C, Co. H, Waterbury, Ct., R. F. D. No. 1.
Bracket, William H., Regt. Hospt. Steward, Co. C, Petersburg, Mich.
Brown, Joseph, Co. A, West Barnet, Vt.
Brown, L. J., Co. K, Bradford, Vt.
Brownell, Philander, Co. E, Ely Summit, Wash. Co., N. Y.
Bruce, Sergt. E. J., Co. K, West Charleston, Vt.
Burnell, Judge G. W., Capt. U. S. C. T., Oshkosh, Wis.
Burt, Sergt. A., Co. F, Enosburg Falls, Vt.
Bushnell, Edward, 50 Eliot St., Brattleboro, Vt., N. C. Staff.
Buss, Albee, Co. E, North Adams, Mass.
Burnham, Luther, Co. I, Washington, Vt.
Buxton, Sergt. E. R., Co. C, Royal, Neb.
Cable, Thomas, Co. A, Summerville, Vt.
Calkins, W. H., Co. K, West Charleston, Vt.
Carl, Rollin M., Co. D, Bristol, Vt.
Chatfield, B. G., Co. G, 334 Stevens St., Lowell, Mass.
Cheney, Hon. A. H., 1st Sergt. Co. G, Maj. U. S. C. T.,
Spencer, Iowa.
Churchill, Corp. C. C, Co. C, Rochester, Vt.
Churchill, O. E., Co. C, Libertyville, Illinois.
Clark, Corp. Joseph H., Co. A, 18 Pike St., Hopkinton, Mass.
Clark, Sergt. U. A., Co. G., Brookfield, Vt.
Clement, Corp. D. E., Co. H, Tully, Mass.
Clifford, Kimball C., Co. K, West Charleston, Vt.
Clogston, Lieut. Andrew J., Co. G, Littleton, N. H.
Coleston, Lieut. C. E., Co. H, South Woodstock, Vt.
Cobb, Corp. William H., Co. D, Middlesex, Vt.
Cobb, W. N., Co. H, 374 Edgwood Ave., New Haven, Conn.
Colby, George, Co. H, South Woodstock, Vt.
Conley, Corp. Charles W., Co. A, Summerville, Vt.
Cone, Patrick, Co. E, Bennington Centre, Vt.
Crane, A. J., Co. D, Bristol, Vt.
Crossett, E. C., Co. B, Waterbury, Vt.
Crown, Hon. A. H., Corp. Co. D, Tonawanda, N. Y.
Cunningham, Thomas, Co. C, Brandon, Vt.
Currie, Sergt. Charles D., Co. E, Georgia, Vt.
Currier, Alburn L., Co. A, Randolph, Vt.
Curtis, H. B., Co. E, Clio, Genessee Co., Mich.
Daley, Corp. John, Co. H, Ludlow, Vt.
Dana, E. H., Co. B, Middlesex, Vt.
Dane, Alden O., Co. K, Bellerica, Mass.
Dart, Alba, Co. H, Bethel, Vt.
Davis, Capt. George Evans, Co. D, 35 Federal St., Beverly, Mass.
Densmore, Corp. Jason, Co. G, Lebanon, N. H.
Dewey, Capt. H. H., Co. A, 294 Washington St., Boston, Mass. (Now
in hospital).
Dodge, Albert F., Co. B, Maj. U. S. C. T., Barre, Vt.
Douse, Dr. George M., Co. A, Peacham, Vt.
Drown, C. L., Co. K, Island Pond, Vt.
Edwards, W. R., Co. D, 221 West Miller St., Mason City, Iowa.
Emery, Charles E., Co. G, Washington, Vt.
Evaans, E. P., Co. B. 1419 North 13th St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Evans, Hon. Ira H., Co. B, Capt. U. S. C. T., Austin, Texas.
Farr, Capt. E. P., Co. G, Pierre, So. Dakota.
Felt, D. O., Co. E, Boston, Mass.
Ferris, Henry M., Co. C, Brandon, Vt.
Foss, F. Plummer, Co. G, 20 Middle St., Manchester, N. H.
Foster, Dr. E. J., Co. B, Waterbury Center, Vt.
Foster, Capt. Daniel, Co. B, Bloomington, Ill. (Not sure; no reply
to letter).
Freeman, Corp. Julius, Co. G, East Chatham, N. Y.
Fuller, Capt. A. W., St. Albans, Vt.
George, Corp. Christopher, Co. C, Barnard, Vt.
George, C. H., Co. G, River Falls, Wisconsin.
George, J. C., Co. K, West Charleston, Vt.
George, J. Hebert, Co. G, 19 Hamilton St., Norwich, Ct. Band.
Getchell, G. C., Co. G, East St. Johnsbury, Vt.
Goldsmith, James H., Co. H, Weathersfield Center, Vt. Band.
Green, Charles, Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
Griffin, John D., Co. K, West Charleston, Vt.
Griswold, Sergt. W. A., Co. D, 639 Morris St., Washington, D. C.
Guilder, Bishop C., Co. E, Castleton, Vt.
Hadlock, Lieut. C. P., Co. K, North Thetford, Vt.
Hall, E. C., Co. G, Soldier's Home, Hampden, Va.
Hamilton, Nathan, Co. F, Richford, Vt. (Not sure).
Hart, John B., Co. K, West Derby, Vt.
Haynes, Dr. E. M., Chaplain, 38 Grove St., Rutland, Vt.
Heath, John, Co. K, West Charleston, Vt.
Hebard, Milan, Co. G, Randolph, Vt.
Hemenway, Sergt. Oscar, Co. H, New Richmond, Wis.
Henry, Gen. W. W., U. S. Consul, Quebec, Canada.
Hilliard, Sergt. C. L., Co. C, Wallingford, Vt.
Hoadley, Francis H., Co. C, Wallingford, Vt.
Hopkins, Perry, Co. G, Bloomer, Wis., R. F. D. No. 5.
Hosford, J. N., Co. G, Barre, Vt., R. F. D. No. 3.
Howard, Edgar O., Co. H, No. 3 Willow Court, Waterbury, Ct.
Howe, Sergt. J. C., Co. H, Walpole, N. H.
Hoy, James, Co. C, Londonderry, Vt.
Hoyt, Lieut. William R., Co. A, Oklahoma. (Govt. employee;
location unknown).
Humphrey, Charles D., Co. H, Hartland, Vt., R. F. D. No. 1.
Hunt, Sergt. Maschil, Co. K, Avon, Mass., Box 92.
Hunt, Corp. Roswell C., Co. D, San Pedro, California.
Ingram, Lieut. Almon, Co. G, 148 Weston Road, Wellesley, Mass.
Johnson, Lieut. E. T., Co. E, Bradford, Pa.
Johnson, Ira J., Co. B, Middlesex, Vt.
Johnson, Nathan M., Coos, N. H.
Jones, William M., Co. H, Pittsford Mills, Vt.
Kelley, Beauman A., Co. A, Burke, Vt.
Kelley, Edward, Sergt. Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
Kelley, Corp. Emery, Co. A, St. Johnsbury Centre, Vt.
Keyes, Corp. Edwin L., Co. E, Readsboro, Vt.
Kidder, L. G., Co. G, Northfield, Vt.
Kincaid, Arthur, Co. A, Sutton, Vt.
Kingsley, Capt. H. W., Rutland, Vt.
Kirk, Corp. Reuben S., Co. H, Keene, N. H.
LaFountain, John, Co. F, Montgomery, Vt.
Lajoie, Stephen, Co. D, Burlington, Vt.
Lagro, Henry, Co. F, Enosburg, Vt.
Law, Corp. Harrison, Co. C, Wallingford, Vt.
Lawrence, Sergt. H. A., Co. A, East Peacham, Vt.
Leanard, Charles, Co. C, Lyme, N. H.
Learned, A. N., Co. I, Chester, Vt.
Leavens, L. C., Co. I, Richford, Vt.
Lincoln, C. M., Co. E, Rupert, Vt.
Madison, M., Co. E, West Chicago, Ill.
Manly, James, Co. D, Milton, Vt.
Mansur, J. W., Co. K, Island Pond, Vt.
Mansur, Hon. Z. M., Corp. Co. K, Newport, Vt.
Mason, George E., Co. G, West Randolph, Vt.
Martin, George W., Co. G, Bradford, Vt.
Martin, J. B., Co. C, Londonderry, Vt.
McClure, C. W., Co. C, Middletown Springs, Vt.
McCoy, J. B., Co. K, Madison, Wisconsin.
McMurphy, A. H., Co. G, Randolph Centre, Vt.
McNally, Corp. John, Co. G, Spruce St., Manchester, N. H.
Miles, George B., Co. G, Waits River, Vt.
Miner, Henry, Co. C, Winooski, Vt.
Miner, James, Co. C, Fair Haven, Vt., Box 204.
Montgomery, Corp. Wm. H., Co. E, Pownal, Vt.
Morrill, Joseph A., Co. A, Passumpsic, Vt., R. F. D. No. 1.
Moulton, W. S., Co. K, East Charleston, Vt.
Montieth, John, Co. F, Montgomery, Vt.
Munsen, W. W., Co. F, Highgate Centre, Vt. Band.
Murray, Robert, Co. A. Kinniars Mills, Quebec, Canada.
Murray, William, Co. A, Kinniars Mills, Quebec, Canada.
Naylor, Michael, Co. C, 165 Granger St., Rutland, Vt.
Nye, Capt. Chester F., Pawnee City, Neb.
O'Brien, Thomas, Co. D, 20 Hayward St., Burlington, Vt.
Oliver, Charles, Co. H, 43 Milk St., Fitchburg, Mass.
Ormsby, Corp. A. S., Co. I, Chester, Vt.
Osborn, Alfred M., Co. D, Williston, Vt.
Paige, Corp. S. A., Co. G, Laport City, Iowa.
Parker, L. B., Co. F., Richford, Vt.
Parkhurst, Jesse, Co. C, Andover, Vt.
Parkhurst, A. S., Co. B, Barre, Vt.
Pattison, E., Co. G, White Bear Lake, Minn.
Paul, William B., Co. H., Waltham, Mass.
Pease, L. H., Co. H, Amherst, N. H.
Perkins, William H., Co. E, East Rupert, Vt.
Pierce, Sergt. H. M., Co. B, 172 Washington Ave., Chelsea, Mass.
Porter, Albert H., Co. G, Thetford Center, Vt.
Porter, Charles E., Co. G, 142 County St., Fall River, Mass.
Powell, Charles A., Co. F., Richford, Vt.
Powell, Hon. E. Henry, Col. U. S. C. T., 166 College St.,
Burlington, Vt.
Powers, Lieut. Isaac L., Co. H, 91 Indiana Ave., Providence, R. I.
Powers, Orin S., Co. I, Bakersfield, Vt.
Puffer, Col. N. M., Co. E, Bennington, Vt. Band.
Raymore, J. W., Co. G, Randolph, Vt.
Rice, Charles L., Co. G, Rockland, Mass.
Rice, G. E., Co. G, 80 Pleasant St., Malden, Mass.
Rice, Ira A., Co. G, Florence, Wis.
Ring, Corp. Homer W., Co. D, Essex Junction, Vt.
Ross, Sergt. U. T., Co. H, Proctorsville, Vt.
Rogers, Allen, Co. C, Rochester, Vt.
Sabin, W. H. H., Co. --, Rutland, Vt.
Scott, Sergt. Alexander, Co. D, 1201 Kenyon Ave., Washington, D. C.
Sears, Andrews, Co. D, Vergennes, Vt.
Selina, Julius, Co. B, St. Johnsbury, Vt.
Sessions, Corp. H. G., Co. C, Meeteetse, Big Horn Co., Wyoming.
Sheldon, Capt. John A., Co. C, Rutland, Vt.
Sexton, DeWitt B., Co. I, Rutland, Vt. (Not sure of address).
Smally, A. K., Co. G, Waterbury, Vt.
Smith, Frank, Co. I, Chester, Vt.
Smith, Hon. Richard, Co. F, West Enosburg, Vt.
Smith, H. T., Co. G, Malcomb, Iowa.
Smith, J. G., Co. B, 208 Main St., Montpelier, Vt.
Spofford, Judson, Co. K, Boise, Idaho, Box 145.
Stafford, Sergt. Henry, Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
Stafford, Corp. John A., Co. E, 272 Western Ave., Brattleboro, Vt.
Steele, Capt. H. R., Co. K, 32 Liberty St., N. Y. City.
Steward, John R., Co. E, Soldier's Home, Bennington, Vt.
Stoddard, Albert H., Co. K, Burke, Vt.
Swail, W. H., Co. D, 42 Larned St., Detroit, Mich.
Taylor, Smith, Co. G, Chelsea, Vt.
Tice, Sergt. George H., Co. K, Holland, Vt.
Torrence, Ezra M., Co. E, Worthington, Minn.
Torrence, Henry E., Co. E, Worthington, Minn.
Turner, Andrew V., Co. E, Manchester Centre, Vt.
Vedell, Francis, Co. C, 217 Elmwood Ave., Burlington, Vt.
Wait, Corp. Oscar E., Co. I, Springfield, Vt.
Wallace, W. H., Co. A, St. Johnsbury Centre, Vt.
Wallace, C. F., Co. K, Dixville, P. Q., Canada.
Walker, Corp. Joel, Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
Washburn, Milton, Co. D, Middlebury, Vt.
Waters, Corp. J. L., Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
Welch, Adjt. George P., 8806 Euclid Ave., Cleveland, Ohio.
Wellman, Adin J., Co. C, Sedgwick, Kansas.
Wetmore, Philander C., Co. C, Robinson, Vt.
Wheeler, Lieut. A. H., Perkinsville, Vt.
Whitcomb, William L., Co. H, Springfield, Vt.
White, Lieut. Thomas H., Co. G, Shingle Springs, California.
Whitney, D., Co. G, Sibley, Iowa.
Wilkey, Lieut. Alexander, Co. G, Maria, P. Q., Canada.
Willey, Frank, Co. A, 323 Lake Ave., Manchester, N. H.
Williams, L. J., Co. C, Mendon, Vt.
Wise, Corp. George W., Co. G, 172 Broadway, Saranac Lake, N. Y.
Woodruff, Gen. Charles, Co. A, care Mil. Sec. U. S. A.,
Washington, D. C.
Wyatt, A. N., Co. E, 16 Washington St., Brattleboro, Vt.
Young, Henry C., Co. E, Bennington, Vt.
DIED.
Black, J. A., Co. K, d. 715 E. 7th St., Erie, Pa., wid. res. there.
Bond, T. C., Co. H, d. Apr. 19, 1905.
Boutwell, A. C., Co. G, d. Rutland, Vt, wid. res. there.
Chatfield, B. G., Co. G., d. in Lowell, Mass.
Clark, Dr. Almon, d. in Milwaukee, Wis.
Colby, E. C., Co. I, d. in Waterbury, Ct., wid. res. Springfield,
Mass.
Eaton, A. F., Co. H, d. in Ludlow, Vt.
Emery, George A., Co. G, d. in Somerville, Mass.
Freeman, Dr. D. B., Co. G, d. in Bethel, Vt., wid. res. there.
Gassett, Oscar, Co. H, d. in Ludlow, Vt., Jan. 11, 1895.
Hadley, Corp. Thomas, Co. H, d. in Claremont, N. H., June 20, 1904,
wid. res. 36 Prospect St., Claremont, N. H.
Haskell, Robert, Co. A, d. in East Peacham, Vt.
Kelley, C. A., Co. G, d. in Hawley, Mass.
Laberee, Sergt. George, Co. A, d. at Ascot Corners, P. Q., Canada.
Leach, P. C., Co. I, d. in Bakersfield, Vt., Oct. 2, 1907.
McIntosh, Dr. H. H., Co. G, d. in Randolph, Vt.
McKinstry, A. P., Co. G, wid. res. 419 W. 7th St., Red Wing, Minn.
Pippin, Corp. Timothy, Co. D, d. in Rockford, Ia., Nov. 14, 1907.
Poor, John H., Co. G, d. in Hardwick, Vt.
Riley, Thomas D., Co. F, d. probably in Wis.
Rutherford, Dr. J. C., d. in Newport, Vt.
Sloane, William A., Co. H., d. in Conway, N. H., Jan. 6, 1903, wid.
res. there.
Sprague, H. J., Co. G, d. at Bridgewater, Vt.
Stiles, Lieut. H. G., Co. G, d. in Indianapolis, Ind.
Tarble, Sylvester C., Co. H, d. in Brandon, Vt.
Thompson, Charles, Co. G, d. in Manchester, N. H.
Thompson, Capt. J. S., d. at 2802 Everett Ave., Everett, Washington,
wid. res. there.
Ware, D. W., Co. H, d. in Springfield, Mass., Apr. 21, 1898.
Whitehill, W. H., Co. A, d. at State Center, Ia., Mar. 3, 1907, wid.
res. there.
Woodward, G. H., Co. G, d. at Bridgewater, Vt., wid. res. there.
Wyman, Charles H., Co. H, d. in Fitchburg, Mass., May 28, 1902, of
apoplexy, wid. res. 9 Park St.
Zuille, Francis, Co. H, d. in Springfield, Vt., July, 1908.
INDEX.
The same name although indexed but once may appear several times
on the same page. The figures following the name refer to the page
where the name will be found. The different grades of rank following
the name show that the individual is so referred to in the text.
Abbott, Charles, 245
George 158
James, 230
L. A. Lieut., Capt., Maj., 247
Roy, 13
Abercrombie, Gen., 205
Alexander, F. W., Capt., 95, 99, 102
Gen., 207
Allen, Ethan, 122
H. S., Capt., 95
Anderson, Dr., 234
Gen., 135
Archer, 200
Averill, W. W., Gen., 150, 162, 168
Bagley, Dr., 227
Ball, Col., 25
Bancroft, Dan., 5
J. W., 253
Banty, ----, 4, 12
Barber, Merritt, Lieut., Capt., 77, 123, 135, 245
Barnard, Rev. Mr., 28
Barnhart, S. W., 281
Bartruff, Capt., 243
Battles, Mrs., 18
Baxter, Mr., 9
Baxter, Hon., Portus, 27
Beal, C. W., Corp., 10, 11
Beckley, Mr., 226
Benedict, Ezra, 217
Aurora, Ro., 217, 232
Beaureguard, Gen., 208
Binkley, Otho H., Lieut.-Col., 96
Birney, Gen., 68
Bixby, Roger, 225
Blair, P. M., Gen., 111
Blake, W. H., 253
Blanchard, Hiram, 226
John, 252
Orry, 10, 85, 149, 216
Bliss, Mr. Rev. F. S., 221, 226, 227, 231
Mrs., 221
Blodget, P. D., Capt., 22, 223
Bogue, C. D., Sergt., Lieut., Capt., 140
Botts, John Minor, 27
Bover, Peter, 252
Bowen, Mr., 11
Breckenridge, Gen., 102, 108, 109
Bradford, Gov., 111
Bradley, Byron 145, 219
Bradey's ----, 39
Briggs, Capt., 239
Brown, Allison L., Col. 95
Chas. J., Capt., 95, 98, 105
George G., 11
John Old, 141
Brownell, ----, 171
Bruces, 253
Buford, Gen., 202
Burnell, G. W., Lieut., Capt. 2, 30, 93
Burrage, ----, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204
Burnham, Abby, 6, 61
Andrew, 218
Hattie, 221, 232
Henry, 231
James; Jim, 139, 221, 229, 231, 241
Burnside, Gen., 39, 40, 41, 42, 51, 62, 83, 89
Butler, B. F., Gen., 23, 84, 85, 244
Carpenter, Dr., 226
Carr, J. B., 24
Casey, Silas, Gen., 14, 28, 29, 34, 36, 39, 40
Chandler, C. G., Capt., Maj., Col., 11, 26, 29, 38, 41, 77, 98,
99, 105, 240
Mrs. C. G. 23
Charles, Sergt., 245
Chester, Mrs., 224
Child, Mrs. W. A., 14
Dr. W. A., 4, 13, 20, 24
Chilton, A. W., Lieut., Capt., 140, 240
Chittenden, L. E., Hon., 117
Clark, Lieut., 41
B. B., Lieut., 225, 256
Almon, Dr., 3, 19, 20, 23, 129, 139, 143, 219, 240
Will, 2, 130
Clendenin, David R., Col., 95, 99
Clingman, Gen., 72
Crandall, Maj., 78
Crook, George, Gen., 124, 125, 126, 127, 135, 141, 149, 157, 162
Crossett, H. W., 252
Crown, A. H., 253
Custer, G. A., Gen., 69, 168, 174, 279, 281
Damon, G. B., Capt., Lieut.-Col., 45, 242, 261, 271
Darrah, Samuel, Capt., 1, 6, 15, 19, 24, 28, 77, 104
Davis, Jeff., 243
G. E., Lieut., Capt., 13, 54, 77, 86, 92, 93, 99, 100, 104, 105,
131, 145, 148, 225, 243, 246, 256
Mrs. G. E. 19
Day, Capt., 243
Dewey, H. H., Lieut., Capt., 13, 19, 241
Dillingham, Capt., Maj., 1, 11, 78, 89, 100, 121, 127, 167, 169,
210, 215, 216, 225
Gov., 230
Dodge, Albert F., Capt., 41, 229, 231
Louise, 231
Oramel, Mrs., 221, 227
Donaldson, Mr., 121
Doubleday, Gen., 202
Drury, Lyman, 219
Early, Jubal A., Gen. 48, 93, 100, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110,
111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 134,
135, 136, 142, 146, 150, 169, 176, 201, 208, 210, 211
Ebright, Aaron W., Lieut.-Col., 96
Egbert, Lieut.-Col., 25
Embic, Col., 3
Emerson, William, Col., 96
Emery, W. H., Gen., 112, 124, 150, 190, 191, 192
Evans, C. E., Lieut., 102
Ewell, Gen., 200, 258
Farnam, A. H., 279
Farra, Mr., 29
Farrer, Perley, 62
Farr, E. P., Lieut., 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 20, 27, 139
Field, Gen., 72
Flint, Mr., 232
Floyd, Aurora, 217, 218
Forbush, Dr., 224
Forest, Edwin, 40
Foster, Col., 140
Daniel G., Lieut., Sergeant, 12, 241
Maj., 36
French, Charley, 221
Frank, 216, 230
Gen., 21, 24, 26, 29
Frost, E. B., Capt., Maj., 4, 24, 41, 72, 75
Fuller, A. W., Lieut., 225, 256
George, Herbert, 4, 6
Getty, General, 180
Gibson, C. J., Lieut., 97
Gilmore, ----, 120
Gilpin, Chas., Col. 95, 99
Glover, Hattie, 217, 220, 221, 222
Goddard, Maj., 214
Godwin, Gen., 210
Goodrich, Capt., 2, 212
Gordon, Gen., 102, 108, 109, 110, 111, 115
Grant, U. S., Col., Gen., Lieut.-Gen., 1, 29, 37, 42, 49, 61, 65,
66, 69, 76, 78, 85, 86, 92, 93, 94, 109, 111, 115, 116, 123, 129,
130, 134, 135, 136, 141, 146, 147, 149, 179, 194, 195, 197, 198,
199, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 273,
274, 275, 276, 277, 278
Griffin, Gen., 50
Hall, C. K., Lieut.-Col., 96
Hallock, Gen., 115
Hancock, Gen., 51, 54, 59, 64
Hanson, Lester, 231
Mr., 216
Harper, Maj., 36, 126
Harrington, Ardelia, 226
Nate 10, 149, 221, 226
Hayes. R. B., Col., Gen., Pres., 157
Haynes, E. M., Chap., Dr. 3, 30, 41, 46, 107, 113, 117, 155, 156,
211, 248, 249
Hayward, Mrs., 227
Hayward, Susan, 227
Hennig, ----, 127
Henry, Mrs. W. W., 23
W. W., Lieut.-Col., Brig.-Gen., 6, 37, 41, 46, 73, 77, 86, 96,
102, 103, 104, 106, 131, 240, 242
Hicks. J. A., Lieut., Capt., 28, 38, 40, 214
Mr. 214
Higgins, ----, 127
Hill, D. G., Lieut., 2, 9, 10, 26, 92, 131, 132, 209, 211, 212
Hinkley, Lyman, 227
Hoadly, F. H., Corp., 178
Hogle, Sergt., 216
Hoke, Gen., 72
Holbrook, Gov., 230
Hood, Gen., 244
Howe, Abby, 232
Polly, Aunt, 219, 220
Uncle, 220, 231
Howard, Gen., 202
Hoyt, W. R., Lieut., 6, 8
Hunt, Lucius T., Capt., Maj., 75, 140, 240
Mrs., 24
Hunter, Col., 236, 238, 239
Huntington, ----, 36
James, Dr., 223
Jewett, Albert B., Col., 6, 13, 16, 17, 21, 31, 41, 248, 253
Johonnott, Fred, 222
Jones, J. H., Dr., 39, 61, 138, 220, 226, 227, 242, 245
Maj., 239
Mr., 231
Keifer, J. W., Col., 107
Kershaw, Gen., 72, 136, 141, 210, 211
Kilpatrick, Gen., 22, 23, 24
King, ----, 108, 109, 110
Kingsley, H. W., Lieut., Capt., 26, 92, 145, 212, 239
Landstreet, Wm. T., Col., 95
Leary, P., Lieut., Brig. Gen., 102
Lee, C. B., 10, 12, 13, 201
Custus, Gen., 258
Fitzhugh, Gen., 135, 136
R. E., Gen., 12, 22, 52, 56, 57, 60, 67, 78, 107, 135, 142, 148,
194, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 211, 258
Lieb, E. H., Capt., 95
Leonard, Capt., 28
Herbert, 222
Laura, 222
Lewis, S. H., Jr., Lieut., 239
Lincoln, Abraham, Mr., Pres., 39, 117, 147, 195, 198, 199, 200, 201,
202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 228
Lomax, Gen., 114
Longstreet, Gen., 64, 198, 202, 203, 204, 207
Lyman, Wyllys., Adj., Maj., 126, 170, 178, 225, 256, 271
Mansur, Z. M., Corp., Col., 253
Marlborough, ----, 194, 197, 204, 209
Martin, Ann, 220
Mather, J. M., 252
Mattison, J. M., 235
May, Lewis A., Maj., 96
McCausland, Gen., 100, 102, 108, 109, 110, 111
McClellan, G. B., Gen., 142, 146, 147, 195, 228
McClennan, Matthews R., Col., 96
McDonald, Maj., 73
Meade, Gen., 30, 37, 48, 51, 63, 69, 112, 122, 123, 198, 201, 202,
203, 205, 206, 251
Meader, Levi, 25, 228, 245
Merrill, Isaac, 227
Nancy, 131
Merritt, Wesley., Gen., 150, 162, 168
Moon, Dick, 33, 35
Morris, W. H., Gen., 8, 9, 22, 24, 28, 38, 55, 251, 254
Morse, Mrs., 24
Mosby, ----, 16, 124, 135
Mower, David, Mr., 220, 222, 230, 231, 241, 244
Mrs. David 217, 230
Nelson, ----, 108, 109, 110
Newton, C. G., 3, 5, 19
Nye, C. F., Capt., Lieut., 17, 225, 256
O'Brien, Thomas, Priv., 104
Olds, William, 229
Orcutt, Mr., 231
Paine, E. M., Capt., 96
John, 218
Parker, Rev. Mr., 21
Parkhurst, A. S., 10, 11
Park, Gen., 262
Patterson, Mrs., 226
Pepper, Mrs., 218
Perham, S. H., Capt., 263
Pickett. Gen., 72, 198, 205
Pierce, Abby, 145, 219
H. M., Sergt., 252
Lieut., 245
Uncle, 219
Pollard, Dr., 66, 67
Powell, Col. Henry, 93
Prince, Brig.-Gen., 29
Putnam, G. B., 241
Ramseur, ----, Gen., 108, 109
Read, J. M., Sergt., Adjt., Lieut., 14, 35, 131, 135
Reynolds, Gen., 200, 202
C. H., Lieut, R. Q. M., 138
Rhodes, Gen., 108, 110, 210
Ricketts, James B., Gen., 96, 99, 112, 113, 116, 182, 189
Ripley, Lafayette G., Priv., 252
Roberts, Rev. Mr., Chap., 30, 145
Robinson, Gen., 50
Russell, Ed, 215, 223
Gen., 64, 67, 158, 159, 161, 164, 165, 167, 168, 174, 175, 178,
182, 193, 200
Rutherford, J. C., Dr. 169, 234
Salisbury, J. A., Capt., Maj. 3, 102, 103, 104
Sawyer, J. W. 10
Schall, Col. 73, 75, 87
Schurz, 202
Scott, Alexander, Priv., Corp., Sergt., 105, 178, 253
Billy, 18
Charles, Mrs., 226
Seaver, J. R., Ryle, 7, 41, 131, 218, 229, 232
Alma, 218
Rodney 218, 232
Sedgwick, Gen., 37, 48, 51, 54, 122, 259
Seward, Wm. H. Jr., Col. 96
Seymour, Gen., 45, 46, 48
Shalers, Gen., 48
Shedd, Corp., 53
Sheldon, Capt., J. A. 26, 28
Sheridan, Gen., 1, 69, 123, 131, 135, 136, 141, 146, 149, 151, 152,
153, 166, 167, 178, 179, 180, 189, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199,
200, 201, 205, 209, 210, 211, 233, 240, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260
Sherman, Gen., 131, 241, 242, 243, 244
Simons, Sarah, Aunt 220, 231
George, 220
Martha, 220
Skiff, George, 24
Smith, David, 220, 231, 232
Governor, 9, 22
Lois, 232
Mr., 29
W. F., Maj.-Gen., 70, 84, 85
Snow, Mr., 220
Spaulding, J. S., 229
Spofford, Judson, 253
Stahl, J. A., Col., 96
Stannard, Gen., 230
Staunton, J. F., Col., 107
Steele, H. R., Capt., 3, 18, 19, 25, 44, 55, 76, 252
Stetson, Ezra, Lieut., 1, 3, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17, 23, 35, 73, 225,
249, 252, 253
Mrs. Ezra 19
Stevenson, Gen., 236, 237, 240
Stonestreet, Dr., 127
Storrs, G. D., 252
Thayer, Dr., 222, 223, 233, 234
W. M., 252
Thomas, Gen., 147, 241, 242, 243, 244
Stephen, Col., 124
Thompson, Aunt, 145, 232
Fernando, 220
Helen, 221
J. S., Lieut., Capt., 25, 74
L. D., Lieut., Capt., 131, 225, 226, 256
Lieut., 17, 23
Phineas, 221
P. A., Pert., 2, 6, 9, 17, 23, 60, 61, 79, 130, 137, 145, 146,
218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 224, 226, 229, 230, 232, 241, 245
Tilden, Lester, 229
Webber, 229
Torbert, A. T. A., Gen., 137, 150
Townsend, Lieut.-Col., 73
Truax, W. S., Col. W. S., 96
Tyler, E. B., Gen., 95, 99, 110, 121
Upton, Emery, Gen., 72, 73, 192, 193
Vredenburg, Maj., 167
Wadsworth, ----, 200
Walker, Aldace F., Col., 176, 180, 187, 189, 194
Joel, Corp., 171, 172
Wallace, Lew, Gen., 95, 104, 107, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115
Walters, Mr., 216
Warner, Col., 184, 185
Warren, Gen., 51
Watson, Alma, 229
Mrs. George, 216, 230
George, 230
Jo., 227
Welch, George P., Adjt., Lieut., 14, 31, 41, 132, 143, 148, 225, 256
Wellington, ----, 194, 197, 204, 209
Wells, Charles A., Maj., 95
West, Fanny, 229
Mr., 225
Wheeler, Lieut., 148, 240
Elijah, 231
Susan, 79, 231
White, William, Lieut., 73
Wilkey, Alexander, Lieut., 241
Wilson, C. B., Carl, Col., 9, 10, 20, 32, 215, 216, 221, 222, 224,
230
James H., Gen. 136, 137, 139, 150, 161, 180
Em. 221
John, Mr., 221, 222
Mrs., 221, 222
Wise, Corp. George W., 272
Woodbridge, F. E., Congressman, 25, 228
Wright, H. G., Gen., 84, 90, 124, 149, 192, 202, 239, 257, 259,
262, 277
Mrs., 211, 212
Rebekah, 211, 212
York, Gen., 210
* * * * *
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