The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Issue, by Lector
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Issue
The Case for Sinn Fein
Author: Lector
Release Date: July 25, 2011 [EBook #36842]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ISSUE ***
Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/American
Libraries.)
NEW IRELAND PAMPHLETS · NUMBER THREE
PRICE TWOPENCE
THE ISSUE
The Case for Sinn Fein
BY LECTOR
AS PASSED BY CENSOR.
NEW IRELAND PUBLISHING COMPANY, Limited
13 FLEET STREET, DUBLIN
1918
THE ISSUE
=INDEPENDENCE.=
Does Ireland wish to be free? Do we alone among the ancient Nations of
Europe desire to remain slaves? That, and that alone, is the question
which every Irish elector has now to answer. Let us put everything else
out of our minds as irrelevant claptrap. Let nothing distract us from this
single issue of Liberty. We must turn a deaf ear to sentimental whining
about what this or that man did, his length of service, his "fighting on
the floor of the House," and so on. Whatever may have been done in the way
of small doles, petty grants, and big talk, the =fact= is that we are not
Free and the =issue= is, Do we want to be Free?
Why should we be afraid of Freedom? Would any sane adult voluntarily
prefer to be a slave, to be completely in the control and power of
another? Men do not willingly walk into jail; why, then, should a whole
people? The men who are =afraid= of national liberty are unworthy even of
personal liberty; they are the victims of that slave mentality which
English coercion and corruption have striven to create in Ireland. When
Mr. John Dillon, grown tremulous and garrulous and feeble, asked for a
national convention this autumn "to definitely forswear an Irish
Republic," he was asking Ireland to commit an act of national apostasy and
suicide. Would =you= definitely forswear your personal freedom? Will Mr.
John Dillon hand his cheque-book and property over to some stranger and
indenture himself as a serf or an idiot? When he does, but not till then,
we shall believe that the Irish Nation is capable of sentencing itself
cheerfully to penal servitude for all eternity.
It was not always thus. "I say deliberately," said Mr. John Dillon at
Moville in 1904, "that I should never have dedicated my life as I have
done to this great struggle, if I did not see at the end of it the
crowning and consummation of our work--A FREE AND INDEPENDENT IRELAND." It
is sad that, fourteen years later, when the end is in sight, Mr. Dillon
should be found a recreant and a traitor to his past creed. The
degeneration of such a man is a damning indictment of Westminsterism.
Parnell, too save for one short moment when he tried by compromise to fool
English Liberalism but was foiled, proclaimed his belief in Irish
Independence.
This is what Parnell said at Cincinatti on 23rd February, 1880:--
"When we have undermined English misgovernment, we have paved the way
for Ireland to take her place among the nations of the earth. And let
us not forget that that is the ultimate goal at which all we Irishmen
aim. None of us, whether we be in America or in Ireland, or wherever
we may be, will be satisfied =until we have destroyed the last link
which keeps Ireland bound to England=."
Were he alive to-day, when the last link is snapping, on what side would
Parnell be? Would he forswear an Irish Republic or would he proclaim once
more, as he said in Cork (21st Jan., 1885): "No man has a right to fix the
boundary of the march of a Nation. No man has a right to say: Thus far
shalt thou go and no farther. And we have never attempted to fix the _ne
plus ultra_ to the progress of Ireland's nationhood and we never shall."
=IRELAND AND SMALL NATIONS.=
At New York 31st August, 1904, John Redmond declared:--
"If it were in my power to-morrow by any honourable means to
absolutely emancipate Ireland, I would do it and feel it my duty to do
it. (1904, not 1914!) I believe it would be just as possible for
Ireland to have a prosperous and free separate existence as a nation
as Holland, Belgium, or Switzerland, or other small nationalities. And
if it were in the power of any man to bring that result about
to-morrow by honourable and brave means, he would be indeed a coward
and a traitor to the traditions of his race did he not do so."
If Holland and Poland and all the other little lands, why not Ireland? Put
that straight question to yourself and you must answer it as John Redmond
did in 1904. Are we alone among the nations created to be slaves and
helots? Are we so incompetent and incapable as not to be able to manage
our own country? Is a people of four millions to be in perpetual bondage
and tutelage to a solicitor and a soldier? Did God Almighty cast up this
island as a sandbank for Englishmen to walk on? Is it the sole mission of
Irish men and women to send beef and butter to John Bull?
Look at the other nations and ask yourself, Why not? Why is not Ireland
free? Are we too small in area? We are double Switzerland or Denmark,
nearly three times Holland or Belgium. Is our population too small--though
it was once double? We are as numerous as Serbia, our population is as
large as that of Switzerland and nearly double that of Denmark or Norway.
Does the difficulty lie in our poverty? Are we too poor to exist as a free
people? The revenue raised =per head= in Ireland is double that of any
other small nation, seven times that of Switzerland! The total revenue of
Ireland is ten times that of Switzerland, three times that of Norway, four
times that of Denmark, Serbia or Finland. Yet all these countries have
their own armies, consuls, etc.; they run themselves as free nations at
far below the cost of servile Ireland. Why? Because there is no other
country pocketing their cash.
Here are some figures:--
Area Population Revenue
(thousands of (Millions) (Millions £)
sq. miles)
Ireland 32-1/2 4-1/3 30
Belgium 11-1/2 7-1/2 32
Holland 12-1/2 6-1/2 18-3/4
Denmark 15-1/2 2-3/4 7-1/2
Norway 125 2-1/2 10
Switzerland 16 4 3
Rumania 53-1/2 7-1/2 24
Serbia 34 4-1/2 8-1/2
Finland 126 3-1/4 8-1/2
These figures would suggest that Ireland is a strong military and naval
power among the small nations. And so we are--only the army and navy we
support are not our own; they exist to keep us in slavery, not in freedom.
It is about time we started business on our own.
=DEPENDENT ON ENGLAND?=
The most significant instance of English policy in Ireland is the creation
of the widespread delusion that we are economically dependent on England.
An elaborate network of fraud and deceit has been built up to hide the
truth from our eyes. We are secretly and systematically robbed and we
hardly notice it. The ordinary Irish worker pays at least four shillings a
week to England, he is hardly aware of the fact, so nicely is it done
whenever he buys tobacco or his wife gets tea and sugar, and so on. Though
the average income in England is three times what it is in Ireland, the
notoriously underfed Irish workers have to pay more than twice the English
proportion of indirect taxes on food, etc. We pay England 1/- on every
pound of tea, 1-1/2d. on every pound of sugar, 7d. on every oz. of
tobacco. There is no fuss about it: it is accepted as part of the laws of
nature that tea should be a shilling a pound dearer than it need be. As
for direct taxation--well, even the farmers know what the English
income-tax is. Where does it all go? To England as taxes, profits, rents,
imperial contributions, and trade. As a going concern Ireland is now worth
thirty million a year to its owner, John Bull. There are certain expenses
of administration--police, Castle, secret service, prisons, tax
collectors--and there are, of course, several items of hush-money, dodges
necessary to fool the people, such as "education." But the fact is that a
bigger and bigger profit is being made every year out of this island. More
agricultural materials and products are shipped to England, more Irish
brains are selected for running India, etc., more Irishmen are utilised
for gun-fodder. Sometimes, after much beseeching by resolutions and
deputations, we are graciously presented with a minute fraction of our own
goods. Is it not about time that we recognised in English "grants" our own
country's transmuted plunder? We are as dependent on England as a factory
is on an absentee society lady who is shareholder.
In 1663 began the long series of English laws against Irish trade. Charles
II. closed the English markets to Irish cattle, meat, leather, butter,
etc. Ireland built ships and opened direct trade with Flanders, France,
Spain, the American Colonies. The Navigation Act and the Jacobite War once
more destroyed our mercantile marine and ruined our industries. Ireland
was practically confined by law to the English market. In 1782, 60,000
Volunteers, with arms in their hands, won Free Trade--i.e., the liberty of
Ireland to trade direct with the world. In a few years, bad as our own
Parliament was, the country prospered exceedingly. The Union once more
destroyed our industries and even our tillage and turned Ireland into a
cattle-ranch; our mercantile marine was destroyed. All our trade is in the
hands of English middlemen and we have to sell and buy at England's price.
We are dependent on England, not in the sense that we get anything out of
her, but in the sense that we have allowed her to capture our trade and
cut us off from the world. We have allowed England to become a parasitic
bloodsucker. And because we have done so, we fancy that England is our
sole customer. As if the whole world is not clamouring for meat and butter
and other foodstuffs! In 1912, when England placed her cattle embargo on
Ireland, the prices in the markets of Hamburg and Genoa--after deducting
import duty and the extra cost of transit--were more than 11/- per cwt.
higher than the price paid in England. Had Irishmen then had enough Sinn
Fein spirit, they would soon have discovered who was dependent on whom!
There is no possible argument, moral or economic, against Irish freedom.
"Is Ireland fit to be an independent sovereign nation?" asks Dr. Cohalan,
Bishop of Cork. "Why should it not be, if Belgium is fit to be a sovereign
nation, if Serbia is so fit, if Montenegro--whose King is not much more
than a strong farmer in this country--is fit, all fit to be independent
nations? Then, when putting the question as to Ireland, I would really ask
everyone, men and women, in this country to cease speaking slightingly of
their own race and their own country. I would like every Irishman and
woman, Catholic and Protestant, to answer that question in the
affirmative." We are fit to be free, we have a God-given right to be free,
we mean to be free. But how are we going to get our freedom?
=HOW TO GET THINGS.=
Let us see how we ever got anything from England. Parnell is much quoted
just now. What was his view? This is what he said at Manchester, 15th
July, 1877:--
"For my part I must tell you that I do not believe in a policy of
conciliation of English feeling or English prejudices. I believe that
you may go on trying to conciliate English prejudice until the day of
judgment, and that you will not get the breadth of my nail from them.
What did we ever get in the past by trying to conciliate them? Did we
get the abolition of tithes by the conciliation of our English
taskmasters? No; it was because we adopted different measures. Did
O'Connell in his time gain emancipation for Ireland by conciliation? I
rather think that O'Connell in his time was not of a very conciliatory
disposition, and that at least during a part of his career he was
about the best-abused Irishman living."
There is no mistaking the view of Charles Stewart Parnell. Two years later
he repeated his assertion (Tipperary, 21st Sept., 1879):--
"=It is no use relying upon the Government, it is no use relying upon
the Irish members, it is no use relying upon the House of Commons.=
You must rely upon your own determination, that determination which
has enabled you to survive the famine years and to be present here
to-day; and, if you are determined, I tell you, you have the game in
your own hands."
And at the St. Patrick's Day celebration in London in 1884:--
"I have always endeavoured to teach my countrymen, whether at home or
abroad, the lesson of =self-reliance=.... Do not rely upon any English
Party; do not rely even upon the great English democracy, however
well-disposed they may be to your claims. But rely upon yourselves."
Sinn Fein means self-reliance.
According to Parnell, then, the Irish people secured nothing through Irish
talk at Westminster. Whatever they got, they got by direct action. It is
easy to convince ourselves that Parnell is right. We got Free Trade and
legislative independence in 1782, without any Irish Party at Westminster,
with the help of 60,000 Volunteers. In 1829 Catholic Emancipation was won
by O'Connell in Clare, before he ever set foot in Westminster, because he
had the Irish people and the Catholic Association behind him. Yet a few
months before the English Government had rejected a Catholic Relief Bill
with scorn. Here are Peel's words:--
"In the course of the last six months, England, being at peace with
the whole world, has had five-sixths of the infantry force of the
United Kingdom occupied in maintaining the peace and in police duties
in Ireland. I consider the state of things which requires such an
application of military force much worse than open rebellion. If this
be the state of things at present, let me implore of you to consider
what would be the condition of England in the event of war. Can we
forget in reviewing the state of Ireland what happened in 1782?"
The Prime Minister was evidently unmoved by all the eloquent appeals for
justice to Irish Catholics; he moved very rapidly when Irishmen showed
signs of =doing= something. The Duke of Wellington, in May, 1829, made a
similar confession:--
"If you glance at the history of Ireland during the last ten years,
you will find that agitation really means something short of
rebellion; that and no other is the exact meaning of the word. It is
to place the country in that state in which its government is utterly
impracticable except by means of an overawing military force."
Not such a far cry after all from the Iron Duke to the Tin Viscount!
Tithes were abolished in 1838, again not by a Parliamentary Party, but by
the people themselves after a bloody seven years' war.
Then came Disestablishment in 1869. How did that come? When in 1868
Gladstone proposed his Church resolution, a hundred Irish members
voted--fifty-five for and forty-five against! Obviously Disestablishment
was not carried by Irish representation at Westminster. Let Gladstone
himself tell us what carried it:--
"Down to the year 1865 and the dissolution of that year, the whole
question of the Irish Church was dead. Nobody cared about it, nobody
paid attention to it in England. Circumstances occurred which drew
attention of the people to the Irish Church. I said myself in 1865,
and I believed, that it was out of the range of practical politics."
In other words, Fenianism secured Irish Church Disestablishment. Lord
Derby, writing from the opposite camp, agreed with Gladstone:--
"A few desperate men, applauded by the whole body of the Irish people
for their daring, showed England what Irish feeling really was, made
plain to us the depth of a discontent whose existence we had scarcely
suspected, and =the rest followed, of course=."
Let us hear the same two unimpeachable witnesses concealing the Land
Question. "I must make one admission," said Gladstone, "and that is that
without the Land League the Act of 1881 would not at this moment be on the
Statute Book." "Fixity of tenure," said Lord Derby, "has been the direct
result of two causes: Irish outrage and parliamentary obstruction. The
Irish know it as well as we. Not all the influence and eloquence of Mr.
Gladstone would have prevailed on the English House of Commons to do what
has been done in the matter of Irish tenant right, if the answer to all
objections had not been ready: How else are we to govern Ireland?" In
plain English, every concession wrung from England has been secured simply
by making the English Government otherwise impossible in Ireland.
=THE FAILURE OF PARLIAMENTARIANISM.=
If this be so, what is the use of sending Irishmen over to talk at
Westminster? That is the question which we have to face squarely. In the
hand of a genius like Parnell, the parliamentary policy secured a
temporary success, because, with the help of Joe Biggar, the Fenian, he
played the game in his own way--by parliamentary obstruction--and because
he secured the co-operation of the anti-parliamentary Nationalists. But
even he only looked upon the experiment as a temporary expedient. "Have
patience with me," he said to a Fenian in 1877; "give me a trial for three
or four years; then if I cannot do anything, I will step aside." He made a
very striking declaration in November, 1880, when the freedom of Limerick
was conferred on him:--
"I am not one of those who believe in the permanence of an Irish Party
in the English Parliament. I feel convinced that sooner or later the
influence which every English Government has at its command--the
powerful and demoralising influence--sooner or later--will sap the
best Party you can return to the House of Commons. I don't think we
ought to rely too much on the permanent independence of an Irish Party
sitting at a distance from their constituencies and legislating, or
attempting to legislate, for Ireland at Westminster. But I think it
possible to maintain the independence of our Party by great exertions
and by great sacrifices on the part of the constituencies of
Ireland--while we are making a short, sharp, and I trust decisive,
struggle for the restoration of our legislative independence."
There could not be a more striking condemnation of Westminsterism from the
lips of Ireland's greatest parliamentary leader. What would he not have
said could he have foreseen the Liberal alliance, the pledge-breaking, the
jobbing, the £400 a year! "If the young men of Ireland have trusted me,"
said Parnell at Kilkenny, December, 1890, "it is because they know that I
am not a mere Parliamentarian." Ireland, young and old, has since then had
good cause to distrust mere Parliamentarianism.
The test of any policy is its practical result. What has Westminsterism
got for us? For 47 years we have had an Irish Party, for 118 years Ireland
has been represented in the English Parliament. We have given the
experiment a fair trial; it is high time to take stock. When the Party
started in 1871 our population was 5-1/2 millions; since then over 2-1/4
millions have emigrated; there are now only 4-1/3 millions in the country.
In 1871 there were 5,620,000 acres in tillage; now there are less than
4,900,000. In 1871 the poor rate was 2s. 6d. per head, now it is over 5s.
In 1871 the taxation of Ireland was £1 5s. 7d. per head; to-day it is
about £7. Apply any rational test you like, and find if you can any single
good we have got by sending Irish talkers to Westminster. The Irish Party,
of course, attribute everything to themselves. But this electioneering
dodge--never used by Parnell--is getting a trifle thin. Even Mr. Redmond
wrote in 1902: "Despite the efforts made by Isaac Butt and other Irish
members between 1871 and 1876, nothing was done in the direction of land
reform until the Land League came." The Local Government Act of 1898 was
drafted secretly by the Government and came as a surprise to the Party; it
was even opposed by John Redmond. The Party never asked for Old Age
Pensions, and when these were proposed they confined themselves to the
remark that if extended to Ireland half-a-crown a week would be enough.
Parliament has spent thirty-three years drafting Home Rule Bills; they
have all come to nothing. In three weeks Irish Conscription was passed in
spite of the Party. Where was Conscription defeated--in Ireland or in
Westminster? And if the organised opposition and resistance of the Nation,
especially of Labour, made Conscription impossible, does it not teach us
that our real power is here at home in Ireland? The Party made vain
efforts to secure justice for the Irish teachers. The teachers took the
matter into their own hands and won at once; had they been more
determined, they would have done better still. In 1847-'48, while Irishmen
talked in Parliament, Mitchel proposed to =do= something here in Ireland,
to keep our own food here for our own people. Ireland did not realise her
true salvation then, and the consequences were terrible. Seventy years
later the same gospel is being preached under a new name. Are we going to
listen to-day?
Why, indeed, argue against Parliamentarianism at all? Its very adherents
have abandoned all defence of it. On 3rd December, 1917, Mr. Dillon said
in the English House of Commons: "Our position in this House is made
futile, we are never listened to." Next day Mr. Devlin declared: "I do not
often come to this House, because I do not believe it is worth coming to."
These men are merely re-echoing from their own experience the parting
words of Michael Davitt as he left the English Parliament (Oct., 1899):--
"I have for four years tried to appeal to the sense of justice in this
House of Commons on behalf of Ireland. I leave, convinced that no just
cause, no cause of right, will ever find support from this House of
Commons unless it is backed up by force."
=THE FUTILITY OF TALK.=
Let us consider the whole policy in a sane, business-like way. John Bull
runs his Other Island purely as a lucrative investment; he makes a good
profit by the concern. Ireland is simply an Area for supplying beef and
mutton, oats and butter, timber and men. We, Irish men and women, exist
merely to be exploited. Well, we know it; what have we done? How have we
striven to oust this big profiteer who sweats and coerces us? We were once
an independent concern, we managed our own affairs. Then John Bull annexed
us; by means of bribes and promises and threats he turned out the Irish
directors. Arrangements were made by which 100 Irishmen were admitted to
the English Employers' Federation 600 strong. And for 118 years these
Irishmen have been talking there, making speeches and petitions and
harangues. And we? What have we been doing? Oh, yes, now and then the
Irish--that is, John Bull's workingmen--got restive and made things
unpleasant. So they got some concessions: Emancipation, Land Acts, etc.
But still they always turned again to talk; with 80 Irishmen talking to
600 Englishmen they were told that they would be quite safe. Weren't we
"represented" at Westminster? Whenever these, our representatives,
definitely proposed anything, they were, of course, beaten; but if the
majority against them was less than 200, they always raised a deafening
cheer. It is so nice to be beaten by only 150, whereas if we were not
"represented" we should be beaten by 230--which would be dreadful. Then we
were told that what was said in Parliament reached the world--as if Mr.
King had not told more truth about us in Parliament than the whole Irish
Party, as if Hansard is not censored, as if Dr. McCartan, Mrs.
Sheehy-Skeffington and others have not said more in America than twenty
Westminsters could convey--not to mention T. P. O'Connor's performances!
To what depths are we reduced, when Westminsterism is excused only as a
means of getting into Hansard!
Do we really think that a handful of Irishmen by merely talking can
persuade eight times their number of Englishmen to take their grip off
this country, to cease exploiting us, to give up their fat profits? Is it
not, to say the least, more likely that the English majority, far cleverer
and more powerful, will succeed in cajoling, bribing and fooling the few
Irish flies who walk into the spiders' parlour? =In fact, was not the Act
of Union specially designed for this very purpose?= To swallow a powerless
Irish minority in an English Parliament, to give them facilities for
talking and letting off steam that thereby the Irish people might be
beguiled into doing nothing else. By providing a sham outlet for our
energies, by diverting our attention into wordy warfare, the English
Parliament has succeeded for 118 years in preventing us from seeing the
obvious truth that the English Government can only be made unworkable =in
Ireland=.
The very genius of Parnell has done us harm by intensifying the illusion.
He succeeded for a while, where Butt failed, because he adopted
unparliamentary methods in Parliament. For a time, by persistent
obstruction, Parnell made Government unworkable, even in England. He was
beaten in the end; obstruction is no longer possible; we have reverted to
the mock debates of Isaac Butt. Things are even much worse; for the whole
Party system has made Parliament a fraud and a farce. The House of Commons
has lost its independence to a caucus which controls the jobs and the
party funds. The latest development, whereby Messrs. Lloyd George and
Bonar Law have arranged to wipe out the Opposition, makes the further
presence of a few Irish Nationalists a jocose anachronism.
The English Coalition would, however, still like the eighty Irishmen to
come and hobnob with them. England is far keener on their attendance than
Ireland ever was. Those who oppose the Westminster policy are mostly in
English prisons; absenteeism is treason felony. English aeroplanes drop
leaflets printed (at our expense) by the English Government to denounce
the policy of abstention, to show that it is folly. The English foreign
propaganda tirelessly advertises the presence of Mr. Dillon and Co. in
Westminster as the surest proof of England's kindness to us, and of Irish
loyalty to the Empire. The Irish Party think that their attendance is good
for Ireland, the English Government is quite certain that it is good for
England, everyone agrees that it cannot be good for both. Which, do you
think, knows the situation best: the English Government, whose policy of
exploiting us has been hitherto so eminently successful, or the Irish
Party which has been so often taken in, outwitted, bribed and duped? It is
worth pondering over.
=THE ALTERNATIVE.=
Undoubtedly in most minds the great objection to the Abstention Policy is
that it seems a mere negation; it seems to leave a horrible blank. What!
No Irish Representatives at Westminster? Are we to allow Carson to
represent us? And so on. Let us look at the thing calmly. Why do we want
to be "represented" at all? We must first answer that question. For
instance, we have no desire to be "represented" in Timbuctoo or in the
Moon; but some Irish people find it consoling to feel that they are
represented in England. If not, they feel something dreadful will happen:
the income-tax will be trebled, we shall all be coerced and conscripted.
Well, as things have hitherto been, the Irish Party have never succeeded
in staving off a penny of our taxation. Twenty-four years ago an
Anglo-Irish Commission found that England was plundering Ireland of two
and three-quarter millions a year in excess of the amount of plunder
sanctioned by the Union. From that day to this we have never secured the
remission of one penny of this plunder; on the contrary, it has been
increased tenfold. And all this time we have been strongly "represented"
at Westminster. We have been paying heavily for the privilege! As for
coercion--did the Party ever prevent it? For years past they might have
got the Crimes Act abolished, they didn't or couldn't. Conscription was
passed swiftly in spite of our "representatives"--but somehow it did not
come off. Now, that is worth thinking on. Conscription, like Coercion Acts
and Budgets, danced through our representatives, yet we ourselves beat it.
How? By electing our own little parliament in Dublin (we called it the
Mansion House Conference, of course, for decency's sake), by voting taxes
to it (we called them the Defence Fund), by organising the country so
effectively that the English-made law was seen to be impossible and
unworkable. What an object-lesson if only we will learn from it. The
anti-conscription campaign is Sinn Fein in a nutshell. Even the Party
developed a momentary backbone; the members came back to Erin and actually
left us "unrepresented" in London--and we hardly noticed the dreadful
fact!
The Abstention Policy means, therefore, that we give up the sham battle
and take up the real struggle in grim earnest. We cease to rely on talk as
an effective economic or political defence, we begin to DO something, to
rely on ourselves. There is only one way of putting an end to English
tyranny in Ireland, and that is, not by scolding at it from the other side
of the Irish Sea, but by making it unworkable over here.
Do we mean the use of physical force? This is a difficulty which at once
arises in discussing the abstention policy. This is chiefly due to the
hysterical asseveration of Mr. John Dillon, whose chief electioneering
argument--apart from abuse--is that the only alternative to Westminster is
Rebellion. It seems rather curious, doesn't it, that we cannot sit tight
here in our own country and win independence as Hungary did under Deak.
But perhaps Mr. Dillon means that if we were not distracted and bamboozled
by the fighting on the floor of the House, we would not so tamely
acquiesce in our oppression; and probably Mr. Dillon is right. But, after
all, conscription was beaten without rebellion, and Mr. Dillon's adherence
(however lukewarm) to the Mansion House Committee showed that he believed
it could be beaten without physical force. And when Mr. Dillon signed the
No-Rent Manifesto he was, though he knew it not, a staunch upholder of
Sinn Fein:--
"Against the passive resistance of an entire population, military
power has no weapons.... No power on earth except faint-heartedness on
your own part, can defeat you.... The world is watching to see whether
all your splendid hopes and noble courage will crumble away at the
first threat of a cowardly tyranny.... Stand together in the face of
the brutal and cowardly enemies of your race.... Stand passively,
firmly, fearlessly by, while the armies of England may be engaged in
their hopeless struggle against a spirit which their weapons cannot
touch.... The Government will learn in a single winter how powerless
is armed force against the will of a united, determined and
self-reliant nation."
Would to God that this was the message which Mr. Dillon had for Ireland
to-day! Michael Davitt's comment on the No-Rent Manifesto is
interesting:--
"While I admit its great success as far as results were concerned, I
think that it dulled a weapon which could have been used to give the
final blow to landlordism in Ireland. Had the League waited until two
or three hundred thousand tenant-farmers were ready to obey it, it
would have involved the eviction of a million of people. That would
have been a measure which the Government could not have faced, and the
result would have been the downfall of the system of landlordism.
Still, the results were immediate. The landlords offered the largest
possible reduction of rents, and Mr. Gladstone offered to release the
suspects and bring forward the Arrears Bill."
There, in Davitt's words, you have the central belief of Sinn Fein:
reliance on the moral solidarity and economic power of a Nation. Even a
small determined minority, if prepared to suffer, can effect enormous
reforms. The English Suffragettes have won the franchise for women. It was
certainly not by physical force--even the militant suffragettes did not
rebel, though they burnt houses, broke statues, and harried politicians. A
handful of determined women made government extremely difficult and thus
they won the vote =in spite of Parliament=. If such is the power of a
minority, how irresistible would be an entire nation. Secure even only one
million determined adherents of Sinn Fein, and in six months English
government will be at an end. That is our belief, and it is based on solid
facts of history--Hungarian Independence, English suffrage struggle, Irish
victory over conscription. There are limits to the possibilities of brute
force. At this stage of the world it is impossible to slaughter a nation,
it is impossible to cope with a nation of passive resisters. What is to be
done with a million or so of people who refuse to pay taxes, who combine
to secure the products of their own country, who repudiate the authority
of the intruders? That is the problem which England does not want to face
in this country. The only way for Irishmen to secure a government based
on the consent of the governed is to withdraw all practical consent and
concurrence from the present usurpation. There is no other way. To go on
accepting the English government, co-operating with it as farmers,
workers, tax-payers, policemen, etc., and at the same time to keep whining
and petitioning--this is despicable folly.
John Bull is our boss, Ireland is his food-producing factory. The old idea
of the workers was to do nothing, to form no combination, but merely to
cringe for charity from their employers. That is the stage in which the
Irish Party want to keep us; they are a century behind-hand. The workers
now rely on themselves, on trade union organisation, on direct action;
they have even lost faith in parliamentary tactics. At any rate, they
never complain that they are not "represented" (by a small minority) on
the Employers' Federation! The modern Labour movement is based on
self-reliance, on the power and cohesion of large numbers, on the slowly
built-up economic strength of great unions. Sinn Fein is merely the
transfer of this faith from Labour to Nationality. That is what we are
aiming at in Ireland: the formation of One Big Union, which will ask
nothing from England =until it is ready to strike=. That is the task which
lies before us: the organisation of the Irish People into a National
Union. We must put ourselves into the position of taking over the whole
national business of Ireland. The first step is the capture of the
existing organisations--the parliamentary constituencies, the county and
district and municipal councils, the boards of guardians, every single
body which has a share in directing the national life.
=THE MORAL PRINCIPLE.=
Even from the purely practical standpoint, the case for abstention from
the Westminster talking shop would be irresistible. But there is more than
that at stake. We maintain that attendance at Westminster is immoral and
dishonest, it would be a national lie and apostacy. The members of the
Irish Party, when seeking re-election, have always indulged in an orgy of
sedition and disloyalty. They talk of Emmet and Tone, they celebrate the
Manchester Martyrs, they are not afraid to speak of Ninety-Eight, they are
proud of the felons of our land, they sap every moral claim of the English
Government in Ireland. (Had they not done so, they would never have been
elected in the past.) And then they are carried off by mail-boat and
express-train, and within a few hours they swear allegiance to the English
King and draw their first instalment of £400 a year. What a bastard
nationalism, what a monstrous Anglo-Irish mongrel mentality! English
loyalty veneered with Irish martyrs' blood, damnable casuistry juggling
with oaths and playing with rebellion, blood and thunder paid by a cheque.
Listen to what John Redmond said on 9th August, 1902:--
"Never for one single hour since the Union was passed has Ireland been
a constitutionally governed country.... Never for one hour has the
English Government of Ireland obtained the assent or approval or
confidence of the people of Ireland.... Never for one hour since then
has the English Government of Ireland rested upon anything but =naked
force=. =No single reform, large or small, has ever been obtained by
purely constitutional means....= We submit to the English usurpation
of the government of Ireland, but we do so =only because we have no
adequate means of successful resistance=."
On 4th September, 1907, John Redmond described the Act of Union, which
gave him his seat in the English Parliament, as "a great criminal act of
usurpation carried by violence and fraud," which "no lapse of time and no
mitigation of its details can ever make binding upon our honour or our
conscience." Resistance to this Union, he continued, is "a sacred duty,
and the methods of resistance will remain for us merely a question of
expediency," physical force "would be absolutely justifiably if it were
possible."
Pretty strong, is it not? The English Government is merely an alien
usurper with no moral authority whatever, to be resisted and fought by
every effective means. Yet how did the same John Redmond take his seat at
Westminster and draw his £400 a year? By taking the following oath:--
"I, John Redmond, do swear that I will be faithful and bear true
allegiance to his Majesty, King George V., his heirs and successors,
according to law, so help me God."
And so by means of this oath of loyalty to the "unconstitutional"
usurpation of "naked force," the Irish member avails himself of that
"great criminal act of usurpation carried by violence and fraud," he takes
his seat with men from Lancashire or Bucks, he gets his cheque.
Is this playing the game? Is it honest and honourable? If the English
occupation of Ireland is immoral and tyrannical, can we swear loyalty to
it? If the Act of Union is a criminal fraud, can we accept and acknowledge
it, by going to Westminster? Let every lover of truth answer this question
with an emphatic No! Let us as a Nation answer No with an unanimous
defiant shout.
To go to Westminster is not only unpractical and futile, it is a betrayal
of the sacred cause of Irish Nationality and =it has been advertised as
such by the English Government=. The great argument for deceiving the
world with regard to Ireland is the presence of Irishmen in the English
Parliament--why we are "over-represented" there! There is, therefore, only
one way of making Ireland cease to be a "domestic" problem and of bringing
it out into the full light of international affairs; and that is by making
a full and final repudiation of the English Parliament. That would be an
unmistakeable manifesto to the whole world, a proclamation that Ireland
demands her full rights from a world which has definitely recognised the
autonomy of small nationalities.
=THE PEACE CONFERENCE.=
That is how we can appeal to the Peace Conference, by fearlessly
proclaiming our refusal to be swallowed up in England's Empire. There is
no need, thank God, of arguing that we should strive to make the most of
the Peace Conference. Even Mr. Dillon has come to admit the idea, though
he is unfortunately so intent on scoring off opponents that he has tried
to degrade the Conference into a contemptible set of unscrupulous Powers.
Sinn Fein is in no way built exclusively on the hopes of the Peace
Conference; the movement was founded by Arthur Griffith years before the
war, if indeed it is not coeval with the Irish age-long struggle for
freedom. Nor are we such sentimental fools as to rely merely on gush. We
do indeed hope for the triumph of moral principles in international
affairs, and especially we hope that democracy is coming into its rightful
inheritance. But meantime we rely primarily on ourselves and our own
determination. Still, we will see that no high-sounding principles shall
be paraded before the world unless the voice of Ireland is heard. We will
see to it that pharisaism shall be confronted by an Ireland clamouring for
independence. And we shall not be friendless. Our race has power in
America, in Australia. Ireland's freedom, too, is essential for the
American conception of the freedom of the seas.
The issue is now before us. We are in the birth-time of big changes. Let
us not lose the great chance of freedom. Let the Irish Democracy once and
for all declare that Ireland is a Nation entitled to sovereign
independence.
Mr. Dillon's attempt to degrade the Peace Conference to the level of the
Westminster Assembly, where everything is settled by party pressure,
bribes and private arrangements, is most astonishing testimony to the
corrupting and demoralising influence of London on Irish members. His mind
is still moving in the old rut of political trickery, huckstering and
chicanery; instinctively and as the result of long experience, he reduces
Ireland's claims to the condition of a man looking for a job or a vote. He
regards our case not as a question of right and justice, but as one to be
compromised and pared down in the good old Westminster fashion.
Something like real Democracy, however, is coming to stay. Great and
sacred principles have been invoked, and the workers of the world are not
going to let them be quietly buried. Nor will Ireland. We are determined
to apply the acid test to these noble professions of faith. The President
of the American Republic, who has espoused the cause even of little
Schleswig, will be confronted with the case for an Irish Republic. There
can be no League of Nations, no firm foundation of international justice,
so long as Ireland is denied that freedom which Letts, Finns, Slavs and
Poles have won.
On behalf of His Holiness, Cardinal Gasparri, Papal Secretary of State,
issued a statement (24th August, 1918) in which we read:--
"History teaches us that a form of government imposed by arms does not
and cannot live."
On 6th November, 1918, Pope Benedict XV. wrote to the Archbishop of
Warsaw:--
"Thanks be to God, the resurrection of Poland is now finally dawning.
Now that Poland has regained her Full Independence, it is our most
fervent prayer that she may once more take her place in the community
of nations and resume her career as a champion of civilisation and
Christianity."
Surely our Holy Father is looking forward to the day when he can address
similar congratulations to Ireland, the Island of Saints and Scholars.
Let every Irish man and woman who reads this vote for Ireland's
Independence.
=FOR THE GLORY OF GOD AND THE HONOUR OF ERIN.=
Transcriber's Notes:
Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_.
Passages in bold are indicated by =bold=.
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Issue, by Lector
*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ISSUE ***
***** This file should be named 36842-8.txt or 36842-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
https://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/8/4/36842/
Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/American
Libraries.)
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
https://gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at https://pglaf.org
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit https://pglaf.org
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
https://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
