The generals of the last war with Great Britain

By John S. Jenkins

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Title: The generals of the last war with Great Britain

Author: John Stilwell Jenkins

Release date: July 9, 2026 [eBook #79059]

Language: English

Original publication: Auburn, NY: Derby, Miller & Co., 1849

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GENERALS OF THE LAST WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN ***

[Illustration: _Andrew Jackson._]

THE

GENERALS

OF THE

LAST WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

BY JOHN S. JENKINS,

AUTHOR OF THE “HISTORY OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED
STATES AND MEXICO,” ETC. ETC.

“There are deeds which should not pass away,
And names that must not wither.”

AUBURN:
DERBY, MILLER & CO., PUBLISHERS,
BUFFALO: G. H. DERBY & CO.

1849.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by

DERBY, MILLER & CO.

In the Clerk’s Office for the Northern District of New York

STEREOTYPED BY THOMAS B. SMITH,
216 WILLIAM STREET, N. Y.

MAJOR GENERAL ZACHARY TAYLOR,

OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY,

THESE MEMOIRS, OF DISTINGUISHED SOLDIERS,

WHOSE BRIGHT EXAMPLES HAVE BEEN

WORTHILY EMULATED IN HIS OWN MILITARY CAREER,

ARE MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.

PREFACE.

If authors would only adopt the prayer of the honest-hearted Scotch
pedlar,--“God send us a good conceit of ourselves!”--would they
not soon get rid of what is, at best, a thankless task--that of
writing prefaces? Who, then, would care a fig for the Public’s whims
or prejudices?--the Public might be satisfied, or not, just as
the Public pleased. A great many readers now regard prefaces with
abhorrence, and lengthy ones are sure to be pronounced, in advance,

“As tedious as a twice-told tale,
Vexing the dull ear of a drowsy man.”

Still, there is no end to fault-finding, if an author does not put
a window in the front of his book,--like that the old Roman wished
in every man’s breast; and yet, the poor wight who thus pretends
to gratify vulgar curiosity, racks and puzzles his brains in order
to screen and curtain his window, so that nobody will be a whit
the wiser, till the volume is opened, and the contents carefully
examined. It is no wonder that few people like to read prefaces,--or
that fewer still are satisfied, when they do read them!

I feel confident, however, that it would be a work of supererogation,
to offer any apology--for that is the gist of most prefaces--for the
publication of these biographical sketches of distinguished generals,
whose gallant deeds, whose bravery and heroism, are enshrined in the
memories of the American people. My only fear is, that it may seem
that other officers, equally entitled to consideration, have been
intentionally overlooked, in making the selections for the work. That
it was deemed necessary to make a selection at all, is the single
excuse that need be offered for the omission,--which, it is not
impossible, may be hereafter supplied, by another volume.

The Histories of Ramsay, Perkins, and Brackenridge, Christie’s
Memoirs of the War in Canada, Thompson’s Historical Sketches,
James’ Military Occurrences, Wilkinson’s Memoirs, The British
Annual Register, The Historical Register, Armstrong’s Notices, the
interesting, but desultory _mélange_ of Mr. Ingersoll, the National
Portrait Gallery, and numerous biographies, more or less extensive,
have been consulted in the preparation of the volume. There has been
no attempt at fine writing, but great pains have been taken to render
the notices full, comprehensive, and historically accurate; and they
are believed to be more entitled to confidence, in this respect, than
any which have preceded them.

_Auburn, December 1, 1848._

CONTENTS.

PAGE

JACOB BROWN, 13

Situation of the country at the commencement of the war
with Great Britain--Parentage of General Brown--Early
Vicissitudes--Teaches school--Commences the Study of
the Law--Abandons his studies, and removes to Jefferson
county, New York--Settlement at Brownville--Attack on
Ogdensburgh--Gallant conduct of General Brown--Offered the
command of a regiment in the Regular Service--Declines
it--Brave defence of Sacketts Harbor--Appointed a Brigadier
General--Expedition down the St. Lawrence--Promoted to
the rank of Major General--March to Buffalo--Invasion of
Canada--Capture of Fort Erie--Battles of Chippewa and
Niagara--Severely Wounded, and temporarily surrenders the
command--Siege of Fort Erie--Successful Sortie--Close of
the war--Appointed General-in-chief--His Death.

EDMUND PENDLETON GAINES, 61

The “Old Dominion”--Birth and Early History of
Gaines--Receives his first commission as an ensign--Claim
of the Spanish Government--Projects of Aaron Burr--His
arrest and trial--Temporary retirement of Gaines from the
army--Obtains a regiment--Abortive Expedition against
Montreal--Made a Brigadier-general--Siege of Fort
Erie--The Assault--Gallant defence of Gaines--Brevetted
a Major-general--War with the Seminoles--The “Black Hawk
War”--Outbreak in Florida--The War with Mexico--Patriotic
conduct of General Gaines--Personal appearance and traits
of character.

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, 88

His Popularity--Benjamin Harrison--Anecdote--Birth
and Education of General Harrison--Enters the
army--Kentuckeè--Campaign under Wayne--Defeat of the North
Western Indians--Fortunate incident--Is married--Civil
career--Secretary under Governor St. Clair--Delegate
to Congress--Improvement of the Land System--Appointed
Governor of Indiana Territory--Important services--Frontier
Life--Designs of Great Britain--Subornation of the
Indian tribes--Attack on the Chesapeake--Speech of
Harrison--Council at Vincennes--Tecumseh--Indian
Depredations--Battle of Tippecanoe--Declaration of
War against England--Patriotism of the citizens
of the West--Harrison invested with a military
command--Expedition of General Hopkins--Defence of
Fort Harrison--Destruction of Indian Towns--Harrison
appointed Brigadier-general--Dispositions for the
Campaign--Difficulties and Embarrassments--Massacre at
Frenchtown--Siege of Fort Meigs--Narrow Escape--Defence
of Fort Stephenson--Perry’s Victory--Pursuit of
Proctor--Battle of the Thames--Fruits of the
Victory--Letter to General Vincent--Demonstrations of
Respect--His Gallantry--Resigns his commission--Senator
in Congress--Minister to Colombia--Retires to Private
Life--Elected President--Sudden Illness and Death--His
character.

ANDREW JACKSON, 163

Of Irish descent--English oppression--His Father Emigrates
to America--Birth of Andrew Jackson--Youthful
Adventures--War of the Revolution--Invasion of South
Carolina--Patriotic conduct of young Jackson and his
brothers--Anecdotes--His Daring and Resolution--Attack
on the Waxhaw settlers--Taken as a prisoner to
Camden--Sufferings of the Prisoners--Battle of Hobkirk’s
Hill--A Mother’s Devotion--Release from Captivity--Close
of the War--Praiseworthy Resolution--Andrew Jackson
studies law--Emigrates to Tennessee--Life in the Log
Cabin--Incidents of the Wilderness--Establishes himself at
Nashville--The Debtors--Married to Rachael Donelson--Member
of the Tennessee Convention--Representative and Senator
in Congress--Judge of the Supreme Court--Difficulty with
Governor Sevier--Duel with Dickinson--Altercation with
Colonel Benton--Aaron Burr--War with Great Britain--Jackson
tenders the services of his Division--Expedition to
Natchez--The Southern Indians--War with the Creeks--General
Jackson takes the field at the head of the Tennessee
volunteers and militia--Difficulty in obtaining
supplies--Battle of Talluschatchee--Lincoyer--Battle of
Talladega--Destitution of the Troops--Mutiny--Firmness
and determination of General Jackson--Patriotic
letter to Governor Blount--Battles of Emuckfaw and
Enotochopco--Arrival of Reinforcements--Battle of
Tohopeka--Terrible slaughter of the Creeks--Termination
of Hostilities--Return Home--Jackson appointed
a Major-general in the Regular Army--Capture of
Pensacola--Expedition of the British against New
Orleans--Defences of the city--Arrival of Jackson--Landing
of the Enemy--General Jackson attacks them with a part
of his command--Fortifications--Battle of the Eighth of
January--Complete Rout of the British Army--The enemy
retire to their Shipping--Treaty of Peace--Fine imposed by
Judge Hall--Gratitude of the citizens of New Orleans--The
Seminole War--Appointed commissioner to receive the
Territory of Florida--Resignation of his commission--Again
elected Senator--Chosen President--Important Events of his
Administration--Final Retirement--Death and character.

ALEXANDER MACOMB, 295

Military Institution at West Point--Ancestors of General
Macomb--His Youth--Education--Enters the army as
a Cornet of Dragoons--Military Education and
Accomplishments--Promotions--Marriage--Superintends
the Construction of Coast Defences--Prepares a
work on Courts Martial--Appointed Colonel of
Artillery--Raises a Regiment--Stationed at Sacketts
Harbor--Projected Attack on Kingston--Participation
in the Capture of Fort George--Expedition under
Wilkinson--Promoted to Brigadier-general--Attack on
La Cole Mill--Invasion of New York by the British
under Sir George Prevost--Skirmishing--Battle of
Plattsburg--Attack and Repulse of the Enemy--Victory
of Commodore Macdonough--Thanks of Congress
and State Legislatures--Macomb appointed Chief
Engineer--General-in-chief of the Army--His Death.

ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE, 323

His family and Education--Receives a Commission--Fondness
for reading and study--His Marriage--Expedition to the
sources of the Mississippi--Ordered to explore the
interior of Louisiana--Hardships and Sufferings of his
party--Loses his way--Taken prisoner to Santa Fe and
Chihuahua--Permitted to Return Home--Publishes Narratives
of his Expeditions--Rapid Promotions--Deputy Quarter Master
General--Appointed Colonel of Infantry--Mode of drilling
his regiment--Incursion into Canada--Raised to the rank of
Brigadier General--Expedition against York--His Gallant
Conduct--Explosion of the Magazine--Death of Pike--Bravery
and Heroism.

WINFIELD SCOTT, 338

Napoleon’s Remark in regard to Turenne--The Pretender--Scott’s
Ancestors--His birth--Education--Enters the legal
Profession--Commences Practice--Obtains a commission
as captain of Artillery--Difficulty with General
Wilkinson--Promoted to Lieutenant Colonel--Attack
on Queenston--Scott crosses the river and takes
the command--The Enemy driven off--Arrival of
General Sheaffe with reïnforcements, and surrender
of the Americans--Encounter with the Indian
Warriors--Interference in behalf of Irish prisoners--Is
exchanged and returns to duty--Colonel of the second
artillery--Attack on Fort George--Scott commands the
advanced guard--Capture of the Fort--Wilkinson’s
Expedition--Skirmishing--Appointed a brigadier
general--Camp of Instruction at Buffalo--Invasion of
Canada--Battle of Chippewa--Scott’s charge--Battle
of Niagara--His heroic conduct--Is severely
wounded--Complimentary Resolutions--Visit to
Europe--Return Home and Marriage--Military Reports and
Publications--Controversy in regard to brevet rank--War
with the Sacs and Foxes--Campaign in Florida--Disturbances
in Canada, and on the frontier--Removal of the
Cherokees--The North Eastern Boundary--Raised to the chief
command of the Army--The War with Mexico--Expedition
against Vera Cruz--Reduction of the city and the castle
of San Juan de Ulua--Battle of Cerro Gordo--March to
Puebla--Advance to the Mexican Capital--Contreras and
Churubusco--El Molino del Rey--Capture of the City of
Mexico--Treaty of Peace concluded--Return of General
Scott--Reflections.

[Illustration: JACOB BROWN.]

THE GENERALS

OF THE

LAST WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

JACOB BROWN.

The opening scenes of the second, and last contest, between the
United States and Great Britain, were, to the former, disastrous in
the extreme. The apprehension long entertained, and, in the western
part of the Union, the openly avowed desire of a war with Spain, who
took little pains to conceal her dissatisfaction with the cession of
Louisiana,--and the protracted agitation of the various questions
in dispute with England and France; the two great powers contending
for the mastery, or, at least, the commercial supremacy in the
world,--had aroused, in some degree, the patriotic emotions of our
countrymen. The impressment of American seamen, the outrage on the
Chesapeake, the affair of the Little Belt, and the acts of violence
committed by the savages on the north-western frontier,--who were
prompted and encouraged by the agents of the British government,--had
also excited a war-spirit that needed but a breath to fan it into
a flame. Volunteer companies for improvement in discipline, were
everywhere formed; the regular military force of the nation was
augmented; and our chivalric young men sought eagerly for commissions
in the army.

But the declaration of war, on the 18th of June, 1812, found
the country almost entirely unprepared for hostilities.--Upon
whomsoever the blame may fall, the fact is too glaring to admit of
contradiction; and its consequences, at the outset, were signally
unfortunate.--The long line of sea-coast was in a defenceless
condition. The army was feeble in numbers, and feebler still in skill
and experience. The prominent officers of the Revolution were either
dead or superannuated, and recourse was had to those who had held
subordinate positions in that great struggle, under what proved to
be the mistaken notion, that they only could be relied on in such an
emergency. One reverse followed closely after another; and it was not
until a different policy prevailed, and younger, and more skilful and
enterprising officers, were placed at the head of the brave yeomen
who flocked around the American standard, that the tide of defeat
was turned. Among those who contributed to retrieve the disasters
of 1812 and 1813, and to terminate the war by a series of brilliant
achievements that elicited the applause of the nation, and enforced
admiration at home and abroad, was Major General JACOB BROWN.

[Sidenote: EARLY VICISSITUDES.]

General Brown was born in Bucks county, Pennsylvania, on the ninth
of March, 1775. His ancestors, for several generations, followed the
peaceful occupations of an agricultural life. George Brown, the first
of the family in this country, emigrated from England previous to the
establishment of William Penn on the Delaware, and was well known as
a man of strong and well-informed mind. His descendants resembled him
in character, and a number of them were, for many successive years,
prominent and influential members of the provincial government. With
few exceptions, they belonged to the Society of Friends. The early
associations, therefore, of General Brown, were not calculated to
awaken a desire for engaging in those warlike pursuits, in which he
subsequently acquired so much distinction.[1]

In the language of the inscription on the monument erected to his
memory, in the Congressional Cemetery, at Washington, he was “by
birth, by education, by principle, devoted to peace!” But the
fire of patriotism often burns the purest and the freest beneath
the plainest garb; and the heart warmed by the manly and generous
impulses which it quickens into existence, is easily moved by the
incentives that arouse the soldier’s ambition. Love of country,
where it is honest and sincere, will outweigh a thousand cold and
selfish considerations, and to him who cherishes it, in the hour of
danger, there is no post so acceptable as that which will secure the
protection of the land that gave him birth.

Samuel Brown, the father of Jacob, was a man of intelligence and
high character. He was liberal and enterprising, though not always
successful in his undertakings. He inherited a large and unincumbered
estate, which, with proper care and attention, yielded a very
respectable income; but, unfortunately, he was not content with the
moderate gains thus realized, and, with the hope of increasing them,
was induced to embark in commercial enterprises that wholly failed of
success. A total sacrifice of property was the consequence; and his
children were left to depend upon their own efforts and exertions to
make their way in the world.

At the time of his father’s failure, our hero was about sixteen
years of age; but, though still a mere youth, he was not unprepared
for practising that self-reliance which had now become a necessity
as well as a duty. So far from being dispirited, because he was
compelled to rely upon his own unaided resources, he nerved himself
manfully for the task before him, determined, if possible, to
secure the rewards of honest and industrious enterprise. The evil
consequences of a hasty and unwise act were brought home to him in
such a manner, that he could not well forget them; and thus it was
in after years, that caution and prudence were such conspicuous
features in his disposition. When he arrived at the age of eighteen,
he commenced teaching school at Crosswicks, New Jersey, and remained
there in that capacity, till he was twenty-one. While engaged in this
vocation,--in itself a noble school, and one that has served as the
introduction to a brilliant career of usefulness, to so many of our
most distinguished citizens,--he devoted all his leisure time, with
great assiduity, to the cultivation of his mind.

[Sidenote: TEACHES SCHOOL.]

After leaving Crosswicks, he spent two years in Ohio, in the
vicinity of Cincinnati, during which time he was employed in
surveying and laying out the public lands. On his return from
the west, he went to the city of New York, and, upon the urgent
solicitation of his friends, taught a public school for a few months.
This was in the year 1798--a most exciting period in the history of
the country. The depredations committed on the commerce of the United
States, the insults offered to our ministers by the French Directory,
and the arrogant tone of their Envoy and his agents, threatened
seriously to disturb the friendly relations which had formerly
existed between the two governments.

The political discussions of that day were animated and earnest
in their tone, and there were few possessing the capacity who did
not engage in them. Young Brown had constantly kept in view the
importance of disciplining and strengthening his mental powers, and
the magnitude of the questions, in relation to which parties were
then divided, was such, that he devoted a considerable portion of
his time to their examination. He was an active participant in the
debates which took place among his associates, and wrote several
essays, that were published in the city papers, and attracted the
favorable attention of that portion of his fellow-citizens whose
views coincided with those of the writer. While he remained in
New York, he commenced the study of the law, but, on discovering
that it was not congenial with his disposition or tastes, he
immediately abandoned it. These repeated changes in his occupation
were not caused by any indecision, or want of energy on his part,
but rather by the omission to seek a field where his active and
ardent temperament would have the opportunity to develop itself,
and his love of adventure find those projects better adapted to its
gratification.

[Sidenote: SETTLEMENT AT BROWNVILLE.]

In 1799, he purchased, at a low price, a large tract of land on the
borders of Lake Ontario, lying between the Black river and the St.
Lawrence, and embraced within the limits of the present county of
Jefferson. As soon as his arrangements were completed, he removed
thither, for the purpose of establishing himself and effecting a
settlement. At this time the country was rude and uncultivated,
and the first human habitation within thirty miles of the lake was
erected by him. The settlement that he founded, now a large and
flourishing village, was called Brownville, and the same name was
afterwards applied to the town in which it was located. Both the
village and town, and the county of Jefferson, are much indebted to
him for their prosperity and wealth. His activity and enterprise
were rewarded by pecuniary advancement; and his kindly disposition,
his integrity and intelligence, secured him a large share of
popularity. He was appointed to fill various public situations,
and acquired an extensive influence in his own immediate vicinity,
and in the state at large. He was distinguished as an enlightened
and practical agriculturist, and for the ability and energy with
which he prosecuted such measures as were most likely to improve
the appearance and condition of the country. But these were not the
only commendable traits that deserve to be mentioned. After he had
effected the necessary improvements, he brought his parents to his
home in the wilderness, and having placed them in a comfortable
situation near him, to the end of his life did every thing in his
power to promote their happiness.

Though occasionally meeting with reverses and disappointments, his
firmness and perseverance never deserted him, and his unconquerable
resolution enabled him to overcome every obstacle that interfered
with the success of his plans.

In 1809, he received the appointment of colonel in the state militia,
and, in the following year, was promoted to the rank of brigadier
general. He had ever been fond of perusing works on military science,
and the certain prospect of a war with Great Britain now made him the
more anxious to prepare himself for the proper discharge of those
duties which he might be required to perform, as it was a favorite
wish with him, to acquit himself creditably in every position he
was called upon to fill. At the commencement of hostilities, in
the summer of 1812, he was placed in command of a brigade in the
first detachment of New York militia mustered into the service of
the United States, and the defence of the eastern frontier of Lake
Ontario, and the southern shore of the St. Lawrence, was intrusted to
him.

The line under the charge of General Brown extended from Oswego
to Lake St. Francis, a distance of nearly two hundred miles; and
throughout the greater portion of its extent, it was but thinly
inhabited. The exposed situation of the country, on account of its
proximity to the Canadian provinces, rendered the duty assigned
him as responsible as it was arduous; and the small force under
his command, and the inadequate supply of means at his disposal,
frequently occasioned vexation and embarrassment. Owing to the repeal
of the orders in council, and the temporary armistice entered into
between Sir George Prevost, Governor General of Canada, and Major
General Dearborn, the Commander-in-chief of the American forces, it
was late in the season before any action of importance took place on
the northern frontier of New York. Both the regular and the militia
officers were constantly employed, in the meantime, in organizing and
disciplining their respective commands.

After completing the organization of his brigade, General Brown fixed
his head-quarters at Ogdensburgh. On the twenty-first of September,
1812, Captain Forsyth, the immediate commander of the regular troops
at that post, was directed to cross the St. Lawrence, with a small
party, in pursuit of some prisoners whom the English had taken from
that vicinity. He was met by a superior force of the enemy, whom he
defeated. He then entered the village of Gananoque, and destroyed and
brought off a large quantity of military stores, together with some
prisoners.

[Sidenote: THE BRITISH ATTACK OGDENSBURGH.]

In retaliation for this successful exploit, the British commenced
a heavy cannonade upon Ogdensburgh, on the second of October, from
their batteries at Prescott, on the opposite side of the river. This
was continued for two days in succession, and on Sunday, the fourth
of October, they attempted to storm the town. For this purpose, about
six hundred men were embarked in forty boats. General Brown had
anticipated the attack, and collected together a force not far from
four hundred strong to resist it. As the enemy approached the shore,
he ordered his troops, whom he had advantageously posted along the
bank, to fire upon them. The command was obeyed with alacrity, and a
spirited contest was kept up for two hours. The British made several
ineffectual attempts to land; but the galling fire poured upon them
was too severe to be endured. Deceived and disappointed in regard to
the firmness of the militia, and the spirit and energy of the officer
who commanded them, they were at length compelled to retire across
the river to Prescott, having lost a number of men, and leaving one
of their boats in the hands of the Americans.

Frequent collisions occurred between small parties of the two armies,
in this quarter, during the autumn, and the following winter. Early
in February, 1813, a body of the enemy crossed the St. Lawrence in
pursuit of some deserters, and committed a number of wanton and
unprovoked outrages. Major Forsyth, then in command at Ogdensburgh,
determined, as the only mode of obtaining satisfaction, to make
an incursion into Canada. Passing over the river with a part of
his riflemen, and a number of militia, many of the latter being
volunteers for the occasion, in all about two hundred men, he
surprised the guard at Brockville, captured the military stores, and
returned in safety, without the loss of a single man, bringing with
him fifty-two prisoners, among whom were eight officers.

In return for this second affront, the British attacked Ogdensburgh
in force, being near twelve hundred strong, under Colonel Frazier,
on the twenty-second of February. Major Forsyth, in connection
with Colonel Benedict, of the New York militia, made a gallant
defence; but they were finally forced to fall back into the interior,
before the superior numbers of the enemy. The latter destroyed
two schooners, two gunboats, and the soldiers’ barracks, and then
retired across the river. In consequence of this event, serious
apprehensions were entertained for the safety of Sacketts Harbor,
which had been selected as the principal naval and military dépôt on
the lake frontier, on account of the excellence of its harbor, and
prompt measures were taken for its security;--but the British made no
further attempts at invasion, during the winter.

[Sidenote: IS TENDERED A REGIMENT.]

The term for which he was called into service having expired soon
after the close of the campaign of 1812, General Brown returned
to his civil pursuits at Brownville. But the bravery and skill
which he had manifested in repelling the attack on Ogdensburgh,
had attracted the favorable notice of the national administration,
and they were unwilling to be even temporarily deprived of his
valuable services. Accordingly, the command of a regiment in the
regular army was tendered to him.--At the opening of hostilities,
extensive preparations had been made, and orders had been issued, for
the invasion of Canada; and it was confidently predicted that the
campaign would be signalized by the conquest of the two provinces.
The surrender of General Hull, the failure of the attempted invasion
under General Van Rensselaer, and the inaction of General Dearborn,
put an end to the brilliant hopes and expectations that had been
formed, and created a very general feeling of dissatisfaction in
regard to the manner in which the war had been carried on, and the
conduct of many of the principal officers of the army. As was quite
natural, General Brown shared in this feeling, and was unwilling to
enter the regular service if required to submit to a sacrifice of
rank. He therefore declined the appointment; but, at the same time,
acknowledging the duty of every good citizen to aid in the defence
of the country, he held himself in readiness to bestow his services,
voluntarily and gratuitously, in case they should be needed in any
emergency.

In the spring of 1813, the American fleet and land troops were
withdrawn from Sacketts Harbor, to cooperate in the reduction of York
and Fort George at the upper end of Lake Ontario. Lieutenant Colonel
Backus, of the 1st dragoons, was afterwards placed in command of the
post, whose garrison consisted of two hundred and fifty dragoons,
Lieutenant Fanning’s artillery, two hundred invalid soldiers, and
a few seamen. This was but a feeble force for the defence of the
important military stores collected at that point, and especially so,
because the batteries on the shore, and the vessels of war that were
left behind, had been dismantled of nearly all their heavy ordnance.
The commanding officer was active and vigilant, however, and he
had been instructed to communicate with General Brown, who resided
within eight miles of the Harbor, if an attack should be threatened.
The latter was not then in military command, but he was relied on
to rally the militia from the surrounding country, if it became
necessary. Signal guns were directed to be fired, on the approach of
a hostile force, in order to give the alarm with the least possible
delay, and such other preparations were made as were supposed to be
requisite.

On the evening of the twenty-seventh of May, the British fleet from
Kingston was discovered bearing in the direction of Sacketts Harbor,
by the small vessels under Lieutenant Chauncey, who had been sent
out to reconnoitre. The alarm guns were instantly fired, and a
messenger was also dispatched to General Brown with the information.
After issuing orders for the militia to assemble, he repaired to the
post of danger. The delay experienced by the enemy, in the attempt,
but partially successful, to capture a number of boats coming from
Oswego with troops, fortunately gave time to collect some five or
six hundred men: but not more than one thousand could be assembled,
in all, including the invalids. At the request of Lieutenant Colonel
Backus, who had been but a short time at the station, and was
unacquainted with the localities, General Brown took command of the
united force.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON SACKETTS HARBOR.]

In the afternoon of the twenty-eighth, the hostile fleet, which
consisted of four ships, one brig, two schooners, two gunboats,
and thirty-three flat-bottomed boats, containing one thousand
picked troops, under Sir George Prevost and Commodore Sir James
Yeo, appeared in the offing. Under the orders of General Brown, a
breastwork was hastily, but skilfully thrown up, at the only point
where a landing could be readily effected,--the primeval forests
sweeping away, for miles on miles, in rear of the town, and on
either side of the opening leading down to the margin of the lake.
The militia, and the Albany volunteers, under Colonel Mills, who
had recently arrived, were posted behind the breastwork with a
field-piece. The regular troops, under Lieutenant Colonel Backus,
were stationed in a second line, in rear, and near the barracks and
public buildings. Lieutenant Fanning, with his artillerists, occupied
Fort Tompkins, at the barracks; and Lieutenant Chauncey and his men
were ordered to defend the stores at Navy Point.

During the night of the twenty-eighth, General Brown was constantly
on the alert. His men slept on their arms, while he and his officers
reconnoitred the shores of the lake. All was quiet, however, save the
mournful sighing of the breeze among the dark pines and hemlocks, the
tall oaks and maples, in the neighboring forests, and the constant
dashing of the tiny waves on the pebbly beach, till the early dawn
on the following morning. The British were then descried pushing
rapidly towards the landing in their small boats. As they approached,
the American militia appeared cheerful and animated, and betrayed no
symptoms of fear; on the contrary, they seemed anxious to participate
in the conflict.

The orders of General Brown were, to permit the enemy to come
within pistol shot, and then, taking deliberate aim, to open on
them vigorously with the field-piece and musketry. The first fire
was well-directed, and very destructive; the shot tearing and
crashing through the sides of the boats, knocking off the gunwales,
splintering the bowls of the oars, and killing and wounding several
officers and men. The British were thrown into confusion; their
advance was checked; and a few more rounds would undoubtedly have
terminated the engagement. But after firing the second round, the
militia, for the first time in action, were seized with a sudden
panic, and, in spite of the efforts of their officers, retreated in
disorder. Colonel Mills lost his life in the vain attempt to prevent
the retreat. General Brown succeeded in rallying about ninety men
belonging to the company of Captain McNitt, whom he formed in line
with the regulars, who maintained their position with spirit and
bravery.

Meanwhile Sir George Prevost had disembarked his troops on the beach,
and commenced his march towards the village. But the enemy now
encountered the most desperate opposition from the little band of
Americans who remained firm, encouraged by the presence of General
Brown, and the heroic example of the brave but unfortunate Backus,
who fell mortally wounded during the attack. Though compelled to give
way before superior numbers, they disputed every inch of ground, and
finally took possession of the barrack buildings. Here, partially
sheltered, they poured their galling volleys on the enemy; at the
same time, Lieutenant Fanning, though severely wounded, directed the
fire of his gun with remarkable precision and effect.

The British having made repeated efforts to dislodge the Americans,
without success, General Brown exhorted his men to continue the
defence of the position to the last extremity, while he made another
effort to rally the militia to their assistance. He then hastened
to overtake the fugitives. Having collected a large number of them
together, he earnestly addressed them, rebuking both officers and
men for their lack of courage, with such force and eloquence, that
many of them shed tears when he alluded to the brave conduct of the
regulars and volunteers, who, though strangers to the soil, were more
prompt to defend it, than they, its owners and occupants. He now
ordered them to form and follow him, declaring that he would punish
the first act of disobedience with instant death. Although his orders
were obeyed without reluctance, he was afraid to rely upon their
firmness in an open attack.

Being unwilling, therefore, to meet the enemy with the troops whom
he had just rallied, General Brown determined to effect by stratagem
what he was fearful he could not otherwise accomplish. Directing the
militia to pass through the edge of the forest, in sight of the field
of battle, as if affecting to conceal the movement, he marched them
by a circuitous route towards the place of landing. The British,
suspecting an attempt to turn their flank and capture their boats,
became alarmed, and made a precipitate retreat, leaving behind
them all their killed, a number of their wounded, and thirty-five
prisoners. They were suffered to re-embark without serious
molestation, though a dropping fire was kept up till they were out of
reach. After retiring to his shipping, Sir George Prevost demanded
the surrender of the town, which was promptly refused. All danger had
now passed, as reïnforcements were rapidly coming in, and the British
commander subsequently modified his demand into a request that his
killed and wounded might be properly cared for, and then returned,
quite crest-fallen, to the Canada shore.

While the action was at its height, a false report reached Lieutenant
Chauncey, to the effect that the American troops had been defeated,
and were about to surrender; whereupon, in compliance with his
orders, he set fire to the stores and shipping, to prevent their
falling into the hands of the enemy. The flames were afterwards
extinguished, but not until more damage had been done than had been
effected by the British soldiery. The loss of the enemy in this
affair was very severe; their total of killed, wounded, and taken
prisoners, being about four hundred and fifty. The Americans lost
twenty-two killed, eighty-four wounded, and twenty-six missing.

The gallant defence of Sacketts Harbor laid the foundation of the
military fame of General Brown. As a reward for the tact, courage,
and promptitude, which he had exhibited, he was appointed, in the
ensuing month of August, a brigadier general in the regular army.
In this capacity he accompanied General Wilkinson, who had been
appointed to succeed General Dearborn, in his unsuccessful expedition
down the St. Lawrence. General Brown was sent forward to take command
of the advance, at French Creek, which had been fixed upon as the
place of rendezvous for the various detachments composing the Army
of the Centre. On the first, and again on the second of November, a
British Squadron, with a large force of infantry, attacked the troops
who had already arrived there; but, on each occasion, they were
repulsed by the fire of a battery of three 18-pounders, skilfully
managed by Captains McPherson and Fanning. After many delays, General
Wilkinson embarked from French Creek with his whole force, amounting
to near seven thousand men, on the sixth of November, General Brown
being placed in command of the second brigade. In the evening they
arrived a few miles above the British batteries at Prescott. The
main body of the army, carrying with them their powder and fixed
ammunition, now landed, and moved round to a point on the river below
the enemy’s batteries.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION DOWN THE ST. LAWRENCE.]

The commander-in-chief, taking advantage of a dense fog which came on
early in the night, endeavored to pass down the stream, in his boat,
unobserved; but the fog rising before he had effected the passage,
the enemy discovered him, by the light of the moon, and opened their
fire. General Brown was in the rear, in charge of the flotilla,
consisting of three hundred boats; and, upon discovering that the
British were on the alert, he concluded to halt till the moon had
set. He then gave orders for the flotilla again to get under way. The
movement was discovered, however, and for three hours the American
flotilla was exposed to a heavy fire from the guns of the enemy; yet
such was the foresight and vigilance of General Brown, that not a
single boat suffered the slightest injury, and but one man was killed.

On the seventh, the army continued its progress down the river,
preceded by an advanced corps of twelve hundred men, under Colonel
Macomb, who were ordered to remove the obstructions in the stream,
and drive the light parties of the enemy occupying the commanding
points on its northern bank. The flotilla arrived at the White House
on the eighth of November, and General Brown was then ordered forward
with his brigade, to reïnforce Colonel Macomb and take command of
the advance. Clearing the bank of the river as he proceeded, he
arrived on the ninth instant, at the head of the _Longue Sault_,
without the occurrence of any incident of unusual moment. In the
morning of the tenth he continued his march, and soon became engaged
with a strong party posted at a blockhouse near the rapids, who were
handsomely driven off by the rifles under Major Forsyth.

In the meantime the British troops from Kingston had made their
appearance in the rear of the American army, and several skirmishes
had taken place. While General Brown was still separated from the
main body, General Boyd was ordered by the commanding general, to
face about and attack the enemy, with the remaining troops on shore.
An action was consequently hazarded on the eleventh of November, in
Chrystler’s fields near Williamsburg, which terminated in no decisive
result; the British retiring to their encampments, and the Americans
to their boats, each with the loss of over four hundred men. Without
being further molested by the enemy, General Wilkinson continued the
descent of the river to St. Regis, at which point he expected to be
joined by General Hampton, with the Army of the North. Owing to the
want of harmony and concert of action between the two generals, a
junction was not effected; the reduction of Montreal,--understood
to have been the object of the expedition,--was abandoned; and, on
the thirteenth of November, General Wilkinson retired into winter
quarters at French Mills, now Fort Covington, in the forks of the
Salmon river.

The capture of York and Fort George, and the successful operations
of the North-western army in the early part of the season, had
raised the public expectation to the highest pitch. Every thing
was hoped from the expedition under General Wilkinson, for which
extensive preparations had been made. The Secretary of War, General
Armstrong, in person superintended the movement, yet it was attended
with complete failure. The feeling of dissatisfaction thereby
engendered, was not confined to the rank and file of the army, but
extended throughout the nation. The expedition had attracted a more
than ordinary degree of attention; and, although the censures of
the public were mainly confined to those who were alone responsible
for its unfortunate issue, all connected with it, both officers
and soldiers, felt themselves, to a greater or less extent, the
objects of reproach. The tendency of this feeling was to produce
disaffection, even where it did not already exist; to discourage the
troops; and to impair, if not to destroy, their efficiency.

[Sidenote: APPOINTED A MAJOR GENERAL.]

Soon after the retirement of the army into winter quarters, the
command devolved on General Brown, in consequence of the sickness
of General Wilkinson, and the absence of the other senior officers.
Early in the year 1814, he was promoted to the rank of major general,
and, in connection with the able and efficient officers under his
orders, immediately applied himself to the work of reviving and
perfecting the discipline of the troops, and restoring their _esprit
du corps_.

The brilliant achievements of the heroic soldiers who rallied around
the eagle standard of Napoleon, and followed it, reckless of danger
and peril, to battle and to death, had awakened impulses that
prompted to like acts of daring; and it only required, among the
American troops, the presence of a gallant and chivalrous commander
to inspire that enthusiasm, and enkindle that patriotic ardor,
which were sure to accomplish the same results. General Brown was
a soldier by nature. His devotion to his profession assumed the
character of a romantic attachment. Foremost in every thought, was
a desire to redeem the honor of the flag that waved above him, and
to achieve something worthy to be recorded, side by side, with the
storied annals of the Revolution. His less fortunate contemporary,
“whose glorious name might turn a coward brave”--the accomplished
Ney--though the leader of mightier armies, and the hero of prouder
fields, was neither more brave, nor more highly gifted with those
qualities which are necessary to constitute a great and a successful
warrior.

The withdrawal of the greater part of the troops on the Niagara
frontier, for the expedition down the St. Lawrence, left it almost
defenceless. Fort George, in Canada West, was evacuated by General
McClure who had been left in command; but, before crossing the
river, exceeding his orders, he directed the village of Newark to be
burned. In retaliation for this act, which was promptly disavowed by
the American government, Fort Niagara was surprised on the night of
the eighteenth of December, 1813, and its whole garrison, of near
three hundred men, principally invalids, with the exception of a
small number who made their escape, were put to the sword. Lewiston,
Manchester, Youngstown, Buffalo, and the village of the Tuscaroras,
many of whom had entered the service of the United States, were
burned, and the whole frontier laid waste. It was therefore
determined to remove the principal seat of war to that quarter,
during the approaching campaign, and about the middle of February,
1814, the American army abandoned their cantonments at French Mills,
in two columns;--one marching to Sacketts Harbor, and subsequently
proceeding to Buffalo, under General Brown, and the other towards
Lake Champlain, under Generals Wilkinson and Macomb, for the purpose
of making a diversion in favor of the contemplated operations on the
Niagara.

[Sidenote: DUTIES OF HIS NEW OFFICE.]

The column under General Brown reached Buffalo in March, where it
was joined by the new volunteer levies. Having directed a camp of
instruction to be established, for drilling the troops, and the
regimental and company officers, he went back to Sacketts Harbor,
to complete the arrangements for the effectual cooperation of the
naval force on Lake Ontario, under Commodore Chauncey. The spring of
1814 opened gloomy and inauspicious for the American cause. Party
spirit ran high; the country was laboring under severe pecuniary
embarrassments; bitter complaints were uttered in some quarters;
and in numerous instances the measures of the administration were
thwarted, and its plans defeated. The temporary suspension of
hostilities, on the European continent, left Great Britain at liberty
to employ a larger portion of her army and navy in carrying on
the war against the United States. It was now announced, that she
intended to prosecute a vigorous system of offensive measures; to
plunder and devastate our sea-coast; and desolate our frontiers with
fire and sword. When her designs were understood on this side of the
Atlantic, our citizens, with few exceptions, forgot, for the time,
their political prejudices, and rallied with enthusiasm in support of
the government. At no time during the war was the country provided
with a suitable military establishment; collections, therefore, were
now made in the principal towns and cities, and large numbers of
volunteers were equipped, and means furnished for their support, by
voluntary contribution.

Fortunately, too, at this important crisis, there were such men as
Brown, Jackson, and Macomb, to take command of our armies, and lead
them on to victory. General Brown returned to Buffalo in June, and
resumed the command of the army, which consisted, at this time, of
the regular brigades under Generals Scott and Ripley, and a brigade
of volunteers, with a few Indians, under Generals Porter and Swift.
Notwithstanding his utmost exertions, he was unable to take the field
with his command before the first of July. It was then determined
to cross the river and capture Fort Erie, in the expectation that
the British would be compelled to abandon Fort Niagara, and fall
back on their posts on the head of the lake. During the night of the
second instant, General Brown embarked his troops, but little more
than three thousand strong, at Black Rock; and early in the morning
of the third, General Scott landed below the fort with his brigade,
and a battalion of artillery under Major Hindman, and General
Ripley, with his brigade, above. The commanding general followed
with the volunteer forces,--and a party of Indians were sent round
through the woods in rear of the enemy’s position. The fort was soon
invested, and a battery of heavy guns planted in a position that
completely commanded its defences. Without awaiting the threatened
assault, after firing a few guns, the garrison, to the number of one
hundred and seventy men, surrendered themselves prisoners of war.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA.]

The main body of the British troops in the immediate vicinity of the
river, amounting to over three thousand men, under Major General
Riall, occupied an intrenched camp at Chippewa, about two miles above
the Falls. Leaving a small garrison in Fort Erie, General Brown
advanced, on the day after its reduction, against the position of
General Riall. The brigade of General Scott, which, with Captain
Towson’s battery, formed the advance, had a running fight, for
sixteen miles, with the 100th regiment, commanded by the Marquis of
Tweedale, and finally drove it across the Chippewa Creek. In the
evening, the whole army encamped on the south bank of Street’s Creek,
the bridge over which had been destroyed by the Marquis, within two
miles of the enemy’s works. Between this stream and the Chippewa, lay
the broad plain on which the sanguinary engagement of the following
day took place. On the east were the waters of the Niagara, speeding
along in their arrowy flight, to the cataract beyond; and on the west
was a dense forest of oaks, and beeches, and maples, extending for
several miles into the interior.

At an early hour on the morning of the fifth of July, the British
light troops, consisting of Canadian militia and Indians, who were
posted in the woods on the left, commenced making attacks on the
American pickets placed on that flank, and small parties of the enemy
occasionally appeared in the open plain in front. The commanding
officer of one of the pickets having made a hasty retreat, and left
one of his men wounded upon the ground, he was ordered instantly to
give up his command, and another officer was directed to take charge
of his party, and bring off the wounded man, which was accomplished
without loss. General Brown could never look with complacency on a
breach of discipline, or violation of orders; and when accompanied
with anything that bore the appearance of cowardice, it was sure to
be visited, not merely with an indignant rebuke, but with summary
punishment. He would tolerate the presence of no officer with the
army, who could forget, under any circumstances, the honor of the
profession to which he belonged. It is due to the officer referred
to, to remark, that he was permitted to engage in the battle as a
volunteer, and discharged his duty manfully. He was afterwards tried
by a court-martial, and honorably acquitted.

General Brown was anxious to bring on an engagement with the
enemy, and, in order to effect this object, or, if that were found
impossible, to put an end to the annoying fire of their skirmishers,
he directed General Porter to fetch a circuit through the forest
with the volunteers and Indians, and cut off their retreat; and the
advanced parties were ordered to fall back before the fire of their
opponents, and thus favor the movement. About four o’clock in the
afternoon, General Porter encountered the light companies of the
Royal Scots and the 100th regiment, in the woods, and drove them
back upon the Chippewa, where they met the whole British column,
under General Riall, who had anticipated the intentions of General
Brown, and was now rapidly approaching, with the hope of finding the
Americans unprepared for his reception.

The commanding general had accompanied the volunteers, but, on
hearing the roar of the artillery, and discovering the clouds of dust
rising in the vicinity of Chippewa bridge, he returned to camp, and
ordered General Scott to advance forthwith, with the first brigade
and Towson’s battery, and engage the enemy on the open plain, while
he brought up the second brigade, under General Ripley, to act at
whatever point it might be needed. The order was executed with all
possible speed. The troops under General Scott dashed across the
creek, and through the clumps of bushes fringing its bank, under a
galling fire of musketry and artillery, and were soon enveloped in
the wreaths of sulphureous smoke rising over the battle field; their
shouts and cheers, borne merrily on the breeze, and the deep-toned
thunder of their artillery, and their sharp rattling volleys,
announcing the spirit and eagerness with which they entered into
the contest. Meanwhile the British light troops had rallied, and
compelled the volunteers of General Porter, in turn, to give way.
The left flank of Scott’s brigade, therefore, became much exposed;
and the 21st infantry, forming part of General Ripley’s brigade,
which had been held in reserve, was detached to gain the rear of the
enemy’s right flank. The greatest exertions were made to reach their
position in time, but in vain; for such was the impetuosity of the
attack made by General Scott, that the battle was fought, and the
victory won, before they had time to participate in the conflict.

After the retreat of the volunteers, the 25th infantry, commanded
by Major Jesup, on the extreme left of Scott’s brigade, in the
forest, was warmly pressed in front and in flank, being exposed to a
withering tempest of musket balls that was fast thinning their ranks;
but, at this critical period, their brave leader gave his well-known
order,--“Support arms--forward march!”--Men who could advance without
faltering in such fearful peril were not to be resisted. Having
gained a more favorable position, they returned the fire of the
enemy, with interest, and in a few minutes compelled them to seek
safety in flight.

[Sidenote: THE VICTORY AND ITS RESULTS.]

In the other part of the field, equal zeal and gallantry were
displayed. The strife was bloody and fiercely contested on both
sides, but of short duration. A warm fire was kept up for about an
hour, when the enemy’s artillery was silenced; but their infantry
were now ordered to move forward with charged bayonets. As they
advanced, a raking fire was poured upon them from Towson’s guns,
which Scott had posted in the road to Chippewa, and this was
followed, almost instantly, by a destructive volley from the 9th
and 11th infantry, thrown forward on their outer flanks, and that
tremendous charge which scattered the pride of the English soldiery
like chaff before the wind.[2] The enemy’s whole line now wavered
and broke, and they were hotly pursued to their intrenchments. Here
the advance of the victors was checked by the batteries which opened
their fire. General Brown had already hastened forward with the
reserve, and joined in the pursuit. He at once decided to force the
British position, which was well fortified, having a heavy battery
on one flank, and a strong block-house on the other. The ordnance
was brought up for the purpose, but, as the hour was late, and the
men burning with thirst, and wearied with the fatigues of the day,
upon consulting with his officers, it was concluded to retire to camp
rather than hazard what had been gained by an attack which might
terminate in a disastrous repulse.

The number of troops actually engaged in this battle, on the side
of the British, was not far from twenty-one hundred: the American
force was about nineteen hundred. The loss of the enemy, according to
the official report of the action, was one hundred and thirty-eight
killed, and three hundred and sixty-five wounded and missing. Of the
Americans there were sixty killed, and two hundred and sixty-seven
wounded and missing.

This auspicious opening of the campaign, in a quarter, too, which
had previously witnessed so much of defeat and disgrace, was
hailed with acclamations of joy, in the farthest borders of the
Union. Resolutions of thanks and congratulations were liberally
showered on the American commander, and his brave officers and
soldiers. No doubt, the associations connected with the anniversary
of Independence were of invaluable service in encouraging and
inspiriting his troops; still he was none the less deserving of
commendation, for wisely availing himself of the emotions which the
recollections of that day were calculated to arouse. But the victory,
in itself, was one of which all who participated in it might well
be proud. Exposed to the fierce radiance of a summer’s sun, with
inferior numbers, they had met and vanquished disciplined troops,
familiar with every art and device of war, and who had often fought
and conquered, with Wellington, in the Spanish Peninsula. The battle
took place in an open field; the enemy had selected their position;
and the contest was determined solely by the superior bravery and
skill of their opponents. The weapon, also, that decided the fate
of the day, had for years been the Briton’s pride and boast. To the
bayonet he had arrogantly pointed, as “the test of invincibility,”
and the sure and certain resource when all other means proved
unavailing; but courage and presumption went down together, before
the shock of the glittering steel, that flashed back the rays of
the blazing orb whose parting effulgence lingered around the spot
hallowed by the recent triumph of American valor, and the success of
the American arms!

After their defeat at Chippewa, the British were unwilling to hazard
another action. On the eighth of July, General Ripley, who had been
detached by General Brown for that purpose, forced his way over the
Chippewa Creek, about three miles above the enemy’s camp; whereupon,
General Riall, though he had been reïnforced by another regiment,
abandoned his works, which were occupied by General Brown that
evening. On the following day the British commander continued his
retreat to Twenty-mile Creek.

[Sidenote: SKIRMISHING.]

General Brown followed closely the retrograde movement of the British
army, and encamped at Queenstown, or Queenston, as it is now usually
written, where he remained for several days, awaiting the arrival
of some heavy guns, and the rifle regiment, which he had ordered
from Sacketts Harbor. On the twelfth instant, a reconnaissance of
the works at Fort George, preparatory to an investment, was made
by General Swift, with a detachment of volunteers, one hundred and
twenty in number. A picket guard were surprised and taken; but, after
their surrender, one of the prisoners turned and shot the general
through the body. This cowardly act exasperated his men to such a
degree, that they attacked a patrolling party who now made their
appearance, alarmed by the report of the piece, with great gallantry,
and succeeded in driving them into the fort. They then returned to
camp, bringing with them their expiring commander, who died in a few
hours.

On the eighteenth instant Lieutenant Colonel Stone was detached with
a small volunteer force to dislodge a party posted four miles west of
Queenston, near the village of St. David’s, who were lying in wait
to attack the reconnoitering parties of the American army. The party
was routed and driven in to the main body, with commendable alacrity
and zeal; but after the action, the village was set fire to, and
burned, by some of the volunteers, without the orders or knowledge,
as was alleged, of the officer commanding the expedition.--It had
long been a favorite idea, and very properly so, with the American
authorities, to conciliate the Canadian people. The latter were
assured by the invading forces, on this as on other occasions, that
they came “to conquer, but not to destroy;” and strict orders had
been issued against the commission of any outrages upon the persons,
or property, of private citizens. General Brown regarded the officer
in command of the detachment as being responsible for this glaring
violation of duty, inasmuch as it was scarcely possible for the act
to have been committed, except through negligence or connivance on
his part; and, on the following morning, he issued a peremptory order
directing him to retire forthwith from the army.

This prompt mode of dismissal occasioned considerable remark in
military circles, and was pronounced, by many, an unwarranted
assumption of authority. Under ordinary circumstances, it would
certainly have been regarded as an usurpation of power that ought not
to be tolerated; but the situation of the army was peculiar--they
were in an enemy’s country, and the neutrality of the inhabitants was
absolutely essential to the accomplishment of their paramount object,
that of dislodging the enemy from the peninsula. An outrage of this
character could not remain unnoticed, and a delay, even of a few
days, in meting out the appropriate punishment, might put an end to
all the hopes and expectations of the campaign. The case, therefore,
was one that required immediate action, and, though General Brown
was always careful not to infringe the rights of other officers
unnecessarily, whether above or beneath him in rank, he never shrank
from any responsibility, or hesitated in the performance of any duty.
His course, however harsh it may seem, was approved by President
Madison, who was never fond of the exercise of doubtful powers,--and
by Mr. Monroe, then his Secretary of State, in a letter addressed to
Admiral Cochrane.

Daring reconnaissances of Forts George and Niagara were made by
Generals Porter and Ripley, and it was then decided at a council of
war, to attack these posts, instead of following up the retreating
forces under General Riall. On the thirteenth of July, General Brown
had written a pressing letter to Commodore Chauncey, informing him
of his situation, and requesting him to hasten forward the ordnance
and the reïnforcements, which were to be transported in the vessels
under his command, and inviting his coöperation in a combined attack,
by land and water, on the forts at the mouth of the Niagara. No
answer to this letter was received till the following September, in
consequence of the illness of Commodore Chauncey.

[Sidenote: EFFORTS TO BRING ON ANOTHER ENGAGEMENT.]

While in this state of suspense, the General decided to make a
demonstration on Fort George, and to attempt to draw the enemy out
into the open field. The inactivity which had prevailed since the
previous battle was no longer to be endured;--and on the twentieth
instant, he advanced with his whole army, drove in the enemy’s
outposts, and encamped near Fort George, in the expectation that
General Riall would be drawn from his position, and offer him battle.
Disappointed in this, he returned to Queenston on the twenty-second,
and on the ensuing day he received a letter by express, from General
Gaines, then in command at Sacketts Harbor, informing him that that
port was blockaded by a strong naval force,--the enemy now having the
ascendancy on the lake,--and that Commodore Chauncey was seriously
ill with a fever.

This information materially changed the aspect of affairs. The
artillery and reïnforcements, upon which he had confidently
calculated, were no longer to be expected; and his future
operations must be conducted entirely independent of them. Other
Generals, perhaps equally as brave as himself,--and the history
of modern warfare furnishes numerous examples in support of the
assertion,--would have suspended all further efforts, or ordered
an inglorious retreat, relying, for their justification, on the
neglect of the government to provide the means and supplies
which they desired. But, among the other valuable traits in his
character, General Brown possessed that highest quality of the
soldier--fertility of invention and resource. If the force placed at
his disposal was not sufficient to accomplish a favorite project, the
energies of his mind were at once employed in achieving something
besides, that would redound to the credit of the country, and the
honor of her flag. With his little army of three thousand men he had
crossed the Niagara, and established himself on British soil; there
he was determined to remain, and dispute its possession with the
enemy, while there was a single chance, or hope of success, still
left to cheer and encourage his brave and devoted band!

Being without the heavy guns necessary for an attack on Fort George,
General Brown was forced, though much against his will, to abandon
his designs on that post. But he was anxious, nevertheless, to
bring on another engagement with General Riall; and, influenced by
this desire, continued his feigned retreat up the river, on the
twenty-fourth, recrossed the Chippewa, and encamped. If this movement
failed to draw the enemy from their position, he designed to make a
rapid march on Burlington. About noon on the twenty-fifth, while his
men were busily engaged in making preparations for the march, he was
informed that the British appeared in considerable force on Queenston
heights; that four of their vessels had arrived during the previous
night at the mouth of the Niagara; and that a number of boats were
moving up the stream. A few minutes later he received the further
information, which proved to be incorrect, that the enemy had landed
one thousand men at Lewiston, and were threatening his baggage and
stores at Schlosser.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF NIAGARA.]

The troops were instantly ordered under arms, and in twenty minutes
General Scott was on the road to Queenston with his brigade, Towson’s
artillery, and a troop of dragoons. About two miles from the American
camp, and within a short distance of the Falls, he learned that the
enemy were in force in his front, separated from view only by a
narrow piece of wood. Having dispatched Assistant Adjutant General
Jones, to General Brown, with the intelligence, he held on his march,
and in a short time discovered the British army, treble his own force
in numbers, strongly posted on Lundy’s Lane, which led up from the
Falls to Beaver Dams. Regardless of the great disparity between the
two armies, General Scott promptly made his dispositions for battle,
fully determined to maintain his ground till the reserve came up. As
the head of his column cleared the wood on the brink of the cataract,
whose low deep thunder was echoed by the enemy’s artillery, which
immediately opened its fire, it was encircled by the rainbow that
spanned the boiling Phlegethon beside it. Like the cross that infused
new ardor into the soldiers of Constantine, this was regarded as the
omen, the sure presage of victory. With their sabres and bayonets
gleaming in the rays of the setting sun, and their faces glowing with

“The stern joy which warriors feel,
In foemen worthy of their steel,”

the Americans now deployed in line on the left of the Queenston road.
Major Jesup was thrown forward on the right with his regiment, and
Captain Towson was posted on the left opposite the enemy’s artillery.
All were elated with their recent victory, and animated by the best
spirit. Undismayed by the terrible fire which they encountered, they
advanced firmly and steadily against the closely serried columns of
the enemy.

The British position was well chosen. They had seized a commanding
eminence at the head of Lundy’s Lane, upon which their battery
of nine guns was planted, and swept the field of battle with an
incessant torrent of cannon balls. Their forces, at first engaged,
consisted of the whole army under General Riall, who had marched
down from his position, directly to the Falls, with the expectation
of meeting Lieutenant General Drummond at this point. The latter
had arrived at the mouth of the Niagara on the evening of the
twenty-fourth, with large reïnforcements, collected at Kingston and
various other points on the lake, and was hastening as rapidly as
possible to join General Riall. He arrived on the ground shortly
after the commencement of the action, accompanied by his men, and
assumed the command of the united force, now between four and five
thousand strong.

[Sidenote: INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.]

General Scott and his men held their ground manfully, till the
arrival of General Brown, who had hurried forward with his suite, in
advance of the brigades of Generals Ripley and Porter, as soon as the
firing was heard. Meanwhile the 11th and 22nd infantry, under Colonel
Brady and Major McNeil, both of whom were severely wounded, having
expended their ammunition, were withdrawn from action, and the whole
brunt of the battle in front, was sustained by the 9th infantry,
commanded by Major Leavenworth. With unswerving courage this regiment
resisted every effort of the enemy, though with the loss of half
their number, until their opponents suspended the attack. General
Riall was deceived by the obstinacy of their resistance, and as it
was impossible to distinguish objects with any precision in the
gloaming, he supposed the entire American army was engaged, and was
therefore content to wait for General Drummond to come up with the
reïnforcements.

For a few moments the roar of battle was hushed, and the silence
was only broken by the unceasing murmur of the cataract, and the
groans of the wounded and the dying. During the temporary suspension
of the fire, General Ripley, with his brigade and the remainder
of the artillery under Major Hindman, and the volunteers under
General Porter, arrived upon the ground. With these fresh troops
General Brown formed a new alignment, to cover the exhausted
command of General Scott, who fell back behind their comrades. The
respite was of brief duration, and the action was soon renewed with
increased warmth. Wider and wider reverberated the deep echoes of
the artillery; higher and higher rose the sharp, continued roll of
musketry; loud was the Briton’s cheer, and louder yet the answering
shout of defiance!

Captain Towson had failed to make any impression on the enemy’s
battery, though his guns were skilfully and actively directed; and
on the renewal of the engagement, under the advice of Major McRee,
the senior engineer officer, General Brown determined to carry
the eminence on which it was posted, at the point of the bayonet.
The execution of this enterprise was intrusted to Colonel Miller
with the 21st infantry. The reply of the gallant colonel, when he
received the order to advance, from General Ripley, is memorable in
history--“_I will try, sir!_” said the intrepid soldier.[3] The trial
was made,--nor made in vain. Supported by the 23rd infantry under
Major McFarland, while the 1st infantry, under Colonel Nicholas,
which had joined the army that day, was left to receive the enemy’s
fire in front, Colonel Miller moved up the hill through a raging
flood of missiles. The 1st staggered under the tremendous fire
to which it was exposed, the 23rd faltered, but the brave 21st,
following their heroic leader, rushed up the height with accelerated
speed. On reaching the summit they paused an instant, and then
rushed forward with shouts and cheers. The British troops had fought
bravely, for they were anxious to wipe out the discredit of their
late defeat. The cannoniers were transfixed at their posts, and for
a few seconds there was a fierce contest fought hand to hand, over
the loaded guns. But the daring onset of the Americans was not to be
resisted; the discipline of the British soldiery gave way before it;
their artillery was captured, and their routed columns, sullen and
discontented, retired slowly down the hill.

[Sidenote: GENERAL RIALL TAKEN PRISONER.]

Meanwhile Major Jesup had turned the enemy’s left with the 25th
infantry, and, favored by the darkness, had cautiously advanced in
their rear. A detachment from his command, under Captain Ketchum,
succeeded in reaching the place where Generals Drummond and Riall
were stationed with their suites. The former made his escape, but
the latter was taken prisoner with his staff. A large number of
prisoners, in addition, were captured by Major Jesup, and he then
moved to the left to attack the enemy in rear. Coming upon a body
of their troops posted in the Queenston road, about the time of the
capture of the battery, his men delivered their fire, as galling as
it was unexpected, and instantly dashed over the fence that separated
them. The enemy broke and fled, and, as the 1st and 23rd infantry had
been already rallied by the animated efforts of General Ripley, the
whole British line was now forced.

General Brown was prompt to improve the advantage he had gained, as
the British officers were heard encouraging their men for a desperate
effort to recover their cannon. While they were engaged in reforming
their broken masses under the hill, he advanced his line, placing the
captured guns in his rear; General Porter being on the extreme left
with his volunteers, General Ripley’s brigade occupying the centre,
and Major Hindman being stationed in the interval between the second
brigade and the 25th infantry, which was posted on the right of the
line. The first brigade, under General Scott, was held in reserve.

A gloomy and ominous silence prevailed for a short time, and it was
then interrupted by the lively strains of martial music, as the
British columns were again ordered to advance. General Drummond
had given his men but a few moments to recover from the effects of
their repulse. With great daring and intrepidity they marched up the
height, at double quick time, presenting an extended line outflanking
the Americans on both extremes. Within twenty yards of the crest of
the eminence, they poured forth their volleys, and prepared to rush
forward with their bayonets. In an instant the American line was one
blaze of fire. The enemy staggered; another volley, followed rapidly
by another, and still another, caused them to break and retire down
the hill in confusion, despite the exertions of their officers to
inspire them with confidence.

Another half hour passed in suspense, and again the measured tread
of the advancing columns was heard, as they rose the hill. The
Americans reserved their fire till it could be most effective, and
when the enemy came within range, the artillery of Major Hindman
once more pealed forth its brazen notes, and, as they pressed nearer
and nearer, the rattling musketry was added to the din. But the
constant shower of shot and ball poured upon them soon checked their
advance. For nearly half an hour they strove in vain to overcome the
firmness of the American troops. The contest was warm and animated;
and, during its continuance, General Scott, who had consolidated
his brigade into one battalion, under Major Leavenworth, made
two effective charges on the left and right of the British line,
in the latter of which he received two severe wounds, that soon
after obliged him to quit the field. General Brown was always where
his presence was needed--in the front of the battle. Heedless of
the exposure of his person, he was ever ready to utter words of
encouragement where symptoms of hesitation were manifested; to
commend every act of noble daring; and to arouse his men to further
exertions. His efforts were well seconded by the chivalric bearing
and the dauntless intrepidity of Scott and Ripley and Porter. Unable
to make head against the stern and unyielding resistance of the
American soldiers, General Drummond was a second time forced to draw
off his men.

[Sidenote: LAST EFFORTS OF THE ENEMY.]

The contest was not yet ended. Additional reïnforcements had joined
the enemy, and, after the lapse of another hour, their hesitating
columns were encouraged to make one more effort for the victory.
Regardless of the havoc made in their ranks, the British troops
advanced boldly under a withering fire. This time they gained the
summit of the hill, never pausing after they had delivered their
fire, and closed with their antagonists. The battle was now at its
height. The beams of the rising moon struggled vainly to penetrate
the murky pall that overhung the field of combat, but the darkness
was illuminated by the constant flashing of musketry and artillery.
Two lines of armed men, merged with each other, were seen surging
to and fro. The earth shook beneath their feet. Foot to foot, and
breast to breast, they fought. Locked in the death struggle, the
Briton and the American fell together. The green sward was soaked
with blood; it collected in pools in the ridges made by the ploughing
shot; and ran down in rivulets to mingle its crimson dyes with the
limpid waters of the Niagara.

General Brown had previously received a severe wound from a musket
ball which passed through his right thigh, and as he now moved to
the left of the American line, to encourage the volunteers to remain
firm, he was struck violently upon his left side by a missile of some
description. The blow nearly unhorsed him, and on meeting Colonel
Wood, he expressed his doubts as to his ability to keep the saddle.
“Never mind, my dear general,” was the reply, “you are gaining the
greatest victory that was ever gained by your nation!” Cheered by
these words, which indicated the spirit prevailing among his officers
and men, General Brown remained on his horse, giving his orders with
wonted firmness and promptitude. The American troops were sorely
pressed, but they were more than a match for their opponents. In vain
was every effort of the latter. The artillery on both sides was taken
and retaken during the struggle, but the British were finally forced
to yield the ground, leaving their guns in the hands of the Americans.

At midnight the contest terminated. The British made no further
effort to regain the position, but shrunk silently away in the
darkness. Faint from excessive pain and the loss of blood, General
Brown was now assisted from the field by his staff. General Scott
being also disabled, the command was assumed by General Ripley,
under whose directions the wounded were collected, and orders were
then issued for a return to camp. The artillery horses being all
killed, and there being no drag-ropes at hand, General Ripley very
reluctantly left the captured guns on the ground, having rolled the
smaller pieces down the hill. This circumstance was seized with
avidity by the British officers to give color to their claim that
they had defeated the American army, and it has frequently served a
similar purpose in the works of British writers. A few considerations
will show how utterly unfounded was this claim. The Americans
attacked their opponents in a position of their own selection. This
position they seized, and held against three daring and desperate
efforts to regain it. It was yielded, but yielded voluntarily; and
being without the means to remove the guns, General Ripley left them
on the field, and returned to the American camp unmolested. The
enemy remained nearer the battle-ground, as their tents and baggage
were directly in rear of their line; and when they discovered on
the following morning, that the guns had been abandoned, they took
possession of them without difficulty, there being no one to oppose
them.

[Sidenote: LOSSES OF THE TWO ARMIES.]

The truth is, that both parties sustained a severe loss in this
sanguinary conflict, and neither desired to renew it while the
odds were in favor of their antagonists. In the morning of the
twenty-sixth, General Ripley collected all the American troops fit
for duty, and with this force, which barely amounted to fifteen
hundred men, he sallied out to seek another contest with the enemy.
On approaching the field on which the action of the previous day had
been fought, he found them strongly posted in a still more favorable
position, slightly in advance of that formerly occupied. Becoming
satisfied that it would be unwise to attack a superior force under
such circumstances, he again returned to camp, and subsequently
retired to Fort Erie, the defences of which were immediately
strengthened and extended, in accordance with the instructions of
General Brown.

The British force engaged in the battle of Niagara, was little
short of five thousand; that of the Americans was nearly one third
less. The latter sustained the heaviest loss in killed and wounded,
however, on account of the galling severity of the British fire
previous to the capture of their guns. The Americans had seven
hundred and forty-three men killed and wounded, and the British six
hundred and forty-three. The latter lost two hundred and thirty-five
men taken prisoners, and the former one hundred and seventeen. The
aggregate loss of the British, therefore, was a trifle greater
than that of the Americans. Generals Brown and Scott, as has been
mentioned, were badly wounded; Generals Drummond and Riall, the
latter being likewise captured, also received severe wounds.

[Sidenote: ATTACK OF FORT ERIE.]

General Drummond did not offer to molest the American army in their
march to Fort Erie, or venture to make an attack on that post,
till the 3rd of August, when he had been reïnforced by General De
Watteville, with one thousand men. He then invested the fort, and
made preparations for its reduction. On the fifth of August, General
Gaines arrived from Sacketts Harbor, and assumed the command.
The enemy continued their approaches, and on the thirteenth and
fourteenth a heavy cannonade was kept up, which was followed by an
assault early in the morning of the fifteenth instant.[4] The work
was poorly calculated to withstand a siege, being nothing more than a
small redoubt, occupying the centre of an intrenched camp, of which
it formed the strong point. The enemy were, notwithstanding, repulsed
with great loss, by the gallantry and good conduct of General Gaines
and the officers and men under his command. During the siege General
Gaines was severely wounded by the bursting of a shell, and on the
twenty eighth instant, he retired to Buffalo, leaving General Ripley
in charge of the post.

Having partially recovered from his wounds, General Brown once more
resumed the command on the second of September. The defences of
Fort Erie had already suffered considerable injury from the enemy’s
fire, and the garrison were kept constantly at work repairing the
damages, and adding to the works. Frequent skirmishes took place, and
the cannonading on either side was maintained, at intervals, with
spirit and warmth. Reïnforcements were daily expected to arrive from
the army on Lake Champlain, but they did not make their appearance,
and it was soon evident that the post could not be held much longer
against the efforts of the enemy. General Brown fretted like an
imprisoned lion, and, on the seventeenth of September, discovering
that General Drummond had constructed another battery, that would
open a destructive fire on the following day, he planned a sortie,
which has been justly considered as the _chef d’œuvre_ of his
military career.

The infantry of the besieging force was divided into three brigades,
each containing twelve or fifteen hundred men, one of which was
stationed alternately in the works in front of the fort, for the
protection of the artillerists, and the other two occupied the main
camp about two miles in the rear. The circumvallation consisted of
two lines of intrenchments supported by blockhouses, in advance of
which the enemy had constructed their batteries. It was General
Brown’s intention “to storm the batteries, destroy the cannon, and
roughly handle the brigade on duty, before those in reserve could be
brought up.” The project was well conceived and admirably executed.

[Sidenote: SORTIE FROM FORT ERIE.]

At noon on the seventeenth, the troops intended to make the sortie
were paraded under arms. The sallying force was divided into two
columns; the left, commanded by General Porter, and consisting of the
rifles and a body of Indians under Colonel Gibson, the Pennsylvania
volunteers under Colonel Wood, the New York volunteers under General
Davis, and the 1st and 23rd infantry under Major Brooks, was ordered
to move cautiously upon the enemy’s right, by a circuitous road
previously opened through the woods; and the right, commanded by
General Miller, and consisting of the first brigade, was directed to
enter a ravine between the fort and the British lines, and advance
rapidly upon the enemy’s works as soon as General Porter became
engaged. General Ripley remained in reserve with the 21st infantry,
between the new bastions of the fort; his command, and that of
General Miller, being both out of view of the enemy.

The day was dark and lowering. A thick mist rested upon the lake and
river, and floated lazily along their banks. The clouds overhead were
surcharged with moisture, and sent down copious showers of rain.
Favored by these circumstances, the American columns gained their
positions unperceived. General Porter advanced with such celerity and
caution, that his men sprang upon the enemy’s pickets before they
were aware of his presence. As soon as the rapid volleys of General
Porter were heard, General Brown ordered General Miller to advance,
the head of his column being directed towards the interval between
batteries 2 and 3. Dashing forward at full speed, General Miller
reached the enemy’s line and pierced their entrenchments. The British
were taken by surprise, yet they fought bravely and well. The contest
was close and animated, but brief. Within thirty minutes after the
first gun was fired, batteries 2 and 3 were in possession of the
American troops, who swept every thing before them with the bayonet.
Battery number 1 was then abandoned by the enemy, and the Americans,
without loss of time, commenced the work of demolition. The British
guns were spiked or otherwise destroyed, their breastworks levelled,
and the magazine of battery number 3 was blown up.

General Ripley had now brought up the reserve, and was making
preparations for a demonstration on the enemy’s camp, when he
was disabled by a severe wound. The object of the sortie having
been accomplished, in the destruction, by a force of regulars and
volunteers, only two thousand strong, of the labors of four thousand
men for a period of near fifty days, General Miller ordered his men
to fall back to the ravine, and General Brown then directed all the
corps to return to camp with their prisoners, which was done in good
order. In this affair the Americans had eighty-three men killed, two
hundred and sixteen wounded, and there were two hundred and sixteen
missing. Three hundred and eighty-five of the enemy were taken
prisoners, and there were between four and five hundred killed and
wounded.

This daring sortie put an end to the leaguer. During the night of the
twenty-first of September, General Drummond broke up his camp, and
retreated to his intrenchments behind the Chippewa. Not long after,
General Izard arrived from Sacketts Harbor with large reïnforcements,
and on the twelfth of October, being the senior officer, he
superseded General Brown in the command. No further incident of
importance occurred, however, on this frontier. The gallant exploit
of the seventeenth of September was the appropriate _finale_ of a
bloody campaign, unsurpassed, during the war, for the display of
firmness, valor, and intrepidity. Leaving a sufficient garrison at
Fort Erie, General Izard moved down towards the Chippewa with the
remainder of his forces, and offered battle to the enemy, but they
declined leaving their intrenchments. A partial engagement took place
between detached corps on the nineteenth of October, which closed the
operations of the campaign; and early in November the American army
retired into winter quarters on the opposite side of the Niagara.

[Sidenote: HIS DECEASE.]

The treaty of Ghent, in December of this year, terminated the war,
and the services of General Brown in the field. Upon the reduction of
the army he was retained on the peace establishment, and placed in
command of the northern military division. In 1821 he was appointed
General-in-chief, and from that time till his death, which occurred
on the twenty-fourth of February, 1828, he resided at Washington.
The disease which terminated his life was superinduced by another
contracted at Fort Erie, from which he was never wholly exempt.

General Brown did not enter the military profession solely from
motives of patriotism, though these ever guided and governed his
conduct;--he was a soldier _con amore_! Early disciplined in the
school of adversity and trained to habits of self-reliance,--and
gifted with superior mental endowments, which had been carefully
cultivated,--he possessed that happy combination of faculties
and acquirements which rarely fails to achieve success. He was a
correct and thorough disciplinarian; industrious, methodical, and
indefatigable; brave, both physically and morally; stout in person
and strong of nerve; bold and energetic in carrying out his offensive
movements; firm, but cautious, when acting on the defence; sagacious
in council; and cool, calm, and collected, amid the roar of battle.
In the language of the general order announcing his decease to
the army--“Quick to perceive and sagacious to anticipate, prompt
to decide and daring in execution, he was born with the qualities
which constitute a great commander. His military _coup d’œil_,
his intuitive penetration, his knowledge of men and his capacity
to control them, were known to all his companions in arms, and
commanded their respect; while the gentleness of his disposition,
the courtesy of his deportment, his scrupulous regard to their
rights, his constant attention to their wants, and his affectionate
attachment to their persons, universally won their hearts, and bound
them to him as a father.”

The death of one so highly esteemed produced a deep impression, and
was sincerely lamented, not only by his brethren in arms, but by
all to whom he had become endeared in the relationships of private
life. Cut off in the vigor of manhood by a disease contracted in
the service of his country, she still treasures his memory as that
of one among the most honored of her sons. Like the amaranth, his
fame is enduring and imperishable; and while the ceaseless murmurs
of the cataract rise beside the battle-field of Niagara, his gallant
daring and determined courage will be gratefully remembered by his
countrymen.

[Illustration: EDMUND PENDLETON GAINES.]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] General Brown is frequently compared with General
Greene, who, like him, was descended from a Quaker
family; and it has been jocularly said of them,
that, although one was _green_, and the other
_brown_, both were _true blue_!

[2] See Memoir of General Scott.

[3] The reply of Colonel Miller was adopted as the motto
of his regiment, and was worn on their buttons.

[4] See Memoir of General Gaines.

EDMUND PENDLETON GAINES.

It is no slight praise to say of the subject of this memoir, that
his name is honorably associated with the war of 1812, from its
commencement to its termination. When disasters were so frequent,
and defeat so often sustained, where others were concerned, it is
refreshing to find, that he never wanted the will, and when his means
were sufficient, never lacked the ability, to retrieve the one, and
to wipe out the disgrace of the other. Ever to be found where duty
placed him,--prompt, brave, and skilful,--these are high merits in
a soldier, and entitle their possessor to a worthy place among his
compeers.

Virginia is often termed “the mother of statesmen,”--and she may
also be regarded as the birth-place of heroes. Like Harrison and
Scott, General Gaines drew his first breath in the Old Dominion.
He was born on the twentieth day of March, 1777, in Culpepper
county, near the eastern base of the Blue Ridge, where it looks
down upon the rolling table land, and undulating slopes,drained
by the waters of the Rappahannock. His father, James Gaines, was
a nephew of Edmund Pendleton,--after whom his son was named,--a
profound and able lawyer, who was for many years presiding judge of
the Court of Appeals of the state of Virginia. In the latter part
of the Revolution, the father commanded a company of volunteers,
and did good service in that capacity. At the close of the war he
removed to the northwest border of North Carolina. He represented
the county in which he resided, in the legislature of that state,
and was afterwards a member of the convention by which the federal
constitution was rejected. Like many of the most patriotic citizens
of Virginia, North Carolina, and other states, he was at first
opposed to that instrument; but, his objections having been removed
by the adoption of the “bill of rights,” he voted in its favor.

Young Gaines was early familiarized to scenes of war and bloodshed.
Born in a frontier settlement, during the perilous times of the
revolutionary struggle, when the whole colony was in a state of
constant ferment and agitation, though not old enough to appreciate
the importance of the principles for which his countrymen were
contending, he was deeply imbued with the spirit that animated
the men of that great era in the history of our nation. In the
sparsely-peopled region to which his parents had removed, the means
of obtaining information were very limited, and, as his father
was in moderate circumstances, he enjoyed but few advantages of
that character. These were carefully improved, however, under the
direction and superintendence of his mother, who possessed a fine
mind, and had received a good education. A friend, by the name of
Ralph Mitchell, whose acquaintance he formed while a mere youth,
instructed him in mathematics, and he subsequently became an accurate
surveyor.

When he was about thirteen years of age, his father emigrated to
Sullivan county, in that mountainous tract of country, now known as
East Tennessee, lying between the Stone and Cumberland mountains.
This section of the union was then new, and but thinly inhabited.
Being in the immediate vicinity of the theatre of the depredations
committed by the Creeks and Cherokees, tales of border warfare were
rife, and the legends of “the dark and bloody ground” were often
repeated by the fireside of the elder Gaines. Themes like these
were calculated to enkindle a desire for entering the profession
of arms in the bosom of his young son, who listened to them with
eager interest, and he soon gave unequivocal indications that his
thoughts were turned in that direction. From boyhood he had been
taught to labor,--to swing the axe, and follow the plough. When not
thus employed, or busy in storing his mind with useful information,
he rambled through the forests in search of game. In his hours of
pastime the rifle was his constant companion, and he is said to have
excelled all his companions in the use of that weapon. Passing his
time in these occupations, his constitution, naturally strong and
vigorous, had become hardened and invigorated, and fitted to endure
the sufferings and vicissitudes of a soldier’s life. He was likewise
bold and fearless, daring and determined;--no difficulty retarded
him, no danger deterred.

[Sidenote: RECEIVES HIS FIRST COMMISSION.]

He now occupied his leisure hours in reading and studying such
military and historical works as he could procure; and at the age of
eighteen he was elected to a lieutenancy in a rifle company commanded
by Captain J. Cloud. No opportunity was yet presented for gratifying
the first wish of his heart, and he concluded to turn his attention
to another profession. When not otherwise busied, much of his time
had latterly been spent in surveying. In this way he had provided
himself with a small supply of funds, and on attaining his majority,
he commenced the study of the law, and pursued it as fast as his
limited means would allow. While thus engaged, he was recommended by
his friend, the Hon. W. C. C. Claiborne, then a member of Congress
from the state of Tennessee, and afterwards governor of Louisiana,
for an appointment in the army The recommendation proved successful,
and on the tenth of January, 1799, he received his first commission,
as an ensign.

The long-cherished desire of young Gaines was now gratified, and
the way opened for him to win honor and renown in the armies of
his country. In the autumn of 1799, he was promoted to the rank
of 2nd lieutenant in the 6th infantry, and sent on the recruiting
service. His regiment being afterwards disbanded, he was attached to
the 4th infantry, then under the command of Colonel Thomas Butler.
In the summer of 1801, Colonel Butler received orders from the
War Department, to select a subaltern from his regiment to make a
topographical survey from Nashville to Natchez, for the location of a
military road. Lieutenant Gaines was selected for this duty, and was
employed in discharging it, and in the survey of some Indian boundary
lines, till the winter of 1803–4,--having, in the meantime, been
raised to the rank of 1st lieutenant.

The Spanish government, being dissatisfied with the transfer of
Louisiana to the United States, refused to withdraw her troops
from Fort Condé, at Mobile, and from Baton Rouge,--and to deliver
up possession of the country lying north of the Isle of Orleans,
and the Gulf of Mexico, and between the Mississippi and the
Perdido,--insisting that the territory embraced within those limits
formed a part of her Floridian possessions, and was not included
in the cession to France. Mr. Jefferson well knew that the country
was wholly unprepared for war, and, in conformity with the peaceful
policy of his administration, was unwilling, at that time, to submit
the question in dispute to the arbitrament of the sword; yet, lest it
might be said that the United States had tacitly acquiesced in the
claim of the Spanish authorities, he resolved to appoint a military
collector for the district of Mobile. The appointment was conferred
on Lieutenant Gaines, in 1804, and he immediately established himself
at Fort Stoddart, thirty-six miles north of Mobile.

[Sidenote: APPOINTED MILITARY COLLECTOR.]

He at once looked forward, with eager hope and expectation, to
the time when he would be required “to flesh his maiden sword;”
a collision seemed unavoidable, and he supposed it would soon be
necessary to assert the rights of his government, and the authority
deputed to him, by force of arms. In this he was disappointed; but
a circumstance shortly after transpired, that brought him into
notoriety,--of a very different character, indeed, from what he
had desired or anticipated, yet it is not at all probable that he
ever regretted his connection with the transaction.--In 1806 he was
appointed postmaster, and selected as the confidential agent of the
post-office department, being clothed with the power of suspending
postmasters and contractors concerned in what was called, “the
conspiracy of Aaron Burr.” Young and ardent, in heart and soul
a patriot, it is not strange that he should have shared in the
prevalent feeling, and approved the public judgment that denounced
Colonel Burr as a traitor. He may have been mistaken in this, and
if so, it was an error into which he was very likely to fall:--the
projects of Colonel Burr are still shrouded in mystery; he who was
chiefly interested in removing the odium attached to them in the
estimation of his countrymen, if that were possible, refused to make
any explanations; to the close of his life he maintained a studied
reserve, and when he died, “he made no sign”!

Lieutenant Gaines was quite active in discharging the extraordinary
mission intrusted to him, and in ferreting out the parties implicated
in the supposed conspiracy. He arrested Colonel Burr; and, on
account of his acquaintance with the western country, he received
the temporary appointment of marshal, in which capacity he summoned
a number of witnesses to attend the trial. About the same time he
was promoted to the rank of captain. Although his conduct had been
governed by the best and purest motives, and he had but faithfully
carried out the instructions of those whom it was his duty to obey,
he incurred the bitterest animosity of the friends of Colonel Burr,
and was severely attacked on the trial; and, in his subsequent life,
he was often taught to feel, that they had neither forgotten nor
forgiven him.

[Sidenote: RE-ENTERS THE ARMY.]

Soon after his connection with this affair terminated, seeing nothing
before him but a life of inaction wholly unsuited to his active
temperament, he decided to retire from the army, and enter the
legal profession. Before announcing his determination, he wisely
hesitated--there was a prospect of war with England,--though, after
the settlement of the affair of the Chesapeake, a remote one,--and he
therefore concluded merely to apply for leave of absence. This was
cordially granted by his commanding officer, General Hampton, and he
now commenced the practice of the law in the counties of Washington
and Baldwin, in what was then the Mississippi territory, but now the
State of Alabama. He had just rode his second circuit, under auspices
highly flattering to his talents and abilities, when the alternative,
of rejoining the army or finally throwing up his commission, was
presented. The call of his country was the call of duty. The summons
to arms was joyfully obeyed, and at the commencement of the war of
1812, he resumed his sword, and his position in the service.

The year 1812 closed without furnishing him an opportunity to
distinguish himself. In the spring of 1813, he was attached to the
North-western army, and rose, by rapid promotions, to the command of
a regiment. A long and tedious illness prevented his participation in
the battle of the Thames, but he recovered in time to accompany the
ill-fated expedition of General Wilkinson down the St. Lawrence.[5]
He was present at the battle of Chrystler’s fields, on the eleventh
of November, and for his gallantry on that occasion was mentioned
in terms of high commendation, in the official dispatch of General
Boyd. In the action he commanded the 25th infantry, one of the finest
and most effective regiments in the service, and after the British
had been beaten back, in accordance with the instructions of the
commander-in-chief to General Boyd, he was directed to cover the
re-embarkation of the American troops.

This service was performed with skill, fearlessness, and promptitude.
Colonel Morrison, of the 89th British foot, the officer in command
of the enemy, animated by the hope of achieving some certain success
during the day, pushed hard upon him with a large body of troops.
His men stood firm and immovable as the rocks beneath their feet. A
desperate onset was made by the enemy to overwhelm him, but after
an obstinate struggle they were completely repulsed. He then joined
the advance, retiring with his command slowly and deliberately to
their boats. Colonel Morrison was so well pleased with the brave
conduct of the regiment, that, after the action, he sent his card to
its commanding officer, with a message expressing his admiration,
and desiring to know his name, in order that if they should chance
to meet when the two countries were at peace, he might claim the
privilege of an old friend and fellow soldier. It need not be added,
that Colonel Gaines promptly complied with the request and returned
the compliment.

[Sidenote: DEFENCE OF FORT ERIE.]

Colonel Gaines accompanied the army into winter quarters at French
Mills, and, on the ninth of March, 1814, he received the commission
of a brigadier general. At the opening of the following campaign, we
find him placed in command at Sacketts Harbor, upon the departure
of General Brown and his army for the Niagara frontier. Here he was
assiduously employed in providing for the defence of the post, and,
when it was blockaded by the British squadron, in preventing their
attempts to cut off the supplies and munitions of war, conveyed
through the interior of New York, by way of the Mohawk, the Oneida
Lake, and the Oswego river, and the connecting canals, and then
transported over Lake Ontario to Sacketts Harbor. He remained at this
post, till he was summoned by General Brown to join the army on the
Niagara, after the battle of the twenty-fifth of July. On the fifth
of August he arrived at Fort Erie, then beleaguered by the British
forces under General Drummond, and assumed the command.

The construction of the additional defences of the fort had already
been commenced, under the direction of General Ripley, with whose
arrangements he interfered no further than to press the rapid
completion of the works. The main structure was a small unfinished
redoubt, and in a very dilapidated condition. It was situated about
one hundred yards from the lake, above which it was elevated some
fifteen or twenty feet. Towards the water it was left exposed, though
partially repaired; on the right it was strengthened, and extended by
a breastwork, to the river, where it terminated in a battery, and on
the left a line of intrenchments and abattis was formed, extending to
an eminence called Snake hill, which formed the southern angle, and
on which a redoubt was constructed. From thence eastwardly, to the
shore of the lake, there was a defence of abattis.

The British general had fancied that the American army was now
within his grasp, and that a single blow would be followed by
their immediate surrender, or their withdrawal from the Canadian
territory. Upon his arrival before the post he found its occupants
much better prepared for his reception than he expected to find them.
He therefore sat himself down coolly and deliberately, established
his main camp about two miles distant, threw up two lines of
intrenchments, supported by strong block houses, in front of the
works, planted his batteries at favorable points, and contented
himself with drawing closer the investment, but, nevertheless,
pushing his operations with great activity.

The American soldiers labored incessantly on the fortifications; and
on the seventh of August, though still incomplete, they were in a
sufficient state of forwardness to withstand an attack. From that
time till the fourteenth instant, a constant cannonade was kept up,
on one side or the other; the earth shaking for miles around, as the
thunders of the artillery boomed over the lake, or rolled along its
shores, echoing from one headland to the other, and muttering among
the fissures of the rocks and recesses of the forest, till they were
lost in the distance. Several skirmishes also took place, in which
the British were generally defeated. The works were considerably
crippled, however, as they were enfiladed by one of the enemy’s
batteries; but the garrison did not suffer materially from the fire,
there being but seven men killed, and thirty-six wounded, up to the
night of the fourteenth instant.

[Sidenote: PREPARATIONS OF THE ENEMY.]

Towards evening on the fourteenth a bustle was observed in the
British lines, from which General Gaines rightly conjectured that the
enemy designed to hazard an assault, and his dispositions were at
once made to repel it. The garrison was feeble enough, there being
but about twenty-five hundred effective men, while the besieging
force was nearly double that number; but what they lacked in this
respect was more than made up in the cheerfulness with which the
officers seconded the wishes of the commander, the unflinching
firmness of the men, and the readiness with which they obeyed every
call of duty. The main fort and its bastions were placed under the
command of Captain Williams, of the artillery; the battery on the
margin of the lake, on the right, was commanded by Captain Douglass,
of the engineers; the batteries in front were placed in charge of
Captains Biddle and Fanning; and Captain Towson’s battery occupied
the south-western angle of the works,--all being under the command
of Major Hindman, chief of artillery. The first brigade, under
Lieutenant Colonel Aspinwall,--its former commander, General Scott,
having been wounded at the battle of Niagara, on the twenty-fifth of
July,--was posted on the right, and the second brigade, under General
Ripley, on the left. The riflemen and volunteers, under General
Porter, were directed to support the batteries in front, and the
block house, near the salient bastion of the fort, was occupied by a
detachment of infantry, under Major Trimble.

The preparations of General Drummond were completed soon after
nightfall on the fourteenth; it was arranged that the projected
assault should be made early on the following morning, in three
columns,--that on the right designed to attack the left of the
American works, consisting of thirteen hundred men, being placed
under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Fischer, that on the left,
of about the same number, under Colonel Scott, and the central
column, composed of eight hundred select troops, under Lieutenant
Colonel Drummond. A few hours before the assault was ordered, one
of the enemy’s shells lodged in a small magazine in the fort, which
exploded with a deafening noise, shaking the solid earth, and
shooting a vast pillar of smoke and flame up towards the sky, which
expanded at the top, and rained down showers of fragments on the
heads of the garrison. Not a man was injured, or a gun disabled, by
the explosion; but the British soldiers, fancying some serious injury
had been effected, raised a loud and joyous shout. This was promptly
answered by the Americans, and in the midst of the confusion, and
before the smoke had cleared away, Captain Williams discharged his
heavy guns. For a few moments an animated fire was kept up, and the
air was filled with a storm of projectiles, with crashing balls, and
falling shells,--but it died away again, and all was still. It was
the silence that forebodes the storm--the hush that precedes the
whirlwind!

It had been rainy throughout the day, and the rolling thunders of
the tempest mingled with the loud roar of cannon, and the noise of
exploding bombs. When the night set in, the rain continued to fall;
heavy masses of clouds swept athwart the sky, curtaining the scene
with a dark and gloomy pall; and the fires in the enemy’s camp could
scarcely be discerned, glimmering feebly through the obscure haze.
The breastworks of Fort Erie sheltered many an anxious bosom, but
the fire of a noble courage, that knew not how to falter, sparkled
in every eye, and beamed on every countenance. General Gaines,
whose dauntless intrepidity was never more conspicuous than on this
occasion, was active in encouraging and inspiriting his men, both by
his language and his example. Every necessary order was issued with
promptitude, and obeyed with alacrity.

[Sidenote: THE ASSAULT.]

Midnight came,--and yet there were no indications of an attack.
Another, and another hour passed by in silence. Ere the next half
hour was told, a low, faint sound was heard, like the rustling of
the wind among the leaves of the forest. It approached nearer and
nearer,--and the eager listeners soon caught the measured tread of
the approaching columns, enveloped in thick darkness, but hurrying
onward with rapidity to the assault. The column led by Lieutenant
Colonel Fischer was the first to reach the works. The enemy advanced
steadily and quickly,--one portion approaching the battery at the
southwestern angle, with scaling ladders; and the other advancing
against the line between it and the lake, with the design of
terminating the contest, in an instant, by the decisive shock of the
bayonet. They were allowed to approach within good range, when the
American musketry and artillery opened suddenly upon them. Broad
sheets of flame leaped from the breastworks; shot and shell were
vomited in torrents from the batteries; and the dense waves of smoke
that surged over the combatants, were lighted constantly by the vivid
flashes of the artillery.

The effect was terrific. The enemy were mowed down in platoons,
and scores were swept away at every discharge. They hesitated
for a moment,--another scorching blast burst from the American
batteries,--and they recoiled in terror and alarm. They were soon
rallied, however, and again led to the attack; but they were again
repulsed with fearful slaughter. The British officers once more
succeeded in animating their wavering troops for another onset.
They now attempted to pass round the abattis by wading through the
lake, the water of which came nearly to their arm-pits. The American
soldiers, cheered by the presence of General Gaines, who had mounted
his horse and hastened at the first alarm to participate in the
dangers, and share the perils of the conflict, made every preparation
to receive them. Some few succeeded in reaching the firm earth on
the opposite side of the abattis, but it was only to be pierced by a
dozen wounds. Many were drowned in the lake; others sank exhausted by
their wounds, beneath the water dyed with the life blood which they
had vainly shed; and others found their only safety in surrendering
themselves prisoners of war. The officers no longer endeavored to
prevent the retreat, but all, as if animated by one impulse, hurried,
in haste, from the scene of their disaster.

[Sidenote: INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.]

On the other flank the enemy were equally unsuccessful. The column
under Colonel Scott became entangled in the rocks near the river,
on the right of the intrenched camp, and were delayed for a short
time; but when they discovered their error, and regained their line
of march, they pushed on more rapidly than before. The sleepless
vigilance of the besieged could not be taken by surprise. The
assailing column were heard distinctly behind the ramparts as they
approached, and when within fifty yards of the American lines, they
encountered an appalling fire that forced them to halt. To advance
further was impossible. The batteries before them presented a
constant blaze of fire, and the air was full of bursting balls
and missiles. In the meantime, the central column, commanded by
Lieutenant Colonel Drummond, had advanced boldly against the fort
in front. A rapid, and well-directed fire was turned upon them by
Captain Williams, but, unappalled by the carnage, they succeeded in
applying their ladders to the walls of the salient bastion. As they
were striving to gain the parapet, their officers shouted to their
comrades, in the column under Colonel Scott, to “cease firing”!

This proved to be a mere trick, but it succeeded for a moment. The
order was heard by Captain Douglass, and supposing that it emanated
from his own superior officers, both he and his infantry support
temporarily suspended their fire. Favored by this circumstance,
Colonel Scott once more led on his men,--but they had only provoked
their doom. The deception was now manifest, and a still more galling
fire was sustained, which caused them again to pause. Their commander
and a number of his officers were cut down; their loss was dreadfully
severe; they were unable to continue the advance, and a retreat was
ordered. They commenced retiring slowly, but the movement terminated
in a disorderly flight.

Drummond’s column, however, had achieved a slight advantage, yet
it was brief as it was unimportant. The first attempt to carry the
bastion entirely failed; a second, and a third effort was made, with
similar results. But the British commander lacked not in brutal
courage, though sadly deficient in the more ennobling qualities of
the gallant soldier. Under cover of the intense darkness, just
before the break of day, he led a portion of his men silently along
the ditch, applied his ladders at a point where he was not expected,
and mounted the parapet. With a daring intrepidity worthy of a better
cause, he led his men forward to the charge, shrieking out in the
tones of baffled rage and hate--“No quarter!--give the Yankees no
quarter!” This dastard order was faithfully obeyed. A fierce and
maddening contest took place for the possession of the bastion.
Major Hindman and his artillerists, with their supporting force,
bravely stood their ground. Their efforts proved unavailing. Captain
Williams, and a number of the men, were killed or mortally wounded,
and his lieutenants, Watmough and Macdonough, were also severely
wounded. The latter disdained to yield till he was completely
disabled, and then asked for quarter. This was refused,--when,
rallying his remaining strength, he snatched a handspike, and,
with the madness of despairing humanity, strove to beat off his
assailants. As he held them at bay, the infuriated Drummond rushed
forward, and shot him down with his own hand. But this coward act
received a fearful retribution. The next instant an avenging bullet
found its way to the heart of the British leader, and he fell beside
his victim,--a horrid blasphemy gurgling, with the death rattle, in
his throat!

[Sidenote: FINAL REPULSE OF THE ENEMY.]

Notwithstanding the fall of their commander, the men who had effected
a lodgment in the bastion, successfully resisted every attempt to
dislodge them till daylight. General Gaines then ordered up larger
reinforcements, and the enemy began speedily to fall back. They were
now at the mercy of the American soldiers, who had not forgotten the
savage cry which had been the death-knell of many a brave spirit.
Expecting no favor, as none was merited, they had commenced tumbling
pellmell over the parapet into the ditch, when a strong reserve
was descried rapidly coming up under Lieutenant Colonel Tucker. An
enfilading fire from Captain Douglass’ battery upon the approaching
column, and a few rapid and effective discharges from the guns of
Captains Biddle and Fanning, checked their advance. Between three
and four hundred of the enemy advanced to within a short distance of
the bastion; but, at this moment, and while the Americans, under the
orders of General Gaines, were preparing for a vigorous rush upon the
remnant of Drummond’s column, a number of cartridges deposited in one
end of the stone building adjoining the bastion, caught fire, and
exploded, with a tremendous roar, carrying away the whole platform.
The loss of the enemy by the explosion was small in comparison
with what they had previously sustained, but it served to add to
their confusion, and to increase their anxiety to escape beyond
the reach of the American guns. No effort was made to pursue the
assault further, and a general retreat of the enemy now took place,
as tumultuous and disorderly, as their advance had been brave and
imposing.

The British lost one hundred and fifty-seven men killed, in the
assault, three hundred and eight wounded, and one hundred and
eighty-six prisoners; besides a number who were drowned in the lake,
and a still greater number who deserted under cover of the darkness.
The American loss was only seventeen killed, fifty-six wounded, and
eleven missing.

General Drummond had indulged the hope that a single giant stroke
would retrieve the fortunes of the British arms in the peninsula,
and enable him to “ride in triumph over all mischance.” The attack
was well-laid, but failed in every respect. This abortive attempt
sadly crippled his strength, and though he was reïnforced by two
regiments on the following day, he durst not hazard a second assault.
His batteries were enlarged, and the bombardment continued, though
without any sensible effect. On the twenty-eighth of August, General
Gaines, having been severely wounded by the bursting of a shell, was
obliged to retire to Buffalo, leaving General Ripley in charge of
the post which had been thus bravely defended. General Brown resumed
the command on the second of September, and soon after compelled the
British commander to raise the siege, and retire to his intrenched
camp beyond the Chippewa.[6]

General Gaines did not recover from his wound in time to take part
in the further operations of the belligerent forces during the few
months which elapsed previous to the conclusion of the treaty of
peace.--His gallant service in the defence of Fort Erie, did not go
unrewarded. He was brevetted a major-general; Congress honored him,
also, and the officers and men under his command, with a vote of
thanks, and authorized the president to procure and present him with
a gold medal. Similar votes of thanks were likewise passed, and
gold-hilted swords presented to him, by the legislatures of New York,
Virginia, and Tennessee.

[Sidenote: THE SEMINOLE WAR.]

After the termination of hostilities with Great Britain, being
retained on the peace-establishment, General Gaines was ordered to
relieve General Jackson in the command of the southern district.
He was engaged in the discharge of the duties appertaining to his
position, in the summer of 1817, when the Seminoles, a branch of the
Creek tribe, and the Red Sticks, or Mickasaukians, also a branch of
the same nation, who were driven from the Mississippi territory by
General Jackson, in 1814, in connection with a number of runaway
negroes,--all instigated by Nichols and Woodbine, and other British
agents, and the Spanish authorities of Florida,--began to renew
their depredations on the southern frontiers of Georgia. In July, a
large band of these savages and outlaws were dislodged from a fort
in which they had established themselves, on the Appalachicola, by a
body of regulars and friendly Indians, under Colonel Clinch; but, as
their outrages were frequently repeated, General Gaines immediately
commenced erecting forts for the defence and protection of the border
settlements. Fort Scott was constructed on the Flint river, a short
distance above Spring Creek; Fort Gaines on the left bank of the
Chatahoochee, about midway between the Petawla and Yattayabba creeks;
and a third fort on the Conecuh.

In order to put an end to the atrocities perpetrated by the hostile
savages and their associates, orders were issued to General Gaines
from the War Department, “to remove the Indians still remaining
on the lands ceded by the treaty made by General Jackson with the
Creeks;” and, in pursuance of these instructions, on the nineteenth
of November, he sent an officer to Fowltown, with a message requiring
the removal of the Indians at that place. The chief in command
returned a haughty refusal; whereupon, Major Twiggs was dispatched
with a strong force, to compel an observance of the order, and to
bring the chief and his party to Fort Scott. He was attacked on the
way, but succeeded in repulsing the Indians, and arrived safely
at Fowltown, which was found entirely deserted. On the thirtieth
instant, Major Muhlenburgh arrived in the Appalachicola, with three
vessels, containing supplies for Fort Scott, but was unable to ascend
the river on account of the adverse winds. Lieutenant Scott was
therefore sent down to his assistance, with a boat and forty men.
Twenty of his men were left with the vessels, and their places in
the boat were filled by sick soldiers and women. Lieutenant Scott
then started to return to the fort, but on reaching the mouth of the
Flint river, he was suddenly attacked by a band of Indian warriors,
under their chief Hornotlimed. The whole party, with the exception of
six soldiers, who made their escape by swimming to the shore, were
inhumanly butchered, and their scalps taken to the Indian town of
Mickasauky, to adorn the war-pole, striped with red paint, which had
already been erected.

Offensive measures of the most rigorous character, were now rendered
unavoidable. The experience acquired by General Jackson in his Indian
campaigns, led to his being selected to conduct the war against the
Seminoles and their allies. He arrived at Fort Scott, with nine
hundred Georgia militia, on the ninth of March, 1818, and, as the
senior officer, assumed the command. General Gaines acted under his
orders during the short, but decisive campaign, that terminated
in the effectual chastisement of the savages, and their Spanish
abettors.[7] The services of the former were invaluable to the
commanding general; he was always to be relied on, ever ready for
any service, prompt, skilful, persevering and industrious. He was
present at the reduction of Fort Barrancas, on the twenty-eighth of
May, and immediately thereafter was ordered to St. Augustine, with a
detachment, which surrendered to him without serious opposition.

[Sidenote: CONTROVERSY WITH GENERAL SCOTT.]

The hostile Indians being now quieted, General Jackson was relieved
from duty, and General Gaines again took the command. He continued
in charge of the southern district, till the further reduction of
the army in 1821. He was then selected as one of the two brigadiers
retained in service, and assigned to the command of the western
military division. Upon the death of General Brown, in 1828, he
was a candidate, with General Scott, for the vacant office of
General-in-chief. The appointment, however, was conferred on General
Macomb, then at the head of the engineer bureau. Pending the
selection of an officer to supply this vacancy, a warm controversy
took place between General Scott and himself, in relation to their
respective priority of rank, which led to an unfortunate estrangement
between them, and has since been a fruitful subject of contention and
difficulty, occasioning not more embarrassment to the individuals
particularly concerned, than to the national authorities, and their
mutual friends, who are perhaps equally proud of the military
services of both officers.

General Gaines was continued in command of the western division, his
head-quarters being established at Jefferson barracks, and on the
breaking out of disturbances with the Sacs and Foxes, in May, 1831,
he promptly repaired to the theatre of contention, having previously
dispatched thither a large body of troops. The principal village
of the Sacs and Foxes lay in the beautiful peninsula between the
transparent waters of the Rock river, and the Mississippi. In 1804,
a treaty was concluded by Governor Harrison with their principal
chiefs, by the terms of which all their lands east of the Mississippi
were ceded to the United States; the Indians reserving to themselves
the right of living and hunting upon the territory ceded while
the same was unsold. A large number of the Sacs remained in the
peninsula, and continued peaceably to enjoy the rights which had been
reserved, till the admission of Illinois into the Union. The state
then began to be more rapidly populated, and the valuable lead mines
at Galena attracted a vast body of emigrants. In a few years the
Indians were entirely surrounded by the settlements of the whites.
Collisions frequently occurred; excesses were committed on one side,
and retaliatory measures, far more aggravated in character, were
adopted on the other.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTY WITH THE SACS AND FOXES.]

With a view of removing the cause of dispute, the general government,
in 1829, ordered the lands occupied by the Indians to be sold.
The Sacs, under their celebrated chief, Black Hawk, now insisted
that the treaty of 1804 was concluded by a few chiefs without the
knowledge or consent of the nation at large, and refused to give up
possession to purchasers. The authorities of the state were called
upon to interfere for the protection of the whites, and in May, 1831,
Governor Reynolds called out seven hundred militia, to remove the
Indians by force. A collision had been anticipated by the Executive
of the United States, and General Gaines had received orders to
proceed to the seat of disturbance, if it should appear to be
necessary. He instantly ordered six companies of regular troops from
Jefferson Barracks to Rock Island, and four companies from Prairie
du Chien. On the thirteenth of May, General Gaines arrived with this
force at Fort Armstrong. A conference was here held with the Indian
chiefs, but as they were unwilling to agree to any satisfactory
terms, he called on Governor Reynolds of Illinois, for an additional
force of militia. The governor joined him on the Rock river, with
sixteen hundred mounted men, on the twenty-fifth of June, and in
the morning of the ensuing day, General Gaines took possession of
the Indian town, at the head of the united force, without firing a
gun, or meeting a single Indian,--the late occupants of the village
having crossed the Mississippi, with their women and children, on the
previous night.

General Gaines again dispatched a message to the Sac chiefs,
proposing another conference. This was finally acceded to, and on the
thirtieth of June they entered into a treaty with him and Governor
Reynolds, by which it was agreed that they should permanently remove
beyond the Mississippi. Having brought this affair to what, at the
time, promised to be a satisfactory termination, General Gaines
returned to his headquarters. The treaty stipulations of the Indians
proved to be delusory, however. In the following year Black Hawk led
his warriors across the Mississippi, and refused peremptorily to
retire, till he and his band were completely routed at the battle of
the Bad-Axe, on the twenty-seventh of August, after which a treaty
was concluded with General Scott and Governor Reynolds, in accordance
with which the Sacs and Foxes removed to the vicinity of the Iowa and
Des Moines rivers.

Another long interval of comparative inaction now occurred in the
military service of General Gaines. Little more can be said of him,
during this time, than that all his duties as the commander of the
western division, were discharged with punctuality and dispatch.
We hear nothing further from him of especial moment, till the
renewal of hostilities with the Seminoles of Florida, in the fall
of 1835. On receiving intelligence of the massacre of Major Dade’s
command, and the battle of the Withlacoochee, he collected all the
disposable troops in the vicinity of New Orleans, to which point
his head-quarters had been removed, and immediately repaired to the
seat of war. He landed at Fort Brooke, at the head of Tampa Bay, on
the fourth of February, 1836, and at once proceeded in search of the
savages, following the route of the unfortunate Dade down the right
bank of the Withlacoochee. On arriving at the scene of the massacre,
he caused the remains of the brave soldiers who had fallen victims
to the wiles of the Indian warriors, to be decently and carefully
interred. On the twenty-eighth of February, he encountered a body of
Indians not far from Fort King, but repulsed them with loss. Soon
after this affair he entered into a parley with Asceolah, or Osceola,
the principal chief of the Seminoles, which, like most obligations
and pledges of a similar character, proved to be a mere ruse,--the
object of which was to gain time for the removal of the women and
children to places of security, in the marshy everglades, and leafy
hummocks, in the southern part of the peninsula.

[Sidenote: THE FLORIDA WAR.]

Previous to these occurrences, General Scott had been ordered to
take command of the troops, and to prosecute the war in Florida. He
arrived at St. Augustine on the eighth of February, and on receiving
authentic information of the fact, and on being informed of the
orders issued at Washington, General Gaines gave up the command, and
shortly afterwards returned to New Orleans.

His skirmish with the Indians, on the banks of the Withlacoochee,
terminated, in all probability, forever, the active service of
General Gaines in the field. Incapacitated, by reason of his age,
and physical inability to endure the hardships and privations of a
campaign, he was not employed in the prosecution of the war with
Mexico, except in forwarding supplies, and hastening on troops, to
the camp established by General Taylor at Corpus Christi, in the
summer of 1845, and in discharging the other duties, in connection
therewith, that devolved on him as the commanding officer at New
Orleans. Though yielding to the influence of advancing years, he
still possessed the chivalric fire, and the ardent patriotism,
which had distinguished him in his younger days. Like the war-horse
no longer fitted to endure the shock of battle, he snuffed the
breeze that came from the field of strife, afar off, and when the
information was received that General Taylor and his little band of
soldiers were surrounded on the Rio Grande, and cut off from their
supplies, he was impatient to rush to the assistance of his gallant
brother in arms.

Restraining his impulses, he did all that was possible to be done,
to relieve the army supposed to be in such imminent peril. All the
regular troops that could be sent to the seat of war, were dispatched
thither as expeditiously as possible. He also caused a large number
of volunteers to be enrolled, mustered into service, and transported
to the Rio Grande, without waiting for orders from Washington; in
this he exceeded his authority, and it was thought proper to submit
his conduct to a court of inquiry. The court assembled at Fort
Monroe, in July, 1846, and after a full investigation, determined
that he had transcended his powers, but that the act was prompted
by the purest and most praiseworthy motives. The executive and
the people of the United States, it is needless to say, cordially
approved of the decision. Not long after General Gaines was assigned
to the command of the eastern division, and established his
head-quarters at New York, where he remained till the close of the
war with Mexico, when he was relieved from duty at his own request.

[Sidenote: PERSONAL APPEARANCE AND CHARACTER.]

General Gaines yet lives, in the enjoyment of “all that should
accompany old age,” to recount the thrilling incidents of his
campaigns, and “fight his battles o’er again.” One of that class of
men is he--but too few in number--belonging to a past _régime_, who,
though he has vindicated his title to be ranked among the military
heroes of the nation, has never forgotten those noble qualities
which characterize the gentleman of the old school. He is scarcely
above the ordinary height, and slight of person, but straight as
the arrow of an Indian warrior. He is somewhat reserved, but not
taciturn,--courteous and urbane in his manners, but dignified and
high-minded. Though his head is silvered with the frost of many
winters, he is still hale and erect, and brave and generous, as in
the hey-day of youth, when he rambled along the banks of the Yadkin;
or, in the pride of manhood, when he stood unmoved, gazing with an
unblenched eye on the carnage around him, and issuing his orders with
an unfaltering lip, amid the whirling balls and blazing shells, on
the ramparts of Fort Erie!

FOOTNOTES:

[5] See Memoir of General Brown, _ante_.

[6] See Memoir of General Brown, _ante_.

[7] See Memoir of General Jackson.

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

Among the most successful officers of the war of 1812, was Major
General WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. Descended from a good old
revolutionary stock, and thoroughly imbued, in his boyhood, with
sentiments of the most sincere and devoted patriotism, he laid the
foundation, at an early age, of the fame and distinction which
he acquired in maturer years. Throughout a long life,--one full
of interest, and replete with important incidents,--he enjoyed a
wide-spread popularity, which, in the western states of the Union,
was sometimes manifested with all the fervor of enthusiasm. No one
better deserved the respect and esteem of his countrymen, and there
are few whose character has come brighter or purer from the ordeal,
when submitted to that Areopagus of public opinion, whose decisions
admit not of dispute.

[Sidenote: HIS FATHER.]

He was born at Berkeley, the family seat of his father, on James
river, Virginia, on the ninth day of February, 1773; being the
youngest of three sons. His father, Colonel Benjamin Harrison, was a
descendant of the celebrated officer of the same name, who fought by
the side of Cromwell for civil and religious liberty, but, preferring
a turbulent democracy to a quiet despotism, opposed the ambitious
projects of the Lord Protector, with the same stubborn vehemence
with which he had contended against the attempted usurpations of
the tyrant Charles. But--what is of more immediate value to us
as Americans--he was one of the signers of the Declaration of
Independence, and “the intimate friend of Washington”!

[Illustration: WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.]

Colonel Harrison took his seat in the Congress of the Confederation,
as one of the delegates from Virginia, in 1774, and remained a
member of that body, during that and the two following years. On the
resignation of his brother-in-law, Peyton Randolph, the president
of Congress, he was urged by a number of friends to take the vacant
place, but declined the honor, and, on his nomination, John Hancock
was appointed to fill the station. It is also stated, in connection
with this circumstance, that when the latter manifested some
hesitation about accepting the office, Colonel Harrison caught the
modest patriot in his arms, and almost carried him to the chair,
_nolens volens_. He took an active part in the discussions and
deliberations that preceded the adoption of the Declaration, and
was the chairman of the committee of the whole when the vote to
agree to it was taken. There is an anecdote related of him at this
juncture, which attests the warmth of his feelings, and the sterling
genuineness of his patriotism. Although John Dickinson was openly
and avowedly opposed to the separation from the mother country, his
honesty and integrity were never questioned, and his conceded ability
secured the respect of the other members of Congress. Upon his urgent
request, he was permitted to draw the second petition to the King,
which was adopted, though with considerable reluctance. After the
vote was taken, Mr. Dickinson could not refrain from expressing
his satisfaction, and, at the close of his remarks, said, that
there was but one word which he disapproved, and that was the word
“_Congress_.” Colonel Harrison sprang to his feet the instant Mr.
Dickinson was seated, and exclaimed with emphatic earnestness--“There
is but one word in the paper, Mr. President, of which I _approve_,
and that is the word ‘_Congress_’!”

Colonel Harrison was afterwards, for several years in succession, a
member of the Virginia house of delegates, and filled the office of
speaker till the close of the year 1781, when he succeeded Governor
Nelson in the executive chair of that state. On the expiration of his
official term in 1784, he retired to private life, but to the time of
his death, which occurred in 1791, he was known and esteemed by the
ablest men in the nation, and revered and honored by all classes and
parties of his fellow-citizens.

The subject of this biography, William Henry Harrison, was early
placed at Hampden-Sidney college. At the age of seventeen he left
the institution with his mind well stored with classical lore, and
not long after, in compliance with the wishes of his father, whose
liberal hospitality forbade the bestowal of large fortunes on his
children, commenced the study of medicine. Having completed a short
preparatory course of reading, he proceeded to Philadelphia, in the
spring of 1791, to attend the lectures at the University, and avail
himself of the other facilities afforded in that city for obtaining
a knowledge of the profession which he had selected. He had but
just arrived there and resumed his studies, when the intelligence of
his father’s death reached him, and effected an entire change in his
plans for the future.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF ST. CLAIR.]

Notwithstanding the earnest remonstrances of his guardian, Robert
Morris, the celebrated financier, who depicted, in glowing colors,
the fatigues and hardships which he would be compelled to undergo,
he determined to enter the army, and with his own good sword hew
out a way to distinction. Preparations were then making for another
campaign against the Indians on the northwestern frontier,--the
expedition of the previous year, under General Harmar, having failed
of accomplishing any decisive results. This added fire to the spirit
of young Harrison. Washington was applied to,--and respect for the
memory of the father, and esteem for the son, whose importunities
could not be disregarded, procured for the latter an ensign’s
commission in the regular service. He departed immediately for Fort
Washington, now Cincinnati, but, though he hurried forward with
eager impetuosity, did not succeed in joining the army, then but a
remnant of what it had once been, till after the disastrous defeat
of the brave and honest, but unfortunate St. Clair, on the fourth
of November, 1791. On joining his regiment, at Fort Washington,
he learned the particulars of the sad tragedy which had just been
enacted. The melancholy fate of Butler, Oldham, Hardin, and their
companions, who had fallen victims to the wiles of a barbarous
and cruel enemy, so far from damping his ardor, or chilling his
enthusiasm, only heightened the fire of patriotic indignation that
burned in his bosom, and increased his anxiety to take the field,
and aid in inflicting a summary punishment upon the merciless savages.

At this time there were no settlements of consequence north of the
Ohio, except those at Kaskaskia, Vincennes, Fort Washington, and
Marietta; and, on the south, between that river and the Tennessee,
there were comparatively few inhabitants scattered over the territory
previously known as Kentuckeè, “the Bloody Land,”--for many years the
battle-ground of the Northern and Southern Indians. The protection,
therefore, of the exposed frontiers, depended mainly on the regular
force of the General Government, and the militia of Pennsylvania and
Virginia; for, though the citizens of this remote region were ever
prompt to obey the call to arms, they were too feeble in numbers, to
cope, unassisted, with so powerful a foe. General St. Clair, governor
of the “Territory north-west of the Ohio,” had moved upon the Miami
villages with over fourteen hundred men; of this number, six hundred
and thirty-one were killed in the fearful onslaught of the fourth
of November, and there were two hundred and sixty-seven wounded;
consequently, it was necessary to raise a large additional force,
before offensive operations could be further prosecuted. President
Washington immediately recommended a considerable increase of the
army, and Congress adopted his suggestions.

[Sidenote: CAMPAIGN UNDER WAYNE.]

In the then state of the country, it required no little time and
preparation to fit a great body of troops for the field; numerous and
unavoidable delays occurred; and, in the meanwhile, attempts were
made to conclude a peace with the hostile Indians. The messengers
dispatched by the Executive of the United States were treacherously
murdered, and negotiation was no longer admissible, save at the point
of the bayonet. In the autumn of 1793, a force of twenty-six hundred
men, nearly all of whom were regulars, under the command of General
Wayne, were concentrated at an encampment established near Fort
Washington on the Ohio.

While these preparations were in progress, young Harrison, who
had been promoted to a lieutenancy, was sedulously employed in
studying his profession. His skill and proficiency as a tactician,
attracted the attention of the officer selected to take command of
the projected expedition, and he was designated as one of his aids.
Having completed his arrangements, General Wayne took up the line
of march for the Indian country, early in October. The lateness
of the season rendered it impossible to accomplish anything till
another campaign, and on his arrival at one of the tributaries of the
Stillwater branch of the Big Miami, he established himself in winter
quarters, and commenced organizing and disciplining his troops.
Lieutenant Harrison was prominent among the young officers engaged in
the work of instruction, and his services were flatteringly noticed
by the commanding general.

In the summer of 1794, General Wayne was joined by upwards of one
thousand mounted militia, and without delay set out in pursuit of
the enemy, who, he learned, were in strong force at the Rapids of
the Maumee. On the twentieth of August, he encountered the Indians,
who had vainly attempted to draw him into an ambush, near the _Roche
de Bouc_, on the north bank of the river, and defeated them with
great slaughter. Their chief, Turkey-foot, and a large number of
their best and bravest warriors, were slain; and the remainder
either dispersed, or sought shelter under the guns of Fort Maumee,
then occupied by a British garrison. The bravery and intrepidity of
Lieutenant Harrison in this affair, were conspicuous; and in the
official report of the action, his name is mentioned in terms of high
commendation.[8] While the army lay in the vicinity of Fort Maumee,
an incident transpired, which came very near terminating, in all
probability, the life of General Wayne, and that of his gallant aid.

Positive instructions had been received to demolish the fort occupied
by the English troops, in utter disregard of the provisions of
the treaty of 1783, and in order to enable him to decide upon the
propriety of an attempt to reduce it, General Wayne, accompanied by
his suite, advanced to reconnoitre. In this daring reconnaissance,
the general, who possessed a constitutional indifference to danger,
with Lieutenant Harrison at his side, rode within eighty yards of
the fort, and within point blank range of its guns. While making
their observations, with the utmost coolness, an English captain of
marines turned one of the pieces upon them, and was about to apply
the port-fire, when Major Campbell, the commandant of the garrison,
interposed, just in time to prevent the catastrophe that would most
likely have occurred. Major Campbell subsequently apologized for the
unofficer-like conduct of his subordinate, and to his gentlemanly
behavior the preservation of peace between the two countries may be
attributed.

General Wayne did not deem it advisable to attack the post with
the means at his command, and having destroyed the Indian villages
within fifty miles of either side of the river, he returned to Fort
Defiance, at the confluence of the Au Glaize and Maumee. The defeat
which the Indians had sustained was decisive; everything remained
quiet during the ensuing winter; and in July, 1795, General Wayne
concluded a favorable treaty, at Greenville, with a number of chiefs
representing ten different nations.

Upon the conclusion of the treaty, Harrison, now raised to the
rank of captain, was placed in command of Fort Washington, and,
shortly after, was married to a daughter of Judge Symmes,--a most
amiable woman; distinguished for high moral worth, for her piety and
benevolence; and esteemed and loved by a large circle of friends and
acquaintances.

[Sidenote: COMMENCES HIS CIVIL CAREER.]

Captain Harrison soon became dissatisfied with the idle routine of
a garrison life; there seemed to be no prospect that his serviced
would be required in the field; and he longed for more active
employment. Accordingly he resigned his commission, and in 1797, at
the age of twenty-four, commenced his civil career, as secretary
of the territory, under Governor St. Clair. His talents and many
estimable qualities had already brought him into favorable notice,
and the duties of his office were discharged with so much promptitude
and fidelity, that he was regarded as one of the ablest young men
in the territory. His popularity steadily increased, and in 1799,
he was elected as the first delegate in congress. On taking his
seat, in December, of that year, he was appointed, upon his urgent
solicitation, chairman of the committee on the public lands,--the
only instance, it is stated, in which a delegate was so distinguished.

The improvement of the existing land system had long been a favorite
object with him. Many of its features were wholly inconsistent with
the genius and spirit of democratic institutions, and calculated
to retard the growth and prosperity of the great West. Among other
provisions equally odious in their character, was one forbidding
the sale of land by the government, in quantities of less than
four thousand acres, except where there were fractions on the
banks of large streams. Harrison had the forecast to discover,
what a boundless field would be opened for the enterprising youth
and industrious laboring classes of the Atlantic states, by the
removal of this obstacle to the settlement of the territory, the
development of the resources which nature had so lavishly bestowed
upon it, and its rapid advancement to wealth and greatness. Through
his instrumentality, aided by the efforts of other able members of
both houses, who united with him in procuring this reform, a law was
enacted, requiring one half of the public lands remaining unsold, to
be divided into sections of six hundred and forty acres each, and the
remaining moiety into sections of three hundred and twenty acres; the
old system of forfeiture for non-payment was abolished, and payments
were directed to be made, in future, one quarter down, and the
remainder in two, three, and four years, with a further forbearance
of one year on the last payment, if desired.

[Sidenote: GOVERNOR OF INDIANA TERRITORY.]

This was not all that Harrison wished to effect; but an important
point was gained. Emigrants flocked into the territory by scores
and hundreds, and the gratitude of the citizens, both the old
inhabitants, and the new-comers, who had been benefited by his
exertions, never failed to follow his footsteps as those of a
benefactor and friend.--Such was the estimation in which he was
held by his constituents, that he was solicited, on all hands, to
take the place of Governor St. Clair. In reply to every intimation
of this kind, Harrison steadily refused to permit any effort to be
made, to supersede the war-worn veteran, whose only fault, if fault
it be, was, that fortune had been chary of her favors to him, when
her smiles, doubtless for some wise purpose, were showered upon those
not more able, not more deserving, nor more prompt in the performance
of every duty. The desire of Harrison’s friends was soon gratified,
however, in his appointment by President Adams, in 1800, as the first
governor of the newly erected territory of Indiana. Though deprived,
by his position as a delegate, from taking part in the general
legislation of the country, his sound judgment and sterling worth had
secured him an enviable reputation, and when he left Congress, he was
followed by the regard and cordial good wishes of his associates.

Shortly before his leaving the Capital, a circumstance occurred,
which deserves to be mentioned, as illustrating the purity of
motive, and honesty of purpose, which marked his public conduct.
His father-in-law, Judge Symmes, was the proprietor of the Miami
purchase; and previous to obtaining his patent, he had made a number
of sales. It was doubtful whether the rights thus acquired were of
any value, even in equity; but, upon the introduction of a bill in
Congress providing for the settlement of the purchase, although the
interests of Judge Symmes, and, indirectly, his own, were jeoparded,
Harrison went before the committee having the bill in charge, and
successfully urged the insertion of a clause amply protecting the
claims of the purchasers.

In 1801, Governor Harrison entered upon the discharge of his official
duties, at Vincennes, an old military and trading post, on the left
bank of the Wabash, which was settled by the French about the year
1730. Though invested with extraordinary powers, the office to which
he had been appointed was no sinecure. Besides the settlement at
Vincennes, there were but two others, of importance, in the whole
territory, out of which was afterwards formed the states of Indiana
and Illinois, viz.; Clarke’s Grant at the falls of the Ohio, and
the settlement extending along the Mississippi, from Kaskaskia to
Cahokia. The white population did not exceed five thousand souls, and
they were entirely surrounded, on the north and west, by numerous
bands of Indians, who were either openly and avowedly hostile, or
wanted but a favorable opportunity to manifest their hatred and
ill-will.

[Sidenote: VARIED SERVICES.]

To provide for the security of the settlements in the territory,
however remote, or widely separated; to overawe the savages, or
hold them in check; to encourage immigration; and to promote, in
all things, the happiness and welfare of the inhabitants,--were
the objects to which Governor Harrison unremittingly devoted his
time and attention. In addition to his other duties, he acted as
commissioner of Indian affairs, in which capacity he concluded
fifteen treaties, and extinguished the title of the aborigines to
more than seventy million acres of land--then, for the most part,
an unbroken wilderness, but now dotted all over with the abodes of
wealth and contentment, and teeming with a thriving and industrious
population. Frequent journeys were performed by him, along the wild
forest paths, and miserable _traces_, which led from one station or
settlement to another. Dangers were fearlessly encountered; fatigue
never disheartened him. He cheerfully shared the privations of the
settlers; partaking with them of the rudest cheer, or, seated on a
hewed block before a roaring fire, listening attentively to tales
of trial and hardship, and offering the kind word of sympathy and
encouragement. Wrapt in his blanket, or enveloped in the folds of a
bear skin or buffalo robe, he slept, too, as soundly and sweetly on
the bare earth in the hunter’s lodge, or the puncheon floor of a log
cabin, as upon the beds of down in his father’s mansion.

In 1802, Ohio was admitted into the Union as a state, and Wayne
county,--afterwards the territory, and, still later, the state of
Michigan,--was then attached to the territory of Indiana. The duties
of Governor Harrison were thus rendered still more arduous. He was
relieved from this additional care, however, in 1805, when Michigan
was erected into a separate territory. The country filled up so
rapidly, that it became necessary, in a few years, to relieve him
yet further, and in 1809, a territorial government was formed for
Illinois.

Many years elapsed after the conclusion of the treaty of peace,
in 1783, before Great Britain entirely abandoned her expectations
of reëstablishing, at some future, and not very remote day, her
authority over her revolted American colonies. It was customary for
her writers and politicians to underrate the importance, and sneer
at the pretensions of the young republic, till they saw, in the
rapidly-extending commerce and growing prosperity which followed the
restoration of peace and tranquillity, unmistakable indications that
the daughter would soon be no mean rival of the mother country in the
race of nations. To check these germs of greatness, ere they should
bud and blossom, was now the favorite object of English statesmen. As
no pretext existed for open hostilities, resort was had to the low
arts of diplomacy--to intrigue and cunning; and amid the moral and
political corruption, which, at that era, polluted the atmosphere of
St. James, plans were concocted, whose atrocity must ever stand out
in bold relief on the page of impartial history.

[Sidenote: ENGLISH INTRIGUES.]

Disregarding the provisions of the treaty of 1783, the British
authorities retained possession of the military posts northwest of
the Ohio, and to these, and similar establishments in the Canadas,
agents were sent, to suborn, and tamper with, the savages on the
northern frontiers of the American Union, and incite them to commit
acts of hostility upon the persons and property of the settlers who
had found their way into the rich valley of the Mississippi. It was
the policy of Washington,--and, after him, of Adams, Jefferson, and
Madison,--to purchase the lands belonging to the Indian tribes,
required by the increasing white population of the country, at a fair
equivalent; to furnish them the means of civilization; to provide
for them the restraints of well-ordered and wholesome regulations;
to enkindle new desires, and implant new motives in their breasts;
to enlighten their minds and Christianize their hearts. England, on
the contrary, forgetting the eloquent and indignant denunciations of
her Chatham, and careless how she sullied the national escutcheon,
already stained by many a foul blot, supplied them with arms and
ammunition,--with blankets, tobacco, and “fire-water,”--not to induce
them to cultivate harmony and good-will with their neighbors, the
citizens of the United States; but to minister to their most depraved
appetites, and arouse the most vindictive passions of their natures.
She asked them, not to lay aside the implements of death, and
engage in the pursuits of peace; but invited them to continue their
barbarous warfare, and glut their vengeance, to the full, with the
tomahawk and scalping-knife!

Under the auspices of Simcoe, and other agents of Great Britain,
immediately after the peace, a combination was formed among the
Northwestern Indians, the object of which was to prevent the
Americans from extending their settlements beyond the Alleghanies.
The border inhabitants were constantly harassed by the irruptions
of the savages; scenes of bloodshed and murder were of frequent
occurrence; and when efforts were made to chastise the perpetrators
of these outrages, they found in England a fast and firm friend,
whose assistance, though not openly rendered, proved of essential
service to her allies. Her influence was felt in the defeat of Harmar
and St. Clair, and when the mounted volunteers under the gallant
Wayne scattered the savages in confusion, on the banks of the
Maumee, they fled for protection beneath the guns of a fortress over
which floated the red cross of St. George.

The defeat of the Indians by Wayne was a severe lesson, and it was
long remembered. Fortunately, too, for our country,--who needed only
a season of peace, and repose from “war’s alarms,” to advance with
rapid strides to the high destiny before her,--the revolutionary
spirit had, at this time, crossed the Atlantic, and the watch-fires
of liberty were blazing on the continent of Europe. Alarmed for the
stability of her institutions at home, England had no time to spend
in courting the favor of the North American savages, even though
her machinations promised to terminate in the restoration of “the
brightest jewel of her crown.” In November, 1794, three months after
Wayne’s victory, Mr. Jay concluded his commercial treaty, in which it
was stipulated that the western posts should be surrendered by the
first of June, 1796, which was accordingly done; and in the summer
of 1795, as we have seen, the treaty of Greenville was made with the
Indian tribes.--The quiet thus restored was deceitful, and temporary
in its duration.

[Sidenote: SEIZURES BY THE ENGLISH.]

The treaty of Mr. Jay provided, among other things, for compensation
for British spoliations on American commerce, growing out of the war
with France; yet the ratifications of that instrument had scarcely
been exchanged, when outrages of the same character, but greater in
degree, were committed. Taking advantage of the distracted state of
affairs on the continent, the enterprising citizens of America had
extensively engaged in the carrying trade; and their commerce had
increased with so much rapidity, that the jealousy of England was
again awakened. Large quantities of American provisions were also
shipped to Europe, and especially to France, and to her possessions
in the West Indies, the prices paid for which, during the continuance
of hostilities, afforded handsome profits; but this interfered,
very materially, with the determination of England, by means of her
maritime supremacy, to starve the French people into an abandonment
of their republican notions, and to prevent it, she caused blockades
to be declared, which were enforced by no suitable naval power, and
orders to be issued, in defiance of the law of nations, requiring
neutral vessels to be seized though not carrying articles contraband
of war.

Remonstrance on the part of the authorities of the United States, was
of no avail. The example set by England was followed by France--every
act of injustice on the one side being succeeded by a still more
odious one on the other. The treaty of Amiens, in 1802, afforded the
Americans a brief respite; but, on the renewal of the war, in the
following year, seizures and condemnations of our vessels became more
frequent than ever. England joined the coalition formed to establish
Continental despotism on a firmer basis, and restore the Bourbon
dynasty to the throne which they had disgraced; and she stopped at
nothing to accomplish her purposes. Not content with watching the
ports of France, she sent her privateers and vessels of war, under
her pirate flag, to hover on our coast, and plunder our commerce. Her
navy having been seriously reduced, in men, by the long continued
warfare in which she had been engaged, she likewise resorted to the
impressment of American seamen, to fill up the complements of her
crews. Large numbers of sailors were taken from our merchantmen; and,
to conclude these high-handed offences, the frigate Chesapeake was
despoiled of a portion of her crew, on the twenty-second of June,
1807.

In the meantime the emissaries of Great Britain had been busy
among the savages on the Northwestern frontier. So complete and
irrefragable were the proofs furnished to Congress of this fact,
that, in 1797, a law was passed to prevent the tampering of
foreign agents with the Indians, which imposed severe penalties
and punishments. This law was easily evaded, and it was therefore
ineffectual. The Indians were invited to the British posts; they were
flattered and caressed, and loaded with gifts and favors; their minds
were soured; and no means were left untried to keep up a constant
strife between them and the settlers. It has often been said, that
the interference of British agents in this particular existed only
in imagination, and that the Indians were provoked to hostilities by
acts of violence committed by the Americans. Doubtless, there were
isolated cases of wrong and injustice, which cannot, and should not,
be palliated or excused; but it is idle to suppose, that the settlers
generally would have so causelessly endangered their own security,
and so recklessly jeoparded the lives of those who leaned on them for
protection, and looked up to them for sympathy and love.

[Sidenote: TAMPERING WITH THE INDIANS.]

Governor Harrison was not an indifferent, nor, from his position, an
uninterested spectator, of these events. The movements of the British
emissaries did not escape his attention; he repeatedly cautioned
his government against their designs, and labored incessantly to
counteract them. He endeavored in every way to conciliate the
savages, but his efforts were often frustrated by the unseen power
so long felt in these border troubles. When the attack on the
Chesapeake was made known in the United States, it excited a general
sentiment of indignation. He shared deeply in this feeling, and
embraced the first public opportunity to make known his opinions.
In his speech delivered on the eighteenth of August, 1807, before
the General Assembly of Indiana Territory, at their regular session,
he referred, in emphatic terms of condemnation, to the conduct of
the British agents who were secretly instigating the Indians on the
frontier, and, avowing himself in favor of immediate hostilities,
alluded to the affair of the Chesapeake, as being necessary, perhaps,
to arouse the American people from their lethargy, and awaken them
to the importance of teaching other countries and governments, that
“a nation of freemen,” to quote his own language, “are not to be
insulted with impunity”!

France, at length, ceased her unjust and oppressive measures; but
England refused to abandon her position. Embargo and non-intercourse
were tried in vain. The commercial relations of the country suffered
more and more. Jefferson and Madison both desired peace; yet,
notwithstanding their pacific inclinations, affairs daily grew worse,
and war seemed inevitable. While matters were fast verging towards
the crisis, the agents of Great Britain were actively engaged among
the Northwestern Indians. Governor Harrison watched their movements
with a vigilance that never slumbered, and sought by every means in
his power to defeat their plans and combinations, and, at least,
to prevail upon the Indians not to take up arms in favor of either
party, in case hostilities should commence between England and the
United States.

In the winter of 1810–11, crowds of Indian warriors collected around
the British posts in Upper Canada,--their war-plumes streaming from
their scalp locks, and their checks disfigured with the war-paint;
and when the sweet notes of the blue robin, the welcome harbinger of
spring, were heard echoing through the western forests, they went
forth upon their bloody mission. Nature’s hymn of melody was hushed,
as their shrill war-whoop resounded through valley and woodland, and
the heavens became resplendent with the glow of blazing ricks and
cabins.

[Sidenote: COUNCIL AT VINCENNES.]

Meanwhile Governor Harrison had succeeded in partially conciliating
the Kickapoos, and some other tribes, and had effected the purchase
of a large tract of land from them. It was the anxious desire of the
General Government, to secure, at every hazard, the neutrality of
the Indian tribes, in the event of a collision with Great Britain.
This was regarded as of paramount importance; for the sad experience
of the past had shown how much they were to be feared and dreaded,
particularly when the military strength and resources of the nation
should be employed in a contest with a powerful opponent. Governor
Harrison faithfully reflected the views, and carried out the wishes
of those whom he represented, and in the summer of 1811, a council
was held at Vincennes, for which extensive preparations were made,
and at which the leading, and most influential chiefs, of the
Northwestern tribes, were present, by his invitation. The object of
this assemblage was, to conclude a more general treaty, and complete
the efforts which had been made to induce the Indians to remain
neutral.

Among the forest warriors who came to Vincennes, in pursuance
of the summons of Governor Harrison, was Tecumseh, the Shawano
chief,--conspicuous, then, for his tall and manly frame, his earnest
and thrilling eloquence, his hostility to the whites, his boldness,
bravery, and sagacity, and his feats of daring in the chase and valor
on the war-path; and afterwards celebrated, for the ascendancy he
acquired over his red brethren, and for his steadfast devotion to the
English cause. Deep rankling in his heart there had long existed a
feeling of inveterate hatred towards the American people, which had
been carefully nurtured and cherished. Several years previous, he had
formed the project of uniting the tribes, north, south, and west of
the United States, in a combination, to refuse to sell any portion
of their remaining lands, to resist every effort to dispossess
them, and, if possible, to drive back the white settlers from the
Mississippi valley. Motives of ambition may have been mingled with
his aspirations, and it is not improbable, that he looked forward to
the day when a grand native confederacy should be established beyond
the Alleghanies, with himself as its leader and head.

The project of this “forest-born Demosthenes” was a vast one,
and he devoted himself with untiring zeal and pertinacity to its
accomplishment. His exertions were powerfully seconded by his
brother, Tensquataway--so well known as the Shawnee Prophet, or
Impostor. The latter was blind of one eye, and lacked the oratorical
powers of Tecumseh; but, claiming to receive direct revelations
from the Great Spirit, which, though always possessing a singular
resemblance to the public harangues of his brother, he imparted to
his savage hearers,--and availing himself of that superstitious
reverence, that, in a rude and uncultivated people, renders them so
impressible, so credulous, and so easy to be governed and directed,
by the practice of rites and incantations which are said to have
thrilled and terrified the hearts of those who witnessed them--he
acquired an influence second only to that of the chieftain whose
ambitious designs he hoped to further. Tecumseh had already visited
most of the Northwestern tribes, and was only waiting for the
anticipated war with England, to marshal his bands and lead them out
under her banner, hoping with her assistance to accomplish the great
object he had so much at heart; and he now appeared in the council
held at Vincennes, not to bury the tomahawk and smoke the calumet of
peace, but to remonstrate against the purchase from the Kickapoos and
other tribes, and hurl the gauntlet of defiance.

[Sidenote: SPEECH OF TECUMSEH.]

What excited the indignation of Tecumseh, more than all, was the
claim of the white man to superiority, and the arrogance, as he
termed it, evinced in calling the Indians his children. Upon the
opening of the council, Governor Harrison kindly handed him a chair,
saying, at the same time, in a courteous, yet dignified tone, “Your
father offers you a seat.” “_My father!_”--exclaimed the chief, while
he drew his form up to its full height, and his eye flashed with the
fire of insulted pride--“_My father!_--the Sun is my father, and
the Earth my mother; she gives me sustenance, and I will rest on her
bosom!” Thus speaking he seated himself upon the ground, with as
lofty and commanding an air, as if the green sward beneath him had
been the throne of the Cæsars.

After the preliminary business of the council was disposed of,
Tecumseh rose, and in a strain of impassioned eloquence, which has
rarely been equalled, and never, perhaps, surpassed, by any native
orator, reviewed the conduct of the whites, and the wrongs of the
Indians, from the time when the former first disembarked on the
Atlantic coast, to that moment--insisting that the land was given
by the Great Spirit to the red men in common, and that no portion
of it could be sold without the consent of all. His speech was well
calculated to inflame the prejudices, and arouse the passions, of
his savage listeners, and when he had concluded, Governor Harrison
commenced a reply. While the latter was speaking, Tecumseh, carried
away by his emotions, sprang to his feet, and, grasping his tomahawk,
boldly charged the governor with having uttered a falsehood. Twenty
or thirty of the warriors followed the example of the chief, and
instantly arrayed themselves in a hostile attitude.

Governor Harrison was no “weak-heart;”[9] nor was he to be
intimidated by menace. Anticipating a sudden outburst of ill-temper,
as he had discovered some unfriendly indications, he had posted a
guard of soldiers within call. At the signal, they darted forward to
take part in the threatened struggle. But Tecumseh was as politic
as he was brave; he saw that the time had not yet come for him to
strike; and he wisely avoided a conflict. The council was broken up,
however; and all hope of securing the neutrality of the Indians was
abandoned. The savages returned to their homes in the wilderness,
and shortly after renewed their outrages, murdering the frontier
settlers, plundering and burning their homes, and destroying or
carrying off large quantities of property.

Governor Harrison’s decision was soon taken. Having obtained
permission from the government to march into the Indian country
with a military force, he made his preparations with his accustomed
promptness and energy. Orders were sent to Colonel Boyd, of the
4th infantry, then at Pittsburgh, to join him forthwith with his
regiment, and a strong militia force, part of whom were mounted, were
imbodied in Kentucky and Indiana--the citizens gladly responding to
the call of patriotism--and marched to Vincennes. Leaving that place
at the head of about fourteen hundred men, considerably less than one
half being regulars, the governor moved up the Wabash. About fifty
miles above Vincennes he constructed a stockade fort, afterwards
known as Fort Harrison, and then directed his course, without loss of
time, to Tippecanoe, the Prophet’s Town, which lay on the west bank
of the Tippecanoe river, not far from its junction with the Wabash.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.]

On approaching the Indian town, on the sixth of November, Governor
Harrison proceeded slowly and cautiously; as the enemy’s warriors
were frequently seen flitting through the woods in advance of the
army, and their scouts were discovered posted on the hills in every
direction. Within a short distance of the village, he was met by
the principal chiefs--Tecumseh himself being absent on a mission
to the southern tribes--who, in reply to Harrison’s demand of
satisfaction for the outrages which had been perpetrated, proposed
that an amicable conference should be held on the following morning,
and that, in the interim, neither party should commit any act of
hostility. During the day he had made repeated efforts, without
success, to bring the Indians to a parley, and he still distrusted
their sincerity; but, being willing to grant them favorable terms of
peace, if his demands were complied with, he acceded to their request.

Orders were now issued to encamp for the night. Majors Clarke and W.
Taylor were sent forward to select a suitable position, and on their
report Governor Harrison marched his command to an elevated knoll
of dry oak land, rising in the midst of the open prairie, about one
mile northwest of the village. The horses were picketed, the guards
posted, and every preparation made for the bivouac. Having partaken
of their evening meal, the Americans lay down upon the bare earth,
to refresh their wearied limbs. From his long acquaintance with the
character of Indian warfare, Governor Harrison was familiar with the
arts and devices of the savages; and apprehending treachery, and
knowing, that, if attacked at all, it would be under cover of the
darkness, he required his men to sleep on their arms, and directed
that the order of encampment should be the order of battle.

The troops were arranged in two columns, separated on the left, one
hundred and eighty yards, and about half that distance on the right.
The front line consisted of the first battalion of the 4th infantry,
under Major Floyd, flanked, on the right, by two companies, and on
the left by one company, of the regiment of Indiana militia, under
Colonel Bartholomew; and the rear line was composed of the second
battalion of the 4th infantry, under Captain Baer, flanked by four
companies of the Indiana militia, under Lieutenant-Colonel Decker.
Two companies of Indiana and Kentucky rifles, under General Wells,
were thrown out to cover the left flank, and Captain Spencer’s troop
of Indiana rifles was posted on the right. Two troops of dragoons
were stationed in rear of the left flank, and one in rear of the
front line, under Major Daviess. The left front and left rear
angles,--that flank being the most exposed to an attack,--were turned
by a portion of the regular troops. A strong guard was also detailed,
each man of which was instructed to be prompt and vigilant. In the
event of an assault, the different corps were ordered to maintain
their respective positions till they were relieved; and the cavalry
were directed to parade on foot, with their swords and pistols, and
wait for orders.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON THE LEFT.]

These dispositions being completed, Governor Harrison lay down among
his men, having his horse near him, saddled, and in readiness for him
to mount at a moment’s warning. Hour after hour went by in silence.
The camp fires gleamed brightly in the distance till long after
midnight, when they were suffered partially to die away. The cold
chilling wind moaned dismally as it swept through the encampment,
gently lifting the locks of many a tired sleeper who had looked
for the last time on the setting sun, and fanning into a brighter
glow the smouldering embers of the watch-fires. The beams of the
young moon struggled almost vainly to pierce through the thick
veil of clouds, from which a drizzling rain descended that hissed
and sputtered as it fell on the heated ashes. The hour of darkness
which precedes the dawn had nearly passed, when the governor rose
from his rude couch, and ordered the réveille to be beaten. He then
sat down before the fire, and commenced a conversation with some
of his officers. While thus engaged, the stillness was suddenly
broken, by the sentinels discharging their pieces, on the left of the
encampment, and a fierce and hideous yell that roused every man from
his slumbers.

Wistful and inquiring glances were at once turned towards the quarter
from whence the alarm proceeded; the cry, “To arms!--To arms!” was
raised on every side; and the wild slogan of the savage bands, rising
higher and higher as the conflict deepened, was echoed far down the
valley of the Wabash. For a few moments the encampment presented a
scene of confusion; but the active exertions of Governor Harrison,
Colonel Boyd, and other officers, soon restored order and discipline.

At first the attack was partially successful. The stealthy approach
of the enemy was not observed until they were in the immediate
vicinity of the pickets. It was their intention to creep up to
the sentinels as close as possible, and then to spring upon them,
and kill them, before they could fire; but, on finding that they
were discovered, and the alarm given, they gave a deafening yell,
rattled their deer hoofs--by which their movements in battle were
guided--and rushed furiously on the guard posted on the left flank.
The latter gave way almost instantly, and the whole brunt of the
onset was sustained by Captain Barton’s regulars, and the mounted
rifles of Captain Guiger, who occupied the left angle of the rear
line. In every other part of the encampment the fires had already
been extinguished, in obedience to the directions of Governor
Harrison;--but, on this flank, there was not sufficient time, and
the troops were exposed to the murderous aim of the Indian warriors,
without even the protection afforded by the darkness. Nevertheless,
they held their position gallantly, amid the storm of bullets that
whistled incessantly through their ranks, till they were reinforced
by two companies from the centre of the rear line, ordered to their
support by the governor.

Such was the desperation evinced by the savages, at the outset of
the action, that a number of them forced their way into the centre
of the encampment. Here, for a brief space, the contest was foot to
foot, and man to man. Fire brands were hurled, and rifles and muskets
clubbed. The scalping knife glistened momentarily, as it cut the
air in its descending course; and a dull crashing sound was heard,
as the tomahawk sank into the quivering brain of some unfortunate
victim. Louder and louder rang the Indian war-whoop; but the American
soldiers--their confidence now regained--returned shout for shout,
and yell for yell. Vengeance was not long deferred. Not one of the
enemy who had entered within the lines was suffered to escape:--all
were cut down, uttering, as they fell, in shrieking tones, their
bitter and unrelenting curse upon the white man.

[Sidenote: FORTUNATE CIRCUMSTANCE.]

A short distance in front of the American left, there was a small
group of sturdy oaks, which afforded shelter to a number of the most
skilful marksmen among the assailing band, who poured a galling
and intense fire, mingled with rapid flights of arrows, from their
concealment. Major Daviess instantly requested permission to charge
upon the cover with his cavalry. Governor Harrison granted the
request, and the major ordered his bugles to sound the charge. His
manly tones rung cheerily out on the night air, as he called upon his
men to follow. Nobly did they second him. The charge was made, and
the Indians scattered like the leaves of the forest before the fury
of the autumn blast; but it was the last bold stroke of him, whose
eloquence is yet remembered, and whose memory is still carefully
treasured, among the people of the West. By his side, too, fell
Colonel White, of the Indiana militia, like him, mortally wounded,
in that sanguinary fray. Disheartened by the loss of their leader
and many of their comrades, the cavalry fell back, and the Indians
recovered the ground, opening a still more destructive fire on their
opponents. As the dragoons retired, Captain Snelling promptly led
forward his company of the 4th infantry, and again drove the savages
from their shelter with the bayonet.

In the meantime, a heavy fire had been opened on the companies of
Captains Spencer and Warwick, on the right of the line. The former,
and his two lieutenants, were killed, and Captain Warwick was
mortally wounded. All immediate danger being over on the left flank,
Governor Harrison hastened to the right, to encourage the men to
remain firm, and maintain the ground till daylight. At the first
alarm, he had fortunately mounted the horse nearest him, without
waiting for his own to be brought up, which was well known to the
enemy. The dark eyes of many a red warrior glared fiercely, as they
were turned hither and thither through the encampment, in search of
the favorite steed of the governor. As he dashed to the right, he was
accompanied by his aid, Colonel Owen, who rode a horse similar in
color to that on which he had been mounted the previous day. A shower
of rifle balls fell around them. Colonel Owen was killed, and the
governor’s cravat was pierced by a bullet, that chanced not to injure
his person.

In passing to the right flank, the governor found the company of
Captain Robb, which had fallen back at the commencement of the
attack, in the centre of the camp. Leading them to the support of
Spencer’s and Warwick’s companies, he strengthened this part of
the line, and by his presence encouraged the men to more animated
exertions. A warm fire was now kept up till the early dawn, in front,
on both flanks, and partly in rear of the encampment; the sharp crack
of the rifle, and the prolonged rattle of musketry, mingling with
the shouts and cheers of the American soldiers. Governor Harrison
well knew, as the great father of the English drama had written years
before, that “advantage is a better soldier than rashness,” and he
did not hazard the safety of his command, though suffering severely
from the heavy fire, by any offensive movement, till the light of day
enabled him to ascertain the position and numbers of the enemy.

[Sidenote: THE INDIAN VILLAGE BURNED.]

But when the morning broke, a general charge was ordered. The left
wing, consisting of five companies of the 4th infantry, and a party
of dragoons, led by General Wells,--and the right, consisting of the
remaining companies of the 4th infantry and cavalry, and the mounted
rifles and militia,--moved rapidly upon the positions occupied by
the savages. The latter made no further effort to continue the
fight. Their desperate bravery had proved of no avail against the
disciplined valor and persevering courage of the American troops.
Hotly pursued by the gallant soldiers of Harrison, they fled in
dismay to the neighboring swamps and thickets, in whose impenetrable
recesses they at length found a secure retreat. The Prophet’s town
was entirely abandoned by its late occupants. Having collected his
wounded, and buried his dead, Governor Harrison advanced with his
forces to the village, which he ordered to be burned. The surrounding
district was also laid waste, and he then returned into the settled
country.

The battle of Tippecanoe was one of the bloodiest engagements
recorded in the annals of Indian warfare. It was bravely fought and
bravely won. The cautious foresight, the prudence and vigilance of
Governor Harrison, alone saved his little army from destruction. His
loss in killed and wounded, was one hundred and eighty-eight; that of
the enemy was supposed to be about the same.

Tecumseh, as has been mentioned, was absent at the time of this
engagement. Had he been present, perhaps the result might have been
different. When the particulars of the disaster reached him, he
affected to regard it as of little moment, and always spoke of it,
as the “unfortunate transaction that took place between the white
people and a few of his young men”; yet it is very evident that this
untoward occurrence preyed deeply on his spirits, since it tended,
probably more than any other single circumstance, to the defeat of
his plans. The result of the action intimidated many of the tribes
who were preparing to join his confederacy, and they immediately sent
deputations to Governor Harrison to sue for peace.

The general assembly of Indiana territory passed a resolution, at the
next session after the battle of Tippecanoe, complimenting Governor
Harrison in the highest terms, and the Legislature of Kentucky
also testified, in a similar manner, their approbation of “his
cool, deliberate, skilful, and gallant conduct.”--Thus was laid the
foundation of that military reputation, which secured him the regard
and esteem of his countrymen, and elevated him, in after times, to a
memorable distinction among the great men of the Nation.

[Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.]

Another effect of the battle of Tippecanoe was soon witnessed. The
tone of the public press became more bold and warlike, and the public
temper was inflamed to the highest degree. Doubts as to the necessity
of a war with England were speedily transformed into settled
convictions. After a long and tedious negotiation, in the summer of
1811, reparation was offered for the attack on the Chesapeake; but
Great Britain abandoned not one of her objectionable positions, nor
ceased the piratical plunder of our commerce, so long stimulated and
encouraged by Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh. Forbearance could
no longer be regarded as a virtue; nor was peace desirable, when
it could only be preserved by the sacrifice of national honor and
dignity. War was therefore declared, on the eighteenth of June, 1812,
and publicly proclaimed by President Madison on the following day.

The declaration of war found Governor Harrison actively engaged in
the discharge of his duties as governor of the territory of Indiana,
and in his endeavors to secure the neutrality of the Northwestern
savages. The general sentiment of that section of the country would
then have applauded his selection as the commanding officer of the
forces destined to operate in that quarter; but the appointment was
conferred on William Hull, governor of the territory of Michigan, an
officer who had served with credit and ability during the war of the
Revolution.

The campaign of 1812 was signalized by General Hull’s invasion of
Canada, in July, and his humiliating surrender, at Detroit, in the
following August. When the tidings of this event were made known
in Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, they were scarcely credited.
Subsequent information confirmed the rumor, however, and the
intelligence produced a spontaneous outburst of indignation. To
retrieve the tarnished honor of the country, was the first impulse
of every heart. An irrepressible feeling of enthusiasm pervaded
all classes. The people rose, in a mass, like the upheaving of the
ocean. Places of rendezvous were appointed, and the hunters of the
west flocked in crowds around the national standard--all animated by
one motive, and influenced by one desire. They were cheered, too,
by the approving smiles, and encouraged by the kind words of their
wives and mothers, their sisters, daughters, and sweet-hearts, whose
hands were constantly employed in furnishing them with clothing and
other necessaries for the march. Such was the alacrity displayed in
responding to the call to arms, that whole companies were frequently
enrolled, and equipped, in a single day!

In Ohio, the most patriotic exertions were made by Governor Meigs, to
fit the militia of that state for the field. In Kentucky, an unusual
degree of ardor was manifested. The fire of ’76 was rekindled in the
bosom of the veteran Shelby. Infected with the spirit prevailing
among their constituents, several members of Congress enrolled
themselves as privates, and cheerfully shouldered the rifle or
musket. Henry Clay, the eloquent advocate of the war on the floor
of Congress, though not under arms, appeared at the musters, and
addressed the volunteers in fervid and impassioned appeals to their
patriotism, that thrilled the hearts of those who heard him. Large
numbers of militia were also imbodied, in Virginia, and in the
western part of Pennsylvania. In Tennessee, likewise, the utmost
eagerness to take the field was exhibited by the hardy yeomanry, who
were doubtless influenced by the noble example of General Jackson and
his patriotic division.

[Sidenote: APPOINTED A MAJOR GENERAL.]

In a few weeks, about eight thousand men were collected at various
points on the Ohio river and in its vicinity. The selection of an
officer to take command of the army, was attended with considerable
difficulty; but it was finally determined, at a sort of military
caucus, at which Isaac Shelby, Judge Todd of the Supreme Court of the
United States, Mr. Clay, and other leading men, were present, that
Governor Harrison should be commissioned a major general by brevet,
by Governor Scott, of Kentucky, and temporarily invested with the
command. This was accordingly done, and General Harrison immediately
entered upon the performance of his duties. His military life had
been an irregular one, and his experience, therefore, was extremely
limited; yet he found himself placed at the head of a numerous body
of troops, under such disheartening circumstances, and in a season of
despondency and gloom. To add to his embarrassments, he discovered,
on examination, that everything was in confusion. Men there were in
abundance; but they were deficient in arms and ammunition, and poorly
provided with supplies of every kind. Still, he did not lack the
moral courage necessary to sustain him at so important a crisis, but
labored indefatigably to correct what had been done amiss, and to
secure the efficient action of the army placed under his orders.

The capture of Detroit, and the consequent occupation of all the
important posts in the territory of Michigan, and about the head
of Lake Erie, by the British troops, removed every restraint from
the savages on the frontier, who poured down from their northern
hives in torrents. The security of the border settlements against
their murderous incursions was the first object to be attained; and
in order to accomplish this effectually, it was necessary to move
without delay to the relief of the frontier posts,--particularly Fort
Harrison, on the Wabash; and Fort Wayne, at the confluence of the
St. Mary’s and St. Joseph’s, which form the Maumee, or Miami of the
Lakes, as it was originally called. It was determined to penetrate
the Indian country in two columns; one, under General Harrison, being
ordered to rendezvous at Cincinnati and Urbanna, and the other, under
General Hopkins, of the Kentucky militia, at Vincennes.

General Harrison put his troops in motion from Cincinnati, on the
twenty-ninth of August, and reached Piqua on the thirtieth instant,
with about twenty-five hundred men. Here he completed his final
arrangements, and received his military stores; and, on the sixth of
September, he resumed his march for Fort Wayne, where he arrived on
the twelfth, to the great joy of the garrison, which consisted of
only seventy men. The post had been for several days invested by a
large body of Indians who resorted to every stratagem and device to
induce the garrison to surrender, and, failing in this, made repeated
attempts to carry the fort by assault. On hearing of the approach
of General Harrison, the savages retreated precipitately, after
destroying everything outside the works.

On his arrival at Fort Wayne, General Harrison forthwith organized
two expeditions to lay waste the Indian villages. Colonel Wells, of
the 17th infantry, was dispatched on the fourteenth of September,
with his regiment, and that of Colonel Scott of the Kentucky militia,
and two hundred mounted rifles, against the Potowatomie town on the
upper St. Joseph, which disembogues into Lake Michigan. Another
detachment, commanded by General Payne, consisting of two Kentucky
regiments, under Colonels Lewis and Allen, and one company of
mounted men, marched against the Miami villages. Both expeditions
were successful. Nine Indian towns, which had been abandoned by the
inhabitants, on the approach of the American troops, were utterly
destroyed; the wigwams and wooden huts were burnt, and the growing
corn cut up.

[Sidenote: DEFENCE OF FORT HARRISON.]

Meanwhile, the column under General Hopkins, which had rendezvoused
at Vincennes, had moved to the relief of Fort Harrison. This post
was occupied by Captain Z. Taylor, of the 7th infantry, with a
feeble garrison of fifty men, not one half of whom were effective.
On the night of the fourth of September, it was assaulted by between
four and five hundred Indians, who succeeded in firing one of the
block-houses, in which a large quantity of spirits was stored.
The flames spread with great rapidity, and the garrison were fast
giving way to despair, when Captain Taylor directed the roofs of the
adjoining barracks to be removed. This was quickly accomplished, and
the fire prevented from extending to the other buildings in the fort.
Animated by the heroic example of their commander, and reässured by
the admirable coolness and presence of mind which he had exhibited,
the soldiers then engaged in the defence of the post, with a courage
akin to desperation. The assailants failed to make any further
impression, and after daylight on the morning of the fifth, the
American fire became so destructive, that they moved out of range.
They lingered near the post during the day, but retired early on the
following morning, though they still hovered in the vicinity, keeping
watch on the principal roads, cutting off the communications with
the fort, and committing their depredations through the surrounding
country.

The long-continued anxiety of the garrison was relieved on the
sixteenth of September, by the arrival of Colonel Russell, with
eleven hundred men, and a few days later General Hopkins came up
with the remainder of his column. Preparations were now made for an
expedition against the Peoria villages, on the Illinois river, and
other Indian towns on that stream and the Wabash, which had been
determined on previous to the march of the troops from Vincennes. It
was agreed that Colonel Russell should proceed directly across the
country, with his corps of Kentucky rangers, and a party of mounted
rifles under Governor Edwards of Illinois Territory, three hundred
and sixty men in all; and that General Hopkins, with the main body,
should advance by a more northern route, and effect a junction with
him at the Peoria towns. Another detachment, of eighty men, under
Captain Craig, was ordered to move up the Illinois, and join them at
the same place.

[Sidenote: INDIAN TOWNS DESTROYED.]

Colonel Russell left Fort Harrison with his command on the seventh
of October, and General Hopkins commenced his march on the fifteenth
instant. The route pursued by the latter lay through a pleasant
champaign country, and his force was strong enough to set all
opposition at defiance. But the men were totally undisciplined
and unaccustomed to restraint; and on the fourth day out refused
to proceed any further. The remonstrances and entreaties of the
general produced no effect, and he was compelled to follow his
refractory troops, in their retrograde march to Fort Harrison.
Colonel Russell, however, continued his course to the Illinois river.
Though disappointed in not meeting General Hopkins, he persevered in
his enterprise, and destroyed one of the principal villages of the
Peorias, called Pamitaris’ town, together with their winter stock of
provisions. The Indians were pursued into a swamp in the vicinity
where they had fled for shelter,--Colonel Russell and his men wading
for several miles up to their waists in water,--and upwards of twenty
of them were killed on the bank of the river. After the destruction
of the town, the detachment returned to Fort Harrison, where they
arrived on the twenty-first of October.

In November, General Hopkins made a more successful foray. Leaving
Fort Harrison on the eleventh instant, at the head of about twelve
hundred men, he proceeded up the Wabash, and destroyed the Prophet’s
town, and a large Kickapoo village near it, with the store of corn
provided by the savages for the coming winter. The Winnebago towns on
Ponce Passu creek were also destroyed by a detachment under Colonel
Butler.

About the same time, Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, of the 19th
infantry, was dispatched from Greenville, with a party of six hundred
men, against the Indian towns on the Mississinewa river, one of
the tributaries of the Wabash. On the seventeenth of November, he
surprised a village inhabited by Delawares and Miamis, captured
thirty-seven prisoners, and killed eight of the enemy’s warriors. The
town, and two others in the neighborhood, were then burned, and the
party encamped for the night. Just before daylight, the next morning,
they were attacked by a party of Indians three hundred strong. A
desperate contest was kept up for nearly an hour, when the enemy
were driven off by a charge of cavalry, leaving forty of their best
and bravest warriors dead on the field. The Americans lost eight men
killed, and about thirty wounded. Another attack was anticipated,
as Tecumseh was understood to be in the vicinity with four or five
hundred warriors, but reïnforcements soon coming up from Greenville,
the detachment completed the destruction of the towns on the river,
and returned without molestation.

These repeated incursions had the desired effect. Frequent
hostilities afterwards arose and engagements took place, but these
were confined to small parties of volunteers and similar bands of
savages; exempted from the irruptions of the Indians, the border
settlements continued to enjoy, for a long period, a degree of
tranquillity which they had never before witnessed.

[Sidenote: DISPOSITION OF THE TROOPS.]

After the return of the troops sent out by General Harrison, from
Fort Wayne, it was his intention to advance towards Detroit, and
recover the territory occupied by the British forces, as soon as he
found his means adequate to the object. His plans were temporarily
disarranged by the arrival of Brigadier General Winchester, who had
originally been designated for the command of the northwestern army,
with large reïnforcements from Ohio and Kentucky. General Harrison
accordingly relinquished the command, and set out on his return to
Indiana territory, accompanied by a considerable force of mounted men
with which he designed to break up the Indian towns in that quarter.
It subsequently appeared, that President Madison was ignorant of his
brevet appointment, and of the general desire of the western people
that he should be placed in command, at the time the orders to
General Winchester were issued. General Harrison had not proceeded
far on his return, when he was overtaken by an express bearing a
commission as brigadier general in the regular army, together with
instructions requiring him to take command of the forces on the
northwestern frontier.

General Harrison returned to Fort Wayne, and resumed the command, on
the twenty-third of September. Arrived here, he learned that General
Winchester had marched on the previous day, for Fort Defiance, on his
way to the Rapids of the Maumee, the place fixed upon for the general
rendezvous preparatory to the contemplated movement for the recovery
of Michigan, with four hundred regulars, a brigade of Kentucky
militia, and a troop of horse,--in all two thousand men. He then
proceeded to Fort St. Mary’s to make further preparations for the
campaign, and dispatched Colonel Jennings down the Au Glaize, with
a detachment, having in charge a quantity of supplies for General
Winchester, whose men had but a limited stock of provisions.

The march of General Winchester was impeded, not only by the natural
obstacles of the wet and marshy country through which he was
compelled to pass, but also by a series of annoying skirmishes with
the advanced parties of a force lying in and near Fort Defiance,
consisting of two hundred British regulars and one thousand savages,
which was destined for the capture of Fort Wayne. Making his way
through the numerous difficulties that retarded his progress, and
forcing the enemy to retire down the river as he advanced, he reached
Fort Defiance on the thirteenth of September, where he was joined
by the detachment under Colonel Jennings. While on his way, he had
sent an express to General Harrison, informing him of the situation
of his troops, and the harassing warfare kept up with the enemy. The
latter arrived at the fort on the third of October, with additional
reïnforcements, but returned again, on the ensuing day, to the
settled country, to bring the remainder of the troops, composing the
centre and right wing of his army, into the field. General Winchester
remained at Fort Defiance in command of the left wing.

Before leaving the fort, General Harrison directed General Tupper to
proceed down the river with the Ohio mounted men, about one thousand
strong, and drive the enemy from the Rapids. The command of General
Tupper consisted of raw and inexperienced militia, and, though he
made every effort, he was unable to comply with the orders he had
received. In consequence of some misunderstanding between himself and
General Winchester, he soon after returned with the Ohio cavalry,
to Urbanna, whence he was ordered forward, with the centre of the
northwestern army, which was composed of one regiment of regulars,
and the Ohio volunteers and militia, to Fort M’Arthur. About the same
time, the right wing, consisting of the Pennsylvania and Virginia
brigades, under Generals Crooks and Leftwich, was advanced to
Sandusky.

On his arrival at Fort M’Arthur, General Tupper organized another
expedition to proceed to the Rapids. He left the fort on the tenth
of November, with six hundred men, carrying five days’ rations
in their knapsacks. On the evening of the thirteenth instant, he
arrived within thirteen miles of the Rapids, and sent an officer
in advance to reconnoitre. It was ascertained that Fort Maumee, and
the settlement, were still occupied by the British and their savage
allies, and their boats and vessels were discovered in the stream
below. General Tupper made several unavailing attempts to cross
the river, and then endeavored to decoy the enemy over. In this he
was more successful; a large party of Indians crossed the river,
whom he attacked and routed; but, on account of the failure of his
provisions, he was soon obliged to return to Fort M’Arthur without
accomplishing the object of the expedition. On the thirteenth of
December, he conducted another detachment to the Rapids, between
fifteen hundred and two thousand strong. On this occasion he
encountered about three hundred British regulars and seven hundred
Indians, on the right bank of the stream, a few miles above the
Rapids. These he attacked and completely routed. The enemy left one
hundred of their number on the field, and many were killed while
attempting to swim across the river. Shortly after this affair, the
British evacuated the post and retired to Malden and Detroit.

[Sidenote: WINTER CAMPAIGN.]

In the meantime, General Harrison, whose headquarters were
established at Franklinton, had labored unceasingly, in connection
with Governor Meigs, to complete his preparations for the projected
winter campaign. It was designed that the army should advance, in
three divisions, from Fort Defiance, Fort M’Arthur, and Sandusky, to
the Rapids of the Maumee, where they were to receive their supplies
of ordnance and provisions. A feint was then to be made upon Detroit,
when the troops were to cross the river and invest Fort Malden.

The army under the orders of General Harrison nominally consisted
of ten thousand men. But little over six thousand of these were
effective, and many of the latter number were undisciplined and
inexperienced. All were poorly clothed and worse fed. The efforts
of the commanding general were unwearied and untiring, but he
encountered obstacles and difficulties at every step. The army
rendered an important service in holding the Indians in check, yet
they were unable to move forward, and General Harrison was warmly
censured, by those who were unacquainted with the real state of
things, for his inactivity. A simple statement of the position of
affairs on this frontier will be his best defence.--The enemy had
the command on Lake Erie, and it seemed almost impossible to furnish
the troops in this remote region with the supplies that they needed,
and without which it would have been mere fool-hardiness to advance.
It was necessary to transport the ordnance and heavy stores over the
Alleghanies, and down the Ohio, and thence they were hauled, over
land, hundreds of miles, along blazed forest paths and miserable
trails, across half-frozen swamps and through trackless forests, to
the banks of the Maumee.

Against such embarrassments, General Harrison struggled almost
hopelessly, yet as it proved in the sequel, successfully,
notwithstanding that his plans were frequently thwarted, and his
measures disconcerted, by the War Department. In January, 1813, Dr.
Eustis was succeeded by General Armstrong as Secretary of War. The
latter had imbibed strong prejudices against a militia force, and
entertained a marked dislike towards General Harrison, who,--though
possessing the confidence of Madison himself,--never knew what it
was to be cordially sustained by the executive officers of the
government, while he remained in service.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTIES AND EMBARRASSMENTS.]

While General Harrison was busily engaged in distributing the
supplies, and organizing the reïnforcements, as they arrived, an
event took place, which, it has been truly said, “clothed Kentucky
in mourning.”--The left wing of the army, under General Winchester,
remained at Fort Defiance, on the site of which they constructed
a new fort, named, after the general in command, Fort Winchester,
till November. Having constructed a number of pirogues, for the
transportation of their baggage, they moved down the river about six
miles, to camp No. 3, where they were delayed until the eighth of
January, 1813--suffering greatly, in the meantime, for the want of
clothing and provisions. Orders were then issued for the advance.
The weather was exceedingly inclement, the river blocked up with
ice, and the ground covered with snow to the depth of twenty-seven
inches;--yet the brave Kentuckians, of whom General Winchester’s
command was almost exclusively composed, harnessed themselves to
sleighs on which they placed their baggage, and performed the weary
march of twenty-seven miles, to the Rapids, in two days. Immediately
after his arrival at this point, the general received a message from
the inhabitants of Frenchtown, a small village situated on the left
bank, and near the mouth, of the river Raisin, informing him that
a large body of British and Indians were about to make a descent
on that place, and urgently entreating him to hasten to their
assistance.

Sickness, and the expiration of the terms of service of the
volunteers, had reduced the strength of his column to but little
over eight hundred men; and General Winchester hesitated to place
any portion of this small command, within a single day’s march,--as
the Detroit river was then frozen over,--of the British forces
concentrated at Malden. His officers, however, unanimously, and
earnestly, advised a compliance with the request; and, impelled by
motives of humanity, without waiting to communicate with General
Harrison, and, indeed, contrary to his own better judgment, he
detached Colonels Lewis and Allen, with about five hundred men, on
the seventeenth of January, instructing them to proceed to Presque
Isle, and there await his arrival with the remainder of the column.

At Presque Isle, Colonel Lewis, who had been placed in command of the
detachment, learned that an advanced party of British and Indians
were already in possession of Frenchtown. He therefore determined
to hasten forward and attack them. The march was resumed, through
the ice and snow, and at three o’clock in the afternoon of the
eighteenth instant, he arrived on the southern bank of the river,
opposite to the village in which the enemy, about five hundred in
number, under the command of Major Reynolds, were posted. The stream
being bridged with ice, Colonel Lewis formed Irishmen for action,
and advanced steadily to the further shore. A warm contest ensued,
which was terminated only by the darkness. The enemy were forced from
their position, and driven nearly two miles into the woods, under a
continual charge. Colonel Lewis had twelve men killed and fifty-five
wounded. The enemy’s loss was supposed to be far more severe, as
fifteen Indian warriors were found on the field,--though it could
never be ascertained with certainty.

Colonel Lewis was joined on the twentieth instant by General
Winchester, with two hundred and fifty men,--the latter having
previously advised General Harrison, then at Lower Sandusky, of
the advance to Frenchtown. General Harrison received the dispatch
of General Winchester on the nineteenth of January, and, though
deeply chagrined at this interference with the general plan of his
operations, he set out immediately for the Rapids. His inspector
general, Captain Hart, was dispatched to General Winchester, with
orders to maintain the position to which he had advanced at all
hazards. On the twenty-third instant, a reïnforcement of three
hundred men, under Major Cotgreves, took up the line of march for
Frenchtown, and on the same day General Harrison followed, with
another corps, three hundred and sixty strong.

[Sidenote: MASSACRE ON THE RAISIN.]

It was all too late! The catastrophe which General Harrison feared
had already occurred;--the blow had been struck that desolated
so many homes, and widowed so many hearts, in the fair state of
Kentucky.--Early in the morning of the twenty-second, General
Winchester was attacked by an overwhelming force of British and
Indians, numbering at least fifteen hundred men, with six pieces
of artillery, under Colonel Proctor and the chiefs Round-Head and
Split-Log. His men maintained a stout resistance--fighting bravely
for hours, exposed to a most murderous fire. At length, after one
half their number were either killed or wounded, the remainder--a
sadly diminished band--surrendered themselves prisoners of war, upon
the pledge of the British commander to protect them from Indian
violence.

The pledge was basely violated. Another, and still darker feature,
was added to the worse than brutal warfare waged on the part of
the English government. On the day after the engagement, Colonel
Proctor returned to Detroit, leaving between fifty and sixty wounded
prisoners at Frenchtown, who were cruelly butchered by his savage
associates,--a half-breed, who held a high commission in the Royal
service, boasting, in the presence of the British officers, that
the Indians were “_excellent doctors_”! The houses in which the
unfortunate victims perished were set on fire, and their bodies
consumed. Other prisoners, not wounded, were murdered in cold blood;
the rites of sepulture were denied to their remains, and those of
their comrades who had fallen in the action; and their bones were
left to whiten in the wintry storm that howled its requiem above
their resting place. Some perished by the way side, on the march to
Detroit, from the inclemency of the weather; others sank beneath
the tomahawk of the savage. The survivors,--few in number,--to the
lasting dishonor of a nation whose sovereign rewarded the officer,
who connived at, or tolerated these abuses, with the commission of a
brigadier general, were stripped and plundered, and subjected to the
grossest indignities and outrages.

[Sidenote: BRUTAL CONDUCT OF THE ENEMY.]

General Harrison was three miles in advance of the Rapids,
hurrying rapidly on with his reïnforcements, when he received the
intelligence of this sad disaster. Selecting a picked corps of one
hundred and seventy men, he detached them to the assistance of
the fugitives, but few of whom made their escape from the field
of battle, in consequence of the great depth of snow. He also
dispatched a surgeon, with two companions, provided with money,
under a flag of truce, to attend the sick and wounded prisoners of
General Winchester’s command. One of the party was murdered by the
Indians, and the others were robbed, and otherwise inhumanly treated,
by both British and savages. After suffering for several months in
confinement, having been transferred from one dungeon to another,
they were finally set at liberty in Quebec.

Had General Harrison consulted his first impulses, he would have
hastened forward with his whole disposable force, to avenge the
massacre at Frenchtown. Doubtless, it would have been better, had
he done so--_provided he could have been successful_, which is not
entirely free from doubt--and he would then have escaped the censure
bestowed on his conduct, undeserved and ungenerous though it was.
But the roads, miserable as they were in the most favorable weather,
were covered with three feet of snow, and almost impracticable for
artillery; it was not then known that Proctor had himself retired;
the force of the enemy was greatly exaggerated; and the unanimous
advice of his officers counselled him to fall back without delay.
It might be improper to call him a bold man,--because he did not
court danger unnecessarily. Yet he did not lack bravery; he was not
timid; nor was his courage like “fire in a flint which will not
show without knocking.” He was firm, resolute, and unflinching,
when occasion required,--he was only not rash, not reckless. He was
responsible for the success, or failure, of the whole campaign; the
security of the entire frontier depended on his army alone,--the only
barrier against the swooping torrent of Indian warriors who wanted
but the opportunity to precipitate themselves on the defenceless
settlements, in terror and blood.

In conformity with the advice of his officers, General Harrison fell
back to Carrying river, about midway between the Sandusky and Maumee,
on the twenty-third of January, in order to effect a junction with
the troops in the rear, and to cover the transportation of artillery,
and other stores, from Upper Sandusky. Having been reïnforced by two
Ohio regiments, promptly dispatched to his assistance by Governor
Meigs, he again advanced, in the month of February, to the Rapids, at
the foot of which, and nearly opposite Fort Maumee, he commenced the
construction of a fort, named, in honor of the governor, Fort Meigs.

The advance of General Winchester to Frenchtown, and the consequent
defeat and surrender of his command, entirely deranged the plans
of General Harrison for the winter campaign. The term of service
of a large portion of his militia force shortly after expired, and
it became necessary to call out new levies before anything further
could be attempted. He therefore returned to the interior of Ohio, to
procure additional troops from that state, and Kentucky. In neither
was there any lack of patriotism exhibited,--but, in the latter,
where there was scarcely a family that did not mourn the loss of
some near friend or relative, one general outcry was raised, for
vengeance upon the perpetrators of that bloody massacre on the banks
of the Raisin.

The legislature of Kentucky, at its winter session, authorized
Governor Shelby, who had been elected the year previous, to take
command in person of three thousand militia; and Colonel Richard M.
Johnson, also of that state, was empowered by the War Department to
raise a regiment of mounted men--which troops were designed for the
reïnforcement of General Harrison in the spring.

[Sidenote: SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.]

Early in April, General Harrison, now promoted to the rank of major
general by brevet, and appointed to the command of the eighth
military district, learned that extensive preparations were being
made by General Proctor and Tecumseh, for a combined attack on Fort
Meigs. He immediately returned to the fort, and, in connection
with the engineer officers, Captains Wood and Gratiot, labored
indefatigably, night and day, to put it in a more favorable posture
of defence. The fort was an octagon, containing about nine acres,
and was situated on the rising ground overlooking the river bottom.
At each corner there was a strong block-house, “with cannon planted
so as to rake each front and command every elevated point near the
fort”; the block-houses were connected by strong picketings fifteen
feet high, against which a breastwork of clayey earth was thrown up,
on either side. There were several long batteries also constructed,
which were well garnished with cannon. The means of defence were
ample, with the exception of the garrison, which consisted of only
twelve hundred men, the greater part of whom were volunteers. The
regulars were the 19th infantry, under Lieutenant Colonel Miller; and
the volunteers present, composed the Pennsylvania brigade commanded
by General Crooks. The term of service of the Pennsylvanians had
expired, but they generously volunteered to remain and defend the
fort. All were animated by the best spirit, and determined on holding
the work as long as it proved tenable; and, when their defences
failed, to sell their lives dearly.

On the twenty-eighth of April, one of the patrolling parties reported
that the enemy were ascending the river from the lake, and that
they were in great force about three miles below. A few British and
Indians were also discovered on the opposite bank of the river, who
were driven off by the fire of an eighteen-pounder gun. A brigade of
Kentucky militia, twelve hundred strong, under General Green Clay,
were, at this time, approaching the fort from Cincinnati, and a
dispatch was now sent to quicken their march.

It was the intention of General Proctor, who commanded the British
force, which consisted of between nine and ten hundred regulars
and Canadian militia and twelve hundred Indians, to make a dash at
the American works, and carry them, before the garrison could be
reïnforced. The wary foresight of General Harrison frustrated his
design. Disappointed in his original purpose, the British commander
sat down deliberately before the fort, and began his preparations for
a regular investment. The light troops, and a part of the Indians,
were thrown across the river, with directions to occupy the most
favorable positions for annoying the garrison, while General Proctor
superintended the erection of batteries on the left bank. The fire
from the fort prevented the speedy completion of the batteries, as
the enemy were obliged to perform most of the work under cover of the
night. A warm fire was kept up on the garrison by their skirmishers,
but it produced little effect. No inconvenience, of especial
importance, was felt by the Americans, except the want of water; the
well in the fort not being completed, it was necessary to procure it
from the river, after nightfall, which was attended with considerable
risk, as bands of Indians were constantly lying in wait to intercept
stragglers.

[Sidenote: FORTUNATE ESCAPE.]

General Proctor completed his batteries, and mounted his guns, on
the first of May, and immediately opened a vigorous fire from one
twenty-four, one twelve, and one six-pounder, and one howitzer.
The guns in the fort were effectively served, in return. The enemy
produced no sensible impression, although General Harrison made a
fortunate escape. During the cannonade, he was seated on a bench
attentively watching the play of the guns, when a ball came plunging
down into the fort close beside him. With Napoleon at Montereau,
he might have said, “The bullet which is to kill me, is not yet
cast!”--The bench on which he was sitting, was shivered in pieces,
but he himself received no injury.

An additional battery was opened, on the third instant, at a distance
of two hundred and fifty yards from the fort, on the south side
of the river. On this a mortar was planted, from which a number
of shells were thrown. The Americans turned their guns upon it,
however; and their fire told so well, that it was soon silenced.
After the opening of the fire from the mortar battery, the garrison
was for the first time summoned to surrender. General Proctor assured
the American commander, in his summons, with the most bare-faced
effrontery, that he was actuated solely by the desire of sparing the
effusion of blood; that successful resistance was out of the question
against so numerous a force; and that a prompt surrender could alone
save the garrison from the horrors of Indian warfare. The reply of
General Harrison was such as became him:--while he had the honor to
command an American fort, he said, it should never be surrendered,
and, least of all, to General Proctor and the savage hordes with whom
he fraternized.

The enemy now pressed the siege with increased zeal, and the garrison
suffered far more than they had previously done, from the fire of the
Indians on the right bank of the river, who climbed the tall forest
trees, and, sheltered by the intertwining branches, rained their
rifle balls upon the heads of the American troops. A brisk fire was
maintained on both sides, till the morning of the fifth instant, when
a small party from the brigade of General Clay, then descending the
river from Fort Defiance, arrived at Fort Meigs, with the information
that the column to which they belonged was rapidly approaching.
General Harrison’s decision was soon taken: be resolved on making an
effort that day to raise the siege, and, having matured his plans,
dispatched a messenger to General Clay, with orders to land eight
hundred of his men on the left bank of the river and destroy the
enemy’s batteries, while a sortie should be made from the fort upon
those on the other side. The remainder of General Clay’s brigade were
directed to descend the right bank of the stream to the fort.

[Sidenote: APPROACH OF REINFORCEMENTS.]

General Harrison’s plan was a skilful one, and would have
been attended with complete success, had it not been for the
“superabundant bravery” of the Kentuckians. In compliance with his
orders, General Clay detached eight hundred of his best troops,
under Colonel Dudley, who landed his men in good order, and advanced
boldly upon the enemy’s batteries, in three columns. The British
were surprised at the suddenness of the attack, and abandoned their
guns almost instantly, leaving them in possession of the victors.
Unfortunately, the American officers lost all control over their
men. Animated by a burning thirst for vengeance, they refused to
obey the orders of General Harrison, directing them to spike the
cannon and retire across the river, but eagerly pursued the fugitive
artillerists, or engaged in a straggling contest with the Indians
who now made their appearance. The consequence was what might have
been foreseen. The enemy rallied, and being joined by a reïnforcement
from the main camp about two miles below, and a strong body of Indian
warriors under Tecumseh, who had just arrived, they became, in turn,
the aggressors. Colonel Dudley exerted himself to the utmost, to
draw off his men in safety, and lost his life in the attempt. The
Americans fought bravely; but they lacked discipline, as they wanted
discretion. But one hundred and fifty men of the command succeeded
in crossing the river and reaching the fort; the remainder being
killed, wounded, or taken prisoners.

The sortie on the right bank of the river was made by a detachment of
three hundred and fifty men, headed by Lieutenant Colonel Miller, of
the 19th infantry. Imitating the intrepid conduct of their leader,
they dashed upon the batteries, and drove out the artillerists and
their supporting party, at the point of the bayonet. After spiking
the cannon and destroying the carriages, Lieutenant Colonel Miller
returned with forty-two prisoners. While in the act of retiring, the
enemy rallied and pressed upon him; but he gallantly held them at bay
till he reached the fort,--having accomplished the object for which
his command was detached, in a short time, and with comparatively
trifling loss.

Meanwhile the remainder of General Clay’s command encountered the
Indians on the right bank of the river, where they landed, and routed
them with great ease. Incautiously advancing too far, they came very
near being drawn into an ambush, from which they were timely rescued
by General Harrison, who dispatched a troop of horse to cover their
retreat into the fort.

[Sidenote: RETREAT OF PROCTOR.]

On the sixth a tacit suspension of hostilities took place, which
continued during that and the two following days. After the sortie,
the Indian warriors, in accordance with their custom, began
to return, in large numbers, to their villages,--the eloquent
remonstrances of Tecumseh proving powerless to detain them. General
Proctor now feared that the Americans would soon turn upon him,
and he well knew that he had but little to hope from the outraged
Kentuckians, should the fortune of war place him in their power.
He therefore decided to abandon the attempt on the fort, and on the
evening of the ninth instant commenced embarking his ordnance and
stores. A warm fire from the American guns checked the movement
for the time; but, early in the morning of the tenth, he made a
precipitate retreat down the river with his whole command.

The Americans lost two hundred and seventy men, killed and wounded,
during the siege. That of the enemy was probably about one hundred.
Although the defence of the fort was attended by no brilliant
successes, the savages were thereby prevented from making their
hostile incursions into the settlements.

At the opening of the season, General Harrison became convinced that
the command of Lake Erie would be decisive of the campaign, and
that without it a column could not be supplied with the ordnance
and heavy stores necessary for a march on Detroit, or Malden. He
therefore recommended the construction of a fleet, and Captain Perry
was detailed for this service. While the naval preparations were in
progress, General Harrison left Fort Meigs in charge of General Clay,
and repaired to Franklinton, where the new regiments from Ohio and
Kentucky were ordered to rendezvous. At this place, also, he received
into the service a large body of Indian warriors, belonging to the
friendly tribes in the state of Ohio, and the territories of Indiana
and Illinois, who could not be induced to remain neutral, especially
as they had recently been attacked by the hostile Indians; but,
unlike the British officers, whose conduct throughout contrasts so
unfavorably with his, he pledged them to spare their prisoners, and
to refrain from injuring defenceless women and children.

During the summer months, while General Harrison necessarily remained
inactive, the British made several threatening movements upon Fort
Meigs, Fort Stephenson, (at Lower Sandusky,) Cleveland and Erie.
Towards the latter part of July, General Proctor again made his
appearance before Fort Meigs, with between three and four thousand
troops, including his Indian allies. General Clay was well prepared
for his reception, and on discovering this, he retired down the
river. Accompanied by about five hundred regulars and militia, and
seven or eight hundred savages, he proceeded to Fort Stephenson, then
garrisoned by Major Croghan, with one hundred and sixty men, and
a single six-pounder gun. The fort was invested, and the garrison
summoned to surrender; the usual threat in regard to the ferocity
of the Indians being added, with a view of terrifying the garrison.
Nowise intimidated by the superior force of the enemy, the gallant
Croghan replied that, “when the fort should be taken, there would be
none left to massacre,--as it would not be given up while a man was
able to fight.”

[Sidenote: PERRY’S VICTORY.]

The breaking day was spreading its warm bright flush over the
surrounding scenery, on the second of August when the enemy opened a
vigorous fire from three six-pounders planted on the shore during the
night, and two six-pounders and a howitzer in their gunboats lying
in the Sandusky. The fire was kept up all day, though with trifling
effect, and just before sunset, an assaulting column of three
hundred and fifty men, led by Lieutenant Colonel Short, advanced to
the storm,--several feints being made, at the same time, to draw
the attention of the besieged from the real point of attack. Major
Croghan was not to be deceived; loading his six-pounder to its utmost
capacity, with grape and slugs, he placed it at a masked porthole in
a blockhouse at the northwestern angle of the work, so as to rake the
ditch. This proved to be the point assailed. Enveloped in smoke, the
assailants advanced rapidly up the glacis. When within twenty paces
of the ditch, a volley of musketry caused them to stagger. Rallied by
their commander, the foremost files sprang with him into the ditch.
At the instant, the charge of the six-pounder was poured in upon
them, strewing its fiery pathway with the dying and the dead. The
head of the column was completely cut off, and the remainder fled
in confusion, leaving behind them their fallen leader, and a great
number of their comrades.

General Proctor made no further effort to reduce the fort. Retreating
in haste to his boats, he retired down the river to the lake, and
thence to Malden,--having lost, in this fruitless attempt, one
hundred and fifty men, either killed or wounded. The Americans had
but one man killed and seven wounded.

After weeks and months of incessant toil, Commodore Perry finally got
his fleet in readiness. On the fourth of August he crossed the bar at
Erie with his squadron,--consisting of three brigs, five schooners,
and one sloop, carrying fifty-four guns,--and sailed in quest of the
enemy. On the tenth of September, off Put-in Bay, he encountered the
British squadron, under Captain Barclay, consisting of two ships, one
brig, two schooners, and one sloop, carrying, in all, sixty-three
guns. A desperate engagement, of three hours’ duration, terminated
in the surrender of the hostile fleet. This well-fought action was
the prelude to one equally glorious, and removed the only obstacle to
the advance of the northwestern army into Canada.

Commodore Perry immediately returned to Put-in Bay, to coöperate with
the land forces in an expedition already projected. General Harrison
soon concentrated all his disposable troops, among whom were between
three and four thousand Kentucky volunteers, under Governor Shelby,
at this point. The regiment of mounted men commanded by Colonel R.
M. Johnson, one thousand strong, was ordered to proceed to Detroit
by land; and the remainder of the army embarked on the vessels of
Commodore Perry, in which they were transported to the islands in the
vicinity of Malden. On the twenty-seventh of September they effected
a landing on the Canada shore, about three miles below that post.

The hour of reckoning had come for General Proctor and the savage
banditti whom he had gathered round him. Strong in his position
at Malden, and in the men and means necessary for its defence, he
yet lacked the courage to maintain it. The earnest exhortations of
Tecumseh and the other Indian chiefs, who entreated him to remain
firm, failed to reässure him. He felt that a cause which had been
sullied by so much of dishonor, was, indeed, hopeless; and he
feared, as well he might, to meet the awakened wrath of the kinsmen
and friends of the brave men who perished on the Raisin. Under his
orders, the fort was dismantled and blown up, and the navy yard,
barracks, and store-houses were burned. He then retreated hastily
towards the river Thames, or La Tranchée, with his whole force,
taking with him large stores of private property, which he had
plundered from American prisoners, and the citizens of Detroit.

[Sidenote: PURSUIT OF PROCTOR.]

General Harrison followed the flying Proctor on the twenty-eighth,
moving forward with as much rapidity as was possible. Many of the
Kentuckians were mounted men, but they had been obliged to leave
their horses on the American shore. The enemy had taken away
everything of the kind, except a single horse, on which Governor
Shelby was mounted; who, though in his sixty-third year, pressed
forward with all the ardor and enthusiasm of twenty-one. The army
reached Sandwich on the twenty-ninth instant, and General Harrison
sent a detachment across the river to take possession of Detroit,
then occupied by hostile Indians. On the thirtieth, Colonel Johnson
joined the army with his regiment, and preparations were at once made
for continuing the pursuit of General Proctor,--who, on arriving
at the Thames, had proceeded up the valley of the river, with the
intention of making his way to the British posts about the head of
Lake Ontario.

The Americans resumed the march on the second of October,--the
mounted rifles of Colonel Johnson leading the van. General Harrison
was accompanied by Commodore Perry and General Cass, as volunteer
aids; his whole force consisted of about thirty-five hundred men,
most of whom were Kentuckians.[10] From the highest to the lowest,
all manifested the same eager spirit; every heart throbbed high with
excitement. The time to which they had looked forward with so many
anxious hopes, had arrived: Proctor and Tecumseh,--the marauders of
the one, and the murderers of the other,--were before them!

[Sidenote: PROCTOR AND TECUMSEH.]

General Harrison and his men pressed forward with such rapidity,
that, on the first day of their march, they made twenty-six miles.
On the next, they captured a British officer and eleven men, from
whom they learned that Proctor had not received any intimations of
their approach that he could rely upon. On the fourth instant, they
were detained several hours at Chatham, seventeen miles above Lake
St. Clair, at a deep creek that flowed into the Thames, the bridge
over which had been partly destroyed by the enemy. While the men
were engaged in repairing it, they were fired on by some Indians who
appeared on the opposite bank; but the latter were quickly dispersed
by the artillery of Colonel Wood, and the rifles of Colonel Johnson’s
command. At this place, also, the Americans found two thousand stand
of arms, and a quantity of clothing, which had been abandoned by
Proctor in his flight. After crossing the creek, General Harrison
continued the pursuit for four miles, capturing several pieces
of cannon, and forcing the enemy to destroy three of the vessels
containing their supplies. His men being considerably jaded by the
march, he encamped, late at night, almost within striking distance
of the allied force of British and Indians. On the morning of the
fifth of October, the mounted men, marching from two to three miles
in front of the infantry, discovered the enemy drawn up in order of
battle, across a narrow strip of woodland on the north bank of the
Thames, near the Moravian village.

The nobler aspirations of the soldier,--if, indeed, they ever
existed in the breast of General Proctor,--had long since given
way to cowardice and avarice. His chief anxiety now was, to escape
with his ill-gotten booty. Unwisely incumbered with baggage, his
army was delayed till their pursuers were close upon them. On the
afternoon of the fourth instant, it became evident that he must soon
be overtaken. When he halted for the night, he was still uncertain
what to do. After all was still, at a late hour, Tecumseh and himself
silently descended the river in a boat, and reconnoitred the American
position. The former earnestly advised a night attack, but the latter
dared not risk the encounter, and determined to make one more effort
for escape on the morrow.

What a study would that be for the painter!--Proctor and Tecumseh
on the Thames, at the dead hour of night--no moon to cheer or light
them--the stars gleaming dimly over their heads--and the solemn
stillness unbroken, save by the gentle murmuring of the river, the
low sighing of the breeze, or, it might be, the deep, melodious
notes of the wood thrush, echoing sweetly through the forest; the
red warrior arrayed in all the gorgeous attire of his race, his tall
frame swelling with a manly pride, and his eye blazing like the young
eagle’s, as, in clear ringing tones, he thundered forth his fierce
invectives on the American people, and entreated his companion to
give the signal for a midnight onset; the other shrinking, like a
craven, beside him, and with faltering lips expressing his fears
and doubts,--his fears, lest the vigilance of Harrison had provided
against a surprise, and his doubts as to the issue!

General Proctor persevered in his retreat, on the morning of the
fifth, until he found that it would be absolutely impossible to make
his escape. He then decided to make a stand. Ordering a halt, he
prepared his men for action. His regular troops, about eight hundred
strong, were formed across the road, in two lines, in open order, on
a narrow isthmus covered with thrifty beeches; their left, supported
by the artillery, resting on the river, and their right on a swamp
Tuning parallel to the stream. The Indians, under Tecumseh, to the
number of two thousand, were posted beyond the swamp, their right
thrown forward, and resting on another dense morass,--thus forming
an obtuse angle with the alignment of the regular troops. It was the
intention of the British general, that the Indians should precipitate
themselves upon the left flank of the American troops as soon as the
latter were engaged with the regulars; and the ground highly favored
his purpose. Had he protected his front by an abattis, or even thrown
a few trees horizontally across the road, the result might have been
more doubtful, but, as it was, the action was scarcely contested, so
far as he was concerned, and soon became a complete rout.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF THE THAMES.]

The original plan of General Harrison, when he saw the advantages of
the enemy’s position, was, to advance upon them with his infantry
regiments; and for this purpose he had formed the division of General
Henry, in three lines, on the right, with the division of General
Desha, _en potence_, on their left. The regulars, but one hundred
and twenty in number, were stationed on the margin of the river, and
instructed, at the favorable moment, to advance upon and seize the
enemy’s guns. But on the return of Colonel Wood, who had been sent
forward to reconnoitre, the fact was disclosed, that General Proctor
had formed his men, as has been mentioned, in open order; whereupon
General Harrison instantly varied his mode of attack, and directed
Colonel Johnson, who had urgently solicited the honor, to charge
upon the British line with his regiment of mounted rifles, while
the infantry should promptly follow the movement.--This order was
certainly an unusual one, in military tactics,--although the regiment
had been carefully drilled to charge upon infantry, especially in
the woods,--and it has been severely criticised, and sometimes
censured. It was, doubtless, unexpected by General Proctor; and for
that reason, if no other, was the best, as it proved to be the most
fortunate, that could have been adopted under the circumstances.[11]

Just before the trumpets sounded the attack, Colonel Johnson
discovered a narrow passage of firm earth leading across the swamp
on his left. He then directed his brother, Lieutenant Colonel James
Johnson, to charge the British line with the first battalion of his
regiment, while he crossed the swamp with the second, and engaged
the Indians. At the signal, the two battalions advanced slowly, in
parallel columns,--the infantry following closely in their rear.

At the first fire, the horses in front of the column led by
Lieutenant Colonel Johnson, recoiled,--but it was corrected in
a moment. The bugles pealed forth their cheering notes; the men
plunged their rowels into their chargers’ sides; and away they all
went, thundering down upon the enemy--an army of avengers--ready to
smite and to slay. Bounding over every obstacle, receiving another
fire almost unharmed, and riding down all who opposed, with fearful
yells they dashed through and through the British columns, showering
their balls on every side. In an instant they turned and delivered a
most effective volley. Stupefied and disconcerted by the suddenness
of the onset, and nearly hemmed in between two walls of fire, the
enemy made no resistance, but threw down their arms, and begged for
quarter. The brave Kentuckians--to their honor be it said--spared
all who surrendered. Proctor himself, accompanied by about forty
regulars and some mounted Indians, made his escape, though hotly
pursued, to Burlington heights, where he was publicly reprimanded for
his cowardly conduct, by the same officer--Sir George Prevost--who
had commended his brutality at Frenchtown. His private carriage and
papers, his sword, and all his plunder, fell into the hands of the
victors.

On the left, Tecumseh and his warriors refused to fly. The advance
of the column headed by Colonel Johnson was retarded by the uneven
character of the ground; his horses floundered in the morass, and
strove in vain to penetrate the dense thickets of underbrush. He soon
found that the charge must fail, and directed his men to dismount
and take cover. Darting from tree to tree, they now pressed upon the
enemy, and after a short, but animated contest, broke through the
line and gained their rear. The Indians quickly rallied in force,
further to the left, and threw their whole weight on the column of
infantry under General Desha. A slight impression was at one time
made, but Governor Shelby immediately restored the line by leading up
another regiment to the support of the wavering column.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF TECUMSEH.]

Still the battle raged with great fury. The voice of Tecumseh was
heard above the din of arms, and his tones rang loud and clear as the
notes of a trumpet, as he called upon his gallant braves to stand
firm to the last. Colonel Johnson, though severely wounded, and a
number of his best officers and soldiers, had already made their way
to the spot where the undaunted chieftain and his bravest warriors
had collected. Here the battle was fiercely fought. In the _mêlée_,
Tecumseh fell, as it is supposed, by the hand of Colonel Johnson.[12]
This determined the contest. On the fall of their leader, the
Indians abandoned the ground, and with an unearthly whoop, like
the wail of lost spirits, disappeared in the forest. It was the
_death-halloo_ for their leader--the most formidable enemy among the
red men with whom the whites have had to contend, since the days of
Pontiac. With him their cause was prostrated--with him perished their
hopes, forever!

The American force actually engaged in this battle, numbered about
twenty-five hundred; the enemy had eight hundred and forty-five
regular troops, and there were two thousand Indians. The former
lost fifty killed and wounded; of the British there were eighteen
killed, twenty-six wounded, and about six hundred made prisoners.
The Americans also captured a large quantity of arms, ammunition,
and provisions, and six pieces of artillery--three of which were
captured in the Revolution, at Saratoga and Yorktown, and had been
surrendered by General Hull. But, what was of vastly more importance,
the territory which had been overrun by the enemy, was recovered,
and the frontiers were rescued from the depredations of the savages.
By the result of this engagement, the hostile Indians were cut off
from their communications with the British posts in Canada, except
the remote one at Mackinaw. Previous to the battle, an armistice
had been entered into with the Ottawas and Chippewas, who agreed to
take up arms against the British, and shortly afterwards a similar
arrangement was entered into with the Miamis and Potowatomies.

[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE VICTORY.]

“The victory of Harrison,” said Langdon Cheves, alluding, on the
floor of Congress, to the battle of the Thames, “was such as would
have secured to a Roman general, in the best days of the republic,
the honors of a triumph.” It was the first considerable action in
which the American arms were triumphant, and, in connection with
Perry’s success on Lake Erie, served greatly to revive the drooping
spirits of the American people. The heroes of the two engagements
were toasted and fêted wherever they went; salutes, bonfires,
illuminations, and resolutions of thanks, attested, alike, their
merits, and the gratitude of their countrymen.

Having completed the object of the expedition, and not having orders
to proceed further into the enemy’s country, General Harrison
commenced his retrograde march to Detroit, eighty miles distant, on
the seventh of October, and arrived there on the tenth. The Kentucky
volunteers were soon after conducted to their homes by the venerable
Governor Shelby, and in a few days General Harrison embarked in the
fleet of Commodore Perry, for Buffalo, with the brigade of General
M’Arthur,--General Cass remaining with his brigade at Detroit.
Harrison reached Buffalo on the twenty-fourth of October; the
brigade of General M’Arthur proceeded down Lake Ontario to join the
unsuccessful expedition under General Wilkinson; and there being a
sufficient number of general officers already assigned to that duty,
General Harrison was permitted to return home on a furlough.

While at Buffalo, General Harrison addressed a letter to General
Vincent, the officer commanding the British troops in the Peninsula,
in reply to one he had received from General Proctor, immediately
after the battle of the Thames, requesting the restoration of the
private property and papers captured on that occasion. The letter
entered into a lengthy review of the course of the English government
in employing the savages, the barbarities committed by their allies,
and the cruel manner in which prisoners of war had been treated by
both Indians and British; contrasting with the conduct of the English
and their allies, the kindness and clemency which had distinguished
the American officers and soldiers, during the war. While he declared
that, in future, retaliation would be made for Indian outrages, he
appealed to General Vincent, as a man, to exert his influence in
preventing the commission of such atrocities. “Use, I pray you,
your authority and influence,” said the letter of Harrison, “to
stop the dreadful effusion of innocent blood which proceeds from
the employment of those savage monsters, whose aid, as must now be
discovered, is so little to be depended on when most wanted, and
which can have so trifling an effect on the issue of the war.” The
reply of General Vincent to this letter, so creditable to the heart
of the writer, was evasive, although he pledged himself to join with
General Harrison in attempting to alleviate the calamities to which
the latter had referred.

[Sidenote: DEMONSTRATIONS OF RESPECT.]

This was the last important act of the military service of General
Harrison. Shortly after the letter was written, he returned home, on
a visit to his family, by way of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore,
and Washington; being received at each place on his route with the
most flattering demonstrations of respect. After spending a few
weeks at the capital, he continued his journey homeward, everywhere
encountering the same unmistakable evidences of esteem and gratitude.

Connected with his stay at Washington, there is an anecdote on
record, which shows that his gallantry towards his fair countrywomen,
was fully equal to that other quality, bearing the same name, that
he had exhibited on the field of battle. At one of the drawing rooms
of Mrs. Madison, a handsome and highly connected lady, one of the
reigning belles at the capital, informed the president that she had
laid her commands on General Harrison to meet her there on that
occasion.--“That he cannot do,” said Mr. Madison, in his usual bland,
but positive tone; “he left Washington this morning, with his horses
and attendants, and must now be some twenty or thirty miles on his
way to the west.”--“Still,” replied the lady, archly, “he must be
here, for I laid my commands on him, and he is too gallant a man to
disobey me!”--“We shall soon see,” returned the president, “whose
orders he obeys.”--After the lapse of a few moments, the question
was settled by the appearance of General Harrison and his suite in
full military costume, and President Madison was for once obliged to
acknowledge that he was mistaken.

The military districts into which the country was divided during
the war of 1812, were so extensive, that it was very often deemed
necessary to transmit orders directly from the War Department to a
subordinate officer, at the same time forwarding duplicates to the
commander of the district. This practice frequently occasioned, as it
has since done, ill-feeling and dissatisfaction. It was condemned by
General Harrison as being wholly inconsistent with subordination, and
similar views were afterwards taken by some of our most distinguished
officers--among others, Generals Jackson, Scott, and Taylor. Harrison
remonstrated against the practice in earnest terms. The Secretary of
War, General Armstrong, being not well disposed towards him, a sharp
and acrimonious correspondence ensued. President Madison insisted on
continuing the practice, and in the spring of 1814, General Harrison
tendered his resignation. The president was absent from Washington at
the time the letter was received, and the resignation was accepted by
the Secretary.

President Madison sincerely regretted the separation of General
Harrison from the army, and in a letter soon after written to
Governor Shelby, he said, that the resignation “would not have
been accepted, had he been in Washington.” That his confidence in
Harrison was never in the least degree weakened, is evident, from the
fact that he afterwards employed him to conduct several extremely
difficult negotiations with various tribes of Indians.

General Harrison continued to discharge the duties of governor of
the territory of Indiana, until it was admitted into the Union as
a state, in 1816, when he retired to his farm at North Bend, a few
miles below Cincinnati, in Hamilton county, Ohio. In the same year
he was elected a member of the House of Representatives of the
United States. He afterwards represented the district in which he
resided in the State Senate, and in 1824 was chosen a Senator in
Congress. As a legislator, General Harrison was distinguished for his
practical common sense. Though he spoke but rarely, he was considered
an efficient debater. His views on all subjects were regarded
with respect, and those having reference to the reörganization of
the army, and the peculiar interests of the western states and
territories, were listened to with especial deference.

[Sidenote: APPOINTED MINISTER TO COLOMBIA.]

In 1828, at his solicitation, he was appointed by President J. Q.
Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of Colombia. The
distracted condition of the country prevented his accomplishing
anything of importance, though his brief residence there was
signalized by a letter addressed to Bolivar, replete with good
advice, and full of noble and manly sentiments. “To be esteemed
eminently great,” said he, “it is necessary to be eminently good.
The qualities of the hero and the general must be devoted to the
advantage of mankind, before he will be permitted to assume the title
of their benefactor; and the station which he will hold in their
regard and affections, will depend, not upon the number and splendor
of his victories, but upon the results, and the use he may make of
the influence he acquires from them.”--Trite and common-place as
these sentiments may at this day seem to the American reader, had
they but formed the rule of the public conduct of Bolivar, he would
now be remembered only as the Liberator, not as the Dictator.

On the accession of General Jackson to the presidency, in 1829,
as the views of General Harrison in regard to the Panama question
differed from those of the new administration, he was recalled, and
again returned to the avocations of private life. Though he had had
numerous opportunities of amassing wealth in the various offices
which he had filled, he was still in moderate circumstances. In 1834,
on the almost unanimous petition of the citizens of Hamilton county,
he was appointed prothonotary of the county court, the duties of
which he discharged, in person, for several years. In 1836, he was
supported, in some of the states, though with no expectation of being
elected, for the office of President, and received seventy-three of
the electoral votes.

He was still leading a happy and contented life in his retirement at
North Bend,--

“A simple husbandman, in garments gray,”--

when he was nominated as the candidate of the Whig party for the
presidency, in December, 1839. In the following year, he was elected
to the office, over his competitor, Mr. Van Buren, by an overwhelming
majority,--receiving two hundred and thirty-four out of two hundred
and ninety-four electoral votes. On the fourth of March, 1841, he
took the oath of office, and delivered his inaugural address, amid
a large concourse of spectators. Selecting as his cabinet advisers,
some of the most distinguished statesmen of the country, from the
party to which he belonged, he entered on his administration under
the most flattering prospects of success.

[Sidenote: ELECTED PRESIDENT.--HIS DEATH.]

One brief month terminated his earthly career, and marred all the
bright hopes of those who had elevated him to that high station.
Instead of the brilliant _cortège_ that accompanied him on the
occasion of his inauguration, another procession--without the joyous
salvos of artillery, or the lively strains of martial music--but
clothed in the habiliments of mourning, with banners shrouded in
crape, with weeping plumes, with arms reversed, and muffled drums,
followed his remains to the Congressional Cemetery.

A few days after his arrival at Washington, the president caught a
severe cold, which, in connection with the unaccustomed excitement,
and the harassing nature of his new duties, soon prostrated him on a
sick bed. In spite of the utmost efforts of his medical attendants,
he rapidly grew worse. His system had received a fatal shock; and on
the fourth day of April, 1841,--in the same mansion where, nearly
thirty years before, he had attended the gay _soiree_ of Mrs.
Madison--he died, expressing, with his latest breath, as his spirit
gathered its pinions for its eternal flight, his anxious desire, that
the constitution of the country should, in all things, be the guide
of those upon whom his official duties were about to devolve.

General Harrison was simple and frugal in his habits, and, until
his last fatal illness, enjoyed good bodily health. He was tall and
slender in person, and his dark eyes gleamed with intelligence. An
analysis of his character presents few marked, or striking points.
The qualities of his heart were probably more conspicuous than
those of his head. He was liberal and friendly, social and generous
in his disposition. “His heart,” says Governor Metcalfe, “was
expanded, and always in the right place”:--it was brimful of kindly
affections--overflowing with benevolence and love.

He possessed a happy combination of mental faculties; he was a
plain, practical man,--a man, not of pretence, but of action. His
voluminous correspondence, as governor of Indiana Territory, his
speeches in Congress, his official dispatches, and his inaugural
address, indicate a sound judgment, strong good sense, and a
well-cultivated mind. His integrity was of that sterling character
which is proof against temptation. As a soldier, he was usually
successful, because he was not rash or impulsive, but cautious and
prudent. He was patient in adversity, and never easily disconcerted;
he was calm, collected, and resolute--and therefore always fitted
for an emergency, how trying soever it might be. But, what was still
worthier and better, throughout his life, even to the closing hour
of his existence, he was cheered and sustained, by the hopes of the
patriot, and the consolations of the Christian.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] The dispatch of General Wayne has been erroneously
printed, without the commendatory notice of
Lieutenant Harrison, and other officers, but it may
be found in the original.

[9] The expressive term among the Indians for “coward.”

[10] Among the Kentucky volunteers, concerned in this
expedition, were William T. Barry and Charles A.
Wickliffe, afterwards Postmasters-general of the
United States, and John J. Crittenden, for many years
a distinguished senator in Congress, subsequently
attorney general, again a member of the Senate, and,
at the present time, (1848,) governor of the State of
Kentucky.

[11] Nevertheless, it was the decided opinion of
Napoleon, (Las Casas, vii., 184,) that cavalry must
always break infantry, if led by equally brave
and resolute men. His cavalry won the victories
of Marengo, Austerlitz, and Jena; and a charge of
English dragoons, on the flank of his Old Guard, lost
him the day at Waterloo. It should be borne in mind,
however, that the mounted men of Colonel Johnson were
armed with rifles only, and, with the exception of
the officers, were without pistols and sabres.

[12] The honor of killing Tecumseh has been denied
Colonel Johnson upon strong circumstantial evidence.
In opposition to this we have the sincere belief of
the Colonel himself, that he shot the distinguished
Indian chief with his pistol; he could not well
be positive upon the subject, as he sank upon his
dying steed, the moment after he fired his piece,
completely exhausted from the loss of blood. His
bravery, however, cannot be questioned,--though
Tecumseh may not have fallen by his hand,--as he was
borne from the field in a blanket, while his blood
ran out at the ends.

ANDREW JACKSON.

“It is not in Indian wars”, said an eloquent writer and speaker of a
by-gone age,[13] “that heroes are celebrated; but in them they are
formed.”--Applied to the subject of this biographical sketch, the
remark is partly correct, partly not correct. His brilliant success
at New Orleans undoubtedly eclipsed all his former victories; but,
had that battle never been fought, it may be questioned whether the
Creek campaign would not have established his celebrity as a hero,
beyond dispute. Yet it must be admitted, that his military experience
was mainly acquired, and his military character formed, amid the
hardships and vicissitudes, the trials and dangers, of that campaign.
In this respect, he resembles some of the most eminent warriors that
America has produced, many of whom laid the foundation of future
renown and distinction, in the border wars with the aboriginal
inhabitants, which grew out of the discovery and settlement of the
country, or the subsequent encroachments of the whites.

The father of Andrew Jackson, though a native of Ireland, was
of Scotch descent.--During the reign of Henry II, in 1172, the
subjugation of the Emerald Isle was effected,--not so much by the
superior bravery of the English soldiery, as by the defection of
her own sons. The conquest entailed, on both oppressor and victim,
a fruitful legacy of war and bloodshed. It was followed by years of
strife and dissension--by centuries of tyrannical misrule on the one
hand, and resistance to wrong on the other. Time did not change the
character of the Irish peasantry; they were no loyal subjects of
their new masters,--neither did they remit their efforts to regain
their independence. Among other expedients resorted to by the English
government, for confirming their ascendancy, was the confiscation of
all the lands in Ulster, and large portions of the other provinces.
These were granted to new proprietors, and measures were taken to
colonize them from England and Scotland.

The Jackson family emigrated from Scotland at a very remote period,
and settled in the county of Antrim. Whether it was on account of
their proximity to the ancient seat of the O’Neals, in Tyrone, or
their intermarriage and intercourse with the original natives of
the country, is unknown; but it is nevertheless certain, that they
soon became imbued with the spirit of disaffection that had so long
prevailed in that quarter; and when the colonists began to experience
the bitterness of oppression, they, too, learned to hate the name and
authority of England.

Hugh Jackson, the grandfather of General Jackson, was a linen-draper,
and resided near Carrickfergus, on the Lough of Belfast. He had four
sons, who were plain respectable farmers, liberal and hospitable,
of strict integrity, and, like their forefathers, firm in their
adherence to the Church of Scotland. Andrew, the youngest, married
Elizabeth Hutchinson, by whom he had two sons, Hugh and Robert,
born in Ireland. Tired of the ceaseless turmoil and confusion that
distracted the country, and despairing of the success of any attempt
to relieve the Irish people from the grievances of which they
complained, he sold his farm, and, in 1765, determined to seek a more
tranquil and peaceful home in the western wilderness. Accompanied by
three of his neighbors, James, Robert, and Joseph Crawford, the first
of whom had married a sister of his wife, he embarked for America
with his family, and landed in safety, at Charleston, South Carolina.

[Sidenote: HIS BIRTH.]

Dissatisfied with the low country bordering on the coast, the
immigrants pushed into the interior of the colony. Lands were
purchased, and they all settled near each other, on Waxhaw creek,
one of the branches of the Catawba, in Lancaster district, about
forty-five miles above Camden, and near the boundary line of
North Carolina. Here, in this fine and healthy region, agreeably
diversified with hills and dales, and drained by the romantic
Catawba, Andrew Jackson, the younger, was born, on the fifteenth day
of March, 1767.

Not long after the birth of his third son, the elder Jackson died,
leaving to his wife and children a limited property, yet with
an honest and unsullied name. A double duty now devolved on the
surviving parent. Faithfully and nobly was it discharged. To the
resolute firmness and unflinching fortitude of the Spartan mother,
she united the piety and resignation, the trustful faith and
confidence, of the devoted Christian. Naturally gifted with a strong
mind, early disciplined in the school of adversity, and strengthened
by Him who is ever the stay and helper of the widow and orphan, no
difficulties deterred her from the accomplishment of her high and
holy task.

The property of which Mrs. Jackson was left in possession, consisted
of a new farm, without slaves; and it required the constant practice
of the most rigid economy and prudence, to enable her to provide
for the maintenance and education of her three young sons. After
her husband’s death, she took charge of Mr. Crawford’s family,--her
sister, Mrs. Crawford, being in feeble health. Her two younger sons,
Robert and Andrew, remained with her, and the oldest went to reside
with a neighbor. Hugh and Robert received only a common-school
education; but Andrew was designed by the, perhaps, partial mother,
for a more enlarged sphere of usefulness. She intended him for the
church, and therefore sent him to the Waxhaw Academy, then under the
charge of Mr. Humphries, where he acquired a knowledge of the various
English branches taught at that time, and had made considerable
progress in the Latin and Greek languages, when the ravages of the
revolutionary war, approaching nearer to this remote settlement, put
an end to his studies.

Sentiments of patriotism were early imbibed by the sons of Mrs.
Jackson. Her instructions, and the example of their friends and
kindred, inspired them, in childhood, with an ardent love of
liberty. Reminiscences of “father-land” were often mingled with
her teachings; she recounted deeds of cruelty and oppression that
fired their youthful bosoms with indignation; she told them of the
injustice under which their ancestors had suffered, and from which
their father had fled; and she reminded them, also, that the same
tyrannical power which had perpetrated these wrongs, was endeavoring
to reduce the American colonists to a state of abject and hopeless
slavery. Soon they beheld the watch-fires of liberty blazing up
on every hill-top and mountain, and heard the deep thunders of
war echoing through the pine-barrens and savannas of their own
sunny clime. The young and middle-aged men, in the Waxhaws and its
vicinity, were enrolled in companies, and met frequently for military
discipline, while their gray-headed sires looked on approvingly, and
bade them never shame the blood from which they sprung.

Boys though they were, the young Jacksons became deeply imbued with
the prevailing spirit. This was especially the case with Andrew, who
longed for the hour to arrive, when he would be able to shoulder
a musket, and perform some doughty enterprise, in defence of the
liberties of his country.

[Sidenote: INVASION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.]

The officers charged with, what proved to be the Sisyphian task, of
subjugating the colonial rebels, made their first principal efforts
in the northern provinces.[14] Foiled, or beaten here, they turned
their attention to the South. Savannah was reduced in December, 1778,
and South Carolina invaded in the spring of 1779. Among those who
marched out to meet the enemy, was Hugh Jackson, the oldest of the
three brothers; he belonged to the company commanded by Captain,
afterwards Colonel Davie, and was present at the battle of Stono, on
the twentieth of June, where he lost his life from the excessive
heat of the day. Early in 1780, a more formidable effort was made by
the enemy, in South Carolina. Charleston was invested by a strong
force, under Sir Henry Clinton, on the thirtieth of March; General
Lincoln, then at the head of the southern army, stoutly defended the
post, but was compelled to capitulate on the twelfth of May.

After the surrender of Charleston, the British commander divided his
army into three columns; one being directed to move up the Savannah
river to Augusta, another up the Congaree and Saluda to Ninety-six,
and the third, under Lord Cornwallis, up the Wateree to Camden. At
this time, there were several detachments, belonging to the American
army, in the country, who were not included in the capitulation.
One of these, consisting of about four hundred men, with two pieces
of artillery, was commanded by Colonel Buford, who, on the advance
of Cornwallis, retired up the Catawba, towards Charlotte, in North
Carolina. Colonel Tarleton was immediately dispatched, with two
hundred and seventy mounted men, in pursuit; by making rapid marches,
he came up with the party under Colonel Buford, at the Waxhaw
settlement, on the twenty-ninth of May. A brief, but bloody contest,
took place; the Americans were soon overcome by the dragoons of
Tarleton; quarter was rarely given when demanded; upwards of two
hundred and sixty of the detachment were killed, or desperately
wounded; and their artillery, with their ammunition and stores, fell
into the hands of the enemy.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF COLONEL BUFORD’S PARTY.]

A great portion of the American soldiers wounded in this conflict
were paroled on the spot, and left at the Waxhaws, to the humanity
of the inhabitants. The latter were not wanting in kind and generous
feelings, and their sympathy was freely bestowed on those who had
suffered and endured so much in behalf of the common cause. The
meeting-house in the settlement was speedily converted into a
hospital; nurses were provided,--Mrs. Jackson offering her services
with others; and every attention was paid to the comfort and wants of
the unfortunate victims of the brutal ferocity of Tarleton and his
followers. This was the first lesson learned by Andrew Jackson from
actual observation, in regard to the horrors of war,--and it produced
a powerful impression on his mind. So far from being intimidated,
however, by the sufferings which he witnessed, his desire for taking
part in the struggle was only stimulated and quickened.

Not long after this bloody catastrophe, Lord Rawdon was dispatched by
Cornwallis into the Waxhaw settlement, with a large body of troops,
to practice the same sanguinary measures which had been adopted in
other parts of the province. Upon the fall of Charleston, marauding
parties of British dragoons were sent out to scour the country;
the timid were conciliated, and the refractory punished; rapine,
murder, and violence, were committed with impunity; members of the
same family were arrayed against each other, and all were made to
suffer the misery and wretchedness ever attendant on civil war. The
loyalists, or Tories, gladly hailed the appearance of the British
troops; others consented to take protection, as it was called, in
the hope, often a mistaken one, of enjoying an immunity from attack;
but there were many who refused to waver in their allegiance to the
Confederation.

Mrs. Jackson and her two sons, with a number of the Waxhaw settlers,
retired before Lord Rawdon, into North Carolina, where they remained
for several days, and until he was recalled to Camden. Resistance
had now nearly ceased; and the British officers began to flatter
themselves with the belief that the province was completely subdued.
But a few weeks elapsed, however, ere General Sumter, who resided
near the Waxhaws, returned from North Carolina, where he had also
been a voluntary exile, and raised the patriot standard, at the head
of his small but gallant band. Other partisan corps, under Marion,
Pickens, and Davie, were soon formed. Without pay; scantily supplied
with clothing and subsistence; provided with guns of every form and
calibre, and swords and lances fashioned out of the rude implements
of husbandry; and mainly relying for ammunition on their captures
from the enemy,--these brave yeomen rendezvoused in the swamps and
forests of South Carolina, where they bivouacked, night after night,
in the open air, and from which they darted forth on detached parties
of British and Tories, like the eagle on its prey.

[Sidenote: HIS FIRST BATTLE.]

On the thirtieth of July, General Sumter, with about six hundred
men, made an unsuccessful attack on the advanced post of the
British, at Rocky Mount. Three desperate efforts demonstrated the
impracticability of carrying the enemy’s fortifications, and being
entirely without cannon, he was obliged to draw off his command. He
was now reïnforced by a party of the Waxhaw settlers, under Colonel
Davie, and, on the sixth of August, proceeded against the post
at Hanging Rock, midway between Camden and the Waxhaws. The first
onset was attended with complete success. The enemy were driven
from their camp, and took shelter in the main work. Unfortunately,
many of Sumter’s men had fasted so long, that they preferred to
search for something to eat and drink, rather than to advance and
secure the victory, by carrying the post, which might then have been
easily accomplished. A quantity of liquor was found in the camp, and
they commenced drinking, in opposition to the urgent remonstrances
of their commander. Apprehending the worst consequences if they
remained, he resolved to retire to his encampment before they became
wholly ungovernable.

The corps of Colonel Davie particularly distinguished itself
on this occasion. Prominent among its members, were Lieutenant
James Crawford, and Robert and Andrew Jackson,--the latter a mere
stripling, but thirteen years of age; yet, in heart and soul, he was
a man. This was his first battle, and the accounts we have of it show
that both he and his brother rendered good service.

Ten days after this affair, General Gates was terribly defeated by
Lord Cornwallis, and, two days later, General Sumter, overburdened
with baggage and prisoners--having recently captured a convoy of
British stores, with their escort, coming up from Charleston to
Camden--was surprised by Colonel Tarleton, and his band routed and
dispersed. Following up the advantage he had gained, Cornwallis
marched with his whole army, on the eighth of September, in the
direction of Charlotte, whither the remnant of Gates’ army had
fled. On his approach to the Waxhaw settlement, Mrs. Jackson again
retired into North Carolina, passing through Charlotte, on her way to
Guilford county, on the morning of the day upon which the British van
approached the town. She was accompanied by her two sons, neither of
whom, on account of their youth, was yet permanently attached to a
military corps.

Cornwallis soon found great difficulty in maintaining himself at
Charlotte. His communications with the seaboard were cut off, and his
supplies intercepted, by the partisans; and his position became still
more embarrassing, upon the defeat, and almost total annihilation,
of Major Ferguson’s command, at King’s Mountain, on the seventh of
October. He therefore determined to retreat, before he was entirely
surrounded by the aroused and patriotic militia of the Carolinas. On
the fourteenth of October, he retraced his steps to the Waxhaws, and
shortly after established himself at Winnsborough, where he awaited
the arrival of reinforcements.

Besides other affairs, of minor importance, but equally honorable
to the American cause, the battle of the Cowpens, and the masterly
retreat of General Greene, took place during the ensuing winter,
while Mrs. Jackson and her sons, with other Waxhaw settlers, remained
in North Carolina. Early in February, 1781, Cornwallis crossed the
Yadkin, in pursuit of Greene; and she and her friends thereupon
returned to their homes, although they were in the immediate vicinity
of the British posts, and the country around was full of armed
parties of Tories, whose cruelties and enormities were every day
becoming more barbarous and revolting.

[Sidenote: DARING AND RESOLUTION.]

The struggle now began to assume, especially in the Carolinas, a yet
more direful aspect. A fierce war of extermination was waged between
Whigs and Tories. The two parties, or factions--call them what we
may--could not exist on the same soil. The former had imperilled
everything in the effort to secure their independence, and they
fought for the safety, not merely of themselves, but of their wives
and children, their property, their all! Boys, as well as men,
engaged in this bloody warfare, and it was amid its trying scenes,
that the stern and inflexible daring and resolution were formed and
manifested, which distinguished Andrew Jackson in after life.

The two young Jacksons kept their horses and guns, like their
neighbors, and were always ready for any enterprise of danger or
difficulty. Among other services which they performed, was that
of keeping guard at the houses of the Whig officers who resided
near them, when they desired to visit their families. The conduct
of Andrew on one of these occasions,--his rapidity of thought and
action,--afforded a signal presage of future ability:--

A captain in the colonial service, by the name of Lands, desired to
spend a night with his family, at his house, on the right bank of the
Catawba, a short distance below the mouth of the Waxhaw. Robert and
Andrew Jackson, one of the Crawfords, and five other men, including
a recent deserter from the British army, constituted his guard. With
the captain, there were nine men, and but seven muskets. Having no
apprehensions of an attack, they laid down on their arms, upon the
floor of the house, and all went to sleep, except the deserter, whose
fears of a recapture kept him awake. Meantime a party of Tories, who
had been apprised of Lands’ return, were on the way to surprise and
kill him. The house was approached on the south, by a road leading
through a wood. The Tories gained the rear of the stable, that stood
in one corner of the inclosed yard around the house, unobserved.
Behind this their horses were tied, and, dividing into two parties,
they then advanced against the dwelling, which had two doors; one
facing the east,--in front of which was a forked apple tree,--and the
other the west.

The deserter, who remained on the watch, hearing a noise about the
stable, went out to discover from whence it proceeded. He had gone,
but a few steps from the door, when he descried the party of Tories
approaching the east end of the building. Instantly darting back,
he caught Andrew Jackson, who lay nearest the door, by the hair,
crying out in alarm, “The Tories are upon us--the Tories are upon
us!” Andrew was on his feet in a moment; seizing his gun, he darted
out of the house, and thrusting the piece through the fork of the
apple tree, loudly hailed the advancing party. No answer was given.
He repeated the hail,--still there was no reply. He then fired,
and at the same instant a volley was returned by the enemy, which
killed the deserter, who stood at his side. This prompt movement on
his part, however, saved the inmates of the house. The first party
of Tories were brought to a stand, and, in the darkness, their fire
was mistaken by their comrades, who were moving towards the west
door, for that of a sallying party. The latter also halted, and a
brisk fire commenced between the two parties. After discharging his
piece, Andrew Jackson returned into the house, and, with two others,
commenced firing from the west door. Both his companions were shot
down, one of them being mortally wounded; but he escaped untouched.
The two bands of Tories still continued to pour their volleys into
each other, and upon the house, till they were alarmed by the notes
of a cavalry trumpet, sounding the charge, in the distance, when they
mounted their horses, and fled in hot haste. The charge was sounded
by a Major Isbel, who was in the neighborhood, but had not a single
man with him. He had heard the firing, and, presuming that Lands’
house was attacked, had taken this means to alarm the assailants,
which fortunately proved effectual.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON THE WAXHAW SETTLERS.]

After the departure of Cornwallis from South Carolina, Lord Rawdon,
whose head-quarters were at Camden, was left in command. By this
time, the stubborn patriotism of the Waxhaw settlers was well
understood; and on being advised of their return, he dispatched
Major Coffin, with a corps of light dragoons, a company of infantry,
and a number of Tories, to capture them. On being informed of
their danger, the settlers resolved that they would no longer fly,
but maintain their ground at all hazards. A day was appointed for
the male inhabitants in the settlement, capable of bearing arms,
to assemble at the Waxhaw meeting-house, which was fixed upon as
the place of rendezvous. Punctual, at the time and place, about
forty of the settlers,--Robert and Andrew Jackson being among the
number,--had collected, and were waiting for a friendly company,
under Captain Nesbit, when they saw what they supposed to be the
expected reïnforcement,--but which, in reality, was the detachment
of Major Coffin, with the Tories, who wore the usual dress of the
country, in front,--approaching at a rapid rate. The deception was
not discovered, till the British dashed in among them, cleaving down
all who stood in their way. Eleven of the party were taken prisoners;
the remainder sprang upon their horses, and most of them made their
escape.

Andrew Jackson was accompanied in his flight, by his cousin,
Lieutenant Thomas Crawford; but, in passing over a piece of marshy
ground, the horse of the latter mired and fell, and he was wounded
and taken prisoner. Young Jackson shortly after encountered his
brother, who had also eluded pursuit. They remained together
during the night, and, at dawn on the following morning, concealed
themselves in a dense thicket, on the bank of Cain Creek, near the
house of Lieutenant Crawford. During the day they became very hungry,
and, deeming themselves secure, ventured out to the house. A boy was
directed to watch the road; but while* they were satisfying their
hunger, a band of Tories and dragoons, who had discovered their
retreat, and captured their horses and guns, which were left behind
them, suddenly made their appearance, and surrounded the house.
Resistance could be of no avail, and escape was impossible. They
therefore surrendered themselves prisoners of war.

[Sidenote: TAKEN PRISONER TO CAMDEN.]

Not content with the capture of the two young men, the dragoons
and Tories commenced abusing and maltreating Mrs. Crawford and her
children. The crockery and furniture in the house were broken in
pieces; and the beds and bedding, and all the clothing of the family,
including that of an infant at the breast, was torn into shreds.
While the work of destruction was going on, the British officer, in
command of the party, directed Andrew Jackson to clean the mud from
his boots. As might be supposed, he indignantly refused to do the
menial office. Enraged at this reply, the officer drew his sword,
and aimed a dastard blow at the head of his unarmed prisoner. The
latter parried it with his left hand, but, in so doing, received a
cut, the scar of which was carried to his grave. Disappointed in the
spirit of the intrepid youth, the officer turned to his brother, and
required him to perform the task. Robert likewise refused; a furious
blow from the infuriated Briton, was the consequence; and a wound was
inflicted, from the effect of which his victim never recovered.

Andrew Jackson was then placed on a horse, and directed, under
a threat of instant death if he refused, to guide the party to
the house of Major Thompson, a well-known Whig, who lived below
Crawford’s, on the same side of the stream. Fearing that Thompson
might be at home, our hero resorted to a stratagem to save him;
which, though it might naturally have suggested itself to his mind,
seems strange enough when we reflect that it was not only conceived,
but executed, by a lad scarcely fourteen years of age.--Leading the
party by a circuitous route, he brought them within full view of
Thompson’s house, at the distance of a half mile. Nothing more was
necessary. The dragoons spurred onward, but they were still several
hundred yards distant, when they saw the major issue forth, mount
his horse, which, as was then customary, was kept ready saddled, and
dash towards the creek. The British darted after him in pursuit, but
reached the stream only in time to hear his loud shout of defiance,
as he rode leisurely off along the opposite bank. The current was so
much swollen by the influx during the rainy season, that they dare
not attempt to cross it, and therefore reluctantly abandoned the
chase.

After this unsuccessful attempt to capture the Whig officer, the
two Jacksons, with about twenty other prisoners, were mounted on
captured horses, and the party set out on their return to Camden. Not
a mouthful of food, or drop of water, was given them on the road; and
when they reached Camden, they were thrust into a redoubt surrounding
the jail, in which some two hundred and fifty prisoners, besides
those taken at the Waxhaws, were confined. Here they were stripped of
part of their clothing,--Andrew losing his jacket and shoes; their
wounds were undressed; no attention was paid to their wants; and when
the relationship between the two Jacksons and Lieutenant Crawford was
discovered, they were instantly separated, and kept in ignorance of
each other’s fate. The Provost was a Tory from New York, who, it was
afterwards said, took the provisions intended for the prisoners, to
feed a number of negroes whom he had collected from different Whig
plantations, with the intention of disposing of them for his own
benefit. Be that as it may, the prisoners were but sparingly supplied
with bad bread; and to add to their wretchedness, the smallpox
appeared among them, and made frightful ravages.

Amid the accumulated horrors of his prison-house, with sickness
and starvation staring him in the face, the groans of the dying
constantly ringing in his ears, and hourly exposed to the
ill-treatment of his captors,--Andrew Jackson never lost the
fearlessness of spirit which ever distinguished him. Availing himself
of a favorable opportunity, he boldly remonstrated with the officer
of the guard, in behalf of himself and his suffering companions. His
remonstrances had the desired effect; meat was added to the rations,
and, in other respects, the condition of the prisoners was decidedly
improved.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF HOBKIRK’S HILL.]

Matters were in this situation, when General Greene returned from
North Carolina, in April, 1781, and encamped, with his army, on
Hobkirk’s Hill, a little over a mile north of Camden, waiting only
the arrival of his cannon, before making his dispositions to assault
the post.

On the morning of the twenty-fourth of April, Andrew Jackson
discovered indications of a design to attack General Greene. The jail
and redoubt stood on the eminence upon which Camden is situated, and
a fine view would have been afforded of the encampment on Hobkirk’s
Hill, had not the British taken the precaution to construct a
high and tight plank fence on the redoubt, immediately after the
arrival of the American army in the neighborhood. He was determined,
nevertheless, to obtain a view of the anticipated conflict; and, by
working nearly all night, with an old razor-blade, furnished the
prisoners to cut their rations, he succeeded in digging out a knot in
one of the planks. When Lord Rawdon led out his men, on the morning
of the twenty-fifth, for a bold stroke at the American leader,
Andrew mounted the breastwork, and placed himself at the look-out,
while his fellow prisoners gathered in groups below him, listening
attentively, as he detailed the varied incidents of the day.

His voice was tremulous with apprehension, as he informed his
companions, that the Americans had been taken unawares, and their
pickets were driven in; it was pitched to a louder key, when the
cannon of Greene opened their brazen throats, and vomited forth
torrents of flame and iron, tearing and rending through the British
columns; again it sank, as the enemy rallied, and pushed boldly
forward; it rose once more, when the regiments of Ford and Campbell
pressed gallantly upon their flanks--when Washington and his brave
dragoons came thundering down in their rear--and he caught sight of
the glistening bayonets of the 1st Maryland, and the Virginians, as
they prepared to charge home upon their assailants; it fell again,
as the veteran regiment of Gunby recoiled before the British fire,
and died away into a whisper, when all hope of deliverance vanished,
as the beaten, but not routed Greene, retired slowly over the hill,
and the pursuit was only checked by the timely charge of Washington’s
cavalry.

[Sidenote: RELEASE FROM CAPTIVITY.]

The Jacksons were not deserted by one friend, in their
confinement--the mother who had reared them to serve their country,
and who knew no prouder joy, than to see them do their duty well. She
followed them to Camden, to aid and succor them, and, soon after the
battle of Hobkirk’s Hill, procured their exchange, with five of their
neighbors, for thirteen British soldiers, captured by a Whig partisan
captain, by the name of Walker. Pale, emaciated, barefooted, almost
naked, and infected with the smallpox, they presented themselves
before their surviving parent. The wound in Robert’s head had never
been dressed; and this, in connection with hunger, and the disease
that had fastened itself upon him, had reduced him so low, that he
was unable even to ride, except as he was held on a horse.

There were but two horses for the whole party, consisting of
Mrs. Jackson and her sons, and the other released prisoners, who
accompanied them home. Mrs. Jackson rode one, and Robert was
supported on the other by his companions. Thus wearily and sadly,
did they perform their melancholy journey of more than forty
miles, through a country blighted by the ravages of war, as if the
lightnings of Heaven had scathed it. Within two hours’ ride of the
Waxhaws, they were overtaken by a shower of rain, by which the
company were completely drenched. The smallpox was driven in on
both the boys; Robert died in two days; and Andrew at once became
delirious. The fever raged violently for several days, and his
case was regarded nearly hopeless. The kind nursing of his patient
and devoted mother, and the attentions of his physician, at length
triumphed over the disease, and restored him to consciousness and
health.

He had scarcely recovered his strength, when his mother, with
characteristic energy and fortitude, in company with four or five
other ladies, providing themselves with such necessaries as could
be conveniently carried on horseback, set out to visit a number
of the Waxhaw settlers, including some of the Crawfords, who had
been taken by the enemy, and were confined on board the Charleston
prison-ship--whose history, like that of the Old Jersey, at New
York, is but a tale of unmitigated horror and suffering. These good
Samaritan women reached Charleston, obtained permission to visit
the vessel--a privilege that had always been refused to relatives
and friends of the other sex--and delivered the supplies which they
had brought. Mrs. Jackson, however, never returned from this errand
of love and mercy. Enfeebled by constant care and privation, worn
down by the numerous hardships and fatigues which she had endured,
she was seized with the fever prevailing among the prisoners, which
soon terminated her existence. She was buried near the enemy’s
lines, in the vicinity of Charleston, in an unknown grave;--but her
memory, in after times, was doubly honored, as that of the noble,
self-sacrificing mother, of Andrew Jackson!

Solitary and alone, her orphan son, at the time when he most needed
the care and advice of a parent, was cast upon the world, to buffet,
as he might, the billows of adverse fortune. His home was, indeed,
desolate. Like Logan, there ran not a drop of his blood in the veins
of any living creature. Mother and brothers,--all had perished--the
victims of English cruelty!--Is it to be wondered, then, that he
cherished such a feeling of animosity towards the British name; or
that he hated everything akin to oppression, with a hatred so deep
and fervent?

[Sidenote: CLOSE OF THE WAR.]

Early in the summer of 1781, the British voluntarily evacuated, or
were driven from, all their advanced posts outside of Orangeburg.
General Greene retired with his army, during the hot season, to the
hills of Santee, but again made his appearance in the lower country,
near the close of the month of August, with his command refreshed
and reïnvigorated. In September, he fought the indecisive battle at
Eutaw Springs. The palm of victory was disputed, but the substantial
advantages of the action were his; and when the campaign closed, the
enemy were cooped up in Charleston and Savannah.--In October, the war
was finally terminated, by the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown.

After the evacuation of Camden, the Waxhaw settlers, or rather,
those of them who had survived the perils of war, found the security
and repose which had so long been denied. Andrew Jackson remained,
for some time subsequent to the death of his mother, at the house
of Major Thomas Crawford; but, in consequence of a difficulty with
Captain Galbraith, an American commissary, whose quarters were at
the same place, and who became offended with him for some trifling
cause, he afterwards entered the family of Mr. Joseph White, an uncle
of Mrs. Crawford. Mr. White’s son was a saddler, and Andrew, though
suffering all the while with the fever and ague, entered his shop,
and assisted him as far as he was able.

Unfortunately for him, the enemy still remained in the possession of
Charleston, and many of its wealthiest and most polished citizens
resided, temporarily, at the Waxhaws, and in the neighborhood. It
was quite natural, in the reäction of his ardent temperament, after
the first shock of his sad bereavement had passed away, that a
carelessness and recklessness of disposition should be manifested.
His associates were the young men from the city, and, with them, he
spent most of his time in idle sports and amusements. The studies,
which had been necessarily interrupted during the war, were totally
neglected; his books were thrown aside; and a large portion of his
little patrimony was squandered, in the vain effort to compete with
his more wealthy associates, in the liberality of his expenditures.
When they returned to Charleston, in the winter of 1784, he followed
them on a fine mare belonging to him. He found some of his old
companions in the tavern where he stopped, with whom he engaged in a
game of dice, called “Rattle and Snap.” His mare was staked against a
sum of money--and he won. Inspired by a sudden thought, he pocketed
the money, paid his bill, and returned home; with a determination, to
which he inflexibly adhered, to change his course of life.

How many there are, who would have yielded, like Andrew Jackson, to
the Circean charms and fascinations of a career of dissipation!--how
few, like him, would have paused at the very entrance of the vortex,
and, in an instant, effected an entire reformation!--The descent to
Avernus is easy, said the Cumæan Sibyl:--

“Sed revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras,
Hoc opus, hic labor est.”

Had he remained in Charleston another day, perhaps another hour, he
might have gone down to an early grave, unhonored and unlamented.
Though he came off conqueror in a dozen well-fought fields, this was
the noblest of his victories--the conquest over himself!

[Sidenote: EMIGRATES TO TENNESSEE.]

Arrived at the Waxhaws, young Jackson collected together the remains
of his small property, and, bidding adieu to his friends, repaired
to Salisbury, in North Carolina; where he commenced the study of
the law, in the office of Spruce McCay, an eminent counsellor, and
afterwards a distinguished judge of that state. His untiring industry
and zeal, his talents, and his correct and manly deportment, soon won
the favorable esteem of Judge McCay, and other prominent citizens
of North Carolina, whose acquaintance he formed. His professional
studies were completed under Colonel John Stokes, and, in 1786, he
was admitted to the bar. He remained in the state about two years
subsequent to this, constantly gaining ground in the regard of his
new friends and acquaintances; and in 1788, at the age of twenty-one,
without solicitation on his part, he was appointed by the governor,
solicitor for the western district, which afterwards became the state
of Tennessee.

Near the close of the year 1788, in company with John McNairy,
the newly appointed judge of the western district, he crossed the
mountains, for the purpose of entering upon his official duties, and
establishing himself in practice. Jonesborough was then the principal
seat of justice, and they remained there for several months.

The country was rapidly filling up with the hunters of North Carolina
and Virginia,--“the pioneers of civilization,”--who fearlessly
entered the unbroken forest, with the axe in one hand and the rifle
in the other. The territory lying between the Ohio and Tennessee
rivers had long before received the name of Kentuckeè, or the
“Bloody Land,” on account of its being the battle, as well as the
hunting ground, of the Northern and Southern Indians. The valley
of the Cumberland river contained some of the most fertile and
beautiful lands, and abounded in the finest game. The principal
tide of emigration, therefore, naturally turned in this direction,
notwithstanding the settlers thereby brought upon themselves the
animosity of both parties of Indians.

In 1789, Judge McNairy, and his friend, first visited the infant
settlements on the Cumberland, including that at French Creek,
near the present site of Nashville. Most of the settlers resided
in stations,--frequently built on the _stamping grounds_ of the
buffalo,--which were usually connected by the _traces_ of the wild
beasts, that everywhere intersected the surrounding forests. The log
cabin was the abode of all classes,--but these primitive dwellings
were, perhaps, oftener tenanted by happiness and joy, than the marble
palaces of the great and opulent. Theirs was a life of peril, indeed;
but it was well suited to Jackson’s adventurous disposition, and he
gladly shared their dangers and vicissitudes, and participated in
their sports and festivities.

He was still undecided in regard to locating permanently in the
district, when he arrived at the settlements on the Cumberland. He
found, however, that the debtor class constituted a large proportion
of the population, and that, having retained the only lawyer in West
Tennessee in their interest, they were enabled to set their creditors
at defiance. The latter flocked around him in crowds, and in a few
days after his arrival he issued a great number of writs. Threats of
personal violence were employed, in vain, to intimidate him; they had
only the opposite effect, and induced him to remain, and establish
himself in the neighborhood of Nashville. At that time there were no
hotels, or regular boarding-houses, in the country, and none were
needed,--as travellers, men of business, and professional men, were
cheerfully entertained by private families. Jackson, and the late
Judge Overton, boarded together, with Mrs. Donelson, the widow of
Colonel John Donelson, who had, some years previous, emigrated from
Virginia to Kentucky, and thence to Tennessee.

[Sidenote: ADVENTURES IN THE WILDERNESS.]

Business of a public, or private nature, often called Jackson to
Jonesborough, about two hundred miles distant from Nashville, from
which it was separated by a dense wilderness, with only here and
there a small station. In those days, a journey was not the pastime
which it has latterly become; and the traveller enjoyed few of
the comforts, and none of the luxuries, which modern civilization
has introduced. A horse; a rifle, to be slung over the shoulder;
a hunting knife; a portmanteau, containing a few clothes and
provisions; and a blanket,--constituted his preparations for the
road. Sometimes journeys were performed singly, but, more generally,
in companies. At night, the travellers lighted a fire with a
tinder-box, or the flash of a rifle; and their horses were picketed.
If they were supplied with bacon, or game, it was roasted on a stick;
otherwise, jerked meat, parched maize, and the tough corn-dodger,
formed their frugal repast. After partaking of this, sentinels were
posted, if an attack from the Indians was apprehended; and, wrapping
themselves in their blankets, they lay down to sleep, with naught but
the blue canopy of heaven over their heads.

Numerous anecdotes are related of the fearlessness and intrepidity
displayed by Andrew Jackson, when performing these weary pilgrimages
through the forests of Tennessee. On one occasion, in the month
of March, he was on his way from Jonesborough to the Cumberland,
with three companions, and reached the east side of the Emory, just
below the gap in the mountains, shortly after dark. The fires of a
large party of Indians being discovered on the opposite bank, he
instantly assumed the direction of affairs, and, enjoining silence
upon his comrades, led them back some distance into the mountains.
They then left the road at different points, in order to elude
pursuit,--reunited again, and proceeded up the stream, until two
o’clock in the afternoon of the following day, when they attempted to
cross it, at a basin between two cataracts.

A raft was constructed of logs bound firmly together with hickory
withes, upon which their clothes, blankets, saddles, rifles and
ammunition, were placed; Jackson and one of his companions intending
to cross first with these, and then, at a second trip, with their
comrades, to swim the horses over alongside the raft. But on pushing
from the shore, the under-tow seized the frail craft, and hurried
it rapidly down the stream. Jackson and his friend vainly exerted
themselves to arrest its progress; they were fast nearing the brink
of the cataract, when the former, wrenching one of the rude oars
from its fastenings, sprang to the stern, and braced himself there;
at the same time holding out the oar to his companions on shore.
They eagerly seized it, and drew the raft safe to land, just as it
was quivering on the edge of the fall. On being chided for his too
venturesome disposition, Jackson replied, “A miss is as good as a
mile; you see how near I can graze danger--come on, and I will save
you yet.”--The route up the stream was now resumed, and, after
spending another night, supperless, in the woods, they found a ford
the next day, at which they crossed, and ultimately reached a log
cabin on the road, about forty miles in rear of the Indian encampment.

[Sidenote: DESERTED BY HIS GUIDE.]

At another time, he reached Bean’s Station, the appointed rendezvous
of a party with whom he designed to cross the wilderness, on the
evening after they had left. Nowise daunted by the perils of the
way, he provided himself with a guide, and set out to overtake
them. He travelled all night, and, in the gray of the morning,
came to the fires just deserted by the party before him. Pushing
on, with increased speed, he soon discovered the trail of a body
of Indians, twenty-two in number, who were evidently pursuing his
friends in front. He still followed on, until he was close upon the
savages, when the guide began to hesitate about advancing further,
and finally refused, absolutely, to proceed. This was an unexpected
dilemma, but Jackson neither feared danger, nor was he the man to
desert his friends. Dividing provisions with his timid guide, the
latter returned to the station, and he continued on cautiously, in
the opposite direction. Presently he found that the Indians had
turned off to the right, as he supposed, to get ahead of the party,
and lay an ambush for them, or attack them at night. He at once
hastened forward with greater rapidity, and came up with his friends,
as they were preparing to encamp for the night. Being apprised
of their danger, in a few moments they were again in motion, and
continued their march without halting, till the evening of the next
day. Nothing further was heard from the Indians, till the party had
reached their destination, in safety; when it was ascertained that
a company of hunters, who had refused to shelter them in their log
cabins, had been murdered by the same band of savages from whom they
had so fortunately escaped.

Besides crossing the wilderness intervening between Jonesborough
and the Cumberland twenty-two times, while the country was yet new,
Jackson frequently volunteered, with others, to go out and meet
parties of emigrants from Virginia, or the Carolinas, who were
escorted half way by their friends in the states, or the settlers in
East Tennessee. The same service was often performed for emigrants,
or travellers, going from Nashville to Lexington. An occasion of
this kind furnished him an opportunity to display his gallantry as
well as bravery:--He was proceeding with a company, from Nashville
to Lexington, among whom was a lady going to join her husband at the
latter place. The second night out, she was suddenly taken sick, and,
in the morning, was unable to proceed on her journey. Disregarding
her situation, a number of the party prepared their horses as usual,
and were about to resume the march. Jackson earnestly remonstrated
against leaving the woman alone in the forest, but, finding words
of no avail, and that they insisted on proceeding, he levelled his
rifle, and solemnly declared that he would shoot the first man who
put foot in the stirrup. His companions cowed before the chivalric
rage that lighted up his cheek, and kindled in his eye; and they
consented to remain for a day at the encampment, at the expiration of
which the lady was able to travel.

As the settlers in Kentucky were exposed to the irruptions of the
Shawanese, so those in Tennessee were liable to similar visitations
from the Choctaws and Cherokees. Whenever the savages had committed
any depredations, volunteer parties were always formed to pursue
them. Andrew Jackson was usually one of the first to make his
appearance at the rendezvous. He once accompanied a party, between
forty and fifty strong, under Colonel Elijah Robertson, on an
expedition of this character, to the head of a creek flowing into
Duck river. It was then proposed, that a part of the company should
penetrate through the cane-brakes, a distance of ten miles, to the
river, where the Indians were supposed to have encamped. Colonel
R. Weakly, with Jackson and fifteen others, volunteered for the
enterprise. It was accomplished with great gallantry; the savages
were surprised, and fled without firing a gun,--leaving their camp,
and their arms and ammunition, in the hands of their pursuers.

Jackson was repeatedly engaged in affairs of the same kind, and
acquired a high, and wide-spread reputation, for his bravery and
skill. He also became well-known to the red warriors, and received
from them the epithets of “Sharp Knife” and “Pointed Arrow.” The
most important expedition in which he was concerned, was undertaken
in 1794, when a large party from Nashville and its neighborhood,
including himself, proceeded against the Indian town of Nickajack,
near the Tennessee river, and razed it to the ground.

[Sidenote: RACHAEL DONELSON.]

When Andrew Jackson entered the family of Mrs. Donelson as a
boarder, her daughter, Rachael, who had married a man by the name
of Robards, in Kentucky, but had separated from him on account of
his violent temper and vicious habits, resided with her. Judge
Overton and himself occupied another cabin, a few steps distant from
that in which Mrs. Donelson lived, but met with her family, at the
same table. Mrs. Robards was as distinguished for her beauty, her
sweetness of temper, and her winning deportment, as was her husband
for the possession of the opposite qualities. Through the mediation
of Judge Overton, Robards was at one time reconciled to his wife,
rejoined her at Mrs. Donelson’s, and commenced preparations for
erecting a cabin, on a tract of land that he had purchased, in which
he intended to reside.

Jackson was then a young man, frank and engaging in his manners,
and fond of female society. He undoubtedly paid Mrs. Robards many
flattering attentions, which--neither thinking aught of evil, or
cherishing an impure thought--were reciprocated as they deserved,
with kindness and friendly esteem, but nothing more. So far from
rendering her husband more morose and ill-tempered, this should only
have led him to appreciate better her charms and social virtues, and
encouraged him to become more pleasing and agreeable. But Iagos were
not wanting to instil the doubts and suspicions of jealousy, had
not his gloomy and distrustful temperament predisposed him to such
impressions. She was, in consequence, rendered very unhappy. On being
made acquainted with this fact, Jackson sought an interview with her
husband, and remonstrated with him, in a manly and honorable way.
This was of no avail, and he then left Mrs. Donelson’s, and took
board at Mansker’s Station.

The excited jealousy of the husband could not be allayed, however;
and, in a few months, he abandoned his wife a second time, and
started for Kentucky,--declaring to a companion on the road, that
he designed never to return. Mrs. Robards now determined that the
separation should be final; and on being afterwards informed,
that he intended to visit Tennessee and take her back with him to
Kentucky, under the advice of her friends, she accompanied the
family of Colonel Stark to Natchez, in the spring of 1791. Stark
was an elderly man, and fearing that the Indians might attack him,
he invited Jackson to make one of the party. The latter, perhaps
unwisely,--though he certainly never regretted it,--accepted the
invitation, and descended the rivers with them, to Natchez.

[Sidenote: HIS MARRIAGE.]

Robards had previously applied to the Legislature of Virginia for
a divorce, and, soon after the return of Jackson to Nashville, the
intelligence was received that his application had been granted.
Desirous of testifying to the world, in the highest and most solemn
manner, his confidence in her purity and innocence--pleased, alike,
with the charms of her person, and the graces of her mind--and
deeming her at perfect liberty to form a new connection--Jackson
forthwith repaired to Natchez, and tendered his hand to Mrs. Robards.
She at first hesitated, but finally accepted him. They were married
in the fall, and she returned with him to the Cumberland, where she
was greeted with the warm and affectionate congratulations of her
relatives and friends.

Two years after his marriage,--in December, 1793,--Jackson was
on his way to Jonesborough, with Judge Overton, when he learned,
for the first time, equally to his chagrin and surprise, that
the intelligence received in 1791, and upon which he had acted,
was incorrect.--Robards had, in 1791, procured the passage of an
act in the Virginia Legislature, authorizing a suit to be brought
for a divorce in a court in Kentucky, which suit had just been
determined in his favor,--no opposition, of course, being made to
the proceedings. Communications between the Atlantic country and
the interior were then very irregular, and the exact particulars of
the affair were not known, or inquired into, as it was universally
supposed in Tennessee, that the divorce had been actually granted. On
his return home, in January, 1794, Jackson took out a license, and
was now regularly married.

The circumstances of his acquaintance and marriage with Mrs.
Robards, were long after seized upon by his opponents, when he
became connected with the political controversies of the day, as
a candidate for the presidency, and were made the foundation of
unmerited and groundless calumnies. There were features in the case,
which, unexplained, might appear suspicious; but the evidence of
all who were personally acquainted with them, whose assertions are
worthy of a moment’s consideration, acquit both parties of blame,
and bear witness to the correct demeanor of Mrs. Robards, and the
chivalric conduct of Andrew Jackson.--“While he would have sacrificed
his life,” says his biographer, “to prevent Mrs. Robards’ falling
unwillingly into the hands of her cruel tormentor, her husband
though he was, he never cast a look upon her, or indulged a thought,
unworthy of the purest knight in the days of honorable chivalry.
But, when no longer restrained by law, honor or religion, pity,
admiration, and a species of regret, though free from guilt, yet akin
to remorse, kindled into love as pure and as holy as ever glowed
in the heart of man. Nor was the object unworthy of this exalted
passion. The united testimony of all who had the pleasure of her
acquaintance, the happiness which during life she shed over the
domestic circle, radiating into the cabins of her servants and the
houses of her neighbors, and, above all, the sacred fervor with which
the bosom on which she rested in youth, cherishes her memory, bear
unequivocal testimony, that she was one of the best of those beings
whom God has given as the companion and solace of man.”[15]

[Sidenote: ANIMOSITY OF THE DEBTOR CLASS.]

After his marriage, Jackson devoted himself with more assiduity than
ever, to the practice of his profession. His firm and independent
course in espousing the cause of the creditors, though it elevated
him in the esteem of the better part of the community, rendered the
debtors peculiarly inimical towards him. His daring and prowess were
so well known, however, that those who were nominally his equals in
standing, dared not assail him; but they stimulated others to do so,
belonging to the very lowest class of bullies and desperadoes, so
many of whom are always to be found in a new country, who had neither
character nor self-respect to lose, but were not deficient in that
brutal courage, which the philosopher of Ferney terms, “a fortunate
quality, of which fools partake as well as great men.”

A flax-breaker, of great strength and courage, was the first person
instigated to attack Jackson; but the latter soon tamed his spirit
with his own winding-blades, the only weapon within reach. A noted
bully next assaulted him, while he was conversing with a gentleman
on business, at a court in Sumner County. Jackson seized a slab, and
in a few seconds obliged the desperado to make his escape into the
woods.--These encounters resulted so unfavorably to those who were
induced to come in contact with him, that he was ever after exempt
from annoyances of a similar character.

In the course of his practice as a lawyer, Jackson discovered
that extensive frauds had been committed in the North Carolina
Land-Office, which he deemed it his duty, as the former attorney of
that State, to expose. Through his instrumentality, the perpetrators
were indicted and punished. Some of the most prominent citizens of
the western district were directly, or indirectly, concerned in these
transactions, and had profited largely by them. Consequently, he
incurred their hostility; and they sought by every means to injure
him. In the state of society then existing, a man, like him, exposed
to the hatred of powerful enemies, may be said to have constantly
carried his life in his hand. Unawed by threats, he pursued his way
steadily and unerringly--daily adding to the number of his friends,
and gaining ground in the confidence and regard of the wise and good.

The necessary preliminary measures for the formation of a state
government, were taken by the citizens of Tennessee, in 1795;[16] and
Andrew Jackson was chosen one of the delegates to the convention,
without even offering himself as a candidate. The forest Solons and
Numas composing that body, met at Knoxville, in the wilderness, on
the eleventh of January, 1796, and adjourned on the sixth day of
February following; having, in the short space of less than four
weeks, framed and adopted a state constitution, which, for its
republican simplicity, compared most favorably with those of other
states.

[Sidenote: REPRESENTATIVE AND SENATOR IN CONGRESS.]

On the first day of June, 1796, Tennessee was admitted into the Union
as a State, and became entitled to one representative in Congress.
Andrew Jackson was elected to the office, with great unanimity,
and took his seat in the House of Representatives on the fifth of
December, 1796. His reputation and popularity continuing to increase,
he was chosen a senator in Congress the following year, when he had
just reached the age prescribed by the Constitution. He appeared in
the Senate of the United States on the twenty-second of November,
1797. At this session, the alien and sedition laws were passed.
Jackson coïncided and voted with the republican members, and was
therefore in the minority. During the session, he became so much
dissatisfied with the course of the administration, to which he was
opposed in sentiment, that he returned home in April, 1798, and
shortly after resigned his seat. He was succeeded by his friend and
neighbor, Daniel Smith.

Upon his resignation of the office of senator, Jackson was appointed,
by the Legislature of Tennessee, Judge of the Supreme Court of Law
and Equity. The office was conferred on him unsolicited, and was
accepted with reluctance. As a lawyer, he had been distinguished for
his fair and honorable dealing; for his abhorrence of low tricks and
artifices; and for the ability with which he seized the strong points
of a case, and presented them to a court or jury:--as a judge, he
became equally well known, for his firmness and independence; for his
integrity of purpose; and his plain, common sense adjudications.

His first court was held at Jonesborough, at which a man, by the
name of Russell Bean, was indicted for cutting off the ears of his
infant child, in a drunken frolic. The sheriff dared not arrest the
offender, who was notorious for his strength and ferocity, though
present in the courtyard, and returned to the court, that he would
not be taken. Judge Jackson told the officer that such a return was
an absurdity, and that the man must be taken, even though it became
necessary to summon the _posse comitatus_. When the court adjourned
for dinner, the sheriff summoned the judge and his colleagues, as
part of the _posse_. Jackson saw that the officer desired to avoid
performing his duty, and therefore accompanied him. Learning that
Bean was armed, he provided himself with a loaded pistol. At sight of
him, the former attempted to make his escape; but the judge directing
him to stop and submit to the law, in a tone that showed he was not
to be trifled with, his weapons were thrown down, and he quietly
surrendered. This incident was not lost upon other turbulent spirits
who had previously treated courts and officers with contempt, and
nothing of the kind was afterwards attempted.

His health beginning to fail under the severe labor, both mental and
physical, required of him in the performance of his official duties,
Jackson determined to resign the judgeship; but, when his intentions
became public, he was urged, in such flattering terms, to abandon
his design, in a communication addressed to him by some of the most
prominent citizens of the state, and a large number of the members of
the Legislature, that he consented to remain in the office.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTY WITH GOVERNOR SEVIER.]

In 1801, an election was held by the brigadiers and field-officers
of Major General Conway’s division, to fill the vacancy occasioned
by his death. Andrew Jackson, and John Sevier, formerly governor of
the state, were competitors for the office; and the vote was equally
divided between them. The appointment then devolved upon Governor
Roane, who wisely conferred it on Andrew Jackson.

Governor Sevier was connected, to some extent, with a combination
of land jobbers at Nashville, associated together for the purpose
of manufacturing fraudulent grants of land, which Jackson had aided
in breaking up. This circumstance, and the preference of Governor
Roane, rendered him a most implacable enemy and opponent. In 1803,
he was a candidate for re-election as governor, and in the course of
the canvass, his antipathy towards Judge Jackson, was imbibed by his
party friends. This was particularly the case in East Tennessee. In
the fall, the Judge proceeded to Jonesborough, to hold his court;
and, having been taken seriously ill on the road, he retired to his
room, immediately after his arrival, and lay down on the bed. In a
few moments he was waited on by a friend, who begged him to lock his
door--informing him that a large mob had collected, under a Colonel
Harrison, and loudly threatened to tar and feather him. Jackson
declined securing his door, but throwing it wide open, sent his
friend to Colonel Harrison, with the message, that he was ready to
receive him and his party, whenever they chose to wait on him, and
that he hoped the colonel’s chivalry would induce him to lead his
men, and not follow them.--This bold message operated like a charm;
the mob dispersed; Colonel Harrison apologized for his conduct, and
thereafter remained on good terms with Jackson.

The next court held by the latter, was at Knoxville, where the
Legislature were then in session. They had just investigated the land
frauds, of which mention has been made, and had found some evidence
tending to implicate Governor Sevier. His excellency evinced a great
deal of exasperation, and on leaving the courthouse, on the first day
of the term, Judge Jackson found a large crowd gathered in front of
the building, in the midst of which was Governor Sevier, with a sword
in his hand, haranguing them in a violent manner. An altercation
ensued between them, in which the governor was the aggressor, and
the Judge sent him a challenge. This was accepted, but the governor
failed to give the promised meeting, and Jackson at once published
him in the usual form. A second meeting was then appointed to take
place, though without any formal arrangement.

Jackson repaired to the designated spot, but the governor failed to
meet him. After waiting two days, he set out to return to Knoxville,
but had proceeded only a short distance, when he encountered Governor
Sevier, escorted by about twenty men, and armed with a brace of
pistols and a sword. His friend instantly bore a challenge to the
governor, who refused to receive it. Jackson was provided with a
brace of pistols and a cane. On the return of his friend, with the
insulting message of the governor, he levelled his cane, as the
knight, in olden times, couched his spear in the rest, and dashed
furiously upon his opponent. The latter hastily dismounted, in
order to avoid the shock, but, in so doing, trode on the scabbard
of his sword, and was thus rendered incapable of resistance. In the
governor’s escort there were mutual friends of both parties, who
interfered to prevent any further collision, and Jackson accompanied
them back to Knoxville.

[Sidenote: RETIRES TO PRIVATE LIFE.]

Although Jackson was always prompt to defend himself from insult or
injury, these altercations and disputes were by no means congenial
to his spirit, and, anticipating their more frequent recurrence, for
the reason that a number of cases, growing out of the fraudulent land
sales, were about to be brought before him for decision, he concluded
to retire from the bench; and his resignation was accepted by the
Legislature, on the twenty-fourth of July, 1804, about six years
after his original appointment.

Previous to his resignation of the judgeship, the services of
General Jackson, in a military capacity, were invoked by the General
Government, in consequence of the threatening aspect of its relations
with Spain, who had taken umbrage at the purchase of Louisiana from
France. Preparations were made to reïnforce General Wilkinson, then
at Natchez, at the head of a small force, with fifteen hundred
men from the upper country, including five hundred cavalry from
Tennessee. In October, 1803, General Jackson was requested to
procure, without delay, a sufficient number of boats to transport the
troops to New Orleans, and to keep them in readiness. The request was
complied with; the boats were procured; and the general tendered his
services to the government if they should be needed.

The firmness, caution, and prudence, of Jefferson, rendered a
resort to arms unnecessary; and in February, 1804, General Jackson
sold the boats prepared for the expedition down the Mississippi.
After resigning the office of judge, General Jackson retired to a
plantation on the Cumberland, which he had purchased; to enjoy,
what he had long coveted, the quiet scenes of domestic life, its
gentleness and tranquillity, and the society of his devoted wife. His
fortune was not large, but amply sufficient to satisfy his wants.
He devoted most of his time to superintending the labor on his
plantation, setting an example of methodical industry, and careful
economy, worthy of general imitation, and often wielding the axe,
or guiding the plough, with his own hands. Fond of society, and
frank and generous by nature, he was distinguished far and wide for
his hospitality; and it was remarked of him, that, “though he was a
private citizen, he was the most public man in Tennessee.”

He was passionately fond of fine horses, and took every pains to
improve his stock, by importations from the Atlantic States. Like
other planters around him, he brought his favorite animals out upon
the race-courses, and, though not a sportsman, in the ordinary
acceptation of the term, made many a venture upon their relative
speed. A circumstance of this kind gave rise to a most unfortunate
affair:

[Sidenote: HOSTILE MEETING WITH DICKINSON.]

A match race was agreed upon by him, and a Mr. Erwin and his
son-in-law, Charles Dickinson, between their two horses, for a
wager of two thousand dollars, with a forfeiture of eight hundred
dollars, to be paid in cash notes. Erwin and Dickinson subsequently
chose to pay the forfeit, and withdraw their horse. Some difficulty
arose in regard to the character of the notes offered, but it was
finally adjusted, to the apparent satisfaction of all parties. But
the enemies of Jackson were anxious that he should fight a duel
with Dickinson, who was reputed to be the best shot in the country.
Through them, the dispute was revived. Several publications appeared
in the newspapers, Dickinson grew more and more insulting, and at
length made a direct imputation of cowardice. Jackson could endure
his provocations no longer, and on the twenty-third of May, 1806,
sent him a challenge. It was accepted by Dickinson, and the meeting
was arranged to take place at Harrison’s Mills, Kentucky, on the
thirtieth instant.

Dickinson spent the intervening time in practicing; frequently
boasting how often he had hit his opponent chalked out on a tree, and
offering to bet that he would kill him. This was reported to General
Jackson, and the effect on his excitable temperament may be imagined.
The parties met, as had been agreed on. At the word, Dickinson fired,
and the dust was seen to fly from the clothes of his antagonist.
Jackson fired the next instant, and the other fell mortally wounded.

The steadiness of nerve exhibited by General Jackson on this occasion
has often been the subject of commendation, even with those who
condemned the practice, then not only tolerated, but actually
encouraged, by nearly all classes and parties, in the section of
country in which he resided. It afterwards appeared, that he was
himself severely wounded, at the time he fired; but his feelings had
been so wrought upon, and the ardency of his temper was such, that he
was insensible to physical suffering, and he declared to a friend,
that he would have killed Dickinson, if he had been shot through the
brain!

Several years later,--in the summer of 1813,--General Jackson was
concerned in an affray with Colonel Thomas H. Benton, so well and
widely known, for many successive years, as a Senator in Congress,
from the State of Missouri. The former had acted as the second of
Governor Carroll, in a duel with a brother of Colonel Benton, which,
the latter thought, was inconsistent with the friendly relations
existing between himself and the general. An angry correspondence
passed; bitter recriminations were made on both sides; and they
afterwards encountered each other, and interchanged shots, at a
public house in Nashville. In the affray, General Jackson’s left
arm was shattered by a pistol shot, and he was confined to his room
for several weeks. The imbittered feelings engendered during the
progress of this controversy, were cherished for many years after
the encounter, but they were subsequently entirely allayed; and when
General Jackson became President of the United States, he had no
firmer supporter, or warmer friend, than Colonel Benton.

These personal controversies and altercations have been mentioned
here, not because they afford valuable examples worthy, at this day,
of imitation, but rather, for the reason, that they are not more
illustrative of Jackson’s nice sense of honor, his stern will, and
his indomitable courage, than of the rude state of society in which
he lived. If, like General Wayne, he manifested “a constitutional
attachment to the decision of the sword,” he, too, had a warm and
generous heart; and, though like the aroused lion, when he felt
himself the object of wrong or injustice, no man possessed more of
the gentler and softer affections of our natures. As Sir Walter Scott
said of the Covenanter: “His faults were those of his times and
associates, his virtues were eminently his own.”

[Sidenote: AARON BURR.]

Aaron Burr made his first appearance in the western country, prior
to the completion of his arrangements for his mysterious expedition,
in the spring of 1805, and, on two occasions, during the summer,
spent several days in the family of General Jackson. The people of
Tennessee, like all the residents in the valley of the Mississippi,
were exceedingly hostile to the Spaniards; and so long as Burr was
supposed to be concerned in making arrangements for the invasion
of Mexico, in the event of a war with Spain, General Jackson, with
most of the influential citizens of that section, warmly seconded
his projects. In 1806, Burr returned to the west and began his
preparations. In the fall, the suspicions of General Jackson were
awakened, and the friendly intercourse between them entirely ceased.
Whatever may have been the designs of Burr, he dared not reveal them
to General Jackson, though he ever entertained a high opinion of him,
and always mentioned him in terms of respect. His patriotism was
much too earnest and sincere to be tempted; and, notwithstanding
his previous intimacy with Burr, the special agent dispatched by the
President to secure the arrest of the latter, was directed to call on
him, with instructions to order out a military force, if necessary.
General Jackson promptly ordered out twelve companies, but Burr had
already left the mouth of the Cumberland, and was on his way down the
Mississippi; and on ascertaining this fact, he dismissed his troops,
and reported his proceedings to the government.

Not long after General Jackson retired to private life, he entered
into partnership with a merchant in Nashville. For a time their
business appeared to be prosperous; Jackson took no active part in
its management, but trusted everything to his associate. Some slight
circumstances at length aroused his fears, and, upon examination,
he found that the firm was not only insolvent, but that their
liabilities exceeded their assets, by many thousand dollars. But
one course--that dictated by honor and right--could be pursued. He
instantly closed the business, sold his fine plantation where he
lived, paid off the debts of the firm, and removed to a log cabin
on another plantation, to begin the world anew. By the exercise of
strict economy and prudence, in a few years he once more gathered
around him the fruits of prosperous industry.

In 1811, General Jackson had occasion to visit Natchez, to bring up
a number of negroes, who had become his property as the surety of
a friend, or belonged to a nephew; and, on reaching the station of
the Choctaw agency, along which the road passed, he found seven or
eight families of emigrants, and two members of the Mississippi
Legislative Council, whom the agent had detained, upon the pretence
that it was necessary to have passports from the governor of
Mississippi Territory. Justly indignant at this outrage, Jackson
demanded what right he had to stop American citizens who were
travelling on a public road. The agent replied, in a sharp tone,
by inquiring whether he had a pass? “Yes, sir,” said the general,
warmly; “I always carry mine with me:--I am a free-born American
citizen; and that, under the constitution and laws, is my passport to
go wherever my business calls me!” He then told the emigrants to gear
up their wagons, and if any one attempted to obstruct them, to shoot
him down. He himself set the example, and proceeded on his journey,
utterly regardless of the threats of the agent.

Upon his return from Natchez, he was informed that the agent had
collected fifty white men, and one hundred Indians, and intended to
stop him unless he produced a passport. On approaching the station,
he armed his blacks with clubs and axes, and directed them to regard
no order unless it emanated from him. The agent was at first inclined
to stop him, but, being overawed by his firm and determined manner,
made no attempt to oppose him. He afterwards reported the conduct of
the officer to the President, and he was removed from the agency.

[Sidenote: WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.]

The period now arrived which Jackson had long anticipated.--War
was declared against the enemy of his country and his race, on the
eighteenth of June, 1812. It is easy to conceive the emotions which
the intelligence must have awakened in his bosom. Recollections of
the past came rushing and thronging into his mind. The cycles of Time
rolled backward. Again he stood upon the threshold of his desolate
home,--on “the forest-clad banks of the Catawba,”--orphaned by the
cruelty of British officers and agents. Let him not be reproached,
if motives of revenge quickened and sharpened his patriotism. His
desire for vengeance was almost holy in its character--it was based
on fraternal affection, on filial love!

When the tocsin of war was sounded, the glad, prolonged echoes, came
up from every valley and hamlet; but in no quarter of the country
was the response more enthusiastic, than in the valley of the
Mississippi. General Jackson immediately issued a stirring address to
his division, twenty-five hundred men of which volunteered to follow
wheresoever he saw fit to lead them. A tender of their services was
made to the President, through Governor Blount, on the twenty-fifth
of June, which was accepted on the eleventh of July. No immediate
duty being required of the patriotic volunteers belonging to his
division, General Jackson became impatient to participate in the
struggle, and solicited the appointment of brigadier general in
the regular army, which was conferred on General Winchester. Could
President Madison have foreseen the sad catastrophe that occurred
on the banks of the Raisin, in the following January; or had he
possessed any correct idea of the military qualifications of General
Jackson, we may well suppose that the latter would have been his
choice.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION TO NATCHEZ.]

An opportunity, however, was soon presented to Jackson, for taking
the field. On the first of November, Governor Blount issued an
order, in conformity with a requisition from the War Department,
directing him to organize and equip fifteen hundred infantry and
riflemen, with whom he was instructed to descend the river to New
Orleans, and reïnforce General Wilkinson, then commanding that
department. The necessary proclamation was issued, and, on the tenth
of December, upwards of two thousand men rendezvoused at Nashville,
many of whom had come miles upon miles, through cold, and sleet,
and snow, undaunted by the rigors of the climate, and intent only
on obeying the call of their country. On the thirteenth instant,
the organization of the command, which consisted of one regiment
of cavalry, not embraced in the requisition, but enrolled with the
consent of Governor Blount, under Colonel Coffee, and two regiments
of infantry, under Colonels Hall and T. H. Benton, was fully
completed.

Numerous difficulties were yet to be encountered before the troops
could be put in motion. Arms had been sparingly furnished by the
government, and funds for the payment of the men had not been
provided. Discontents naturally arose, and a mutiny was threatened.
The firmness and determination of General Jackson prevented any
outbreak, and his energy and perseverance ultimately overcame every
obstacle. On the thirty-first of December, Colonel Coffee commenced
his march with the mounted men, six hundred and seventy strong, by
the overland route, to Natchez. On the seventh and eighth of January,
1813, General Jackson embarked on the Cumberland, in flat boats,
with the two infantry regiments, numbering about fourteen hundred.
Descending the rivers slowly,--his progress being constantly impeded
by large masses of floating ice,--he reached Natchez on the fifteenth
of February, near which he found the cavalry under Colonel Coffee.

At this point, General Jackson was met by a request from General
Wilkinson, whose headquarters were at New Orleans, to halt his
command, and report to him his force and instructions. Wilkinson held
the rank of brigadier general in the regular army, with the brevet
of major general; and it is not unlikely, that he suspected it was
the intention of the government, that Jackson should supersede him.
His request, doubtless, was prompted by this apprehension. As there
was no indication of an attack on New Orleans, Jackson cheerfully
complied with it. Natchez was a much more salubrious position for his
troops, and having disembarked them, he marched to Washington, a few
miles distant, where a cantonment had been previously established by
a corps of regulars. The troops were placed in comfortable quarters,
and a strong guard was detailed to protect the boats at Natchez.

[Sidenote: RETURN HOME.]

Camp regulations were now adopted, and strict orders issued by the
commanding general, to proceed with the discipline and instruction
of the troops. Becoming impatient for active duty, he wrote to the
Secretary of War on the first of March, suggesting the employment
of his force on the northern frontier, if there was no prospect of
invasion in the south, or if Congress did not authorize the taking
possession of Florida. This suggestion was repeated in a second
letter written on the seventh of March. Before these letters reached
Washington, an order had been issued from the War Department,
directing him, on the receipt thereof, to consider his force
dismissed from the service, and to take measures for the delivery
of all articles of public property in his possession, to General
Wilkinson. This unfeeling mandate concluded with a cold tender of
thanks to himself and the corps under his command.

Jackson was fairly astounded at the blow. His whole command, officers
and men, joined in denouncing, in unmeasured terms, the Secretary of
War, General Armstrong, by whom the order was issued. He was still
more indignant, when he discovered the probable key to the movement,
in a letter from General Wilkinson, who suggested his encouraging
the regular recruiting service from the troops he commanded, “in an
appropriate general order.” Jackson did no such thing;--but, when
a recruiting officer made his appearance, informed him that if he
attempted to seduce a single volunteer from the corps, he would drum
him out of the camp.

The patriotic volunteers who had accompanied General Jackson to
Natchez were mostly young men--the flower of West Tennessee--the
sons and brothers of his dearest friends and neighbors. The order he
had received, required him to abandon these men, who looked up to
him as a parent, in a strange land, five hundred miles from their
homes; to deprive them of their arms, their tents and provisions;
and to leave the sick uncared for, and unattended. This he could
not, and did not do. He immediately wrote to the Secretary of War,
denouncing his order, in no very honied words, and to the President,
complaining of its barbarity, and giving his reasons for partially
disregarding it. The necessary orders were then given to provide
wagons and supplies; the men were directed to retain their arms; he
borrowed five thousand dollars of a merchant in Natchez, on his own
responsibility, to make up deficiencies; and, as soon as everything
could be got in readiness, set out on his return march with his whole
command,--declaring that not a single man should be left behind, “who
had any life in him.”

Two hundred miles of the route lay through the Choctaw and Chickasaw
country, and the only essential service rendered by the expedition
was this homeward march, which overawed the Indians, and deterred
them from joining the hostile Creeks and Cherokees.--Jackson paid
every attention to the comfort of his soldiers, up to the last
moment, strictly fulfilling his solemn pledge not to abandon one of
them. Frequently he gave up his own horse to the sick, or exhausted
soldier, and trudged along on foot, cheering all by his example, and
ever ready with a kind word, to encourage those who faltered.

[Sidenote: CESSION OF LOUISIANA.]

Deeply chagrined though he was, at the result of the expedition to
Natchez, General Jackson was still anxious to take part in the active
scenes of the war. The disasters on the northern frontier in 1812,
and the failure of the projected winter campaign under Harrison,
in consequence of the incautious advance of General Winchester to
Frenchtown, had produced a deep impression on his mind. His proud
spirit smarted under the discredit of defeat; and, on the eighth
of April, when on his way home, he wrote to the Secretary of War,
informing him that he should be glad to execute any orders of the
government in Canada, with his detachment, which could be augmented,
if necessary. “I have a few standards,” said he, “wearing the
American eagle, that I should be happy to place upon the ramparts of
Malden.”

About the middle of May, the Tennessee volunteers reached home and
were discharged. The Secretary of War informed General Jackson
that the order to dismiss his force was designed to reach him at
Fort Massac, near the mouth of the Cumberland; it being supposed
that he had not yet moved down the river. Though this explanation
appeared inconsistent with the orders at the same time issued to
General Wilkinson, its sincerity was not questioned by General
Jackson. It was sufficient for him that his conduct was sanctioned
by the government, and that he was relieved from the pecuniary
responsibilities he had incurred.

Within a few months after his return from Natchez, General Jackson
was again called from his retirement, to lead a large body of troops
into the Indian country on the southern borders of Tennessee.

By the treaty of San Ildefonso, concluded on the first day of
October, 1800, Louisiana was ceded by the Spanish government to
the French republic. The territorial rights thereby acquired, were
transferred to the United States, by a treaty concluded at Paris,
on the thirtieth of April, 1803. Spain was highly incensed at the
assignment of the territory, and threw every possible obstacle in
the way of its occupation by the authorities of the United States.
For a long time she refused absolutely, to yield up a large tract of
country lying between the Perdido and Mississippi rivers, upon the
pretence that it belonged to Florida.

During the war on the European continent, a community of feeling
and interest was established between Spain and England; and it
was only by the assistance and coöperation of British fleets
and armies, that Ferdinand VII was able finally to preserve his
throne. When hostilities commenced between the United States and
Great Britain,--though solemnly bound by the provisions of a
treaty concluded with the former, in 1795, to restrain the Indians
on the frontiers of Florida, by force, from attacking American
citizens,--Spain, through her officers, permitted British agents sent
from Canada, to establish themselves at the posts belonging to, or
occupied by her, and countenanced, or connived at, their efforts to
stir up the savages to begin an exterminating warfare.

[Sidenote: THE SOUTHERN INDIANS.]

The principal Indian nations in the southern part of the Union
were the Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws. The two last
mentioned tribes, together about thirty-five thousand strong, resided
on the Yazoo, Pearl, and Pascagoula rivers, in the Territory of
Mississippi; and after the occupation of Louisiana, and the march
of General Jackson through their country, with his large army,
on his return from Natchez, they could not be induced to take up
arms against the Americans. The Cherokees, also, who occupied the
mountainous country, where the two Carolinas, Georgia, Tennessee,
and Alabama,--the last a part of Mississippi Territory at the time
of which I am speaking,--adjoin, or approach each other, with the
exception of a very small portion of the younger members of the
tribe, remained on friendly terms with their white neighbors. The
Creeks, numbering near twenty-five thousand, inhabited the fertile
and beautiful Aulochewan country; their settlements extending from
the Gulf of Mexico to the Tennessee river, and from the Chatahoochee
to the Tombigbee, in the centre of which was the famous Hickory
Ground, a rich tract of land lying in the forks of the Coosa and
Tallapoosa, which its aboriginal occupants, from time immemorial,
held peculiarly sacred. Besides these tribes, there was the Seminole
band, an off-shoot of the Creeks, who had their homes in the swamps
and hummocks on the borders of Georgia and Florida.

The Creeks and Seminoles, from their situation, in the vicinity of
St. Augustine, St. Marks, Pensacola, and Fort Condé, were rendered
particularly liable to be influenced by the British agents at those
posts. In the winter of 1811–12, Tecumseh visited the Creeks, and
exhorted them earnestly to dig up the hatchet. After his departure,
prophets arose among them, who practiced the same rites and
incantations with the brother of the Shawano Chief, and, like him,
professed to have received important revelations from the Great
Spirit.[17] The older and wiser warriors were exceedingly averse
to war, but, through the influence and machinations of British and
Spanish officers who attended their councils, they were overruled by
the younger and more ambitious spirits of the tribe.

Soon after war was declared, the Seminoles commenced their
depredations; but in the following winter, a body of Georgia militia,
with two hundred volunteers from East Tennessee, followed them into
Florida, burned several of their towns, and returned home again
in the spring of 1813. Matters were not yet ripe for a general
outbreak, although it was confidently anticipated, as English vessels
were known to be sent from the Bahamas to Florida, laden with arms,
clothing, and ammunition, for the hostile Indians. In January,
1813, President Madison requested authority from Congress, to take
possession of the territory claimed by Spain, lying west of the
Perdido. After some delay, an act was passed, and on the fifteenth of
April, General Wilkinson appeared before Fort Condé, near Mobile, and
demanded its surrender. The Spanish commandant made no resistance,
and the American standard was for the first time planted in the
disputed territory. Other prominent points in the vicinity of Mobile
were also occupied by the American troops.

Occasional outrages were committed during the summer of 1813, and
the white settlers residing in the neighborhood of the Creeks and
Seminoles lived in a state of constant alarm and agitation. On the
fifteenth of August, Governor Blount, of Tennessee, was directed to
detail fifteen hundred of the militia of that state, and hold them in
readiness for immediate service. These troops were not called out,
however; and as time wore on without the occurrence of any serious
calamity, the border inhabitants began to fancy themselves almost
secure from attack. They were soon aroused from their lethargy, by
the glare of burning villages, and the rattling war-cry of the Indian
warrior.

[Sidenote: WAR WITH THE CREEKS.]

On the thirtieth day of August, 1813, Fort Mims, about forty miles
from Mobile, on the left bank of the Alabama river, and a short
distance above its junction with the Tombigbee, was surprised
by a party of Creeks, seven hundred strong, under their chief,
Weatherford; the garrison, consisting of one hundred and fifty of the
1st Mississippi volunteers, under Major Beasely, and twenty white
families who had taken refuge in the fort, with their negroes, in
all about three hundred and fifty persons, were cruelly massacred.
But seventeen of the whites made their escape. The perpetration of
this horrid tragedy excited the utmost consternation at the forts and
stations on the Tombigbee, of which there were nearly twenty within
a distance of seventy miles above Fort Stoddart. Most of the forts
were abandoned, and the affrighted fugitives fled down the river to
Mobile, which was itself extremely insecure.

General Claiborne, and Governor Holmes of the Mississippi Territory,
immediately called out a small militia force,--all that it was in
their power to bring into the field,--for the protection of the
Mobile country. In Tennessee, the alarm was universal, and the whole
population were aroused. But little aid could be expected from the
General Government, all whose means and energies were employed in
the prosecution of the northern campaign, and the defence of the
Atlantic coast from the ravages of the more civilized, but not less
brutal enemy. A public meeting of the citizens of Nashville was held
on the eighteenth of September, at which resolutions were passed,
urgently recommending the adoption, by the State Legislature, of
prompt measures for the invasion of the Creek country. In accordance
therewith, an act was passed on the twenty-fifth instant, authorizing
the governor to call out thirty-five hundred men, in addition to the
fifteen hundred already required by the General Government, who were
to be immediately put in service, and pledging the faith of the state
to pay them, if Congress should refuse. A resolution was also adopted
on the twenty-seventh instant, directing the governor to tender the
services of the Tennessee troops to the United States.

The public sentiment, with one accord, fixed upon Andrew Jackson
as the leader of this force. He was still confined to his room, on
account of the arm fractured in the affray with Colonel Benton,
which has been mentioned; but when his country called him to the
field, he was ready to obey her behest. On the twenty-fourth of
September, Governor Blount directed him to call out, without delay,
two thousand men of his division, to rendezvous at Fayetteville,--and
to order Colonel Coffee into immediate service, with five hundred
cavalry previously raised. The necessary instructions were issued,
on the same day, to Colonel Coffee, who was further instructed, to
incorporate with his regiment any companies of volunteer riflemen
that might present themselves. He also ordered into service the
volunteers who had accompanied him to Natchez, together with one
thousand militia from his division.

On the twenty-fifth of September, General Jackson directed a part
of the cavalry to repair to Huntsville, by forced marches. On the
twenty-sixth, Colonel Coffee was ordered to move upon the same point
and wait further orders, and on the twenty-eighth, he was instructed
to proceed to Fort St. Stephen’s which was said to be threatened by
the enemy. The state of his health did not permit the general to
appear at Fayetteville on the fourth of October, the day appointed
for the rendezvous; but he was represented on that occasion, by his
aid, Major Reid, through whom he delivered to the assembled troops a
most eloquent and spirited address. On the seventh instant he reached
the place of rendezvous, with his arm in a sling, where he found
a dispatch from Colonel Coffee, who had marched a short distance
beyond Huntsville, with near thirteen hundred men, informing him that
the Creeks had divided their forces,--one portion moving towards
the Georgia line, and the other advancing upon the frontiers of
Tennessee,--and that, in consequence of this, he had not proceeded to
Fort St. Stephen’s.

[Sidenote: TROOPS IN THE FIELD.]

It had been generally supposed that the next blow would be struck at
Mobile--more particularly, because of the facilities which would have
been afforded to the Indians, by its possession, of communicating
with their British allies; but the report of Colonel Coffee allayed
all the fears that had been entertained in regard to the safety of
that post. Relieved on this point, General Jackson commenced his
preparations for taking the field. Delay, however brief, was hardly
admissible, as he desired to terminate the campaign by a few bold and
decisive movements, but it was necessary, in order to furnish the
volunteers and militia, who had rendezvoused at Fayetteville, with
the requisite arms and supplies.

The hostile Creeks, or Red Sticks, numbered only about four thousand
warriors, and they were now surrounded by an American force large
enough, had it been properly provided, and directed by a single
commander, like General Jackson, to have driven them into the Gulf
of Mexico, or exterminated them in a very few weeks. On the west of
their settlements, there were six hundred Mississippi volunteers,
under General Claiborne; the 3rd regiment of regular infantry, six
hundred strong, under Colonel Russell; and two hundred militia, at
Fort St. Stephen’s. On the north, were the Tennessee volunteers and
militia, five thousand in number,--twenty-five hundred from West
Tennessee, with General Jackson in person, and twenty-five hundred
from East Tennessee, under Generals Cocke and White,--all under
the orders of General Jackson; and in addition to these, there was
a force of two hundred Mississippi volunteers, near Huntsville,
under Colonel Perkins. On the east were twenty-five hundred Georgia
militia, commanded by General Floyd. Besides the troops mentioned,
there was a body of Cherokees and friendly Creeks, sometimes with one
party and sometimes with another, and varying, at different times,
from one or two, to seven or eight hundred.

[Sidenote: DESIGNS OF THE BRITISH.]

Had they not been grossly deceived and deluded by their prophets, the
Creeks could never have hoped to accomplish anything against this
formidable array. Indeed, they seem to have been strangely infatuated
throughout; for, instead of concentrating their whole force in an
attack on Mobile, or the Mississippi or Georgia troops, neither of
whom were yet fully prepared for the field, they advanced with their
main body, weakened by a detachment sent towards the frontiers of
Georgia, against the column under General Jackson, who was ready to
meet them at any odds, and determined to defeat, when he did meet
them. It is not probable that the British agents who instigated the
Creeks to hostilities, anticipated that the latter would achieve any
certain success. They only supposed that the savages would hold the
Americans at bay, until a British army could be brought to succor
them. The resistless energy and perseverance of General Jackson,
defeated any such project. Long before England was able to dispatch a
considerable force to the Gulf, he had fallen upon the Creeks like a
thunderbolt, scattered their warriors, who escaped the deadly aim of
his rifles, like chaff before the wind, spread terror and devastation
through their settlements, and forced them, as suppliants, humbly to
beg for peace.

About one o’clock in the morning of the eleventh of October, an
express from Colonel Coffee,--who had crossed the Tennessee river
south of Huntsville, at Ditto’s Landing, and posted his command on
a high bluff on the opposite shore,--arrived at Fayetteville, with
the information that the Red Sticks were rapidly approaching his
position. Jackson instantly replied, that he would be on the march to
reïnforce him, in two hours. It had been sometime before understood,
between General Jackson and General Cocke, that the latter would
send supplies down the river, from East Tennessee, where provisions
were abundant, to meet the other column at Ditto’s Landing. Hoping,
rather than believing, that he would be supplied with provisions,
in sufficient quantities, if he advanced into the enemy’s country,
Jackson ordered all his disposable force under arms, and left
Fayetteville early in the morning of the eleventh.

Rumors of Indian massacres and outrages reached the command at every
stage of their progress. They scarcely halted during the day, and at
eight o’clock in the evening were in Huntsville, thirty-two miles
distant. Here General Jackson ascertained that the report in regard
to the advance of the Creeks was not well founded; and he therefore
concluded to rest his men till the following morning, when he resumed
his march, and in the evening effected a junction with the troops
under Colonel Coffee.

From the positive assurances contained in letters received from
Generals Cocke and White,--the latter of whom had concentrated
about eight hundred and fifty men, at Highwassee Garrison, in the
Cherokee country, on the fourth of October,--General Jackson was
led to believe that he should find ample stores of provisions when
he reached the Tennessee river. On the thirteenth of October, he
dispatched Colonel Coffee, with six hundred men picked from his
regiment, against Blackwarriors’ Town, on the Blackwarrior river,
about one hundred miles south of Ditto’s Landing. Day after day
passed by, and still the supplies did not arrive. The time was
profitably spent, under the circumstances, in drilling the troops,
but the delay was, nevertheless, intolerable. Repeated messages
were received from Chenubby, Pathkiller, and other friendly chiefs,
informing him that they and their families were liable to be cut off,
at any moment, by the Red Sticks, who were collecting in force near
the Ten Islands, on the Coosa River, and urging him to hasten to
their assistance. He at length determined that he would not longer
remain inactive.

[Sidenote: ADVANCE TO THOMPSON’S CREEK.]

As his contemplated route to the Coosa lay, for some distance, up
the Tennessee river, he resolved to advance, hoping to meet the
stores which he supposed were descending the stream; and so confident
was he upon this point, that he sent forward expresses to stop them
at Thompson’s Creek. On the nineteenth of October, he commenced his
march for that point, with scarcely a week’s rations on hand, having
previously dismissed the former contractors for his army and supplied
their places with others.

He was obliged to cut a road for the passage of his wagon train
through dense forests, and over almost impassable mountains; but he
only smiled at obstacles when he possessed the means to overcome
them. On the twenty-second instant, he arrived at Thompson’s Creek,
but it was only to be again disappointed. No supplies were to be
found, and nothing could be heard of any. Other generals would have
given up in despair; but it was not in his nature to falter. Though
environed by difficulties, which might well have appalled a braver
spirit, he formed the stern resolution to breast them nobly and
manfully. To retreat now, would be to abandon the friendly Creeks,
of whose danger he was again reminded, by a message from Pathkiller,
at Turkey Town, to their fate,--and to leave the southern frontiers
of Tennessee exposed to the ruthless ravages of the savage enemy.
Though the hideous monster, Famine, stared him in the face at every
step, he resolved to advance to the Ten Islands, and then sweep down
through the country where the hostiles, or Red Sticks, as they were
called, in allusion to the emblems which they had adopted, were
concentrating, to the forks of the Coosa and Tallapoosa.

He addressed earnest and importunate letters to the governors of
Tennessee and Georgia, to Colonels Meigs and McKee, the Cherokee
and Choctaw agents, to General Flourney, the commander of the
seventh military district, to the friendly chiefs, and several
private citizens of wealth and influence, urging them to leave no
means untried to throw forward the necessary supplies for his army,
and pledging himself, if properly furnished in this respect, to
terminate the war in a very few weeks. While at Thompson’s Creek, he
received a letter from General White, who had increased his force at
Highwassee to about thirteen hundred men, besides one or two hundred
friendly Cherokees, informing him that no flour could be spared at
that post. He immediately dispatched expresses to Generals Cocke and
White, apprising them of the condition of his troops in regard to
provisions, and requiring them to join him as soon as possible in the
Creek country.

On the twenty-fourth of October, Colonel Coffee returned from his
expedition, having destroyed Blackwarriors’ Town, and captured three
hundred bushels of corn, though he had not seen an Indian. The
provisions of his men were so nearly exhausted, that, during the
last four days of their excursion, they were obliged to subsist on
parched corn. In the evening of the twenty-fourth, the preparations
of General Jackson for a forward movement were completed; a dépôt
was established at Thompson’s Creek, called Fort Deposit, and means
provided for forwarding such supplies as might arrive; and, on the
morning of the twenty-fifth, he put his army in motion for the
interior, marching, as was his invariable custom, in three columns,
so arranged that they could be instantly formed in order of battle,
if attacked in front or in rear, or on either flank.

In two days General Jackson reached Wills’ Creek, a tributary of the
Coosa, where he encamped till the morning of the twenty-ninth, to
collect corn from the neighboring Indians,--his army being entirely
out of bread. On the twenty-eighth instant, Lieutenant Colonel
Dyer was detached with two hundred cavalry, against the village of
Littefutchee, which he attacked the following night; the village was
burned; twenty-nine prisoners were taken; and considerable corn,
and a number of beeves, were collected from the vicinity. While at
Wills’ Creek, Jackson was again obliged to remove his contractors,
and employ others. On the thirtieth instant, he reörganized his
troops. General Hall was placed in command of the first brigade,
consisting of the first and second regiments of volunteer infantry,
under Colonels Bradley and Pillow; and General Roberts in command
of the second brigade, consisting of the first and second militia
regiments, under Colonels Wynne and M’Crory. General Coffee, promoted
from colonel, was placed in command of the cavalry brigade, which
consisted of the volunteer regiment, Colonel Alcorn, and the mounted
rifles, Colonel Cannon.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF TALLUSCHATCHEE.]

The march was then resumed for the Ten Islands. While General Jackson
was cutting his way over the Coosa mountain, General Coffee was
ordered to cross the river, at the fish-dams, with one thousand
men of his brigade, to scour the country in the direction of the
Ten Islands, and attack the Indian town of Talluschatchee, about
thirteen miles distant, in an easterly direction, where a large
force of the enemy had collected. The orders issued to General Coffee
were gallantly executed. On the morning of the third of November he
approached the town; the savages in vain attempted to oppose his
march; and they were driven rapidly back upon their buildings, in and
about which a fierce and bloody contest took place, that terminated
in their complete rout and overthrow. Both men and women fought with
the utmost desperation. One hundred and eighty-six of the enemy,
including one of their prophets, and a number of women and children,
were found dead on the field of battle; and there were eighty-four
taken prisoners, all of whom were women and children. General Coffee
had five men killed and fourteen wounded. Having destroyed the town
and buried his dead, he rejoined the main army, at the Ten Islands,
in the evening of the same day, with his wounded and prisoners.

[Sidenote: KINDNESS TO THE ORPHAN.]

Harassed by constant care and anxiety,--exposed, at every turn,
to vexatious delays and hindrances, that fretted and annoyed
him,--General Jackson never lost that kindness and gentleness of
spirit, which bloomed, bright and pure, amid the intenser passions
that burned and blazed around it. Among the prisoners taken at
Talluschatchee, was an infant boy found clinging to the breast of
his dead mother. He was brought to camp with the others, and General
Jackson endeavored to hire some of the captive women to take care
of him. They refused, saying, “All his relations are dead; kill
him too!”--Jackson then caused him to be fed with sweetened water,
and afterwards sent him to Huntsville, where he was nursed at his
expense. After the close of the campaign, he took the little orphan,
who was named Lincoyer, home with him to the Hermitage, where he was
reared and educated with parental care and kindness. At a proper age,
he was apprenticed to a saddler in Nashville; but he never lost his
Indian tastes. His health began to fail before he reached the age of
manhood, and he was removed to the Hermitage. He sunk rapidly into
a consumption, and soon died, sincerely mourned and lamented by the
general and his wife, who had watched over his sick bed with untiring
assiduity.

At the Ten Islands, General Jackson established a post, called Fort
Strother, on the right bank of the Coosa, opposite the mouth of
Talluschatchee creek. The prisoners brought in by General Coffee
were forthwith sent to Huntsville. No supplies had yet arrived;
the army could not be furnished with regular rations; and it was
hardly known, one day, what they were to subsist on the next. Once
more the commanding general appealed to the contractors, by every
consideration of humanity and patriotism, to forward the provisions
which could alone save his troops from starvation. He likewise again
wrote to General White, who had arrived at Turkey Town, twenty-five
miles above Fort Strother, to join him immediately. His dispatch was
written on the seventh of November, and, late in the evening, before
it was closed, a runner came in from Lashly’s fort, at Talladega,
about thirty miles south of Fort Strother, and a short distance east
of the Coosa, with the intelligence that a large body of Red Sticks
had encamped near that place, which was occupied by friendly Indians,
and were preparing to destroy it and the inmates. General Jackson
could not hesitate to grant the desired succor. He determined to
march forthwith; the urgent circumstances which induced him to
advance, were mentioned in the dispatch to General White; and the
latter was entreated to lose no time in reaching Fort Strother, to
protect his dépôt and cover his rear.

Marching orders were issued in a few moments after the arrival of
the runner, and at midnight General Jackson was on the march for
Talladega, with his whole disposable force, consisting of twelve
hundred infantry, and eight hundred cavalry and mounted rifles. His
sick, wounded, and baggage, were left at Fort Strother. Crossing the
Coosa in the night, he pressed forward with such celerity--officers
and men vieing with each other in zeal--that, on the evening of
the eighth instant, he encamped within six miles of the fort at
Talladega, which was occupied by one hundred and sixty friendly
warriors, with their women and children. About midnight the chief
Chenubby arrived from Turkey Town, with a letter from General White,
informing General Jackson that he had received an order from his
division commander, General Cocke, to join him at Chattooga, higher
up the Coosa, and that he could not, therefore, advance to Fort
Strother.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF TALLADEGA.]

Jackson’s cup of disappointment was almost full. Neither General
Cocke, nor General White, wanted in patriotism; but they seem, more
particularly the former, to have been impressed with the belief,
that by remaining aloof from General Jackson, they would secure a
larger share of the honors of the campaign. It seems almost painful
to contemplate the struggles of the proud and ambitious spirit
constantly thwarted by their unwise movements. Had they joined him
at once, the war would have been brought to a close in a few weeks;
but they preferred to linger behind, in safety and security, eating
up the provisions better deserved by those who were enduring the
severest fatigues and privations; and when they recovered from their
inactivity, and advanced to strike a blow, it proved to be the only
unfortunate one of the whole campaign.

The dispatch from General White made no change, however, in the
determination of General Jackson. He resolved to dispose of the
enemy in his front, and then fall back, with all possible speed,
to Fort Strother, before the enemy would have time to profit by
its defenceless condition. The prospect before his troops was
disheartening in the extreme; if they conquered, there would be no
food to refresh or reïnvigorate them; yet his example inspired them
with confidence, and they obeyed his commands without hesitation or
reluctance.

Long before daylight on the morning of the ninth of November, the
army was again in motion. Silently threading their way through the
luxuriant forests, winding over the hills, and crossing the rich
intervals, that separated them from the enemy, they approached their
position. Within a mile, they were halted, and formed in order of
battle. The infantry brigades were placed in the centre,--General
Hall’s on the right, and General Roberts’ on the left. They were
flanked, on the right, by Colonel Alcorn’s volunteer cavalry, and, on
the left, by the mounted rifles of Colonel Cannon. An advanced corps
of riflemen, spies, and artillery, was formed under Colonel Carroll,
the inspector general, and a strong reserve of two hundred and fifty
mounted men, under Lieutenant Colonel Dyer.

At eight o’clock the attack was ordered; and the whole column moved
rapidly forward, all full of animation and enthusiasm. Colonel
Carroll preceded the main body, with the advance, having received
orders to rouse the enemy from the thicket on the banks of a small
rivulet, in which they had concealed themselves, and then to retire
towards the centre. The sharp quick report of his rifles, and the
hideous yells and screams, soon apprised the remainder of the column
that the savages had been started from their cover. Meantime, the
infantry regiments, which had previously advanced by heads of
companies, had displayed, in accordance with the orders of General
Jackson, and the cavalry were extending themselves, to the right
and left, so as to encircle the enemy. The orders issued by the
commanding general required the cavalry to keep up their connection
with the flanks of the infantry. This was neglected on the right, and
the plan of attack, which was most skilfully formed, was partially
defeated by this untoward circumstance. Colonel Bradley, the officer
commanding the infantry regiment on the right, also halted his men on
a rising ground, before he came in contact with the enemy, and the
gap was thereby considerably widened.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE ENEMY.]

When the fronts of the cavalry columns met on the further side of the
enemy, they faced inwardly, and a general rush was made towards the
centre. The Indians did not appear inclined to fly, at first, but
made a bold onset upon the right wing of General Roberts’ brigade.
Three of the companies, after delivering their fire, began to
stagger, and finally fell back in the rear. Colonel Bradley was then
ordered to advance with his regiment, and fill up the vacancy. This
he declined doing; and General Jackson, much against his will, as he
designed the reserve to pursue the enemy if they attempted to escape,
was forced to direct Lieutenant Colonel Dyer to dismount his men, and
engage them. Observing this movement, the retiring militia rallied
and did good service.

The action was not of long continuance. The savages could not
withstand the destructive fire poured in upon them from every side,
and in fifteen minutes they commenced flying hither and thither,
within the circle, seeking some avenue of escape. Whichsoever way
they turned, they encountered the rifle and the bayonet. At length,
they discovered the opening between Colonel Alcorn’s regiment of
cavalry, on the right, and the volunteers of Colonel Bradley.
Through this numbers of them dashed, hotly pursed by both cavalry
and infantry, who followed them for nearly three miles, strewing the
ground throughout the whole distance with their dead bodies. The
Indian force numbered one thousand and eighty warriors, of whom two
hundred and ninety-nine were found killed on the field of battle, and
many more must have perished in the woods. The Americans lost but
fifteen killed, and eighty-five wounded, some of the latter mortally.

The occupants of the fort thus timely relieved, crowded around
General Jackson and his brave troops, and poured forth their thanks
in eloquent and impressive terms. There were only one hundred and
sixty warriors, with their women and children, and the arrival of
the Tennesseans was most opportune, as the Red Sticks were to have
assaulted the fort in a few hours. They had been entirely cut off
from their supply of water, and had suffered considerably for want of
it. Their stock of provisions was also limited; but on discovering
the condition of Jackson’s troops, who had left Fort Strother with
but little over one day’s rations, they cheerfully furnished them all
they had to spare, which scarcely amounted to a single meal.

General Jackson complimented his troops, in the highest terms, for
their gallantry in this action. All the officers, with the exception
of Colonel Bradley, who was placed under arrest, but afterwards
released, were mentioned in his dispatches in terms of marked
approbation.

[Sidenote: DESTITUTION OF THE TROOPS.]

An instant retreat to Fort Strother was now necessary. The
horses were suffering for the want of forage, and the men were
half-famished, when they turned their backs on the field of victory,
and commenced their retrograde march. Jackson was with the van of the
army, and on the way discovered a quantity of acorns lying on the
ground. Dismounting from his horse, he threw the bridle over his arm,
and, having gathered a few of the nuts, sat down on the roots of a
tree to eat them. He was thus engaged in satisfying his hunger, when
a soldier approached him, and demanded something to eat. “I never
turn away the hungry,” said the general, “while I have anything to
give them.” He then offered the soldier a few acorns, adding, “I will
most cheerfully divide with you such food as I have.” Mortified and
surprised, the man shrunk back among his companions, who thereafter
repressed every disposition to murmur or complain.

The army reached Fort Strother on the evening of the eleventh
of November, but it was only to be once more disappointed. No
provisions, except the limited quantities forwarded by the
contractors, had yet arrived; and the private stores of the general
had been almost exhausted, in order to supply the wants of the sick
and wounded. Still he assumed a cheerful and confident tone, though
sad enough at heart, and resorting to the slaughter-pens, provided
himself with tripes, with which he made what he termed a comfortable
repast. His example was imitated by the soldiers, who seemed inclined
willingly to endure the hardships of the campaign.

But matters could not long continue in this situation. The battles of
Talluschatchee and Talladega had satisfied, to a considerable degree,
the desire for adventure which had previously animated the troops in
the midst of the most embarrassing difficulties, and they soon began
to pine for the comforts of home. Starvation was far more terrible to
them than “an army with banners.” They were brave,--this could not
be doubted,--and they would have gladly followed their general into
the very heart of the Creek country, if they could only have been
assured that a reasonable supply of food would be provided; of the
two enemies whom they met in the wilderness, they feared the savage
least; and was it not asking too much that they should encounter both?

Disaffection gradually gained ground, and, in a few days, the whole
army was on the verge of mutiny. The militia regiments were the
first to make known their determination to leave the camp, and return
to Tennessee. Apprised of their intention, General Jackson ordered
the volunteer brigade under arms, and when the militia attempted to
move off, the former were directed to fire upon them unless they
returned to their duty. This had the desired effect. The overawed
militia retired to their tents, but, on the following morning,
they were themselves paraded, in a similar manner, to prevent
the volunteers from deserting their colors. This arraying of one
species of force against another was a bold and happy conception of
Jackson’s; but it would not bear repetition. No one could be better
aware than himself, that the men had reasonable cause for complaint,
even though he insisted on a rigid compliance with his orders to
remain at Fort Strother. The horses were suffering so much, however,
for the want of forage, that the mounted men received permission to
go back to Huntsville, upon their pledge to return promptly when
required to do so.

[Sidenote: SUPPRESSION OF THE MUTINY.]

Having been positively assured by the new contractor, Colonel
Pope, in reply to his earnest and pathetic appeals, that supplies
would soon reach his camp, General Jackson made a most eloquent
and animated harangue to his troops on the fourteenth of November,
exhorting them, by every consideration and argument which should
influence brave and patriotic citizens, not to abandon the service,
and leave the frontier settlements exposed to the desolating
incursions of the Indians. He also promised them, that if a supply
of provisions did not arrive within two days, he would himself
lead them back where there was plenty. The militia consented to
remain; but the volunteer regiments, forgetful of the heavy debt
of gratitude which they owed to their commander, for his refusal
to desert them the previous winter, at Natchez, when they had been
abandoned by their government, determined to march forthwith to
the settlements. Discovering that it was useless longer to attempt
compulsory measures, General Jackson issued the necessary orders to
General Hall, to conduct his brigade to Fort Deposit. Before the
march was commenced, the second regiment wisely reconsidered their
determination, and concluded to stay with the general; whereupon the
first regiment moved off alone.

The specified time elapsed, and still no provisions had arrived.
On the sixteenth, General Jackson commenced his preparations for
the abandonment of Fort Strother; but, on reflecting how much
this movement would reïnspirit the savages, he declared that he
would not leave the post, if only two men would remain with him.
Captain Gordon, of the spies, instantly volunteered to be one of
his companions, and through his exertions, and those of some of the
members of the general staff, one hundred and nine men were found who
agreed to stay.

Feeling confident, however, that supplies were close at hand, General
Jackson marched with the militia, apprising them, in advance, that
they would be ordered back if his expectations should be realized.
Within ten or twelve miles of the fort, they met one hundred and
fifty beeves. The column at once halted; the cattle were knocked
down, and eagerly cooked and eaten by the half-starved troops. But
when the order to return was issued, none obeyed it. One company,
indeed, had resumed the march, before the general discovered the
mutinous disposition which prevailed among the troops. He immediately
dashed ahead of the men who were moving off, and with General Coffee,
a part of the staff, and a few soldiers, formed a line across the
road, and declared that he would fire on them if they endeavored
to pass. Well knowing that he was not the man to forfeit his word,
they fell back to the main body, who were soon discovered to be
likewise infected with the spirit of mutiny. Arguments and entreaties
proved of no avail,--the troops all formed, and were on the point of
continuing their march to Fort Deposit. As a last resort, the general
snatched a musket, threw it across the neck of his horse, and placing
himself in front of the column, declared that he would shoot down the
first man who moved a single step in advance.

The piece which General Jackson had seized was too much out of order
to be fired, and his arm was so weak that he could not aim it with
any precision; but the men before him knew nothing of this, or, if
they did, thought not of it. They only saw his flashing eye, and his
determined look. General Coffee and some of the staff took their
places in silence beside him. Two faithful companies also formed in
his rear. All were ready to fire when he gave the signal. For several
moments not a word was uttered. At length the power of numbers
quailed before the iron will, the moral greatness of that one man.
The mutineers signified their willingness to return, and in a short
time they were retracing their steps to Fort Strother.

[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF THE HILLABEE TOWNS.]

While General Jackson was engaged in quelling the disturbances in
his camp, the East Tennesseans, under General White, were proceeding
against the Hillabee towns, the warriors from which had been present
at the battle of Talladega. Intimidated by the result of this action,
they had applied to General Jackson, on the thirteenth of November,
for terms of peace. On the seventeenth he replied, making known to
them the conditions upon which their request would be granted. On the
same night, General White, who had been detached for this service by
General Cocke, on the eleventh of November, with all his cavalry and
mounted infantry, approached the principal Hillabee village, having
previously destroyed Little Oakfuskie, Genalga, and Netta Chaptoa.
At daylight the town was surprised, sixty warriors were killed, and
two hundred and fifty taken prisoners, without the loss of a drop of
blood on the part of General White’s command.

This unfortunate movement--unfortunate, inasmuch as the blow fell
with crushing weight upon a people already subdued, and anxious to
make peace on any terms--confirmed General Cocke in the opinion which
he had previously formed and communicated to General Jackson on the
fourteenth of November, that it was far better to unite his forces
with those of the latter, and act in concert with him, than, by
remaining separate, to paralyze his efforts, and defeat his plans.
Thereafter he made no attempt to operate independently of General
Jackson, and on the twelfth of December joined him at Fort Strother,
with fourteen hundred and fifty men.

Meanwhile the Georgia militia, under General Floyd, though, like the
Tennessee troops, much embarrassed by the want of supplies, had been
advancing from the frontier of that state into the Creek country.
Early in the morning of the twenty-ninth of November, they surprised
the Indian town of Antossee, situated on the left bank of the
Tallapoosa, about twenty miles above its junction with the Coosa, and
which the savages had been taught by their prophets to consider holy
ground. The force under General Floyd consisted of nine hundred and
fifty Georgians, and between three and four hundred friendly Indians.
Antossee, and another town about five hundred yards lower down, were
occupied by large parties of the enemy. Both were attacked at the
same moment; the houses were set on fire; and a furious contest took
place amid the surrounding flames. The Indians were ultimately routed
and dispersed, with the loss of two hundred killed and wounded.
General Floyd was himself severely wounded; and there were eleven
of his men killed, and fifty-four wounded. As the principal Creek
towns were within a short distance of Antossee, he completed the work
of destruction, and immediately retired to the Chatahoochee, which
he reached without molestation. On the ninth of December, another
detachment of Georgia militia, under General Adams, consisting of
five hundred and thirty men, marched on a second expedition against
the towns on the Tallapoosa. They were unable to bring the enemy to
action, but destroyed two of their villages, and then returned to
camp.

[Sidenote: ECCANAHACA DESTROYED.]

While these operations were going on, east and north of the Creeks,
the regulars and militia on the west, though cut off from all
communication with the other columns, by the trackless forests which
separated them, were not inactive. On the thirteenth of December,
General Claiborne moved up the Alabama river, from Fort Stoddart,
with a detachment, in order to destroy the towns above the mouth of
the Cahawba. On the twenty-third instant he attacked Eccanahaca, or
Holy Ground, a new town erected since the commencement of the war,
in the midst of tangled thickets, and almost impenetrable swamps
and morasses. This village was the general dépôt of the Indians in
this section, and contained large quantities of property and stores
of provisions. It consisted of about two hundred houses, and was
occupied by a considerable body of the enemy, under the half-breed
chief, Weatherford. General Claiborne advanced upon the town, with
his force divided into three columns. The Indians were quickly driven
out, leaving thirty dead on the ground. Having no facilities for
removing the property or provisions, the general ordered them to be
consumed with the town. He also destroyed another village, containing
sixty houses, eight miles higher up the river.

Among the slain at Eccanahaca were three Shawnee warriors, who had
probably joined the hostile Creeks after the terrible defeat of their
tribe on the banks of the Thames, in October previous; and among
the trophies of the expedition, was a letter to Weatherford, from
Manriquez, the Spanish governor of Florida, dated at Pensacola, the
twenty-ninth of September, affording ample and conclusive evidence of
his connivance with the Red Sticks.[18]

The troops called out under the authority of the Legislature of
Tennessee, were accepted by the General Government, and on the
seventh of November, General Pinckney, previously in charge of
the sixth military district, was ordered to assume command of the
seventh. His plan of conducting the campaign contemplated the
junction of the various corps operating in the Creek country, at the
confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa; and instructions were issued
by him to the different commanders, requiring them to take possession
of the country as they advanced, so as, at all times, to keep open
their communication in the rear.

[Sidenote: ANOTHER MUTINY.]

After allaying the mutiny in his camp, in November, General Jackson
visited Fort Deposit and Ditto’s Landing, to make arrangements for
supplying his army, preparatory to another forward movement which
he had in contemplation. Requisitions were issued for furnishing
a suitable number of rations at Fort Strother, Talladega, and the
junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, together with wagons and
pack-horses for their transportation. He then returned to Fort
Strother with the first regiment of volunteers. Shortly after
his return a new cause of disturbance arose. The volunteers had
originally engaged to serve for twelve months, and they claimed that
their term of service would expire on the tenth of December. General
Jackson, however, contended that the period which elapsed between the
time of their dismissal, after their return from Natchez, and that
of their subsequent remuster, at Fayetteville, must be deducted. Each
party insisted on its particular view of the case; and in the evening
of the ninth of December, General Jackson was informed by General
Hall, that his brigade were preparing to move off, with, or without
permission, on the following morning.

General Jackson had become familiar with scenes of this character,
and he immediately issued an order, stating that an actual mutiny
existed in the camp, and commanding all officers and soldiers to
unite in putting it down. He further directed the volunteer brigade
to parade on the west side of the fort; the company of artillerists
were ordered to take post, with one piece in front, and one in rear,
of their line; and the militia, under Colonel Wynne, were instructed
to occupy the eminences in advance. These dispositions being made,
the general rode in front of the volunteers, and addressed each
company separately, in eloquent and animated terms, informing them
that he had submitted the question in dispute to the governor, and
that, until his decision was known, or reïnforcements joined him, he
could not dispense with their services. He appealed to every noble
and worthy motive to induce them to remain; but declared, that he
should do his duty, regardless of consequences; and that they could
not leave him, without passing over his dead body. “Now,” said he, in
conclusion, “argument is at an end; and you must choose, and that at
once, whether you will go or stay!”

Not a word was uttered in reply, by the volunteers. He then demanded
a prompt answer. Still there was no response. He now ordered the
artillerists to prepare their matches. Ere the order was obeyed, the
obstinacy of the men gave way before his unyielding firmness. “Let us
return,” was whispered from one to another, with trembling lips; and
the officers soon came forward, and pledged themselves and their men,
to remain until the general should hear from the governor, or the
expected reïnforcements arrive.

On the twelfth of December, General Cocke reached the camp, from Fort
Armstrong, with the East Tennesseans. General Jackson then issued
an address to the volunteer brigade, offering to permit those who
desired to leave him, to return at once to Nashville, and those who
chose to remain, to organize themselves into a separate corps, with
officers of their own selection. But one man in the whole brigade,
Captain Williamson, consented to stay; the remainder were marched
back to Nashville, by General Hall, and soon after discharged from
the service.

The regiment of volunteer cavalry belonging to General Coffee’s
brigade, claimed the same indulgence with the volunteer infantry,
and the mounted rifles insisted that they were only bound for a
three months’ tour of duty. About one-half the brigade abandoned the
service, at Huntsville, and the other half returned to Fort Deposit,
but they also subsequently deserted their commander,--General
Coffee exerting himself, in vain, to induce them to remain,--and
returned home. These defections, and the expiration of the terms of
service of a portion of General Cocke’s division, reduced the force
under General Jackson, at Fort Strother, to six hundred militia,
two companies of spies, under Captains Gordon and Russell, one of
artillery, under Captain Deadrick, and a few volunteers from the
various corps, who had been, “faithful among the faithless found.”
The militia demanded their discharge at the expiration of three
months, although it had been supposed they were enlisted for six, and
it was not thought advisable to compel them to remain.

All these difficulties in keeping the troops in the field arose from
the want of sufficient supplies. Had General Jackson been properly
supported in this respect, it is probable there would not have been
a single case of defection, and the first of January, 1814, would
have witnessed the complete subjection of the Creeks. Still he was
determined to prosecute the campaign, as soon as he should be in
a condition to move forward. After the return of the militia, he
was left with only about one hundred men, and was, in consequence,
obliged to employ the friendly Cherokees in garrisoning Fort
Armstrong and protecting the stores at Camp Ross. Generals Cocke and
Roberts, Colonel Carroll, and Major Searcy, the aid of the commanding
general, were at this time absent in Tennessee, exerting themselves
to raise additional troops.

[Sidenote: LETTER TO GOVERNOR BLOUNT.]

On being informed of the situation of General Jackson, Governor
Blount advised him to fall back from his advanced posts, and content
himself with defending the frontiers of the state, until he was
placed in sufficient force to carry on the war. On the twenty-ninth
of December, 1813, the general unburthened his whole soul to the
governor,

“In thoughts that breathe, and words that burn.”

“What!” said he, in his letter, “retrograde under such
circumstances! I will perish first. What! a governor of a patriotic
state, whose citizens pressed for war, who bawled for permission
to exterminate the Creeks, to pause or hesitate at such a crisis
as this? Such conduct cannot be justified, cannot be excused. Hear
the voice of a friend: If you compel me to retrograde, the awful
responsibility must and will be ascribed to you.... I shall do my
duty. I will retain the post, or die in the struggle, unless ordered
to retreat by my commanding general!”

The earnest appeals of General Jackson, whose intrepidity of spirit
and resoluteness of purpose appeared only the more conspicuous, when
fortune smiled the most unkindly on him, were not without effect. On
the thirteenth of January, 1814, he was joined at Fort Strother, by
two regiments of mounted men, eight hundred and fifty strong, under
Colonels Perkins and Higgins, who had volunteered for sixty days.
Previous to this time, he had ascertained that the hostile Indians
from several towns on the Tallapoosa, had concentrated in a bend of
the river, thirty-five miles south-east of Talladega, near the mouth
of the Emuckfaw Creek, and were either preparing to attack Fort
Armstrong, or the Georgia troops.

The volunteer, cavalry having been enlisted for so short a period,
it was necessary to act speedily if he desired to avail himself of
their services. On the day of their arrival at Fort Strother, he
issued orders directing them to hold themselves in readiness for the
march, and, on the fifteenth and sixteenth of January, crossed the
Coosa with his whole force, numbering seven hundred and sixty-seven
men, though the official reports, which were not corrected lest the
army should be intimidated by the knowledge of its weakness, showed a
total of nine hundred and thirty.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF EMUCKFAW.]

At Talladega, General Jackson was joined by two hundred friendly
Creeks and Cherokees. The march was continued without intermission,
and on the night of the twentieth instant, he encamped at
Enotochopco, one of the Hillabee villages, within twelve miles of
Emuckfaw. In the morning of the twenty-first, the army proceeded
direct towards the bend of the river where the enemy were said to be
fortified. About the middle of the afternoon, the spies discovered
two Indians, who were pursued, but made their escape. Advancing a
short distance further, they came upon the main trail of the savages.
The general then determined to encamp and reconnoitre the surrounding
country. A proper position having been selected, the army encamped
in a hollow square. Pickets and spies were thrown out on every side;
the sentinels were doubled; fires were built in a circle around the
encampment; and every precaution taken to guard against a surprise.

Though General Jackson knew it not, as his spies could obtain but
little information, he was in the immediate vicinity of the three
principal, and most formidable, bands of the Red Sticks. Girded by
the belt of watch-fires which their vigilant and sagacious commander
directed to be formed, in order to prevent the approach of an enemy
undiscovered, his troops reposed in security. All remained quiet till
ten o’clock in the evening, when three of the savages were descried
stealing cautiously towards one of the pickets. They were instantly
fired on, and one of them was shot down. About an hour later, the
spies came in, and reported that there was a large Indian encampment
three miles distant, and that its occupants were whooping and
dancing, as if preparing to go out on the war-path. The general was
further informed by one of the spies, an intelligent Indian, that the
enemy were sending away their women and children--a sure indication
that they intended to decamp, or attack him, before morning. Orders
were now given for the men to be prepared for action, at any moment.

Moments and hours passed by in anxious suspense. From time to time
the orders enjoining strict caution and vigilance were repeated.
The darkest hour of the morning--the time usually selected by the
Indians for their attacks--approached; and when everything was the
most quiet and undisturbed, all at once there rose a loud pealing
yell on the left of the encampment, and with it came a hurtling
volley of rifle-balls. A deafening responsive shout went up, within
that fiery circle, like the wild pibroch of some Gaelic clan, rousing
the martial spirit of all who heard it. The enemy kept up a rapid
and unintermitting fire; but they could not approach near enough to
effect any execution, without entering the line of light which the
timely precaution of Jackson had thrown around his men; and whenever
a single swart form, or painted visage, was disclosed, the American
bullet sped away on its sure errand of death.

[Sidenote: THE ENEMY REPULSED.]

When the alarm was first given, General Coffee, Colonel Carroll, and
Colonel Sitler, the adjutant general,--who, with a number of other
officers previously belonging to different detachments, had remained
with the commander to whom they were devotedly attached, and formed
themselves into a corps, without privates,--mounted their horses
and rode to the left. Their presence inspirited and encouraged the
troops, and the savages were held firmly at bay till the dawning
light enabled objects to be distinguished with precision. A company
of infantry was then ordered to that flank, and thus strengthened,
General Coffee, supported by Colonels Higgins and Carroll, led the
whole line to the charge. The red warriors were driven from their
coverts at the point of the bayonet, and pursued for more than two
miles; the friendly Indians joining in the chase, and marking their
pathway with the blood of the slain.

The enemy having been effectually repulsed, General Coffee was
ordered to advance to the Indian encampment, with four hundred men
and all the friendly warriors, and destroy it. On approaching it, he
found that it was too strongly fortified to be carried by assault,
and therefore returned to bring up the company of artillery. Before
he again set out, his services were required at the camp. Within half
an hour after his return, a body of savages were observed on the
right, who opened a brisk fire on a party searching for the Indian
shot by the picket on the previous night. General Coffee solicited
the honor of attacking them. He was directed to take two hundred
men with him, but through some mistake, he was followed by only
fifty-four men, all of whom belonged to the company of volunteer
officers which he commanded. With this small force, he fell with such
fury on the left flank of the assailants, that they were forced to
take shelter in a thicket on the bank of a small creek.

In the meantime, as had been anticipated by General Jackson, who
supposed the demonstration on the right to be a mere _ruse de
guerre_, the main body of the enemy came rushing like demons, with
the most hideous and discordant yells, on the left of the American
encampment. He instantly repaired thither in person. His men always
knew how to fight under his eyes, and they stood their ground with
veteran intrepidity and firmness. A few well-directed and effective
volleys were delivered, and resort was then had to the bayonet; the
men advancing to the charge under the orders of Colonel Carroll. Once
more the enemy fled with precipitation, and were hotly pursued some
distance from the camp.

The savages were now completely repulsed on the left, and General
Coffee and his little band, who had been forced back into the open
wood where the battle commenced, were reïnforced by one hundred
friendly warriors. General Coffee, though severely wounded in the
fierce conflict, which had deprived him of several of his best
officers, including his aid, Major Donelson, placed himself at the
head of the united force, and charged home upon the assailants. They
could no longer make head against him, but retreated in confusion.
The pursuit was continued for about three miles, in which forty-five
of the enemy were killed.

Victorious as he was, General Jackson was still in a precarious
position. His men had but few rations left, and the horses had not
had corn or cane, for two days. The main object of the expedition--a
diversion in favor of the Georgia troops--had been accomplished; yet
his small force was seriously crippled, and it was to be feared, if
he remained at Emuckfaw, that the Red Sticks would rally in greater
numbers, and attack him once more, under all his disadvantages.
He therefore decided to fall back to Fort Strother as soon as
practicable. The remainder of the day was spent in burying the
dead, in taking care of the wounded and preparing litters for their
transportation, and in fortifying the camp. The militia sentinels
were repeatedly alarmed during the night, probably by their own
fancies, as no enemy was discovered; and on the morning of the
twenty-third, without having been again molested, the army commenced
the return march.

Not a solitary Indian was seen through the day, except those attached
to the command. They defiled, without interruption, through a
hurricane, covered with the huge bolls of prostrate oaks and pines,
with straggling branches of trees flung in every direction, and
closely-matted weeds and brambles, in which there were numerous
hiding-places that might have afforded shelter to an enemy; and just
before sunset, they arrived at Enotochopco, where they halted for the
night, selecting a strong position, which they fortified, within a
quarter of a mile of the creek.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF ENOTOCHOPCO.]

In the evening, small parties of the hostile savages were seen
prowling about the encampment, although no attack was made. This
circumstance, in connection with the fact that he had not been
molested during the day, convinced General Jackson that the enemy had
got in the advance, and were lying in wait for him at a dangerous
defile where he had forded the creek on his outward march. He
therefore sent out his pioneers, who discovered another crossing,
about six hundred yards lower down, which was approached through open
woodlands; and, unlike the other, its banks sloped gently down, and
were tolerably free from reeds and underbrush. The lower ford was, of
course, selected, in preference to the one above.

Presuming that the Indians would rush upon his men, when they were
engaged in passing the stream, the general made his preparations with
great care, and issued his orders with unusual precision. Colonel
Carroll was ordered to take command of the centre of the rear-guard;
Colonel Perkins of the right column; and Colonel Stump of the left.
Captain Russell was directed to bring up the rear with his company
of spies. If attacked, Colonel Carroll was instructed to face about,
display, and maintain his ground; while the right and left columns
were to face outward, wheel back on their pivots, and then attack the
Indians on both flanks.

[Sidenote: SUDDENNESS OF THE ATTACK.]

In this order the crossing proceeded on the morning of the
twenty-fourth. The front-guard, the wounded, and a part of the flank
columns, had passed over; and the artillery were in the act of
entering the creek--General Jackson being on the bank superintending
the movement--when an alarm gun was fired in the rear. The instant
after, the whole troop of Indians, who had discovered the effort to
turn their position, came plunging down upon the rear-guard. Captain
Russell received them gallantly, and fell back in good order. Colonel
Carroll had scarcely given the order to halt and form, when the right
and left columns, headed by their officers, broke and fled down the
bank. Colonel Stump was among the foremost, and as he approached
General Jackson’s position, the latter attempted to cut him down with
his sword.

All was now confusion and disorder. The panic was communicated to the
rear-guard, most of whom followed the example of their companions.
Colonel Carroll, and Captain Quarles, were left with only twenty-five
men, yet they sustained the unequal contest with unflinching bravery.
The savages were checked in their advance, but the men were rapidly
falling, and the iron hail came thicker and faster. General Jackson
fairly boiled over with rage and indignation; yet, smothering his
passion, he gave his orders coolly and calmly, but in a tone that
rang like the blast of a trumpet. Words of encouragement were not
wanting; and when the fearless and intrepid Coffee sprang from
his litter into the saddle, he cried, “We shall whip them yet, my
men!--the dead have risen and come to aid us!”

The company of artillery, who were armed with muskets, now rushed
up the acclivity, and ranged themselves by the side of Colonel
Carroll and his little band, while their commander, Lieutenant
Armstrong[19]--Captain Deadrick being absent--and a few of his men,
dragged up their six pounder. The gun had been unlimbered at the
foot of the height, and when they prepared to load it, the rammer
and picker were missing. No time was to be lost, as the savages were
fast closing upon them. One of the men instantly wrested off his
bayonet, and rammed the cartridge home with his musket; another used
his ramrod as a picker, and primed with a musket cartridge. Twice was
the gun loaded and fired with grapeshot. At the second discharge, the
enemy were thrown into confusion, when Colonel Carroll pressed upon
them with the bayonet, and forced them to retire a short distance,
though they still persisted in the attack.

Meanwhile, Captain Gordon, whose company had been in the advance, had
moved round and thrown himself upon the left flank of the Indians;
and a few moments later, General Jackson brought up a considerable
number of the rear-guard and flankers, whom he had rallied and
reformed, with the assistance of General Coffee, Colonel Higgins, and
other officers. Finding themselves baffled at every point, the enemy
gave up the contest and made a hasty retreat, throwing away their
packs as they fled, and leaving twenty-six of their warriors dead on
the field.

In this series of engagements, at Emuckfaw and Enotochopco, General
Jackson lost twenty men killed, and seventy-five wounded, four of
them mortally. One hundred and eighty-nine dead bodies of the enemy
were counted; but they removed all their wounded, and, probably, many
who were killed outright.

[Sidenote: A NEW ARMY RAISED.]

Important as were these actions in their immediate results, they
assumed additional consequence, as effecting a fortunate diversion
in favor of the troops under General Floyd. He was attacked by the
savages, at Camp Defiance, shortly before daylight, on the morning
of the twenty-seventh of January, three days after the battle of
Enotochopco. The furious onset of the savages was with difficulty
resisted, and they were only repulsed with the loss of seventeen
men killed, and one hundred and thirty-two wounded. Three hundred
warriors, at the least, were rendered _hors du combat_ in the several
contests with General Jackson, and many more were intimidated from
again taking up arms; and had they been present, the Georgia force
might, not unlikely, have been overpowered.

After caring for his dead and wounded, General Jackson resumed his
march, and arrived at Fort Strother on the twenty-seventh of January.
On the twenty-eighth, General Coffee and his corps of officers were
directed to return home, and wait the orders of the government; and
on the thirty-first instant, General Roberts was ordered to conduct
the volunteer regiments, whose bravery and patriotism were highly
commended by the commanding general, back to Fayetteville, where they
were discharged.

The brilliant successes of General Jackson in the Creek country now
began to attract unusual attention. The commander of the military
district, General Pinckney, referred to his conduct in terms of
strong approbation, and suggested his name to the Secretary of
War, for an appointment in the regular army. He had fought himself
into the confidence and affections of the public, and he had no
further need to depend on the reluctant services of a disorderly and
half-mutinous soldiery.

So far from being offended at the tone and language of General
Jackson’s letter, Governor Blount properly appreciated the feelings
of the writer, and made every possible exertion to send him both
troops and supplies. Men were not wanting to enrol their names;
but there were hundreds and thousands who longed to fight beneath
the standard, and under the eye, of Andrew Jackson. On the third of
February, General Doherty arrived at Camp Ross with two thousand
men from East Tennessee; and, shortly after, General Johnston
reported himself at Huntsville, with over seventeen hundred men,
from West Tennessee. Two regiments of cavalry, one from each section
of the state, under Colonels Dyer and Brown, also appeared, and
were organized into a brigade, under General Coffee. On the sixth
of February, the 39th infantry, under Colonel Williams, about six
hundred strong, joined General Jackson at Fort Strother, and about
the same time, the Choctaws took up the hatchet against the Red
Sticks, and offered him their services.

It was the intention of General Jackson to advance as soon as
possible towards the bend of the Tallapoosa, near which the battle
of Emuckfaw had been fought, and where, he was assured, the main
strength of the enemy lay. The want of supplies, as usual, retarded
his movements. It was now the rainy season; the streams were very
much swollen, and the bridges swept away; the roads were soaked with
water, and terribly cut up; and, although he kept five hundred men
at work on the route between Fort Deposit and Fort Strother, several
weeks elapsed before he was able to collect twenty days’ rations at
the latter place.

[Sidenote: PREPARATIONS TO TAKE THE FIELD.]

While the general was making his preparations at Fort Strother, most
of the detachments composing the force under his command remained in
the rear, that the supplies thrown forward to that post might not be
too quickly consumed. During this period of inaction, the spirit of
mutiny again made its appearance, among the West Tennessee troops. He
felt that he had so far dealt too leniently with this offence, and
determined to visit it with summary punishment. A private belonging
to General Johnston’s command was convicted of open mutiny, and
sentenced to death. This was his second offence, and the general
firmly refused to pardon him. The sentence was carried into effect,
and the example thus presented exerted a most salutary influence on
the whole army.

Early in March, General Jackson had finally completed his
arrangements. Colonel Dyer was ordered to scour the country between
the Coosa, Blackwarrior, and Cahawba, as low down as the old Coosa
towns; the Choctaws and Chickasaws were directed to watch the
country west of the Tombigbee, and prevent the escape of any of
the Red Sticks beyond the Mississippi; and the Cherokees received
instructions to range about the headwaters of the Tallapoosa. At
the same time, there was a large force of North Carolina and South
Carolina militia, under Colonel Pearson, who had relieved the Georgia
troops under General Floyd, on the eastern borders of the Creek
country, in readiness to coöperate in any simultaneous movement upon
the fastnesses of the hostile Indians.

Leaving a garrison of four hundred and fifty men at Fort Strother,
under Colonel Steel, General Jackson commenced descending the Coosa,
having embarked his stores in boats, with the remainder of his force,
on the sixteenth day of March. Arrived at the mouth of Cedar Creek,
he established a dépôt at this point, and commenced the construction
of a fort, which he named Fort Williams. The work on the fort being
in a sufficient state of forwardness, he took up the line of march
across the country to Emuckfaw, on the morning of the twenty-fourth
instant, with about two thousand men. A strong detachment was left at
Fort Williams, to protect the supplies, and continue the labor on the
fortifications.

Not far from five miles below the battle-ground of the twenty-second
of January, at Emuckfaw, is the great bend of the Tallapoosa, called
by the Indians, Tohopeca, or Horse Shoe. At this place, the warriors
from the hostile towns of Oakfuskie, Oakchoya, Eufaulee, New Youca,
the Hillabees and Fish Ponds, had concentrated their forces, near
one thousand strong, for a last desperate struggle. Across the
narrow neck of land, or isthmus, by which the peninsula formed by
the crooked river was entered, they had erected a breastwork of
logs, from five to eight feet high, with double portholes, arranged
with no little skill and ingenuity. Within the inclosure, there were
about one hundred acres of land; the centre was high ground, covered
with brush and fallen timber; and on the river bottom, at the lower
extremity of the peninsula, was the Indian village.

[Sidenote: TOHOPECA.]

On the night of the twenty-sixth of March, General Jackson encamped
within six miles of the Horse Shoe, and early on the following
morning, General Coffee was detached, with the mounted men and most
of the friendly Indians, under instructions to cross the river at
a ford two miles below Tohopeca, and take possession of the high
grounds on the opposite bank, so as to cut off all chance of escape
in that quarter. General Jackson then marched the remainder of his
force to a position in front of the enemy’s breastworks, where he
halted his men, until the preärranged signal announced that General
Coffee had drawn a cordon of soldiers around the elevated ground
overlooking the river and the hostile town and fortification. The
main column immediately moved forward; the two pieces of artillery, a
six and a three pounder, were planted on a hill eighty yards distant
from the left of the enemy’s line; and at half past ten o’clock in
the forenoon, the action was opened by a brisk fire, which was warmly
returned by the Red Sticks.

The firing on the American side was mainly confined to the artillery,
though a rifle or musket was occasionally discharged, whenever the
dark warriors incautiously exposed their persons. For nearly two
hours, the cannonade was kept up, with spirit and activity, though
without producing any sensible impression. Meantime the friendly
Indians had advanced to the left bank of the river, while General
Coffee remained on the high ground with the rest of his troops. Some
of the Cherokees now discovered that the enemy’s canoes, which were
drawn up on the shore, near their village, had been left unguarded.
They instantly plunged into the stream, swam across, and, in a few
moments, returned with a number of the canoes. Means being thus
provided for passing over, the Cherokees, headed by their chief,
Richard Brown, and Colonel Morgan, and Captain Russell’s company of
spies, crossed to the village, set it on fire, and attacked the enemy
in the rear.

Surrounded though they were, the hostile Indians fought with the
utmost bravery and desperation. Every avenue by which they might
have fled was occupied by the American troops, and their habitations
were in flames; still they refused to surrender, and successfully
resisted every attempt of the spies and Cherokees to dislodge them.
The soldiers with General Jackson, clamored loudly to be led to the
assault, but he hesitated to give the order, till he became convinced
that the party in the rear were not strong enough to overcome the
opposition they encountered. The command to storm the works was then
received with shouts and acclamations. General Doherty’s brigade,
and the 39th infantry, under Colonel Williams, promptly advanced to
the attack. The result of the contest did not long remain in doubt.
A fierce struggle was maintained for a short time, through the
portholes, muzzle to muzzle; the action being so close, as remarked
in the dispatch of the commanding general, that “many of the enemy’s
balls were welded to the American bayonets.” Major Montgomery, of the
39th infantry, was the first to spring upon the breastwork, but was
shot dead among his comrades, who were rushing forward to sustain
him. A smothered cry for vengeance rolled along the line,--and the
whole column dashed over the feeble barrier, like the avalanche,
crushing and bearing down everything before it.

[Sidenote: THE RED STICKS COMPLETELY ROUTED.]

The Indians, fighting with the fury of despair, met the shock with
clubbed muskets and rifles, with the gleaming knife and tomahawk.
Some few attempted to escape by swimming the river, but were
shot down in their flight, by the spies and mounted men under
General Coffee. Most of them, however, fought and died, where they
stood--behind the ramparts which they were unable to defend. The
conflict--nay, we may call it, without reproach to the victors,
the butchery--was continued for hours. None asked for quarter. The
Tallapoosa ran red with the blood of the savages, and the dead were
piled in mangled heaps upon its banks.

Driven from the breastwork, a considerable number of the enemy took
refuge among the brush and fallen timber on the high ground in the
centre of the peninsula. General Jackson sent them an interpreter,
to offer terms of capitulation, but they fired on and wounded him.
The cannon were brought to bear on their position, and a partially
successful charge was made, yet they were not dislodged. Finally,
the brush was set on fire. The flames spread with rapidity, snapping
and crackling as they caught the dry bark and leaves, and licking up
everything in their way, like some huge, greedy monster. The Indians
were now forced from their concealment; and all who attempted to fly,
or offered resistance, were shot down. Night at length put an end to
the carnage, and, under cover of the darkness, a few of the survivors
of that fatal field escaped into the adjoining forests.

Five hundred and fifty-seven dead bodies of the enemy were found
within the peninsula; and there were over three hundred taken
prisoners, nearly all women and children. The total loss of the Red
Sticks, in killed alone, must have been near eight hundred; as a
number of the dead were thrown into the river previous to the final
rout, by their surviving friends, or shot by General Coffee’s men
while attempting to make their escape. Among the slain were three
prophets, one of whom, by the name of Monohoe, was struck by a
grapeshot in his mouth, out of which had issued the lies which had
lured his nation to their ruin.

General Jackson lost fifty-five men killed, and one hundred and
forty-six wounded. Twenty-three of the killed, and forty-seven of the
wounded, were friendly Creeks and Cherokees.

After completing the destruction of the Indian fortifications
at Tohopeka, General Jackson commenced his return march to Fort
Williams, where he arrived on the second of April. He instantly began
his preparations for scouring the country lying in the forks of the
Coosa and Tallapoosa; and, on the seventh of April, his army was in
motion for Hoithlewalee, one of the principal towns on the Hickory
Ground;--the men being provided with eight days’ rations, which they
carried on their backs. The campaign was now drawing to a close, but
its hardships were not quite ended. The roads were flooded by the
heavy rains, and the streams scarcely fordable; and, consequently,
the march was tedious and difficult. General Jackson was much worn
by the fatigues and privations which he had encountered, but his
capability of endurance was not yet exhausted; and the strength of
constitution he manifested, though belied by the apparent weakness of
his frame, gave rise to the _sobriquet_ of “Old Hickory,” which was
applied to him by his soldiers, and adhered to him through life.

[Sidenote: INDIAN TOWNS DESTROYED.]

The terrible vengeance taken at Tohopeka, for the massacre at Fort
Mims, and the other monstrous cruelties perpetrated by the Red
Sticks, put an end to the war. The great body of the hostile savages
fled in dismay, before the advancing columns of General Jackson. Many
of the fugitives were killed by a detachment of the 3rd infantry,
under Colonel Russell, but numbers effected their escape into
Florida, on account of the remissness of Colonel Milton, the officer
in command of the South Carolinians, who were then on the left
bank of the Tallapoosa, not far above its junction with the Coosa.
McQueen, one of the most prominent chiefs among the Red Sticks, was
captured, but afterwards escaped to the Escambia river, with five
hundred adherents.

Arrived at Hoithlewalee, General Jackson found the town abandoned.
On the fourteenth of April it was destroyed, with several other
villages in the vicinity. The general then divided his command
into two columns; one scouring the country on the left bank, and
the other, with which he remained in person, advancing down the
right bank of the Tallapoosa, to the confluence, where a fort was
constructed, called by General Pinckney, in honor of the gallant
Tennessee commander, Fort Jackson. At this point most of the Hickory
Ground chiefs came in and submitted to the conqueror. Weatherford
also voluntarily surrendered, and the great prophet of the Creeks,
Hillinghagee, was taken prisoner. The only terms prescribed by
the victorious general were, that all who surrendered themselves
should retire to the country north of Fort Williams, where, if their
conduct was good, they would be permitted to remain proposition was
made known, numbers of the fugitives were on their way to the neutral
territory.

On the twentieth of April, General Pinckney arrived at Fort Jackson,
and on the following day assumed the command. General Jackson shortly
after repaired to his home in Tennessee, to recruit his health and
strength, which had suffered materially during his long and arduous
campaign. The thanks of the government and the applause of the nation
followed him in his retirement. An opportunity was soon afforded for
rewarding his services by an appointment in the regular army.--On
the resignation of General Harrison, President Madison nominated
him as a brigadier general, and major general by brevet; and, a
short time afterwards, he was appointed a full major general, to
fill the vacancy occasioned by the retirement of General Hampton.
Both commissions were received at the same time, and the latter was
accepted.

In the summer of 1814, General Jackson was ordered to take command
of the seventh military district, and established his headquarters
at Mobile. Associated with Colonel Hawkins, he concluded a favorable
treaty with the Creek nation, by which, with the exception of a
small portion of the tribe who chose to remain in Florida, they were
prevented from again taking up arms during the continuance of the war
with England.

[Sidenote: THE SPANISH AUTHORITIES IN FLORIDA.]

The hostile tribes were now entirely quieted, and a chain of military
posts established through the former theatre of their outrages. No
sooner had this been done, than the attention of General Jackson
was directed to the alarming state of affairs at Pensacola. He had
long been convinced that the Spanish authorities in Florida were
lending their aid and assistance to the English, in the prosecution
of hostilities. Indeed, the facts and circumstances which forced
him to such a conclusion, were so glaring and palpable, that it was
impossible to form any other opinion. It is barely probable that
Spain was the passive agent of Great Britain in this respect; but
if so, her pusillanimity, in thus tamely surrendering her neutral
rights and character, was equally censurable. If she was, in fact,
the coädjutor of England, the measures adopted by General Jackson
were justifiable; but if she was the creature only, they were
necessary. This is the only argument that need be offered, in defence
of the attack on Pensacola, which, in after times, was so severely
criticised and censured, by his political opponents.

In the month of August, Captain Gordon, of the spies, visited
Pensacola, and ascertained that a large body of savages had been
organized there by Colonel Nicholls, of the British army, and were
then being instructed and drilled by British officers, in the
presence, and with the knowledge, of the Spanish governor; that Fort
Barrancas was occupied by between two and three hundred British
troops; and that there were three armed vessels belonging to the
same nation, in the bay, from which a considerable quantity of arms
and provisions had been disembarked. Another reconnaissance was
subsequently made by Lieutenant Murray, of the Mississippi militia,
which fully confirmed the report made by Captain Gordon. On the
twenty-ninth of August, also, Colonel Nicholls issued a proclamation,
dated at his “headquarters, Pensacola,” addressed to the inhabitants
of the southern and southwestern states, and inviting them to join
his standard, in which he informed them that he was “at the head of
a large body of Indians, well armed, disciplined, and commanded by
British officers; a good train of artillery, with every requisite;
seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous British and Spanish
squadron of ships and vessels of war.”

General Jackson was not disposed to stand idly by, and see the rights
of his country violated, and her interests jeoparded. He forthwith
dispatched an express to the governor of Tennessee, requesting the
whole quota of the militia of that state to be brought into the
field without delay, and commenced his preparations for a march on
Pensacola. On the fifteenth of September Colonel Nicholls appeared
before Fort Bowyer, thirty miles below Mobile, at the entrance of
the bay, with four vessels, containing a number of siege pieces, and
several hundred sailors, mariners, and savages. The heavy guns were
landed, the fort invested, and a lively cannonade opened upon it.
Major Lawrence, of the 2nd infantry, the commander of the post, with
its garrison of one hundred and twenty men, made a brave defence, and
finally forced the enemy to retire, with the loss of one of their
ships, and over two hundred killed and wounded.

[Sidenote: CAPTURE OF PENSACOLA.]

Having been joined by about two thousand men from Tennessee, General
Jackson took up the line of march for Pensacola, with all his
disposable troops. His whole force consisted of upwards of three
thousand men, but a small part being regulars, and the remainder
militia from Mississippi and Tennessee, with a few Choctaw warriors.
On the sixth of November he arrived near Pensacola, and sent a flag
to the Spanish governor, to communicate the purpose of his visit. The
bearer of the flag was fired on from the batteries in the town, and
forced to return. Dispositions were then made for carrying the fort
by assault, which was discovered to be defended by both British and
Spanish troops, on the following day. On the morning of the seventh,
the general entered the town with his troops, under a heavy fire
from the fort, and the British flotilla in the harbor, and carried
one of the advanced batteries at the point of the bayonet. The
governor now supplicated for mercy, and surrendered the town and fort
unconditionally; the British troops retiring to Fort Barrancas, and
their savages allies seeking shelter in the everglades of Florida,
whither they were driven by a detachment from the American army under
Major Blue.

On the morning of the eighth of November, just as General Jackson
was making ready to march upon Fort Barrancas, the British spiked
and dismounted the cannon, blew up the works, and retreated to
their shipping. The object of his visit to Pensacola being thus
accomplished, and the enemy driven from the rendezvous, where they
had been invited, or welcomed, by the Spanish authorities, General
Jackson restored the town and fort to Governor Manriquez, and
immediately returned to Mobile with his troops.

Intimations of an intended attack, or descent, on the southern
frontier of the United States, had been previously given, and they
were corroborated by the statements of the pirates of Barrataria,
who, with their leader, Lafitte, had been solicited by Colonel
Nicholls to join the projected expedition, but were afterwards
induced, under a promise of pardon for their offences, to take an
active and important part in the defence of New Orleans. It was for
a long time uncertain at what point the blow would be struck; but,
early in September, it became known that formidable preparations
were making for the invasion of Louisiana, and the reduction of
New Orleans. Governor Claiborne promptly ordered the two militia
divisions of the state, under Generals Villeré and Thomas, to hold
themselves in readiness to march at a moment’s notice, and issued a
patriotic address to his fellow citizens, calling upon them to turn
out, in a mass, if necessary, in defence of their homes and families.
No immediate attack was then made, however, and the alarm subsided.
It was renewed again towards the close of November; the apprehensions
of danger were evidently well founded, and General Jackson at once
hastened to the city of New Orleans, giving directions, before he set
out, for his troops to follow as rapidly as possible, and dispatching
an express to expedite the movements of the Kentucky militia, who
were required to join him without loss of time.

[Sidenote: THE CITY OF NEW ORLEANS.]

Important as was the position of New Orleans, as the great emporium
of the southwestern part of the Union, commanding the extensive
trade and navigation of the Mississippi and its tributaries, the
means provided for its defence were lamentably insufficient. It had
been understood for some time, that the expedition under Admiral
Cochrane, baffled at Baltimore, but subsequently reïnforced by a
large body of troops, supposed, after the conclusion of the Treaty of
Paris, to be no longer needed in Europe, was destined, ultimately,
to operate upon the Gulf coast. Although New Orleans was the most
liable to attack, and the most vulnerable point, in that quarter, few
preparations were made for its protection; for the reason, probably,
that the plundering and harassing warfare carried on by the enemy
on the Atlantic shore, and the operations on the Niagara frontier,
furnished constant employment for all the men and means at the
disposal of the General Government. Late in the fall of 1814, the new
levies raised in Kentucky and Tennessee, were ordered to proceed to
that city, and supplies of arms and ammunition were also sent down
the Mississippi.

New Orleans, at this time, contained about twenty thousand
inhabitants,[20] a great number of whom were of Spanish or English
descent, and, consequently, but little reliance was to be placed on
their fidelity to the American cause; so far from this, many were
known to be in correspondence with the enemy, and only waiting for
a favorable opportunity to act in a more open and decided manner.
General Jackson arrived in the city on the second of December, and
found everything in confusion and alarm. The apprehended invasion was
the principal topic of conversation in every _café_ and _boudoir_.
The opponents of the administration there, as elsewhere throughout
the union, confidently predicted that New Orleans must fall; and its
friends more than half feared that the prediction would be verified.

It was no easy task to reänimate those who had grown faint-hearted
under the influence of the pitiful Jeremiads which were constantly
sounding in their ears. The American commander was accompanied by
but few of his men, and his presence alone could not go very far
towards the restoration of confidence. Yet he set himself vigorously
to the work, and in a brief space of time, his impulsive energy, his
earnest zeal, and his determined patriotism had wrought marvellous
changes. The timid were reässured; the wavering were encouraged
to remain steadfast; and those who had never doubted or faltered,
derived new strength from his example. As yet, there were but a few
hundred regular troops in the city, and the imminence of the danger
was such, that it was necessary to commence operations without delay.
The general was deficient both in the _personnel_ and the _matériel_
of war; but the exigencies of his military career had long since
taught him to rely on his own unaided efforts. He was ever full of
resources,--but never more than now.

The geographical position of New Orleans was highly favorable to its
defence. It is situated on the left bank of the Mississippi, around
a bend of the river, shaped like a crescent, about midway between
the high ground at Baton Rouge, and the Gulf. On either side of the
river, there is a strip of arable alluvion, protected from inundation
by levees, and varying in width, from three hundred, to one thousand
yards. Beyond this there are dense cypress brakes and swamps, with
here and there a few acres of salt prairie, extending, on the east,
to Lakes Borgne and Pontchartrain. The river debouches into the Gulf
through several mouths, which are obstructed by numerous sand bars;
and its ascent, at all times difficult, is especially so in high
water, when the current is unusually rapid. Under the direction of
General Jackson, the militia were imbodied; the defences of Forts
St. Philip and Bourbon, on the Mississippi, below New Orleans,
were enlarged and strengthened; batteries were constructed at the
Rigolets, and on the Chef Menteur; all the numerous bayous and
inlets, intersecting the lower valley of the river, between the Chef
Menteur and the Atchafalaya, were obstructed, or guarded by strong
pickets; and lines of intrenchments and fortifications were traced,
below the city, extending from the Mississippi to the swampy grounds,
and their construction commenced. Commodore Patterson, the officer
in command of the naval station, zealously coöperated with General
Jackson, in carrying out the measures of defence which he projected.

[Sidenote: APPROACH OF THE BRITISH FLEET.]

Positive intelligence was received in New Orleans, on the ninth of
December, that the British fleet had been descried standing off
the Chandeleur islands; and Lieutenant Thomas ap Catesby Jones was
immediately dispatched by Commodore Patterson, with a flotilla of
five gun boats, and one hundred and eighty-two men, to watch the
motions of the enemy. On the twelfth instant, they were discovered
in such force, off Cat island, at the eastern extremity of Lake
Borgne, that Lieutenant Jones judged it safer to retire up the lake
and guard the passes leading towards the city. On the following day,
the schooner Seahorse, which had been sent to the bay of St. Louis,
to assist in the removal of some public stores at Shieldsboro, was
attacked by three of the enemy’s barges. These were driven off,
but they soon returned with four others. The crew then abandoned
the vessel and blew her up; and the storehouse on the bay was set
on fire. The flotilla under Lieutenant Jones was attacked on the
fourteenth instant, while becalmed, by a detachment of seamen and
marines, twelve hundred strong, under Captain Lockyer, in forty-two
launches and barges. Lieutenant Jones and his men made a brave
defence; but after an obstinate contest of more than an hour, during
which the enemy lost two of their boats, and over three hundred men,
they were obliged to surrender, with the loss of forty killed and
wounded.

In the meantime, large appropriations had been made by the
legislature of Louisiana for the defence of New Orleans; but that
body appeared extremely reluctant to adopt all the suggestions of
General Jackson and Governor Claiborne. Many of the members were
disaffected, and others had been led to believe, by the British spies
and emissaries who infested the city, that all attempts at resistance
would be unavailing, and that it would be far wiser to propose terms
of capitulation, immediately upon the appearance of the British
force. General Jackson in vain urged the legislature to suspend the
_habeas corpus_ act; and despairing of accomplishing anything, except
by the adoption of rigorous and decided measures, as a last resort,
he finally ordered martial law to be proclaimed in the city and its
vicinity. The functions of the civil authorities were only suspended
in part, however, and the legislature continued its sessions.

[Sidenote: PROCLAMATION OF MARTIAL LAW.]

This high-handed exercise of power, rendered necessary by the
temporizing and vacillating course of the legislature, naturally
provoked considerable comment. Those who were really and truly
devoted to the American cause had no fears, when they saw the
general wielding the authority which he had seized into his own
hands; those only clamored against what they termed this infraction
of the rights of the citizen, who were prepared to surrender the city
to the enemy, at the first summons. The proclamation of martial law,
though, perhaps, scarcely warranted by the law and the constitution,
was one of those acts which are sometimes absolutely requisite in
great emergencies. The power acquired under such circumstances, is,
doubtless, liable to abuse; but in the hands of one whose patriotism,
like that of Andrew Jackson, is _sans peur, sans reproche_, there can
be no danger. “_Silent leges, inter arma_,” is a maxim, as applicable
to free, as to monarchical governments. General Jackson was extremely
loth to assume any questionable power, until he became penetrated
with the conviction that the safety of the country demanded this
step, and he surrendered it the very moment he felt assured that the
crisis was past. His course was subsequently approved by the General
Government, and pronounced by the Secretary of War, both “just as it
respected the responsibility of the commanding general, and safe as
it respected the liberties of the nation.”

A new impetus was given to every movement, by the active and
energetic conduct of General Jackson. The fruitful and varied
resources of his great mind were in constant requisition. His
determined spirit, manifested in his expressive remark to Governor
Claiborne--that he would “defend the country, or die in the last
ditch!”--was communicated to those around him. Treason shrunk abashed
from his presence, and cowardice assumed the appearance of valor at
his side.

After the capture of the flotilla under Lieutenant Jones, it became
impossible to watch the movements of the British squadron; and
hence it was extremely difficult to foretell what point would be
first attacked. Large requisitions were made by General Jackson,
of negroes to work on the projected fortifications, intended to
secure the different approaches; and all those found in the streets,
together with the drays and carts, were impressed for the same
purpose. The militia were ordered out _en masse_, and disciplined
regularly every day. Orders were likewise again sent to hasten
the march of the reïnforcements; and to General Coffee, who was
rapidly approaching with his brigade of mounted men from Tennessee,
the commanding general said, “You must not sleep until you arrive
within striking distance!” The order was obeyed with characteristic
promptitude;--General Coffee marched his command eighty miles on
the last day, and arrived near the city late in the evening of the
twenty-first of December.

All the arrangements of General Jackson for the defence of New
Orleans were made with consummate skill. The batteries commanding the
passes from Lake Borgne into Lake Pontchartrain were well manned; the
colored battalion, under Major Lacoste, with the Feliciana dragoons,
were ordered to take post on the Chef Menteur, to cover the Gentilly
road; Major Plauche’s battalion, with Lieutenant Wagner’s company of
light artillery, were stationed at Fort St. John, on the bayou of
that name; the Tennessee cavalry and infantry, under Generals Coffee
and Carroll, remained about four miles above the city; the regular
troops, and the remainder of the state militia, occupied the city,
and the fortifications on the river below; and the schooner Caroline
and brig Louisiana were moored in the stream.

[Sidenote: LANDING OF THE ENEMY.]

The watchful care and vigilance of the American commander were
frustrated, however, by the want of due caution on the part of a
picket posted near the mouth of the bayou Bienvenu, which led up
from Lake Borgne. On the twenty-second of December, the picket
was surprised by a party of the enemy, belonging to the division
of General Keane, whose whole command, about four thousand five
hundred in number, with their heavy cannon and stores, immediately
proceeded, in their small boats, up the bayou, and, at four o’clock
in the morning of the twenty-third, arrived opposite the opening of
Villeré’s canal, which connected with the Mississippi. They halted at
this point for a few hours, and then continued up the canal. Early
in the afternoon of the same day, they gained the bank of the river
unmolested, and established themselves on the plantations of General
Villeré, Colonel La Ronde, and Major Lacoste, about eight miles below
the city.

General Jackson did not wait to be attacked. Within an hour after
receiving the information that the enemy had effected a landing,
he put his troops in motion. Anticipating that the city might be
simultaneously threatened by way of the Chef Menteur, General Carroll
was left posted on the Gentilly road, with his command and the city
militia; and the remainder of the troops, under General Jackson
in person, consisting of General Coffee’s brigade, Major Hind’s
dragoons, a detachment of artillery and marines, under Colonel
McRea, parts of the 7th and 44th infantry, the battalions of Majors
Plauche and Daquin, and two six pounder guns in charge of Lieutenant
Spotts, moved down the left bank of the river, to attack the enemy
who had landed below. The schooner Caroline, Captain Henley, with
Commodore Patterson on board, and the brig Louisiana, Lieutenant
Thompson, also dropped down the river. It was understood that the
signal of attack would be the fire of the Caroline, when she had
arrived opposite the position of the British troops.

At six o’clock in the evening of the twenty-third, the different
corps composing the main column, in all not far from two thousand
men, effected a junction at the canal Rodriguez, within sight of
the watch fires of the enemy, which were discovered gleaming dimly
in the distance. The night was prematurely dark, owing to the dense
fog rising from the river. This circumstance, however, favored
the movement, as it was thereby concealed from the enemy; and the
very best spirit pervaded the whole command. The troops were now
formed for the attack;--the artillery and marines, and the regular
infantry, on the right; the battalions of Plauche and Daquin, both
under Colonel Ross, in the centre; and the brigade of General Coffee,
dismounted, on the left. General Coffee was directed to turn the
enemy’s right, and attack them in the rear; while the rest of the
column advanced against them in front.

[Sidenote: NIGHT ATTACK.]

At half-past seven o’clock, the long looked-for signal was given
by the Caroline. The first intimation received by the enemy, of
the approach of the Americans, was the raking broadside of the
schooner, which completely swept their encampment. Before they had
fairly recovered from their astonishment, General Jackson fell upon
them like a thunderbolt. Though taken by surprise, General Keane
ordered his fires to be extinguished, and finally succeeded in
forming his men to beat off the attack. Before order was entirely
restored, General Coffee had forced his way into the enemy’s camp,
and General Jackson was moving upon them in front with equal daring
and impetuosity.

Notwithstanding the intense darkness, the American soldiers were
kept to their duty, and displayed the most praiseworthy gallantry.
The enemy were driven from their position, and several successive
charges were made, with great success. At length, it was discovered
that the troops were falling into confusion, on account of the thick
mist which shrouded everything around, and General Jackson thought
it best to call off his men. During the remainder of the night they
lay on the field of battle, and in the morning fell back to the canal
Rodriguez, about two miles nearer the city, where the swamp and the
Mississippi approached within a few hundred yards of each other.

The American loss in the engagement on the evening of the
twenty-third, was twenty-four killed, one hundred and fifteen
wounded, and seventy-four taken prisoners; that of the British
was forty-six killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and
sixty-four missing. But the most important result of the action, was
the check given to the operations of the enemy. They were taught to
respect their antagonists far more than they had done; and, when they
were informed by their prisoners, who designed to deceive them, that
the American force was at least fifteen thousand strong, they began
to think the conquest of New Orleans would not, after all, be a mere
holiday affair.

General Jackson decided to make a stand at the position to which
he retired on the morning of the twenty-fourth of December, as it
was ascertained that reïnforcements were constantly arriving at the
enemy’s camp. The work of fortifying it was instantly commenced.
The canal Rodriguez, which was about four feet deep, served the
purpose of a ditch; and, behind this, a breastwork was constructed,
stretching from the Mississippi on the right, about one thousand
yards, to the cypress swamp on the left. The line extended some
distance into the marsh and then inclined to the right, in order to
prevent any attempt to turn that flank. The underbrush and trees in
this quarter were also cleared away for a considerable space, so
that an assailing column could not approach without being exposed to
a destructive fire. Earth being scarce in this low country, General
Jackson had recourse to a novel expedient. Bales of cotton, in large
numbers, were brought from the city, which were placed in line and
covered over with dirt. Flank bastions to enfilade the works, and
strong batteries, were also constructed, at irregular intervals.

On the right bank of the Mississippi, about half a mile in advance of
General Jackson’s main position, a line of intrenchments, extending
from the river to the low grounds, was also formed, and a heavy
battery of fifteen guns established, which enfiladed the whole front
©f the position on the left bank. In addition to this principal line
of intrenchments, there were others formed in the rear, to which
General Jackson designed to retreat, in succession, if the enemy
forced him to abandon his first position. Another precautionary
measure was likewise adopted, to render his main line more secure
against attack. Sluices were opened through the levee, and the
plains in front flooded with water from the river. The general was
so carried away with zeal and enthusiasm, and so deeply impressed
with the great responsibility resting upon him, and the importance
of every step, that for four days and nights, while his preparations
were in progress, he scarcely took a moment’s rest. No crisis seemed
to be too great for him; his vigilance became more keen sighted,
and his spirits rose higher, as dangers thickened around his path;
his resources grew more ample as the occasion required, and his
resolution hourly grew more stern and unbending.

[Sidenote: SKIRMISHING.]

Sir Edward Packenham, the Commander in Chief of the British land
forces, joined General Keane on the twenty-fourth of December with
heavy reïnforcements, and an additional supply of artillery. Frequent
skirmishes took place between detached parties of the hostile
commands, and on the twenty-seventh instant, the schooner Caroline,
which had been prevented from ascending the river by a strong
norther, was blown up by hot shot thrown from a battery erected by
the enemy, on the night of the twenty-sixth. Fortunately, the crew of
the vessel had previously made their escape. A similar attempt was
made upon the brig Louisiana, but her commander, Lieutenant Thompson,
succeeded in getting her up the river, and anchored her on the right
of General Jackson’s position.

It was at first designed by the British commander, to commence
regular approaches against the formidable line of intrenchments
occupied by the American troops. On the twenty-eighth of December,
a brisk cannonade was opened from a battery planted near the levee,
within half a mile of the river. Showers of Congreve rockets were
also thrown, which, although a new implement of warfare,[21] failed
to excite either fear or astonishment in the opposing ranks. The
firing was kept up for several hours without producing any sensible
effect; and the attack was then relinquished. During the night of
the thirty-first, heavy batteries were constructed on the plain,
directly in front of the American position; and the advent of the new
year was welcomed by a tremendous burst of artillery, accompanied by
incessant flights of rockets, which was continued till three o’clock
in the afternoon, when the batteries were effectually silenced by the
American guns. The casualties on these two occasions were,--on the
side of the Americans, eighteen killed and thirty-one wounded; and,
on the side of the enemy, forty-eight killed, and eighty-two wounded.

These repeated efforts having proved of no avail, General Packenham
decided to carry the works by a _coup de main_. For a number of
days all his men were employed in deepening Villeré’s canal, for
the passage of the boats, by which a detachment could be thrown
across the river to attack the fortifications on the right bank.
On the sixth instant, General Lambert joined the main body of the
enemy, already on shore, with his division; and the whole command was
thus increased to upwards of twelve thousand men. Everything being
in readiness for the contemplated assault, on the evening of the
seventh instant, it was directed to take place at dawn of day on the
following morning.

Meanwhile General Jackson had been actively employed in completing
his preparations. Near the river, and in advance of the cotton
embankment, he commenced the construction of a redoubt, with
embrasures, calculated to rake the ditch in front of the
intrenchments, and the road down the levee; but this was still
incomplete on the eighth of January. The line Dupré, about two
miles in rear of the main line, to which he designed to retreat and
make a second stand, if he should be compelled to retire, was also
strengthened as far as practicable. Various devices were employed
to mislead the enemy in regard to his position, and the strength of
his command, which was daily rendered more necessary, on account
of the increasing disaffection in the city. The number of his men
was represented to be greater than it was; their deficiency in arms
was carefully concealed; and no intercourse was allowed between the
lines and the city, except through officers in whom he had the most
implicit confidence.

[Sidenote: DISAFFECTION IN THE CITY.]

In spite of all his precautions, the enemy were informed by their
agents of every movement that took place, and the disaffection which
they eagerly fomented, ultimately increased to such an extent,
that it was seriously proposed that terms of surrender should be
offered by the legislature. On being apprised of this treasonable
design, General Jackson directed Governor Claiborne, whenever such
a proposition was made, to close the doors of the state-house.
The order was misunderstood by the governor, who closed the doors
forthwith, and the members of the legislature were thus prevented
from assembling. The commanding general did not design to interrupt
their ordinary deliberations, but it was probably fortunate for the
safety of the city, that they were not allowed to convene.

On the fourth of January, the anxiously-expected reïnforcements
from Kentucky, under Generals Thomas and Adair, twenty-five hundred
strong, reached New Orleans. They were poorly furnished with arms,
however, and, like most of the other troops, were nearly destitute of
clothing. The city was ransacked in search of weapons, but a scanty
supply could be obtained; and the other deficiency was partially
remedied, by the patriotic exertions of Mr. Girod, the mayor, and the
ladies of New Orleans.

General Jackson now made a final disposition of his troops.
Governor Claiborne was posted on the Gentilly road, with a portion
of the Louisiana militia; another portion, under General Morgan,
was stationed on the right bank of the river, and the battery on
that shore was manned by the sailors and marines under Commodore
Patterson. General Morgan was further reïnforced, on the night of
the seventh of January, when it was ascertained that the enemy were
opening a passage into the river, by a detachment of the Kentucky
troops. On the left bank, General Jackson was posted with his main
column, consisting of about thirty-five hundred men. There were eight
distinct batteries along the line, mounting, in all, twelve guns and
two howitzers. On the right, were the 7th and 44th infantry, between
which were the battalions of Majors Plauche, Lacoste, and Daquin;
in the centre was General Carroll’s command, supported by that of
General Adair; and, on the extreme left, were the Tennessee rifles
under General Coffee. The remainder of the Kentucky troops, under
General Thomas, remained in the rear.

The brave troops whom General Jackson had gathered around him calmly
awaited the approach of the enemy, behind the breastwork of cotton
bags which their sagacious commander had provided, not as a shelter
for cowardice, but as a protection against the onset of a superior
force. Night after night they slept upon their arms; the soldiers
of Coffee lying far out in the swamp, on heaps of logs and brush,
half benumbed with the cold, and covered with the moist ooze of the
morass; yet all indifferent to the inclemency of the weather, to
hardship and suffering, and anxious only to win new laurels for the
general whom they loved and honored.

[Sidenote: THE EIGHTH OF JANUARY.]

The wintry dawn was just breaking, and the cold silvery sheen of the
early morning was rapidly spreading over the plains of Chalmette, on
the memorable eighth of January, 1815, when the dark masses of the
British assaulting columns were discerned from the American lines, as
they emerged from the thick veil of mist which intercepted the view
of their encampment, and rapidly pressed forward to the storm. At the
same time, their batteries, planted on the previous night, within
eight hundred yards of the intrenchments, commenced an active fire,
which soon deepened into a continuous roar, that shook the whole
valley, and started the inhabitants of the city from their slumbers.

Simultaneously with the movement on the left bank of the river,
Colonel Thornton crossed the stream with five hundred picked men,
ascended the levee, and, by a sudden charge, turned the position, and
made himself master of the battery, which formed the strong point of
the line. General Morgan was at the head of a much superior force,
but finding himself unable to maintain his ground, he fell back
towards the city, followed slowly by the British troops.

Upon the other shore, the most desperate and unflinching valor failed
to achieve the least substantial success. The main attack, on this
bank of the river, was made in two columns, sixty or seventy deep;
that on the right, between eight and nine thousand strong, led by
General Gibbs, moving upon the centre of Jackson’s position; and the
left, about twelve hundred in number, under General Keane, advancing
along the levee road. The British troops moved forward slowly and
steadily, many of them carrying scaling ladders and fascines. “Beauty
and booty” was the watchword which inspired their zeal, and quickened
their steps.[22] A great number of them had served in the Spanish
Peninsula; and it is not to be wondered that this appeal to the
unholy passions that were suffered to riot unchecked at the storming
of St. Sebastian, produced its legitimate effect.

[Sidenote: TERRIBLE SLAUGHTER OF THE ENEMY.]

Three hearty cheers rose from the American lines, when the enemy
came within range. Every piece was instantly put in requisition.
A well-sustained rolling fire welcomed the assailants as they
approached. Still, the regularity of their array was unbroken.
Torrents of grape and round shot, hissing hot, swept through the
solid columns, rending them asunder like ropes of sand. Yet they
pressed on undaunted, through the driving storm of missiles poured
upon them from the different batteries, whose converging fires smote
them more and more heavily at every step of their advance, and
strewed the plain with the dying and the dead.

Meantime the American infantry and riflemen had remained at their
posts, with their hands clenched about the locks of their pieces,
attentively watching the movements of the enemy. General Jackson
himself occasionally rode along the lines, to cheer and animate his
men. It was, indeed, a critical period for his own fame, for the
martial reputation of his country. His chivalric courage, his proud
and lofty self-reliance, rose with the emergency. His eagle eye
blazed with an almost unearthly light, and the shrill notes of his
trumpet voice rang high above the roar of battle.

Making their way through the heaps of their comrades, who lay
weltering in their gore, pale, distorted, and stiffening in death,
the British soldiers advanced within reach of the American rifle and
musket. In an instant, a vivid stream of fire rolled down from the
whole line of intrenchments. The way was now blocked by a glistening
wall of flame. The bravest shrank back aghast. Stout-hearted men,
who had never faltered amid the sea of carnage whose crimson waves
dyed the ramparts of Badajoz, trembled like the aspen. The American
fire was never for a moment interrupted,--the western riflemen making
their mark at every discharge, and the men in the rear constantly
loading and exchanging pieces with their companions in front. At the
head of the glacis, the right column of the assailants staggered and
halted. Generals Pakenham and Gibbs dashed forward, eager to retrieve
the fortunes of the day ere all was lost. In vain was every effort to
turn the tide of battle. Both officers fell mortally wounded, while
hundreds were swept down around them, as the grass before the mower.
Some few pressed on,--on and on,--to sure destruction!

[Sidenote: FINAL REPULSE OF THE ASSAILANTS.]

On the left, the advance of General Keane’s column, led by Colonel
Rennie, gained the redoubt in front of the line of intrenchments;
but it was only to find a soldier’s grave. A murderous fire was at
once directed upon them from the main fortification, and every man
who had entered the work, including the gallant officer who headed
the attack, was cut down. General Keane made an ineffectual effort
to rally the troops for another onset, and was borne from the field
severely wounded. The command now devolved on General Lambert, who
promptly led up the reserve; but on discovering the dreadful havoc
which had been made in the shattered and terrified column before
him, he gave the signal to retire.

At mid-day the battle was ended; the bright sun looked down on that
red waste, everywhere marred by the ploughing shot, and dotted
all over with huge piles of festering corruption; and the cool
breeze that murmured among the acacia and orange groves, was loaded
with scents of slaughter, with the steam of the battle-field. The
appalling fire from the American lines was most terrible in its
effects. The British lost two hundred and ninety-three killed,
twelve hundred and sixty-seven wounded, and there were four hundred
and eighty-four taken prisoners. The American loss was trifling in
comparison; there were but thirteen killed, thirty-nine wounded, and
nineteen missing, on both sides of the river, during the day.[23]

General Lambert determined, on the day after this bloody repulse,
not to prosecute further the hopeless enterprise. The detachment
thrown across the river was recalled, and preparations commenced for
the reëmbarkation. The ditches and field in front of the American
line, were cleared of the débris of the assaulting army, and a warm
cannonade was kept up by the artillery for several days; but, on the
night of the eighteenth of January, the enemy evacuated all their
positions, and retreated to their shipping. Eight of their heavy guns
were abandoned, and eighty of their wounded were left to the humanity
of General Jackson, a duty which, in the language of a not too
partial historian, he discharged “with a zeal and attention worthy
of the ability and gallantry he had displayed in the action.”[24]
About the same time, the British fleet, which had ascended the
Mississippi, and bombarded Fort St. Philip, unsuccessfully, for about
eight days, from the eleventh to the nineteenth of January, retired
down the river. Having taken the land forces on board, the squadron
proceeded to Mobile bay and invested Fort Bowyer, which surrendered
after a short resistance. This proved a barren victory, however, as
a treaty of peace had been concluded in December previous, which was
officially proclaimed on the eighteenth of February.

All immediate danger having vanished, General Jackson, and his
victorious troops, entered the city of New Orleans in triumph, on
the twentieth day of January. Fêtes and rejoicings now took the
place of the consternation and alarm which had prevailed. The hero
of Chalmette was “the observed of all observers,” and no festive
occasion could be complete without his presence. A procession was
formed to the cathedral, in the midst of which walked the gallant
conqueror, ladies dressed in white strewing his path with flowers.
_Te Deum_ was chanted, and a solemn thanksgiving offered to Divine
Providence.

[Sidenote: FINED BY JUDGE HALL.]

Treason and disaffection still lingered in the city; and anonymous
articles appeared in one of the public journals, designed to excite
mutiny and sedition among the American troops. These were traced
to one Louailler, a member of the state legislature, whom General
Jackson instantly ordered to be arrested. A writ of _habeas corpus_
was shortly after issued by Judge Hall, the district judge, for
the purpose of procuring the release of the prisoner. The order
proclaiming martial law was still in force, and the judge was
promptly ordered into confinement. Two days later, intelligence was
received of the conclusion of the treaty of peace. On being restored
to his authority, Judge Hall summoned General Jackson before him. The
latter readily obeyed the summons, and appeared with his counsel.
The judge, whose only title to immortality is this one act of
injustice, refused to hear either reason or argument, and, to satisfy
his offended dignity, imposed a fine of one thousand dollars on the
general, for disregarding the writ of _habeas corpus_. A spontaneous
burst of indignation at once rose from the spectators, but General
Jackson magnanimously interposed to shield the trembling judge from
outrage. The fine was paid, and when he left the court room the
multitude followed him in crowds. In a few moments, he was waited
on by a committee of ladies, who had already raised the amount of
the fine among the citizens of New Orleans, and now entreated him to
accept it. He refused to take the money, and, at his suggestion, it
was distributed among the widows and orphans of those who had fallen
in defence of the city. After the lapse of many years, at the session
of Congress in the winter of 1843–4, tardy, though merited justice,
was done to General Jackson, by the passage of a bill directing the
amount of the fine to be refunded to him, with interest.

General Jackson remained in command at New Orleans, until the month
of March, when he was relieved by General Gaines. He immediately
retired to the tranquillity of the Hermitage, though compelled to
witness, everywhere on his homeward route, the evidences of the
respect and gratitude which thrilled the hearts of his countrymen.
The war with the Seminole Indians on the southern frontiers of
Georgia again called him from his retirement, in the winter of
1818.[25] Shortly after the breaking out of hostilities, he was
ordered to assume the command of the forces operating in that
quarter. On the ninth of March, 1818. he joined General Gaines at
Fort Scott, with nine hundred Georgia militia. Early in April, he
was reïnforced by one thousand volunteers from West Tennessee, and
fifteen hundred friendly Creek warriors, under their chief, McIntosh.

[Sidenote: THE SEMINOLE WAR.]

General Jackson now found himself at the head of four thousand five
hundred men, with whom he marched to the Indian town of Mickasauky,
which he laid waste. The hostile savages fled into Florida, whither
he followed them, and took refuge in the neighborhood of St. Marks,
the Spanish authorities of which endeavored to protect and shelter
them. Accordingly, the American commander took possession of the
town, and sent the garrison to Pensacola. On the sixteenth of April,
he destroyed the Suwanee villages, and then returned to St. Marks,
where two of the principal instigators of the Indian outrages, whom
he had captured, a Scotchman and an Englishman, whose names were
Arbuthnot and Ambrister, were tried by a court martial, sentenced
to death, and executed. Not long after, intelligence was received
that the governor of West Florida, at Pensacola, in violation of
the treaty with Spain, was affording countenance and protection to
the fugitive Seminoles. General Jackson proceeded thither without
delay, seized Pensacola, on the twenty-fourth of May, and on the
twenty-seventh Fort Barrancas surrendered to his authority. St.
Augustine was also captured by a detachment under General Gaines.
The seizure and occupation, by the American troops, of these places
of refuge for the hostile Indians put an end to the outbreak, and in
the month of June, General Jackson, whose health had become seriously
impaired by the unfriendliness of the climate, returned home, and
subsequently resigned his commission.

The Spanish posts in Florida seized by General Jackson were
afterwards ordered to be restored, but his conduct was approved
by President Monroe, and a resolution of censure, offered in the
House of Representatives, was voted down by a large majority. Any
difficulty with Spain that might have grown out of his proceedings
was obviated, by the cession of Florida to the United States, in the
winter of 1819. General Jackson was very appropriately selected by
the American Executive, as the commissioner to receive the territory,
and on the first of July, 1821, he issued a proclamation at
Pensacola, officially announcing its annexation to the United States.
His administration of the executive affairs of the new territory,
owing to the bad state of his health, was quite brief; during
it, however, he came in collision with the Spanish ex-governor,
in an effort, which proved successful, to protect the rights of
several orphan females. His firm and unyielding will, and his
determined purpose, were never exhibited in a more characteristic,
or more creditable manner. His health continuing to grow worse, he
transferred the authority with which he had been clothed, to his
secretaries, on the seventh of October, 1821, and immediately set out
for Nashville.

The gallant soldier was not forgotten. In August, 1822, he was
nominated for the presidency as the successor of Mr. Monroe, by
the legislature of Tennessee. In 1823 he declined the appointment
of minister to Mexico, tendered to him by the President, and, in
the same year, he was elected to the Senate of the United States.
On becoming a prominent candidate for the presidential office, he
resigned his seat. At the election in 1824, he received a plurality
of the electoral votes, but as there was no choice by the colleges,
the question was referred to the House of Representatives, by whom
his principal competitor, John Quincy Adams, was elected to the
office. In 1828, he was again a candidate, and received one hundred
and seventy-eight of the two hundred and sixty-one electoral votes.
In 1832 he was elected for a second term, by a still larger majority.

It is not within the scope of this work, to notice in detail the
political services of General Jackson. A brief recapitulation of
some of the most important acts of his administration must suffice.
On the twentieth of May, 1830, he vetoed the Maysville road bill,
and on the tenth of July, 1832, the bill to recharter the United
States Bank. On the sixteenth of January, 1833, his celebrated
nullification message, recapitulating the facts, and many of the
arguments, contained in his proclamation of December previous, was
issued. In October, 1833, the public deposits were removed from the
United States Bank. On the fifteenth of April, 1834, he protested
against the resolutions of censure adopted by the Senate, which were
afterwards, in January, 1837, expunged from their journal; and on the
fifteenth of January, 1835, his warlike, but patriotic message, in
regard to the refusal of the French government to pay the stipulated
indemnity, made its appearance.

[Sidenote: FINAL TERMINATION OF HIS PUBLIC CAREER.]

His long public career finally terminated on the third of March,
1837, when he issued a farewell address to the people of the
United States, and retired forever from the harassing cares and
responsibilities of an official position, to the peaceful shades of
his own quiet Hermitage. The wife whom he had so ardently loved, no
longer lived to bless him with her affection, and cheer him with her
smiles;--she had been taken from his side, by death, in December,
1828,--yet her memory was ever a sweet solace throughout the closing
hours of his earthly pilgrimage.

General Jackson had gained a world-wide reputation by the bravery and
skill displayed in his Indian campaigns, and in the war with Great
Britain. Lafayette was a guest at the Hermitage, on his visit to
this country in 1825, and, twenty years later, the portrait of the
general was painted, when almost in a dying condition, to adorn the
gallery of Louis Philippe, the King of the French. He was known and
honored by the great and good in every land. Whatever may be said of
the domestic policy of his administration, in his intercourse with
foreign nations he inspired or enforced respect, and few, perhaps
none, of our presidents, Washington alone excepted, ever commanded
greater consideration abroad.

A peaceful close was vouchsafed to the stormy and eventful life,
the prominent incidents of which have been briefly portrayed in
this sketch. The Imperial prisoner of St. Helena died amid a raging
storm, shouting, in imagination, to his marshalled legions, while the
winds howled and shrieked above his head; the words, _Tête d’armée!_
were the last to leave his lips, as his eye glazed in death, and
his frame was convulsed with the last agony. At the close of a
Sabbath afternoon, in the bright summer time, when Nature had spread
her richest garniture over her wide domains, and grove and forest
were vocal with sweetest melody; in the presence of his family and
friends; by his own fireside; on the eighth of June, 1845; Andrew
Jackson calmly yielded up his spirit. For weeks and months he had
suffered under a painful disease, yet not a murmur escaped him.
His heart was stayed on a noble hope--a hope sure, steadfast, and
unfading--the priceless hope of the Christian!

“Serene, serene,
He pressed the crumbling verge of this terrestrial scene,
Breathed soft, in childlike trust,
The parting groan;
_Gave back to dust its dust,--
To Heaven its own!_”

In person General Jackson was tall and thin. His frame was well knit,
but gaunt. He had an iron visage, and a commanding look. His eyes
were a deep blue, bright and penetrating. He was frank and easy in
his manners, courteous and affable in his address.

[Sidenote: HIS CHARACTER.]

His character was decidedly pronounced. It was full of salient
points, remarkable for their strength, and the fitness and harmony
of their combination. He was kind and affectionate, benevolent and
humane; pure and earnest of purpose; inflexibly honest; physically
and morally brave; ardent and sincere in his patriotism; direct in
his professions; and resolute and unflinching in determination.
He possessed a firm will, was clear in judgment, and rapid in his
decisions. His temperament was restless, though not mercurial. He had
an abundance of what the French call _fortes emotions_. His passions
were intense, and what he did, he did with all his might. Like
Cicero, he was a _new man_; and, by his own unaided exertions, raised
himself from comparative obscurity, to the highest distinction. He
was a good hater, but he never forgot his friends; and there are many
who still prize his friendship, bestowed while in life, as a favor
from heaven.[26]

All these traits and characteristics were strikingly exhibited, both
in his civil, and military career. His style as a writer partook of
his mental peculiarities; it was rugged and uneven as the mountain
torrent; yet it had a nervous eloquence, that never failed to produce
a deep impression, and indicated a powerful grasp of thought.
As a soldier, he was fruitful in expedients; he had the genius,
perseverance and skill, of Hannibal,--the indomitable will and
energy, without the selfishness, of Napoleon. He was persevering,
cool, and intrepid,--hardy in endurance, and gifted with rare
courage. In a word, as the historian remarks of the French soldier of
fortune,--“He was not a great man because he was a great general: he
was a great general because he was a great man”![27]

FOOTNOTES:

[13] Fisher Ames.

[14] An attempt was made on Charleston, in June, 1776;
but the enemy were repulsed with great loss.

[15] Kendall’s Life of Jackson.

[16] In 1790, the “Territory South of the Ohio,” of
which Tennessee formed a part, was erected. Kentucky
was admitted into the Union as a State, in 1792.

[17] See Memoir of General Harrison, _ante_.

[18] Manriquez stated in his letter, that he had
requested the Captain General, at Havana, to forward
him a supply of arms and ammunition, for distribution
among the Indians. This was one of the circumstances
which justified the attack on Pensacola, by General
Jackson, in the fall of 1814.

[19] Lieutenant Armstrong evinced the utmost bravery on
this occasion. He was shot down, when the action was
at its height, but cried out to his men, as he lay
upon the ground,--“My brave fellows some of you must
fall, but _save the cannon_!”

[20] In 1810, the population was 17,242.

[21] Rockets were first used at the battle of Leipsic,
in October, 1813. The English rocket brigade in
that bloody engagement, was commanded by Captain
Bogue; and, after playing ten minutes on a solid
square of French infantry, they forced them to
surrender.--_Lord Londonderry’s War in Germany_, 172.

[22] In 1833, a card was published by General Lambert,
and four other British officers, of high rank, who
were engaged in the expedition against New Orleans,
denying, most emphatically, that this was the
countersign on the occasion alluded to in the text.
An order-book was found, however, on the field of
battle, which shows that the watchword was given. It
is very possible that the word may have been used
by a different division from that to which those
officers belonged; this is much more probable than
that they could be mistaken in their assertion.

[23] There is one consideration not often noticed in
connection with the defence of New Orleans, which
gives it additional importance. It is extremely
doubtful, whether the city would have been
surrendered to the Americans, under the treaty of
peace, had it been captured. Spain never cordially
acquiesced in the transfer of the territory of
Louisiana from France to the United States, and
her minister at Washington, the Marquis of Trujo,
formally protested against it. At this time England
was peculiarly zealous in taking care of Spanish
interests, and in a letter addressed to the American,
by the British Commissioners, at Ghent, on the 8th of
October, 1814, these facts were stated, and the right
of France to make the cession was seriously called in
question.

[24] Alison’s History of Europe, chap. lxxvi.

[25] See Memoir of General Gaines, _ante_.

[26] “L’amitie d’un grand homme, est un bienfait des
dieux.”--_Voltaire’s Oedipe._

[27] Alison’s History of Europe, chap. lxx.

[Illustration: ALEXANDER MACOMB.]

ALEXANDER MACOMB.

Alexander Macomb, late General-in-Chief of the Army of the United
States, was one of the first fruits of the military institution
at West Point, suggested by General Washington, and established
during the administration of President Jefferson. Like all the most
prominent officers in the army, at the close of the war of 1812, he
was indebted, however, for his rapid promotion, to that “exfoliation
of veteran commanders,” which, says Mr. Ingersoll, in his Historical
Sketch of the second war with Great Britain, “was one of the
processes which the young army of that war had to suffer, before
becoming fit for action.”[28]

He was born at Detroit, then a frontier garrison town, on the third
day of April, 1782. His father, whose name was, also, Alexander
Macomb, was of Irish parentage, though a native of the city of New
York; he was highly esteemed as a citizen, and subsequently became
a member of the New York legislature; and it is said, to his honor,
that he furnished five sons for the regular army and the militia,
in the war of 1812. The elder Macomb removed to Detroit, just
previous to the American Revolution, and engaged in the fur trade,
in which he acquired a large property. His wife, the mother of
young Alexander, was a grand-daughter of Robert de Navarre, a French
officer, who came to America in 1745, and was appointed Notaire Royal
and Sub-Deligué, on the early establishment of Detroit.

Shortly after the restoration of peace, and while Alexander was yet
a mere infant, his father returned with his family to New York.
When the latter was eight years of age, he was placed at the Newark
Academy, in New Jersey, then under the charge of Bishop Ogden.
Many of his associates at this institution were the sons of French
_emigrés_, whom the revolution in France had driven to seek an asylum
in the western world. In their society, he acquired that polished
grace, and that polite ease of manners, for which he was always
remarkable, after he had arrived at the age of manhood.

He early manifested an unusual fondness for military studies and
accomplishments, and his infantile recollections were associated
with the martial displays he had witnessed at Detroit. When
preparations were made for the defence of the country, on account of
the threatening aspect of our relations with Great Britain, he, with
other lads of the same age, assisted in throwing up the projected
works; and when the nation became agitated with the almost certain
prospect of a war with France, his playmates and companions divided
themselves into parties, he being usually selected as the leader of
the American faction, and, like Napoleon and his school-fellows at
Brienne, built forts and castles in the snow, which they alternately
stormed and defended.

[Sidenote: RECEIVES A COMMISSION.]

In May, 1798, though still but a lad, young Macomb was elected a
member of a select company, called the “New York Rangers,” attached
to the third regiment of the state militia, who took their name
from those provincial bands, that, from 1755 to 1763, formed the
_élite_ of the armies operating on the borders of Canada. Congress
had recently passed a law authorizing the enrollment of a large
body of volunteers, and the services of this corps were tendered
to the General Government, and accepted. Previous to this time,
when only fourteen years of age, young Macomb had intimated to his
father a desire to enter the army or navy, but the latter gave no
encouragement to his wishes. He was bent, however, on accomplishing
the object which was now the favorite one of his heart; and, in the
autumn of 1798, he applied for a commission in the regular service,
through the commander of his regiment, Colonel Jacob Morton. His
application was supported by the recommendation of General Alexander
Hamilton, who had been attracted by his manly bearing, and his
personal and mental accomplishments; and on the tenth of January,
1799, he was commissioned a cornet of light dragoons, under the act
providing for the enlistment of an additional force of regulars.

Immediately after his appointment, through the kind partiality of
General Hamilton, he was selected as an assistant adjutant general,
and assigned to duty in the office of General North, the Adjutant
General of the Army. No opportunity was offered for signalizing
himself in the field, on account of the amicable settlement of the
matters in dispute with France; though, by the prompt and faithful
discharge of the duties which devolved upon him, he secured the
respect and confidence of his superior officers. With the permission
of General Hamilton, he visited Canada, to make himself acquainted
with the discipline and tactics in the British service; he was
kindly received by the officers at Montreal, visited the troops in
their quarters, and was present at several reviews for manœuvre and
inspection.

The American army was now reduced to a peace establishment; a great
portion of the troops were disbanded; and most of the officers
returned to private life. Macomb, however, was retained in the
service, and on the tenth of February, 1801, was appointed a second
lieutenant of dragoons. Upon his return to the United States, he was
ordered to Philadelphia, on the recruiting service. While in this
city, he eagerly embraced every opportunity to cultivate and improve
his mental abilities, by reading, and associating with learned and
scientific men. The valuable public libraries were open to him, and
he became a constant visitor. He here met with a French officer of
engineers, under whom he passed through a course of instruction
in fortification and military topography. He likewise formed the
acquaintance of Major Williams, of the 2d artillery, the Inspector of
Fortifications, an able and intelligent officer, who was afterwards
placed at the head of the corps of engineers, and the Military
Academy at West Point.

Having raised a body of recruits, he received orders to conduct
them to Pittsburg, the headquarters of General Wilkinson. Being
accompanied by a number of subaltern officers of infantry, he
cheerfully waived his privilege of being mounted, and walked
with them on foot, enlivening the weary march by his sprightly
conversation, his gay good humor, and his friendly attention to the
wants of those under his command.

Arrived at Pittsburg, Lieutenant Macomb was employed in instructing
the recruits preparatory to joining their respective regiments. He
also renewed his intimacy with Major Williams, then on a tour of
inspection upon the Niagara frontier, whom he assisted in preparing
his drawings, calculations, and estimates. He was subsequently
attached to the military family of General Wilkinson, as an extra
aid-de-camp, and accompanied him, in that capacity, to the camp of
instruction formed at Wilkinsonville, at the mouth of the Ohio,
for practicing the evolutions of the line. In August, 1801, he was
selected as the secretary of the commission, consisting of Generals
Wilkinson and Pickens, and Colonel Hawkins, appointed to treat with
the Indian tribes inhabiting the Southwestern territory. He was
engaged in this service, and in other collateral duties, until June,
1802--spending the winter of 1801–2 in the Creek nation--when he was
dispatched to Washington by the commissioners, with the treaties
and accounts. During all this time, he kept a journal, in which he
carefully noted the geological and geographical features of the
country which he traversed; and he also constructed a topographical
map of the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers, which was deposited
in the War office, and noticed by President Jefferson in the most
commendatory terms.

[Sidenote: APPOINTED A LIEUTENANT OF ENGINEERS.]

Upon his arrival at the seat of government, he found that the corps
to which he belonged had been disbanded, but that he had been
retained, and attached to the 1st infantry, with the rank of first
lieutenant. At the same time authority had been given to raise
a corps of engineers, to consist of one major, two captains, two
first, and two second lieutenants, and ten cadets--which corps, when
organized, was to constitute the Military Academy. Being dissatisfied
with his new appointment, he remonstrated with the Secretary of War;
Major Williams, the head of the corps of engineers, seconded his
appeal; and, in consequence, he was transferred to that corps, as a
first lieutenant, in October, 1802.

He now proceeded to West Point, to take his place as a student,--the
lieutenants, as well as the cadets, being obliged to go through
the course of study,--in conformity with the provisions of the law
organizing the Academy. He was one of the first graduates, and was
then appointed adjutant of the corps. It was his duty to instruct the
cadets in their military exercises, and he was the first officer who
organized them into a body, and put arms in their hands.--This was
the beginning of an institution, which has since made the world ring,
with the heroism and daring of the gallant officers whose military
character and education were there formed and acquired.

In July, 1803, Lieutenant Macomb was married to his cousin,
Catharine Macomb, a young lady of rare beauty, of refined mind, and
highly-polished manners.

So highly were his talents appreciated, that in the autumn of the
same year, he was appointed Judge Advocate of a general court-martial
held at Frederick, Maryland, for the trial of Colonel Butler. In
discharging this duty he acquitted himself with such marked ability,
that the members of the court suggested to him the preparation
of a treatise on the subject of courts-martial,--a work which he
afterwards executed.

On the eleventh of June, 1805, in pursuance of the strong
recommendation of Colonel Williams, who was ever warmly attached to
his _protége_, he was further promoted to the rank of captain in
the corps of engineers; and, immediately thereafter, was ordered
to Portsmouth, to oversee the repairs on the fortifications in
that harbor. The next year he was appointed superintendent of the
public works, then erecting at Mount Dearborn, on the Catawba river,
thirty-six miles above Camden, where it was designed to establish
a national armory and dépôt. While at this place, he prepared his
treatise on courts-martial,--receiving the benefit of the advice
and suggestions of General William R. Davie, and General Charles
C. Pinckney, both equally accomplished as soldiers and civilians.
The work was soon after printed, and submitted to the President and
Secretary of War, by whom it was adopted as the standard for the
government of courts-martial.

[Sidenote: MADE LIEUTENANT COLONEL.]

Captain Macomb remained at Mount Dearborn, until 1807, when he was
instructed to take the general direction, as chief engineer, of the
works then in process of construction for the defence of Georgia and
the two Carolinas. He made a careful reconnaissance of the whole
coast, from Ocracoke inlet to the river St. Mary’s, and projected a
complete system of defences for all the principal harbors and inlets.
In February, 1808, he was raised to the rank of major, and, in 1811,
was made a lieutenant colonel. He remained at Charleston, and in
its neighborhood, superintending the fortifications on the coast,
till the month of April, 1812, when he was called to Washington, to
assist the Secretary of War in organizing, arranging, equipping, and
providing supplies, for the new regiments ordered to be raised, in
anticipation of a collision with England.

War was declared in June following, and Colonel Macomb promptly
solicited a command in the line of the army. Much to his chagrin
this was refused, as being incompatible with the existing rules of
the service.[29] Still he was not to be balked in his determination
to take a far more active part in the approaching contest, than as
a mere cabinet and staff officer. He now applied for an appointment
in one of the new regiments of artillery; the delegation in Congress
from the State of New York endorsed his application; and, on the
sixth of July, 1812, he received a commission as colonel of the 3rd
artillery, a double regiment, to consist of twenty companies, of one
hundred and eighteen men each.

Colonel Macomb forthwith repaired to New York, and by his own
personal efforts and exertions, soon succeeded in raising the
requisite number of men to compose his regiment. The different
companies rendezvoused at Greenbush, where they were completely
organized and instructed. Their fine state of discipline, their
soldierly appearance and deportment, and the high character of their
officers for ability and intelligence, attracted general attention,
and elicited tokens of approbation in every quarter. In November, the
colonel marched his regiment to Sacketts Harbor, with the intention
of embarking it on board the fleet, and making an attack on Kingston.
On his arrival at that post, he found that Commodore Chauncey had
sailed in quest of the enemy, whereupon, in accordance with the
advice of a council of war, the contemplated movement was abandoned,
and the regiment went into winter quarters.

[Sidenote: STATIONED AT SACKETTS HARBOR.]

During the winter, Colonel Macomb was invested with the command of
the land forces at Sacketts Harbor. In addition to his own regiment,
there was a large body of militia and volunteers stationed there,
together with a number of sailors and marines belonging to the
squadron. All the troops were drilled with great regularity and
precision--being often paraded on the frozen lake, to inure them to
the cold, and to fit them for a projected march, across the ice, upon
Kingston. This was ascertained to be practicable, by a reconnaissance
made by Captain Crane, and in order to cover the design, a rumor was
set afloat, to the effect that Sir George Prevost was concentrating
his forces at Kingston for an attack on Sacketts Harbor.[30] By some
means or other, the rumor reached the ears of General Dearborn, the
commander-in-chief, at Albany, in such a shape, that he could not
be induced to believe it was a mere device designed to lull the
suspicions of the enemy. He left Albany in a sleigh drawn by four
horses, reached Sacketts Harbor in forty-eight hours, and soon after
ordered up the brigades of Chandler and Pike from Plattsburg.

Kingston, therefore, remained unmolested,--and the army at Sacketts
Harbor continued inactive, till the opening of the lake navigation
in the spring of 1813, when General Dearborn proceeded against York
with the greater part of his forces. A portion of Colonel Macomb’s
regiment took part in the expedition, but their commander himself,
much against his own inclination and wishes, was left at Sacketts
Harbor,--it being deemed of the highest importance that an officer of
skill and ability should be placed in command of that post.

Having made every possible preparation for the defence of Sacketts
Harbor, and received permission to join General Dearborn on the
Niagara frontier, Colonel Macomb sailed up the lake, in company with
Commodore Chauncey, with the remainder of his regiment, and joined
the main army on the twenty-fourth of May; passing, in the night,
a schooner dispatched by the general-in-chief, with an officer on
board, bearing positive orders for him to remain at the post he had
left. The arrangements for the attack on Fort George had previously
been made; but a sort of second reserve was formed, under Colonel
Macomb, consisting of his regiment and the marines. The attack was
made on the twenty-seventh of May, and was eminently successful. None
of the troops participated in the action, except the advanced guard
under Colonel Scott, and the brigade of General Boyd; consequently,
Colonel Macomb had no opportunity to gather the laurels he longed to
win; and, immediately after the battle took place, he was ordered to
return to Sacketts Harbor, with four companies of his regiment.

Upon what trifling, and apparently unimportant circumstances, does
the destiny of individuals, like that of nations, depend!--The
temporary absence of Colonel Macomb from Sacketts Harbor enabled
General Brown, then only an officer of the militia, to distinguish
himself, and to obtain a high command, followed by rapid promotion,
in the regular service; while the former, though equally brave and
patriotic, was defeated in his most ardent hopes, by his impatience
and anxiety to meet the enemy in the field.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION DOWN THE ST. LAWRENCE.]

In the summer of 1813, General Wilkinson relieved General Dearborn
in the command of the Northern army. Colonel Macomb accompanied him
in the fruitless and unfortunate movement down the St. Lawrence,
in the autumn of that year.[31] He was placed at the head of the
_corps d’élite_, which consisted of his own regiment, the 20th
infantry, Forsyth’s rifles, and Major Herkimer’s New York volunteers,
numbering, in all, about twelve hundred men. On the march over land,
to avoid the fire of the British batteries at Prescott, he led the
advance; and when the army resumed its progress down the river, he
was detached with his corps, to remove obstructions from the stream,
and drive the enemy’s skirmishers and light troops from the line of
the route. While on this service, several slight affairs occurred
with the enemy, in which he and the officers and men of his command,
displayed commendable zeal and gallantry.

Being in the advance, Colonel Macomb had no part in the action fought
on the eleventh of November, near Williamsburg. After the death of
General Covington, who fell on that occasion, Macomb succeeded to
the command of his brigade, and conducted it to the winter quarters
of the army, at French Mills, where he was placed in command of the
artillery.

On the twenty-fourth of January, 1814, Colonel Macomb was promoted to
the rank of brigadier general, and, on the receipt of his commission,
was regularly assigned to the command of Covington’s brigade. In
conformity with orders from the War Department, the cantonment at
French Mills was broken up in February, 1814, and the troops divided
into two columns,--one moving to Sacketts Harbor, under General
Brown, and the other proceeding to Plattsburg and Burlington, under
Generals Wilkinson and Macomb. The latter was appointed to the
command of the troops on the eastern shore of Lake Champlain, and
established his headquarters at Burlington.

In the month of March following, General Wilkinson concentrated his
forces at Champlain, on the New York frontier, in order to make a
demonstration, or attack, as might be most practicable, upon the
British outposts. General Macomb joined him with his brigade, and
proceeded, with the column, to La Cole Mill, on the St. John’s, a
strongly fortified position of the enemy. An attempt was made to
carry the work on the thirtieth of March, which wholly failed of
success. General Macomb, who had opposed, to the last, the order of
attack laid down by the commanding general, and suggested an entirely
different plan of operations, commanded the reserve, and displayed
his usual ability in covering the retrograde march to Odletown.

[Sidenote: INVASION OF NEW YORK.]

Shortly after this affair, General Wilkinson was recalled, and
General Macomb assumed the command of the army, till the arrival
of General Izard. Commodore Macdonough was then actively engaged in
constructing and equipping his fleet, at Vergennes. Early in May, the
enemy’s flotilla appeared off Plattsburg, on their way towards the
naval dépôt, intending, doubtless, to destroy the vessels and stores.
General Macomb instantly penetrated their design, and dispatched the
light artillery under Captain Thornton, to man the batteries which he
had caused to be erected on Otter Creek, to protect the dépôt. The
British flotilla attempted to pass up the creek, but were so roughly
handled by the American batteries, that they judged it expedient to
return to the Isle Aux Noix.

When General Izard arrived at Plattsburg and took the command,
General Macomb resumed his position at Burlington, till the departure
of the former, on the twenty-seventh of August, 1814, with the
greater part of his troops, to reïnforce General Brown on the Niagara
frontier.

Meanwhile, the British force in the Canadas had been largely
augmented, by the arrival of successive detachments from Wellington’s
victorious army on the Garonne. At the close of the month of August,
there were, at least, sixteen thousand regular soldiers, under the
orders of the governor-general, Sir George Prevost,--twelve thousand
of whom were in the lower province. This formidable force was
designed for the invasion of the United States, by the way of Lake
Champlain, in conjunction with the fleet then preparing to coöperate
with it, under Commodore Downie. At the same time, a strong naval
expedition, under Sir John Sherbrooke and Admiral Griffith, was
moving along the New England coast, landing at different places
on their route, and encountering but a feeble opposition, except
on the part of the regular troops or the navy. These two movements
were parts of a general plan, formed by the Prince Regent and his
cabinet--based, in all probability, on the well-known disaffection
in the New England States. But Sir George Prevost found, to his
cost, that the want of patriotism manifested in Massachusetts, Rhode
Island, and Connecticut, was not shared, to any considerable degree,
by the yeomen of New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York.

The preparations of the English commander for the projected invasion
were nearly completed, when General Izard set out for the theatre
of General Brown’s operations. General Macomb, whose brigade was
now broken up, was left in command at Plattsburg, to which he
again removed his headquarters. His whole force numbered about
twenty-five hundred men, most of whom, however, were convalescents,
or new recruits belonging to different regiments; there was but one
organized battalion in the entire command; many were sick; and,
on examination, it was found that there were only fifteen hundred
fit for duty. This was, indeed, a dilemma; and especially so, as
there was no time given to bring up new regular troops,--it being
announced, on the first of September, that the advance of Sir George
Prevost’s army had that day crossed the lines at Odletown, where he
was issuing his proclamations inviting the inhabitants to remain
neutral, and impressing wagons and teams--thus plainly indicating
his intention to sweep down the western shore of the lake, in the
direction of Plattsburg.

General Macomb never paused to count the number of his enemies, or
to consider his own weakness, any further than was necessary for the
defence of his position, which he was determined to maintain at all
hazards. General Mooers, of the New York militia, was invited to
consult with him, and to coöperate in the obstruction of the enemy’s
advance, with all the troops under his orders. Messengers sped off
in every direction, bearing spirited appeals from General Macomb,
to arouse the people of Vermont and New York; and every exertion
was made, in the meantime, to reduce the confusion prevailing
at Plattsburg into something like order, and to strengthen the
fortifications prepared to resist the “rushing onslaught” of the
British legions. A spirit of emulation was carefully fostered among
the officers and men, who were divided into detachments, and placed
near the different forts; General Macomb announcing, in orders, that
each party must be the garrison of its own work, and defend it to the
last extremity.

[Sidenote: DEFENCES OF PLATTSBURG.]

The village of Plattsburg is situated on the north-western bank of
the Saranac river, which flows into Cumberland bay, an arm of Lake
Champlain. On the south-east, between the river and the bay, there
is a triangular peninsula, from four to six hundred yards wide.
The American works were constructed, under the direction of Major
Totten, of the engineers, on this peninsula. There were, at first,
three redoubts, and two strong blockhouses. The principal work,
called, by General Izard, Fort Moreau, stood in the centre,--having
on its right, on the Saranac, Fort Brown, and on its left, resting
on the lake, Fort Scott; so named by General Macomb, in honor of
his gallant brothers in arms. Fort Brown and Fort Scott were deemed
inaccessible, on their water fronts, as the banks of the river and
bay were high and precipitous. On all the other sides, the several
works were surrounded by deep and wide ditches; they were defended by
_caponnières_; and each glacis was covered with rows of abattis. The
blockhouses occupied favorable positions for guarding the river, and
the ravines on the northern bank leading to the redoubts. The general
afterwards constructed a fourth redoubt, which he called Fort Gaines,
in advance of the other forts, on the south side of the river.

All the works occupied by the American troops were well supplied
with artillery, and their position was further strengthened, by the
presence of the fleet under Commodore Macdonough, which lay moored in
the bay on the right of their position. Besides the regular garrisons
detailed for the different redoubts, General Macomb formed four
small corps of observation,--placing two hundred and fifty men under
Major Wool, of the 29th infantry; two hundred under Major Sproul, of
the 13th; one hundred rifles under Captain Grosvenor, of the 26th;
and one hundred and ten rifles under Lieutenant Colonel Appling.
These corps were thrown forward on the different routes, to watch
the movements of the enemy. Most of the citizens of Plattsburg had
fled with their families and effects, but a small party of young men
remained behind, received rifles, and organized themselves into a
separate company. They also did good service as skirmishers.

[Sidenote: ADVANCE OF SIR GEORGE PREVOST.]

The advance of Sir George Prevost was slow and cautious. The example
and fate of Burgoyne were before him, and he desired to profit by
the lesson. He wished to penetrate into the country as far as Crown
Point and Ticonderoga, before the winter set in, but he did not care
to be caught in a trap. He therefore felt his way at every step,
repeatedly urging Captain Downie, however, to hasten the completion
and equipment of his fleet. Without the command of the lake he
naturally felt that his position, far advanced into the enemy’s
country, would be extremely hazardous and insecure. On the third of
September, the whole British army entered the town of Champlain,
and on the following day moved forward upon Plattsburg. They found
the roads blocked up with felled trees, the passes obstructed by
_chevaux-de-frise_ and abattis, and the bridges broken down,--the
corps of observation pushed out by General Macomb having faithfully
obeyed his orders, to impede, in every way, the progress of the
enemy’s troops.

The eloquent appeals of the American general to the yeomanry of
Vermont and New York were nobly answered. Hundreds and thousands
of the brave Green Mountain boys, and the patriotic militia and
volunteers of New York, daily poured into his camp. Those who
were destitute he furnished with arms, and all were supplied with
provisions. The militia were, of course, organized and enrolled under
their respective commanders, but the volunteers, at his suggestion,
usually separated into small parties, to lie in wait in the woods, to
fall upon detached parties of the enemy, to annoy their flanks, to
harass them by every possible means, and to obtain information and
intercept stragglers.

On the fourth of September, General Mooers, with seven hundred
militia, advanced about seven miles on the Beekmantown road,--which
passes over the swelling uplands overlooking the lake, and the lower,
or lake road, on its margin,--to reconnoitre, and obstruct the
approaches. Captain Sproul was then at Dead Creek bridge, on the lake
road, with his corps and two pieces of artillery; while Lieutenant
Colonel Appling and his rifles, who had been stationed on the Great
Chazy, were still further in front. When the enemy moved forward, on
the fourth instant, Appling retreated leisurely before them, tearing
up the bridges, cutting down trees and flinging them across the road,
and throwing every possible obstruction in the way of their advance.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG.]

Sir George Prevost halted his troops at Little Chazy, on the fifth
instant, and it was the same day ascertained by General Macomb, that
they would take up the line of march on the following morning, in two
columns, on the Beekmantown and lake roads, which divided below Chazy
village. The general was urged by many warm and zealous friends, to
abandon Plattsburg to its fate, to remove the stores while there was
yet time, and to retire higher up the lake. He was not the man to
follow such advice; though a retreat, under the circumstances, could
not justly have been termed dishonorable. He had already decided to
dispute every inch of ground, and he felt confident, that if the
narrow peninsula, between the Saranac and the Champlain, should,
indeed, prove the Thermopylæ of himself and his gallant little band
of regular soldiers, the sacrifice would not be in vain. The militia
and volunteers who had flocked around his standard, or were operating
in the neighborhood, numbered from eight to ten thousand men, and
before the enemy could have improved any advantage gained over his
command, the forests around them would have been filled with an
overwhelming force of citizen soldiers, burning with impatience to
drive back the invader.

In the evening of the fifth instant, Major Wool was ordered forward
with his corps, to support the militia on the Beekmantown road. It
was designed to reïnforce him with two pieces of artillery, before
daylight; but the officer having charge of the guns did not join him
in season. At early dawn on the sixth, the enemy were in motion.
The column on the Beekmantown road, consisting of the divisions of
Generals Power and Robinson, pushed forward with great rapidity.
Major Wool and his men withstood them for some time with matchless
hardihood and bravery, killing Lieutenant Colonel Wellington, of
the Buffs, the leader of the advanced parties; but the militia were
seized with an unhappy panic, occasioned, in part, by the red coats
of the New York cavalry, stationed as look-outs on the hills, whom
they mistook for the British soldiers. The firmness and intrepidity
of Major Wool and his command failed to encourage them, and their
premature flight soon compelled him to retire.

The right column of the enemy having approached within one mile of
Plattsburg, General Macomb dispatched his aid, with orders to Captain
Sproul, to fall back by the lake road; and to Lieutenant Colonel
Appling, to attack the British right. Appling retired just in time
to escape being cut off; as he soon after encountered the head of a
detachment from the left column, which had made a _détour_ through
the woods for that purpose. A destructive fire from his rifles, at
rest, checked their advance, and enabled him to effect his retreat
in safety. The different corps, under Appling, Wool, and Sproul, now
united, and slowly continued their retrograde movement; the field
pieces were kept actively playing; the gunboats lying off the mouth
of Dead Creek, poured a lively and galling fire upon the enemy; and
their advanced parties were severely handled.

[Sidenote: SKIRMISHING.]

Every road and lane leading into Plattsburg was now full of British
soldiers. The artillery, which had supported the American advanced
corps, was pushed across the bridge in the town, where it was placed
in battery, to cover the retreat of the infantry, who retired in
alternate detachments. As the last platoons reached the southern
bank of the river, the planks of all the bridges spanning the stream
were torn up, by order of General Macomb, and breastworks formed
from them, to protect the parties left to guard the crossings. The
enemy promptly entered the town, flattering themselves that the
victory was more than half completed. The heavy artillery in the
redoubts immediately opened on them, and the staff officers, who
ascended the roofs and balconies to reconnoitre, were speedily
dislodged by the hot shot, poured upon them “like burning lava,”
while the buildings of which they had taken possession were set on
fire. The British commander, discovering that his men were suffering
considerably from the fire of the heavy metal, and not being prepared
to force the passage of the river, drew off the main body of his
army,--leaving only a few light troops to skirmish at the different
fords and bridges,--and encamped in a semicircle, about two miles
from the American forts. It was of the highest importance that the
weakness of his army should be concealed from the enemy, and General
Macomb took extraordinary precautions to prevent their obtaining
any positive information, and to deceive them in regard to his real
strength. All the troops were paraded at guard-mounting; and, as
several days elapsed before anything of moment transpired on either
side, a portion of the barracks constructed for General Izard’s army
was burned every night, to prevent the enemy from approaching the
works unobserved, and to march the troops through the light, as if
they were reïnforcements just arriving from the opposite shore of the
lake.

From the evening of the sixth of September, till the morning of the
eleventh, Sir George Prevost was zealously engaged in planting his
batteries, both open and masked, and bringing up his heavy artillery.
During all this time he refrained from offensive operations, though
there were constant skirmishes between advanced corps of the two
armies, at the bridges and fords. The reason alleged for the delay
on his part, was the want of his battering train, that came up very
slowly; but the absence of the fleet under Captain Downie, which had
not yet arrived,--and without which, as appeared in the sequel, he
dared not make an attempt on the American position,--was, probably,
the main consideration that influenced him.

In the meantime, a lively and effective cannonade was directed upon
the enemy’s lines from the American forts,--the sullen thunder of
their artillery echoing for many a mile through the sweeping forests
whose rich foliage enamelled the borders of Lake Champlain. The
repeated assaults of the enemy at the different crossings of the
river were repelled with ease and alacrity; and on one occasion,
Captain M‘Glassin, of the 15th infantry, gallantly crossed the river
in the night, with fifty men; attacked a working party one hundred
and fifty strong, constructing a battery opposite Fort Brown;
defeated both them and their support, also one hundred and fifty in
number, killing seven of the enemy; and completely demolished the
work. The regular troops, besides performing regular tours of duty
at the bridge and fords, labored incessantly, in strengthening the
fortifications.

On the night of the tenth of September, General Macomb was apprised
of the intention of the enemy to make an attack the next day; and,
by his orders, the roads and passes leading to the south of his
position, as he suspected they designed to turn it, were covered with
felled trees, and strewed with leaves, so as to deceive them, and a
new road was opened leading towards Salmon river.

[Sidenote: REPULSE OF THE ENEMY.]

At the earliest dawn of day, before the welkin began to glow with
the purple light of morning, a general movement was reported, by the
advanced parties, to be making in the enemy’s camp; and when objects
could be distinguished from the main line, all their different corps
were observed under arms. Shortly afterwards, the British fleet
rounded Cumberland head. As the Confiance, the flag ship of Captain
Downie, entered the bay, she scaled her guns,--the signal agreed
on with Sir George Prevost for the commencement of the action. A
desperate conflict, of rather more than two hours’ duration, now
took place between the rival squadrons, at the termination of which
Commodore Macdonough obtained a signal triumph over his opponent, who
fell mortally wounded in the action.

Nearly all the enemy’s vessels were captured or destroyed, and
their crews, with the exception of those who were killed during the
engagement, were taken prisoners.

Sir George Prevost only waited to give his men their breakfast, when
the attack was ordered on the land. Showers of bombs, shrapnels,
balls, and rockets, were hurled across the river; and immediately
after the bombardment commenced, the enemy advanced to force a
passage across the stream, and assault the American works, in three
columns--one approaching the bridge in the village, another the
upper bridge, and the third a ford about three miles above the
forts--all of which were provided with scaling ladders. The attack
was vigorously met by the American artillerists; fire answered fire;
and the ringing shot and shout resounded far and wide.

The two columns of the enemy which attempted to pass the bridges,
were gallantly driven back by the regulars; the remaining column was
led astray in the woods--the artifices of the American commander
being entirely successful--and after spending a long time in marching
and countermarching to no purpose, wearied and worn with fatigue,
they arrived in sight of the American works, only to hear the glad
shouts of victory at the brilliant success of the brave Macdonough.
A further advance was no longer to be thought of; the recall was
sounded; the scaling ladders were thrown down; and a hasty retreat
was made. The volunteers and militia stationed in this quarter,
pressed warmly upon them, and succeeded in cutting off an entire
company of the 76th foot, not a single man of whom escaped. The
cannonade was kept up till sunset, when the enemy’s batteries were
all silenced by the effective fire from the American forts.

Before another morning dawned, Sir George Prevost and his powerful
army had all disappeared, like “the baseless fabric of a vision.”
Their sick and wounded were left behind, with a message to the
American general commending them to his kindness and generosity. Vast
quantities of provisions were also abandoned or destroyed, together
with large stores of ammunition, tents, and intrenching tools.
The retreat was made so unexpectedly, and with such extraordinary
precipitance, that it was not discovered till the enemy had nearly
reached Chazy, about eight miles distant. The light troops,
volunteers, and militia, were instantly detached in pursuit of the
flying Britons; but a violent storm of rain impeded their progress,
and they were only able to capture a few prisoners, and to cover
the escape of between three and four hundred deserters. Sir George
Prevost succeeded in effecting his return to Canada, without further
molestation, where he resigned the command of the army and demanded a
court martial. Before the investigation took place, he died, as it is
said, of grief and mortification at the ill-success of an expedition
so well equipped and provided, and upon which depended so many hopes
and expectations.

The actual loss of the British army in this expedition was only
two hundred and fifty killed and wounded, but there were over four
hundred deserted in the retreat. Of the Americans, there were
thirty-seven killed, sixty-two wounded, and twenty missing.

The double victory of Macomb and Macdonough was everywhere hailed
by their countrymen with acclamations of joy. The legislatures of
New York and Vermont were foremost in offering their thanks and
congratulations. The freedom of the city of New York was presented to
General Macomb, in a gold box, and the State legislature voted him a
magnificent sword. Congress also passed a vote of thanks, and ordered
that a gold medal, emblematical of the victory, should be struck and
presented to him. The brevet of major general was likewise conferred
on him--his commission bearing date on the memorable eleventh of
September, 1814.

[Sidenote: RETURN OF PEACE.]

Upon the conclusion of the treaty of peace, the negotiations for
which were undoubtedly hastened to a close by the disastrous result
of the expedition under Sir George Prevost, the army was reduced
to the peace establishment, which was fixed at ten thousand men.
Two major generals, and four brigadier generals, were retained in
the service; among them was General Macomb, who stood at the head
of the brigadiers. He was now assigned to the command of the 3rd
military department, and established his headquarters at New York;
subsequently he was transferred to the 5th department, and removed
to Detroit. While in charge of the latter department, he established
the posts at Fort Gratiot, Chicago, Mackinaw, Prairie du Chien, St.
Peter’s, and St. Mary’s. So highly was he esteemed by the people
of Detroit, that when he was called to Washington, on the further
reduction of the army, in June, 1821, to take charge of the Engineer
Bureau, an address, in their name, with a piece of plate, was
presented to him, by Governor Cass; and the clergy, and all the most
prominent citizens, called upon him to take their leave, and express
their regret at his departure.

General Macomb now removed to Georgetown, in the District of
Columbia, in order to enter upon the duties of his appointment as
Chief Engineer. His military studies, his talents and experience,
eminently fitted him for this post; and it is not strange, therefore,
that he should have received, as he did, the repeated thanks of every
head of the War Department, during his administration of the affairs
of the engineer bureau. Millions of dollars were appropriated under
his directions, not a single cent of which was unaccounted for to the
government.

In the first year of his residence at Georgetown, General Macomb was
called upon to mourn the loss of his excellent wife, who had so long
shared with him the toils and dangers, the hardships and sufferings,
of a soldier’s life. He was married a second time, in May, 1826, to
Mrs. Harriet Balch Wilson, a lady richly meriting the praise awarded
to the possessor of so many graces and accomplishments.

On the death of General Brown, in February, 1828, General Macomb
was raised to the full rank of major general, and appointed
General-in-Chief of the army. His claims to this preference were
disputed by Generals Scott and Gaines, the two brigadiers; but
President Adams, and his successor, General Jackson, decided in favor
of Macomb, on the ground that his military service was the longest,
and that, even if this were not the case, the Executive possessed
the unquestioned right to go beyond the pale of the army, if thought
advisable, in making the selection.

While at the head of the army, General Macomb devised and recommended
various plans for its improvement, and that of the military school
at West Point, many of which were adopted by Congress, or the War
Department, and all of which would no doubt materially conduce to
the elevation of the military character of the country. He was not
again required to take the field, except that he was absent for a
few months in Florida, during the second Seminole war, and, in 1839,
concluded a treaty of peace with the refractory Indians, which proved
to be illusory and deceptive.

[Sidenote: HIS DEATH.]

As General Macomb advanced in years, he grew somewhat corpulent, and
became subject to apoplectic attacks. On the occasion of the funeral
ceremonies of President Harrison, in the city of Washington, he
commanded the funeral escort; and his tall and manly form, his noble
and dignified presence, rendered him the most conspicuous personage
in that brilliant pageant. But little more than two months elapsed,
when he was struck by the same relentless enemy of our race. He died
in a fit of apoplexy, on the twenty-fifth of June, 1841, universally
lamented by his associates and brethren in arms, and by his numerous
friends and acquaintances throughout the Union.

The personal appearance of General Macomb was decidedly in his favor.
He was above the ordinary height, and, until a few years previous to
his death, was finely proportioned. His eyes were blue, and beamed
with intelligence and kindness. His look was lofty and imposing, and
his whole cast of countenance indicated great decision and firmness,
coupled with intellectual ability of the highest order.

He was polished and easy in his manners; at all times accessible;
but never forgetting his own self-respect, or losing sight of the
dignity of his position. In his military career, he evinced unusual
promptness and energy, appropriately tempered by wisdom and prudence.
He made no pretences to extraordinary courage; but a braver soldier,
in the better sense of the term, never lived. His scientific
attainments in the line of his profession, and in general literature,
were remarked, and admired, by all who had the pleasure of his
acquaintance. He was singularly accurate in his judgment; correct
and exact in the discharge of every duty; patient and assiduous, but
decided, in anything he undertook. His disposition and character were
equable; and he wore well, as a soldier and a citizen,--as a friend,
a father, and a husband.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] Vol. I. p. 288.

[29] Colonel Williams, the chief of the corps of
Engineers, resigned his commission in 1812, for the
reason that he was denied a command in the line of
the army, which he solicited.

[30] The post was attacked in May, 1813, (see Memoir
of General Brown, _ante_,) but not until after the
withdrawal of the troops for the expedition against
York and Fort George.

[31] See Memoir of General Brown, _ante_.

ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE.

This gallant officer, whose fate so closely resembles that of the
chivalric, ardent, and romantic Montgomery, was bred in a camp, lived
a soldier’s life, and died a soldier’s death.

“Brief brave, and glorious, was his young career!”

Like Sidney before the walls of Zutphen, he perished in the hour of
victory, when he had just plucked the coronal of his fame; like him,
too, rejoicing that his death was for the honor of his country.

General Pike was descended from a family of soldiers. One of his
ancestors, Captain John Pike, was highly distinguished, according to
the traditionary accounts, in the early Indian wars of the colony.
His father, Major Zebulon Pike, entered the army of the United
States as a captain of infantry, in 1792, having served, with high
credit, in the levies of the previous year, and was promoted to
the rank of major in 1800. His son, the hero of this sketch, was
born at Lamberton, New Jersey, the residence of the family for many
generations, on the fifth day of January, 1779. While he was yet a
child, his father removed to Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and thence
to Easton. In his boyhood, he was remarkable both for his spirit and
bravery, and his thoughtful and studious habits. He enjoyed but few
advantages, and obtained a knowledge only of the ordinary branches of
an English education.

At an early age, he accompanied his father to the western frontiers
of the Union, and served for some time as a cadet in his company.
On the third of March, 1799, he received a commission as ensign
in the 2nd infantry, and on the twenty-fourth of April, 1800, was
promoted to a first lieutenancy in the same regiment. During the
year 1800, he was transferred to the 1st infantry. Unlike most of
the young officers around him, who contented themselves with going
through the customary routine of barrack duty, he devoted all his
leisure time to reading and study. Without the aid of an instructor,
he became tolerably well acquainted with the French, Latin, and
Spanish languages, and made considerable proficiency in mathematics
and general science. He was not indifferently versed in polite
literature, though much could not have been expected from him in this
respect, as his reading and studies were very desultory in their
character. He possessed an inquiring mind, habits of investigation
and reflection, and was a nice observer of men and things; he
was likewise patient and assiduous in his efforts to improve his
mind,--but all these good qualities did not make up for the absence
of a regular system.

In March, 1801, Pike was married to Miss Clarissa Brown, of
Cincinnati. He was tenderly and devotedly attached to his wife, and
had several children by her, only one of whom, a daughter, survived
him.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION UP THE MISSISSIPPI.]

After the purchase of Louisiana from France, Mr. Jefferson projected
several expeditions of discovery in the territory newly acquired.
Captain Lewis and Lieutenant Clarke were selected to ascend the
Missouri, to cross the mountains, and trace the Columbia river to its
mouth; and about the same time, Lieutenant Pike was ordered by his
commanding officer, General Wilkinson, to conduct an expedition to
the sources of the Mississippi. On the ninth of August, 1805, he left
St. Louis in a keel boat, seventy feet long, with provisions for four
months; his whole party consisting of one sergeant, one corporal,
and seventeen private soldiers. There was not a scientific man
attached to the expedition; his men were totally unacquainted with
the country; and Pike himself was required to perform the duties, as
he remarks in the Preface to his published Narrative, “of astronomer,
surveyor, commanding officer, clerk, spy, guide, and hunter.”

He was absent on this expedition nearly nine months. He visited
a great number of Indian tribes, attended several councils, made
treaties with them, and purchased valuable tracts of land. On the
sixteenth of October he erected a stockade, and established a winter
station for his men, two hundred and thirty-three miles above the
falls of St. Anthony. He was determined to pursue his explorations
still further, and accordingly commenced his preparations as soon
as practicable. While he remained at the encampment, its tedious
monotony was relieved by the excitement of the chase. In December,
he continued his journey in canoes and on foot--his men drawing
their baggage on sleds over the frozen snow. After visiting Sandy,
Leech, and Red Cedar lakes, and making his surveys and examinations,
he returned to his stockade, where he had left his sergeant, and
invalid soldiers, on the eighteenth of February, 1806. He was
compelled to wait here till the breaking up of the ice in the spring,
when he descended the river to St. Louis, arriving there on the
thirtieth of April.

General Wilkinson was so well pleased with the manner in which
Lieutenant Pike had conducted the expedition up the Mississippi, that
within four months after his return, he selected him to undertake
a similar enterprise. On the fifteenth of July, 1806, he embarked
at St. Louis, with his party, consisting of one lieutenant, one
sergeant, two corporals, sixteen privates, and an interpreter,
together with forty Osage captives, who had recently been recovered
from their enemies, the Potowatomies. Dr. Robinson, a professional
gentleman, accompanied the expedition as a volunteer.

Proceeding up the Missouri river to the Osage country, Lieutenant
Pike restored the captives to their friends, and then made his way
to the Pawnee towns, with whom he partially succeeded in cultivating
friendly relations. His efforts, however, were in a great measure
frustrated, by their proximity to the Spanish settlers of New Mexico,
a large body of whom had lately visited their country.

Having fulfilled the duties required of him in the Indian country,
Lieutenant Pike proceeded to obey his further instructions, to
explore the territory lying on the headwaters of the Arkansas and
Red rivers. After leaving the Indian neighborhood, he and his party
encountered the severest hardships and fatigues. On reaching the
Arkansas, he directed Lieutenant Wilkinson to descend the river to
the military post on its lower waters, with seven men of the party.
He then held on his way with the remainder of his command, and, at
length, after days and weeks of toil and suffering--he and his men
being compelled for a portion of the time to carry seventy pounds
each on their backs--he arrived on what he supposed to be the bank of
the Red river, but which proved to be the Rio Grande.

[Sidenote: TAKEN PRISONER TO CHIHUAHUA.]

While encamped in the vicinity of the river, he was visited by a
detachment of Spanish and Mexican lancers, by whom he was conducted
to Santa Fé. The Spaniards were at that time extremely inimical
towards the people of the United States, and it was probably supposed
that Pike was connected with the expedition of Colonel Burr. He was
treated with great respect, however, but was carefully watched,
and shortly afterwards sent, with his party, to Chihuahua, the
residence of the Captain-general of the Internal Provinces, under
a strong escort. All his papers, with the exception of his private
journal, were here taken from him, and he was then permitted to
return home, accompanied by an escort, by way of San Antonio and
Nacogdoches,--though he was forbidden to take any notes, or make any
observations, on the route. He evaded this prohibition, by making
his memoranda on small scraps of paper, which were concealed in the
gunbarrels of his men. On the first of July, 1807, the long and
arduous expedition terminated, by the arrival of himself and party at
Natchitoches.

On his return to the United States, Pike found himself promoted to
the rank of captain. His conduct received the express approbation of
the Secretary of War, and his zeal, perseverance, and intelligence,
elicited a high, but richly deserved encomium, from a committee of
Congress. He subsequently prepared a Narrative of his Expedition,
abounding in interesting and useful information, and accompanied with
valuable maps and charts, which was published in 1810.

In 1809, Pike was raised to a majority in the 6th infantry, and, in
1810, was appointed lieutenant colonel of the 4th infantry. Being
engaged on detached service at the southwest, he was not present at
the battle of Tippecanoe, in November, 1811, in which his regiment
bore so prominent a part. While holding the rank of lieutenant
colonel, he was appointed deputy quartermaster general, the duties of
which office he discharged with commendable fidelity and punctuality.

On the twentieth day of May, 1812, Colonel Pike was present at a
numerous meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, held in the State
House yard, the object of which was to embolden the government
to declare war against Great Britain. He took no part in the
proceedings, but was not an uninterested spectator. His whole soul
was in his profession; his heart glowed with the noble ambition of
the soldier; and he gladly welcomed these expressions of the popular
will, as the certain indications that he would soon be summoned to
the field. He panted for action, for glory and fame. His ardent wish
was soon gratified, by the declaration of war in June following,
and on the increase of the army, in July, he was promoted to the
colonelcy of the 15th infantry.

Shortly after receiving his new commission, Colonel Pike proceeded
to the Champlain frontier, where he was stationed for some months,
under the immediate orders of General Dearborn, with a command
consisting of twenty-five hundred men. He found the troops in great
need of discipline, and labored earnestly and indefatigably to
correct the difficulty. No regular system of tactics had then been
adopted; some officers adhering to that of “Old Steuben,” in vogue
during the revolution, and others adopting the more modern French
system. Pike was active in his temperament, enthusiastic, ambitious
to excel, and, perhaps, too fond of innovations. He felt himself
at liberty to choose for himself, and therefore drilled his own
regiment in three ranks, according to the French mode; the rear rank
being provided with short guns and long pikes. They made a bristling
appearance in the charge, but were not very serviceable, and soon
became known in the army as “Pike’s regiment of _pikes_.” After his
death the short guns and pikes were no longer used.

One of the innovations introduced by Pike, was that of drilling
his men with snow shoes, in anticipation of a winter campaign in
Canada; and there are many amusing anecdotes related of the singular
appearance presented by his men when going through their manœuvres
and evolutions on parade.

[Sidenote: INCURSION INTO CANADA.]

In October, 1812, Colonel Pike made a successful incursion into
Canada, with his regiment; the northern army being then stationed
near the frontier, in the town of Champlain. On the nineteenth
instant, he surprised a body of British and Indians stationed at a
blockhouse, destroyed a large quantity of public stores, and returned
to camp without sustaining much loss. In the winter of 1813, he
was assigned to the command of a brigade, and was ordered from
Plattsburg to Sacketts Harbor, in consequence of a report that Sir
George Prevost designed to attack that post.[32]

At the opening of the campaign of 1813, Pike was promoted to the
rank of brigadier general, and accompanied General Dearborn in his
expedition against York. It was the great fault committed by our
generals in the war of 1812, that no permanent lodgment was made on
the Canada shore, between Kingston and Montreal. Had this been done,
the two provinces would have been effectually detached, and the upper
one must of necessity have submitted to the authority of the United
States. The instructions issued from the War Department to General
Dearborn, in the spring of 1813, specified Kingston and York, Forts
George and Erie, as suitable points of attack. It was, of course,
designed that an attempt should be first made on Kingston; but the
commanding general was deceived by a false report as to its strength,
intended by the enemy to produce that effect, and therefore selected
York, the capital of Upper Canada, now known as Toronto.

Pike was constantly employed at Sacketts Harbor, in drilling the men
intended for the expedition, which was to be a secret one,--it being
understood that he was to have the actual command of the forces,
though General Dearborn decided to accompany him. The troops, to
the number of about seventeen hundred men, were embarked on board
Commodore Chauncey’s fleet, on the twenty-third of April, 1813,
and set sail on the twenty-fifth instant. On the morning of the
twenty-seventh, they hove in sight of York, and the landing instantly
commenced, in the small boats, under the direction of General Pike,
who had previously made all the necessary arrangements, and issued
the most precise orders, which were directed to be read at the head
of every corps.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION AGAINST YORK.]

It was originally designed that the debarkation should take place
on the open shore, near the ruins of old Fort Toronto, about two
miles above York; but the prevalence of a strong east wind forced
the boats on a part of the coast fringed with trees and underbrush,
which afforded an excellent cover to the enemy’s sharpshooters. Major
Forsyth led the descent with his rifle corps. His men cheered lustily
as their boats skimmed over the blue waters, and rapidly neared the
beach. The alarm had already been communicated to General Sheaffe,
the commandant of the garrison at York; a strong body of grenadiers,
with the Glengary fencibles, were paraded on the shore to oppose the
landing; a still larger force of regulars and militia, at least seven
hundred strong, were observed in the rear; and there were five or six
hundred Indians scattered through the woods in detached parties.

As Major Forsyth approached the shore, a heavy fire of musketry and
rifles was poured on his command. He at once ordered his men to rest
a few seconds on their oars, and return the enemy’s fire. General
Pike was at this moment standing on the deck of his ship, intently
surveying the scene with his glass. Observing what he thought a
cowardly pause on the part of the advance, he exclaimed to his staff,
“I can stay here no longer,--come, jump into the boat!” As he spoke,
he leaped into the boat, followed by his officers, gave the order to
make way, and pushed into the thickest of the fire.

Meantime, Major Forsyth and his men had gallantly driven the enemy
from the bank, and effected a landing. They then sheltered themselves
behind the trees and bushes, and opened a lively fire. The first
volley of the enemy had killed their armorer, the best shot in the
corps, and they now made the woods ring with the shrill report of
their pieces, and their loud shouts for vengeance.

General Pike soon landed, with Major King’s infantry, the light
artillery under Major Eustis, the volunteer corps of Colonel
McClure, and Lieutenant Riddle’s rifles. The general placed himself
at the head of the platoon first formed, and ordering the rest to
follow, dashed up the bank under a fierce shower of bullets from
the grenadiers. His noble example inspired his men with confidence.
Willing hearts found ready hands. At the word they sprang forward
with the utmost vivacity and firmness, and charged impetuously upon
the enemy, who almost immediately broke, and retired in disorder
towards their works in the town. At the same instant, Forsyth’s
bugles pealed forth their merry notes of victory. The effect on the
Indians was electrical; they gave a loud yell and fled in every
direction; but the Glengary fencibles still maintained an irregular
fire. A fresh body of grenadiers now issued from the wood, and made
a dash at Major King’s regiment; at first, the latter faltered under
the terrible crash of the bayonet, but they speedily rallied,
returned the charge with a will, and drove the enemy from the field.

All the troops having landed, they were formed in order of attack,
and led on by General Pike in person, against the enemy’s works.
Advancing through the wood, they came within range of a twenty-four
pounder gun planted in one of the batteries. The battery was stormed
and cleaned in an instant. A second work was soon after entered,
which had previously been abandoned. The assailants then moved
forward, in columns, upon the principal intrenchment, whither the
enemy had retreated. On approaching it, the barracks appeared to have
been evacuated. Suspecting some trick, General Pike ordered a halt,
and sent Lieutenant Riddle forward to reconnoitre.

[Sidenote: EXPLOSION OF THE MAGAZINE.]

In the meanwhile, General Pike, ever as humane and generous, as he
was brave, had aided in removing a wounded British soldier with his
own hands to a place of safety, and then sat down on the stump of a
tree with one of the enemy’s sergeants who had been taken prisoner.
He was busily employed in examining him, with the assistance of his
aids, when the hill-side was suddenly convulsed as if with the throes
of an earthquake. The magazine in the main work of the enemy exploded
with a deafening roar. Huge volumes of smoke darkened the air;
vast columns of flame shot up towards the sky; and large masses of
fragments were thrown into the air, where they hung suspended for a
moment, and then descended with a sharp hissing sound, crushing into
the earth both friends and foes within a circuit of three hundred
yards.[33] The magazine was constructed of stone, and one of the
heaviest masses fell upon the group gathered about General Pike. All,
except one of the aids, were mortally wounded,--the general himself
receiving a severe contusion on the breast.

The American troops for an instant recoiled before this terrible
catastrophe; but they were quickly reformed by Colonel Pearce, of
the 16th infantry, who now assumed the command, and his subordinate
officers; the lively strains of martial music soon reïnspired them;
and they were again led forward to the attack, rending the air,
as they advanced, with their loud hurrahs. As they filed past the
suffering, but heroic Pike, whose breast and sides were literally
crushed in, he said, “Push on, my brave fellows, and avenge your
general!”--They instantly dashed on with redoubled zeal; though the
plume of their gallant leader was no longer to be seen, his influence
was still upon them; and in a few hours the victory was completed,
by the capture of the town and fort; General Sheaffe making a
precipitate retreat with his regulars, in the direction of Kingston.
The public buildings and barracks were destroyed, and the military
stores removed; and the place was then abandoned. The enemy lost
about two hundred men in killed and wounded, and nearly three hundred
were taken prisoners. The loss of the Americans was three hundred and
twenty killed and wounded, principally caused by the explosion of the
magazine. Between thirty and forty of the enemy were also killed and
wounded by the explosion.

[Sidenote: HIS DEATH.]

After the advance of the troops, Pike was taken up by some of his
men, under the direction of the surgeons, to be conveyed on board
the ship. As they reached the shore of the lake, a loud prolonged
shout was heard, evidently proceeding from his brigade. The cheering
sound revived the dying hero. Like Wolfe upon the plains of Abraham,
he turned his head with an inquiring look. This was noticed by a
sergeant beside him, who instantly cried, “The British union jack
is coming down, general--the stars are going up!” Pike struggled
to speak, but the effort was vain; he heaved a deep sigh, and a
glad smile lighted up his fine features. He was then rowed to the
Commodore’s ship and taken on board. He lingered a few hours in great
pain, being unable to articulate a single syllable. Just before he
breathed his last, as his eye was glazing in death, the British
standard was brought to him; he made a sign to have it placed under
his head, and calmly breathed his last.

The personal intrepidity of General Pike was not his only good
quality. He was devotedly attached to his profession, and jealous of
the preservation of its honor,--as was evinced by the orders issued
on the morning of the fatal twenty-seventh of April. Among them
was one, in which he prohibited any molestation of the persons or
property of private citizens, and strictly enjoined upon his troops
that they should refrain from committing outrages of every character,
however much they might be provoked. He was pure-minded, frank and
ingenuous; firm in danger, and resolute in adversity; blameless in
life, and heroic in death,--exemplifying, under circumstances that
required the exhibition of unusual fortitude and resignation, the
truthful sentiment of the Roman poet--

“Dulce, et decorum est, pro patria mori!”

On the day previous to the embarkation at Sacketts Harbor, General
Pike addressed a letter to his father, in which he said: “I embark
to-morrow in the fleet at Sacketts Harbor, at the head of a column
of fifteen hundred choice troops, on a secret expedition. If success
attend my steps, honor and glory await my name; if defeat, still
shall it be said that we died like brave men, and conferred honor,
even in death, on the American name. Should I be the happy mortal
destined to turn the scale of war, will you not rejoice, O my father?
May Heaven be propitious, and smile on the cause of my country! But
if we are destined to fall, may my fall be like Wolfe’s--to sleep in
the arms of victory!”

[Sidenote: HIS CHARACTER.]

The hero’s wish was gratified. The same breeze that fanned his cheek,
and cooled the aching forehead on which the death-damp was rapidly
gathering, unfurled the victorious banner, welcomed, as it shook
its star-gemmed folds above the heads of his brave soldiers, with
a deafening shout that went up like the gush of many waters. He
desired no higher, or greater distinction, in life, than to serve his
country in the tented field--he asked no nobler death than that which
awaited him, in the hour of his proud triumph:--

“He died, as hearts like his should die,--
In the hot clasp of victory!”

[Illustration: WINFIELD SCOTT.]

FOOTNOTES:

[32] See Memoir of General Macomb, _ante_.

[33] Some of the escapes made on this occasion were
rather amusing;--one officer saved himself by dodging
under a gun, and another by springing into an
empty pork barrel. It was for a long time supposed
that the explosion was the work of design, and
the circumstance of finding the lighted trains at
Fort George, (See Memoir of General Scott.) in May
following, tended to strengthen this impression.
General Sheaffe, however, repelled the dishonorable
imputation, and declared that it was wholly
accidental. The most critical and reliable biographer
of General Pike, (See Memoir of Pike, by Colonel
Whiting, in Sparks’ American Biography.) adopts the
opinion that it was a mere accident, and could not
have been designed.

WINFIELD SCOTT.

On learning the particulars of the defeat of Marshal Ney at
Dennewitz, says St. Cyr, in his _Histoire Militaire_,[34] Napoleon
remarked, that “he knew of but one general who had constantly
gained by experience, and that was Turenne, whose great talents
were the result of profound study.” A similar remark might, not
inappropriately, be applied to WINFIELD SCOTT, the General-in-Chief
of the Army of the United States. For more than forty years he has
been in the military service of the American people, constantly
improving in reputation, as in the knowledge appertaining to his
profession,--the experience of each year furnishing new and useful
lessons to its successor, which have not been permitted to remain
unimproved,--and he now stands before the country and the world,
occupying a high place among the heroes of modern times, and towering
far above his compeers, in stature and in fame.

[Sidenote: BIRTH AND EDUCATION.]

Among the Scottish gentlemen who rallied around Charles Edward, when
he unfurled the banner of his kingly race on the hills of Glenfinnan,
on the nineteenth of August, 1745, were two brothers, by the name
of Scott. They adhered to “the young Chevalier” through weal and
woe, through good and evil report, till the fortunes of the Stuarts
sank forever on the bloody field of Culloden. The elder brother
sealed his loyalty with his life on that fatal day; and the younger,
being seriously compromised by his participation in the rebellion,
emigrated to America, and established himself in the practice of
the law, in the then Colony of Virginia. His son William, a farmer
by occupation, married into one of the most respectable families in
Virginia, and died in 1791, leaving two sons and several daughters.
The elder son, James, commanded a regiment of Virginia militia, at
Norfolk, in 1812; the younger was Winfield, the subject of this
biographical notice, who was born near Petersburg, Virginia, on the
thirteenth of June, 1786.

Within two years after the death of his father, young Scott was
also deprived of his mother, and, at the age of seventeen, was left
his sole master, possessed of but limited means, to make or mar his
fortune, as he himself decided to guide the little bark freighted
with his boyish hopes and aspirations. Happily, he had been early
accustomed to habits of self-government and self-reliance. He was
frank and ingenuous by nature; ardent, ambitious, and chivalric,
in his temperament; gifted with a superior intellect; industrious
by inclination, as well as from a consciousness of its importance;
quick to perceive, and ready to learn. Qualities like these, properly
improved and directed, are always sure to reward their possessor a
hundred fold; for mind, like water, will, sooner or later, find its
own appropriate level.

Scott was originally designed for the legal profession. He pursued
a regular course of instruction in mathematics and the classics,
in the High-School at Richmond, then in charge of a distinguished
teacher of the name of Ogilvie, and afterwards repaired to William
and Mary College, where he spent between one and two years, and
attended a course of law lectures. His legal studies were completed
in the office of David Robertson, a learned and able lawyer, and
in 1806 he was admitted to the bar. He spent the following year in
his native state, riding the circuit two terms in the vicinity of
Petersburg, and residing most of the time with Benjamin Watkins
Leigh, subsequently one of the most eminent counsellors and advocates
in Virginia. In the fall of 1807, he visited South Carolina,
intending to establish himself in practice in the city of Charleston.
Failing, for want of time, to procure the passage of a bill by the
legislature, specially exempting him from the statutory provision
requiring a year’s residence in the state, he returned to Virginia.

This was, perhaps, the most fortunate disappointment he has ever
experienced. The whole country was then in a complete ferment of
agitation. The attack on the Chesapeake took place in June previous,
and a war was confidently predicted as the inevitable result.
President Jefferson issued a proclamation prohibiting British armed
vessels from entering the harbors of the United States, and bodies
of militia were called out for the defence of the coast, and the
enforcement of the prohibition. The first blast of the trumpet roused
young Scott from his studies, and dissolved many of his gayest
and brightest dreams of future eminence and distinction among the
gentlemen of the gown and wig. He enrolled himself as a member of a
volunteer troop of horse raised in Petersburg, and, in the summer of
1807, performed a tour of duty on Lynnhaven Bay.

Visions of military greatness and renown danced constantly before
him, while on his visit to South Carolina, which more than half
compensated for his disappointment. He took a deep interest in
the progress of the difficulties with England and France, and his
sympathies were warmly enlisted in behalf of his country. His voice
and his pen were both employed in defence of the administration of
Mr. Jefferson, and of that of his successor, Mr. Madison; and from
the time of the attack on the Chesapeake, till the declaration of
war, he was an active and energetic supporter of war measures.

[Sidenote: APPOINTED A CAPTAIN OF ARTILLERY.]

Immediately after his return to Virginia, he determined to abandon
his profession and enter the army. Accordingly, he applied to the
President, for a commission in one of the new regiments proposed to
be raised by a bill introduced in Congress at the session of 1807–8.
The bill lingered sometime on its passage, and, in the meanwhile,
Scott returned to his circuit. It finally became a law in April,
1808; and on the third day of May following, through the influence of
his friend, the Hon. Wm. B. Giles, then a senator in Congress, and
afterwards governor of the State of Virginia, he was commissioned,
by President Jefferson, a captain of light artillery. Briefs and
black-letter tomes, red tape and parchment, were now thrown aside;
his company was raised and organized; and early in 1809, he joined
the army under General Wilkinson, at New Orleans.

The character of the connection of Wilkinson with the intrigues
of Colonel Burr, as indicated by the testimony elicited on the
trial of the latter, which took place while Scott was in Virginia,
had not produced a very favorable impression on his mind. General
Wilkinson, however, was pleased with the appearance and talents of
his subordinate; he mentioned him as a young man “who could speak,
and write, and fight”, and made repeated attempts to attach him to
his interest. Scott calmly, but firmly, declined to meet his advances
in a similar spirit, and took no pains to conceal the opinions he
had formed. In the autumn of 1809, General Wilkinson was relieved by
General Hampton, in the command of the southern army,--the main body
of which was stationed near Natchez. Scott was now more unguarded
in his conversation, and on one occasion, perhaps unwisely, though
his sincerity cannot be doubted, indulged in the strongest terms of
reprehension. Charges were soon after preferred against him,[35]
and in January, 1810, he was tried and found guilty, of having
uttered disrespectful language towards his superior officer, General
Wilkinson. The sentence of the court was, that he should be suspended
“from all rank, pay, and emoluments, for the space of twelve months.”

The following year was spent by Captain Scott, at Richmond, in the
family of his friend, Mr. Leigh, who tendered him the free use of
his large library. The opportunity thus afforded, for benefiting
his mind, was faithfully improved. The greater part of the period
of his suspension was spent in the careful and diligent study of
works on military science; and he thus laid the foundation of that
vast and comprehensive information, which subsequently embraced
every department of knowledge belonging to, or connected with, his
profession.

[Sidenote: PROMOTED TO LIEUTENANT COLONEL.]

A further augmentation of the army, consequent upon the declaration
of war against Great Britain, was made in the summer of 1812, and in
the month of July, upon the urgent recommendation of the Virginia
delegation in Congress, Scott was promoted to the rank of lieutenant
colonel in the 2nd artillery. He at once proceeded to the Niagara
frontier, with two companies of his regiment, and took post at Black
Rock, to protect the naval dépôt at that place.

It is well known that the venerable Albert Gallatin, whose varied
learning, and great abilities, are so highly honored and esteemed at
home and abroad, was decidedly opposed, as a member of Mr. Madison’s
cabinet, to the war with England, or to a war with any foreign power;
and the younger, and more ardent and ambitious, members of the
party to which he belonged, often complained that he did not render
that hearty support to the administration, in the management of the
affairs of his department, necessary to the vigorous prosecution
of hostilities. On one occasion he is reported to have doubtingly
inquired of Lieutenant Elliott, of the navy, what they were to do
for vessels on Lake Erie, when they had none, and there was no money
to build any? “Take them!” said the lieutenant, in whose patriotism
calculations of dollars and cents had no place.--The theory of the
young officer was gallantly put in practice on the night of the
eighth of October, 1812, on the shores of the Niagara. The Caledonia,
a British brig of war, the next year employed in Perry’s squadron,
and the Detroit, formerly the Adams surrendered by Hull, were cut out
from under the guns of Fort Erie, where they were lying at anchor,
and brought off with their crews, by a party in two boats, headed
by Elliott in person. Captain Towson, of the 2nd artillery, and a
portion of his company, belonging to Scott’s command, took part in
the expedition. Scott himself volunteered to accompany his men, but
was not permitted to go; he rendered important assistance, however,
by the fire of his guns, in preventing the recapture of the Detroit,
which grounded on Squaw Island. It being found impossible to get her
off, she was subsequently burned, by order of General Smythe.

Early in the month of October, 1812, there were near fifteen hundred
regular troops at Buffalo and Fort Niagara, under the command of
General Smythe; and General Stephen Van Rensselaer, of the New York
militia, the commander of the united force, known as the Army of the
Centre, had concentrated about twenty-five hundred men at Lewiston.
Nothing was talked of but the invasion and conquest of Canada. The
successful enterprise under Elliott infused new zeal into the breasts
of the really patriotic, but raw and undisciplined militia; and all
that was then required to have terminated the campaign, and perhaps
the war, by a bold and successful stroke in the upper province, was
the presence of resolute and energetic general officers. General
Smythe possessed few of the qualifications requisite in a skilful and
successful soldier, and there was very little cordiality of feeling
existing between him and General Van Rensselaer,--when, had they
zealously coöperated together, and made a vigorous irruption into the
enemy’s country, at the head of their combined forces, the power of
England in Upper Canada, would have been at an end in three weeks.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON QUEENSTON.]

General Van Rensselaer was high-minded and patriotic, and not
deficient in ability or personal bravery, but he was, to some extent,
jealous of the regular officers, and did not infuse that energy into
his operations, which, after all, is the great secret of converting
militia into reliable troops. Day after day passed by, and the army
still remained inactive. Action and excitement are always necessary
to keep up the spirits of a newly organized militia force. Nothing
was done in this respect, until the men threatened to return home,
when an attack was planned on the British post at Queenston, nearly
opposite Lewiston; it being understood that the greater part of the
enemy’s forces had been withdrawn from the peninsula, for the defence
of Malden.

The morning of the eleventh of October was fixed upon for the attack;
but on account of the violence of the weather, and the want of a
sufficient number of boats, it was postponed to the thirteenth, when
it was arranged to take place in two columns, one of militia, and
the other of regulars, each to consist of three hundred men. Colonel
Solomon Van Rensselaer, of the New York militia, and Lieutenant
Colonel Chrystie, of the 13th infantry, were selected to command the
two columns. Lieutenant Colonel Fenwick was to follow the movement
with a force of two hundred regulars, under Major Mullaney.

The arrangements for storming the heights of Queenston were completed
on the twelfth of October, and late in the evening of that day
Lieutenant Colonel Scott hastened to Lewiston, through mud, and
rain, and sleet, and entreated General Van Rensselaer to permit him
to serve as a volunteer with the attacking force. His services were
declined, but he was authorized to bring his command to Lewiston,
there to act as circumstances might require. He instantly returned
to Schlosser, where his men were posted, ordered them under arms,
and just before daylight arrived at Lewiston, bringing with him two
pieces of artillery which were conveyed down the river in a boat,
in consequence of the bad state of the roads. The troops under Van
Rensselaer and Chrystie had already passed the river,--though with
not much regularity, on account of the deficiency of boats,--under
a heavy fire from the enemy’s batteries; and they were now warmly
engaged on the opposite bank. Colonel Van Rensselaer and Lieutenant
Colonel Chrystie were both known to be severely wounded, and
Scott was finally ordered to cross over and take the command. The
detachment under Major Mullaney, had previously attempted the
passage, but their boats being seized by the eddies, they were
driven below the point designated for the landing, and directly
under the British batteries; the whole detachment, therefore, with
the exception of Major Mullaney and a few of his men, who made their
escape, were obliged to surrender themselves as prisoners of war.

[Sidenote: CROSSES THE RIVER.]

Leaving his train in battery on the American shore, under the command
of Captains Towson and Barker, who opened an effective fire on the
enemy, Scott crossed the stream, about eight o’clock in the morning,
when he found that the British force, consisting of two flank
companies of the 49th, and a body of militia, had been driven from
their position; that Captain Wool had stormed the heights south of
the town, with three companies of the 13th infantry, and carried the
enemy’s batteries; and that the British commander, General Brock,
had been killed in an unsuccessful charge, which he had gallantly
headed in person. He also ascertained that General Wadsworth, of the
New York militia, had reached the Canada shore, though without the
knowledge of General Van Rensselaer, and, of course, was entitled
to the command. General Wadsworth, however, magnanimously waived
all claims of superior rank, and requested Scott to make such
dispositions as he thought proper.

Although the American detachments, who had made a lodgment on the
Canada shore, remained for several hours unmolested, it was not
doubted that the enemy would rally again before night. Scott arranged
his men, therefore, so as both to cover the ferry, in order that
he might be reinforced if necessary, and to repel an attack. About
the middle of the day, General Van Rensselaer came over, and having
examined and approved of his arrangements, returned to superintend
the crossing of the remainder of the troops. But the sight of the
action in the morning had cooled the ardor and impatience of the
militia. Some few parties were induced to cross over,--though most of
them might as well have remained behind; but the great body of the
command had entirely forgotten their former boisterous professions of
patriotism. General Van Rensselaer alternately coaxed and threatened,
but it was all to no purpose. Every circumstance was calculated to
discourage them; many of the boats, originally too few in number, had
been crippled, the current was rapid, the stream one complete sheet
of eddies, and the weather cold, wet, and stormy. They would not, and
they did not go; but they stood still, and with the utmost unconcern
and indifference, saw their countrymen sacrificed on the opposite
shore of the river, when their presence would have changed the fate
of the day.

Between two and three o’clock in the afternoon, small parties of the
enemy were seen hovering along the slopes of the hills, and, shortly
after, the action was fiercely renewed by the rallied militia and
grenadiers, and about four hundred Indians, under Norton, who had
heard the previous firing, and had hurried down from Chippewa. With
a mixed command of regulars and militia, not far from three hundred
and fifty strong--nearly four hundred of the militia being seized
with a panic, and refusing to take part in the action--Scott boldly
encountered the enemy. A sharp conflict ensued for a few moments, and
the assailants were then driven back, and put to flight, by a forward
movement of the bayonet.

[Sidenote: GALLANTRY AND INTREPIDITY.]

The protection of the ferry rendered a pursuit impossible. Scott
therefore reformed his line, in readiness for another attack. He
had just returned to the rear, to direct his men how to unspike a
captured cannon, when the enemy rallied again, and forced in the
advanced picket. The main line, too, had commenced a retreat ere
he could reach them. Instantly springing to the front, by great
exertions, in which he was ably seconded by General Wadsworth and
Lieutenant Colonel Chrystie, he brought the retreating line to the
right about. His earnest enthusiasm produced a sudden revulsion of
feeling, and the enemy were soon a second time repulsed.

Meanwhile, General Sheaffe, who commanded the troops at Fort George,
had hastily collected all his disposable forces, and the provincial
militia in the neighborhood, and was rapidly approaching the scene of
action. About four o’clock, his column, numbering rather more than
eight hundred men, emerged into open view just below the village of
Queenston. He advanced with much caution, though fully aware that
the Americans were greatly inferior to his own force in point of
numbers, especially when he had effected a junction with the light
troops and Indians. Leaving Queenston on his left, he took a wide
circuit through the woods, gained the heights, and opened the action
anew, with a rapid fire of musketry and artillery. For half an hour,
the little band headed by the dauntless and heroic Scott, manfully
held their ground, and breasted the volleys that met them on every
side. All that bravery and skill could do, was nobly performed,--but
performed in vain!

Scott fearlessly exposed his person to the enemy’s bullets. His tall
form, six feet and five inches in height, was the most conspicuous
object on the field. He was arrayed in full uniform, and was
entreated again and again to cover up or change some part of his
dress. “No, no!” said he, smiling; “I will die in my robes!” Others
were constantly falling around him, but he escaped unharmed.--After
the action, when he had surrendered himself a prisoner of war,
an Indian warrior came up to him, and surveying him attentively,
said--“You are not born to be shot; so many times--(holding up all
the fingers of both hands)--so many times did I fire at you!”

The bloody and desperate contest was soon ended. Overpowered by
superior numbers, and nearly surrounded on all sides, the Americans
retreated to the bank of the river, under cover of the precipice,
where they found the faint-hearted militia concealed in the clefts
and fissures. Retreat was hopeless; the troops were disheartened;
there were no boats in which they could cross the river; and the
twilight was fast settling over the field of combat. General
Wadsworth and the other principal officers now held a consultation,
and it was decided that they should surrender themselves to the
enemy. Several messengers were sent with a flag, but they failed to
reach the British commander, as they were shot down on the way by
the Indian rifles. Scott then volunteered to go himself. He attached
a white handkerchief to his sword, and, accompanied by Captains
Totten and Gibson, made his way to the enemy’s rear, by taking a
circuitous route under cover of the precipice overlooking the river.
He and his companions had all the while been exposed to a random fire
from the Indians, and on approaching the road leading up from the
village to the heights, they were suddenly beset by two warriors,
who discharged their rifles at them, and were preparing to rush
forward with their knives and hatchets,--paying no heed to the sacred
character of the flag which they carried,--when a British officer
came up with a file of men, and compelled them to desist.

[Sidenote: TAKEN PRISONER.]

The three officers were forthwith conducted to the presence of
General Sheaffe, and terms of capitulation agreed on. The force
surrendered with Wadsworth and Scott, consisted of one hundred and
thirty-nine regulars, and one hundred and fifty-four militia; about
four hundred militia, who had taken no part in the engagement, were
afterwards included in the surrender; and there had been about
one hundred killed during the day--making a total of casualties,
including the two hundred regulars under Major Mullaney, who
surrendered in the morning, of near one thousand.

This disastrous action was the first, as it was the most unfortunate,
in which Scott was engaged. His conduct throughout the day was
worthy of all praise. He was but a few years older than young Condé,
when the latter routed the famous corps of Spanish infantry; yet he
exhibited the skill and intrepidity of a veteran officer, and had
he been supported by anything like an equal force, it can scarcely
be doubted that the setting sun would have witnessed the American
banners floating in triumph on the heights of Queenston.

After the surrender, the American prisoners were taken to the
village of Niagara, or Newark, under an escort, and the officers
temporarily lodged in an inn. While there, a message was brought in
that some one at the door wished to see the “tall American.” Scott,
presuming, of course, that he was intended by the designation, went
out into the hall, where he was surprised to find the two warriors
who had so cowardly attacked him when bearing the flag of truce.
Both were distinguished chiefs--one being the son of the renowned
Mohawk leader, Joseph Brant, and the other known by the name of
Captain Jacobs. They eagerly commenced questioning him in regard to
his wounds, and attempted to examine his person. Scott bore with
them for some time, but they soon became angry and insulting, and at
length Jacobs seized him by the arm to turn him round. Scott promptly
resented the indignity, and hurled the savage from him, with ease,
exclaiming, “Off, villain!--you fired like a squaw!”

The savages at once clenched their knives and tomahawks, and sprang
towards him, crying out--“We kill you now!--we kill you now!”
Fortunately, in one corner of the hall, underneath the staircase,
stood the swords of the American officers. Scott darted back, caught
up a long heavy sabre, turned upon his heel, and in a breath stood
on his defence; with an unflinching eye and look regarding the dark
warriors, whose painted visages lowered fiercely upon him. At this
moment, Captain Coffin, a member of General Sheaffe’s staff, entered
from the street; he instantly cried out for the guard, caught Jacobs
by the arm, and placed his pistol at the head of young Brant. This
had the desired effect. The Indians were intimidated, and on the
appearance of the guard, retired from the inn. Their people, however,
were so much excited, that Scott could not venture out into the
street, during his stay at Niagara, even to dine with the British
commander, without a strong escort.

General Brock was buried on Queenston Heights, immediately after the
surrender of the American troops, and at the request of Lieutenant
Colonel Scott, who so well knew what was due to the memory of the
gallant dead, minute guns were fired from Fort Niagara, on the
American shore, during the sad ceremony.

[Sidenote: INTERFERENCE IN BEHALF OF PRISONERS.]

Scott was sent to Quebec with the other prisoners, where he was
placed on a cartel to be conveyed to Boston; and in January, 1813, he
was regularly exchanged. When the transport was about leaving Quebec,
a party of British officers came on board, and commenced mustering
the prisoners, with a view of selecting those who were ascertained to
be Irishmen, by their speech, to be sent to England for trial. Great
Britain has ever denied the right of expatriation in the subject, and
hence these men, if found in arms against her authority, were liable,
according to her laws, to be convicted of the crime of treason. Scott
was seated in the cabin; but hearing the tumult, he rushed upon deck.
By this time, the British officers had selected twenty-three men
from the detachment. On learning the cause of the disturbance, he
forbade the remainder of the prisoners to utter a single syllable,
when questioned. The men readily obeyed him; the British officers
threatened to use violence, but he was in nowise intimidated by their
menaces; he felt, justly, that the honor of his country was for the
time in his keeping, and, in spite of threats and frowns, persisted
in the order he had given.

The British officers were finally obliged to retire with the
twenty-three prisoners, but before the latter left the side of the
vessel, Scott pledged himself to secure their liberation, if it were
possible; but if not, he solemnly declared that he would retaliate,
on the first prisoners whom the fortune of war should place in his
power. He faithfully kept his word. On his return to the United
States, he made a full and faithful report of the transaction to
the Secretary of War, and in May, 1813, at the capture of Fort
George, selected twenty-three prisoners to be held as hostages for
the unfortunate Irishmen. The British government persisted in their
determination to try the men and execute them; consequently, they
ordered forty-six other prisoners into confinement; the Americans
reciprocated their conduct, in kind; but after venting a great deal
of spleen and ill humor to no purpose, the British ministry finding
their braggadocio of no avail, tacitly surrendered their position,
and shortly after the peace, the twenty-three prisoners taken to
England from Quebec, were sent home to the United States. Twenty-one
of them--the remaining two having died natural deaths--landed in New
York, in July, 1815. Almost the first object which they encountered,
was the tall form of the gallant Scott, upon whose brow the laurels
were yet fresh and green which he had won at Chippewa and Niagara.
They eagerly hailed him as their deliverer, caught him in their arms,
and nearly overwhelmed him with their enthusiastic manifestations of
gratitude.

At the opening of the campaign of 1813, Scott was appointed adjutant
general in the staff of General Dearborn, the head of the army, and
the commander of the ninth military district. It was stipulated,
however, on his part, that he should be entitled to his command in
the line, on all extraordinary occasions. On the second of March,
he was promoted to the colonelcy of the 2nd artillery, a double
regiment, consisting of twenty companies.

The campaign of this year opened auspiciously. The forests of
Canada were scarcely robed in the bright array of spring, when the
American soldiers precipitated themselves on her shores. On the
twenty-seventh of April, York capitulated to the surviving comrades
of the heroic Pike.[36] General Dearborn remained for several days
in the vicinity; but on the fifth of May he reëmbarked, and, having
been joined by successive reinforcements, increasing his command to
about five thousand men, effected a landing on the American shore,
at Four Mile Creek, on the evening of the eighth instant. Colonel
Scott joined the army shortly after the capture of York. The duties
devolving upon him, as chief of General Dearborn’s staff, were
intricate and multifarious, as the army was newly organized, or
composed of different corps recently brought together; but they were
performed with untiring zeal and industry, and in a manner that gave
satisfaction to all parties concerned.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON FORT GEORGE.]

The next object of attack, was the British post of Fort George,
situated opposite Fort Niagara, at the mouth of the river. The
boats built for the occasion were launched on the afternoon of
the twenty-sixth of May, and their stations assigned; and careful
reconnaissances were made of the Canada shore, in order to ascertain
the most feasible points for landing. The movement in the American
camp being discovered by the enemy, a severe cannonade was opened on
Fort Niagara and the adjacent batteries. The roar of the howitzers
was incessant; and peal on peal of heavy ordnance reverberated
along the beach, with a loud crashing noise, and then died away, in
deafening echoes, among the distant hills and ridges. The fire was
soon returned from the American fort; shells were rained without
intermission on the enemy’s batteries, and balls sent whistling
through the lanes and streets of the village of Niagara.

[Sidenote: CAPTURE OF THE FORT.]

At three o’clock in the morning of the twenty-seventh of May, all was
in readiness for the expedition, and the signal was given for the
flotilla of boats to get under weigh. The descent was to be made in
six divisions of boats, though, in consequence of the early retreat
of the enemy, all the troops were not landed. In the first division
was the advanced guard, or forlorn hope, of five hundred picked men,
led by the intrepid Scott; in the second was the field train, under
Colonel Porter; and these were followed, in the order of attack, by
the brigades of Generals Boyd, Winder and Chandler, and a second
reserve under Colonel Macomb. Owing to a strong wind then prevailing,
the rapid current, and the heavy surf, the landing on the Canada
shore was not effected as easily as had been anticipated. Under cover
of the guns of the fleet and of Fort Niagara, which opened a terrible
fire, that crushed down the walls and batteries in and about Fort
George, in huge masses, at nine o’clock in the morning, Colonel Scott
gained the beach, and prepared to land. General Vincent, the British
commander, had previously disposed his whole regular force, about
nine hundred strong, with five or six hundred militia, in a ravine
near the shore; and as the Americans approached, they were met by
several warm volleys of musketry.

With shouts and cheers, the American advance leaped into the water,
and waded to the beach. They instantly formed on the shingle,
covered by an irregular bank, from seven to twelve feet high, above
which flashed the bristling bayonets of the enemy. Colonel Scott
forthwith ordered a charge. The first attempt to scale the bank
was unsuccessful; on the second, the men clambered up in spite of
resistance,--Scott himself being among the foremost, and knocking
up the British bayonets with his sword. The enemy retired a short
distance, and stoutly maintained the ground for twenty minutes;
but on the arrival of Colonel Porter and General Boyd, with their
commands, portions of which participated in the skirmish near its
close, they commenced retreating in haste, in the direction of
Queenston,--having already laid trains to their different magazines.
Scott pushed his column after them, without delay, and, at the
village of Niagara, was joined by the 6th infantry, under Colonel
Miller.

On approaching Fort George, one of its magazines exploded. The sad
calamity that befel the American troops at York, had produced its
probably natural effect; and a similar mishap was the _bête noire_
which they always dreaded throughout the early part of the campaign.
Colonel Scott was struck by a piece of timber, thrown from the horse
which he had borrowed from a British colonel taken prisoner, and
considerably bruised; but he sprang to his feet in an instant, and
accompanied by a few equally brave spirits, forced the gate, and
entered the fort.[37] Captains Hindman and Stockton extinguished
the lighted matches, and General Boyd and Colonel Scott made their
way to the flag staff. The British standard soon fluttered in the
wind,--Captain Hindman being the fortunate individual who first
seized it, though the staff was cut down by Scott,--and the stars and
stripes speedily rose in its place.

Colonel Scott continued the pursuit for some distance beyond the
fort,--Lieutenant Riddle, with his party, following the enemy almost
to Queenston, and picking up a number of stragglers--but he was
soon recalled by General Boyd, in conformity with the directions of
General Lewis, who had assumed the command on shore. With the return
of the advanced corps, the battle terminated. The Americans had
thirty-nine killed and one hundred and ten wounded in the attack;
while the British lost one hundred and eight killed, and one hundred
and sixty wounded,--and there were one hundred and fifteen regulars,
and five hundred militia, taken prisoners.

After the loss of Fort George, General Vincent withdrew all his
forces from the peninsula, including those previously stationed at
Chippewa and Fort Erie, to Burlington Heights; and the Americans
established themselves in a solid manner on the Niagara frontier.
This lodgment would undoubtedly have been permanent, had it not been
for the inaction--the pest and bane of the northern army during
the campaigns of ’12 and ’13--which characterized the subsequent
operations of our principal officers in that quarter.

It has been said that the campaign of 1813 opened auspiciously. So,
indeed, it did,--but it terminated in disaster and disgrace. The
bold stroke of Lieutenant Colonel Harvey, which resulted in the
capture of Generals Chandler and Winder, on the third of June, and
the defeat and surrender of Colonel Boerstler on the twenty-fourth of
the same month, were, in themselves, affairs of no great importance;
or rather, they would not have been considered such, had they been
relieved, as might, and should have been the case, by those successes
which it was in the power of the American army to have achieved.
Immediately after the surrender of Boerstler, General Dearborn was
recalled, and subsequently resigned his commission. General Boyd
succeeded to the command, during the summer, but the War Department
refused to give him authority to act offensively; consequently,
he remained cooped up the whole season in Fort George, with four
thousand men, when General Vincent had very little over two thousand.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION AGAINST BURLINGTON HEIGHTS.]

General Dearborn surrendered the command on the fifteenth of July,
and Colonel Scott then returned to his duty in the line, and took
charge of his regiment. In September, an expedition was projected
against Burlington Heights, and he volunteered to command the
land troops. Embarking on board Commodore Chauncey’s fleet, he
proceeded to the Heights, but found neither enemy, nor stores, at
that point. On his return, he landed at York, burned the barracks
and storehouses, and brought off a large quantity of provisions,
clothing, and ammunition, together with eleven armed boats and
several pieces of cannon.

Upon the resignation of General Dearborn, the command of the army
was given to General Wilkinson, under whose auspices the famous
expedition down the St. Lawrence, in the fall of 1813, was conducted.
In the original arrangements of Wilkinson, Colonel Scott was to be
left in command at Fort George, which had been considerably enlarged
and strengthened after its occupation by the American troops. At
the urgent request of the latter, who ardently desired to take part
in the great movement of the campaign, his orders were made so far
discretionary, that he was authorized to give up the fort to General
McClure, of the New York militia, when it had been placed in a
proper state of defence, provided it was not seriously threatened
by the enemy. The works were soon completed, and the enemy retired
to Burlington Heights, and afterwards concentrated at Kingston,
which post they supposed to be threatened by General Wilkinson.
On the thirteenth of October, General McClure took charge of Fort
George, and Colonel Scott proceeded with the regular troops, who had
previously garrisoned the post, to the mouth of the Genesee river,
where he expected to find transportation for his men. Disappointed
in this, he marched his column, with all possible expedition, to
Utica, and then directed his course towards Sacketts Harbor. A short
distance north of Utica, he met General Armstrong, the Secretary of
War, who informed him that the expedition had already set out, but
gave him permission to leave his command with Major Hindman, and to
join Wilkinson, in person, on the St. Lawrence, at whatever point he
could.

[Sidenote: SKIRMISH AT HOOPHOLE CREEK.]

Thirsting for distinction, Scott eagerly availed himself of the
permission granted, and dashed off on horseback, through the rain and
mud. On the sixth of November, he joined the army at Ogdensburgh,
and accompanied General Brown in the descent of the river, with the
flotilla, under the heavy fire of the British batteries at Prescott.
Being without a command, Colonel Macomb magnanimously surrendered
to him one of his battalions, which he had reserved for himself in
case the regiment was divided; and, on the seventh instant, he was
regularly assigned to the _corps d’élite_. He commanded the advanced
guard during the subsequent movement of the army down the river,
almost daily encountering and defeating large or small parties of
the enemy. He was not concerned in the action on the eleventh of
November; but, on the following day, he engaged a detachment of
the enemy, under Colonel Dennis, about equal to his own command in
numbers, at Hoophole Creek, near Cornwall, routed them with ease,
captured a number of prisoners, and hotly pursued the remainder of
the enemy till dark. The army now retired into winter quarters at
French Mills,--the young and ambitious officers, like Brown and
Macomb, Gaines and Scott, literally overcome with mortification and
chagrin.[38]

Not long after this memorable expedition terminated, Colonel Scott
was relieved from duty, and made a visit to his friends in Virginia,
and at the seat of government. By the direction of the president,
he spent a part of the winter at Albany, engaged in making
preparations, in connection with Governor Tompkins, for the ensuing
campaign.

On the ninth of March, 1814, when scarcely twenty-eight years of
age, Colonel Scott was promoted to the rank of brigadier general,
and immediately joined General Brown, then moving with his column
from Sacketts Harbor to Buffalo. At the latter place, a camp of
instruction was established by General Scott,--General Brown leaving
him temporarily in the command, while he returned for a few weeks to
Sacketts Harbor, with authority to adopt such measures as he thought
proper, to secure the efficient discipline and instruction of the
troops, preparatory to taking the field.

New officers,--more active, more ambitious, and more
enterprising,--were now at the head of affairs on the Niagara
frontier. General Brown properly appreciated the skill and abilities
of the talented Scott, and gave him almost unlimited power. The
latter infused new spirit and energy into every corps belonging
to the army; superannuated, infirm, or incompetent officers, no
matter how high in rank, were relieved from duty; the strict
rules of military discipline were rigidly enforced; and the whole
command was daily paraded for instruction. All were drilled, from
the highest to the lowest, officers as well as men, under the eye
of Scott himself,--first in squads, then in companies, then in
battalions, and, finally, carried through the evolutions of the line.
The brilliant, but practical genius, of the youthful general, his
unwearied efforts and exertions, accomplished wonders. When General
Brown crossed the Niagara on the third of July, he crossed it with
an army of soldiers, not merely of men!

[Sidenote: CAMP OF INSTRUCTION AT BUFFALO.]

The fruits of the camp of instruction at Buffalo, established
and directed by General Scott, were witnessed on the plains of
Chippewa,--on the blood-stained heights of Niagara,--when “Greek met
Greek,” when steel clashed against steel, and the American soldiers
stood firm and unflinching as the rocks beneath their feet. They
may still be witnessed, in the wide-spread renown and eminent glory
indissolubly connected with the achievements of the gallant army
which Brown and Scott led out to battle,--in the noble deeds and
feats of lofty daring, paralleled only on the brightest pages of
by-gone martial story.

The incidents of the campaign on the Niagara frontier, in the summer
of 1814, have been so fully detailed in the memoir of General
Brown,[39] that it seems unnecessary to recapitulate them here. On
the third of July, the American commander crossed the Niagara with
his whole army, little more than three thousand strong, consisting
of the regular brigades of Scott and Ripley,--the former leading the
van,--and the militia under Porter. Fort Erie was reduced on the same
day, and, immediately thereafter, he proceeded against the position
of General Riall, at Chippewa. On the fourth of July, General Scott
had a running fight for more than sixteen miles, with the 100th
British foot, under the command of the Marquis of Tweedale, whom he
drove at full speed across the Chippewa.

On the fifth of July, the battle of Chippewa was fought,--mainly by
the first brigade, under General Scott. “To him more than any other
man,” said General Brown, in his official dispatch, “am I indebted
for the victory.” This was high praise; but it was well deserved by
the personal intrepidity, the chivalric bearing, and the dashing and
dazzling manœuvres, which decided the result of the action. The day
had opened with skirmishes of light troops, but the main action was
brought on about four o’clock in the afternoon, when Scott dashed
across Street’s creek, and engaged the British army on the plain
south of the Chippewa. The light troops on the left of the field were
in the meantime warmly engaged, but the principal struggle took place
in the open field, which was as brief as it was decisive.

Scott’s brigade numbered only about fourteen hundred men, consisting
of three small battalions, and the battery of Captain Towson. After
crossing Street’s creek, he continued alternately to advance, halt,
and fire, till he was not more than eighty yards from the enemy’s
line. It being evident that preparations were making to outflank
him, he detached one of his battalions into the woods on his left,
to protect that flank. With the remainder of his small force, he
prepared to meet the enemy, who were making ready to charge,--their
artillery having been already silenced. Spurring his horse through
the dust and smoke, he dashed up to the side of Captain Towson, who
was posted on the Chippewa road, on the right of the field, and
directed him to maintain his ground, and pour a raking fire into the
British columns as they came up.

[Sidenote: BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA.]

This order being given, he returned to his place in the rear of his
two infantry battalions. He now directed them to throw forward their
outer flanks, so as to form a reëntering angle, but taking care to
flank the enemy on the left.[40] The two battalions did not touch
each other; but the interval would be every instant lessened by the
movement which he contemplated. Having given the necessary orders, he
cried out to the battalion of Major McNeil--the 11th infantry, which
had not a recruit in it--on the left,--“The enemy say we are good at
long shot, but cannot stand the cold iron! I call upon the Eleventh
instantly to give the lie to that slander!”--“Charge!” he added, as
the shot from Towson’s guns ploughed through and through the British
ranks. “Charge!--Charge!” he repeated in thundering tones, rising up
in his stirrups, and waving his men on with his sword.

This masterly charge, so well conceived and executed, put an end
to the contest. The front lines of the enemy staggered, and rolled
back in a confused mass on the reserve. All caught the infection of
defeat, and the slope leading down to the Chippewa was soon darkened
by a cloud of fugitives. The pursuit was ordered, but was checked
when the Americans reached the stream, by the hostile batteries that
frowned on the opposite shore.

The bloody battle on the heights of Niagara followed, on the night of
the twenty-fifth of July.[41] General Scott opened the action with
his brigade, and for nearly two hours gallantly sustained himself
against the vastly superior numbers of the British army. When the
enemy’s batteries were ordered to be stormed, he piloted Colonel
Miller, who was directed to execute this daring enterprise with the
21st infantry, through the smoke and darkness, and the iron shower
that swept unceasingly down the hill-side. Twice, during the height
of the engagement, after being relieved by the troops under Ripley
and Porter, Scott precipitated his brigade on the British left and
right. Two horses were shot under him--one literally torn from its
rider. Though badly wounded in the side by a spent ball, he persisted
in remaining on the ground, wading on foot through the blood and
carnage, and his clear ringing voice ever and anon heard above the
roar of artillery, as he cheered and encouraged his men. At length,
about eleven o’clock, he was finally disabled by a musket ball, which
shattered his left shoulder; and at midnight, just as the battle
closed, he was borne from the field, with his aid, Lieutenant Worth,
also severely wounded.

[Sidenote: COMPLIMENTARY RESOLUTIONS.]

For more than a month it was extremely doubtful whether General Scott
would recover from his wounds. Kind friends were not wanting, to
provide for the comfort, and to soften the pillow, of the gallant
soldier. He remained for several weeks,--suffering, in the meantime,
great pain,--at Buffalo, Williamsville, and Batavia, and was thence
borne, in a litter, to Geneva, to the house of his friend, the Hon.
John Nicholas. As soon as he became able to travel, he proceeded to
Philadelphia and Baltimore, in order to procure the best surgical and
medical aid in the country. His journey was like the triumphal march
of a conqueror. Passing through Princeton on commencement day, he
was waited on by a committee of the faculty of the College of New
Jersey, who requested his presence at the exercises. He complied with
the invitation, and was received by the large audience assembled,
with the most rapturous demonstrations of applause. Before he left
Princeton, he was also complimented with the honorary degree of
Master of Arts, bestowed upon him by the authorities of the College.
As he approached Philadelphia, he was met by Governor Snyder at the
head of a division of militia, who formed his escort into the town.

Being incapacitated by his wounds, which were a long time in
healing, from any active duty, General Scott was prevailed upon,
at the instance of the congressional delegations from Maryland and
Pennsylvania, to take the nominal command of the troops collected
for the defence of Baltimore and Philadelphia. On the sixteenth of
October, 1814, he entered upon the duties of commanding officer of
the tenth military district,--his headquarters being at Washington
city.

On the third day of November, 1814, Congress passed a resolution of
thanks, complimenting General Scott for his skill and gallantry at
Chippewa and Niagara, and for his uniform good conduct “in sustaining
the reputation of the arms of the United States.” A massive gold
medal was also struck and presented to him, by order of Congress,
and he was brevetted a major general. Resolutions of thanks were
likewise adopted by the Legislatures of New York and Virginia, and
splendid swords publicly presented to him, in accordance with their
directions. He was further honored, by being chosen an honorary
member of the State Society of Cincinnati in Pennsylvania, in the
year 1815.

After the ratification of the treaty of peace, in February, 1815,
General Scott was requested, temporarily, at least, to take charge
of the War Department. This he declined, but solicited permission to
travel in Europe, for the restoration of his health and professional
improvement. The request was granted without hesitation. Having
assisted in reducing the army to the peace establishment--being
himself retained as one of the four brigadier generals--he embarked
for England, and then crossed over to the Continent. While abroad,
he was honored with the notice of Kosciusko, who gave him letters
of introduction to the most distinguished marshals of France. He
attended several courses of public lectures, in the most eminent
literary institutions, and visited all the principal fortresses
and naval establishments in western Europe. He returned home in
1816, fully restored in strength and spirits; and in the same year
was assigned to the command of the Eastern Division, with his
headquarters at the city of New York.[42]

In March, 1817, General Scott was married to Miss Maria Mayo,
a Virginia lady, distinguished alike for rare beauty and
accomplishments. By her he has had several daughters, but no living
son.

Shortly after his marriage, General Scott purchased a residence in
the village of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, which he still regards as
his home. For nearly twenty-five years, from the fall of 1816 to the
summer of 1841, with brief intervals, he was continued in command of
the Eastern Division, and his family, during that period and since,
have spent most of their time at Elizabethtown.

[Sidenote: PUBLICATIONS ON MILITARY SUBJECTS.]

The commanding talents, and extensive military information of
General Scott--his whole life having been spent in storing up
valuable knowledge in every department of science connected with his
profession--have been of vast service to his country, even in time
of peace. In 1821, he published an octavo volume, entitled “General
Regulations for the Army, or Military Institutes,”--a complete manual
for both regular and militia officers. In the winter of 1814–15, he
was president of a board appointed to prepare a system of infantry
tactics, similar to that taught in the camp of instruction at
Buffalo, which was afterwards revised by another board, of which he
was also president, and published in 1825. In 1826, he presided over
another board, composed of regular officers and militia generals,
ordered to convene by the War Department, and to report--1. A plan
for the organization and instruction of the whole body of the militia
of the Union--2. A system of tactics for the artillery--3. A system
of cavalry tactics--and 4. A system of infantry and rifle tactics.

The reports made by the board, on the first and fourth subjects, were
prepared exclusively by General Scott, and reflect high credit on his
military knowledge and abilities. They were published for the use
of the army, and the information of the country; and in 1835, under
a resolution of Congress, he prepared a new edition of his system
of Infantry Tactics, in three small volumes, containing all the
improvements made subsequent to the general peace of 1815.

On the death of General Brown, in February, 1828, General Scott was a
candidate for the vacant office of General-in-Chief. His claims were
founded, mainly, on the fact, that his commission as a brevet major
general, which bore date July 25, 1814, was older than that of Macomb
or Gaines, both of whom were candidates for the same station. It was
decided, however, by President Adams, and, subsequently, by President
Jackson, that brevet rank was merely honorary in its character; and
the appointment was therefore conferred on General Macomb, the oldest
brigadier.[43] Pending the decision of this question, a warm personal
controversy sprung up between the different parties concerned, in
regard to brevet rank; and on the decision of the government being
made known, General Scott tendered his resignation. Under the advice
of his friends, he afterwards reconsidered this hasty step, withdrew
his resignation, and resumed the command of the Eastern Division.

On the fourth of July, 1831, the melancholy duty devolved upon
General Scott, of closing the eyes of his esteemed and venerable
friend, Ex-President Monroe, who expired at the city of New York on
that day.

[Sidenote: WAR WITH THE SACS AND FOXES.]

In the summer of 1832, General Scott was ordered to assume the
command of the troops sent to suppress the disturbance with the
Sacs and Foxes, under Black Hawk, on the Illinois frontier.[44] He
embarked at Buffalo, in July, on board a steamer, with two hundred
and twenty men; Colonel Twiggs proceeding on another vessel, with a
detachment of four hundred; and a third detachment, of over three
hundred men, taking still another vessel. Bunches of cypress, rather
than wreaths of laurel, were the trophies of this expedition. On the
route to Chicago, the command was overtaken by that terrible scourge,
the Asiatic Cholera. More than one half of the men composing the
detachments died of the disease, or were left in hospital. General
Scott paid every necessary attention to the wants of his soldiers;
nurses and medical attendants, suitable food and clothing, were
provided; and everything in his power was done, that could assuage
the sufferings of disease, or the pangs of death. After a long
delay, he left Chicago, at the head of only four hundred men. With
these he pushed forward as rapidly as possible, but did not come up
with General Atkinson, the officer in command of the troops then
operating in that quarter, till the third of August, the day after
the battle of the Bad-Axe, which put a finishing stroke to the war.
On the twenty-seventh instant, Black Hawk surrendered himself to the
American officers, and in September following, advantageous treaties
were concluded with the Sacs and Foxes, and the Winnebagoes, by
General Scott, and Governor Reynolds, of Illinois.

During the agitation of the nullification question, when a conflict
was daily expected to take place between South Carolina and the
General Government, General Scott was ordered to Charleston and
Savannah, to take command of the regular troops in that section, if
a collision should become unavoidable. His firmness, and manly and
dignified conduct, were productive of the happiest results. The state
receded from her position, and the angry waters which discord had
lashed into fury, were hushed and stilled by the blessed influence of
Peace.

Osceola, or Asceolah, “the black drink,”--as the name signifies,--and
the hostile Seminoles of Florida under his command, commenced their
depredations in the summer of 1835, and in the autumn the everglades
resounded with their shrill war-whoop. On the twenty-eighth of
December, Major Dade and his command were attacked and massacred,
when on the march from Fort Brooke, and General Thompson, the Indian
agent, and several companions were waylaid and killed, in sight of
Fort King. On the thirty-first instant, General Clinch encountered
the savages, under Osceola, on the banks of the Withlacoochee, and
after a severe action, though of brief duration, put them to flight.

[Sidenote: THE FLORIDA WAR.]

Immediately on the receipt of the intelligence of this outbreak,
General Scott was ordered to take command of the army in Florida.
At four o’clock in the afternoon of the twentieth of January,
1836, he reported to the Secretary of War, and was asked when he
could set out? “To night!” he replied promptly. His instructions,
however, could not be prepared until the following day; and, on
the twenty-first instant, he left Washington, travelling night and
day until he reached Florida. On the twenty-second of February, he
arrived at Picolata, and issued his orders forming the army into
three divisions.--Previous to this time, General Gaines had repaired
to the seat of war and commenced offensive operations; but he now
surrendered the command to General Scott.[45]--The troops on the
west of the St. John’s were placed under General Clinch; those on
the east of the river under General Eustis; and those at Tampa Bay
under Colonel Lindsay. The three divisions then moved towards the
Withlacoochee, where they met, in what was supposed, with good
reason--as this had been the theatre of the disturbances--to be the
heart of the Indian country; but they failed to discover the retreats
of the savages.

The object of this expedition not having been attained, another
movement was ordered. Six different corps were organized, with which
the whole country, between the twenty-eighth and thirtieth degrees of
north latitude, was effectually scoured. One of these detachments was
led by General Scott in person. Passing the scene of the massacre on
the twenty-eighth of December, he crossed the Ocklewaha, and ascended
the St. John’s from Volusia, in a steamboat. Still the Indians could
not be discovered, in any large bodies, though very small parties
were occasionally seen, with whom the troops had several skirmishes.
The soldiers had suffered considerably by their long and fatiguing
marches through the sickly and malarious swamps in the interior, the
deadly exhalations of which brought on severe diseases, and filled
the hospitals with the sick and suffering. It was now rendered
certain that the savages had retired among the dense live oak and
cypress forests, and the marshy hummocks, in the southern part of the
peninsula. To follow them, at that time, was out of the question;
and General Scott decided to suspend his operations until another
campaign. He then repaired to the Creek country, in Georgia and
Alabama, where a number of outrages had recently been committed. Here
he had fewer difficulties of climate or country to contend with. He
arrived in Georgia, in May, and in less than one month, nearly five
hundred of the refractory Creeks had surrendered themselves.

While General Scott was actively engaged in the discharge of his
duties in the Creek country, he was unexpectedly recalled, and, on
the ninth of July, gave up the command to General Jesup. It being
evident that he labored under the displeasure of the Executive,
General Jackson, he demanded a court of inquiry, on his arrival at
Washington. The court assembled at Frederick, Maryland, in October,
and after a long and tedious investigation, fully approved of
his conduct. The finding of the court was sustained by the then
president, Mr. Van Buren, and General Scott soon after returned to
the command of the Eastern Division. He requested permission to
be again sent to Florida, but as the war was at that time being
prosecuted by other officers, it was not thought advisable to comply
with his request, and thus disturb the arrangements which had been
made subsequent to his recall.

[Sidenote: THE NORTH EASTERN BOUNDARY.]

In the winter of 1837–8, General Scott rendered efficient services
in the preservation of neutrality on the northern frontier, and in
preventing the war which threatened to grow out of the outbreak in
Canada, and what was called “the patriot excitement.” No collision
took place with the British forces, although General Scott was
fully prepared for such an emergency. In the summer of 1838, he was
ordered to take command of the troops in the Cherokee country,--in
Georgia, Alabama, North Carolina, and Tennessee,--and to superintend
the removal of the Indians west of the Mississippi. This duty was
discharged with so much promptitude and humanity, that he received
the grateful thanks of the Cherokees, as well as the express
approbation of his own government.

Having terminated his mission among the Cherokees, General Scott
hastened to the north, where his almost unbounded popularity had
produced such a favorable result the previous year, to take command
of the troops ordered to preserve the integrity of the territory
of Maine, a large part of which had long been in dispute, and the
subject of negotiation, between the governments of England and
the United States. He found in Sir John Harvey, the lieutenant
governor of New Brunswick--in the campaign of 1813, Lieutenant
Colonel Harvey--an old acquaintance, whom he had known during the
late war with England. The former discovered that the militia of
Maine were too numerous, and too well disposed, to be attacked by
his inferior force, and he readily met the friendly, but dignified
advances, of General Scott, in a similar spirit. A cessation of all
hostile movements and operations, was mutually agreed on between
them,--which received the approval of the Governor of Maine, the
American Executive, and the British Minister. The disputed boundary
was finally adjusted, under the Treaty of Washington, concluded in
1842.

Though taking no active part in the political contests of the day,
and never solicitous to venture in “the fiery chase of ambition,”
the opinions of General Scott on all leading questions, were so well
known to coincide with those of the Whig party, that he was warmly
supported as a candidate for the presidency, at their National
Convention, held at Harrisburg, in December, 1839. He received
sixty-two votes, on the last ballot but one; the choice of the
convention, however, fell on General Harrison, who was elected to the
office in the autumn of 1840. In the summer of 1848, General Scott
was again proposed as a candidate for the same high station, by his
numerous friends in different sections of the Union, and received a
highly flattering vote in the Whig National Convention, which met
at Philadelphia in the month of June,--though the nomination was
conferred on General Taylor, also a distinguished officer of the army.

General Macomb, the commanding general, died at Washington on the
twenty-fifth of June, 1841, and General Scott, to the universal
satisfaction of the American people, was elevated to the head of the
army, with the full rank of major general. The services performed by
him in this capacity were chiefly those of a cabinet officer, and
nothing more need be said of them, than that they were faithfully and
appropriately rendered.

[Sidenote: THE WAR WITH MEXICO.]

We now approach the most brilliant epoch in the military history of
General Scott,--his splendid campaign amid the burning sands and
lofty mountains of Mexico--the land of the citron and the orange, of
the fragrant acacia and the spreading banana; whose valleys teem with
the glowing vegetation of an unending summer, and whose hill-tops
are covered with eternal snow;

“where the stars,
In tropic brightness gleam,”--

and the overhanging rocks and rough buttresses of the sierras,
intrenched by the “deep scars of thunder,” look down upon sweet
Paphian bowers, blooming with the fragrant shrubs and flowers whose
soft intoxicating odors lull the senses to repose, and bright with
the plumage of the parrot and mocking bird, and the scarlet and
purple blossoms of innumerable creepers, twining about the columnar
stems of the tulip tree, or depending in heavy festoons from the
graceful palm. Like the Alpine scenery, to which the reviewer[46]
compares the poetry of Milton, “Nooks and dells, beautiful as fairy
land, are imbosomed in its most rugged elevations. The roses and the
myrtle bloom unchilled on the verge of the avalanche!”

Repeated insults and outrages, for a long series of years, were
heaped upon the American people and the American flag, by the
authorities of Mexico. Her weakness, and her position as one of the
family of republics on the Western Continent, alone shielded her
from attack. Injuries perpetrated by her were tolerated, which, had
they been committed by a monarchical power, would have been promptly
redressed. At length, after the annexation of Texas to the United
States--the citizens of which had revolted from her authority and
achieved their independence--on the twenty-fourth of April, 1846, a
body of Mexican lancers committed an unprovoked attack upon a small
party of American troops, on the left bank of the Rio Grande, and
within what was claimed to be the territory of the State of Texas.
The Congress of the United States was at this time in session, and
on receiving official intelligence of the transaction, an act was
passed, with great unanimity, declaring that a state of war existed
between the two countries “by the act of the republic of Mexico.”
Provision was made for filling up the regular regiments, the
President was authorized to accept the services of fifty thousand
volunteers, and the sum of ten millions of dollars was appropriated
to carry on the war.

Consultations were immediately held between the President, the
Secretary of War, and General Scott; and the various staff officers
and heads of bureaus were directed to prepare estimates, and furnish
the _matériel_ for the large army about to be called into the field.
It was originally intended that General Scott, whose abilities as a
skilful and scientific officer were admitted to be unequalled in the
American service, should proceed to the seat of war and assume the
chief command. An unfortunate misunderstanding, however, occurred
between him and the Executive, and he was directed to remain at
Washington. During the summer of 1846, nearly twenty thousand men
were thrown forward. General Taylor, the officer commanding on the
Rio Grande, was largely reïnforced, and strong columns of attack
were directed upon Chihuahua and New Mexico, under Generals Wool and
Kearny. Previous to this, General Taylor had driven the Mexicans from
the left bank of the Rio Grande, by a series of brilliant victories,
and taken possession of Matamoras. On the arrival of reïnforcements
and supplies, he proceeded against Monterey, the capital of New Leon,
where the shattered columns of the enemy had rallied; and after a
stout resistance, this town also surrendered to his arms, on the
twenty-fourth of September.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION AGAINST VERA CRUZ.]

Before the close of the campaign, most of the northern provinces
of Mexico had been overrun, or occupied, by the American troops.
Victory everywhere perched on our banners. Still, the enemy made no
propositions for peace. Artful demagogues, availing themselves of
the dissensions which they had fomented among the Mexican people,
had obtained the control of affairs; and they hoped to preserve
their influence and authority, only by the successful prosecution
of hostilities. It was therefore determined to land a strong and
well-appointed column at Vera Cruz, and after reducing the formidable
castle of San Juan de Ulua--the Gibraltar of America--to march upon
the Mexican capital. This service demanded the highest military
talents in the Nation, and, in accordance with the general desire,
the hero of Chippewa and Niagara was selected to lead the American
armies to victory and triumph.

The expedition against Vera Cruz and San Juan de Ulua, was planned by
General Scott; great pains had been taken to procure the necessary
information in regard to the defences of the city and castle; and he
was engaged for several weeks in making the necessary preparations. A
corps of sappers and miners, mountain howitzer and rocket batteries,
heavy ordnance, large quantities of missiles and ammunition,
transport vessels, bomb-ketches, and surf-boats, to land the troops,
were ordered to be organized and prepared, and dispatched to the
Gulf of Mexico without delay. The troops destined to take part in the
expedition, who were to proceed from the United States, were ordered
to rendezvous at the island of Lobos, lying just off the Mexican
shore, about one hundred and twenty miles northwest of Vera Cruz--a
lovely perfumed island, hanging suspended in the waters like a basket
of flowers. The remainder of the force was to be withdrawn from the
army under General Taylor, and to embark for the same point, at
Tampico, or the Brazos.

General Scott received his final orders on the twenty-third of
November, 1846, and on the twenty-fourth left Washington for New
York, where he embarked for New Orleans. From thence he proceeded
to the Rio Grande, and, having selected the troops to compose his
column, repaired to the general rendezvous.

It was late in the month of February, 1847, before all the troops
reached the island of Lobos; the arrangements were then speedily
completed; and just before nightfall on the fifth of March, the whole
fleet came bearing down into the roadstead of Vera Cruz, under a
full press of canvas, and blocking up the bay with a dense forest
of masts and spars. The American naval squadron, under Commodore
Conner, previously employed in blockading the Mexican ports, was
present to coöperate in the expedition. Careful reconnaissances of
the enemy’s coast were immediately made by the Commodore and General
Scott, and the debarkation was ordered to take place on the ninth
of March, opposite the island of Sacrificios, between four and five
miles south of the city of Vera Cruz. The surf-boats, sixty-five in
number, were properly marked, and the troops arranged in divisions,
and transferred from the transports to the vessels of war, so as not
to crowd the contracted anchorage with too many sail.

[Sidenote: LANDING OF THE TROOPS.]

At eleven o’clock in the morning of the ninth, the squadron weighed
anchor, and at three in the afternoon hove to abreast of Sacrificios.
The arrangements of Commodore Conner and General Scott were all
perfect; nothing was amiss or in confusion; and not a single accident
occurred to interrupt the movement. The small boats, which had been
towed astern of the larger vessels, were ranged alongside, manned by
the sailors, and received their complements of men, all fully armed
and equipped, and their bright muskets and bayonets glistening with
sunbeams. The steamers Spitfire and Vixen, with five gun boats, then
formed a line parallel with the beach, within good grape range, to
cover the descent. The regular brigade of General Worth, was the
first to land. As the signal gun fired from the Massachusetts boomed
over the waters, the line of boats darted for the shore.

The day was highly favorable for the landing. It was bright and
clear, and a soft southeasterly breeze, fresh from groves of balm
and forests of citron trees, just rippled the surface of the bay,
and died away in gentle murmurs on the sandy beach. The harbor was
crowded with American, and foreign vessels of war; and every deck,
mast and spar, were alive with anxious spectators. But a few moments
elapsed ere the boats reached the shore, and the American flag was
unfurled amid the joyous shouts and loud hurrahs of the brave tars
and gallant soldiers. The remainder of the troops--the volunteer
division of General Patterson, and the regular brigade of General
Twiggs--numbering, in all, between ten and eleven thousand men, were
landed by the surf-boats, in successive trips, before ten o’clock in
the evening.

No attempt was made by the enemy to oppose the disembarkation of
General Scott’s army. There were between six and seven thousand men
in the city and castle, all under the command of General Morales,
Governor of the State of Vera Cruz; but that officer contented
himself with remaining in security behind his defences, which he
might well have deemed almost impregnable. The city was entirely
surrounded by a stone wall, with towers at irregular intervals,--the
two most important ones, the Santiago and the Conception, being on
the water-front, twelve hundred and seventy yards distant from each
other. The castle of San Juan de Ulua, the reduction of which was
the great object of the expedition, stood on a bar, or small island,
in front of the town, one thousand and sixty-two yards from the main
land. The armament of the castle was very heavy; it contained about
one hundred and fifty guns, of different calibre; and there were over
one hundred guns mounted upon the fortifications of the city. In the
rear of the town was a wide stretch of country, dotted here and there
with thickets of chaparral, originally a level plain; but the loose
sand had been drifted into hillocks, from twenty to two hundred and
fifty feet high, by the perpetual blowing of the fierce _nortes_.

[Sidenote: LINE OF INVESTMENT.]

General Scott landed on the morning of the tenth of March, and made
immediate preparations to invest the town. He had rendered himself
familiar with the topography of the country, and his columns moved
as regularly to their positions, as if they had been on parade;
General Worth occupying the right of the line with his command,
General Patterson the centre, and General Twiggs the extreme left.
Though half blinded by the whirling sand, the men cheerfully mounted
over the clumps and ridges, dragging after them their baggage,
tents, and artillery, and entirely indifferent to the fire of the
enemy’s guns, which kept up a continued and incessant roar. Several
slight skirmishes occurred, but the Mexicans appeared nowhere in
force outside their strong fortifications, frowning with cannon,
and bristling with bayonets. The investment was completed on the
thirteenth of March, and on the same day safeguards were sent to the
foreign consuls in the town. The whole line, extending from the beach
opposite Sacrificios, to the hamlet of Vergara, on the coast north of
Vera Cruz, was about seven miles in length, with an interval of from
two and a half to three miles between it and the city.

The plan of attack fixed upon by General Scott, was, in the first
place, to compel the city to surrender, and then to take up battering
positions near it, and assault the castle. A succession of severe
northers cut off all communication with the fleet for several
days, and prevented the landing of the mortars and heavy guns; but
in the afternoon of the twenty-second of March, three batteries
were finally established, within eight hundred yards of the city,
under the direction of Colonel Totten, the Chief Engineer, and
seven mortars planted. The city was then regularly summoned; but
Governor Morales affected to regard the castle as being embraced
in the demand, and peremptorily refused to capitulate. Orders were
therefore given to open the fire, and the squadron, under Commodore
Perry, who had relieved Commodore Conner, moved up to prevent any
further intercourse between the town and the foreign vessels of war.
The command of the trenches was assigned to Colonel Bankhead, of
the 2nd artillery; and shortly after four o’clock on the afternoon
of the twenty-second, the three batteries commenced bombarding the
town. A strong battery, manned by officers and men of the navy, and
mounting three 8-inch Paixhan guns, and three long thirty-two’s,
opened its fire on the following day; and early in the morning of
the twenty-fifth, a fifth battery, with four 24-pounders and two
8-inch howitzers, added its deep-toned thunders to the ceaseless din.
The enemy returned the fire, with considerable spirit, from their
batteries in the city and castle; but little injury was done to the
trenches, and the Americans sustained but a trifling loss.

In the city, the horrors of a bombardment were soon witnessed.
The American fire was terribly destructive. Deep channels were
ploughed in the streets, and the walls sunk in large masses. The
air was full of blazing shells; houses were set on fire, and the
affrighted inmates fled hither and thither, seeking, in vain, some
place of refuge and safety. The city resounded, in every quarter,
with the groans of the dying, the shrieks of pale-faced women and
orphaned children. On the night of the twenty-fourth, the foreign
consuls dispatched a memorial to General Scott, praying him to
grant a truce to enable the neutrals to withdraw, with the Mexican
women and children. All the terrors which they depicted, had been
foreseen by the American commander, and they had been forewarned in
time. They had chosen to remain in the city till it was too late.
There could now be no alternative but a surrender. The request of
the memorialists was therefore refused, and the siege pressed with
increased vigor.

[Sidenote: THE BOMBARDMENT AND CAPITULATION.]

The firing was continued without intermission during the day,
on the twenty-fifth, and the following night. Governor Morales
resisted every appeal on the part of the inhabitants of Vera Cruz,
to surrender, and it was only when the streets had become deluged
with blood, that he resigned the command to General Landero, who
immediately opened negotiations with General Scott, which terminated
in the capitulation of the city and castle, with their armaments,
and the surrender of the garrison as prisoners of war. The American
batteries ceased playing on the morning of the twenty-sixth; and on
the twenty-ninth, the Mexican troops marched out and lay down their
arms, while the victors entered and took possession of the formidable
strongholds which they had evacuated.

There were but thirteen killed, and sixty-three wounded, on the side
of the Americans, including the losses sustained by the navy, during
the operations before the city of Vera Cruz, from the landing to the
capitulation; except that there were a few casualties occurred on the
twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth of March, in brief skirmishes with
mounted parties of the enemy, who made their appearance in the rear
of the line of investment, but were driven off by detachments under
the command, respectively, of General P. F. Smith and Colonel Harney.
The loss of the Mexicans during the siege was not ascertained, but
was variously estimated at from one to two thousand.

Anticipating the speedy arrival of the dreaded _vómito_ on the low
and sickly coast of Mexico, General Scott hastened to put his army in
motion for the interior, hoping to find among the cool retreats of
the _terra templada_, a refuge from the scorching sun of the tropics.
Lieutenant Colonel Belton, of the 3rd artillery, was left in command
of Vera Cruz and the Castle, with a suitable garrison; and, on the
eighth of April, General Twiggs took up the line of march for Jalapa,
about ninety miles distant. The remaining columns followed in a few
days.

Meanwhile, Santa Anna, the Provisional President of Mexico, and
General-in-chief of her armies, had sustained a terrible repulse
near Buena Vista, on the twenty-third of February, when he had
attacked the American army under General Taylor, with a force four
times greater than that of his opponents. Escaping from the scene of
disaster, with the wreck of his forces,--as the Americans did not
design to penetrate further into the country in that direction,--and
augmenting their numbers by forced levies, together with large
additions from the National Guard, and considerable bodies of
guerillereros, he proceeded to the heights of Cerro Gordo, nearly
thirty miles east of Jalapa, and commenced fortifying his position.
The National Road, along which the victorious columns of General
Scott were approaching, here commences the ascent from the _tierra
caliente_, to the elevated table land of Mexico.

[Sidenote: THE HEIGHTS OF CERRO GORDO.]

After crossing the Rio del Plan, the road winds up among the
hills--now scaling a bold sierra, and now disappearing in the
wooded depths of some dark ravine--until, at the distance of two
or three miles, it enters a narrow defile, flanked, on the left,
by three ridges jutting out from the plateau above,--beyond which
is the impassable channel of the river,--and, on the right, by the
tall mountain peak of Cerro Gordo, crowned with the _Telegrafo_, a
fortified citadel, or tower. Intrenchments were thrown up on the
eastern extremities of the hills on the left, which terminated
abruptly, and upwards of twenty guns placed in battery. In addition
to the work on the lofty summit of Cerro Gordo, which contained six
guns mounted on carriages, there was a strong battery, of six large
brass guns, at the foot of the height, which completely enfiladed the
defile. Breastworks for the protection of infantry were constructed
in and about this chain of defences, within which Santa Anna posted
about one half of his army, altogether consisting of not far from
fifteen thousand men. With the remaining half, he encamped on the
National Road, about half a mile west of the tower, where he had,
also, a battery of five guns.

The march of the American army from Vera Cruz to the Rio del Plan was
entirely unobstructed,--though, on account of the deep sandy roads,
very tedious and difficult. For most of the distance, the wayside
was skirted with thickets of chaparral, with occasional openings,
through which glimpses could be caught of plantations of maguey,
whose bright clustering flowers shed their rich golden radiance
on everything around; of waving fields of corn and sugar cane; of
groves of citrons, oranges, and pomegranates,--the trees bending
down with their luscious fruit, or loaded with rare foliage; or of
sylvan nooks, where the waters of some gentle streamlet trembled in
the faint light stealing softly down through the overhanging branches
of the majestic plane-tree, the dark-leaved banana, the lofty cedar,
or the gigantic arbutus. Now and then, too, they passed the rude
sheds, covered with green palmetto leaves, of the _jarochada_,--the
humblest class of Mexican peasantry,--who looked upon the advent of
these strange warriors, with emotions similar to those with which the
ancient Aztecs regarded the mail-clad followers of Hernando Cortés.

General Twiggs arrived at the Plan del Rio, on the eleventh of April,
with his division, and encamped for the night; his advanced guard,
under Colonel Harney, having driven a party of Mexican lancers from
the ground. On the following day reconnaissances were pushed in the
direction of the enemy’s position, which, it was ascertained, could
be turned on the right, by the construction of a road leaving the
main route some distance below the defile, and winding round to the
north of the height of Cerro Gordo. The first and third brigades of
General Patterson’s volunteer division, commanded by Generals Pillow
and Shields, came up on the twelfth instant; the second brigade,
under General Quitman, did not arrive in time to take part in the
action. General Scott soon followed, and, on the sixteenth of April,
General Worth reached the ground with his division. Dispositions were
forthwith made for carrying the whole Mexican line of intrenchments
by assault. The operations on the line reconnoitred by General
Twiggs, were pushed with great activity, and a road was constructed,
extending for two or three miles, through thickets of chaparral,
underneath jutting precipices, and across deep stony chasms. The
fatigue parties continued at work, until they came within range of
the enemy’s batteries, and orders were then issued to prepare for the
storm.

[Sidenote: STORMING THE FORTIFICATIONS.]

The division of General Twiggs was thrown forward on the new road,
and in the afternoon of the seventeenth, his advanced parties seized
a commanding eminence directly below the frowning height of Cerro
Gordo, upon which several heavy guns were planted, that were drawn
up during the evening by the 4th artillery and the volunteers of
General Shields, who had been directed to reïnforce the regular
division. The main attack was now ordered to be made at sunrise on
the eighteenth of April; General Twiggs being directed to carry the
works on the right of the road, with his division and the brigade of
General Shields; and General Pillow receiving orders to attack the
intrenchments on the series of hills on the left, aided by the fire
of an 8-inch howitzer put in position on the heights, on the opposite
bank of the Rio del Plan. General Worth was required to follow the
movement under General Twiggs with his division.

With the first light of dawn, the command of General Twiggs was in
motion. The main height of Cerro Gordo, from the sides of which the
enemy’s skirmishers were driven by the fire of the mounted rifles,
was gallantly ascended by the 1st artillery,[47] and the 3rd and 7th
infantry, headed by Colonel Harney, under a plunging and withering
fire of grape and musketry, and the fortified work on its summit
carried at the point of the bayonet. General Shields crossed a
ravine, hitherto deemed impassable, further to the west and right,
with his brigade, and boldly attacked the battery in the rear near
the principal camp of Santa Anna; being desperately wounded, he gave
up the command to Colonel Baker, who promptly led on the column,
and, with the assistance of Colonel Riley, who moved up with the
2nd infantry and 4th artillery, succeeded in carrying the battery
and routing the main body of the enemy. The private carriage of the
Mexican President, his baggage, and the military chest of the army,
were captured; but Santa Anna himself, and his principal officers,
succeeded in effecting their escape.

General Pillow was less successful in the attempt to carry the
batteries and intrenchments on the left of the road. The fire of the
enemy proved so destructive, that he was obliged to call off his men;
but, nothing daunted by one repulse, they were preparing for a second
and more determined effort, when white flags were thrown out over
the breastworks,--the Mexican force in this quarter being completely
in the power of the American troops, who had carried the height of
Cerro Gordo and the battery in the rear. A large number of the enemy
having escaped just previous to the capture of the works, the way
was cleared, and the mounted men and light batteries, with portions
of the infantry, dashed after them in pursuit, under Generals Twiggs
and Patterson. The intrenchments and fortifications were all carried
before the sun had reached its meridian, and at eventide the advanced
corps halted and encamped within sight of the white towers of Jalapa.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT AND PURSUIT OF THE ENEMY.]

The American force in this action barely exceeded eight thousand
men; but the network of defences constructed by Santa Anna to impede
their advance, proved as frail and powerless as the gossamer’s web.
Yet the victory was not achieved without a severe loss; there being
four hundred and thirty-one officers and men killed and wounded.
The Mexican loss, however, was much greater; there were upwards
of one thousand killed and wounded, and over three thousand taken
prisoners, including five general officers. Forty-three pieces of
artillery, four thousand stands of arms, and a large quantity of
fixed ammunition, were also captured by the Americans.

Jalapa surrendered to the victors on the nineteenth of April, and
on the twenty-second General Worth took possession of the important
castle of Perote. No resistance was now made to the arms of General
Scott. Panic and dismay were visible on every side, and had the
American commander been in a situation to advance immediately upon
the Mexican capital, it is more than probable that he would have
encountered but feeble opposition. But, when he arrived at Jalapa,
the terms of service of more than three thousand of his volunteer
force were about to expire; and they returned at once to the
coast, to reëmbark for the United States before the sickly season
came on. Although his army was thereby reduced to less than seven
thousand effective men--a feeble band left to maintain themselves
in the heart of the enemy’s country, whose communications with the
sea-board were soon after cut off by the guerilleros, who swarmed
during the whole season on the road to Vera Cruz--he determined,
nevertheless, to surrender not one of the advantages which he
had gained, but to penetrate still further into the interior.
Accordingly, General Worth moved forward, in May, to Puebla de los
Ángelos--the City of the Angels--with his division and the volunteer
brigade of General Quitman, in all but little more than four thousand
men. On the fourteenth instant, near Amasoque, he had a slight
skirmish with a body of lancers three thousand strong, under Santa
Anna; but he drove them before him with ease, and on the fifteenth
instant entered the city and took formal possession.

Like Jackson and Harrison, General Scott had no sooner evolved
his plans, than he found them counteracted by the orders or
proceedings of the War Department. The experience, oftentimes the
bitter experience, of the Revolution and the second war with Great
Britain,--in which it was over and over again demonstrated, that it
was essential to success that there should be as little interference
as possible with the details and incidents of a campaign,--seemed
to be forgotten by the Executive authorities at Washington. The
general object of a campaign, or expedition, may, perhaps should be,
designated by the President, as commander in chief of the army; but
it may be unhesitatingly affirmed, that no officer is fit to conduct
either, to whom a large discretion may not be safely confided. He
will find cares and vexations enough, without being fretted by
petty annoyances, or thwarted, at every turn, in the most trifling
circumstance.

[Sidenote: MARCH FROM PUEBLA.]

It was a long time before General Scott found himself in sufficient
force to warrant him in continuing his march upon the Mexican
capital. On the twenty-second of May, General Twiggs marched from
Jalapa for Puebla, with his division. General Scott followed him
on the twenty-third, in company with Mr. Trist, the American
Commissioner sent to confer with the Mexican government, in case
negotiations for peace should be proposed. Strong garrisons were
left at Jalapa and Perote, under Colonels Childs and Wynkoop. At
Puebla another tedious delay took place; but the time was wisely and
profitably spent in drilling the troops. At length, the long-expected
reïnforcements began to arrive. Generals Pillow and Cadwalader
reached Puebla on the eighth of July, with over three thousand men,
including the command of Colonel Childs; and on the sixth of August,
General Pierce came up with twenty-five hundred men. Both columns had
repeated, and, in every instance, successful encounters, with the
guerilleros.

Arrangements had already been made for the contemplated movement
towards the far-famed halls of the Montezumas. The army, now
consisting of ten thousand seven hundred men, moved forward _en
échelon_; General Twiggs marching on the seventh instant with his
division, preceded by the cavalry brigade of Colonel Harney, and
the remaining divisions, under Generals Quitman, Worth, and Pillow,
following on successive days. General Scott left Puebla in person on
the eighth instant, and on the same day overtook, and then continued
with, the leading division, under General Twiggs. The line of march
followed the National Road, which ascends gradually through a rich
rolling country, to the _tierra fria_, the third of the great
terraces into which Mexico is divided.--Elated with past victories,
and the brilliant promise of future triumphs, the serried columns
press on, through groves and gardens decked out in the most gorgeous
array, through fields of maize and barley, and amidst towering cedars
and lofty pines:

“Through rocky pass, o’er wooded steep,
In long and glittering files they sweep.”

Not an enemy appeared to obstruct their march, until, on emerging
from the pass of Rio Frio, they commenced descending into the valley,
in the midst of which, like some bright vision of fairy land, lay
the city of Mexico, whose shining domes and sculptured façades were
bathed in the rich flood of golden light that streamed down through
the transparent atmosphere. On approaching the hacienda of Buena
Vista, Major Sumner, of the 2nd dragoons, who commanded the advanced
corps, descried a party of Mexican lancers apparently drawn up to
defend the passage. Dashing fiercely upon the enemy, without pausing
to count their numbers, he compelled them to make a hasty retreat.
General Twiggs’ division halted at Ayotla, fifteen miles from Mexico,
on the eleventh of August, and as the other divisions came up, they
encamped in the rear, about the head of Lake Chalco.

The Mexican capital lies about three miles west of Lake Tezcuco,
and six miles from the northwest point of Lake Xochimilco. It is
approached by six principal roads, which terminate in massive stone
causeways, elevated from ten to twenty feet above the low marshy
grounds that surround the city. On the east, is the National Road,
along which the American army moved; on the south, the Acapulco road,
entering on the San Antonio causeway; on the south-west, the Tacubaya
road and causeway; on the west, the San Cosmé road and causeway; and
on the north, are the remaining two roads.

[Sidenote: FORTIFICATIONS OF MEXICO.]

After his repulse at Amasoque, Santa Anna returned to the capital,
and began diligently to fortify it. The National Road, which runs
close to the southern shore of Lake Tezcuco, was defended by El
Peñon, an isolated hill three hundred feet high, seven miles from the
city, on the south side of the road; this was garnished with twenty
batteries mounting fifty-one guns, and fifteen infantry breastworks;
and there was, also, a strong battery on the road, or causeway, four
hundred yards in advance of the height, another by its side, and a
third about a mile from the gate of San Lazaro. Between the National
Road and Lake Xochimilco, is a lateral road, leading to the San
Antonio causeway by way of the village of Mexicalcingo, which lies on
the outlet or canal reaching from the lake to the city. The bridge
over the outlet was fortified, and flanked by strong works,--there
being, in all, eight batteries, with thirty-eight guns, and one
breastwork for infantry.

On the opposite side of Lake Xochimilco, upon the San Antonio
causeway, was a _tête du pont_ of heavy mason work, at the bridge
over the Churubusco river, over two miles south of the city. To
the left of the bridge, were the church and convent of San Pablo,
surrounded by a high wall and designed to be used for purposes of
defence. Between two and three miles further south, at San Antonio,
there were extensive field works, containing seven batteries,
mounting twenty-four heavy guns, and two infantry breastworks. Five
miles northwest of the _tête du pont_, on the Tacubaya causeway, and
distant only one and a half miles from the Belén garita, or fortified
gateway, was the frowning fortress of Chapultepec, situated on a
rocky eminence in an oblong inclosure, the walls at the foot of
which, on the north and south, were formed by aqueducts extending
into the city, over heavy arches, by the Tacubaya and San Cosmé
causeways, which were thus divided into double roadways. On the
heights of Chapultepec, there were seven batteries, including those
in the main fortification, which mounted nineteen guns, and seven
infantry breastworks. Beneath this fortress, on the west, twelve
hundred yards distant from the acclivity, was El Molino del Rey--“the
Mill of the King”--a long range of stone buildings now occupied by
the Mexican troops; and four or five hundred yards further to the
west, on a retired line, was Casa de Mata, an old square building,
with thick stone walls, and surrounded by ditches and bastioned
intrenchments.

In addition to the exterior chain of defences, there was an interior
line equally formidable. A wide and deep navigable canal, extremely
difficult, if not impossible, to bridge in the face of an active
enemy, girded the city throughout its greater extent. There were
eight main entrances, at each of which there was a fortified garita;
and on the left and north of the Tacubaya causeway, a short distance
in rear of the garita Belén, was the Ciudadela, or citadel, a
rectangular work, containing fifteen heavy guns. Batteries and
redans were constructed upon and near the causeways and garitas, and
preparations were made to connect all the works of the interior line
by a continuous chain of redoubts. Guns could not be obtained in
sufficient quantities to arm all the works, but it was the intention
of the Mexican commander to withdraw his pieces from the outer
batteries, whenever it became necessary to take up a new position.
For the defence of these fortifications, and the protection of the
city, he had collected an army of over thirty thousand men, mainly
consisting of the battalions of the National Guard, but all well
armed and equipped.

[Sidenote: RECONNAISSANCES.]

From his camp at Ayotla, General Scott threw forward several
reconnoitering parties, through whom he obtained definite and
reliable information in regard to the enemy’s fortifications. He was
able to break through the chain at any point, but his army was weak
in numbers, and no reïnforcements could be expected for some time to
come; consequently, he decided to husband his strength, and avoid
the more important and stronger works at El Peñon and Mexicalcingo,
by making a détour to the left, round Lakes Chalco and Xochimilco.
He had long had this project in contemplation, and on the fourteenth
of August, a reconnaissance was made in that direction, which
demonstrated its entire practicability. Directions were forthwith
given for the columns to be put in motion. The order of march was
now reversed; General Worth leading the van, with Colonel Harney’s
brigade in the advance, and the other divisions closely following the
movement.

The enemy’s light troops and skirmishers were repeatedly encountered
while making the circuit of the lakes; the route was found to be low
and uneven, sometimes crossing deep pits and marshes, and at others
running underneath overhanging scaurs which threatened to fall down
upon the heads of the soldiers; but the tedious march was terminated
on the evening of the seventeenth of August, by the arrival of
General Worth at San Augustin, on the Acapulco road,--twenty-seven
miles from Ayotla by this circuitous route, and nine miles south of
the city of Mexico. In the morning of the eighteenth, General Worth
moved along the causeway, towards San Antonio, to allow the other
divisions to close on him.

Reconnaissances having been made by the engineer officers, it was
found that the fortifications at San Antonio commanded the causeway
and the marshes on their left, as far as Lake Xochimilco. West of the
road there was a vast field of volcanic rocks, called a _pedregal_,
utterly impassable for cavalry or artillery, and nearly so for
infantry, which extended some four or five miles, to the San Angel
road, leading from the factory of Magdalena, down the valley of the
Churubusco river, to the San Antonio causeway. General Scott again
resolved that the skill of the enemy should avail them nothing. His
plan--to gain the San Angel road, and then move round to the attack
of San Antonio in rear--was soon formed, and the necessary orders
given to carry it into effect. A mule path was discovered running
westward from San Augustin, and connecting with the San Angel road,
which the engineers reported could be made practicable for artillery.
On the morning of the nineteenth instant General Pillow advanced
to open the path with his division and the corps of sappers and
miners,--the movement being covered by the division of General Twiggs.

[Sidenote: CONTRERAS AND CHERUBUSCO.]

In the meantime, Santa Anna had moved his forces to the southern
side of the city. Eight guns were planted in battery at the _tête
du pont_; the defences of San Pablo were increased, and seven guns
mounted; and General Valencia was thrown forward on the San Angel
road, with a corps of seven thousand men, and twenty-four pieces
of artillery, half of which were of heavy calibre. In the morning
of the eighteenth of August, he had been directed to fall back to
Coyoacan, near San Pablo; but he proceeded to the Hill of Contreras,
situated in a bend of the San Angel road, opposite the opening of the
mule path leading from San Augustin, where he intrenched himself and
planted his guns.

The working parties under General Pillow encountered innumerable
difficulties, but they overcame them all, with cheerfulness and
alacrity; and at three o’clock in the afternoon, he opened a lively
and well-directed fire from a battery of field pieces, and a mountain
howitzer battery, which he had planted within nine hundred yards
of the Hill of Contreras. The fire was answered with spirit; and
slugs, shot, and fragments, were thrown from the enemy’s guns with
terrible effect. Meanwhile, Colonel Riley had moved round to the
right, with his brigade of General Twiggs’ division, across the field
of lava,--officers and men, the latter divested of their knapsacks,
picking their way on foot,--to attack the Mexicans in the rear.
Strong detachments of the enemy’s infantry, supported by heavy
guns, being discovered moving up the slopes west of the San Angel
road, General Pillow detached General Cadwalader, with his brigade,
to the support of Colonel Riley. General Smith also crossed the
_pedregal_, with the remaining brigade of General Twiggs’ division;
and, subsequently, General Scott dispatched Colonel Morgan, with the
fifteenth infantry, and General Shields, with his brigade, in the
same direction.

No serious impression being made against the heavier metal of the
enemy, by the American guns, they ceased playing after nightfall. A
violent storm of wind and rain now came on, which served to heighten
the anxiety of General Scott and his officers, to learn the situation
and prospects of the troops who had crossed the _pedregal_. Late
at night, when all was uncertainty and gloom, Captain Lee, of the
engineers, returned from the opposite side of the bed of lava, with
the information that General Smith, who had taken the command of the
detachments, numbering altogether about thirty-three hundred men,
would storm the camp of General Valencia at sunrise. Shortly after
the day broke on the twentieth instant, the intrenchments on the hill
of Contreras were gallantly carried, as had been promised, and the
enemy driven from their position with great loss.

General Scott immediately followed the mule path to the San Angel
road, with the brigades of General Pierce and Colonel Harney,
and ordered a rapid pursuit of the retreating enemy, who were
concentrating at San Pablo and the _tête du pont_. At the same time,
General Worth moved against San Antonio in front, with his division;
but the enemy evacuated their works on his approach, and retired to
the bridge, whither he pursued them as rapidly as possible.

[Sidenote: ROUT OF THE ENEMY.]

A general action, of more than two hours’ duration, which was hotly
contested on both sides, now took place in and about the _tête du
pont_ and the defences of San Pablo. At length, the fierce onset of
General Worth compelled the enemy to give way on the right; the whole
line soon staggered and broke, and a complete rout ensued. At the
request of Colonel Harney, the way was cleared, and he was permitted
to follow the retreating columns of the enemy along the San Antonio
causeway, to the very gates of the city. His squadrons dashed through
and through the files of Mexican infantry, smiting terrible blows on
every side; spurring in upon the crowding fugitives, they cleft down
all who refused to surrender; and up to the very garita, their shouts
and cheers, their pistol shots and sabre strokes, spread terror and
alarm.

In this action, the old war-spirit of General Scott was fully
aroused. When the clangor of the battle was the wildest and the
highest, careless and indifferent in regard to the exposure of his
person, he ventured again and again within range of the enemy’s guns.
In the course of the engagement, he received a slight wound from a
grape-shot, but he entered the church of San Pablo soon after it was
taken, and was received by his brave soldiers with many a glad hurrah.

This series of bloody contests finally terminated at sunset. During
the day, the enemy lost four thousand men in killed and wounded,
and there were over twenty-five hundred taken prisoners. Among
the prisoners were eight general officers. Thirty-seven pieces
of artillery, and large quantities of small arms and ammunition,
standards, pack-mules and horses, were also captured. The American
loss was far less in proportion, yet it was very severe; there were
one hundred and thirty-seven killed, eight hundred and seventy-nine
wounded, and forty missing.

It is not improbable, that General Scott might have forced his way
into the city, on the night after this action; but it was far too
hazardous an undertaking for eight thousand men to enter a hostile
town, containing a population of two hundred thousand souls, whose
convents and public edifices could be readily converted into
fortifications, and the _azoteas_, or flat roofs, of whose dwellings,
would afford a secure shelter for thousands upon thousands of
sharp-shooters. It was not half so well provided for defence, when
Guatemozin, “the last of the Aztecs,” resisted for three months the
utmost efforts of Cortés, though the latter was aided by two hundred
thousand Tlascalan allies.

[Sidenote: THE ARMISTICE.]

On the night of the twentieth of August, while the thunders of the
battle were yet echoing among the gorges of the Cordilleras, and
ere the dark flocks of the _zopilote_--the voracious vulture of the
country--which hovered over the ensanguined plain, had descended to
their unhallowed carnival, General Scott was visited by the British
Consul, and other foreign residents of the Mexican capital, at whose
suggestion, in the spirit of a magnanimous victor, he addressed a
note to Santa Anna on the following morning, proposing an armistice
with a view to negotiation. Previous to this time, on the morning
of the twenty-first, General Scott was waited on by General Mora y
Villamil, who came out to propose a truce; but the terms not being
satisfactory, nothing was agreed on. Upon the receipt of General
Scott’s note, Santa Anna appointed commissioners to confer with such
as might be appointed on the other side. An armistice was ultimately
signed, and ratified on the twenty-fourth instant.

Negotiations were instantly opened; but the duplicity and bad faith
of the Mexican government daily became more and more apparent.
Infractions of the armistice constantly took place; and on the
sixth of September General Scott notified Santa Anna, that unless
full satisfaction was made, before twelve o’clock, meridian, on the
following day, he should consider it at an end from and after that
hour. The reply of the Mexican President was both insulting and
evasive,--and General Scott made immediate preparations to renew
offensive operations. Having been informed that there was a cannon
foundry in El Molino del Rey, to which a number of bells had been
sent from the city to be cast into guns--though this afterwards
proved to be a mistake--and that there was a large deposit of powder
in Casa de Mata, he determined to drive the enemy from these works,
and to seize the powder and destroy the foundry. The performance
of this service was confided to General Worth, with his division,
reïnforced by the brigade of General Cadwalader and other small
detachments. It was brilliantly executed on the eighth of September,
in spite of the opposition of nearly the whole Mexican army, but
with the loss of near eight hundred men killed and wounded, out of
thirty-four hundred.

The capital itself still remained in the possession of the enemy, who
labored night and day to complete their defences. Including the works
at the garitas, there were forty-seven batteries, designed for one
hundred and seventy-seven guns, and seventeen infantry breastworks,
constructed around the city. All the batteries, however, could
not be manned at the same time, in consequence of the deficiency
in artillery. The most formidable works were at the garita of San
Antonio, and on the heights of Chapultepec.

After completing his reconnaissances, General Scott made a
demonstration before the southern gates of the city, with the
divisions of Generals Pillow and Quitman, on the afternoon of the
eleventh of September, in order to deceive the enemy; but when it
became dark, he directed those officers to join him with their
columns, at Tacubuya, whither his headquarters had been sometime
previous removed. General Twiggs was left at Piedad with his
division, to threaten, or make false attacks, on the batteries near
the garita of San Antonio.

On the twelfth instant, four heavy batteries were planted, and
opened, on the castle of Chapultepec, less than a mile distant from
Tacubaya,--while General Twiggs directed a vigorous fire upon the
batteries in the vicinity of the southern gates. The cannonade was
very effective; the enemy were driven from their outworks on the
heights of Chapultepec, and the main fortification was seriously
crippled. On the night of the twelfth, final arrangements were made
for storming the castle early on the following morning. Before midday
on the thirteenth, the works were bravely carried at the point of
the bayonet, by the divisions of Generals Pillow and Quitman,--the
former being supported by the division of General Worth, and the
latter by the brigade of General Smith. Immediately after the
reduction of the castle, Generals Worth and Quitman followed the
retreating masses of the Mexican troops along the San Cosmé, and
Chapultepec, or Tacubaya causeways. The latter was the first to gain
a foothold in the city; the garita of Belén being carried by his
men shortly after one o’clock in the afternoon. The route taken by
General Worth was much longer, but he steadily advanced on his way,
driving the enemy from every redoubt and battery; and, during the
evening, he securely established himself inside of the garita of San
Cosmé. Between nine and ten o’clock, a few shells were thrown from
a mortar brought up to his column, in the direction of the National
Palace, on the great plaza, in order to obtain the exact distance.

[Sidenote: CAPTURE OF MEXICO.]

Santa Anna and his ministers did not think it advisable again to
encounter the American army, or to bring upon the city the horrors
of a bombardment. During the night of the thirteenth, the Mexican
commander hastily evacuated the capital with all his forces; and on
the morning of the fourteenth of September, General Scott entered
and took possession with his troops,--the civil officers making an
unconditional surrender of the town. For upwards of twenty-four
hours, the Americans were annoyed by the _leperos_, and lower classes
of the populace, who fired, and hurled missiles upon them, from the
roofs and windows. The vigilant measures of General Scott speedily
checked the _émeute_, and the American flag waved undisturbed over
the Palacio of Mexico.[48]

A rigid system of police was at once established and enforced by the
American commander,--whose watchful care for the comfort and welfare
of his men, whose regard for the rights of the citizens, and whose
respect for his vanquished opponents, manifested at all times and on
all occasions, won golden opinions from both friends and foes.

The brilliant campaign of General Scott,--especially remarkable
for the wonderful display of his military knowledge and ability,
his rapidity of decision, the power and compass of his mind, the
clearness of his plans, and the strategical skill which so often
rendered all the labors of the enemy completely nugatory,--terminated
with the fall of the Mexican capital. Large reïnforcements were sent
to join him, by the aid of which his communications with the seacoast
were effectually opened. For a few weeks, Santa Anna, who had
resigned his office of provisional president, attempted to continue
the war, but he eventually abandoned the contest and quitted the
country. The new administration exhibited a more friendly and pacific
disposition; the negotiations were resumed, and on the second day of
February, 1848, a treaty of peace was signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo,
which was subsequently duly ratified.

[Sidenote: RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES.]

On the nineteenth of February, General Scott was relieved from duty
in Mexico, at his own request; and shortly thereafter he returned to
the United States, where he was received with the most flattering
demonstrations of respect. The thanks of Congress and a gold medal
were voted to him. Resolutions of congratulation were adopted by a
number of State Legislatures, and in the city of New York and other
towns, public processions and festivities were had, in honor of the
gallant commander and successful soldier.

The athletic frame and robust constitution of General Scott indicate
that his life may be prolonged for many years. While he is still
living, and occupying so high a place in the estimation of his
countrymen, it would, perhaps, be as unwise, as it is unnecessary,
to speak of his character more in detail. It may be, that he is
reserved for other and higher honors,--but whatever fortune befal
him, it will ever be a proud satisfaction to his friends, to point
to his triumphant march to the Mexican capital, as the most splendid
achievement recorded in modern history.

THE END.

FOOTNOTES:

[34] Tom. iv., p. 150.

[35] The charge was, in substance, that General Scott
remarked at a public table, that he had never seen
but two traitors, viz.: Generals Wilkinson and
Burr,--and that General Wilkinson was a liar and a
scoundrel. Whatever may have been the justice of
Scott’s sentence, for violating the rules of military
subordination, he had certainly strong reasons for
associating the name of Wilkinson with that of Burr,
inasmuch as there were then weighty suspicions
attaching to the conduct of the former which have
never been wholly removed.

[36] See Memoir of General Pike, _ante_.

[37] Close behind Scott was Colonel Porter, who
complained that the long legs of the former gave him
an undue advantage.

[38] See Memoirs of Brown and Macomb, _ante_.

[39] _Ante_, p. 34, et seq.

[40] Captain Towson, with his three guns, was on the
other flank, opposite the enemy’s left.

[41] _Ante_, p. 45, et seq.

[42] He visited Europe again in 1829, and made the tour
of France, Belgium and Germany--his principal object
being to procure professional information.

[43] See Memoirs of Generals Gaines and Macomb, _ante_.

[44] See Memoir of General Gaines, _ante_.

[45] See Memoir of General Gaines, _ante_.

[46] Macaulay.

[47] The artillery regiments in the American service,
are equipped, and act, as infantry, with the
exception of the detached companies serving with
batteries.

[48] The casualties consequent upon the capture of
Chapultepec and the reduction of the city, on the
side of the Mexicans, were 1,000 killed, 1,500
wounded, and 823 taken prisoners. The Americans lost
130 killed, 704 wounded, and 29 missing. Among the
captures of the latter, were 100 pieces of artillery,
a number of colors and standards, and small arms and
ammunition in sufficient quantities to supply an army
during a campaign.

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“‘OLD ZACH!’ ‘OLD ZACH!’ the war cry rattles
Among those men of iron tread,
As rung ‘OLD FRITZ’ in Europe’s battles
When thus his host Great Frederick led.”

_Literary World._

Transcriber’s Note:

Page headers are displayed as sidenotes. Footnotes were renumbered
sequentially and were moved to the end of each chapter.

Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_. Those in bold are surrounded by equal signs, =like this=.
Words may have multiple spelling variations, inconsistent
hyphenation, or inconsistent use of diacriticals. Eleven misspelled
words were corrected. Obvious printing errors, such as backwards,
upside down, or partially printed letters and punctuation, and
missing or excess space between words, were corrected. Final stops
missing at the end of sentences were added.

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