The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Manóbos of Mindanáo, by John M. Garvan
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
Title: The Manóbos of Mindanáo
Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume XXIII, First Memoir
Author: John M. Garvan
Release Date: June 16, 2006 [eBook #18607]
Language: English
***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***
E-text prepared by Carl D. DuBois
Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
file which includes the original illustrations.
See 18607-h.htm or 18607-h.zip:
(https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607/18607-h/18607-h.htm)
or
(https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607/18607-h.zip)
Transcriber's note:
All Philippine peso amounts are indicated by an upper case "P"
instead of a more fancy graphics character.
All fractional centavo amounts have been converted to their
decimal equivalents.
THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO
by
JOHN M. GARVAN
MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
VOLUME XXIII
FIRST MEMOIR
United States
Government Printing Office
Washington : 1931
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C.
Price $1.00 (paper cover)
MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
VOLUME XXIII
FIRST MEMOIR
THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO
JOHN M. GARVAN
Presented to the Academy at the Annual Meeting, 1929
THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO
by
JOHN M. GARVAN
CONTENTS
PART I. DESCRIPTIVE
CHAPTER I. Classification and geographical distribution of Manóbos and
other peoples in eastern Mindanáo
Explanation of terms
"Eastern Mindanáo"
The term "tribe"
Present use of the word "Manóbo"
The derivation and original application of the word "Manóbo"
Geographical distribution of the Manóbos in eastern Mindanáo
In the Agúsan Valley
On the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera
On the peninsula of San Agustin
The Mamánuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds
The Banuáons
The Mañgguáñgans
The Mansákas
The Debabáons
The Mandáyas
The Tágum branch
The Agúsan Valley branch
The Pacific coast branch
The gulf of Davao branch
The Moros
The Biláns
The Tagakaólos
The Lóaks or Lóags
The _conquistas_ or recently Christianized peoples
The Manóbo _conquistas_
The Mandáya _conquistas_
The Mamánua _conquistas_
The Mañgguáñgan _conquistas_
The Mansáka _conquistas_
The Debabáon _conquistas_
The Bisáyas or Christian Filipinos
CHAPTER II. Physical characteristics and general appearance of the
Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo
Physical type
Divergence of types
General physical type
Racial and tribal affinities
Montano's Indonesian theory
Keane's view
The Indonesian theory as applied to Manóbos
Physical type of contiguous peoples
The Mañgguáñgans
The Mandáyas
The Debabáons
The Mamánuas
The Banuáons
Physical appearance as modified by dress and ornamentation
CHAPTER III. A survey of the material and sociological culture of the
Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo
General material culture
Dwellings
Alimentation
Narcotic and stimulating enjoyments
Means of subsistence
Weapons and implements
Industrial activities
General sociological culture
Domestic life
Marital relations
Pregnancy, birth, and childhood
Medicine, sickness, and death
Social and family enjoyments
Political organization
System of government and social control
Methods of warfare
Intertribal and analogous relations
Administration of justice
General principles and various laws
Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary
procedure in settlement of disputes
CHAPTER IV. Religious ideas and mental characteristics in general
A brief survey of religion
The basis, influence, and machinery of religion
The hierarchy of Manóbo divinities, beneficent and malignant
Priests, their functions, attributes, and equipment
The main characteristics of Manóbo religion
Mental and other attainments and characteristics
PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE
CHAPTER V. The Manobo home
In general
Motives that determine the selection of the site
Religious motives
Material motives
Religious ceremonies connected with the erection of a house
Structure of the house
The materials
The dimensions and plan of construction
The floor
The roof and the thatch
The walls
The doorway and the ladder
Internal arrangements
Decorations
The furniture and equipment of the house
The underpart and the environment of the house
Order and cleanliness of the house
CHAPTER VI. Dress
General remarks
Delicacy in exposure of the person
Variety in quantity and quality of clothes
The use of bark cloth
Dress as an indication of rank
Dress in general
Preferential colors in dress
The man's dress
Hats and headkerchiefs
The jacket
The lower garment
The girdle
The betel-nut knapsack
The woman's dress
The jacket
The upper Agúsan style
The style of the central group
The girdle and its pendants
The skirt
CHAPTER VII. Personal adornment
General remarks
Hair and head adornment
Care and ornamentation of the head
Combs
Ear disks
Neck and breast ornaments
Arm and hand ornamentation
Knee and ankle adornments
Body mutilations
General remarks
Mutilation of the teeth
Mutilation of the ear lobes
Depilation
Tattooing
Circumcision
CHAPTER VIII. Alimentation
Fire and its production
The "fire saw"
The steel and flint process
Continuation of the fire
Lighting
Culinary and table equipment
Various kinds of food
The preparation and cooking of food
Preparing the food
Cooking the food
Food restrictions and taboos
Meals
Ordinary meals
Festive meals
CHAPTER IX. Narcotic and stimulating enjoyments
Drinks used by the Manobos
Sugar-palm wine
_Báhi_ toddy
Sugarcane brew
Extraction of the juice
Boiling
Fermentation
Mead
Drinking
General remarks
The sumsúm-an
Drinking during religious and social feasts
Evil effects from drinking
Tobacco preparation and use
The betel-nut masticatory
Ingredients and effect of the quid
Betel chewing accessories
CHAPTER X. Means of subsistence
Agriculture
General remarks
The time and place for planting rice
The sowing ceremony
The clearing of the land
The sowing of the rice and its culture
The rice harvest
The harvest feast
The culture of other crops
Hunting
Hunting with dogs
Offering to Sugúdun, the spirit of hunters
The hunt
Hunting taboos and beliefs
Other methods of obtaining game
Trapping
Trapping ceremonies and taboos
The bamboo spear trap
Other varieties of traps
Fishing
Shooting with bow and arrow
Fishing with hook and line
Fish-poisoning
The _túba_ method
The _túbli_ method
The _lágtañg_ method
Dry-season lake fishing
Fishing with nets, traps, and torches
CHAPTER XI. Weapons and implements
Introductory remarks
Offensive weapons
The bow and arrow
The bolo and its sheath
A magic test for the efficiency of a bolo
The lance
The dagger and its sheath
Defensive weapons
The shield
Armor
Traps and caltrops
Agricultural implements
The ax
The bolo
The rice header
Fishing implements
The fishing bow and arrow
The fish spear
Fishhooks
Hunting implements
The spear
The bow and arrow
The blowgun
CHAPTER XII. Industrial activities
Division of labor
Male activities
Female activities
Male industries in detail
Boat building
Mining
Plaiting and other activities
Female industries in detail
Weaving and its accessory processes
Pottery
Tailoring and mat making
PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE
CHAPTER XIII. Domestic life and marital relations
Arranging the marriage
Selection of the bride
Courtship and antenuptial relations
Begging for the hand of the girl
Determination of the marriage payment
The marriage feast and payment
The reciprocatory payment and banquet
Marriage and marriage contracts
The marriage rite
Marriage by capture
Prenatal marriage contracts and child marriage
Polygamy and kindred institutions
Endogamy and consanguineous marriages
Intertribal and other marriages
Married life and the position of the wife
Residence of the son-in-law and the brother-in-law system
CHAPTER XIV. Domestic life: Pregnancy, birth, and childhood
Desire for progeny
Birth and pregnancy taboos
Taboos to be observed by the husband
Taboos to be observed by the wife
Taboos to be observed by both husband and wife
Taboos enjoined on visitors
Abortion
Artificial abortion
Involuntary abortion
The approach of parturition
The midwife
Prenatal magic aids
Prenatal religious aids
Accouchement and ensuing events
Postnatal customs
Taboos
The birth ceremony
The naming and care of the child
Birth anomalies
Monstrosities
Albinism
Hermaphroditism
CHAPTER XV. Domestic life: Medicine, sickness, and death
Medicine and disease
Natural medicines and diseases
Magic ailments and means of producing them
The composition of a few "Kometán"
Other magic means
Bodily ailments proceeding from supernatural causes
Sickness due to capture of the "soul" by an inimical spirit
Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons
Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases
Sickness and death
The theory of death
Fear of the dead and of the death spirits
Incidents accompanying deaths
Preparation of the corpse
The funeral
Certain mourning taboos are observed
Death and burial of one killed by an enemy, of a warrior chief,
and of a priest
The after world
The death feast
CHAPTER XVI. Social enjoyments
Instrumental music
The drum
The gong
Flutes
The _paúndag_ flute
The _to-áli_ flute
The _lántui_
The _sá-bai_ flute
Guitars
The vine-string guitar
The bamboo-string guitar
The _takúmbo_
The violin
The jew's-harp
The stamper and the horn of bamboo
Sounders
Vocal music
The language of song
The subject matter of songs
The music and the method of singing
Ceremonial songs
Dancing
The ordinary social dance
The religious dance
Mimetic dances
The bathing dance
The dagger or sword dance
The apian dance
The depilation dance
The sexual dance
The war dance
CHAPTER XVII. Political organization: System of government and social
control
Clans
Territories of the clans and number of people composing them
Interclan relations
The chief and his power
The source of the chief's authority
Equality among the people
Respect for ability and old age
The warrior chief
General character
Insignia and prowess of the warrior chief
The warrior's title to recognition
Various degrees of warrior chiefship
The warrior chief in his capacity as chief
The warrior chief as priest and medicine man
CHAPTER XVIII. Political organization: War, its origin, inception,
course, and termination
Military affairs in general
The origin of war
Vendettas
Private seizure
Debts and sexual infringements
Inception of war
Declaration of war
Time for war
Preparations for war
The attack
Time and methods of attack
Events following the battle
Celebration of the victory
The capture of slaves
The return of the warriors
Ambushes and other methods of warfare
Peace
CHAPTER XIX. Political organization: General principles of the
administration of justice: customary, proprietary, and liability laws
General considerations
General principles
The principle of material substitution
Right to a fair hearing
Securing the defendant's good will
Foundations of Manóbo law
Customary law
Its natural basis
Its religious basis
Proprietary laws and obligations
Conception of property rights
Land and other property
Laws of contract
The law of debt
Interest, loans, and pledges
Interest
Loans and pledges
Laws of liability
Liability arising from natural causes
Liability arising from religious causes
Liability arising from magic causes
The system of fines
CHAPTER XX. Political organization: Customs regulating domestic
relations and family property; procedure for the attainment of justice
Family property
Rules of inheritance
Rules governing the relations of the sexes
Moral offenses
Marriage contracts and payments
Illegitimate children
Extent of authority of father and husband
Residence of the husband
Crimes and their penalties
Crimes
The private seizure
Penalties for minor offenses
Customary procedure
Preliminaries to arbitration
General features of a greater arbitration
Determination of guilt
By witnesses
By oaths
By the testimony of the accused
By ordeals
The hot-water ordeal
The diving ordeal
The candle ordeal
By circumstantial evidence
Enforcement of the sentence
CHAPTER XXI. Political organization: Intertribal and other relations
Intertribal relations
Interclan relations
External commercial relations
Exploitation by Christian natives
Exploitation by falsification
Defraudation by usury and excessive prices
Exploitation by the system of commutation
Wheedling or the _puának_ system
Bartering transactions
General conditions of trading
Internal commercial relations
Money and substitutes for it
Prevailing Manóbo prices
Weights and measures
Slave trade and slaves
Slave trade
Classes of slaves
Delivery and treatment of slaves
PART IV. RELIGION
CHAPTER XXII. General principles of Manóbo religion and nature and
classification of Manobo deities
Introductory
General principles of religion
Sincerity of belief
Basis of religious belief
Means of detecting supernatural evil
Belief in an hierarchy of beneficent and malignant deities
Other tenets of Manobo faith
Spirit companions of man
General character of the deities
Classification of deities and spirits
Benevolent deities
Gods of gore and rage
Malignant and dangerous spirits
Agricultural goddesses
Giant spirits
Gods of lust and consanguineous love
Spirits of celestial phenomena
Other spirits
Nature of the various divinities in detail,
The primary deities
The secondary order of deities
The gods of gore, and kindred spirits
CHAPTER XXIII. Maleficent spirits
The origin and nature of malignant demons
Methods of frustrating their evil designs
Through priests
By various material means
By propitiation
The _tagbánua_, or local forest spirits
Their characteristics and method of living
Definite localities tenanted by forest spirits
Worship of the forest spirits
CHAPTER XXIV. Priests, their prerogatives and functions
The _bailán_ or ordinary Manobo priests
Their general character
Their prerogatives,
Sincerity of the priests
Their influence
Their dress and functions
The _bagáni_, or priests of war and blood
CHAPTER XXV. Ceremonial accessories and religious rites
General remarks
The paraphernalia of the priest
The religious shed and the _bailán's_ house
Equipment for ceremonies
Ceremonial decorations
Sacred images
Ceremonial offerings
Religious rites
Classification
Method of performance
The betel-nut tribute
The offering of incense
Invocation
Prophylactic fowl waving
Blood lustration
Lustration by water
CHAPTER XXVI. Sacrifices and war rites
The sacrifice of a pig
Rites peculiar to the war priests
The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies
Various forms of divination
The betel-nut cast
Divination from the _báguñg_ vine
Divination from _báya_ squares,
Invocation of the omen bird
The _tagbúsau's_ feast
Human sacrifice
CHAPTER XXVII. Divination and omens
In general
Miscellaneous casual omens
Divination by dreams
Divination by geometrical figures
The vine omen
The rattan omen
Divination by suspension and other methods
The suspension omen
The omen from eggs
Divination by sacrificial appearances
The blood omen
The neck omen
The omen from the gall
The omen from the liver
The omen from a fowl's intestinal appendix
Ornithoscopy
In general
Respect toward the omen bird
Interpretation of the omen bird's call
Birds of evil omen
CHAPTER XXVIII. Mythological and kindred beliefs
The creation of the world
Celestial phenomena
The rainbow
Thunder and lightning
Eclipse of the moon
Origin of the stars and the explanation of sunset and sunrise
The story of the _Ikúgan_, or tailed men, and of the resettlement of the
Agúsan Valley
Giants
Peculiar animal beliefs
The petrified craft and crew of Kagbubátañg
Angó, the petrified Manóbo
CHAPTER XXIX. The great religious movement of 1908-1910
The extent of the movement
Reported origin and character of the revival
Spread of the movement
Its exterior character and general features
The principal tenets of the movement
New order of deities
Observances prescribed by the founder
Religious rites
The real nature of the movement and means used to carry on the fraud
The sacred traffic
Religious tours
The whistling scheme
Pretended chastity and austerity
The end of the movement
Similar movements in former years
APPENDIX
Historical references to the Manóbos of eastern Mindanao
Early history up to 1875
From 1875 to 1910
Methods adopted by the missionaries in the Christianization of the
Manóbos
The secret of missionary success
Explanation of plates
PART I. DESCRIPTIVE
CHAPTER I
CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MANÓBOS AND OTHER
PEOPLES IN EASTERN MINDANÁO
EXPLANATION OF TERMS
Throughout this monograph I have used the term "eastern Mindanáo" to
include that part of Mindanáo that is east of the central Cordillera as
far south as the headwaters of the River Libagánon, east of the River
Tágum and its influent the Libagánon, and east of the gulf of Davao.
THE TERM "TRIBE"
The word "tribe" is used in the sense in which Dean C. Worcester defines
and uses it in his article on The non-Christian Tribes of Northern
Luzon:[1]
A division of a race composed of an aggregate of individuals of a kind
and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves in, and distinguished
from their congeners by physical characteristics, dress, and ornaments;
the nature of the communities which they form; peculiarities of house
architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and carrying on agriculture;
character and importance of manufacture; practices relative to war and
the taking of heads of enemies; arms used in warfare; music and dancing,
and marriage and burial customs; but not constituting a political unit
subject to the control of any single individual nor necessarily speaking
the same dialect.
[1] Philip. Journ. Sci., 1: 803, 1906.
PRESENT USE OF THE WORD "MANÓBO"
The word "Manóbo" seems to be a generic name for people of greatly
divergent culture, physical type, and language. Thus it is applied to
the people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of Point San
Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the southern part
of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those, again, that occupy the _hinterland_
of Tuna Bay[2] come under the same designation. So it might seem that
the word was originally used to designate the pagan as distinguished
from the Mohammedanized people of Mindanáo, much as the name _Harafóras_
or _Alfúros_ was applied by the early writers to the pagans to
distinguish them from the Moros.
[2] Tuna Bay is on the southern coast of Mindanáo, about halfway between
Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay.
In the Agúsan Valley the term _manóbo_ is used very frequently by
Christian and by Christianized peoples, and sometimes by pagans
themselves, to denote that the individual in question is still
_unbaptized_, whether he be tribally a Mandáya, a Mañgguáñgan, or of
some other group. I have been told by Mandáyas on several occasions that
they were still _manóbo_, that is, still unbaptized.
Then, again, the word is frequently used by those who are really Manóbos
as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in remoter
regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or a culture[sic] way
as they are. Thus I have heard Manóbos of the upper Agúsan refer to
their fellow-tribesmen of Libagánon as _Manóbos_, with evident contempt
in the voice. I asked them what they themselves were, and in answer was
informed that they were _Agusánon_--that is, upper Agúsan people--not
_Manóbos_.
THE DERIVATION AND ORIGINAL APPLICATION OF THE WORD "MANÓBO"
One of the earliest references that I find to the Manóbos of the Agúsan
Valley is in the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers
(1661-1699) by Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis.[3] The author
says that "the mountains of that territory[4] are inhabited by a nation
of Indians, heathens for the greater part, called Manóbos, a word
signifying in that language, as if we should say here, _robust or very
numerous people._" I have so far found no word in the Manóbo dialect
that verifies the correctness of the above statement. It may be said,
however, in favor of this derivation that _manúsia_ is the word for
"man" or "mankind" in the Malay, Moro (Magindanáo), and Tirurái
languages. In Bagóbo, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to
Manóbo, the word _Manóbo_ means "man," and in Magindanáo Moro it means
"mountain people,"[5] and is applied by the Moros to all the mountain
people of Mindanáo. It might be maintained, therefore, with some
semblance of reason that the word _Manóbo_ means simply "people." Some
of the early historians use the words _Manóbo_, _Mansúba_, _Manúbo_.
These three forms indicate the derivation to be from a prefix _man_,
signifying "people" or "dweller," and _súba_, a river. From the form
_Manúbo_, however, we might conclude that the word is made up of _man_
("people"), and _húbo_ ("naked"), therefore meaning the "naked people."
The former derivation, however, appears to be more consonant with the
principles upon which Mindanáo tribal names, both general and local, are
formed. Thus _Mansáka_, _Mandáya_, _Mañgguáñgan_ are derived, the first
part of each, from _man_ ("people" or "dwellers"), and the remainder of
the words, respectively, from _sáka_ ("interior"), _dáya_ ("up the
river"), _guáñgan_ ("forest"). These names then mean "people of the
interior," "people that dwell on the upper reaches of the river," and
"people that dwell in the forest." Other tribal designations of Mindanáo
races and tribes are almost without exception derived from words that
denote the relative geographic position of the tribe in question. The
_Banuáon_ and _Mamánua_ are derived from _banuá_, the "country," as
distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the
river. The Bukídnon are the mountain people (_bukid_, mountain);
_Súbanun_, the river people (_súba_, river); _Tirurái_, the mountain
people (_túduk_, mountain, _etéu_, man);[6] _Tagakaólo_, the people at
the very source of a river (_tága_, inhabitant, _ólo_, head or source).
[3] Blair and Robertson, 41: 153, 1906.
[4] The author refers to the mountains in the vicinity of Líano, a town
that stood down the river from the present Veruéla and which was
abandoned when the region subsided.
[5] Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti's Diccionario Moro Magindanáo-Español (Manila,
1892), 125.
[6] My authority for this derivation is a work by Dr. T. H. Pardo de
Tavera on The Origin of Philippine Tribal Names.
The derivation of the above tribal designations leads us to the opinion
that the word _Manóbo_ means by derivation a "river-man," and not a
"naked man."
A further alternative derivation has been suggested by Dr. N. M.
Saleeby,[7] from the word _túbo_, "to grow"; the word _Manóbo_,
according to this derivation, would mean the people that grew up on the
island, that is the original settlers or autochthons. The word _túbo_,
"to grow," is not, however, a Manóbo word, and it is found only in a few
Mindanáo dialects.
[7] Origin of Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the Philippine
Academy, Manila, Nov. 1, 1911.
Father F. Combes, S. J.,[8] says that the owners, that is, the
autochthonic natives of Mindanáo, were called Manóbos and Mananápes.[9]
In a footnote referring to Mananápes, it is stated, and appears very
reasonable and probable, that the above-mentioned term is not a tribal
designation but merely an appellation of contempt used on account of the
low culture possessed by the autochthons at that time.
[8] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1664). Ed. Retana (Madrid,
1897).
[9] The word _mananáp_ is the word for _animal_, _beast_ in the Cebu
Bisáya, Bagóbo, Tirurái, and Magindanáo Moro languages. Among some of
the tribes of eastern Mindanáo, the word is applied to a class of evil
forest spirits of apparently indeterminate character. It is noteworthy
that these spirits seem to correspond to the _Manubu_ spirits of the
Súbanuns as described by Mr. Emerson B. Christie in his Súbanuns of
Sindangan Bay (_Pub. Bur. Sci., Div. Eth._, 88, 1909).
Hence there seems to be some little ground for supposing that the word
_Manóbo_ was originally applied to all the people that formerly occupied
the coast and that later fled to the interior, and settled along the
rivers, yielding the seashore to the more civilized invaders.
The following extract from Dr. N. M. Saleeby[10] bears out the above
opinion:
[10] The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the
Philippine Academy on Nov. 1, 1911.
The traditions and legends of the primitive tribes of the Philippine
Archipelago show very clearly that they believe that their forefathers
arose in this land and that they have been here ever since their
creation. They further say that the coast tribes and foreigners came
later and fought them and took possession of the land which the latter
occupy at present. When Masha'ika, the earliest recorded immigrant,
reached Súlu Island, the aborigines had already developed to such a
stage of culture as to have large settlements and rajas or _datus_.
These aborigines are often referred to in Súlu and Mindanáo as Manubus,
the original inhabitants of Súlu Islands, the Budanuns, were called
Manubus also. So were the forefathers of the Magindanáo Moros. The most
aboriginal hill tribes of Mindanáo, who number about 60,000 souls or
more, are called Manubus.
[Transcriber's note: Both of the above paragraphs comprise the
quotation.]
The idea that the original owners were called Manóbos is the opinion of
San Antonio also, as expressed in his Cronicas.[11] Such a supposition
might serve also to explain the wide distribution of the different
Manóbo people in Mindanáo, for, besides occupying the regions
above-mentioned, they are found on the main tributaries of the Rio
Grande de Kotabáto--the Batañgan, the Biktósa, the Luan, the Narkanitan,
etc., and especially on the River Pulañgi--on nearly all the influents
of the last-named stream, and on the Hiñgoog River in the Province of
Misamis. As we shall see later on, even in the Agúsan Valley, the
Manóbos were gradually split on the west side of the river by the
ingress, as of some huge wedge, of the Banuáons. Crossing the eastern
Cordillera, a tremendous mass of towering pinnacles--the home of the
Mamánuas--we find Manóbos occupying the upper reaches of the Rivers
Hubo, Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan, on the Pacific
coast. I questioned the Manóbos of the rivers Tágo and Hubo as to their
genealogy and former habitat and found that their parents, and even some
of themselves, had lived on the river Kasilaían, but that, owing to the
hostility of the Banuáons, they had fled to the river Wá-Wa. At the time
of the coming of the Catholic missionaries in 1875, these Manóbos made
their way across the lofty eastern Cordillera in an attempt to escape
from the missionary activities. These two migrations are a forcible
example of what may have taken place in the rest of Mindanáo to bring
about such a wide distribution of what was, perhaps, originally one
people. Each migration led to the formation of a new group from which,
as from a new nucleus, a new tribe may have developed in the course of
time.
[11] Blair and Robertson, 40: 315, 1906.
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE MANÓBOS IN EASTERN MINDANÁO[12] IN THE
AGÚSAN VALLEY
[12] See tribal map.
The Manóbos occupy the whole Agúsan Valley as far as the town of Buai on
the upper Agúsan _with the following exceptions_:
1. The upper parts of the rivers Lamiñga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Óhut,
and the whole of the river Maásam, together with the mountainous region
beyond the headwaters of these rivers, and probably the territory beyond
in the district of Misamis, as far over as the habitat of the Bukídnon
tribe.[13]
[13] The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that the people
inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters of the above rivers have the
same physical types, dress, and weapons as the Bukídnons, if I may judge
from my slight acquaintance with the latter.
2. The towns of Butuán, Talakógon, Bunáwan, Veruéla, and Prosperidad.
3. The town of Tagusab and the headwaters of the Tutui and Binuñgñgaan
Rivers.
ON THE EASTERN SIDE OF THE PACIFIC CORDILLERA
In this region I include the upper waters of the Liañga, Hubo, Oteiza,
Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan Rivers.
ON THE PENINSULA OF SAN AGUSTIN
I desire to call the reader's attention to the fact that _this monograph
has no reference to the Manóbos of Port San Agustin nor to the Manóbos
of the Libagánon River and its tributaries, nor to the Manóbos that
occupy the hinterland above Nasipit as far as the Bugábus River_. I had
only cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the last-named region but
both from my own scant observations and from the reports of others more
familiar with them, I am inclined to believe that there may be
differences great enough to distinguish them from the other peoples of
the Agúsan Valley as a distinct tribe.
As to the Manóbos of Libagánon, it is probable that they have more or
less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Manóbos
that form the subject matter of this paper, but, as I did not visit them
nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them
untouched until further investigation.
Of the Manóbos of the lower half of the peninsula of San Agustin, I know
absolutely nothing except that they are known as Manóbos. I noted,
however, in perusing the Jesuit letters[14] that there were in the year
1891 not only Manóbos but Moros, Biláns, and Tagakaólos in that region.
[14] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 335, _et seq_., 1892.
THE MAMÁNUAS, OR NEGRITOS, AND NEGRITO-MANÓBO HALF-BREEDS
The Mamánuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds of Mindanáo
occupy the mountains from Anao-aon near Surigao down to the break in the
eastern Cordillera, northwest of Liañga. They also inhabit a small range
that extends in a northeasterly direction from the Cordillera to Point
Kawit on the east coast.
I heard three trustworthy reports of the existence of Negritos in
eastern Mindanáo. The first report I heard on the Umaíam River (Walo,
August, 1909). It was given to me by a Manóbo chief from the River
Ihawán. He assured and reassured me that on the Lañgilañg River, near
the Libagánon River exists a group of what he called Manóbos but who
were very small, _black as an earthen pot_, kinky-haired, without
clothes except bark-cloth, very peaceable and harmless, but very timid.
I interrogated him over and over as to the bark-cloth that he said these
people wore. He said in answer that it was called _agahan_ and that it
was made out of the bark of a tree whose name I can not recall. He
described the process of beating the bark and promised to bring me, 60
days from the date of our conference, a loin cloth of one of these
people. I inquired as to their manner of life, and was assured that they
were _tau-batañg_; that is, people who slept under logs or up in trees.
He said that he and his people had killed many of them, but that he was
still on terms of friendship with some of them.
The second report as to the existence of Negritos I heard on the
Baglásan River, a tributary of the Sálug River. The chiefs whom I
questioned had never visited the Negritos but had purchased from the
Tugawanons[15] many Negrito slaves whom they had sold to the Mandáyas of
the Kati'il and Karága Rivers. This statement was probably true, for I
saw one slave, a full-blooded Negrito girl, on the upper Karága during
my last trip and received from her my third and most convincing report
of the existence of Negritos other than the Mamánuas of the eastern
Cordillera. She had been captured, she said, by the Manóbos of Libagánon
and sold to the Debabáons (upper Sálug people). She could not describe
the place where her people live, but she gave me the following
information about them. They are all like herself, and they have no
houses nor crops, because they are afraid of the Manóbos that surround
them. Their food is the core[16] of the green rattan and of fishtail
palm,[17] the flesh of wild boar, deer, and python, and such fish and
grubs, etc., as they find in their wanderings. They sleep anywhere;
sometimes even in trees, if they have seen strange footprints.
[15] The Tugawanons were described by my Sálug authorities as a people
that lived at the headwaters of the River Libagánon on a tributary
called Tugawan. They were described as a people of medium stature, as
fair as the Mansákas, very warlike, enemies of the reported Negritos,
very numerous, and speaking an Atás dialect. Perhaps the term Tugawanon
is only a local name for a branch of the Atás tribe.
[16] _O-bud_.
[17] _Ba-hi_ (_Caryota_ sp.).
Their weapons are bows and arrows, lances, daggers, and bolos. According
to her description, the bolos are long and thin, straight on one side
and curved on the other. The men purchase them from the Atás in exchange
for beeswax. The people are numerous, but they live far apart, roaming
through the forests and mountains, and meeting one another only
occasionally.
The statements of this slave girl correspond in every particular with
the report that I received on the upper Sálug, except that the Sálug
people called these Negritos Tugmaya and said that they live beyond a
mountain that is at the headwaters of the Libagánon River.
Putting together these three reports and assuming the truth of them, the
habitat of these Negritos must be the slopes of Mount Panombaian, which
is situated between, and is probably the source of, the Rivers Tigwa (an
important tributary of the Rio Grande de Kotabáto), Sábud (the main
western tributary of the Ihawán River), and Libagánon (the great western
influent of the Tágum River).
Montano states that during his visit to the Philippines (1880-81) there
were on the island of Samal a class of half-blood _Ata'_ with distinctly
Negroid physical characteristics. Treating of _Ata'_ he says that it is
a term applied in the south of Mindanáo by Bisáyas to Negritos "that
exist (or existed not long ago) in the interior toward the northwest of
the gulf of Davao."[18] A careful distinction must be made between the
term Atás[19] and the racial designation _Ata'_, for the former are,
according to Doctor Montano, a tribe of a superior type, of advanced
culture, and of great reputation as warriors. They dwell on the
northwestern slope of Mount Apo, hence their name Atás, _hatáas_, or
_atáas_, being a very common word in Mindanáo for "high." They are,
therefore, the people that dwell on the heights. I heard of one branch
of them called Tugawanons, but this is probably only a local name like
Agúsanons, etc.
[18] Une Mission aux Philippines, 346, 1887.
[19] Called also Itás.
I found reports of the former existence of Negritos in the Karága River
Valley at a place called Sukipin, where the river has worn its way
through the Cordillera. An old man there told me that his grandfather
used to hunt the Negritos. The Mandáyas both of that region and of
Tagdauñg-duñg, a district situated on the Karága River, five days' march
from the mouth, on the western side of the Cordillera, show here and
there characteristics, physical and cultural, that they could have
inherited only from Negrito ancestors. One interesting trait of this
particular group is the use of blowpipes for killing small birds. In the
use of the bow and arrow, too, they are quite expert. These people are
called _taga-butái_--that is, mountain dwellers--and live in places on
the slopes of high mountains difficult of access, their watering-place
being frequently a little hole on the side of the mountain.
THE BANUÁONS
The Banuáons,[20] probably an extension of the Bukídnons of the Bukídnon
subprovince. They occupy the upper parts of the Rivers Lamiñga,
Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Óhut, and the whole of the River Maásam,
together with the mountainous region beyond the headwaters of these
rivers, and probably extend over to the Bukídnons.
[20] Also called Higaunon or Higagaun, probably "the Hadgaguanes--a
people untamed and ferocious"--to whom the Jesuits preached shortly
after the year 1596. (Jesuit Mission, Blair and Robertson, 44:60, 1906.)
These may be the people whom Pigaffetta, in his First Voyage Around the
World (1519-1522) calls Benaian (Banuáon ?) and whom he describes as
"shaggy and living at a cape near a river in the islands of Butuán and
Karága--great fighters and archers--eating only raw human hearts with
the juice of oranges or lemons" (Blair and Robertson, 30:243, 1906).
THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS
This tribe occupies the towns of Tagusab and Pilar on the upper Agúsan,
the range between the Sálug and the Agúsan, the headwaters of the Mánat
River, and the water-shed between the Mánat and the Mawab. The physical
type of many of them bespeaks an admixture of Negrito blood, and their
timidity and, on occasions, their utter lack of good judgment, brand
them as the lowest people, after the Mamánuas, in eastern Mindanáo. One
authority, a Jesuit missionary, I think, estimated their number at
30,000. An estimate, based on the reports of the people of Compostela,
places their number at 10,000 just before my departure from the Agúsan
Valley in 1910. The decrease, if the two estimates are correct, is
probably due to intertribal and interclan wars.
THE MANSÁKAS
The Mansákas do not seem to me to be as distinct tribally as are the
Manóbos and Mandáyas. It would appear from their physical appearance and
other characteristics that they should be classed as Mandáyas, or as a
subtribe of Mandáyas with whom they form one dialect group. I judge them
to be the result of intermarriage between the Mañgguáñgans and the
Mandáyas. They occupy the Mawab River Valley and the region included
between the Hijo, Mawab, and Madawan Rivers. They are probably the
people whom Montano called Tagabawas, but I think that this designation
was perhaps a mistaken form of _Tagabaas_, an appellation given to
Mañgguáñgans who live in the _bá-as_, or prickly swamp-grass, that
abounds at the headwaters of the Mánat River.
THE DEBABÁONS
The Debabáons are probably a hybrid group forming a dialect group with
the Manóbos of the Ihawán and Baóbo, and a culture group in dress and
other features with the Mandáyas. They claim relationship with Manóbos,
and follow Manóbo religious beliefs and practices to a great extent. For
this reason I have retained the name that they apply to themselves,
until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They inhabit the
upper half of the Sálug River Valley and the country that lies to the
west of it as far as the Baóbo River.
THE MANDÁYAS
These form the greatest and best tribe in eastern Mindanáo.[21] One who
visits the Mandáyas of the middle Kati'il can not fail to be struck with
the fairness of complexion, the brownness of the hair, the
diminutiveness of the hands and feet, and the large eyes with long
lashes that are characteristic of many of these people. Here and there,
too, one finds a distinctly Caucasian type. In psychological
characteristics they stand out still more sharply from any tribe or
group of people that I know in eastern Mindanáo. Shrewd and diplomatic
on the one hand, they are an affectionate, good-natured and
straight-forward people, with little of the timidity and cautiousness of
the Manóbo. Their religious instincts are so highly developed that they
are inclined to be fanatical at times.
[21] It is very interesting to note that the people called
_Taga-baloóyes_ and referred to by so many of the writers on Mindanáo
can be none other than the Mandáyas. Thus San Antonio (Blair and
Robertson, 40: 407, 1906) states that "the Taga-baloóyes take their name
from some mountains which are located in the interior of the
jurisdiction of Caraga. They are not very far distant from and trade
with the villages of (Karága) and some, indeed, live in them who have
become Christians. * * * These people, as has been stated above, are the
descendants of lately arrived Japanese. This is the opinion of all the
religious who have lived there and had intercourse with them and the
same is a tradition among themselves, and they desired to be so
considered. And it would seem that one is convinced of it on seeing
them: for they are light complexioned, well-built, lusty, very reliable
in their dealings, respectful, and very valiant, but not restless. So I
am informed by one who has had much to do with them: and above all these
are the qualities which we find in the Japanese."
In further proof, Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (ibid. 41: 138,
_et seq_.) says: "The nearest nation to our village [Bislig] is that of
the Taga-baloóyes who are so named from certain mountains that they call
Balooy. * * * They are a corpulent race, well built, of great courage
and strength, and they are at the same time of good understanding, and
more than halfway industrious. Their nation is faithful in its treaties
and constant in its promises, as they are descendants, so they pride
themselves, of the Japanese, whom they resemble in complexion,
countenance, and manners." The writer describes briefly their houses and
their manner of life, and mentions in particular the device they make
use of in the construction of their ladders. It is interesting to note
that the same device is still made use of by the more well-to-do
Mandáyas on the Karága, Manorigao, and Kati'il Rivers. In other respects
their character, as described, is very similar to that of the present
Mandáyas of the Kati'il River who in physical type present
characteristics that mark them as being a people of a superior race.
In Medina's historia (Blair and Roberston, 24:175, 1906,) we find it
related that Captain Juan Niño de Tabora mistreated the chief of the
Taga-baloóyes in Karága and that as a result the captain, Father Jacinto
Cor, and 12 soldiers were killed. Subsequently four more men of the
religious order were killed and two others wounded and captured by the
_Taga-baloóyes_.
Zuñiga in Estadismo (ibid. 2:71, _et seq_.) notes the fairness of
complexion of the Taga-baloóyes, a tribe living in the mountains of
Balooy in Karága.
Father Manual Buzeta in Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de
las Islas Filipinas (1: 506, 1905) makes the same observation, but M.
Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix in Voyage commercial et politique aux
Indes Orientales (1803-1809) goes further still by drawing attention to
these people as meriting distinction for superior mentality.
The Jesuit missionary Pastells in 1883 (Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía
de Jesús, 4:212, 1884) writes that the people above Manresa
(southeastern Mindanáo) are perhaps of Moro origin but bettered by a
strain of noble blood, which their very appearance seems to him to
indicate. In support of this view he cites the authority of Santayana,
who claims Japanese descent for them and repudiates the opinion of those
who attribute Hollandish descent. In a footnote, the above celebrated
missionary and scholar adds that the town of Kinablangan (a town on the
east coast of Mindanáo) owes its origin to a party of Europeans who were
shipwrecked on Point Bagoso and took up their abode in that place,
intermarrying with the natives. I was informed by a Bisáya trader, the
only one that ever went among the mountain Mandáyas, that he had seen a
circular, clocklike article with strange letters upon it in a settlement
on the middle Kati'il. The following year I made every effort to see it,
but I could not prevail upon the possessors to show it to me. They
asserted that they had lost it. It is probable that this object was a
ship's compass.
[Transcriber's note: The preceding six paragraphs are all part of
footnote 21.]
On the whole, the impression made upon me in my long and intimate
dealings with the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorigao, and Karága Rivers
is that they are a brave, intelligent, clean, frank people that with
proper handling might be brought to a high state of civilization. They
are looked up to by Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, Mansákas, and Debabáons as
being a superior and more ancient race, and considered by the Bisáyas of
the Agúsan Valley as a people of much more intelligence and fair-dealing
than any other tribe. The Mandáyas consist of four branches:
THE TÁGUM BRANCH
These occupy the country from near the mouth of the Tágum to the
confluence of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, or perhaps a little
farther up both of the last-mentioned rivers. It is probable that the
Debabáons farther up are the issue of Manóbos and Tágum Mandáyas.
THE AGÚSAN VALLEY BRANCH
It is usual for the people of the upper Agúsan from Gerona to Compostela
to call themselves Mandáyas, but this appears to be due to a desire to
be taken for Mandáyas. They have certainly absorbed a great deal of
Mandáya culture and language, but, with the exception of Pilar and
Tagusab, they are of heterogeneous descent--Mandáya, Manóbo,
Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, and Mansáka.
At the headwaters of the Agúsan and in the mountains that encircle that
region live the Mandáyas that are the terror of Mandáyaland. They are
called by the upper Agúsan people _Kau-ó_, which means the same as
_Tagakaólo_, but are Mandáyas in every feature, physical, cultural, and
linguistic.
THE PACIFIC COAST BRANCH
They occupy the following rivers with their tributaries: the Kati'il,
the Baganga, the Mano-rigao, the Karága, the Manai, the Kasaúman, and
the upper reaches of the Mati. There are several small rivers between
the Kasaúman and the Mati, the upper parts of all which, I think, are
occupied by Mandáyas.
THE GULF OF DAVAO BRANCH
These occupy the upper reaches of all the rivers on the east side of the
gulf of Davao, from Sumlug to the mouth of the Hijo River whose source
is near that of the Agúsan and whose Mandáyas are famous in Mandáyaland.
THE MOROS
Moros or people with a preponderance of Moro blood and culture occupy
the coast towns on the eastern and northern sides of the gulf from
Sumlug to the mouth of the Tágum. Of course they have other settlements
on the north and west sides of the gulf.
In Mati and its vicinity, I believe there are a comparatively large
number of Moros or Mohammedanized Mandáyas.
THE BILÁNS[22]
[22] Called also, I think, _Bi-la-an_.
Biláns were found according to the testimony of the Jesuit
missionaries[23] in Sigaboi, Tikbakawan, and Baksal, on the peninsula of
San Agustin.
[23] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 331, _et seq_.,
1889-1891.
THE TAGAKAÓLOS
According to the authorities just cited there were Tagakaólos in
Sigaboi, Uañgen, Kabuaya, and Makambal between the years 1889 and 1891.
It is probable that these people are scattered throughout the whole of
the hinterland to the west of Pujada Bay, and that they are only
Mandáyas who, unable to withstand the stress of war, fled from the
mountains at the headwaters of the Agúsan River. I base this suggestion
on the fact that the Mandáyas at the headwaters of the Agúsan are known
as, and call themselves, Kau-ó[24] and that they were, and are probably
still at the date of this writing, the terror of Mandáyaland. If the
Tagakaólos of Point San Agustin are fugitive _Kau-ó_, according to the
prevailing custom they would have retained their former name; this name,
if _Kau-ó_, would have been changed by Bisáyas and by Spanish
missionaries to _Tagakaólo_.
[24] _Kau-ó_ would be _Ka-ólo_ in Bisáya, from the prefix _ka_, and
_ólo_, head or source.
THE LÓAKS OR LÓAGS
According to the authority of Father Llopart[25] the Lóaks dwell in the
mountains southwest of Pujada Bay. He says that in customs they differ
from other tribes. They dress in black and hide themselves when they see
anyone dressed in a light color. No stranger is permitted to enter their
dwellings. The same writer goes on to state that their food is wholly
vegetable, excluding tubers, roots, and everything that grows under the
ground. Their chief is called _posáka_,[26] "an elder who with his
mysterious words and feigned revelations keeps his people in delusion
and under subjection." It is the opinion of Father Llopart that these
people are only fugitives, as he very justly concludes from the
derivation of their name.[27]
[25] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 337-338, 1891.
[26] _Posáka_ means in Malay, and in nearly all known Mindanáo dialects,
an "inheritance" so that in the usage attributed to these Lóaks it would
appear that there may be some idea of an hereditary chieftainship. The
word in Bagóbo, however, means something beloved, etc., so that the
reported Lóak _posáka_ or chief might be so called because of his being
beloved by his people.
[27] He states that _lóak_ is probably from _lóog_, "to flee," "to take
to the mountains." In several dialects of eastern Mindanáo _laag_,
_lag_, means, "to get lost," while _lágui_ is a very common word for
"run" or "run away."
Another writer, Father Pablo Pastells[28] makes mention of these Lóak as
being wild Tagakaólos who are more degraded than the Mamánuas. He
designates the mountains of Hagimitan on the peninsula of San Agustin as
their habitat. I am inclined to think that the authority for this
statement was also a Jesuit missionary.
[28] Ibid., 8: 343, 1887.
THE CONQUISTAS OR RECENTLY CHRISTIANIZED PEOPLES
The work of Christianizing the pagans of eastern Mindanáo was taken up
in earnest in 1877 by the Jesuit missionaries and carried on up to the
time of the revolution in 1898. During that time some 50,000 souls were
led to adopt Christianity. These included Mandáyas, Manóbos, Debabáons,
Mansákas, Mañgguáñgans, and Mamánuas, and members of the other tribes
that live in eastern Mindanáo. For the present, however, we will refer
to the _conquistas_ of the Manóbo, Mandáya, Mamánua, Mañgguáñgan,
Mansáka, and Debabáon tribes.
THE MANÓBO CONQUISTAS
The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agúsan Valley except
Novela, Rosario, the towns south of Buai, the towns within the Banuáon
habitat, and a few settlements of pagan Manóbos on the upper Umaíam,
Argáwan, and Ihawán, Wá-wa and Maitum are Manobó _conquistas_.
On the eastern slope of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San
Miguel (Tágo River), on the Marihátag and Oteiza Rivers there are
several hundred Manóbo _conquistas_. The towns up the Hinatuán and
Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manóbo and Mandáya _conquistas_.
THE MANDÁYA CONQUISTAS
In the Agúsan Valley the towns on the Sulibáo River and perhaps on the
Adlaian River are made up of Mandáya _conquistas_ for the most part.
These Mandáyas evidently worked in from the Hinatuán River for one
reason or another, perhaps to avoid missionary activity on the east
coast or to escape from Moro raids.
On the Pacific coast we find Mandáya _conquistas_ to a greater or less
extent in nearly all the municipalities and barrios from Tándag to Mati,
with the exception of such towns as have been formed by immigration of
Bisáyas from Bohol and other places. There can be no doubt but that in
former years the Mandáyas covered the whole Pacific slope from Tándag to
Mati, for we still find recently Christianized Mandáyas in Kolon and
Alba on the Tágo River and in Kagwáit and Bakolod on the Kagwáit River.
The inhabitants of these eastern towns are not known by the designation
of _conquistas_, but assume the name and status of Bisáyas and are not
so dependent on the older Christians as are the _conquistas_ of the
Agúsan Valley who are called _conquistas_ and treated as inferiors by
the older Christians.
I think that from Liñgig to Mati all the _barrios_, both of the coast and
in the hinterland, are made up of Mandáyas that have been Christianized
since 1877.
THE MAMÁNUA CONQUISTAS
These Mamánua _conquistas_ live in the vicinity of Anao-aon and
Malimono' on the northeast coast; in San Roque and San Pablo, also on
Lake Maínit; on the River Asiga, a tributary of the River Jabonga; and
somewhere up the Lanusa River on the east coast.
THE MAÑGGUÁÑGAN CONQUISTAS
During my stay on the upper Agúsan, there were only two towns of
Mañgguáñgan _conquistas_--Tagusab and Pilar--and even these were mere
suggestions of towns. It may be, however, that since the appointment of
a deputy governor, the great numbers of Christianized Mañgguáñgans that
had fled from the wrath of their enemies into the swamp region at the
headwaters of the Mánat River have returned and that Mañgguáñgan towns
now exist.
THE MANSÁKA CONQUISTAS
In Compostela, Gandia, and Tagaunud are found a few Mansáka
_conquistas_. The inhabitants of these towns, however, are of such a
heterogeneous blend that it is difficult to assign any tribal place to
them. It may be said, in general, that these towns are still passing
through a formative period, the result of which will probably be their
complete adoption of Mandáya culture and language, if they are left free
to follow their own bent.
THE DEBABÁON CONQUISTAS
The Debabáon _conquistas_ are found in the town of Moncayo and are also
scattered about on the upper Sálug. The missionaries found the Debabáon
people very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made evinced,
on the one hand, all the fickleness and instability of the Manóbo and,
on the other, the aggressiveness of the Mandáya.
THE BISÁYAS OR CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS
The Bisáyas or Christian Filipinos in the Agúsan Valley occupy the towns
of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Prosperidad, of which latter
they formed, during my last visit to the Agúsan Valley, a majority.
Outside of the Agúsan Valley, they occupy all the towns on the north
coast except the towns of Tortosa, Maasao, Tamolayag, and Malimono'. On,
and in the vicinity of Lake Maínit, they occupy the towns of Sison,
Timamana, Maínit, Jabonga, Santiago, Santa Ana and several other small
ones. On the east coast they occupy all the coast towns from Surigao to
Bislig. South of Bislig only the towns, of Kati'il, Baganga, Karága,
Santiago, and Mati may be said to be Bisáya, although the Christianized
Mandáyas of the intervening towns call themselves Bisáyas. But even the
above-mentioned towns, with the exception of Santiago, have hardly any
claim to be considered Bisáya in the sense in which that word is applied
to the Bisáyas of the town of Surigao. The same holds true of a great
portion of the inhabitants of Tándag, Tágo, La Paz, and Kagwáit, where
the Mandáya element in language and in superstitious beliefs still holds
sway to a considerable extent among the lower class of the inhabitants.
In the Agúsan Valley a great part of the Bisáyas of Talakógon can not be
considered as Bisáyas in the full sense of the word. Many of them called
Sulibáonon are of no higher culture than the _conquistas_ of the River
Sulibáo from which they come. They are distinctly Mandáya in physical
type and in manner of life except that they have abandoned the ancient
Mandáya religious beliefs and adopted those of Christianity. They are
probably the first group of Mandáya _conquistas_ that were induced to
leave the Sulibáo and take up their abode in Talakógon.
CHAPTER II
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE MANÓBOS OF
EASTERN MINDANÁO
PHYSICAL TYPE
DIVERGENCE OF TYPES
There seem to be differences in physical type between the Manóbos on the
lower part of the Agúsan as far as the Bugábus River and those of the
Ihawán and the upper Agúsan Rivers. On the upper Agúsan the variations
become more noticeable as we approach the confines of the Mandáyas and
the Debabáons, both of whom differ from the Manóbos in physical
characteristics to such an extent that even an ordinary observer can not
fail to notice it. Again, on the upper Agúsan, in the vicinity of
Tagusab, we find types that remind us of the Mañgguáñgan with his
manifestly Negroid characteristics. Over on the Tágo River, too, and on
the far upper Wa-wa, there are groups of so-called Manóbos who are
clearly descendants of Mamánuas. With these exceptions the following
delineation holds good, I think, for the great mass of Manóbos with whom
one comes in contact throughout eastern Mindanáo.
GENERAL PHYSICAL TYPE
In general, the Manóbo man is of athletic build and of strong
constitution, although he is often short of stature. His muscular
development denotes activity, speed, and endurance rather than great
strength. Corpulency and prominence of the abdomen are never present, so
far as I have observed. His skin, as a rule, is of a reddish-brown color
that turns to a somewhat dark brown after long exposure to the sun, as
in the case of those who engage in fishing in the lake region.
The hair is abundant, long, black, straight, and coarse. As we approach
the domains of the Mañgguáñgans and of the Mamánuas, the hair is a
little less abundant and shows traces of curliness. Occasional waviness
may be observed also among those Manóbos who live near the territory of
the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mansákas.
Beard and body hair are not abundant. In this respect the Manóbo differs
from the Mandáya and from the Banuáon, both of whom have a more copious
growth (though I can not be definite as regards the latter people), and,
in some cases, beards that are abundant enough to suggest admixture with
white people.
The head appears to be well developed, being rather high and arched, as
compared with that of the average Bisáya.[1] There is no flattening of
the occiput. This roundness of the posterior part of the cranium, due,
as Montano[2] states, to the prominence of the parietal bumps, becomes
very apparent when comparison is made with the heads of Bisáyas of other
islands. The occipital arch of the latter is invariably flattened.
[1] In physical comparisons between Manóbos and Bisáyas no reference is
made to the Bisáyas of eastern Mindanáo, the great majority of whom are
undoubtedly of Manóbo or other pagan origin.
[2] Une Mission aux Philippines, 349,1906.
Owing to the prominence of the jawbones and to the above-mentioned
height of the cranium, the face is decidedly lozenge-shaped, a feature
that distinguishes it, on the one hand, from the long face of the
Mandáya and of the Banuáon and, on the other, from the short, round face
of the Mamánua and of the Mañgguáñgan. Montano[3] says that this
peculiar shape is due to the development of the zygomatic arches or
cheek bones and to the diminution of the minimum frontal line, that is,
the shortest transverse measurement of the forehead.
[3] Loc. cit.
Prognathism is marked but variable according to the testimony of
Montano, who took the anthropometrical measurements of many crania which
he obtained from caves in northeastern Mindanáo.
The forehead is somewhat high and prominent, and the superciliary ridges
are salient. The eyes are brown in color. The palpebral opening is
elongated as compared with that of the Mandáya, whose eye is round.
There is no trace of the Mongolian falciform fold, and the transverse
axis is perfectly horizontal.
The nose is prominent and well-developed but short, and, as a rule,
straight. Toward the confines of the Banuáons we sometimes notice a
slight curve upward at the top. The nostrils are somewhat slender, but
otherwise well developed. They are a little larger than those of
Bisáyas. The ridge is broader than that of Bisáyas, and the root is
lower down.
The lips bear resemblance to those of the Bisáyas except that the upper
lip of the Manóbo is more prominent and more developed, due, it is
suggested, to the universal, incessant practice of carrying a quid of
tobacco partly under it and partly protruding out between it and the
lower lip.
The chin is round and well developed, but is not prominent.
The above statements hold true of the women in all details except that
of stature. The difference between the stature of the male and female
Manóbo is much greater than that between the sexes among Bisáyas and
other civilized people of the Philippines. This difference in the
stature of the sexes is apparent in all the tribes of eastern Mindanáo
with the exception of certain groups of Mandáyas, and may be attributed,
on the one hand, to the excessive burdens carried, and the onerous labor
performed by the women in the discharge of their household and other
duties, and, on the other, to the unencumbered outdoor life pursued by
the men in their hunting, fishing, and trading expeditions.
The other parts of the bodies of both sexes are in good proportions. The
thorax is especially well developed, and the feet are, perhaps,
inordinately large.
The general appearance of the men is somewhat unpleasing and, perhaps,
among the Manóbos of remote regions, might be said to be coarse. This is
especially noticeable among the latter, as their eyes usually bulge out
and give them a somewhat wild and even vindictive air. The blackening of
the teeth and lips, the quid of black tobacco between the lips, the look
of alarm and suspicion, and various other characteristics all tend to
heighten this expression.
The women have a more pleasing expression, but the timid furtive look,
the ungainly gait, and the ungraceful contour of their _abaká_ skirts,
detract from the moderate beauty that they possess in their youth. After
marriage their beauty wanes incredibly fast.
Comparing the Manóbo's physical and general appearance with that of
neighboring peoples, we may say that he stands fifth, the Mandáya,
Mansáka, Debabáon, and Banuáon leading, while below him stand without
any question the Mañgguáñgan and the Mamánua. He has not the height, the
proportions, the fairness, nor the gentility of the first three. He
lacks the nobility, courage, and intelligence of the fourth,[4] but he
maintains his superiority over the Mañgguáñgan, whose repellent
features, sparse hair, scanty clothing, and low intelligence put him
only a little above the Mamánuas. These latter are only poor homeless
forest dwellers like the Negritos of Luzon, and physically, mentally,
and culturally stand lowest in the plane of civilization of all the
people of the eastern Mindanáo.
[4] My acquaintance with Banuáons is so slight that I can not make any
definite physical comparison.
RACIAL AND TRIBAL AFFINITIES
With our present lack of knowledge concerning the great number of tribes
that inhabit not only the island of Mindanáo but Borneo, Sumatra, and
other islands of the Indies, it is impossible to make any definite
statement as to the racial and the tribal affinities of the Manóbo
people.
MONTANO'S INDONESIAN THEORY
Montano proposed the Indonesian theory to explain the origin of the
Samals, Bagóbos, Giangas, Atás, Tagakaólos, Manóbos, and Mandáyas. He
asserts that these peoples are pure Indonesians whose origin can not be
explained otherwise than by supposing them to be the indigenes of all
the islands included under the term Indonesia. Hence he calls the above
tribes Indonesians of Mindanáo.
He claims that these Indonesians are the result of a fusion of three
elements: (1) the Polynesian, (2) the Malay-Bisáya, and (3) the Negrito.
The Bisáya element, he says, is considerable and becomes apparent in the
increase of transverse diameter of the cranium. The Negrito element is
apparent only in the waviness of the hair, the height and prominence of
the forehead, and the darker color of the skin.
He further states that the anatomical characteristics of these tribes
are their superior stature, their muscular development, and the
prominence of the occipital region in contradistinction to the
flattening noticeable in Malays in general, and especially in those of
the Philippines.
KEANE'S VIEW
Keane in his Ethnology[5] notes that--
the term "Indonesian," introduced by Logan to designate the
light-colored non-Malay inhabitants of the Eastern Archipelago, is now
used as a convenient collective name for all the peoples of Malaysia and
Polynesia who are neither Malays nor Papuans but of Caucasic type. * * *
Doctor Hamy, who first gave this extension to the term Indonesian,
points out that the Battaks and other pre-Malay peoples of Malaysia so
closely resemble the Eastern Polynesians, that the two groups should be
regarded as two branches of an original non-Malay stock. Although all
speak dialects of a common Malayo-Polynesian language, the physical type
is quite distinct and rather Caucasic than Mongolic, though betraying a
perceptible Papuan (or Negrito) strain especially in New Zealand and
Mikronesia. The true Indonesians are of tall stature (5 feet 10 inches),
muscular frame, rather oval features, high, open forehead, large
straight or curved nose, large full eyes always horizontal and with no
trace of the third lid, light brown complexion (cinnamon or ruddy
brown), long black hair, not lank but slightly curled or wavy, skull
generally brachycephalous like that of the Melanochroic European.
[5] Ethnology, 326 _et seq_., 1901.
Regarding the Indonesians of the Philippine Islands, he says:[6]
Apart from the true Negrito aborigines Blumentritt distinguishes two
separate "Malay" invasions, both prehistoric. Montano also recognizes
these two elements which, however, he more correctly calls Indonesian
and Malay. The Indonesians whom he affiliates to the "Polynesian family"
were the first to arrive, being followed by the Malays and then, in the
sixteenth century, by the Spaniards, who were themselves followed,
perhaps also preceded, by Chinese and others. Thus Blumentritt's Malays
of the first invasion, whom he brings from Borneo, are Montano's
Indonesians, who passed through the Philippines during their eastward
migrations from Borneo and other parts of Malaysia. The result of these
successive movements was that the Negritoes were first driven to the
recesses of the interior by the Indonesians with whom they afterwards
intermingled in various degrees. Then the Indonesians were in their turn
driven by the Malays from the coast lands and open plains, which are
consequently now found occupied mainly by peoples of true Malay stock.
Then with peaceful times fresh blends took place and to previous
crossings are now added Spaniards and Chinese with Malays, there
"quadroons" and "octoroons" with Indonesians, and even here and there
with Negritoes. It has thus become difficult everywhere to distinguish
between the true Malays and the Indonesians, who are also less known,
dwelling in the more remote upland districts, often in association with
the Negritoes and not always standing at a much higher grade of culture.
[6] Op. cit., 332.
THE INDONESIAN THEORY AS APPLIED TO MANÓBOS
Comparing the physical characteristics of the Manóbos with those which
are predicated of the Indonesians by these and other writers, I find
that, in the case of the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley, in stature,
waviness of the hair, abundance of the beard, and lightness of the skin
color there appears to be a divergence from Keane's Indonesian standard.
Keane requires 1.795 meters as an average for the stature of the
Indonesian, whereas the average of the Manóbo, as I found it from
cursory measurements, is approximately only 1.60 meters and Doctor
Montano found it to be only 1.4667 meters. As to waviness of the hair, I
have observed it rarely among the Manóbos to which this paper refers.
Neither is the beard abundant, and as for fairness in the color of the
skin, a casual glance at the great mass of Manóbos that occupy the
Agúsan and its tributaries will convince one that their color is
decidedly ruddy brown and not light. It is true that in the mountains
children and even young women are found with fair complexions, but this
is probably due to confinement in the house or to protection from the
sun while out of doors.
PHYSICAL TYPE OF CONTIGUOUS PEOPLES
In the first part of this chapter a broad comparison was made between
the Manóbos and the contiguous tribes of eastern Mindanáo, but, in order
to bring out in stronger relief the physical characteristics of the
Manóbo, it is considered expedient to give a brief description of the
contiguous tribes.
THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS
In stature the Mañgguáñgan is shorter than the Manóbo. His physical
configuration gives one the impression that he is undersized. His
cranium is elongated from the front backward along the antero-posterior
curve, there being formed accordingly an enlargement on the upper part
of the occiput. From this enlargement downward there is a flattening of
the curve. The forehead is large, high, and very prominent, and diverges
backward from the plane of the face at an observable angle. The face is
narrow and flat, the narrowness being due to the prominence of the lower
jaw and to a depression that is formed in the side of the face between
the jaw and the cheek bone. The hair is lank, coarse, and in males,
scant. The beard is very sparse except in elderly men, and even then it
is far from being as abundant as that of the Manóbos and especially that
of the Mandáyas. The nose is broad and conspicuously depressed, while
the nasal orifices are rather large. On the whole, the prognathism is
considerable but is not as variable as that of Manóbos and of Mandáyas.
There can be no doubt as to the Negritic character of the Mañgguáñgan.
Owing to the peculiar circumstances that arose after my arrival on the
upper Agúsan in 1909, I found it impossible to get into communication
with any but the more domesticated Mañgguáñgan in the vicinity of
Compostela, but my observation of their physical and mental
characteristics and of their low degree of culture led me to a strong
conviction of a Negrito origin not far removed.
THE MANDÁYAS
The Mandáya, on the other hand, with the exception of groups on the
upper Karága and perhaps on the upper Kasaúman Rivers, is of superior
stature. Montano found the stature to be only 1.578 meters, but the
number of men measured by him was so small that we can not base any
conclusion on his figures. I did not make any measurements of Mandáyas,
but it is my impression that the male Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Karága,
and Manorigao Rivers are noticeably taller than Manóbos. In fact, one
meets a great number that seem to come up to the Indonesian standard of
Keane.
The Mandáya's cranial conformation differs, according to Montano, from
that of the Manóbo only in one particular, namely, in the straightness
of the middle part of the antero-posterior curve of the cranium. In
other respects his cranium is similar to that of the Manóbo. The face is
oval rather than lozenge-shaped and has a pleasant, sympathetic look,
due no doubt to the greater width of the palpebral opening, the
largeness of the eye, and the length, darkness, and prominence of the
eyelashes.
The nose is straight and prominent, occasionally quite European, and the
nostrils are not depressed nor flattened. Their lower edges, instead of
being horizontal, slant slightly upward from the tip. The nasal
apertures are of medium size.
The superciliary ridges are prominent, but as the hair of the eyebrows
is constantly kept shaved, there is not such an impression of prominence
as in the Christianized Mandáyas of the southeastern seaboard of
Mindanáo.
As to the abundance of beard, it is hard to form a judgment because from
youth it is constantly and conscientiously eradicated. The hair of the
head is long, black, and abundant, often somewhat wavy and not as
coarse, I think, as that of Manóbos.
The most striking characteristic of the Mandáya is his fair color. It is
not my intention to give the impression that he is one of a "lost white
tribe" or that he is entitled to be called white in the sense in which
we use the term when speaking of Europeans. But for a native of the
Philippine Islands he certainly may be denominated white, though his
skin is not tawny white like that of the Japanese or Chinese but has a
peculiar ashy tint. I have seen a few individuals that were very nearly
as white as the average American, but who otherwise were not of a
pronounced Caucasian type.
It is very difficult to explain the prevailing fairness of this tribe
except by presupposing an admixture of some other blood. The Manóbo
lives in as dark forests and on as lofty mountains as those occupied by
Mandáyas. His manner of life is practically the same, and yet the
average tint of his skin is far darker, so much so that the Mandáya, in
speaking not only of him but of Mañgguáñgan and even of Bisáya, spurns
them all as being "black."
THE DEBABÁONS
As to the Debabáons, I have not come in touch with a sufficient number
of them to enable me to make any general statements. The groups that I
met in Moncayo, on the Sálug where the Baglásan River empties into it,
and in the country extending some 10 kilometers to the west of it,
closely resemble the Mandáyas in physical characters, and yet in
language, general culture, and religious belief, and by genealogy, they
belong to the Manóbo tribe. It is probable that they are the result of
intermarriage of Manóbo men of Baóbo and Ihawán origin with Mandáya
women of the lower Sálug and Tágum Rivers.
THE MAMÁNUAS
The Mamánuas need little comment. They are full-blooded Negritos in
every respect, physical and cultural, like the Negritos of Mariveles, as
Montano very explicitly states. The Manóbos of the upper Tágo River
constantly intermarry with Mamánua women, as I had occasion to observe
on several visits which I made to that region. It is probable that the
same thing takes place on the Húbo, Marihátag, Lanusa, and Kantílan
Rivers. In the vicinity of Lake Maínit, a great many Mamánuas are
reported to be half-breeds.
THE BANUÁONS
I visited only one settlement of Banuáons, near the mouth of the Maásam
River. I met members of the tribe here and there along the Agúsan
between San Luis and Las Nieves, but my observations of them were casual
and superficial so that I am not prepared to make any statements as to
their physical characteristics. All reports, both of Manóbos and Bisáyas
and the testimony of the Jesuit missionaries, state that they are a
superior people. It is probable that this group of people, known as
Banuáon in the Agúsan Valley, is a branch of the Bukídnons of whom the
celebrated missionary Urios and others make such commendatory
mention,[7] the former in one place going so far as to make the
statement that the Bukídnons are fit to be kings of the Manóbos.
[7] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, passim.
PHYSICAL APPEARANCE AS MODIFIED BY DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
The upper garment of both sexes among the Manóbos is a closed square-cut
garment with sleeves and with a sufficient opening on top to admit the
head. It fits the body either closely or fairly loosely. It is made of
_abaká_ fiber when imported cloth is not available. It is always adorned
with embroidery of imported red, white, blue, and yellow cotton, on the
cuffs, on the seams of the shoulders and the side, and on the neck and
lower edges. The garment of the man differs from that of the woman in
being all of one color, except that across the back, over the shoulders,
and as far down as the breasts, are horizontal, parallel, equidistant
lines of inwoven blue cotton yarn.
The body and sleeves of the woman's garment are of different colors.
Thus, if the sleeves are black, the body is red and vice versa. Another
distinguishing feature is the profuseness of cotton embroidery on the
front of the garment.
The lower garment of the man is a pair of trousers, generally of native
cotton and _abaká_ fiber, reaching somewhat below the knees, with cotton
embroidery in the above-mentioned colors on the sides and at the bottom.
The ends of the draw string that holds the trousers in place hang down
in front and are ornamented with tassels of the same colors.
The lower garment of the women is a doubled sacklike skirt of _abaká_
fiber, almost invariably of a reddish color, with beautiful designs in
horizontal panels or with a series of horizontal equidistant black
stripes. A girdle of human hair or of plaited vegetable fiber, held in
place with a shell button or with a plaited cord, retains this garment
in place. The consequent gathering of the capacious opening of the skirt
at the waist and the bulging out at the bottom (which is just a little
below the knees), detracts not a little from the gracefulness of the
Manóbo woman's figure. From the girdle hang, in varying number and
quality, beads, hawk bells, redolent, medicinal, and magic seeds, sea
shells, and fragrant herbs.
The hair is worn long by both sexes. It is dressed much like that of a
Chinese woman except that it is twisted and tied up in a chignon on the
crown of the head.
The man wears a long narrow bamboo hat which protects only the top of
the head, and which is held on the head by two strings passing from end
to end behind the ears. It usually has a plume of feathers standing up
at right angles to the back part. The woman wears no hat as a general
rule, but in lieu thereof adorns her head with a bamboo comb, at times
inlaid with mother-of-pearl, at others covered with a lamina of beaten
silver, but nearly always ornamented with decorative incisions. A pair
of ear plugs with ornamental metal laminae are placed in the enlarged
ear lobes.
I have seen men who had each ear lobe pierced in one or two places and
small buttons fastened over the orifices, but I never saw a case of a
Manóbo woman with any other perforation in the ears than the great
aperture in each lobe for her ear disks.
Around the neck the woman wears in more or less profusion, according to
her means and opportunities for purchase, necklets of beads, and
necklaces of seeds, beads, shells, and crocodile teeth.
On her forearms she wears one or more sea-shell bracelets, circlets of
black coral or of copper wire, and a close-fitting ringlet of plaited
_nito_. This last adornment is also worn by men, who dispense with the
use of other forms of bracelets, but who usually adorn the upper arm
with a finely plaited ligature made of a dark fibrous vine. Both men and
women frequently wear similar ligatures just below one or both knees. On
solemn and festive occasions the woman decks her ankles with loose coils
of heavy wire.
A square knapsack of hemp, frequently fringed with cotton yarn of many
colors and suspended from the back by strings passing over the shoulders
and under the arms, constitutes the man's receptacle for his chewing
paraphernalia. It may be more or less elaborate in beadwork and
embroidery, but as a rule there is no ornamentation of this kind.
Both sexes blacken the lips with soot black, and continually keep them
more or less in that condition by the use of a large quid of tobacco,
mixed with lime and _máu-mau_ juice, the whole being carried between the
lips. This mixture serves not only as an indispensable and pleasing
narcotic, but also as the principal factor in bringing about the
complete and permanent staining of the teeth.
In order that "they may not look like dogs," both sexes have the upper
and lower incisors ground at an early age. They proceed at once to stain
what is left with frequent applications of the above-mentioned
masticatories.
As white and sharp teeth are doglike, so beard and body hair are
suggestive of the monkey. Hence all straggling hairs are sedulously and
constantly eradicated.
Tattooing by both sexes is universal. It consists of the puncturing of
the skin and the rubbing in of a soot made from a very common variety of
resin. The figures tattooed, often artistic, are representations of
stars, leaves, crocodiles, etc.
Both sexes are tattooed on the breast, arms, and fingers, but it is
customary for women to have an extra design on the calves of the legs
and sometimes on the whole leg.
As to the Christianized Manóbos, it is obvious that the great majority
have adopted the garb of their Bisáya brethren and abandoned the use of
ornaments and mutilations characteristic of their pagan compeers. The
change was enjoined by Spanish missionaries for religious reasons and,
in the case of clothing, was encouraged by Bisáya traders for commercial
motives, but did not benefit the new Christians, as far as my
observation goes, either religiously, financially, or esthetically.
CHAPTER III
A SURVEY OF THE MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE OF THE MANÓBOS OF
EASTERN MINDANÁO
GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE
DWELLINGS
For a home the Manóbo selects a site that is clearly approved by
supernatural agencies, and that is especially suitable for agricultural
purposes by reason of its fertility, and for defense, because of its
strategic position. Hereon he builds an unpretentious, square,
one-roomed building at a height of from 1.50 meters to 8 meters from the
ground. The house measures ordinarily about 3 meters by 5 meters. Posts,
usually light, and varying in number between 4 and 16, support the
floor, roof, and intervening parts. The materials are all rattan lashed
and seldom consist of anything but light materials taken from the
immediate vicinity. The floor is made of slats of palm or bamboo, the
roof is thatched with palm leaves, and the walls are light, horizontal,
superimposed poles laid to about the height of the shoulders of a person
sitting on the floor. The space between the top of the walls and the
roof constitutes a continuous window. This open space above the low
house wall permits the inmates during a fight to shoot their arrows at
the enemy in any direction.
The one ceilingless room serves for kitchen, bedroom, and reception
room. There is no decoration nor furniture. Scattered around or hung up,
especially in the vicinity of the fireplace, are the simple household
utensils, and the objects that constitute the property of the
owner--weapons, baskets, and sleeping mats. On the floor farthest away
from the door are the hearth frames, one or more, and the stones that
serve as support for the cooking pots. A round log with more or less
equidistant notches, leading from the ground up to the narrow doorway,
admits the visitor into the house.
Under the house is the pigpen. Here the family pigs and the chickens
make a living off such refuse or remnants as fall from above. The
sanitary condition of this part of the establishment is in no wise
praiseworthy. The only redeeming point is that the bad odors do not
reach the house, being carried away by the current of air that is nearly
always passing.
The house itself is far from being perfectly clean. The low,
cockroach-infested thatch, the smoke-begrimed rafters, the unswept,
dirt-bestrewn floor, the bug-infested slats, the smoke-laden atmosphere,
the betel-nut-tinged walls and floor, these and other features of a
small over-populated house make cleanliness almost impossible. The order
and quietude of the home is no more satisfactory. The crying of the
babies, the romping and shouting of the boys, the loud talking of the
elders, the grunting of the pigs below, the whining and growling of the
dogs above, and the noise of the various household occupations produce
in an average house containing a few families a din that baffles
description. But this does not disturb the serenity of the primitive
inmates, who laugh, chew, talk, and work, and enjoy themselves all the
more for the animation of which they form a great part.
ALIMENTATION
In the absence of such a luxury as matches, the fire-saw or friction
method of producing fire is resorted to, although the old steel and
flint method is sometimes employed.
The cooking outfit consists of a few homemade earthen pots, supplemented
by green bamboo joints, bamboo ladles, wooden rice paddles, and nearly
always a coconut shell for receiving water from the long bamboo water
tube.
The various articles of food may be divided into two classes, one of
which we will call the staple part of the meal and the other the
concomitant. It must be remembered that for the Manóbo, as well as for
so many other peoples of the Philippine Islands, rice or _camotes_ or
some other bulky food is the essential part of the meal, whereas fish,
meat, and other things are merely complements to aid in the consumption
of the main food. Under the heading, then, of staples we may classify in
the order of their importance or abundance the following: _Camotes_,
rice, taro, sago, cores of wild palm trees, maize, tubers and roots
(frequently poisonous). Among the concomitant or supplementary foods are
the following, their order being indicative of the average esteem in
which they are held: Fish (especially if salted), domestic pork, wild
boar meat (even though putrefied), venison, iguana, larvae from rotted
palm trees, python, monkey, domestic chicken, wild chicken, birds,
frogs, crocodile, edible fungi, edible fern, and bamboo shoots. As
condiments, salt, _if on hand_, and red pepper are always used, but it
is not at all exceptional that the latter alone is available.
Sweetpotatoes, taro, tubers, and rice are cooked by steaming. Maize and
the cores of palm trees are roasted over the fire.
There are only two orthodox methods of cooking fish, pork, venison,
iguana and chicken: (1) In water without lard; (2) by broiling. Python,
monkey, crocodile, wild chicken, and birds must be prepared by the
latter method.
When the meal is prepared, it is set out on plates, banana leaves, or
bark platters, with the water in glasses or in the coconut-shell dipper.
On ordinary occasions the husband, wife, children and female relatives
of a family eat together, the unmarried men, widowers, and visitors
partaking of their meals alone, but on festive occasions, all the male
members, visitors included, gather in the center of the floor.
The hands and mouth are washed both before and after the meal. All begin
to eat together on the floor. The men eat with their left hands and, on
occasions, when the remotest suspicion of trouble exists, keep their
right hand on their ever-present weapons. It is customary not to leave
one's place after the meal without giving due notice.
NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS
The most common and indispensable source of everyday enjoyment is the
betel-nut quid, It would be an inexcusable breach of propriety to
neglect to offer betel nut to a fellow tribesman. Not to partake of it
when offered would be considered a severance of friendship. The
essential ingredients of the quid are betel leaf, betel nut, and lime,
but it is common to add tobacco, cinnamon, lemon rind, and several other
aromatic elements. At times substitutes may be used for the betel leaf
and the betel nut, if there is a lack of either.
Another important masticatory is the tobacco quid with its ingredients
of lime and _máu-mau_ juice. This is carried constantly between the
lips. Occasionally, however, the men like to smoke a little mixed
tobacco in small pipes or in little leaf cones.
The greatest and the most cherished enjoyment of all is drinking: Men,
women, and children indulge, the last two sparingly. In Manóboland the
fame of a banquet is in direct proportion to the number of those who
became drunk, sobriety being considered effeminate, and a refusal to
drink an affront to the host.
The main drinks are of four kinds: _Cabo negro_ toddy, sugarcane brew,
_bahi_ toddy, and mead. The first and third are nothing but the sap of
the palms that bear their respective names, the sap being gathered in
the same manner as the ordinary coconut _tuba_. The second or sugarcane
brew is a fermented drink made from the juice of the sugarcane boiled
with a variety of the ginger plant. It is the choice drink of Manóbo
deities. The fourth drink mentioned above is mead. It is similar to the
last mentioned except that instead of sugar-cane juice, honey is used in
its preparation.
One feature of the drinking is that it is seldom unaccompanied by meat
or fish. Hence, on every occasion that a supply of these may be
obtained, there is a drinking bout. Religious sacrifices, too, afford
abundant opportunity for indulgence.
Quarrels sometimes ensue as a result of the flowing bowl, and war
expeditions are proposed, but on the whole it may be said that the
Manóbo is a peaceful and a merry drinker.
MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE
The Manóbo makes his living by farming, fishing, hunting, and trapping.
He clears a patch of the primeval forest, and his womenfolk clean off
the brush, sow broadcast a little rice, plant _camotes_, some taro,
maize, and sugarcane. As the rice crop seldom is sufficient for the
sustenance of his household, the Manóbo must rely also on the _camote_
for his maintenance.
He obtains his supply of fish from the streams and rivers. When the
water is deep and the current is not strong, he shoots the fish with a
special bow and arrow. When the water is shallow and swift, he makes use
of bamboo traps and at times poisons the whole stream.
To provide himself with meat, he occasionally starts off into the forest
with dogs and seldom returns without a deer or a wild boar. He keeps
several spring traps set somewhere in the forest but it is only during
the rainy season that he may be said to be successful with these. He has
a trap for monkeys, a snare for birds, a decoy for wild chickens, and
uses his bow and arrow on monkeys and birds.
With the meat that he procures from the above sources, together with
lizards and pythons which he sometimes catches, and fungi, larvae, and
palm trees, which he finds in the forest, he manages to fill in the
intervals between the ceremonial and the secular celebrations that recur
so frequently during the year, and to keep himself fairly well supplied.
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
The bolo and, in some districts, the dagger, is the inseparable
companion of the Manóbo. On the trails he always carries a lance and
frequently a shield. For war he has an _abaká_ coat of mail and a bow
and arrow. In time of alarm he sets out bamboo caltrops, makes an abatis
of fallen trees, and places human spring traps around his lofty house.
For work he has a bolo and a primitive adze[sic]. These, with a rice
header, a small knife, a hunting spear, a special arrow for hunting, a
fish spear, and perhaps a few fishhooks, serve all the purposes of his
primitive life. With one or the other of these he fells the mighty trees
of the primordial forest, performs all the operations of agriculture, of
hunting and fishing, builds himself a house, in certain districts hews
out shapely canoes, whittles out handsome bolo sheaths, and makes a
variety of other necessary and often artistic articles. They are the sum
total of his tools and serve him instead of all the implements of modern
civilization.
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES
The burden of toil falls on the woman. The man fells the heavy timber
once a year, builds the house, hunts, fishes, traps, and fights.
Practically all the rest of the daily labor is the woman's share. The
man is the master, and as such he attends to all matters that may arise
between his family and that of others.
Besides the occupations mentioned above, the man may engage, usually
under the stress of a contract or of a debt, in canoe making, mining,
and basket making.
The women weave all the clothes of the family except when imported cloth
has been obtained. Most of the Manóbos' clothes, both for men and women,
are made of native-woven cloth. The woman does all the sewing. A needle
of brass wire in the absence of an imported needle, and a thread of
_abaká_ fiber, constitute her sewing outfit.
Almost all the material employed in weaving is _abaká_ fiber. The dyes
are vegetable, their fastness depending upon the duration of the
boiling. The Manóbo woman, unlike the Mandáya women, and women of most
other tribes in Mindanáo, has never developed the art of inweaving
ornamental figures. The best she can do is to produce warp and weft
stripes.
The making of simple earthen pots is also one of the industries of the
woman. Pots are not, however, made in great quantities, the demand
being, I think, a little greater than the supply.
Bed mats and rice bags are made out of various materials such as
_pandanus_ and _buri_ in the ordinary Philippine style. The work is done
principally by the woman and the supply is not equal, as a rule, to the
family needs.
GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE
DOMESTIC LIFE
_Marital relations_.--In his choice of a wife the man is guided to a
great extent by the wishes of his relatives, but the woman is given no
option. There are no antenuptial relations between the pair, the
marriage contract and all arrangements being made by their respective
relatives. The transactions usually cover years. The woman's relatives
demand for her an amount of worldly goods--slaves, pigs, bolos, and
spears--that is almost impossible of payment. The man's relatives, on
the other hand, strive to comply, but make use of every means to gain
the friendship of the other side and thereby bring about a more
considerate demand.
When, perhaps after years of effort, an agreement is reached, a great
feast is prepared by the two parties. The final payment is made by the
man's relatives, and the following day a reciprocal banquet is given by
the girl's relatives, in the course of which one-half of the value of
the payment made by the man's relatives is returned by the girl's
relatives as an indication that "she has not been sold like a slave."
The marriage ceremony consists in the exchange of rice between the bride
and the bridegroom. This is followed by a religious rite that consists
mainly in determining by divination the fate of the couple.
Marriage is sometimes effected by capture, usually, I think, with the
connivance of the woman. But the procedure involves a heavier payment to
the throng of armed relatives that invariably set out in pursuit of the
captors.
Prenatal marriage contracts are rare, but child marriage without
cohabitation is practiced to a certain extent, especially among the more
influential members of the tribe.
The age for marriage is about the age of puberty for the women and about
the age of 18 for the men. Polygamy is a recognized institution, but is
comparatively rare except among those who have the means to pay for the
luxury of a second, third, or fourth wife. It presupposes the consent of
the first wife, who always retains and maintains her position, there
being no jealously, as far as my observation goes, and few domestic
broils. Polyandry is considered swinish, and concubinage is unknown.
Divorce is not in accord with tribal customs. The same holds true of
prostitution.
There is no evidence of the practice of endogamy which is so widespread
among the Oceanic peoples. As a rule, however, the Manóbo marries within
his own tribe. This is due to his environment, to the hostile relations
he ever holds with surrounding tribes, and to differences of religious
beliefs. The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity, but even this
impediment may be removed in the case of cousins by appropriate
religious ceremonies. Consanguineous marriages are rare.
Upon the death of the husband, the wife is considered to belong to his
relatives. Upon the presentation of a second suitor, she is remarried in
the same manner as on her first marriage, but the payments demanded are
not so high.
Marriages seem to result in reciprocal good understanding and happiness.
The wife goes about her manifold duties day after day without a murmur,
while her master keeps his weapons in good condition, fishes and hunts
occasionally, goes on a trading trip at times, takes part in social
gatherings, lends his voice in time of trouble, and goes off to fight if
there should be occasion for it.
Faithfulness to the marriage tie is one of the most striking features of
Manóboland. Adultery is extremely rare. The husband lives, at least
during the first part of the married life, with his father-in-law, and
displays toward his parents-in-law the same feelings that he entertains
for his own parents. His wife is always under the eyes of her own
parents, so that he is restrained from indulging in any marital
bickerings.
_Pregnancy, birth, and childhood_.--The desire for children is strong.
Hence voluntary abortion and infanticide are unknown. In case of
involuntary abortion, which is comparatively frequent, the fetus is hung
or buried under the house. When the child begins to quicken in the womb,
the mother undergoes a process of massage at the beginning of every
lunar month.
Parturition is effected almost invariably without any difficulty, the
umbilical cord is cut usually with a bamboo sliver, the mother sits up
to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth into the womb, the child is
washed, and the operation is over. If the mother can not suckle her
child it is nourished with rice water, sugar cane juice, and other light
food, but is not given to another to be suckled. In a few days after her
delivery the mother is up and back at her work. A little birth party
takes place soon after the birth in which the midwife receives a slight
guerdon for her services.
The child is named, without any ceremony, after some ancestor or famous
Manóbo, or occasionally receives a name indicative of something which
happened at the time of the birth. He is treated with the greatest
tenderness and lack of restraint. As he grows up he learns the ways of
the forest, and about the age of 14 he is a full-fledged little man. If
the child is a girl, she helps her mother from the first moment that she
is able to be of service.
Birth anomalies are rare. I have seen several albinos and several people
who might be called in a loose sense hermaphrodites.
_Medicine, sickness, and death_.--The Manóbo attributes some twelve
bodily ailments to natural causes, and for the cure of such he believes
in the efficacy of about as many herbs and roots. For wounds, tobacco
juice and the black residue of the smoking pipe are considered a good
remedy. Betel nut and betel leaf are a very common cure for pains in the
stomach. The gall of snakes has a potency of its own for the same
trouble.
As a rule, all natural remedies are applied externally until such time
as they prove unavailing, and the symptoms assume a more serious aspect.
Whenever an ailment is of a lingering character, especially if
accompanied by increasing emaciation and not classifiable as one of the
familiar maladies, it is attributed to magic causes. Certain individuals
may have the reputation of being able to compound various noxious
substances, the taking of which, it is believed, may superinduce
lingering ailments. The pulverized bone from a corpse or the blood of a
woman, dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon and then
mixed with finely cut human hair, are example of such compounds. Other
magic medicines exist such as aphrodisiacs, and bezoar stones. When it
is decided that the ailment is due to any of these magic causes,
neutralizing methods must be resorted to, the nature and application of
which are very secret.
Epidemics are attributed to the malignancy of sea demons, and by way of
propitiation, and inducement to these plague spirits to hurry off with
their epidemic, offerings placed on raftlets are launched in the nearest
rivers.
As soon as it is realized that the malady is beyond the power of natural
or of magic resources, recourse is had to the deities or good spirits,
as will be explained under the resume of religion. Upon the occurrence
of a death, wild scenes frequently take place, the relatives being
unable to restrain their grief. Signals, by bamboo horns, are often
boomed out to neighboring settlements to warn them to be on their guard.
War raids to settle old feuds are sometimes decided upon on these
occasions, so all trails leading to the house are closed.
The corpse is washed and laid out on its back in its best apparel. The
coffin is a hexagonal piece of wood made out of a log with a three-faced
lid also hewn out of a log. The body is often wrapped in a grass mat
before being laid in the coffin.
Before decomposition sets in, the coffin is borne away by men amidst
great grief and loud shouts. A high piece of ground is selected in a
remote part of the forest for the last resting place of the deceased. A
shallow grave is dug, a roof of thatch is erected, a potful of boiled
rice is placed over the grave as a last collation for the departed one,
and the burial party hurry back in fear to the settlement. As soon as
they can provide themselves with temporary huts they almost always
abandon the settlement.
_Social and Family enjoyments_.--Music, instrumental and vocal, and
dancing are the two great sources of domestic enjoyment. There are
several kinds of instruments, which I will mention in the order of their
importance and frequency of use. The drum, the gong, four varieties of
flutes, four species of guitars, a violin, and a jew's-harp. With the
exception of the first two, the instruments are made of bamboo and are,
in every sense of the word, of the most primitive kind. The strings are
of vine, bamboo, or _abaká_ fiber.
The drum is the instrument of most frequent use. It is played during all
dancing and at other times when a tribesman feels inclined. It is used
as a signal to give alarm or to call an absent one. During the dance,
religious or secular, it is nearly always accompanied by the gong. The
use of the other instruments seems to depend upon the caprice of the
individuals, though two of them appear to have a religious character.
With the exception of the gong and the Jew's-harp, all of these
instruments can be made to produce varied and pleasing rhythms or music,
according to the knowledge and skill of the performer. Each strain has
its appropriate name, taken frequently from the name of the animal that
it is supposed to imitate.
Instrumental music, in general, is of minor tonality, melancholy, weird,
and suggestive in some ways of Chinese music.
Bamboo stampers are sometimes used to give more animation to a dancing
celebration, and bamboo sounders are attached to looms to draw attention
to the industry of the weaver.
Songs are always sung as solos. They are all extemporaneous and for the
most part legendary. The language is archaic and difficult for an
outsider to understand. The singing is a kind of declamation, with long
slurs, frequent staccatos, and abrupt endings. Of course, there are war
songs that demand loudness and rapidity, but on the whole the song music
is as weird and melancholy as the instrumental. Ceremonial chants do not
differ from secular songs, except that they treat of the doings of a
supernatural world, and are the medium through which supplications are
made to supernatural beings.
Perhaps the greatest of all social enjoyments, both for men and deities,
is the dance. It is performed by one person at a time. Men, women and
children take part. Dressed in a woman's skirt and decked out in all
obtainable finery, the dancer keeps perfect time to the rhythm of the
drum and the clang of the gong.
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
_System of government and social control_.--Manóboland is divided into
districts, more or less extensive, which are the property of the
different clans. Each district is under the nominal leadership of the
warrior chiefs and of the more influential men. In time of peace these
districts are open to everybody, but in time of war--and wars were
formerly very frequent--only persons of tried friendship are permitted
to enter.
A clan consists of a chief whose authority is merely nominal, and of a
number of his relatives varying from 20 to perhaps 200 souls. The whole
system is patriarchal, no coercion being used unless it is sanctioned by
the more influential members, approved by the consensus of opinion of
the people, and in accord with traditional custom.
The authority of the elder people is respected as long as they are
physically and mentally able to participate in public gatherings. Those
who have distinguished themselves by personal prowess always command a
following, but they have a greater influence in time of trouble than in
time of peace.
Perfect equality reigns among the members of the clan, except in the one
respect that the recognized warriors are entitled to the use of a red
headkerchief, jacket, and pantaloons, each of these articles, beginning
with the first, being added as the number of people whom the warrior has
killed is increased.
The chieftainship naturally falls to one who has attained the rank of
_bagáni_--that is, to one who has killed a certain number of
persons--provided he is otherwise sufficiently influential to attract a
following. His duties consist in lending his influence to settle
disputes and in redressing the wrongs of those who care to appeal to
him. As a priest he is thought to be under the protection of a war god
whose desire for blood he must satisfy.
The _bagáni_ also acts as a medicine man, for he is reputed to have
certain magic powers both for good and for evil. The natural
secretiveness of the _bagáni_ made it difficult for me to secure much
information on this point, but his power of harming at a distance and of
making himself invisible are matters of general belief. In his character
as a priest, he performs ceremonies for the cure of diseases in which
fluxes of blood occur.
_Methods of warfare_.--There is no military organization in Manóboland.
The greater part of those who form a war party are relatives of the
aggrieved one, though it is usual to induce some others of acknowledged
prowess to take part. No resentment is harbored by the opposing party
toward paid warriors.
Vendettas and debts are the most usual cause of war, and not, as has
been reported, glory and the capture of slaves. There is never wanting
on the part of those who originate the war a reasonable motive. The
vendetta system is not only recognized, but vengeance is considered
incumbent on the relatives of one who has been killed, and, as a
reminder, a piece of green rattan is sometimes strung up in the house.
The rattan suggests that until it rots the wrong will not be forgotten.
If the father is unable to avenge the wrong, he bequeathes[sic] the
revenge to his son as a sacred legacy. Sometimes another person is
deputed to take vengeance, in which case no blame is attached to him.
The peculiar custom prevails of killing a third party who may be
neutral, or of seizing his property, but I have known such an act to be
resented. As a result of this custom a war party returning from an
unsuccessful raid is dangerous.
There is usually no formal declaration of war. In fact, the greatest
secrecy is generally observed, and in urgent cases a body of ambushers
proceed at once to kill the first one of the enemy that happens to pass
their lurking place. As a rule, the enemy's house and his actions are
watched for weeks, perhaps for years, until a favorable opportunity for
attack presents itself.
The usual times for undertaking an expedition are during the rice
harvest and after a death. The preparation consists in acquiring a
thorough knowledge of the enemy's house and of its environment.
Everything being ready, the warriors assemble, a sacrifice is made,
omens are taken, and the band starts out at such an hour as will enable
them to reach the vicinity of the enemy about nightfall. From the last
stopping point a few warriors make a final reconnaissance in the gloom
of the night, release the enemy's traps, and return. The whole band,
numbering anywhere from 10 to 100, advance and, surrounding the house,
await the dawn, for it is at the first blush of the morning that sleep
is supposed to be heaviest. Moreover, there is then sufficient light to
enable the party to make the attack. Hence the peep of dawn is almost
always the hour of attack.
If the enemy's house is within spear reach, it is usually an easy matter
to put the inmates to death, but if it is a high house, and, especially,
if the inmates are well prepared, a warrior climbs up silently under the
house and spears one of them. This, followed by the killing of pigs and
by the battle cry, usually causes consternation. A battle of arrows then
takes place; there is a bandying of fierce threats, taunts, and
challenges, and the attacking party endeavors to set the roof on fire
with burning arrows. If they succeed the inmates flee from the flames,
but only the children, as a rule, escape the bolo and the spear.
It is seldom that the attack is prolonged more than a few hours, and it
is seldom that the attack is unsuccessful, for if other means fail,
hunger and thirst will drive the besieged ones to flight, in which case
they become the victims of the besieging warriors. If one of the latter
is wounded or killed, the attack is abandoned at once, such an
occurrence being considered extremely inauspicious.
Each warrior gets credit for the number of people whom he kills, and is
entitled to the slaves that he may capture. The warrior chiefs open the
breasts of one or more of the headmen of the slain, insert a portion of
their charm collars into the openings, and consume the heart and liver
in honor of their war spirits.
During the return home the successful warriors make the forest resound
with the weird ululation of the battle cry, and adorn their lances with
palm fronds. Upon arrival at their settlement they are welcomed with
drum and song and loud acclaim. A purificatory bath is followed by a
feast in which each one recounts the minutest details of the attack.
After the feast some of the captives may be given to warriors who were
unlucky or who desire to satisfy their vengeance. The captives are
dispatched in the near-by forest.
Ambush is also a very ordinary method of warfare. Several warriors
station themselves in a selected position near the trail and await their
enemy.
Whenever there is open rupture between two parties, it is customary for
each of them to erect a high house in a place remote and difficult of
access, and to surround it with such obstacles as will make it more
dangerous. In these houses, with their immediate relatives and with such
warriors as desire to take their part, they bide their time in a state
of constant watch and ward.
When both parties to a feud are tired, either of fighting constantly or
of taking refuge in flight, a peacemaking may be brought about through
the good services of friendly and influential tribesmen. On the
appointed day, the parties meet, balance up their blood debts and other
obligations and decide on a term within which to pay them. As an
evidence of their sincere desire to preserve peace and to make mutual
restitution, a piece of green rattan is cut by the leaders, and a little
beeswax is burnt, both operations being symbolic of the fate that will
befall the one that breaks his plighted word.
_Intertribal and analogous relations_.--Intertribal relations between
pagan Manóbos and Christtianized[sic] Manóbos, and between the former
and Bisáyas were comparatively pacific during my residence in the Agúsan
Valley. Between Manóbos and other mountain tribes, excepting
Mañgguáñgans, the relations were, with casual exceptions, rather
friendly, due, no doubt, to the lessons learned by the Manóbos in their
long struggles with Mandáyas, Banuáons, and Debabáons up to the advent
of the missionaries about 1877. The Manóbos are inferior to the tribes
mentioned in tribal cohesion and in intellect. Their dealings, however,
with Mañgguáñgans, who are undoubtedly their physical and intellectual
inferiors, present a different aspect. With the Mandáyas and Debabáons,
they have helped to reduce the once extensive Mañgguáñgan tribe to the
remnant that it is to-day.
Manóbos and other mountain tribes have little to do with each other.
Only particular individuals of the various tribes, who have the happy
faculty of avoiding trouble, travel among other tribes. In general,
Manóbos are afraid of the aggressiveness of their neighbors (excluding
the Mañgguáñgans), and their neighbors f ear Manóbo instability and
hot-headedness; hence both sides pursue the prudent policy of avoidance.
Interclan relations have been comparatively peaceful since the
establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Occasional
killings took place formerly and probably still take place in remote
regions, notably on the upper Baóbo. It is probable that since my
departure from the Agúsan in 1910 these murders take place much less
frequently, as the special government organized in 1907 has made great
headway in getting in contact with the more warlike people of the
interior.
Up to the time of my departure dealings between the various clans were
purely commercial and of a sporadic nature. Old enmities were not
forgotten, and it was considered more prudent to have as little as
possible to do with one another.
On all occasions, when there is any apprehension of danger, arms are
worn. During meals, even of festive occasions, the Manóbo eats with his
left hand, holding his right in readiness for an attack. The guests at a
feast are seated in such a way that an attack may be easily guarded
against. Various other laws of intercourse, such as those governing the
passing of one person behind another and method of unsheathing a bolo,
regulate the dealings of man with man and clan with clan.
Commercial relations between Bisáyas and Manóbos, both pagan and
Christianized, constitute, on the part of the first-mentioned, a system
of deliberate and nefarious spoliation which has been denounced from the
time of the first missionaries and which, by the establishment of
trading posts by the Government, eventually will be suppressed.
Absolutely inadequate values both in buying and selling commodities, use
of false weights and measures, defraudation in accounts, demands of
unspeakably high usury, wheedling by the _puának_ or friendship system,
advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates, especially just before the
rice harvest, and the system of commutation by which an article not
contracted for was accepted in payment though at a paltry price--these
were the main features of the system. It may be said that the resultant
and final gain amounted to between 500 and 1,000 per cent.
The bartering was carried on in a spirit of dissimulation, the Manóbo
being cozened into the idea that the sale was an act of friendship and
involved a comparative loss on the part of the Bisáya. A period, more or
less extended, was allowed him wherein to complete the payment, with a
promise of further liberal advances.
Since the Manóbo has become aware of the stupendous gain of the Bisáya,
he is not so prompt in his payments and in fact often thwarts his
creditor by deliberate delays. Hence the frequent bickerings, quarrels,
and ill will that are ever a result of these commercial relations.
It is needless to say that throughout the valley there was most undue
fluctuation of prices. Moreover, the Manóbo sold a part of his rice in
harvest time at 50 centavos a sack, and in time of scarcity repurchased
it at as much as 5 pesos.
The internal commerce of the Manóbos presents, on the whole, a very
different spectacle. It consists in simple exchanges. There is no
circulating medium. The units of exchange are slaves (valued at from 15
to 30 pesos each), pigs, and plates, but with the exception of the
first, these units are not constant in value.
The measures used are the _gántang_, a cylindrical wooden vessel with a
capacity of from 10 to 15 liters; the _kabán_,[1] which contains 25
gántang; the yard, measured from the end of the thumb to the middle of
the sternum; the span, the fathom, the finger, and the finger joint.
[1] Called also _bákid_ and _anéga_. A _kabán_ is measured by counting
out 25 _gántang_.
Slavery is a recognized institution, but since the diminution of
intertribal and interclan wars the number of slaves has diminished.
Slaves were originally obtained by capture and then passed from hand to
hand in making marriage payments. It sometimes occurs, in an exigency,
that a man delivers a child, even his own, into captivity.
The slave is generally not ill-treated but has to do all the work that
is assigned to him. He has no rights of any kind, possesses no property
except a threadbare suit, and is usually not allowed to marry. However,
he receives a sufficiency of food and seems to be contented with his lot.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
_General principles and various laws_.--It is frequently stated by
Bisáyas and others that Manóbo justice consists in the oppression of the
weak by the strong, but I have not found this to be true. The Manóbo is
too independent and too much a lover of revenge to brook coercion. He
recognizes a set of customary rules, and any departure from them is
resented by himself and by his relatives.
Nearly all violations of rights are considered as civil and not as
criminal wrongs, and upon due compensation are condoned. Failure on the
part of the offender to make this compensation leads the aggrieved man
and his relatives to take justice into their own hands.
The guilty one in nearly every case is allowed a fair and impartial
hearing in the presence of his own relatives. The matter is argued out,
witnesses are called, and the offender's own relatives generally exert
their influence to make him yield with good will. Hence the feast that
follows nearly every case of successful arbitration.
One of the fundamental customs of the Manóbos is to regard as a duty the
payment of one's debts, and this duty is performed sacredly and often at
a sacrifice. Another fundamental custom is the right of revenge. Revenge
is a sacred duty that is bequeathed from generation to generation, and
from it result the long and terrible feuds that have devastated
Manóboland.
Customary law is based on the intense conservation of the Manóbo,
fostered by the priests and strengthened by a system of religious
injunctions and interdictions. Anyone who violates these taboos or
interdictions becomes liable for all evil consequences that may follow.
Property rights are understood and rigidly upheld, so much so that there
seems to be no conception of a gift as such. Large tracts of land are
considered the property of a clan, but anyone on good terms with the
clan may settle on the land and may have all the rights of a clansman
except those of fishing. Each individual becomes the temporary owner of
the land that he selects and of the crops that he plants thereon. As
soon as he abandons the land it becomes the collective property of the
clan. Land disputes are unknown.
Property that is the result of one's labor or one's purchase belongs to
the individual except in the case of women, children, and slaves. Loss
of and damage to property belonging to another must be made good, no
excuses being admitted.
The law of contracts is stringent, but a certain amount of consideration
is shown in case of a failure to fulfill a contract on time, unless a
definite stipulation to the contrary has been previously made. All
contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and frequently a
knotted rattan slip, representing the number of items or the number of
days to elapse before payment, is delivered by the one who makes the
contract.
Nearly all transactions are made on a credit basis, hence frequent
disputes arise out of the failure of one party or the other to fulfill
the terms of the contract. The failures are sometimes due to the fact
that one individual man depends on payment from another in order to
satisfy his debt to a third party. Undue delay on the part of a debtor
finally gives the creditor the right to seize the property of the
debtor, or even the property of a third party. Such an action is not
common and is always taken under the stress of exasperation after
repeated efforts to collect have proved unavailing. As a rule the
relatives of the debtor prefer to settle the obligation rather than to
allow matters to become too serious, but it happens at times that they,
too, are obstinate and allow things to take their course.
No interest is charged on loans except in the case of paddy. There are
few loans made, and no leases or pledges. These last imply a distrust
that is not pleasing to the Manóbo.
The law of liability is very strict. For instance, if one should ask
another to accompany him on a journey and the latter should fall sick or
die, the former would be liable for his death. If one should die in the
house, thereby causing the abandonment of it, the relatives of the dead
man would have to pay the value of the house. Similar instances are of
frequent occurrence and can readily be understood. This liability law
extends to evils supposed to be due to the violation of taboos and to
the possession of magic powers.
There is a system of fining that serves, harsh though it may seem, to
maintain proper deference to the person and the property of another.
Thus, spitting on another, rudely grasping another's person, entering
another's district without due permission, bathing in river without the
owner's leave, are a few of the many cases that might be adduced. The
fine varies according to the damage and amount of malice that may be
proved in the subsequent arbitration.
_Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary
procedure in settlements of disputes._--The house belongs collectively
to the builders. The property in it belongs to the male inmates who have
acquired it.
The elder brother takes possession of the property of his deceased
brother, unless the eldest son of the deceased is of such an age as to
be capable of managing the household. In case the deceased did not have
a brother, a brother-in-law or a son-in-law becomes the representative
of the household. The eldest son inherits his father's debts and must
pay them.
There is so little property in the ordinary Manóbo home that there are
no disputes as to the inheritance. After a death the house is abandoned
and the grief-stricken relatives scurry off with their baskets, mats,
and simple utensils to make another home in a solitary part of the
forest.
The relations both prenuptial and postnuptial between the sexes are of
the strictest kind. All evil conduct from adultery down to immodest
gazing is punished with appropriate fines and even with death. The fines
vary from the equivalent of three slaves down to the equivalent of a few
pesos.
The marriage contract is very rigid. I know of few cases in which the
stipulated price was not paid prior to the delivery of the fiancé. In
case of the death of one of the affiancéd parties, the payments made
must be refunded. In case of the refusal of the bridegroom to continue
his suit even though there has been no fault on the part of the bride or
of her relatives, he loses all right to recover. Should the bride's
people, however, decide to discontinue the proceedings, they must return
the previous payments and make, I believe, compensation for the trouble
and expenses incurred during the previous transactions. No case of a
discontinuance of the marriage proceedings ever passed under my
observation.
The father has theoretically full power over his wife and children, but
in practice his domestic jurisdiction is of the most lenient kind.
Marital affection and filial devotion reign in the household.
The husband may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the first
without the latter's consent. This rule, as well as the lack of
sufficient worldly possessions to purchase another helpmate, makes
polygamy comparatively infrequent.
The bridegroom is supposed to live with his father-in-law or with the
previous owner of his wife, very often his wife's brother, but nearly
always sets up his own establishment a few years after marriage.
With the exception of adultery, fornication, rape, and wanton homicide,
all crimes presuppose an appeal to arbitration. The one that is the
author of another's death is the one on whom vengeance must be taken, if
it is possible.
When an outraged party is unable to obtain redress by arbitration or by
the direct reprisal, he avenges himself on a third party, preferably a
relative of his enemy, by killing him or by seizing his property. He
thus brings matters to a head. It is usual to compound with the
relatives of this third party, either for the death or for the seizure,
on condition that they will league themselves with the one who is
seeking revenge, in opposition to the original wrongdoer or that they
themselves will undertake, as his paid agents, to wreak vengeance on his
enemy.
Minor offenses are punished by fines that are determined by arbitration.
These fines vary in amount, but nearly always include a feast, more or
less elaborate, the expenses of which are borne by the party that lost
the case.
The arbitration of a question may be made immediately after it has
arisen or it may not be brought about for weeks or months. When the
discussion has begun it is not considered politic for either side to
yield at once. Threats are bandied between the principals until, through
the influence of friendly chiefs, they are brought together. Then the
relatives discuss the affair, each side exaggerating its own view of the
question. It is only after lengthy discussions, and the use of
similitudes and allegories, loud shouts, dissimulation, and through the
sagacity and influence of the chief men that the opinions of the parties
are so molded that an agreement is reached.
It may be necessary to determine the offense. This is done by witnesses
who give, as far as I have been able to judge, truthful testimony.
Whenever the veracity of a witness is doubted he may be obliged to take
a kind of oath which consists in the burning of beeswax. A little
beeswax is melted by holding a firebrand over it. While this is being
done, the person whose veracity it is desired to test, utters a wish
that in case of falsehood his body may be melted like the wax. In the
case of suspects, ordeals are employed. They consist of making the
parties under suspicion either plunge their hands into boiling water, or
undergo the diving test, or take the candle ordeal.
Circumstantial evidence is admissible. By means of it, the authors of
hidden crimes are often brought to punishment after years of patient
waiting.
It is customary for the guilty one to make at least a partial payment
immediately after the arbitration, and to treat the assembly to a
banquet in which it is good form for the two opponents to close the
breaches of friendship by generous quaffs to each other's health.
CHAPTER IV
RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS IN GENERAL
A BRIEF SURVEY OF RELIGION
A study of Manóbo religion is difficult because of the natural
secretiveness and suspiciousness of this primitive man, because of his
dependence for his religious ideas on his priests, because of the
variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step, and,
finally, because of his inability to expound in a satisfactory manner
the beliefs of his religious system.
THE BASIS, INFLUENCE, AND MACHINERY OF RELIGION
The religious belief of the Manóbo is an essential part of his life. On
his person he often carries religious objects. The site for his home is
not selected till omens and oracles are consulted. In his method of
cooking there are religious rules. He can not procure his meat from the
forest nor his fish from the streams without making an appropriate
offering. He sows and harvests his rice under the auspices of certain
deities. His hunting dogs are under the protection of a special
divinity. His bolo and his spear must answer a special magic test. He
can not go forth to fight till divination and sacrifice have assured him
success. All the great events of his life--his marriage, the
pregnacy[sic] and parturition of his wife, death, burial, war--all are
consecrated by formal, and often public, religious rites.
As far as I have been able to judge, fear of the deities of evil
spirits, of the dead--of all that is unintelligible, unusual, somber--is
the mainspring of the Manóbos religious observances and beliefs.
In order to detect the evils, natural and supernatural, to which he may
be exposed, he has recourse to dreams, divination, auguries, and omens,
and, in more serious cases he calls upon his priests to ascertain by
invocation, oblation, and sacrifice, the source of the evil that has
befallen him, or of the danger that he fears.
THE HIERARCHY OF MANÓBO DIVINITIES, BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT
There is no supreme being in the Manóbo pantheon, though there are two
principal classes of beneficent divinities. Little is known of one of
these classes beyond its supposed existence. The other class is made up
of humanlike deities called _diwáta_ that retain a fondness for this
world and the good things thereof. They select mortals for their
favorites, and through them keep themselves provided with such earthly
delicacies as they may desire, even though they may have to plague their
mortal votaries in order to secure them.
There is another category of spirits, of a slightly different character,
whose desire is blood. These are the war divinities that select certain
individuals for their champions and urge them on to deeds of valor, with
the hope of procuring blood.
In contradistinction to the above divinities are others of a malignant
or dangerous character. Chief among them are the _búsau_, black, hideous
spirits that dwell in dark, desolate places, and who are for the most
part implacable enemies of man. To counteract the machinations of these
spirits, the beneficent dieties[sic] are called upon by Manóbo priests
and feasted with song and dance and sacrifice. Pleased with these tokens
of friendship, the good spirits pursue the evil ones, and even engage in
battle with them.
The _tagbánua_ are a class of local spirits that reign over the forest
tracts and mountains. They are not of an unkindly nature as long as a
certain amount of respect is paid them. Hence the practice of making
offerings during hunting and other forest occupations.
Among the other inimical spirits are: The rice pilferer, _Dágau_;
_Anit_, the thunderbolt spirit; numerous epidemic demons; the goddess of
consanguineous love and marriage; the spirit of sexual excess; the
wielder of the lightning and the manipulator of the winds and storms;
the cloud spirit; and various others.
Agricultural and hunting operations are all performed under the auspices
of gods and goddesses. Thus _Hakiádan_ and _Taphágan_ take care of the
rice during sowing and harvest time, respectively; _Tagamáling_ attends
to other crops; _Libtákan_ is the god of sunshine and good weather; and
_Sugújun_ is the god of the chase.
There are other gods: _Mandáit_, the birth deity; _Ibú_, the goddess of
the afterworld; _Makalídung_, the founder of the world; _Manduyápit_,
the ferryman; and _Yúmud_, the water wraith.
PRIESTS----THEIR FUNCTIONS, ATTRIBUTES, AND EQUIPMENT
The performance of nearly all the greater religious rites is left to the
priests who are of two classes--_bailán_ or ordinary priests, and
_bagáni_ or war priests. It is the prerogative of these priests to hold
communication with their familiar spirits; to find out from them their
desires; to learn the doings of the unfriendly spirits, and the means to
be taken for a mitigation of the evil in question.
The ordinary priests are simple intermediaries, claiming no wondrous
powers, making use of no deceptive nor mercenary methods, as far as my
observation goes, with no particular dress and little paraphernalia,
having no political influence, but possessing, in all that concerns
religion, paramount authority. Their title to priesthood is derived from
violent manifestations, such as trembling, perspiring, belching,
semiunconsciousness, that are believed to be a result of communication
with their familiars.
The war priests have blood spirits for their favorites, and accordingly
perform their rites only in matters that concern war and wounds.
Ceremonial accessories consist of a few heirlooms, a small altar house,
a wooden oblation tray, a one-legged stand, a sacrificial table,
ceremonial decorations, sacred images, and sacrificial offerings.
The religious rites peculiar to the ordinary priests, consist of
betel-nut offerings, the burning of incense, invocations, prophylactic
fowl waving, omen taking, blood unction, the child ceremony, the death
feast, the rice-planting ceremony, the hunting rite, and the sacrifice
of pig or fowl.
The ceremonies peculiar to the warrior priests, besides the betel-nut
tribute to the war spirits and invocation offered to them, are:
Invocation and offerings to the spirit companions or "souls" of the
living enemy, special forms of divination connected with war, a special
invocation to the omen bird preparatory to the war raid, placation and
propitiation of the tutelary war deities by invocation, by sacrifice,
and ceremonial cannibalism; and, probably, in the remote districts, by
human sacrifice.
THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF MANÓBO RELIGION
The main features, then, of the Manóbo religious system are:
(1) A firm traditional belief in the existence of anthropomorphic
beneficent deities that will help the Manóbo if he supplies them with
the offerings they desire, but, if not, that will allow and even cause
evil to befall him.
(2) A belief in the existence of forest spirits and sky spirits, who on
occasions may become hostile and must be propitiated.
(3) An absolute reliance on priests, who are the favorites of one or
more of the friendly divinities, and through whose mediation he secures
their good will and assistance.
(4) The fear of the dead who are thought to harbor an envious feeling
toward the living.
(5) The frequent consultation or interpretation of omens, auguries, and
oracles for ascertaining future events.
(6) A rigid adherence to a numerous set of taboos, some based on
religious ideas, some founded on sympathetic magic.
(7) A frequent application of the principle of sympathetic magic by
which one act is believed to be productive of a correlated result.
(8) A conscientious avoidance of everything disrespectful in word and
act toward one of the brute creation.
(9) A belief in two spirit companions that accompany each mortal from
birth till death.
(10) A belief in the possibility of capture of one of these spirit
companions by malignant spirits.
(11) A universal and constant faith in the existence of an afterworld
and of the eternal survival of at least one spirit companion therein.
(12) A belief in dreams as being often indicative of future evil.
(13) A belief in secret methods that may be productive of harm to others.
(14) The recourse to oaths and ordeals for the enforcement of promises
and for the determination of truth.
(15) The unmistakable apotheosis of bravery as illustrated by the
warlike character of one class of deities.
Such are the main characteristics of this form of primitive religion.
The peculiar fear, entertained by its lowly votary, of lonely mountains,
odd-shaped rocks, gloomy caves and holes, hot springs and similar
formations of nature; his belief that planted things have "souls" and
his peculiar respect for animals and insects--these and minor
manifestations may point perhaps to a former nature and animal worship,
but at present there is no indication of such. The Manóbo's conduct in
the presence of such objects and phenomena is one of fear toward, and
placation of, the agencies which he believes produce the phenomena or of
the spirit owners of the objects that come across his path. It is to
them alone that he pays his respect, and not to the material object or
manifestation that has become the object of his perception.
Though one of the characteristics of Manóbo religion is the apotheosis
of bravery, as is apparent from the warlike character of the divinities,
and from the general desire to die the death of the slain, yet I find
little trace of ancestor worship. The dead are feared, their burial
place is shunned, their character is deemed perfidious, and relations
with them are terminated by a farewell mortuary feast, after which it is
expected that they will depart, to vex the living no more.
MENTAL AND OTHER ATTAINMENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS
The Manóbo's intellectual attainments are very limited. He counts on his
fingers and on his toes, or by means of material objects such as grains
of maize. He has never had any system of writing and does not know how
to read. His "letters" and his "contracts" are material objects in the
shape of bolos and other things, sent from one person to another with a
verbal message, or strips of rattan with knots. His method of counting
is decimal, and comprehends all numbers up to a hundred, though I am
inclined to think that this last number represents to him infinity.
The reckoning of time is equally simple. The day is divided into day and
night, the hour being indicated by stretching out the arm and open hand
in the direction of that part of the sky where the sun or the moon would
be at the time it is desired to indicate.
The month is not divided into weeks but the lunar month itself is
carefully followed, each phase of the moon having its distinct name,
though it is only in the case of the extreme of each phase that they
agree on its name.
Years are reckoned by the recurrence of the rice-harvesting season,
which varies according to the climate and geographical position of
different regions. It is seldom that one can count backwards more than
four or five years unless he can help his memory by some event such as
an earthquake, and extra heavy flood, the arrival of the Spanish
missionaries, the Philippine insurrection, or the growth of trees, but
as a rule no attempt is made to determine the number of years that have
elapsed since any event. I have seldom met a Manóbo who had any idea as
to his age, or any ability to judge approximately of the age of another.
Historical knowledge is confined almost entirely to events that have
occured[sic] within one's lifetime. There are few traditions that have
any historical value, and even in these there is an element of the
wonderful that makes them unreliable as guides.
It is obvious that the pagan Manóbo has made no advance along academic
lines, clue to the fact that he never has had an opportunity afforded
him, but judging of his intellectual ability by that of the
Christianized Manóbos, it is not inferior to that of the Bisáya. I had
experience in organizing and conducting schools among the _conquistas_,
and it has been my experience that _ceteris paribus_, they advance as
rapidly as Bisáyas. If the _conquistas_ have not progressed as far
intellectually, it is due to lack of facilities and not to any inherent
inability to learn.
Knowledge of astronomy is limited among the Manóbos to the names of a
few of the principal stars and constellations. The nature of the stars,
moon, sun, eclipses, and kindred phenomena are all explained in
mythological tales, from a belief in which no amount of reasoning can
move them. The old story that the comet is the harbinger or bearer of
disease is in vogue.
Esthetic arts, such as painting and architecture, are unknown, though
Manóbos can carve rude and often fantastic wooden images, and can make
crude tracings and incisions on lime tubes and baskets.
Notwithstanding their lack of scientific and esthetic knowledge, their
observation of nature is marvelous. This is obviously due to long
familiarity with the forest, the stream, and the mountains. From his
boyhood years the Manóbo has lived the life of the forest. He has
scanned the trees for birds and monkeys, the streams for fish. Living,
as he generally has, within a definite district, and roaming over it in
search of game and other things to eat, at the same time keeping a close
watch for any variation that might indicate the presence of an outsider,
he has come to possess those marvelous powers of sight and of
observation that would astonish the average white man. Within his own
district the position of every tree is known. Every stream and every
part of it, every mountain, every part of the forest is known and has
its appropriate name. The position of a place is explained in a few
words to a fellow tribesman, and is understood by the latter.
Trees and plants are recognized, and their adaptation in a great many
cases for certain economic uses is known, though I think that, in his
knowledge of the latter, the Manóbo is inferior to both the Bisáya and
the Mandáya, as he is undoubtedly of a more conservative and less
enterprising disposition.
The Manóbo character has been so maligned by missionaries, and by all
the Bisáyas who have dealings with them, that it deserves a clearance
from the aspersions that have been cast upon it. In dealing with the
Manóbo, as with all primitive peoples, the personal equation brings out
more than anything else the good qualities that underlie his character.
Several of the missionaries seem not to have distinguished between the
pagan and the man. To them the pagan was the incarnation of all that is
vile, a creature whose every act was dictated by the devil. The Bisáya
regarded him somewhat in the same light, but went further. He looked
upon him as his enemy because of the many acts of retribution, even
though retribution was merited, that had been committed by the Manóbo or
by his ancestors. He entertained a feeling of chagrin and disappointment
that this primitive man was unwilling to become an absolute tool in his
hands for thorough exploitation. Hence no name, however vile, was too
bad for the poor forest dweller who refused to settle near his
plantation and toil--man, woman, and child--for an utterly inadequate
wage. His feeling toward the _conquistas_ is little, if at all, better.
Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo is timid and suspicious. This is due
to the extreme cautiousness that teaches him to guard a life that among
his own people has only a nominal value. When in the presence of
strangers for the first time, he remembers that reprisals have been
bandied from time immemorial between his people on the one hand, and
Bisáyas, on the other, and he realizes that without proper care,
reprisals might be made on him. Again, if the visitor has penetrated
into his district, his suspicion may be aroused to its full force by
calumnious reports or rumors that may have preceded the visitor's
arrival. My own visits were frequently preceded by rumors to the effect
that I had magic power to poison or to do other things equally
wonderful, that I was a solider[sic] in disguise, or by other similar
reports. But in these cases and in all others one may allay the
timorousness and suspiciousness of these primitive people to a great
extent by previous announcement of one's visit and intentions, and upon
arrival in their settlement, by refraining from any act or word that
might betray one's curiosity. Surprise must not be expressed at anything
that takes place. The mere question as to what, for instance, is beyond
such and such a mountain, or where is the headwaters of such and such a
stream, may start up the full flame of suspicion. Hence prudence, a
kind, quiet, but alert manner, a good reputation from the last visited
locality and a distribution of trifling gifts, is always efficacious in
removing that feeling of distrust that these primitive people feel
toward a stranger.
Another charge is that they are revengeful. They certainly believe in
"an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Revenge for an unatoned wrong
is a stern, fundamental, eternal law, sanctioned by Manóbo institutions,
social, political, and religious; one that is consecrated by the breath
of the dying, and passed on from generation to generation to be
fulfilled; but it has one saving clause, _arbitration_. Hence a stranger
must inform himself of such past happenings as might jeopardize him. The
Manóbo has a very limited conception of the extent of the outside world
and of the number of its inhabitants, and he is inclined to believe that
one American, for instance, knows every other one and may be related by
blood to any other. Hence any imprudent action on the part of one may
draw down revenge on the head of another[1], relative or not, for even
innocent third parties may, by Manóbo custom, be sacrificed to the
unsatisfied spirit of revenge. The danger, however, in which a stranger
might find himself from this cause, is easily eliminated by questioning
the people as to who had wronged them on previous occasions; and should
he learn that he is considered a party to the wrong through identity of
blood or of race with the guilty one, he must gently suggest a plan for
arbitration at some later date, and in other pacific ways avert the
revenge from himself.
[1] It is not improbable that the death of Mr. H. M. Ickis, geologist of
the Bureau of Science, Manila, was partly due to the capture and exile
of one Gubat of the upper Umaíam some 15 or 20 years ago.
It is, moreover, affirmed that Manóbos are treacherous. If by treachery
is meant a violation of faith and confidence, they can not be said to be
treacherous. They kill when they feel that they are wronged. I know of
few cases where they did not openly avow their feelings and demand
reparation. Refusal to make the reparation demanded is equivalent to a
declaration of war, and in war all is fair. It is every man's duty to
safeguard himself as best he can. The Manóbo, Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, and
Debabáon houses erected in strategic positions throughout the interior
of eastern Mindanáo, bear witness to the fact that these people
recognize the principle that all is fair in war. The fact that they
frequently carry their spears and shields when on the trail, and in time
of trouble accompany their womenfolk to the farms and guard them there,
is sufficient evidence of the fact that every means must be taken to
safeguard one's self and interests from an enemy. But let a case be once
arbitrated, and beeswax burned or other solemn manifestation of
agreement be made, and it is my opinion that the pledge will not, as a
rule, be broken.
Cowardice is a trait attributed to Manóbos and other people of Mindanáo.
It is true that they do not take inordinate risks. The favorite hour for
attack on an enemy's house is dawn. They prefer to thrust a spear
through the floor rather than to call the enemy out to fight a
hand-to-hand battle. In other cases they prefer to ambush him on the
trail, 5 or 10 men against 1. Again, it may be more convenient to pick
off a lone woman in a _camote_ patch. Such are recognized methods of
warfare. Once aroused, however, the Manóbo will fight, and fight to a
finish. Throughout the Jesuit letters we find mentioned various
instances of really brave deeds on the part of Manóbos. In some cases
the husband killed his family and then himself rather than fall into the
hands of the Spanish troops. I have been informed of hundreds of
instances in which the male members of the attacked party threw
themselves against superior numbers in order that their wives might
escape. Hand-to-hand encounters are not uncommon, if I may believe the
endless stories that have been narrated to me by warriors throughout
eastern Mindanáo.
Laziness and dilatoriness can certainly be predicated of Manóbo men, but
such qualities are to be attributed to lack of incentive to work and to
hurry. All the household duties fall, by custom, upon the shoulders of
the women, so that there is little left for the man except to fish,
hunt, trap, trade, and fight. When, however, the men set themselves to
clearing the forest or to other manual tasks, it is surprising with what
agility, skill, and perseverance they work, though such spells of labor
are short lived.
No one has ever uttered or written a word against the Manóbo's sexual
morality. It is true that sexual matters are discussed with the greatest
freedom, but the most venial breaches of morality are punished. The
greatest modesty is observed in regard to the exposure of the private
parts. Gazing at an undressed woman, for instance, at the bathing place
results in a fine. Unseemly insinuations to a woman are visited with a
similar punishment, but should such overtures go further, even death may
be the penalty.
As to temperance and sobriety, the rule is to eat and drink all one can,
hence the amount of food and drink consumed depends upon the supply.
Sobriety is not a virtue. To lose one's equilibrium and senses is to do
honor to the host and justice to his generosity.
Honesty is certainly a trait of the Manóbo character. I do not mean to
maintain that there are not occasional pilferings, especially in small
things that are considered to be more or less communal in their nature,
such as palm wine while still flowing from the tree, but other kinds of
property are perfectly safe. The rare violations of the rule of honesty
are punished more or less severely according to the amount of the
property stolen and according to other considerations.
Though respect for another's property is decidedly the rule, yet it is
surprising to note with what care everything is counted, tied up, or put
away, and how marks of ownership are set up on all occasions. I think,
however, that these precautions are due not so much to a fear of
pilferers as to a feeling of the instability of conditions in a country
that has always been subject to turmoil.
Honesty in the payment of debts is one of the most striking
characteristics of these people. I have advanced merchandise on credit
to people whom I had never met before and the whereabouts of whose
houses I did not know except from their own information, and yet, six
months or a year later, when I entered their region I had no difficulty
in locating them nor in collecting from them. So high is their feeling
of obligation to pay a debt that even children are sometimes parted with
in settlement, but this occurs in extreme cases only. Though debts are
satisfied conscientiously, yet a certain amount of consideration is
expected as to the time and other details of payment, except in some
very urgent cases.
Honesty in other matters, as in the performance of formal agreements, is
equally noticeable though I must say that the performance may not be as
prompt in point of time as we would expect. But it must be remembered,
in connection with this last point, that in making an agreement one is
presumed to make allowance for a great many impediments, such as evil
omens, that do not figure in our system of contracts. Another
difference, which applies also to the matter of debts, is that the man
who owes a debt must be reminded of his obligation and urged in a gentle
way to the performance of it. It occurs in some rare instances that a
debtor is under a definite contract as to the exact time for meeting his
obligation. In these cases the creditor may be more insistent upon
payment. It is to the credit of the Manóbo that he never disowns a debt
nor runs away to avoid the payment thereof.
It has been said that the Manóbo is ungrateful, but I do not think that
his gratitude is so rare nor so transitory a virtue as is claimed by
those who pretend to know him. It is true that he has no word to express
thanks, but he expects the giver to make known his desires and ask for
what he wants. This is the reason why he himself is such an inveterate
beggar. He receives you into his house, feeds you, considers you his
friend, and proceeds to make you reciprocate by asking for everything he
sees. If he is under any obligation to you, he expects you to ask in a
similar manner. If you do not do it, he considers you either apathetic
or rich, and hence no reciprocation is forthcoming. Among Manóbos no
presents are made except of such trifles as have no value.
The Manóbo feels that he is at perfect liberty to conceal his real
thoughts and to give utterance to such distortions of truth as may not
compromise him with others. The penalty for slander is so great that
this is a fault that is seldom committed. Hence to get the truth from a
Manóbo, it is useless, as a rule, to question him singly or even in the
presence of his friends alone. He must be brought face to face with
those who hold an adverse opinion or belong to an opposite faction. If
this can be done, in a more formal way, as for example, by having a
number of principal men attend, it will be so much the easier to obtain
the desired information.
Queries as to trails or the dwelling places of neighboring Manóbos are
hardly ever answered truthfully and do more harm than good, because they
tend to arouse suspicions as to the questioner's motives. Such
information is obtained more readily by cultivating the friendship of
boys than by consulting the older folks. This tendency to disguise or to
distort the truth, though it has its natural basis in a desire for
self-protection, gives the Manóbos a reputation for lack of that
straightforwardness and frankness that is so noticeable among the
Mandáyas, even after very short acquaintance. This lack of frankness,
coupled with a certain amount of natural shrewdness, makes the truth
difficult to discover, unless the suggestion made before be carried out,
or unless one is willing to wait till the truth leaks out in private
conversation among the Manóbos themselves.
One trait of the Manóbo that seems hard to understand is his love for
long discussions. No matter how trifling the matter may be, it always
becomes the subject of an inordinately long conference even though there
are no dissenting parties. Even in such trifles as getting a guide to
take me, by well-known trails, to settlements of people with whom I was
well acquainted, the inevitable discussion would always take place. A
great number of people would assemble. The matter would be discussed at
length by every one present without a single interruption, except such
exclamations of assent as are continuously uttered whether the speaker's
views are acceptable or not. It seems that these and more solemn
discussions afford the speakers an opportunity to make themselves
conspicuous or to display their judgment. I can divine no other reason
for these conferences because, in many cases that I have known, the
result of the discussion was a foregone conclusion from the beginning.
Perhaps such discussions are for the purpose of "making no concessions"
or if they must be made, of making them begrudgingly.
These conferences are as a rule rather noisy, for though one speaker at
a time "has the floor," there are always a number of collateral
discussions, that, joined to the invariable household sounds, produce
somewhat of a din. Noise, in fact, is a general characteristic of Manóbo
life, so much so that at times one is inclined to be alarmed at the loud
yelling and other demonstrations of apparent excitement, even though the
occasion for it all may be nothing more than the arrival in the
settlement of a visitor with a dead monkey.
Harmony and domestic happiness are characteristic of the Manóbo family.
The Manóbo is devoted to his wife, fond of his children, and attached to
his relatives, more so than the Mañgguáñgan, but much less so than the
Bisáya or the Mandáya. He is dearly fond of social gatherings for,
besides the earthly comforts that he gets out of them, they afford him
an opportunity to display such wealth, rank, and possessions as he may
possess. His invitations to neighbors serve to keep him high in their
estimation and thereby gather around him a number of friends who will be
of service in the hour of trouble. Of the Manóbo, as of the other people
of Mindanáo, too much can not be said of his hospitality. If he has once
overcome his suspicions as to a stranger's motives, he takes him into
his house and puts himself to infinite pains to feast him as best he
knows how. In Manóboland one who travels carries no provisions. He drops
into the first house and when the meal hour arrives he sits down upon
the floor and helps himself without any invitation. It is practically
his own house, because for the time being he becomes one of the family.
If there happens to be a feast, he partakes without any special
invitation, and when he is ready to go, he proceeds upon his journey,
only to repeat the operation in the next house, for it is customary
always to pay at least a short visit to every friendly house on or near
the trail.
One of the mental traits that has perhaps done more than anything else
to retard the Manóbo in his progress towards a higher plane of
civilization is his firm adherence to traditional customs. All things
must be done as his forefathers did them. Innovations of any kind may
displease the deities, may disturb the present course of events, may
produce future disturbances. "Let the river flow as it ever flowed--to
the sea," is a refrain that I heard quoted on this subject by Manóbos.
"Fish that live in the sea do not live in the mountains," is another,
and there are many others, all illustrating that conservatism that tends
to keep the Manóbo a Manóbo and nothing else. He is Christianized but,
after going through the Christian ritual, he will probably invoke his
pagan divinities. He takes on something new but does not relinquish the
old. Hence the difficulty of inducing the Manóbo to leave the district
of his forefathers, and take up his abode in a new place amid unfamiliar
spirits.
This feature of their character explains the inconstancy and fickleness
exhibited by the Christianized Manóbos at the beginning of their
conversion. These were due to the call of the forest hailing them back
to their old haunts. These characteristics will explain also a host of
anomalies that are noticeable throughout the Manóbo's life.
The first visit of a stranger to a primitive settlement may produce upon
him a very unfavorable impression. He may find that the women and
children have fled, so that he finds himself surrounded by men, all
armed. This should not discourage him, as it happens in many cases that
the men were unable to keep the women from flight. The wearing of arms
is as much a custom with Manóbos as the wearing of a watch is with us.
The bolo is his life and his livelihood. Were he not to wear it he would
be branded as insane, and he looks upon a defenseless person, stranger
or otherwise, much in the same light, unless he attributes the absence
of a weapon to the possession of secret powers of protection, in which
case he is inclined to follow the example of the fugitive women and
betake himself beyond the reach of harm.
Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo will ask a host of questions that
will tax the patience of the visitor if he ventures to answer them
personally. These questions spring from a desire to learn the motives of
the visit. People from the neighboring houses drop in at intervals just
as soon as word reaches them of the new arrival, and may continue to do
so until the time of the visitor's departure, thereby keeping the house
crowded. The assembling of these people arises from a desire to see the
visitor and to find out the object of his visit. Hence the newcomers
will proceed to ask him every imaginable question that may suggest
itself and if any answer conveys information that has anything of the
wonderful in it for them, it gives rise to a thousand and one other
questions, the responses to which often tax a visitor's patience.
Another part of the visit is the frank demand on the part of the
primitive people for any object of the visitor which they may take a
fancy to. They always understand, however, a quiet refusal, if it is
accompanied by an appropriate reason.
It happens sometimes that the chief of the settlement will claim a fee
for transgression upon his territory, but he will usually accept a small
present in lieu thereof, or will forego any gift, if the matter is
argued, quietly and diplomatically. The Manóbo resents harsh words,
especially when used toward him in the presence of those who are his
nominal subjects. Personalities or threats in such a case often prove
fatal.
It is not good etiquette to ask a Manóbo his name, especially if he is a
chief, until one has acquired somewhat of an acquaintance with him. The
information must be secured from a third party and in a quiet way.
Moreover, it is customary to address chiefs and other persons of
distinction by the names of their corresponding titles. Thus a warrior
chief is addressed _bagáni_, and not by his proper name.
It is needless to say that no familiarity should be taken with the
person of another until acquaintance has been cultivated far enough to
permit it. Thus touching another on the arm to call his attention to
something may be resented and may result in an attempt to collect a fine.
The handling of arms requires a word. The lance must be stuck in the
ground, head up, at the foot of the house ladder; or, if it must be
brought into the house, as at night, the owner must take care that it
points at no one while being handled. If one desires to draw a bolo from
its sheath, he must draw it slowly, and if it is to be presented to
another, the blade must be kept facing the owner's body and the handle
presented to the other man. The same rule holds for the dagger.
It will be noticed that as a general rule the men in a Manóbo settlement
go armed and keep their hands on their weapons, especially during
mealtime, at which time it is customary to eat with the left hand, the
right hand being reserved for the use of the weapon in an emergency.
There are a number of other rules of intercourse that serve to safeguard
life and to maintain proper respect on the part of each individual for
the person of his neighbor. These will be found scattered throughout
this paper.
PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE
CHAPTER V
THE MANÓBO HOME
IN GENERAL
The Manóbo, as a rule builds a house of no great pretensions, because he
always remembers that an evil combination of omens or a death in the
house or an attack by his enemies, may deprive him in the near future of
his home. His best structure is better than the low wall-less
Mañgguáñgan home but can not compare with the comparatively solid
structure of the Mandáyas of Kati'il and the Debabáons of the Sálug
country.
He has no tribal halls, no assembly houses. In fact, with the exception
of a rude shack[1] on his farm, built to shelter those who are guarding
the crops against marauders (monkeys and birds), he builds only one
house, where he and usually several of his relatives dwell until such
time (usually after a year) as he finds it convenient or necessary to
abandon it.
[1] _Pin-ái-ag_.
MOTIVES THAT DETERMINE THE SELECTION OF THE SITE
The motives that determine the selection of the site are twofold.
RELIGIOUS MOTIVES
It is obvious that in such an important undertaking the Manóbo must be
guided by the omens and oracles that manifest to him the will of the
supernal powers. Hence, as he sallies forth to seek the site, he keeps
his ear alert for the turtledove's[2] prophetic cry. If this is
unfavorable, he returns home and resumes his search the following day.
It frequently happens that this omen may be unfavorable for two or three
successive days, but, however urgent the case may be, this bird's sacred
warning must on no account be disregarded, for it would mean failure,
disaster, or death, as the Manóbo can prove to you by a host of
instances that happened within his memory, or that of his relatives.
Once satisfied, however, with this first omen, he proceeds upon his
journey and selects, from material motives that will be mentioned later
on, a site for the new house, and returns to his people to inform them
of the outcome of his journey.
[2] _Li-mo-kon_.
Now, the selection of the site is of such serious import to the Manóbo
that he must assure himself, by every means in his power, that it is
approved by the unseen powers, and for this purpose he has recourse to
the egg omen and the suspension oracle. The former I witnessed on
several occasions and in every case it proved auspicious. The
_bu-dá-kan_ or vine omen is sometimes consulted in selecting a house
site, and the significance of the various configurations is the same as
that described under "Divination or Omens." I was told that this latter
omen is also taken _in the forest_ before the final decision as to the
selection of the site is made.
The occurrence of ominous dreams at this juncture, as also the passing
of a snake across the trail, are considered of evil import, but the evil
is neutralized by the fowl-waving ceremony that will be described later.
MATERIAL MOTIVES
When no further objection is shown by the "powers above" to the
selection of the home site, the Manóbo is guided by such motives as
fertility of soil, proximity of water, and fishing facilities, and, if
he is in a state of vigilance against his enemies, as in remote regions
he nearly always is, by desirability of the site for defense. In this
latter case he selects a high place difficult of access, frequently a
lofty mountain, and chooses the most strategic point upon it.
RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH THE ERECTION OF A HOUSE
An invocation to the special deities of the family is made by a priest,
usually a relative. After an offering of a betel nut has been made to
the local deities of this particular part of the forest, the head of the
family, assisted by such of his numerous relatives as are able to help
him, proceeds to clear the ground for the new building. When a more
influential Manóbo begins to erect a capacious house, usually everyone
in the vicinity--men, women, and children--attracted by the prospective
conviviality that is sure to accompany the work, throng to lend a
helping hand, so that in a few days the clearing is made, cleaned and
planted, and the frame of the house with the roof completed.
People belonging to the less influential class may take months to
complete the house, depending on the number of relatives who help them
and on the leisure that they have. It is of importance to note here that
the house must not be completed at once.[3]
[3] It is believed that the thatch must be allowed to turn yellow before
the house is completed.
When the first post is put into the ground, a sacrifice is frequently
made and a part of the victim's blood is poured upon the base of the
post. As soon as the roof and floor have been constructed, a formal
sacrifice of a chicken is made to the special divinities under whose
protection the family is thought to be. The chicken must be of the color
that is pleasing to these deities. An interesting feature of this
ceremony is that the center of the floor, the place intended for the
doorway, and one or more of the posts, are lustrated with the blood of
the victim.
STRUCTURE OF THE HOUSE
THE MATERIALS
The materials for the house are taken from the surrounding forest and
are generally of a light character. It is only in the erection of a
house[4] for defense that more substantial materials are employed.
[4] _I-li-hán_.
THE DIMENSIONS AND PLAN OF CONSTRUCTION
In height from the ground to the floor the house may vary from 1.50 to 8
meters, though a structure of the latter height is infrequent. In size
it may be between 2 by 3 meters and 5 by 8 meters, but as a rule it is
nearer to the former than to the latter figures. Rectangular in form, it
is built upon light posts varying in number from 4 to 16, the 4 corner
ones being larger and extending up to support the roof. Four horizontal
pieces attached to these corner posts and, supported by several of the
small posts, form, together with a few joints, the support for the
floor. In order to give more rigidity to the building and to render the
floor stronger, the joints are supported by several posts, these last
being propped by braces set at an angle of about 45°. In the case of a
house built for defense, the number of supports and crosspieces is such
that the enemy would find it impossible to hack it down.
Houses built on trees were rare at the time of my stay among the Manóbos
of the Agúsan Valley. In the few cases which I saw, the tree was cut off
at a point about 2 meters above the divergence of the main branches from
the trunk. Then the house was built in the ordinary way by erecting long
auxiliary posts, the trunk of the tree and its main branches forming the
principal support. In Baglásan, upper Sálug River, I saw a Debabáon
house, belonging to Bagáni pinamailan Lantayúna, built on a tree but
without any auxiliary posts.
No nails, and pegs only very occasionally are employed in fastening
together the various parts of the structure. Either rattan strips or
pieces of a peculiar vine[5] are used in lashing the beams and
crosspieces to the posts, whereas for the other fastenings, rattan
strips are universally employed.
[5] Hag-nái-a (_Stenochlena_ spp.).
THE FLOOR
The floor consists of laths of bamboo, or of a variety of palm[6] laid
parallel and running along the length of the house with more or less
regular interstices. Almost universally one or both sides of the floor,
for a width of 50 centimeters to 1.5 meters, are raised to a height
varying from 10 to 50 centimeters above the main floor. This raised
portion serves for a sleeping place, but in the poorer classes of houses
the height of this platform is so slight that I think that there exists
or has existed some superstitious belief connected with it, though I
have been unable to elicit any positive information on the point. In
houses of the better class one occasionally finds roughhewn boards used
for the floor of these platforms, as also for the walls.
[6] A-ná-nau. Palma brava. (_Livistonia_ sp.).
THE ROOF AND THE THATCH
The roof is of the gable style, but is four-sided, with two smoke vents,
as may be seen in Plates 4b and 6a. The four beams that form the main
support for the rafters are lashed to the posts of the house at a height
varying from 1.5 meters to 2 meters above the floor. Four substantial
rafters, resting upon the four beams just mentioned, run up at an angle
of 45° from the corner posts. Upon these rafters rests the ridgepole.
Numerous light rafters of wood or of bamboo extend from the ridgepole in
parallel rows at intervals of 30 to 40 centimeters. They project about
50 centimeters beyond the side beams upon which they rest and serve to
support the roofing material.
The thatch consists almost invariably of fronds of rattan gathered in
the adjoining forest. This thatch is made by bending back on the midrib
every alternate spike till all the spikes lie parallel. Another way is
to cut the midrib in the center at the small end and tear the frond into
two pieces. These half-fronds are neither so durable nor so serviceable
as if the midrib is left entire. Two, three, or four of these fronds, or
double that number of half-fronds, are then superimposed, and fastened
to the rafters with rattan in shingle fashion.
In localities where sago palm is available an excellent thatch is made
in the ordinary Philippine fashion by sewing the spikes of the frond to
a slat of bamboo. It is claimed that this thatch will not last much more
than a year, as it is a breeding place for a multitude of small
cockroaches that seem to thrive upon it.
In the mountainous districts, where up to a few years ago feuds were
rife, it was not uncommon to find houses roofed with big strips of bark,
or with shingles of flattened bamboo. This style of roofing was employed
as a precaution against the burning arrows used by the enemy during an
attack.
There is always an extra layer of leaves over the ridgepole as a
protection against the rain. Occasionally a long strip or two of bark is
placed as a hood on the ridgepole to help prevent the entrance of the
rain during the northwest monsoon, when it comes down in indescribable
torrents.
A glance at the illustrations will show better than words can describe
the peculiar smoke outlets invariably found in Manóbo houses. They not
only afford an exit for the smoke, and admit light, but also permit,
during storms, the entrance of an amount of rain that does not conduce
to comfort.
THE WALLS
The walls are nearly always in the case of better class houses, light
poles of wood or of bamboo, laid horizontally one above the other and
tied to upright pieces placed at intervals for their support. In poorer
houses palm fronds are tied loosely to a few upright pieces. The eaves
project down almost as far as the top of the walls. The latter never
extend to the roof, but are usually of such a height that a person
sitting on the floor can see between the walls and the eaves the space
surrounding the house. It is rare to find boards used for the walls,
but, if used, they are roughhewn, and are laid horizontally and
edgewise, one above the other. They are held in place with rattan strips.
The space, then, between the top of the walls and the roof is open all
around the house and serves as one continuous window that affords more
ventilation than light. The purpose of this peculiar arrangement seems
to be for defense, for no one can approach the house from any side
without being seen, and, in time of attack, it affords the inmates of
the house an admirable vantage ground from which to ply their arrows.
THE DOORWAY AND THE LADDER
There is no door in a Manóbo house. In the middle of one end of the
house a small opening is left scarcely wide enough for two persons to
enter at one time. A notched pole leads up to this opening. If the house
is high, a certain amount of maneuvering on the part of one not
accustomed to it, may be required in climbing the pole, for there is
seldon[sic] any rail to aid one and the notches are not of the deepest.
This is another of the Manóbo's devices against enemies, for on
occasions of attack the inmates of a house can dislodge by a slight
movement of this cylindrical ladder any foolhardy enemy who might
attempt, under protection of his shield, to make an ascent during a
fight.
In the house of a chief or well-to-do Manóbo, one frequently finds a
crude ladder for the convenience of the family dogs.
INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS
The internal arrangements of the house are very simple. The one
ceilingless square area between the roof and the floor constitutes the
house. There is no dining room, no kitchen, no bedroom, no toilet. Even
the little stalls erected by Mandáyas for the married couples are very
seldom to be found. The owner of the house occupies the part farthest
from the door, and nearest the fire, while visitors are relegated to the
part near the door.
DECORATIONS
No paint is applied to the house and, with the exception of a rude
carving of the ridgepole into the suggestion of a human head with a
rudimentary body, there is no decoration in the interior. On the
outside, one frequently sees at the ends of the ridgepole, and set
upright at right angles to each other, two narrow, thin pieces of wood
about 1 meter long. Along the sides of these are cuttings which are
intended to represent the crested head of a fowl, as the name given to
them indicates.[7]
[7] _Min-an-úk_ from _mán-uk_, a fowl.
THE FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT OF THE HOUSE
The Manóbo house fittings are of the scantiest and most necessary kind.
The tenure of the house may be brief, depending, as it does, upon a
suspicion of danger or even on a dream. So the Manóbo does not indulge
in the luxury of chairs, tables, or similar articles. The upraised
portion of the floor, or the floor itself, serves him as a chair and a
bench. For a table he uses a small board such as is so universally used
throughout Mindanáo by the poorer classes. Yet many are the houses that
can not boast of even this simple equipment. He has no bedsteads, for
the bamboo floor with a grass mat thrown over it affords him a cool and
comfortable resting place. He has a fair abundance of mats, but they are
ordinarily short, being made according to the length of the grass he
happens to find. By day these mats are rolled up and laid aside on the
floor or upon the beams of the house. If left on the floor, they afford
the family dogs, who ensconce themselves therein, a convenient refuge
from flies.
He dispenses with the use of pillows, unless the handiest piece of wood
or of bamboo can be called a pillow. Lacking that, he lays his head upon
the mat and enjoys as good a sleep, perhaps, as his more civilized
fellowmen.
It is seldom, indeed, that he uses a mosquito bar, though wild _abaká_
is abundant and his wife is a weaver. The mosquito bars which are in use
are made out of _abaká_ fiber. As the cloth for them, made on the
ordinary loom, is less than a meter wide, and as much as 24 meters long,
it must be cut up into strips nearly 2 meters long and sewn together to
form the mosquito bar. It must be made of an odd number of pieces of
cloth, for an even number is unlucky. A net made of 11 or 13 pieces is
considered especially lucky. The use of the mosquito bar is very common
among the _conquistas_ of the Lake region.
Pictures and like ornaments are unknown, but in lieu of them may be seen
trophies of the chase, such as wild-boar jawbones, deer antlers, and
hornbill skulls and beaks. It is not infrequent to see the tail of some
large fish fastened to one of the larger beams, under the roof. There is
a special significance in the preservation of this trophy.
There is one article, however, which the Manóbo prizes as a mark of
wealth and as a venerable relic. It is the sacred jar.[8] I have been
unable to obtain any information as to the origin of these jars except
that they were usually obtained as marriage fees and that they were
bought from the Banuáons. Be that as it may, they are a matter of pride
in Manóboland, and on every occasion, festive and religious, they are
set out, brimful of brew. Not every Manóbo is the proud possessor of one
of these, but he who has one is loath to part with it. A glance at Plate
14 _k_, _l_, will give an idea of what these jars look like. They are
decorated, as a rule, in alto relievo with figures of birds, snakes,
etc., and to judge from their appearance are of Chinese workmanship.
When given as marriage payments or for other purposes they are valued at
about 4 pesos if they have no ears, but when they have ears they are
worth as many pesos minus 1 as they have ears.
[8] _Ba-hán-di_.
Next to jars the Manóbo values plates and bowls, even those of the
cheapest kind, and it is with a gleam of satisfaction on his face that
the host sets out an array of old-fashioned plates for his guests. The
Manóbo of the middle Agúsan, unlike his Mandáya neighbor, is
particularly poor in plateware. I found houses that could not boast of a
single plate, but as a rule each house has about four plates, a bowl,
and a glass.
Depending from the roof are to be seen baskets of various shapes
intended for a variety of uses, fish baskets, rice baskets of several
kinds, storage baskets, betel-nut baskets, pack baskets, some of
wickerwork and some of plaited rattan. Also, hanging from the rafters
are to be seen fish traps, wild chicken traps, religious objects such as
oblation trays, a guitar, or a bamboo harp, and if it is a priest's
house, a drum and gong.
One sees almost invariably a nest or two up in a corner under the roof.
They are for the domestic hens and are ungainly things, made ordinarily
out of a piece of old matting. In these the hens lay their eggs, after
meandering around the rafters and disturbing the inmates of the house
with their cackling. After the eggs are laid, it is frequently necessary
to drive the hens from the house.
The fireplace is another very important item in the house. It is usually
located on the side of the house away from the door and near the wall.
It consists of four roughhewn pieces of wood approximately 1 meter long
and about 10 centimeters high, set together on the floor and lashed in
the form of a rectangle. A piece of bark is placed on the floor within
this rectangle, and the inclosed space is filled with earth. A half
dozen stones form supports for the earthen jars. Above the fireplace is
a rough frame for firewood, of which there is usually a plentiful
supply. Here the wood is dried thoroughly before it is used.
In close proximity to the hearth and scattered around without any regard
for tidiness may be seen the rice winnow, the bamboo water tube, the
coconut-shell watercup, the rice paddles and ladles, leaves of banana
and other plants, and the whetstone, while on the fireplace are seen a
variety of earthen pots with their covers, and frequently an imported
iron pan for cooking.
Tied up under the roof, but within reach, may be seen bows and arrows,
probably a fish spear, or it may be, a fish rod. Spears and other
weapons of defense which, when not in use, are unsheathed and put into a
rude wooden rack made for the purpose, while the sheaths are hung up
close by.
It is not exceptional to find a cage with a turtledove[9] or a variety
of parrakeet[sic][10] in it. The cage is usually hung from the roof
under the eaves outside the wall. The turtledove is kept for religious
purposes, whereas the parrakeet[sic] is kept as other people keep a pet
bird, though it is occasionally employed by the young folks as a lure to
attract its wild fellows to the bird line.
[9] _Li-mó-kon_. (_Phabitreron brevirostris_ Tweedale). Generally called
fruit dove.
[10] _ku-li-li-si_.
THE UNDERPART AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HOUSE
The space under the fireplace is usually not occupied because of the
water and refuse that fall from the kitchen, but to one side of it is
the inevitable pigpen, containing a pig or two. It is only the wealthier
Manóbos who can boast of more than a few, for the maintenance of many
would be a heavy drain on their limited food supply. These few pigs
subsist on such scraps and parings as may be thrown or allowed to fall
down to them.
To one side of the pigpen, if there is room, is placed the rice mortar,
an article of indispensable necessity in every household. In it is
hulled with wooden pestles, and frequently in measured time, the daily
supply of rice.
At the time when the house is constructed, the forest adjoining is
cleared, and _camotes_,[11] a little sugarcane, and a few other things
are planted. The house usually overlooks this clearing at least on one
side. On the other sides there is usually the grim, silent forest. When
the house is built with a view to defense, trees are felled all around
in such a way as to make a regular abatis. Ordinarily there are at least
two trails, one, a main trail, so tortuous and difficult, in the
generality of cases, that it would lead one to imagine that the owner of
the house had deliberately selected it for its difficulties, the other,
a trail leading to the watering place. In approaching the house the
visitor is obliged to climb over fallen logs, the passing of which
requires no little maneuvering on the part of a novice. Without a guide
it would be often difficult, if not impossible, to locate the houses,
even if one had been shown their location from a distance.
[11] _Ipomoea batatas_.
ORDER AND CLEANLINESS OF THE HOUSE
As from one to four families may live in a single house, it is needless
to say that there is generally a decided appearance of disorder, as well
as a tumult that baffles description. In the only room of the house are
congregated the married couples, generally a few extra relatives, their
children, and their dogs. The Manóbos are naturally very loud talkers,
their children, especially the infants, are as noisy as children the
world over, and their dogs, which may number from 3 to 15, are so
constituted that, when they are not fighting with one another, they may
at any moment, without apparent motive or provocation, begin one grand
dismal howl which, united to the crying of the babies and to the loud
tones of their elders, produces a pandemonium. It is at meal times that
the pandemonium waxes loudest, for at that time the half-starved dogs,
in their efforts to get a morsel to eat, provoke the inmates to loud
yells of "Sida, sida,"[12] and to other more forcible actions.
[12] An exclamation to drive away a dog.
In a large house, with such a conglomeration of human beings, it is
obvious that an impression of confusion is made upon the visitor. The
performance of the various culinary operations by the women, the various
employments in which the men are engaged, making arrows, fish traps,
etc., the romping of the children, all these tend to heighten the
impression. But the Manóbo goes on with his work, tranquil in the midst
of it all, savoring his conversation with incessant quids of betel nut
or tobacco.
The Manóbo has not yet come to a knowledge of the various microbes and
parasites that are liable to undermine the foundations of health, so
that the sanitary condition of his house is not such as would pass a
modern inspection. Both men and women are inveterate chewers of betel
nut and tobacco, and, instead of using a spittoon, they expectorate the
saliva through the interstices of the floor or anywhere that they may
find convenient, thereby tinging the floor and walls a bright red. As
the Manóbo broom is a most crude affair made out of a few twigs, it does
not remove all the remains of the meals as they lie spread over the
floor. The peelings of sugarcane, the skin of bananas and of other
fruits, the remains of rattan, and such other refuse as may be the
result of the various occupations that take place in the house are all
strewn around the floor and frequently are not removed for a
considerable length of time.
In the preparation and cooking of food a considerable amount of water
fails necessairly[sic] under the house which, together with the excreta
of the inmates and the other refuse, animal and vegetable, produces a
somewhat unfavorable appearance and sometimes an unpleasant odor.
There is no drainage, artificial or natural and no means are provided
for the removal of the ordure, unless it be the services of the
scavenger pigs, who busy themselves as soon as they become aware of the
presence of refuse. The effluvium, however, usually does not reach the
inmates unless the house is very low.
As the smoke outlets are comparatively remote from the fireplace, it is
obvious that the smoke does not make a rapid exit, but wreathes up among
the beams and rafters thereby blackening them out of all semblance to
wood. The underside of the thatch, especially those portions above the
fire, receives a goodly coating of soot which, mixed with the greasy
emanations from the pots, assumes a lustrous black.
Another matter that tends to give the house an air and feeling of
uncleanliness is the host of small insects, presumably a species of
cockroach, that infest the thatch, and, notwithstanding the volume of
smoke that at times almost suffocates the inmates, swarm down into the
baskets used for provisions and for other things. These multitudinous
insects seem to flourish on the rattan vine especially, and no means are
known whereby to exterminate them. Ants, especially the white ant, pay
frequent visits to the house, but the worst scourge of all is the
ravenous bedbug. This unpleasant insect is found under the joists just
beneath the floor laths, but in greatest numbers under those parts of
the floor that are continually used as sleeping places, and in the
hammocks. Occasionally an effort is made to scrape them out, but they
are so cunning in concealing themselves and breed with such rapidity
that efforts to get rid of them are unavailing.
The presence of vermin on the bodies of the Manóbos is due to the lack
of soap and of washing facilities. But, if questioned, these primitive
people will inform you, that the vermin are natural growths or
excretions proceeding from the inside.[13] It is for this reason that no
shame is exhibited in removing publicly the pests from the clothes or
from the hair. Owing to the custom of the people of huddling together
during the night these insects are propagated from one individual to
another, so that it is seldom that the Manóbo is free from them.
[13] I found this belief to be almost universal in eastern Mindanáo.
CHAPTER VI
DRESS
GENERAL REMARKS
DELICACY IN EXPOSURE OF THE PERSON
Like all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, Manóbos, both men and women, wear
sufficient clothes to cover the private parts of the body. Children up
to the age of 5 or 6 years may go without clothes, but female children
commonly wear a triangular pubic shield[1] of coconut shell, suspended
by a waist string. Men, though they may denude themselves completely
when bathing, always conceal their pudenda from one another's gaze.
[1] _Pú-ki_.
Married and elderly women may occasionally expose the upper part of
their persons, but unmarried girls seldom do so. No delicacy is felt in
exposing the breasts during the suckling of a babe.
VARIETY IN QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF CLOTHES
The quantity and quality of clothes worn varies slightly in different
localities. The farther away from settlements the people live, the
poorer and less elaborate is the dress, due to their inability to obtain
the imported cloth and cotton yarn, for which they entertain a high
preference. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos have adopted a
certain amount of Mandáya culture, their apparel partakes of the more
gorgeous character of that of the Mandáya. In places where they are of
Mañgguáñgan descent, as is often the case on the upper Agúsan, on the
Mánat, on the upper Ihawán and tributaries, and on the upper Sálug,
their clothes resemble those of their poor progenitors. In the middle
Agúsan (including the Wá-wa, Kasilaían, lower Argáwan, lower Umaíam,
lower Ihawán, Híbung, and Simúlau Rivers) the dress may be called
characteristically Manóbo.
THE USE OF BARK CLOTH
The use of bark cloth[2] in a region situated somewhere between the
headwaters of the Libagánon and the Sábud, a western tributary of the
Ihawán, was reported to me. My informants, both on the Sálug River and
on the Umaíam River, spoke of the people of that locality as _true
Manóbos_, very dark in color, and wearing bark clothes. If this report
is correct, and I am inclined to give credence to it, it is probably the
only case at the present time of the use of bark cloth in Mindanáo,
excepting perhaps among the Manánuas[sic].
[2] _A-ga-hán_.
DRESS AS AN INDICATION OF RANK
There are no characteristic dresses by which the rank or profession of
the wearer is indicated except that of the warrior chief. Female priests
very frequently may be distinguished by a prodigality of charms,
talismans, and girdle pendants, as also by a profuseness of embroidery
on the jacket, but such lavishness is not necessarily an infallible sign
of their rank as priestesses but rather of their wealth. Neither is it a
mark of their unmarried condition, for in Manóboland, as in other parts
of the world, the maiden loves to display her person to good advantage
and for that reason decks herself with all the finery of which she may
be the possessor.
Slaves may be recognized by the wretchedness of their clothes.
DRESS IN GENERAL
The man's dress invariably consists of long loose trousers or of
close-fitting breeches, and of a moderately tight-fitting, buttonless
jacket. These two articles of dress are supplemented by a bamboo hat, a
betel-nut knapsack, and by such adornments in the shape of beads, and
other things, as the man may have been able to acquire.
The woman's dress consists almost invariably of a close-fitting,
buttonless jacket with red body and black sleeves. Her skirt is a double
sacklike garment made out of _abaká_ fiber. A girdle of braided human
hair or of braided vegetable fiber holds this coarse dress in place. A
selection of beads, shells, and herbs hang from this girdle at the right
side. A comb in the hair, a pair of ear disks in the ears, a few
necklets, and frequently leglets, complete the apparel. The children's
clothing is a duplicate of that of their respective parents on a smaller
and less elaborate scale.
PREFERENTIAL COLORS IN DRESS
In the matter of color a decided preference is shown for red, yellow,
white, and dark blue. This is not so exacting in the case of beads,
which are purchased indiscriminately, but even in these I am of the
opinion that if there were a choice in the supply, the above-mentioned
colors would be preferred.
The Manóbo, then, is not encumbered with all the weight and variety of
modern modes and fashions. Shoes, slippers, and hose are not a part of
his apparel. Blankets and other articles for protection against cold are
not to be found in his wardrobe. In the house and out of the house, by
night and by day, in peace and in war, his dress is the same, one suit
for every day usage and one for festal occasions and for visits.
THE MAN'S DRESS
HATS AND HEADKERCHIEFS
The hat worn on the Ihawán, upper Agúsan, and upper Simúlau resembles
that worn by Mandáyas. It is made out of two pieces of bamboo,[3] dried
over the fire into the desired shape, and is held together by two
slender strips of rattan running around and stitched to the edges of the
headpiece proper. These pieces project backward and overlap to form the
tail of the hat. The upper surface of the whole hat is then painted with
beeswax. The sustaining pieces of rattan around the rim and the under
surface of the back part receive a heavy coating of this same material
mixed with pot black. Odd tracings and dottings of beeswax and soot or
of the juice of a certain tree[4] serve to decorate the whole upper
surface; small seed beads, usually white, are often sewed around the rim
in a single row and at slight intervals, or are sewed on the top,
especially around the conical peak. Little tufts of cotton are sometimes
dotted over the top, and occasionally one finds the emerald green wings
of a beetle[5] placed in the seams on top. All of these devices serve to
enhance the beauty of the headpiece.
[3] _Caña bojo_.
[4] _Ka-yú-ti_.
[5] Called _dú-yau_.
A notable feature of the hat is five or six tail plumes of a domestic
rooster. These are set upright in small holes in the back part of the
hat and are held in place by lumps of beeswax placed at the ends of the
quills, which protrude through the bamboo. It is needless to say that
the most gaudy plumes are selected for this purpose. They enhance in no
small degree the elegant appearance of the hat. These plumes curve very
gracefully indeed, and nod in unison with every movement of the wearer.
The hat is held on the head by two strings made either of braided
imported cotton of the typical colors, of _abaká_ fiber of the same
colors, of vegetable fiber, or of slender slips of rattan. These two
strings, often strung with beads, are attached at both ends of the hat
and are sufficiently loose to permit the head of the wearer to be
inserted between them. A further adornment may consist of two or more
beaded pendants that may be tipped with tassels of imported cotton of
the preferential colors.
The hat, on the whole, is serviceable, economical, and cool, and serves
to set off its wearer to good advantage and to protect his hair from the
rain. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the decorative tracings
and appanages on the hat have no other significance than that of
personal adornment.
A second form of head covering, in use in the parts of the Agúsan River
Valley not mentioned above, as also among the Manóbos of the Pacific
coast,[6] is circular. It is made of the sago palm or of bamboo. It
varies in diameter between 25 and 35 centimeters and has the shape of a
low broad cone. The edges, like those of the hat already described, are
reinforced with rattan painted with a mixture of beeswax and pot black
for preserving the rattan against atmospheric influences. No paint is
applied to the sago sheath, but the beeswax is applied to the bamboo as
a preservative against cracking. Neither are any decorative incisions or
tracings used in this form of hat, it being primarily and essentially
for protection against sun and rain. Two parallel strips of rattan
fastened at the ends of a diagonal serve to hold the hat in position on
the head.
[6] The Manóbos of the Pacific coast inhabit the upper waters of the
Kantílan, Tándag, Tágo, Marihátag, Húbo, Bislig, and Liñgig Rivers.
A noteworthy feature of this hat is that within the area mentioned
above, it is frequently worn by women. I know of no other headdress that
is employed by the female members of the Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon
tribes.[7]
[7] The Manóbos of the lower Agúsan, inhabiting the towns of San
Vicente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, and surrounding regions are not
referred to here. The Debabáons are looked upon as forming a separate
tribe till further investigation.
Besides the headkerchief,[8] worn universally by warrior chiefs[9] and
recognized warriors[10] throughout all tribes in eastern Mindanáo, a
kerchief[11] bound round the head is very often worn by Manóbos of the
Argáwan and Umaíam Rivers.
[8] _Tá-bang_.
[9] _Ba-gá-ni_.
[10] _Man-ík-i-ad_.
[11] _Pó-dung_.
THE JACKET
In general the jacket is close-fitting, square-cut, and closed. It has
long sleeves and a tongue-shaped opening for the head extending from the
neck downward in front. Ordinarily the jacket is scarcely long enough to
reach the top of the trousers. It is not rare to find a narrow strip of
cloth of a color different from the rest of the jacket inserted between
the sleeves and body of the garment or running down the waist between
the two pieces that form the body. This sidepiece in the jacket of men
and women serves to give the desired width to the garment and the
variation in color secured by it is regarded as an addition to the
general ornamental effect. The jacket is embroidered more or less
elaborately according to the skill of the embroiderer and the amount of
imported cotton yarn available. This embroidery is done on the back from
shoulder to shoulder in a band from 4 to 6 centimeters broad, and in
continuous narrow lines around the neck opening, along the seams between
the sleeves and body of the garment, on the lower parts of the sleeves,
around the waist at the bottom of the garment, and down the arm at the
joining of the sleeves; in a word, over all seams.
In the central portion of the Agúsan Valley and on the Pacific coast,
the most common form of jacket is made of unstained _abaká_ fiber cut
like the one just described. It has, however, inwoven in the cloth,
horizontal parallel lines of dark-blue yarn on the back and the upper
part of the front. These dark-blue bands are set at intervals from each
other and usually amount to from six to nine lines in number. Tufts of
cotton in a continuous recurrence of red, yellow, and dark blue, without
any interstices, cover all the seams. If there is any embroidery, it is
upon the lower part of the sleeves, on that part of the jacket that
covers the back of the neck, and along the seams between the sleeves and
the body of the jacket. The distribution of this style of garment is
very wide. I have seen it on the Tágo River (Pacific coast), on the
upper Umaíam, Argáwan, Kasilaían, and Simúlau Rivers.
On the upper Agúsan, including the upper Bahaí-an, Ihawán, and Baóbo
Rivers, a style that resembles the Mandáya is most frequently to be
seen. The jacket is made of a gauze-like _abaká_ cloth dyed black, or
preferably of black or blue imported cloth. One frequently finds, for
ornamental purposes, just above the wrists or between the sleeves and
the body of the jacket, or down the waist between the main pieces of the
garment, thin strips of white cloth inserted. Usually there is no
embroidery as such, the previously described alternating tufts of cotton
yarn covering all, or nearly all, the seams. When, however, it is
desired and it is feasible to adorn the garment with embroidery, the
back-of the jacket from shoulder to shoulder, the space along the
shoulder seams and the back and front of the sleeves are selected for
this prupose[sic]. Bands 5 to 7 centimeters in breadth of more or less
intricate pattern are embroidered in these places, with much patient
labor and no little skill. It is needless to say that the ordinary
colors, with a predominance of red, are used.
THE LOWER GARMENT
The lower garment is of two kinds, one being a short, close-fitting
garment made out of either undyed _abaká_ fiber with a woof of native
cotton or of imported blue cloth. This garment resembles closely the
ordinary bathing tights. It is the working breeches of the Manóbo and
makes no pretense of being ornamental. The white or undyed form is the
more common.
The other kind of lower garment worn by the men may be called trousers,
though they reach only about halfway between the knees and the ankles.
They are square-legged and baggy, made of undyed _abaká_ fiber or of
_abaká_ fiber with a woof of cotton, both undyed. Whenever it is
obtainable, imported blue cloth is used. The two legs of the trousers
are each about 65 centimeters long by 24 centimeters broad and are
joined together by a triangular piece of cloth. These trousers are worn
on festive and other occasions that require a display of personal
dignity.
The decoration of the trousers consists usually of fringes of imported
cotton attached to all the seams except those around the waist. When it
is considered desirable to make a more showy garment, embroidery of
cotton yarn is added to the ends of the legs and to the part that covers
the sides of the calves. The designs used depend on whether the wearer
is of the central or of the upper Agúsan group.
THE GIRDLE
Around the waist of the garment is a hem through which passes a
drawstring or girdle usually of braided _abaká_ fiber dyed in the usual
colors, with dependent extremities and tassels of imported cotton, also
in the preferential colors. On the upper Agúsan one finds at times beads
and even small bells added to the tassels. These are allowed to hang
down in front.
The method of fastening the girdle is by the ordinary method of
tieing[sic], or by another simple method, which consists in attaching
near one end of the drawstring the operculum of a shell said to be found
in the forests. At the other end of the girdle is a loop large enough to
admit the operculum, which on being slipped into this loop retains the
garment in position.
THE BETEL-NUT KNAPSACK[12]
[12] _Pú-yó_.
The knapsack is such an omnipresent, indispensable object that it may be
considered a part of Manóbo raiment. It is a rectangular bag, on an
average approximately 30 by 25 centimeters, with a drawstring for
closing it. This string is nearly always of multicolored braided _abaká_
fiber, and is a continuation of the strings by which the knapsack is
suspended on the back from the shoulders, so that when it is carried in
that position the mouth of it is always closed. The cloth of which it is
made is the usual undyed _abaká_ cloth, though among the upper Agúsan
group one finds in use blue imported cloth or, perhaps more frequently,
Mandáya cloth,[13] imported especially for knapsacks.
[13] Called _gú-au_.
The decoration consists of embroidery, more or less extensive, of the
type that is characteristic of the wearer's group and which corresponds
to that of his dress, if the dress is decorated. Tassels of imported
cotton at the extremities of the drawstrings, and perhaps pendants of
small seeds, or beads, usually white, together with cotton fringes in
proper colors, enhance the beauty of the knapsack. As a rule, however,
among the Manóbos of regions remote from Christian settlements, one
finds little attempt at decoration, either of the dress or of the
knapsack. A few fringes of cotton yarn and a little ornamental
stitchwork are about the only display attempted. This lack of decoration
is due not only to the fact that they have little cotton yarn, but also
to lack of ability on the part of the women. The latter fact might lead
the observer to conclude that the art of embroidery and cloth decoration
originated outside the tribe.
THE WOMAN'S DRESS
THE JACKET
The great distinguishing mark of a woman's dress is the difference in
color between the body of the upper garment, which is almost invariably
red, and the sleeves, which must always be of a different color. Should
the body be made of black cloth, then the sleeves are always of red. And
if the sleeves are of black, blue, or white, then the body must be of
red.
Another differentiating feature of the woman's jacket is that the cuffs,
if they may be so called, are generally of the color of the body of the
garment, and that the pieces often inserted between the main parts of
the body and extending vertically down the sides from the armpits are of
the same color, and, if possible, of the same material as the upper
parts of the sleeves. These two points, together with the more extensive
and elaborate embroidery, serve to distinguish the woman's upper garment
from the man's.
In the regions which I visited the styles of jackets may be reduced to
two, the more elaborate types of which are as follows:
_The upper Agúsan style_.--On the upper Agúsan, on the Ihawán (excepting
on its western tributaries), and on the Bahaían, the woman's jacket
partakes of the style and characteristics of that of the Mandáya. In
shape it is not different from that of the man, but is more
close-fitting, especially the sleeves, which may be compared to a long
cylinder. Lines of cotton yarn in alternating colors cover and adorn the
seams and the oval-shaped opening for the neck, but are not found on the
bottom of the jacket. Embroidery of skillful and intricate design, in
bands about 5 or 6 centimeters wide, adorns the garment on the back from
shoulder to shoulder and around the seam at which the sleeves are joined
to the body of the jacket.
This garment is made out of either gauzelike _abaká_ cloth of native
weaving, dyed either red or black, or it is of imported European cloth
obtained by barter. Sometimes it is a combination of the two, when
enough imported cloth has not been obtained.
_The style of the central group_.--The main differences between this
style and that just described are that the latter is more loosely cut in
the body and sleeves, is more profusely embroidered, and has a
longitudinal cut in the cuffs for the admission of the hands. One finds,
too, but only very occasionally, a type of jacket in which the sleeves
are white and the body black.
The embroidery may be so profuse that it covers not only the lower
halves of the sleeves and the back of the neck, but the whole front of
the garment.
THE GIRDLE AND ITS PENDANTS
The girdle may be a mere braided cord of _abaká_ fiber often mixed with
strands of cotton yarn, but more commonly it is a series of braided
cords of _nito_,[14] or of human hair. The girdle is made by braiding
the _nito_ or the hair into circular cords, each about 45 centimeters in
length and about 2 millimeters in width. Anywhere from 10 to 20 of these
braids are fastened together by involving the ends in small pieces of
cloth wrapped with cotton yarn of the preferential colors.
[14] _Lygodium circinnatum_ sp.
To one end of this girdle is attached a numerous array of beads, shells,
and charms. To the other is attached a braided _abaká_ cord, also
variegated with the proper colors, which enables the wearer to fasten
and tighten the girdle. One frequently sees white seed beads in greater
or less quantity strung on each cord of this form of belt.
The pendants are a very noticeable feature of the girdle. Hung from the
right side they present to the eye anything but a pleasing effect.
Bundles of white scented grass, about 5 centimeters long by 1 centimeter
in diameter, that have dried to a semblance of hay, detract most from
the appearance of the wearer. The whole mass of pendants is a tangle of
divers objects, the quantity of which depends upon the good fortune of
the wearer. The following are the objects that may be found among these
pendants: Large hawk bells, seldom exceeding six in number and
ordinarily not more than three; bunches of odorous grass, amounting
sometimes to as much as eight in number; the red seed of the _ma-gu-hai_
tree; small shells, especially cowry shells, picked up, it is said, in
the forest; the pods of the _ta-bí-gi_ tree, one or more, used for
carrying incense[15] for religious purposes; odoriferous seeds and
roots[16] cut up small and strung on _abaká_ filaments with such beads
as the wearer may not desire to use, because of their color or shape,
for the ornamentation of other parts of his body.
[15] Called _pa-lí-na_. It is obtained by tapping the _ma-gu-baí_ tree.
[16] The following are the native names of the roots and plants seen by
the writer: _ta-bó_, the seed of a plant which looks like a sweet
potato; _sá-i_, a helmet-shaped seed of a tree of the same name;
_kú-su_, the root of a leguminous plant; _ma-gu-baí_, the bright red
seed of a tree of the same name. It is interesting to note that this
same seed is used for the eyes of sacred images. _Ka-bis-da'_ and
_ko-múd-la_ are also made use of.
The purpose of these various objects is, to all appearances, to ornament
the person and to impart a fragrance to the wearer. In this last respect
the redolent herbs and seeds admirably fulfill their purpose. But many
of these objects serve other ends, medicinal and religious. I took no
little pains in investigating this point, but the replies to my
inquiries were at times so indeterminate, at others so varied, and so
contradictory that I can not make any definite statement; but I am
strongly inclined to believe, for sundry reasons, that both medicinal
and magic powers are attributed to many of the innocent-looking objects
that go to make up the girdle pendants.
THE SKIRT
The Manóbo woman is not encumbered with all the wearing apparel of more
cultured tribes. She vests herself with the simple sacklike skirt of
good strong _abaká_ cloth, durable, and admirably suited to her manner
of life.
As the cloth comes from the loom it is in one long rectangular piece
(3.6 meters by 90 centimeters more or less). It is cut in two and the
ends of each of the two pieces are sewed together, so that two
bottomless sacks are made. These two sacks are then joined together,
thus forming one long rectangular garment, which by night serves for
blanket, sheet, and frequently mosquito bar, and by day for a skirt.
When used as a skirt, it is folded over in such a way that it resembles
two sacks, one inside the other. As it is considerably larger than the
person of the wearer it must be drawn to one side, always the left, and
tucked in. The lower part of the garment on the left side bulges out so
far that it makes the woman's figure ungraceful in appearance.
From the dimensions given above it follows that the dress does not reach
much below the knees, a salutary arrangement, indeed, for one whose
occupations lead her through the slush of forest trails and the grime of
farming life.
There are two types of skirt in common use; first, the type that is of
purely Manóbo manufacture, and, second, the type that is imported from
the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo.
The purely Manóbo type is distinguished by its simplicity and absence of
elaborate design. Alternating bands of red and black, with dividing
lines of white, all running longitudinally along the warp, and inwoven,
are the only effort at beauty of design.
The second form of skirt is that imported from the Mandáyas or
purchased, whenever obtainable, from Bisáya traders or, on the upper
Agúsan, from trafficking intermediaries. It is striking with what
appreciation the Manóbo regards this article. A Manóbo from the Argáwan
and Umaíam will travel over to Hinatuán, a journey of three or four
days, to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt cloth. He values it above the
costliest pieces of European fabric that he has seen. The Manóbo woman
upon seeing a fine specimen dances with joy, and is long and loud in her
praise of it. No value is too high for such a specimen and no sacrifice
too great to purchase it.
The explanation of this high regard in which Mandáya cloth is held is
simple. The cloth is made, I was habitually assured by Manóbos, _by
enchantment_, under the direction of the priestesses in the lofty
mountain fastnesses of Mandáyaland.[17] No other explanation will
satisfy the credulous Manóbo. He can not possibly understand how the
fanciful and elegant designs on Mandáya cloth can be produced by other
than supernatural means.
[17] I have covered nearly the whole of the Mandáya country and can
testify to the numerous religious practices and restrictions connected
with the fabrication of the cloth.
The cloth as it comes from the loom is of practically the same size as
Manóbo cloth and it is made into the form of a skirt in identically the
same way. The only difference is that the Mandáya fabric is heavier and
has a beautiful inwoven pattern.
A minute description of the patterns would be needlessly lengthy and
necessarily deficient. In general, it may be said that the designs are
executed in longitudinal panels, of which there are several lateral and
one central, all of which run parallel and warpwise. The main figures
are four, two grotesquely suggestive of a crocodile but more nearly
portraying a turtle, and two that delineate the fanciful figure of a
woman. The intermediate parts of the panels consist of reticulations
whose general design depends upon the skill and whim of the weaver.[18]
[18] The cloth is classified (1) according to the color of the woof
threads (_pu-gáu-a_) into _kan-aí-yum_ (black) and _lin-í-ba_ (red); (2)
according to the design on the central panel--_ím-pis no laí-ag_ if it
is 25 centimeters wide, _bin-a-ga-kís_ if the central panel is no wider
than the lateral ones; (3) according to the use of narrow (_sin-ák-lit_)
or of broad (_pin-al-áw-an_) white stripes; (4) according to the
locality in which the cloth is manufactured, the most famous and most
prized cloth being called _ban-a-háw-an_, which proceeds from the
Banaháwan district in the Kasaúman River Valley in the southeastern part
of Mindanáo. The Mañg-á-gan type is highly esteemed for being very
similar in design and dye effects to the Banaháwan. It is made by the
_Tagabuztai_ group of Mandáyas in the Karága River Valley.
CHAPTER VII
PERSONAL ADORNMENT
GENERAL REMARKS
The adornment of the person is confined almost exclusively to women so
that the following observations apply principally to them. In the
discussion of bodily mutilations reference will be made to such
permanent adornment as tattooing, perforation and elongation of the ear
lobes, superciliary and axillary depilation, grinding of the teeth, and
the blackening of the teeth and lips--all of which, with the exception
of the elongation of the ear lobes, are common to both men and women.
The finger nails of both sexes are sedulously clipped, not even
thumb-nails being allowed to grow long. This may be due to the fact that
these latter are not required for playing the guitar, nor for gambling
with cards, in which occupations they prove a valuable aid to the Bisáya
of the Agúsan Valley.
HAIR AND HEAD ADORNMENT
CARE AND ORNAMENTATION OF THE HEAD
With the exception of the Manóbos of the far upper reaches of the
Argáwan, Umaíam, and Sábud Rivers, whom I did not visit, and of Manóbos
who live in settlements and may have adopted the hairdressing methods of
Bisáyas, one mode of dressing the hair is almost invariably in use by
both men and women. The hair is parted in a straight line over the
cranium from ear to ear. The front division is then combed forward over
the forehead where it is banged square from ear to ear in the plane of
and parallel to the superciliary ridges. The back division is combed
back, and after being twisted into a compact mass, is tied in a chignon
upon the crown of the head. The knot is a single bow, which from our
standpoint is not very prepossessing.
In men the chignon is usually lower, being about half way between the
crown and the nape of the neck.
One occasionally sees two locks of hair left hanging down in front of
the ears to the level of the jaws. This fashion is not very prevalent
even on the upper Agúsan, and is probably adopted from the Mandáyas.
No fillets, flowers, garlands nor any other ornamentation are ever used
on the hair. Coconut oil, if obtainable, is used, but the meat of the
coconut, rasped or chopped into small particles, is preferred, whenever
it can be obtained. As a wash for the hair, wild lemons, the seed of an
uncommon tree whose name has escaped my memory, and the bark of a tree,
are used sporadically. I can not laud the condition of the hair.
Notwithstanding the fact that a crude bamboo comb with close-set teeth
is made use of, the vermin are never eliminated.
On occasions the hair of children is cut for the purpose of promoting
its growth, and the hair of female slaves is often cut as a punishment.
With these exceptions, the hair is never cut, being left with all the
profusion which nature gives it.
COMBS
An ornamental comb is always worn by women. It consists of a segment of
bamboo, 7 or 8 centimeters long and 5 centimeters high, curved while
still green and made to retain its shape by a slip of bamboo fastened
into two holes on the concave side. The teeth are whittled out and the
upper part and sides are cut into the characteristic shape seen in Plate
9. On the front or convex side of the comb are ornamental incisions the
style and variety of which depend upon the caprice and adeptness of the
fashioner. Skeat and Blagden[1] quote an authority who asserts that the
tribes of the Malay Peninsula attribute magic properties to the
decorative incisions on their combs. Following out this idea, the writer
made numerous inquiries in the Agúsan Valley as to the existence of a
similar or of an analogous attribution but found none. According to all
reports these patterns are purely esthetic in their character, with no
magic or other attributes. The fact that among the Manóbos of the upper
Agúsan in the vicinity of Veruéla, one finds combs without incised work
and among the Manóbos of Argáwan, Umaíam, and Kasilaían one occasionally
sees combs with circular, square, and triangular pieces of
mother-of-pearl inlaid, is an indication of the absence of the aforesaid
belief. In fact, combs of the last-mentioned type seem to be more highly
prized than the plain incised bamboo ones, a fact due probably to the
scarcity of mother-of-pearl. Another point that goes to bear out the
above statement is the fact that no reluctance is displayed in parting
with a comb, no matter how intricate or unusual may be its incisions.
[1] Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula.
On the upper Agúsan it is not rare to find combs that have a band of
beaten silver with a fretwork pattern laid across the convex part above
the teeth. These combs, however, are imported from the Debabáons of
Moncáyo or from the composite group living farther up the river. The
writer knows of no Manóbo silversmith.
No hairpins nor other means of fastening the hair are made use of,
neither are any dyes nor other materials used to alter its color.
EAR DISKS
Another ornament found on the Manóbo woman's head is the ear disk. This
is a disk of wood[2] about 3 centimeters in diameter, and 6 millimeters
wide, with a small groove around the edge in which rests the edge of the
ear perforation. When the wearer has been lucky enough to get a thin
lamina of silver or of gold[3] it is fastened on the outside of the
wooden disk by means of a few strands of imported cotton yarn nearly
always red. The yarn passes through a hole in the lamina and in the
disk, a little tuft being left over the hole. These metal plates have
usually stellate edges and are often decorated with a simple chiseled
pattern. They are rare except on the upper Agúsan where there are
Debabáon and Mandáya smiths. In lieu of gold and silver, a lamina made
out of beaten brass wire answers the purpose.
[2] Usually of _ku-li-pá-pa_.
[3] Gold laminae are very rare and are seldom parted with. They are
highly valued heirlooms. The silver lamina is beaten out of a piece of
silver money.
On the upper Agúsan both men and women suspend four strings of beads
from each ear, when the dignity of the occasion requires it. These
strings are about 30 centimeters long and have colored cotton tassels at
the ends. Both these tassels and the strings of beads are of the
preferred colors, red, white, black, and yellow. I am inclined to think
that this custom is also of Mandáya origin. Occasionally one or two
buttons[4] are worn in the ear lobes of men on the upper Agúsan. This
practice seems to have been adopted from the Mandáyas.
[4] Ordinary undershirt buttons.
NECK AND BREAST ORNAMENTS
The number of necklets and necklaces worn depends on the wealth of the
wearer or on her good fortune in having been able to secure a supply of
beads. The components of the necklace are principally beads with
alternating odoriferous seeds or pieces of seeds. Here and there a small
shell may be added, or a larger bead, or a crocodile tooth. The writer
has seen worn coils of beads with small shells, seeds, and crocodile
teeth, that must have weighed at least 2 kilograms. Such an array as
this is not worn every day but is reserved for occasions of religious or
secular festivity and for times when the possessor feels bound to make
an unusual display. The seeds worn are the same as those that form part
of the girdle--pendants, above described.
It may not be out of place here to note the fondness displayed by the
feminine portion of the tribe for perfumes. This is characteristic of
all the peoples of eastern Mindanáo with whom I have been in contact.
Though medicinal and magic virtues are attributed, perhaps, to these
odorous seeds, yet their fragrance is also undoubtedly a determining
factor in the choice of them.
In the color of the beads used the Manóbo is restricted by the character
of the supply, but it may be said that where he has his choice he
selects red, yellow, black, and white. He prefers the small seed bead,
but likes to have a few large beads to place at recurring intervals.
Necklets are occasionally worn. They consist of bands of beads, arranged
symmetrically according to color in geometrical figures--a triangle of
yellow beads, a rectangle of black ones, or other patterns. This necklet
is usually about 2 centimeters broad and long enough to fit the neck
tightly. It is fastened at the back by a button and usually has a single
string of beads depending from it and lying upon the back. Men may wear
this necklet, but its use by them is very infrequent. They, however,
occasionally wear a necklace from which to suspend the hair eradicator.
I observed this only on the upper Agúsan, and, as it is an ordinary
Mandáya practice I suppose that the custom is borrowed--another
indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the Manóbos of the
upper Agúsan. The eradicator is a small pair of tweezers made,
ordinarily, out of a piece of beaten brass wire bent double and having
inturned edges.
The only breast ornament, besides tattooing on the skin and embroidery
on the jacket, is the silver plaque or disk worn nearly always by
unmarried women and frequently by others. The wearing of these disks is
a custom practiced only on the upper Agúsan, Ihawán, and Simúlau Rivers,
and is without doubt of Mandáya origin. The plaque is a large thin sheet
of beaten silver varying from 7 to 10 centimeters in diameter. It is of
Debabáon or of Mandáya workmanship. It has a pattern of concentric
circles and other symmetrical figures traced upon it, together with a
fretwork of small triangular holes. The more elaborate ones display an
amount of artistic skill that gives the Mandáya[5] the high reputation
that he has in eastern Mindanáo as a man of superior attainments.
[5] Mandáyaland produces nearly all the lances, spears, bolos, daggers,
and artistic cloth used by the Manóbos throughout eastern Mindanáo.
Outside of a few silversmiths among the Debabáons, and a few among the
hybrid group occupying the upper Agúsan from Gerona to Tagaúnud, the
Mandáya smiths are the only ones that are skilled in silverwork.
ARM AND HAND ORNAMENTATION
Men wear on one or both upper arms black bands of braided _nito_. These
are about 1.5 centimeters in breadth and are braided into one continuous
piece of such a size as to fit the arm tightly. The writer has seen many
that fitted so closely that they caused sores. They are, besides being
distinctly ornamental, designed to serve another purpose, for they are
supposed to impart strength to the muscles.
Men often wear, on one or both wrists, one or more vegetable ligatures
plaited in one continuous piece. These are of a jet black glossy color
when made of the _ág-sam_[6] vine. They are rectangular in cross
section, being about 6 millimeters by 6 millimeters. They must be
moistened to make the filaments expand so that the wearer can pass them
over his hands on the wrist. On drying they contract to the size of the
wrist, Women often wear a few of these with their forearm ornaments.
[6] Both _pug-nút_ and _ág-sam_ are species of _nito_ (_Lygodium_ sp.).
Crude rings, round or flat, more commonly beaten out of brass wire or of
copper money, but occasionally made of silver money and still less
occasionally of carabao horn, adorn in greater or less number the
fingers of both men and women.
The forearm adornments of women are more numerous and elaborate than
those of men. Besides the vegetable circlets described above, segments
of the black coral plant,[7] cut into palm lengths and bent into rings
by heating, are worn on either or both arms, though, in case of an
insufficient supply, the left arm is adorned in preference to the right.
These marine ringlets are not solely for purposes of ornamentation, for
a magic influence is attributed to them, at least by the Manóbos of the
upper Agúsan. They are thought to contract and grip, as it were, the
wearer's arm on the approach and in the presence of danger. Hence they
are greatly prized but are comparatively rare. This is due to the
difficulty of obtaining the plant as it grows in deep water where the
danger from sharks deters the native divers.
[7] Called _sag-ai-ság-ai_ in Manóbo and _baná-ug_ in Bisáya
(_Antipatharia_ sp.).
The whorl of a sea shell,[8] ground and polished into white heavy rings,
whose cross section is an isosceles triangle, form a very common forearm
adornment for women on the upper Agúsan. Sometimes as many as five of
these are worn, ordinarily on the left arm. The weight of a full
equipment of shell bracelets may amount to at least a kilo. The use of
such cumbrous adornments is confined to festal occasions except in the
case of unmarried maidens, who nearly always wear them. These shell
bracelets with the black alternating rings of sea coral are very
becoming indeed, as they tend, by the contrast of jet black and marble
white, to set off the color of the skin to advantage.
[8] Tak-lo-bo (_Tridacna gigas_).
It is noticeable that as one approaches the Mandáya country, the
similarity in dress and personal adornment to that of the Mandáyas
becomes more apparent. This is true on the upper Simúlau, Agúsan, and
Ihawán, another indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the
Manóbo. Hence in those regions one finds forms of bracelets that are
typical of Mandáya adornment. Thus bands of beaten brass wire, 1
centimeter broad approximately, are seen occasionally. Also flat braided
bands of jungle fiber covered with white beads are sometimes used. On
one occasion the writer saw a hollow circular brass bangle into which a
piece of lead had been inserted, and which with every movement of the
arm produced a tinkling sound.
In the central Agúsan region and among the Manóbos of the Pacific coast,
one finds the use of a small whorl of a sea shell[9] as a Bracelet but
its use is uncommon, especially on the Pacific side. This is due to the
fact that only an occasional shell has made its way into the country. In
these regions the Manóbo is particularly poor in arm adornments.
[9] Called _lá-gang_.
KNEE AND ANKLE ADORNMENTS
Men, especially unmarried ones, often wear on one or both legs just
below the knee a ligature similar in every respect to that worn on the
upper arms. Its purpose, too, is twofold, to strengthen, and, at the
same time, to adorn the legs. On the upper Agúsan one sees beads sewn on
these bands.
Women have similar ligatures on one or both legs just above the ankles.
They are worn for decorative purposes, but it is said by some that they
are a sign of virginity and that upon marriage it costs the husband the
value of one slave to remove them. But the fact that married women
occasionally wear them seems to contradict this statement.
Women wear at festal periods and especially during dances a few
rings[10] of stout brass wire some 6 millimeters in diameter. The rings
are large enough to allow the foot to be passed through them, hence they
hang loosely at the ankles. In number they rarely exceed two to each
leg. During a dance they tintillate to the jingling of the hawk bells
that depend from the girdle and are considered highly ornamental.
[10] Dú-tus.
BODY MUTILATIONS
GENERAL REMARKS
The purpose of most body mutilations among the Manóbos is ornamentation.
The one exception is circumcision which will be discussed later.
Scarification is nowhere practiced in eastern Mindanáo except among the
Mamánuas. In 1905 I came in contact with several Mamánuas of the upper
Tágo River (within the jurisdiction of Tándag, Province of Surigáo) and
noticed that they had cicatrices on the breast and arms. I concluded
that the scars were due to the practice of scarification. Inquiries
since that time made among both Manóbos and Bisáyas have confirmed these
conclusions. Head deformation is not practiced in eastern Mindanáo.
No painting of the body is resorted to other than the blackening of the
lips with soot. To effect this a pot is taken from the fireplace and the
bottom of it is dexterously passed across the lips, leaving a black
coating that, with the fluid from the chewing quid made up of tobacco,
lime, and _máu-mau_ frequently becomes permanent till moistened by
drinking. It is a strange sight to see a handsome Manóbo belle, decked
out with beads and bells, or a dapper Manóbo dandy, take the _olla_, and
darken the lips.
No religious or magic significance is attributed to any of the following
mutilations, nor are any religious or other celebrations performed in
connection with them.
MUTILATION OF THE TEETH[11]
[11] _Há-sa-to-únto_.
As the age of puberty approaches, both boys and girls have their teeth
ground. The process is very simple but extremely painful, so much so
that the operation can not be completed at one sitting. I think,
however, that the painfulness of the process depends on the quality of
the stone used, for the Mandáyas of the upper Karága River claim that
there is a species of stone that does not cause much pain.
A piece of wood is inserted between the teeth to keep them apart. The
operator, usually the father, then inserts a small flat piece of
sandstone, such as is used for sharpening bolos, into the mouth and with
a moderate motion grinds the upper and lower incisors to the gums. It is
only the difficulty of reaching the molars that saves them, as the
writer was informed. In all, 10 front teeth disappear, and a portion of
4 others. After filing, the teeth of the upper jaw appear convex and
those of the lower, concave.
I estimate the minimum time necessary to grind the teeth to be from 3 to
6 hours, spread over a period varying from 3 to 10 days.
The patient displays more or less evidence of pain, according to his
powers of endurance but is continually exhorted to be patient so that
his mouth will not look like a dog's. This is the reason universally
asserted for their objection to white, sharp teeth: "They look like a
dog's."
After each grinding, the subject experiences sensitiveness in the gums
and can not masticate hard food. When this sensitiveness is no longer
felt, usually the following day, the grinding is resumed.
Blackening of the teeth is effected principally by the use of a plant
called _máu-mau_ which, besides being used as a narcotic, has the
property of giving the teeth a rather black appearance. After being
chewed, it is rubbed across the teeth. The juice of the skin is
expressed into a quid of tobacco mixed with lime and pot black, the
whole forming the inseparable companion of the Manóbo man, woman, and
even child. It is a compound about the size of a small marble and is
carried, until it loses its strength and flavor, between the upper lip
and the upper gum, but projecting forward between the lips.
It is to be noted here that the primary object in the use of this
combination is not the discoloration of the teeth. The compound is used
mainly for the stimulating effects it produces, the pot-black being
added as an ingredient in order to blacken the lips and so improve the
personal appearance of the user of it. The quid is frequently carried
behind the ear when circumstances require the use of the mouth for other
purposes.
Another means that helps to stain the teeth is the constant use of betel
nut and betel leaf mixed with lime, and, in certain localities, with
tobacco.
MUTILATION OF THE EAR LOBES
The practice of mutilating the ear lobes[12] is universal and is not
confined to either sex. It consists in piercing the ear lobes in one,
two, or three places. This is done usually at an early age, with a
needle. A thread of _abaká_ fiber is then inserted and prevented from
coining out by putting a tiny pellet of beeswax at each end. As soon as
the wound heals, the perforation is enlarged in the case of a woman in
the following manner: Small pieces of the rib of the rattan leaf are
inserted at intervals of a couple of days until the hole is opened
enough to receive larger pieces. When it has expanded sufficiently, a
small spiral of grass, usually of _pandanus_[13] is inserted. This, by
its natural tendency to expand, increases the size of the aperture until
a larger spiral can be inserted.
[12] _Ti-dáng_.
[13] _Bá-ui_ (Bisáya, _ba-ló-oi_).
The opening is considered of sufficient size and beauty when it is about
2.5 centimeters in diameter. In addition to this large aperture, which
is located on the lower part of the lobulus, there may be two other
small perforations about 1.5 centimeters further up. These latter serve
both in men and women for the attachment of small buttons, while the
former is confined exclusively to women and serves for the insertion of
ornamental ear disks.
DEPILATION
A beardless face is considered a thing of beauty, so that a systematic
and constant eradication of the face hair is carried on by the Manóbo
from the first moment that hair begins to appear upon his face. For this
purpose he often has a pair of tweezers,[14] ordinarily made out of
beaten brass wire, with which he systematically plucks out such
straggling hairs as he may find upon his upper lip and on the chin, as
well as the axillary hair. The pubic hair is not always eradicated. A
small knife[15] is frequently employed as a razor, not only on the chin
and upper lip but also for shaving the eyebrows. The removal of the last
mentioned is a universal practice, for hair on the eyebrows is
considered very ungraceful. Hence both sexes shave the eyebrows, leaving
only a pencil line, or, in some districts, not even a trace of hair.
[14] _Pan-úm-pa'_.
[15] Called _ba-di'_ or _kám-pit_.
The hair on other parts of the body is not abundant and it is not
customary to remove it.
TATTOOING[16]
[16] _Pang-o-túb_.
After making an infinity of inquiries, I learned that tattooing is
merely for the purpose of ornamentation. By a few I was given to
understand that under the Spanish regime, when killing and capturing was
rife, the tattooing was for the purpose of the identification of a
captive. It was customary to change the name of a captive, and as he was
sold and resold, the only way to identify him was by his tattoo marks.
Be that as it may, the practice seems to have at present no further
significance than that of ornamentation. No therapeutic nor magical nor
ceremonial effects are associated with it. Neither is it symbolic of
prowess, nor distinctive of family, place, nor person, for two persons
from different localities and groups may have the same designs.
No particular age is required for the inception of the process, but from
my observation, corroborated by general testimony, I believe it is
performed usually from the age of puberty onwards.
The operator is nearly always a woman, or a so-called hermaphrodite,[17]
who has acquired a certain amount of skill in embroidering. These
professionals are not numerous, due, possibly, to the natural aversion
felt by women for the sight of blood, as also to the fact that no
remuneration is made for their services, though this last reason alone
would not explain the paucity.
[17] One meets occasionally among the peoples of eastern Mindanáo
certain individuals who are known by a special name and who are reputed
to be incapable of sexual intercourse. The individuals whom I saw were
most feminine in their ways, preferring to keep the company of women and
to indulge in womanly work rather than to associate with men.
The process is very simple. A pigment is prepared by holding a plate or
an _olla_, over a burning torch[18] made of resin until enough soot has
collected. Then without any previous drawing, the operator punctures, to
a depth of approximately 2 millimeters, the part of the body that is to
be tattooed. The blood that flows from these punctures is wiped off,
usually with a bunch of leaves, and a portion of the soot from the resin
is rubbed vigorously into the wounds with the hand of the operator.
[18] _Saí-yung_ (_Canarium villosum_).
The process occupies a variable length of time, depending on the skill
of the operator and on the endurance and patience of the subject. It is
painful, but no such manifestations of pain are made as in teeth
grinding. The portion tattooed is sensitive for about 24 hours, but no
other evil consequences, such as festering, etc., follow as far as my
observations go.
Without the aid of diagrams or pictures it is difficult to describe in
an intelligible and comprehensive manner the numerous designs that are
used in tattooing. Each locality may have its own distinct fashion,
differing from the fashion prevalent in another region. And as the
designs seem to be the result of individual whim and fancy it would be
an almost endless task to describe all of them in detail. Suffice it to
say in general that they follow in both nomenclature and in general
appearance the figures embroidered on jackets, with the important
addition of figures of a crocodile, and of stars and leaves, as is
indicated by the names.[19]
[19] _Bin-u-á-ja_, (from _bu-wá-ja_, crocodile), _gin-í-bang_ (from
_gí-bang_, iguana) and _bin-úyo_ (from _bú-jo'_, the betel leaf).
The figures are neither intricate nor grotesque, but simple and plain,
displaying a certain amount of artistic merit for so primitive and so
remote a people. On close inspection they show up in good clear lines,
but at a distance they appear as nothing but dim blue spots or blotches.
For durability they can not be surpassed. No means are known whereby to
eradicate them. I compared tattoo marks on old men with those on young
men and I could not discern any difference in the brightness nor in the
preservation of the design.
In men the portions of the body tattooed are the whole chest, the upper
arms, the forearms, and the fingers. Women on the other hand, in
addition to tattooings on those parts, receive an elaborate design on
the calves, and sometimes on the whole leg.
CIRCUMCISION[20]
[20] _Tú-li'_.
Unlike the four mutilations already described, circumcision is not for
ornamental purposes. According to the Manóbo's way of thinking it serves
a more utilitarian purpose, for it is supposed to be essential to the
procreation of children. How such a belief first originated I have been
unable to learn, but nevertheless the belief is universal, strong, and
abiding. To be called uncircumcised is one of the greatest reproaches
that can be thrown at a Manóbo, and it is said that he would stand no
chance for marriage unless the operation had been performed; the
womenfolk would laugh and jeer at him. So it may be said that the custom
is obligatory.
The operation is performed a year or two before puberty. No ceremonies
or feasts are held in connection with it. The father, or a male relative
of the child, takes the small knife (_ba-dí_) and placing it lengthwise
over the lower part of the prepuce, makes a slit by hitting the back of
the knife with a piece of wood or any convenient object at hand. It thus
appears that it is not circumcision in the full meaning of the word but
rather an incision. This operation is confined to males and is the only
sexual mutilation practiced.
CHAPTER VIII
ALIMENTATION FIRE AND ITS PRODUCTION
The Manóbo is unable to explain the nature of fire, but he has two very
primitive but effective ways of producing it, namely, the fire-saw, and
the flint and steel. Owing to the sale of Manila and Japanese matches to
such of the Manóbos as come in contact with traders or with trading
posts, the ancient methods of making fire are falling into disuse.
THE FIRE-SAW[1]
[1] _Gut-gút-an_.
This might be more properly called the friction method, for the fire is
obtained by rubbing edgewise one piece of bamboo at right angles to, and
over the back of, another.
The "saw," as it is usually called, or upper piece, must be long enough,
say 30 centimeters, to enable one to hold it firmly with both hands. The
breadth is immaterial, provided it be broad enough to resist the
pressure. One edge must be cut sharp.
The "horse," or lower piece, ought to be at least 10 centimeters broad
and of any length. It is essential that the under surface be
sufficiently convex to admit the free passage of air when the bamboo is
placed upon a solid resting place. In the center of this bamboo is made
a hole at least 1 millimeter in diameter. All is now ready for the
operation.
The "horse" is set down upon some clean solid piece of wood or stone
with its inner or concave side downwards, in such a way that it can not
move. The "saw" is placed transversely across the "horse," the sharp
edge being right over the hole. Holding it firmly with a hand at each
end, it is worked steadily, rapidly and with great pressure across the
"horse," precisely as if it were desired to saw it in two. After some 15
strokes, there appears a little smoke, and the operator increases the
rapidity of his movement, until he thinks that there is sufficient fire
underneath the bamboo. Then he blows down through the hole in order to
separate any such bamboo dust as may still remain in or around it. He
removes the "horse" applying at once a little lint or other tinder to
the glowing particles of bamboo. He then transfers his fire to a piece
of good dry wood, preferably to an old firebrand, and in a few seconds
has a permanent fire.
For the process it is essential that the bamboo selected be dry and well
seasoned, for otherwise the dust produced by the rubbing will not
ignite. There are a few varieties of wood that answer the same purpose,
but I am unable to give the names though I have seen them used.
THE STEEL AND FLINT PROCESS[2]
[2] _Ti'-ti_.
The Manóbo method of making fire with flint and steel differs in no wise
from that used by our own forbears. The tinder used is a fluff obtained
from the sugar palm.[3] It is found around the frond bases and after
being thoroughly dried, is kept with the flint and steel in a special
bamboo or rattan receptacle.
[3] _Arenga saccharifera_. It is called _hi-juíp_ or _hi-diúp_ in Manóbo.
CONTINUATION OF THE FIRE
Once lighted, the fire in the house is kept up, ordinarily not for any
ceremonial reason, as far as I have been able to ascertain, but because
it is the custom. It is commonly used to furnish light and is kept
burning during the night for that purpose. In the mountainous districts,
where there is always the possibility of an attack, the fire is
sedulously maintained both for light and heat. On occasions fraught with
danger from malignant spirits, fire is kept burning for ceremonial
reasons as a safeguard against the stealthy approach of the spirits.
Should the fire become extinguished, a fire brand is borrowed from
another house, if there is one in the vicinity, but, if there are no
neighbors recourse is had to one of the above-described methods.
LIGHTING
Fire is ordinarily the principal, and not infrequently the only source
of light. It is only in districts in close proximity to the settlements
of Christianized Manóbos that the luxury of coal oil is enjoyed.
The only source of light in the house, other than that from the fire, is
a species of resin which is collected from a tree that is found in great
abundance in eastern Mindanáo.[4] The method of obtaining the resin is
to make a good cut in the tree about 1 millimeter above the ground and
to catch the resin in a bark or leaf receptacle. This is usually done
overnight. Broken pieces of the resin are then placed in a conical
receptacle, made of green leaves, usually of the rattan, bound with
rattan strips or other vegetable fastening. When needed, the larger end
of this bundle of resin is lighted at the fire and the torch is set upon
the floor supported in a tilted position by the most convenient object
at hand, frequently the whetstone.
[4] Called _sai'-gung_ or _saung_. (_Oanarium villosum_).
This torch is a good and economical illuminant. It has, however, two
defects: First, the ugly habit of spitting out occasional sparks, which
cause a somewhat painful sore if they happen to hit the flesh; and,
second, a tendency to extinguish itself at intervals on account of the
burnt residue that gradually covers the resin. The ash may be easily
removed with a stick and then the light blazes out at once, casting a
bright glare on the brown and naked figures of the inmates.
When a light is needed for outdoor purposes, a piece of seasoned bamboo,
split at one end, or a firebrand of wood, is carried in lieu of the
resin. It is an invariable custom to carry a firebrand, while outdoors
at night, not only for the purpose of lighting the way but for daunting
the evil spirits that are thought to roam about in the gloom of night.
CULINARY AND TABLE EQUIPMENT
The Manóbo is particularly poor in cooking utensils. With the exception
of a very occasional iron pot, and a much less frequent pan, he has none
of the kitchen apparatus of more civilized peoples.
The earthen pot of his own manufacture is his mainstay. It resembles the
_ollas_ or earthen pots used so universally throughout the Philippines.
In addition to this there is used, though very rarely among the remote
Manóbos, an imported cast-iron pan.[5] It is from 5 centimeters to 10
centimeters in depth and from 25 centimeters to 40 centimeters in
diameter, concave, and of the poorest material. It is used for general
cooking, for dyeing, and for making a sugar-cane beverage. As it is not
provided with a cover, the leaves of the bamboo are used to keep the
soot and dirt out and to keep the heat in, especially in steaming
_camotes_ and taro.
[5] Called _ki-ú-ja_.
When there are not enough pots for the cooking, as on some exceptional
occasion, green bamboo internodes with one end open are brought into
requisition. Bamboo of the variety known as _bo_ or _bóho_, is
preferred, for it gives an extra delicate savor to the contents, as I
can testify. Even upon ordinary occasions, fish or meat is sometimes
cooked in bamboo for the same reason. The pieces of bamboo are put into
the fire in a slanting position, the open end being stopped with leaves.
They are turned around occasionally till they are burnt nearly through.
The contents are removed by splitting the charred joint into strips.
These strips are usually given to the expectant children who scrape and
lick them clean.
I once saw the bark of a tree used for cooking rice, but without
success. I was assured that for cooking meat or fish it would answer
admirably.
A ladle, with a handle of wood or bamboo and a head of coconut shell, is
about the only article that the Manóbo ordinarily has to serve the
purpose of spoons and forks. In the absence of the coconut ladle, he
employs the bottom of a bamboo internode to which has been left attached
a strip that serves as a handle. For stirring the rice he uses a little
paddle made out of a flat piece of wood, or if he has no paddle he uses
the handle of his coconut. A coconut shell is used for a water cup,
though, if he has an imported glass, he will offer it to visitors.
No rags are employed in the cleaning of plates and other dishes. At
times a few leaves are required to clean out the iron pan, but for
plates and bowls and other utensils a little cold water and a little
rubbing with the hand are sufficient.
The Manóbo uses no tablecloth nor has he any of the appurtenances that
equip a modern table, except plates, bowls, and, perhaps, a glass.
Of plates he frequently has too few for his family. Bowls are still
scarcer. Many and many are the houses which I have visited that could
not boast of a single bowl; the same may be said of glasses. This is due
to the exorbitant prices charged for them.
As a substitute for plates, the Manóbo uses platters of bark from the
sago[6] and other palm trees. It may happen on the occasion of some big
festivity that he still finds himself short of plates and platters, so
he utilizes his low panlike weaving baskets by lining them with banana
or other leaves and putting them on the table loaded with rice. Should
all these not be sufficient for the number of his guests, he spreads out
a few banana leaves in the center of the table, or on the floor, and
lays the rice upon them.
[6] _Lúm-bia_.
A piece of bamboo serves for cup and glass as auxiliary to, or a
substitute for, the coconut-shell cup mentioned above.
VARIOUS KINDS OF FOOD
The great staple of Manóboland is the _camote_.[7] During harvest time
and for several weeks ensuing rice may constitute the bulk of his daily
food, but after that he reserves for feasts, for friends, and for the
sick what he does not sell, or part with in payment of debts. Should his
_camote_ crop fail he falls back upon the sago[8] that abounds in the
central Agúsan; or, when sago is not available, he seeks the wild
fishtail palm,[9] that affords him as pleasant and nutritious a food as
any sago palm that ever grew. In the upper Agúsan the Manóbo plants a
fair quantity of taro, and in the middle Agúsan, a small amount of maize
in season, or even some beans,[10] so that it is seldom he has to have
recourse to the forest for his maintenance. But the mountain Manóbo is
occasionally compelled to draw his sustenance from the various palm
trees and vines that are found in such luxuriance throughout his forest
domain. I have seen poisonous tubers gathered in time of famine by the
Manóbos of the upper Wá-wa region and eaten, after they had been scraped
on a prickly rattan branch, and the poison had been removed by a series
of washings and dryings.
[7] _Ipomoea batatas_ Poir.
[8] _Lúm-bia_.
[9] _Bá-hi'_ (_Caryota_ sp.)
[10] Called _bá-tung_.
He nearly always has a little sugar cane on the farm but, when it is not
intended for making an inebriating drink, it is planted only in
sufficient quantity to furnish occasionally a few pieces to the members
of the household.
Besides the above-mentioned plants, he has probably only a few banana
plants, a few ginger plants, some semiwild tomatoes, a little mint[11]
and, perchance, a few other plants intended for seasoning. He is not
accustomed to plant more than will supply the bare necessities of life.
[11] Called _labwéna_ probably from the Spanish _yerba buena_.
As a concomitant of his rice or _camotes_, he must have his _is-da_[12]
which he procures from the forest[13] or from the river.[14]
[12] This word in its present usage corresponds to the Spanish _vianda_,
to the Bisáya _súdan_, and the Tagalog _úlam_. Note that the generic
word for _is-da_, "fish," has received a still more general application
among the Manóbos and Bisáyas of the middle Agúsan. Originally, no
doubt, it meant simply "fish," but as the _háu-an_ is almost the only
fish in the middle Agúsan that is caught with frequency and in numbers,
the generic term for fish was narrowed down to this one particular fish.
Thence the application of the word expanded and it now corresponds to
the Tagalog _úlam_ and the Cebu-Bisáya _sú-dan_.
[13] See under "Hunting."
[14] See under "Fishing."
It is not essential that the meat or fish should be fresh. I have seen
pig meat eaten after three days' decomposition. Neither is the rawness
an impediment, for it is customary in certain localities to eat pork
absolutely raw, for ceremonial reasons. Besides pork, venison, and fish,
an occasional wild chicken or other bird snared in the forest, or a
hornbill killed with an arrow, helps to keep his larder supplied.
When no fish or meat has been procured, and this is more often the rule
than the exception, he may have found on his rambles some mushroomlike
fungi,[15] or even mushrooms,[16] or he may have taken a notion to cut
down some palm tree, and get a fine palm [17] or rattan core [18] or
even young bamboo shoots.[19] While straying along the river bank he may
pick some fern tops of an edible variety.[20] Any of these things
affords as fair supplement to his rice, as butter does to bread. The
palm-tree cores are full of big luscious larvae.[21] He may have a
chance to kill an iguana[22] or monarch lizard.[23] The killing of a
monkey with his bow and arrow, or in his traps, affords him a choice
piece of meat. And when he has the good fortune to kill a python, he has
enough _ís-da_ for himself, his relatives, and his neighbors for at
least one meal. Occasionally, during the proper season, he locates a
bees' nest and therefrom procures an amount of honey, larvae, and
beebread that proves an uncommon treat for himself and his family.
Again, on the river at certain periods he has nothing else to
do except to scoop into his dugout (if he has one) the exhausted
"water-skimmers,"[24] or while passing near some sand bank to spy the
spot where the water lizard buried her delicious eggs. In the little
side streams he may catch a few frogs and go on his way rejoicing.
[15] _Ta-líng-a bá-tang_.
[16] _Líg-bus, sa-gíng-sá-ging_.
[17] _Ó-bud_.
[18] _Pá-san_.
[19] _Da-búng_.
[20] _Pá-ko'_ (_Asplenium esculentum_)
[21] _A-bá-tud_.
[22] _Gí-bang_.
[23] _Ibíd_.
[24] These are a variety of insect called _dá-li_, of a whitish color
about 2 centimeters long, and having two threadlike appendages extending
from the posterior part. They are eaten raw, usually with vinegar and
salt. This insect is said to be, probably, one of the Neuroptera or
Pseudoneuroptera.
With these random finds, with wild boar and deer that come from an
occasional chase, with such salted and dried fish, including jerked
crocodile, as he may purchase directly or indirectly from Bisáya traders
or from Christianized Manóbos, and with a casual pig or fowl killed on
ceremonial or festival occasions, he manages to keep his family fairly
well supplied with an accompaniment for the mess of rice or other staple
food.
Salt, the native red pepper,[25] and at times ginger constitute a very
important part of the meal, if they are obtainable. The first mentioned
article is far from being abundant, especially in certain localities,
such as the Baóbo River and the upper parts of the Ihawán, Umaíam, and
Bahaían Rivers. In such places as these the writer found such an intense
craving for it that it was eaten ravenously and declared to be "sweet."
There is such an inordinate desire for salt, especially the rock salt
made out of salt water and ash lye, that the Manóbo will submit
sometimes to tyranny and to the most exorbitant rates in order to obtain
it. This craving for salt will explain the general preference that is
felt for salted food as against fresh meat. The small salted fish,
peddled in such quantities by Bisáya traders, are prized above the
choicest pieces of venison and jerked crocodile, presumably for the salt
that they contain. It may be wondered why the Manóbo does not salt his
own meat and fish, but this is explained by the fact that such an
operation is strictly tabooed.
Red pepper is a _sine qua non_. It is eaten much as we eat salt, and is
said to impart courage. In the regions near the Mandáyas it is put up in
a special form,[26] this being nothing more than the dried pepper
pounded, mixed with salt, and preserved in bamboo joints in a dry place,
usually in the smoke above the hearth. In this condition it acquires an
extraordinary strength that makes the plain red pepper taste mild. This
is explained, perhaps, by the fact that in the pounding the seeds of the
pepper are triturated.
[25] _Ka-tum-bä_ (_Capsicum_ sp.).
[26] _Dú-mang_.
THE PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD
PREPARING THE FOOD
The remote preparation consists in getting a supply of sweet potatoes or
rice from the farm. This may be a mile or more from the house, so that
once a day at least the women, with baskets on their heads and paddles
in their hands, if they live on navigable water, leave for the farm. In
localities where an ambush is a possible contingency, a few men with
lance and shield, and hunting dogs accompany the women as a guard, for
the _camote_ field is a favorite spot for the enemy to wreak his
vengeance, according to the recognized laws of Manóboland. The women and
girls dig up the _camotes_ with a bolo or with a small pointed stick,
and get a little rice from the granary.[27] After performing any
necessary work such as weeding and planting, they return and prepare the
meal, the men taking no part except to clean and quarter the game or
other meat that may have been selected for it.
[27] _Tam-bó-bung_.
The preparation of pigs and fowls is such a frequent occurrence in
Manóboland, as also among Bisáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Mandáyas
of the Agúsan Valley, that it merits a detailed description.
In preparing a pig, wild boar, or deer, a rough support, consisting of
four vertical pieces of wood and a few horizontal parallel pieces, is
erected outside the house, if the weather permits. A fire is built
beneath the frame and the whole animal, minus the entrails, is laid upon
it. Two men or more then set to work with pieces of wood, sharpened
lengthwise, and scrape off the hair as fast as it becomes well singed.
The operation lasts only about 15 minutes in the case of a large animal.
When the hair has been removed the carcass is given a washing more or
less thorough, according to the amount of water conveniently available,
and the quartering begins.
The game is laid upon leaves; the four legs are removed in order; the
head is chopped off; the ribs and remaining parts are hacked crossbone.
During this operation the family dogs usually cause an infinite amount
of trouble by their incessant attempts to secure a piece of the meat.
If the meat is for distribution, as it always is, except on occasions of
festivity or of sacrifice, it is scrupulously divided at this moment. If
it is for a feast, it is hacked up into small pieces and loaded into
earthen pots, iron pans, and bamboo joints. The dogs are then allowed to
lick the blood-stained leaves and to clean the floor.
The preparation of a domestic fowl is also left to the men and deserves
a few words. When the fowl is not killed sacrificially, it is burnt to
death. Catching the chicken firmly by the feet and wings with one hand
and by the head and neck with the other, the owner singes it over the
fire till it shows no more signs of life. It may be thought that this is
a cruel way of killing an animal, for it kicks and twists and flutters
unless firmly held, but the Manóbo is not allowed by his tribal
institutions to kill the fowl as other peoples do. To cut off the head
is strictly tabooed, a cruel and unbecoming procedure, for there is no
one "to revenge the deed," he will tell you. So he chokes and burns it
to death. All signs of life being extinct, he pulls out a few of the
tail and wing feathers. I can give no reason for this procedure, but as
the custom is so universal, I think it has a peculiar significance of
its own.
As the singeing proceeds, the feather ends are plucked out and a.
cursory washing given the fowl. The entrails, even the intestines with
the exception of the gall bladder, are removed and utilized. Finally the
head, the ends of the wings, and the lower parts of the legs are cut
off, and ordinarily are given to the children who have been anxiously
awaiting such delicacies.
The pounding and winnowing of the rice is such a common and important
operation in the whole of eastern Mindanáo that it deserves special
mention.
As the rice used by the mountain Manóbos is exclusively of their own
harvesting, it must be hulled, a process that is performed just before
every meal wherein it is used. The implements are a wooden mortar and a
few heavy wooden pestles. The mortar is a piece of wood of varying
dimensions, in the center of which is hollowed out, by burning and
cutting, a conical hole, whose depth averages 24 centimeters in height
and whose diameter is about 20 centimeters. One sees from time to time a
mortar with two holes, or one on which there is evidence of an attempt
at artistic effect by means of primitive carving, but, in the main, the
mortar is a rough-hewn log with a conical hole in it and with the upper
surface so cut that the paddy or rice will have a tendency to fall back
into the hole.
The pestle is a pole, preferably and usually of heavy hardwood, about
1.5 meters long and 20 centimeters in circumference. It is a marked
exception to find pestles decorated in any way. On the Umaíam River I
saw one the end of which had been carved in open fretwork with a round
loose piece of wood within the fretwork, a device that was as useful as
it was ornamental, for the wooden ball by its rattling within the
fretwork cage served to animate the holder and her companions to
vigorous and constant strokes.
The following is the process of hulling: The mortar is more than half
filled with unhulled rice. One or more women or girls grasp the pestles
in the middle with one hand. One begins by driving down her pestle with
force upon the paddy. Then another, and still another, if there be
three. It stands to reason that, since the hole in the mortar is small,
the most exact time must be kept, otherwise the pestles would interfere
with one another. The sound made by the falling pestles often resembles
that general but strange beat so prevalent in Manóbo drum rhythm. A
visitor who has once seen three Manóbo women dressed in gala attire,
with coils of beads and necklets, ply their pestles in response to the
animated tattoo on the drum will never forget the scene. The pestles are
tossed from one hand to the other to afford an instant's rest. They bob
up and down with indescribable rapidity and in perfect rhythm as if they
were being plied on some imaginary drum.
In a few minutes, from 5 to 15, the hull is shattered from the rice and
one of the women bends down and with her hands removes the contents of
the mortar to the winnowing tray. After winnowing, they repeat the
process till all the husk has been separated from the grain. They then
pound a new supply until there is enough rice for the purpose in view.
The husk has been shattered from the grain as perfectly, though not as
quickly, as if it had been done by a machine.
The winnowing tray is a round shallow tray, 40 centimeters in diameter
and usually of plaited rattan strips with a rim of thicker rattan. It is
held in both hands and by a series of shuffling motions, which are
better seen than described, accompained[sic] by a peculiar movement of
the thumb of the left hand, the chaff and the little broken fragments of
rice are thrown off into another receptacle for the family pigs.
COOKING THE FOOD
Rice is not usually washed before cooking. It is put into a homemade
earthen pot,[28] which is often lined with sugarcane leaves, not only to
prevent the rice from burning, but to impart to it a finer flavor. It is
covered with water, the rice being about 5 centimeters below the surface
of the water. The pot is set on a hot fire until the water evaporates to
the level of the surface of the rice, whereupon the greater part of the
fire is removed and the rice is allowed to steam dry. These remarks also
apply to the cooking of a variety of millet,[29] which is sown sparingly
with the rice.
[28] _Kó-don_.
[29] _Daú-wa_.
Another method of cooking rice, especially when on the trail, is in
green bamboo. Joints of green bamboo are filled with rice and water, or
rice is wrapped in rattan leaves and then packages are put into the
water. Rice cooked in this latter way will keep for three days.
There are two orthodox methods of cooking fish and meat and no other is
admissible, under penalty of infringing a very important taboo. One
method consists of boiling them in water, with a little seasoning of red
pepper, ginger, and possibly lemon grass and one or two other
ingredients. The second method consists of broiling the pieces of meat
and fish in or over the fire. Meat and fish already cooked are thrown
into the fire in order to heat them. The fact that they may be burnt and
covered with ashes does not detract from the flavor. The most usual
method of broiling, however, is to put the meat on skewers of wood or
bamboo a few inches above the fire.
When large game has been secured at such a distance from the house that
it must be cooked in the forest, it is cut into quarters, and broiled
over a heaping fire. This is the invariable method of cooking the heads
even of domestic pigs. Chicken heads, legs, and wing ends are invariably
broiled, while the intestines are wrapped up in leaves and cooked better
than might be supposed, though the flavor, to my taste, is not the most
delicate. They seem, however, to be a choice morsel to the majority of
my Manóbo friends. Monkeys, frogs, and the forest carrion lizard are
always broiled.
_Camotes_ and taro are usually cooked unpeeled in the common earthen
pot. About a half a liter of water is used in an ordinary pot, so that
the process is practically one of steaming. If the pot has no cover, or
if the imported pan be used, leaves are employed to confine the heat.
A favorite dish of the Manóbo and an indispensable one of the Mandáya is
the famous _á-pai_.[30] This consists of taro tops (stem and leaves) cut
up fine and cooked with water, red pepper, mint, semiwild tomatoes, and
any other vegetable seasoning which may be on hand. This makes a very
palatable and wholesome dish.
[30] Mandáya, _ug-bús_.
FOOD RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS
Certain birds such as the hornbill, wild chicken, varieties of wild
pigeons, and a few others, must not be divided and given to anyone else
before eating. They must be cooked by the broiling method [31] and not
in water. After cooking, these birds can not be partaken of by anyone
who is not a relative or a member of the household. Neither should a
part of a bird belonging to a stranger be accepted or partaken of. The
whole bird or nothing must be offered. An infringement of these
restrictions would lead, it is believed, to serious results,[32] such as
ill luck to the hunting dogs, tangling of the snares, and other
misfortunes.[33]
[31] _Dáng-dang_.
[32] _Ma-ko-lí-hi_.
[33] In the upper Agúsan the partition of such small birds would lead, I
was told, to a dismemberment of the family.
An unmarried man who has ever made indecent suggestions to a woman is
prohibited from eating wild-boar meat. The guilty one must free himself
from this restriction by making a small present to a priestess. A
violation of this taboo would be prejudicial to the success of the
hunting dogs.
The use of lard in cooking is interdicted, but it may be eaten raw, even
when its smell is not the most wholesome.
On a few occasions, I noticed that some individuals abstained from rice
or from chicken. I was unable to elicit any other reason for the
abstinence than the good pleasure of the persons concerned. As they
admitted that they had been accustomed to use these foods and would use
them again after certain periods, I suspect religious motives for the
abstinence.
MEALS
ORDINARY MEALS
Though it may be said that three meals a day are not the rule among the
Manóbos, yet they eat the equivalent of three or more, for between
pieces of sugarcane and munchings of wild fruit,[34] they keep
replenishing the inner man pretty constantly. They eat breakfast at
about 9 o'clock in the morning, dinner about 1 p. m., and supper at any
hour between 6 and 9 p. m.
[34] There are many wild fruits in the Agúsan Valley, the most common of
which are: The famous durian (_Durio zibethinus_), the jackfruit,
_lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifolia_ l. f.), _lanzones_ (_Lansium
domesticum_ Jack.), _makópa_ (_Eugenia javanica_ Lam.), _mámbug_,
_támbis_, _kandíis_, _kátom_ (_Dillenia_ sp.), and the fruit of the
rattan (_kápi_). Most of these are of a sour acid nature but for this
reason seem to be relished all the more.
All being ready for the meal, the inmates of the house squat down upon
the floor, the husband with his wife and children apart, male visitors
and the unmarried portion of the house eating together. Slaves eat when
all have finished, and get what is left in the pots.
Just before beginning to eat, the host and, in fact, everybody except
the women, tenders to visitors and others who have come in an invitation
to join in the meal and nobody will begin to eat till everybody else has
squatted down and is ready. Once the meal is begun, no one leaves, nor
is it good etiquette to call anyone from his meal.
The hands are washed by pouring a little water upon them from a bowl,
tumbler, coconut shell, or piece of bamboo; the mouth is rinsed, the
water being ejected, frequently with force, through the interstices of
the floor. Then all begin to eat. It is the invariable rule for men to
eat with the left hand, and where others than relatives are present, to
wear a weapon of defense, the right hand resting upon it in anticipation
of a possible attack.
The various articles of food have already been set on the floor in the
various receptacles heretofore described. Each one falls to with an
appetite that can hardly be described. One or more of the womenfolk keep
the wants of the diners supplied. The method of eating rice among the
mountain Manóbos differs from that prevalent among the Christian tribes.
A good-sized mass of rice is pressed together between the five fingers
of the left hand and pushed up into the palm where it is made into a
ball. Thence it is conveyed to the mouth. At intervals the rice (or
_camote_) is flavored with a little accompaniment of meat or fish, and
all is washed down with the soup of the meat or fish.
The custom of sipping, with a sucking sound, the scalding soup from a
plate or bowl and of then passing it on to one's neighbor is almost
universal. Great predilection is shown for this soup, even though it be,
as happens in a great many instances, practically nothing but hot water.
In the upper Agúsan, the taro-top soup previously mentioned is the
ordinary soup and substitute for meat and fish.
Another peculiar feature in eating is the method of cutting meat from
the bone. The carver, who is in a squatting position with his feet close
to the body, holds the bolo with the handle between the big first toe in
a vertical position, the back of it being toward him. He draws the meat
over the edge, thereby doing the carving in a quicker, more convenient,
and more effective manner than do a great many more civilized men.
No one may retire from the meal without giving notice to his neighbors.
A violation of this custom constitutes a gross breach of Manóbo
etiquette. The reason for this custom is that the chances for a sudden
attack are thereby lessened.
It is not polite to remain seated in the same place after a meal. If the
place can not be changed, it is necessary to rise and then sit down
again. I can give no explanation for the practice, unless it be a
precaution against treachery.
FESTIVE MEALS
Festive meals are indulged in more especially on the occurrence of the
great religious and social celebrations that recur with such frequency
in the Manóbo world. The arrival of a visitor, or even an unusual catch
of fish, is also an occasion for such enjoyments. I have had ample
opportunities of witnessing them, because during a trading expedition I
was frequently honored with invitations, the reason for which was, of
course, to secure from me good bargains, or credit.
Before the meal the house is a scene of indescribable animation. The
guests, together with the members of the household, rarely number less
than 20 and may reach 100 or more. The pig is cooked in bamboo joints,
earthern[sic] pots and iron pans, both in the host's house and, if
necessary, in neighboring houses. The same may be said of the rice and
_camotes_. If the host has enough drink, and if there is a little meat
or fish to serve as a lunch, he has the food brought out and orders a
part of the drink to be distributed to the guests according to their
importance. Joyous laughter and loud conversation, together with chewing
of tobacco and betel nut, fill up the interval before the meal.
When all is ready, the available number of plates, bowls, glasses, bark
platters, and leaves are set out and the boiled meat is apportioned in
small pieces, with great exactitude as to size and quality, to the
several plates. The same thing is done for the broiled meat after it has
been hacked into suitable sizes. No one is forgotten, not even the
children of the guests, nor the slaves. The rice is then brought along
in bamboo joints, in pots, and even in baskets lined with leaves, and to
each person is assigned a heaping portion. When all has been impartially
and equally distributed, the guests are bidden to take their places on
the floor, each one at his appointed plate, for where visitors other
than relatives are present, no precaution is omitted to safeguard the
guests against trouble. Experience has proved that the festive board may
be tinged with blood before the end. This even distribution of the food
and the collocation of the guests often occupies the better part of an
hour. If these duties are not properly performed envious feelings and a
quarrel might ensue before the end of the meal. The guest of honor is
always given preference and the host may also especially favor others
whom he may have reason to honor but he always makes public the reason
for his partiality.
All being seated the meal begins with a goodly quaff of homemade brew.
Then all begin to eat. As the feasters warm under the kindling influence
of the drink, they express their good will by giving material tokens,
each one to his friend or to one whose friendship he desires to gain.
These tokens consist of handfuls of meat--lean, fat, bone, gristle, or
anything--smeared with salt and pepper, and bestowed by one friend into
the mouth of another without any consideration of the proportion
existing between the size of the mouth and the size of the gift. It is
not good etiquette to refuse this gift or to remove it from the mouth.
This offering is followed probably by a bamboo jointful of beverage
which must be received in the same friendly spirit and is gulped down
with a mumbled expression corresponding to our "Here goes." The
recipient of these favors returns the courtesy in kind, and so the meal
goes on in mutual goodfellowship[sic] and congeniality till the food has
completely disappeared, for it is against the conventionalities of
Manóbodom to leave a scrap on the plate. Indeed the Manóbo loves a good
eater and drinker. It is an honor to gorge and a glory to get drunk. Now
it happens at times at a Manóbo banquet, as it does in all drinking
bouts the world over, that a quarrel ensues and recourse is had to the
ever present bolo to settle an argument that wild shouts and frantic
gestures can not decide. For this reason the Manóbo eats with his left
hand and rolls his eyes from side to side in constant vigilance.
These remarks do not apply to the women and children, who sit apart in
little groups of their own, and, while feasting one another in their own
gentle way, attend to the shouts for more food when they are heard above
the din of the revellers.
During the course of a feast of this kind an observer is struck with the
hearty appetite exhibited by these primitive people. Man vies with man
in holding out. Friend honors friend with plenteous bestowals of food
and drink and the host strives to induce his guests to eat to their
utmost capacity. Rarely does one see a Manóbo troubled with nausea but,
if he is, he returns later to the feast, to finish his appointed
portion. I have seen this happen on occasions.
CHAPTER IX
NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS
DRINKS USED BY THE MANÓBOS
Intoxicating drinks are of four kinds: Sugar-palm wine,[1] _bá-hi_
toddy,[2] sugarcane brew,[3] and mead.[4]
[1] _Tuba_ or _sai-yan_ or _san_, the sap of the _hi-di-up_ (_Arenga
saccharifera_) commonly known in the Philippines as _cabo negro_.
[2] The fishtail palm (_Caryota_ sp.). The extracted sap is called
_túng-gang_.
[3] _Ín-tus_.
[4] _Bá-is_ or _bi-aí-lis_.
SUGAR-PALM WINE
Sugar-palm wine is obtained by tapping the fruit stem of the cabo negro
palm. The process is very simple. At the time of efflorescence the
spadix is cut off and the pithy stem is tapped. This operation lasts
from 15 to 30 minutes each day and is continued for from 7 to 14 days.
After the tapping the stem must be bent into a downward position. This
is effected by inclining it downward every day, a piece of rattan or
vine being used to retain it in position. The gentlest of force must be
used in this operation, as a forcible strain will prevent the sap from
flowing. Once the sap begins to flow from the stem, it is caught in a
bamboo receptacle, the mouth of which must be carefully covered to
prevent the entrance of the myriads of insects that are attracted by the
odor and sweetness of the liquid. Day after day the end of the stem must
be pared as otherwise the sap would cease to exude. A tree will produce
daily anywhere from 10 to 30 liters according to the fertility of the
soil and the humidity of the atmosphere. The humidity determines the
duration of time that the tree produces toddy. This time varies from one
to three months.
The sap has the color and transparency of water to which a little milk
has been added. When fresh, it is a sweet, refreshing laxative, but the
fermentation is so rapid that after a few hours it acquires the
inebriating qualities of ordinary coconut toddy. In order to promote
fermentation and to eliminate the laxative quality of the sap, the
bark[5] of a tree is added. On the third day acetification begins to
take place, unless a handful of the ordinary native red pepper is thrown
into the beverage, in which case the further fermentation is withheld
for a period of about four more days.
[5] Called _la-gúd_.
The palm from which this sap is obtained is found in great abundance on
the eastern[6] side of the lower and middle Agúsan Valley and is
universally tapped in this region. On the western side, however, it is
not found with such frequency. The Manóbo is therefore obliged to seek
other means of satisfying the craving which he, like a good many of his
fellowmen the world over, feels for a stimulant.
[6] In the vicinity of Tudela, Simúlau River, there are groves of
sugar-palm. I estimated that they contained 5,000 trees.
BÁHI TODDY
_Túng-gang_ is the sap of the _báhi_ palm. The method of extraction is
identical with that of the sugar-palm wine. It is neither as pleasant
nor as strong as the previously described drink, but it is not by any
manner of means unwholesome. It is employed as a beverage only when no
other is obtainable. I have been reliably informed that sometimes the
tree is cut down as a preliminary to the extraction of the sap.
Incisions are made in the trunk for the purpose of permitting the flow
of the sap.
SUGARCANE BREW
_In-tus_ is a beverage made out of the juice of the sugarcane. It is the
most common and the most popular drink, so much so that it is deemed
worthy of being presented to the spirits on sacrificial and other
occasions.
_Extraction of the juice_.--The sugarcane is first peeled and then
crushed, stalk by stalk, or piece by piece, under the li-gi-san. This is
a very primitive mill, consisting of a round, smooth, heavy log usually
of _palma brava_[7] or of the fishtail palm, set horizontally about 1
meter above the ground on two crude frames. It is provided with a
vertical handle, by means of which it can be rolled from side to side
over a fiat piece of wood. The cane is introduced gradually between this
latter piece and the log, which is kept in constant motion. As soon as
the whole or a part of a piece of cane has been crushed, it is doubled
up into a mass about 30 centimeters long and is again crushed. By this
method about 20 liters of juice are obtained in a day.
[7] _An-a-hau_ (_Livistona_ sp.).
_Boiling_.--The iron cooking pan described in a previous chapter is
preferred for preparing the drink, unless an empty kerosene can has been
secured. In the absence of both, the ordinary pot answers the purpose.
In the center of the cooking utensil is placed a small cylinder made of
slats of bamboo to serve for gaging the amount of evaporation. The
boiling vessel is filled with small slices of the root of a gingerlike
plant[8] and sugarcane juice is added to fill the interstices.
[8] _Lan-kwas_ (_Cordeline terminalis_ Willd.).
The amount of boiling determines the quality of the resulting liquor. If
the sap is boiled down only one-fourth, the drink produced is of a
sweetish taste and of a whitish appearance and, in my estimation, is not
palatable. The more the sap is evaporated, the more it mellows and
browns. The Manóbos of the upper Agúsan make a better drink than those
of the lake region for the reason that they evaporate the juice
one-half, while those of the latter-mentioned district only give it a
cursory boiling. It is usual to employ a little gaging rod of bamboo for
measuring the amount of evaporation, this being done by inserting it
into the bamboo cylinder in the center of the pot, but an old hand at
brewing can gage by the smell.
_Fermentation_.--After cooking, the decoction is unfit for immediate
use. It must be left to undergo fermentation for at least three whole
days. Five days are sufficient to render it fairly drinkable. The longer
the period of fermentation, the liner the quality of the resulting
liquor, _ceteris paribus_. When well-cooked brew has been kept for a few
months, it assumes a translucid amber color, smells and tastes strongly
of rum, and is highly intoxicating. The liquor during fermentation must
be kept in closed jars or earthen pots in a cool moist place. If kept in
bamboo joints, it will spoil.
In general, the drink is more intoxicating than coconut toddy, but it is
wholesome, and its use is not attended by the after effects that are the
result of overindulgence in certain other alcoholic drinks like _vino_.
In this connection it may be well to remark that I have never observed a
case of delirium tremens nor of any of the other serious consequences
that in other parts of the world frequently afflict the habitual
drinker. The only ill effects I have seen are the proverbial headache
and thirst, but even these are very rare and usually occur only after
periods of long and uninterrupted indulgence. As a rule such effects are
at once dispelled by taking hot taro-top soup or by munching sugarcane.
MEAD
This is probably the finest beverage produced in Manóboland, but as the
honey season is short and as the honey is consumed, both in the forest
after taking the nest and in the house by the members of the family, the
drink is scarce.
The preparation of the drink is identical with that of sugarcane brew.
The same ferment is used, the same method of cooking is employed, and in
general the same remarks apply, with the exception that in place of the
sugarcane juice, honey and water are used. The honey is mixed with water
in varying proportions. It is the proportion of water to honey that
determines the strength, quality, and flavor of the final drink, A
mixture of half and half is said to yield the best beverage. If
fermentation is allowed to continue for a few months, the resulting
liquor is of a clear crystalline color, and will compare both in flavor
and strength with those more up to date.
DRINKING
GENERAL REMARKS
Though the Manóbos invariably drink during religious feasts, yet neither
during the feast itself, nor in the preparation of the toddy, have I
ever observed any religious ceremony nor were any magic or other
preternatural means employed. It is true that when the crushing
appliance[9] is set up, the fowl-waving ceremony, followed by the blood
unction, is performed. I witnessed this ceremony myself in several parts
of the Agúsan River Valley. But such ceremonies are customary on the
erection of houses, smithies, and so forth, and bear no relation to the
actual production of the drink.
[9] _Li-gi-san_.
During religious ceremonies a bowlful of the brew is set out with the
usual viands, such as meat and rice, for the _di-u-a-ia_, _tag-la-nu-a_
(lords of the hills and the valleys), and for other spirits, for they,
too, like to be regaled with the good things of this world.
Drink is taken on the occurrence of all the great religious and social
feasts and upon the arrival of a distinguished friend or visitor--also
when it is desired to make a good bargain or to secure any other end by
convivial means. The acquisition of an unusual amount of fish or of meat
is a common occasion for the making of the brew and gives rise to the
following practice:
THE SUMSÚM-AN
The _sumsúm-an_, i. e., the eating of meat or fish with an accompaniment
of drink, a universal practice throughout the Agúsan Valley, the Salúg
Valley, and the whole Mandáya country, is a thing that appeals
especially to the true Mandáya, Manóbo, and Mañgguáñgan. When a man of
one of these tribes has secured a good catch of fish, or has trapped a
wild boar, he procures a supply of beverage and meets his guests at the
appointed place, usually his little farmhouse. As soon as all are
assembled, the fish or the meat is broiled on sticks of wood over the
fire. When it is cooked, the women lay it out and it is slashed into
pieces, usually by the host, and apportioned with great precision as to
weight, quality, amount of bone, and quantity of inept. During this
operation, a few bamboo jointfuls of brew are brought from some hiding
place and a relative of the householder sits down with one under his
arm. Before him are set such articles as glasses and bowls, if
obtainable, or in lieu thereof, small pieces of bamboo joints, each
holding about a tumblerful, and not very different in shape from
handleless German steins. These bamboo cups admirably fulfill the
purpose. The distributor of the liquor slices a little strip from under
the mouth of his bamboo deposit to prevent loss of the liquor during
pouring, then he inserts two fingers into the mouth of the bamboo and
makes an opening through the leaves for the drink, but not so large as
to give free exit to such insects as may have found their way into the
liquid. He then fills up the vessels at hand, taking care to give to
each an equal amount.
It is to be noted that it is an inviolable custom that the host drinks
first. This is because of the widespread belief in secret poisons. After
drinking the host passes the cup to those whom he wishes to honor,
unless they are already provided, and using some expression
corresponding to our English "Here goes," the guest or guests quaff the
brew. The bowls or other vessels are returned to the distributor, and
the process is repeated until all have had a drink.
DRINKING DURING RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL FEASTS
During religious and social feasts the drinking customs are as above
described, except that the beverage is set out in sacred jars, when on
hand, and with such an array of bowls as the host may possess. One of
these feasts, notably the marriage feast, may be attended by as many as
200 persons and last from 3 to 7 days and nights, so that to hear of 20
jars or 100 bamboo[10] jointfuls of sugarcane brew being consumed on the
occasion of a great festival is not strange.
[10] _Sugúng_.
The amount of drink used, both individually and collectively during one
of the feasts, gives one an idea of the great capacity which these
primitive peoples enjoy. The average white man in my opinion would be
deliriously drunk before the Mandáya or Manóbo would be feeling merry.
It is not according to tribal customs to refuse food and drink as long
as the host has them to set before his guest. On a few occasions I have
seen a tribesman rise, quietly empty the stomach, and calmly return to
the feast to finish his appointed portion and wash his hands and his
plate as an evidence of that fact.
With regard to women and children, it may be said that they drink
little, not from any religious or moral principles, but simply because
they do not care to. The men, however, are inveterate drinkers. No
disgrace is attached to drunkenness. On the contrary to take the
allotted portion is considered a duty and a virtue.
EVIL EFFECTS FROM DRINKING
It goes without saying that quarrels sometimes result from these
drinking bouts, though not oftener, I venture to say, than among more
highly cultured peoples in other parts of the world. The custom of
carrying weapons on all occasions where others than relatives are
present has a deterrent effect on quarreling, yet there are occasions
when daggers or bolos terminate an argument that wild shouts and frantic
gestures can not settle.
With regard to the amount of drink consumed, I could as well venture an
approximation as to the number of stars in the firmament. This will be
readily understood when one is told, that according to the social
institutions of the Manóbos, it is considered no breach of manners to
ask a neighbor for any thing of his to which one may take a fancy. A
refusal on his part, unless couched in the most diplomatic terms, might
give rise to unneighborly feelings and prompt a reprisal in kind on some
other occasion. Hence drink is almost invariably kept deposited in the
grass outside of the settlement. When it is needed it is brought to the
appointed place secretly or at night, for were others than the invited
ones aware of the existence of drink in one's possession they, too,
would flock to the scene. In view of the secrecy maintained about the
possession of drink it is impossible to give an estimate of the amount
of liquor consumed in Manóboland. Suffice it to say that the Manóbo
drinks on every possible occasion and will travel many a mile to secure
a little of the flowing bowl.
TOBACCO PREPARATION AND USE
When the tobacco is ripe, it is gathered, cut fine with a sliver of
bamboo, and dried in the sun for a day or two. It is then frequently
pounded into bamboo internodes and laid away in a cool, dry place, often
in the rice granary, for fermentation. Before using the tobacco it is
customary to set it out in the grass for a night or two. This causes a
sweating and makes the tobacco fit for chewing.
This is the only form in which tobacco is prepared among the mountain
Manóbos. The quantity of tobacco raised is insignificant, being a little
more than is sufficient for their personal use. As they dispose of a
great deal of it during harvest time, it not infrequently comes to pass
that there is a dearth long before the next crop.
No harmful effects are attributed to the use of tobacco, though from
childhood to the grave it is made use of by men, women, and children.
Only men and boys smoke. The pipe employed for this purpose is commonly
a little cone made out of a piece of imported tin or of a piece of
steel. The stem is a piece of small bamboo. One occasionally finds
wooden pipes, but they have probably been acquired from Christianized
Manóbos or from Bisáyas.
The first-mentioned pipe holds about one thimbleful of tobacco. It is
usually lighted with a firebrand, unless it is used when the people are
on the trail; at such a time the flint, steel, and tinder are called
into requisition.
There are two forms of tobacco chewing: First, the _bal-ut_ method. In
this a mixture is made of minced tobacco, lime, the juice of a vine,[11]
and pot black. This combination, which in bulk may be the size of a
large marble, is carried between the upper lip and the upper gums but
resting upon the lower lip and projecting out of the mouth, thereby
keeping the lips apart. It is made use of principally for its narcotic
qualities, but at the same time it serves as an ornament and tends to
blacken the teeth. It is carried in the mouth until its strength is
exhausted. During meals it is placed behind the ear. When tobacco is
scarce, the same quid receives several additions of lime, pot black, and
vine juice, so that it may be used for a whole day. The women are more
accustomed than the men to the use of this _bal-ut_, for the reason that
the former do not smoke, and also because they usually have hidden away
a less limited supply of tobacco than the men. The second method of
using tobacco is known as the _la-gút_. This consists of chewing a
little pinch of tobacco in combination with betel nut. Tobacco is seldom
chewed alone.
[11] _Maú-mau_.
THE BETEL-NUT MASTICATORY
INGREDIENTS AND EFFECT OF THE QUID
The betel-nut quid is to the Manóbo more than the cigarette, cigar, or
pipe is to his more civilized fellow man. With him the use of it is a
universal, eternal habit. By day and by night, in the house and on the
trail, in health and in sickness, he turns for stimulation to the quid
of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime. A visitor comes to his house and the
first act of hospitality is the offering of the betel-nut quid. He meets
an acquaintance upon the trail, and he sits down and offers the soothing
chew. He is anxious that his omen be good and he lays a tribute of betel
nut upon the trail for the forest deity, and goes on, confident that his
desires will be fulfilled. And when he calls upon his gods, the first
and most essential offering must be the quid of betel nut, for the
fragrance of the nut and the redolence of the blossom are said to be the
chief delicacy of the spirits.
The betel nut[12] is obtained from the palms found in the forest. These
palms were planted either by the Manóbos themselves or by their
ancestors. The nuts are found in scarcely sufficient quantity to supply
the demand. When they can not be obtained, other plants [13] are used,
but they are an inferior substitute. In taste the betel nut is
exceedingly astringent and can not be used except in combination with
the betel leaf and lime. As a rule the green and tender nut is preferred
by the mountain Manóbos, but the ripe nut seems to be the choice of
those who have come in contact with Christianized Manóbos or with
Bisáyas.
[12] _Areca betel_.
[13] _Kan-ín-yag_, cinnamon, is one of the substitutes. Also called
_kanéla_.
The betel leaf[14] is from a species of pepper, of which there are
innumerable species both domestic and wild. A domestic variety is
preferred but, since the supply is not always equal to the demand, as in
the case of the betel nut, the wild species afford a tolerable
substitute. The tender leaves are preferred as being less pungent. For
the same reason domestic species are used in preference to the wild
ones, these latter possessing a highly acrid taste.
[14] _Betel_ sp.
The lime is made from the shells of shellfish found in the rivers,
streams, and lakes. The shells are burnt in a very hot fire, usually of
bamboo strips, the fire being fanned continually. The shells are then
slaked with a sprinkling of water and the lime is ready for use.
To prepare the quid, the betel nut, frequently stripped of its fibrous
rind, is cut into small slices. One slice is laid upon a piece of betel
leaf, and a little lime is shaken upon it from the lime tube. The leaf
is then wrapped around the nut and the lime, and the pellet is ready for
use. The amount of lime must be such that the saliva will turn red, and
depends upon the size of the betel nut and the betel leaf. An excess of
lime burns the integuments of the mouth and tongue, but this is avoided
by increasing immediately the amount of leaf. A little pinch of tobacco,
the stronger the better, completes the ordinary quid.
There are sometimes added to this masticatory certain other aromatic
ingredients, such as cinnamon, lemon rind, and other things.
The first and immediate effect of chewing this combination is to promote
salivation. Following this is the reddening of the saliva by the
chemical action of the lime upon the betel nut and the leaf. However,
the most important effect produced by the quid is the soothing sensation
that follows its use. In this respect it far exceeds tobacco chewing,
both in the Manóbos' opinion and in my own. The sensations which I
experienced on my first trials were a feeling of inflation of the head
and a transient sensation of weakness, accompanied by a cold sweat upon
the forehead. This was followed by a feeling of exhilaration and
quickened vitality. It may be said in general that betel-nut chewing
acts as an efficacious restorative, especially during a journey, and as
a harmless narcotic which it would be hard to replace. The addition of
tobacco intensifies this narcotic effect considerably, other additions
such as cinnamon serving only to soften the astringency and the piquancy
of the leaf and to impart an aroma to the quid.
BETEL CHEWING ACCESSORIES
The Manóbo man carries on his back, in a little bag [15] of _abaká_ or
other cloth, all the requisites for betel-nut chewing. The woman
deposits them in an open basket unless she is on a journey, in which
case she carries them in a little closed basket.
[15] _Pú-yo_.
The betel nut and the betel leaf are put into the bottom of the sack for
the purpose of concealment, for there is a continual clamor for one or
the other, and should it be known that a certain individual has a
supply, the Manóbos' social regulations would oblige him to part with it
upon request. Hence he keeps it out of view, and is always ready to
excuse himself, when asked for one or the other, on the ground that he
has no more.
He keeps a few nuts and leaves for immediate use in a Moro brass
box,[16] if he is so fortunate as to possess one. Otherwise he puts them
in a cylindrical receptacle [17] usually made out of a small bamboo
internode, or in a little round receptacle [18] of plaited rattan coated
with the pulp of the seed of a tree.[19] His tobacco for immediate use
he keeps in another similar receptacle, the main supply being hidden
away in the bottom of the knapsack.
[19] _Ta-bon-tábon_ (_Parinarium mindanaense_ Perkins).
The lime is invariably kept in a small internode [20] of bamboo. This is
open at one end and has a spherical plug of plaited rattan inserted into
the mouth for the purpose of preventing an excess of lime from issuing.
This spherical network resembles in miniature the football seen so
commonly throughout the Philippines. When it is desired to add lime to
the quid, the tube is taken in one hand and held in a downward position
with the thumb and little finger underneath it and the other fingers
above it. The first finger is then made to slide with force from the
middle finger down to the tube, thereby tapping out the lime. This
tapping motion is similar to that performed when winnowing rice.
[20] _Táng-tang_.
The men use their bolos to cut up the betel nut, but the women have a
small knife [21] which also answers the purpose of a general utility
implement corresponding to our scissors.
[21] _Ba-di'_ or _kam-pit_.
When the chewer's teeth have deteriorated from age, the quid is mashed
in a small mortar made of hardwood, a piece of steel serving as a
pestle. In this way the betel nut and leaf are rendered sufficiently
soft for mastication.
In conclusion, it may be said that though the habit seems a dirty one,
owing to the discoloration of the mouth and lips of the chewer and to
the ruby expectorations that tinge his surroundings, yet on the whole it
is a necessary and beneficial practice. From my observation and
experience, I believe that the habit eliminates toothache and other
disorders of the teeth. Christianized Manóbos and Bisáyas who have
relinquished the habit suffer from dental troubles, whereas the
inveterate chewer of the mountains is free from them. The Manóbo can not
endure the long and frequent hikes, nor carry the heavy loads that he
does, without this mild but efficacious restorative.
CHAPTER X
MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE AGRICULTURE
GENERAL REMARKS
Agriculture is in a very primitive condition. It is true that most of
the Christianized Manóbos living in the river settlements have a few
hundred _abaká_ plants each, yet the care of them is left practically to
nature, their productivity depending upon the soil. But the true
mountaineer plants nothing except the bare necessities of life--rice and
_camotes_, some taro,[1] a little sugarcane in season, a little patch of
maize, and sometimes ginger and other spices.
[1] In districts close to the Mandáya country the use of taro is more
common, but even in the upper Agúsan it is not a permanent crop. The
Mandáyas subsist to a great extent on it whenever the soil is adapted to
its growth. Taro is the _Colocasia antiquorum_.
His system of agriculture is in perfect adaptation to his social and
political institutions. Living as he does in a state of eternal
vigilance, and knowing that the first death in the house or an unlucky
combination of omens or the menaces of his enemies may drive him from
his home and from his farm, he is content with a small clearing. He
builds no embankments, no irrigation ditches, no terraces. He has no
plows, nor draft animals. He selects a patch of the virgin forest every
year, and with the bolo and rude axe, clears and cultivates the land.
For a permanent crop he keeps his _camote_ patch, on which he may plant
a few bananas and also invariably a sprinkling of sugarcane. Scattered
around this small farm may be found some native tomatoes, more often
planted by the birds than by the hand of man, a few ginger and other
plants that serve to season the food. A betel-nut palm is planted
occasionally, and some betel leaf, but with these exceptions no trees,
not even those whose fruit is dearly relished, are planted.
THE TIME AND PLACE FOR PLANTING RICE
The time for planting is at hand when the voice of the bird _kuaháu_
first breaks from the forest and the leaves of _lanípau_ tree begin to
fall.[2] Then the farmer hies to the woods to select the site for the
rice field, calling upon the omen bird to direct him in his choice. Of
course he is governed in his selection by reasons of proximity to water,
safety from floods, distance from the settlement, etc., but the omen
bird's cry must be favorable. Having decided on the location he makes an
offering of betel nut to the _tagbánua_ and to such other spirits as may
dwell in the neighborhood. This act of homage is performed in order to
make friends with these forest lords so that they may not be displeased
on account of the usurpation of a part of their domain. Then he selects
a spot for the house and clears it, if he has time, but if not, he cuts
down a few small trees as a public notice of his proprietorship. Special
attention is here called to the fact that the spot selected must be one
of virgin forest. The Manóbo never plants his rice in the same place
during two successive years, because it would not yield a plentiful
harvest.
[2] Certain trees, such as the _ná-to'_ and the _ba-ró-bo'_, begin to
fruit at this season, and are also signs of the approach of the
rice-planting season.
The following day, or when all is ready, he and his household begin the
work by erecting a small shack sufficiently large to accommodate them.
In the middle of the farm[3] is erected a small platform for the seed
and, near the house, the usual offering house[4] and other sacrificial
perquisites. Then he is ready to perform the rice-planting sacrifice.
[3] _U-ma'_.
[4] _Ka-má-lig_.
THE SOWING CEREMONY[5]
[5] The _täp-hag_ sacrifice.
Täphágan is a female _diuata_ under whose special superintendence are
placed the rice crop and all that pertains to it. She is thought to
guard the crop against man and beast, even revealing, it is said, to her
chosen ones the names of all trespassers. In return for this she must be
frequently feasted from the beginning of the rice season up to the
harvest, for at that time her duties cease, and she yields the field to
Hakiádan.
The officiant in the rice-planting ceremonies is either one or more
family priests. The victim is either a pig or a fowl, sacrificed in a
special manner. The invocations consist of the same interminable
supplications, promises, and repetitions that are characteristic of all
Manóbo prayers. One variation is observed during this ceremony. The
fowl, on being killed, is thrown on the ground and left to flutter
around, thereby, it is thought, removing from the soil with its blood
such evils as might harm the rice or lessen its production. If a pig,
however, has been killed the blood lustration is performed in the
ordinary way by smearing a near-by log, the priest bidding the evil[6]
of the earth begone. I have often been told that a special ceremony is
necessary at the time of rice planting. This ceremony is called _hú-gad
to sá-ya_ or _hú-gad to sä_ which means "to cleanse the sin." I am
inclined to think that this rite is a purificatory one, as the name of
it indicates. I suppose that it is a secret expiation of such
transgressions as might be punished by a failure of the future crop.
[6] _Ka-dú-ut_.
As in all undertakings of import, the entrails of the victim are
carefully observed. Other forms of divination, especially the egg omen,
are employed to determine whether the supernal powers approve the site
or not.
Among the offerings to Täphágan is a handful of unhulled rice taken from
the last harvesting and now set out in the religious shed. It is
customary during this feast to give a little rice to such animals and
insects as are liable to harm the crop later on. Among these may be
mentioned rats, ricebirds, crows, parrakeets[sic],[7] and ants. A little
rice is set out on a log for them and they are bidden welcome, and
requested not to commit any future depredations. Nor are the omen birds,
prophets of plentiful crops, and the _kuaháu_, harbinger and companion
of the rice crop, forgotten.
[7] _Abúkai_.
During the growth of the rice the above practices are observed from time
to time. No special rule is observed, but it may be said, in general,
that the occurrence of ill omens, or the suspicion of danger, urge the
owner of the crop to feast Täphágan and thereby obtain immunity from
evil. The priest is the best judge as to the necessity of such things.
THE CLEARING OF THE LAND
The omens being favorable, the farmer, assisted by his relatives and
friends, begins the clearing without delay. It is essential that at
least a little work be done in order to clinch the bargain with the
powers above, for should a delay occur the omens might go awry and
necessitate a repetition of the ceremonies and even an abandonment of
the farm. I heard of several cases where prospective farms were
abandoned under these circumstances.
The clearing, like all other agricultural operations, is done on the
mutual-help system,[8] that is, the farmer's relatives and friends unite
to help him clear the land, which favor he and his family is expected to
return in kind.
[8] _Pag-a-bai-yús-an_.
The average clearing does not comprise more than a few acres, and is
completed ordinarily in from two to five days. The first step [9] in the
clearing process consists in cutting down the underbrush and small
trees. In this the men are assisted by the women and children who gather
these into heaps for burning. This may take only a few days, if no
inauspicious omens occur, but, according to my observation, it is seldom
that some omen or other does not interfere with the work. Thus a dead
animal, such as a wild boar, or snake, found on the farm makes blood
lustrations necessary. The rumbling of thunder means a temporary
discontinuance of the work, and often a purificatory ceremony, of which
I can give no details, becomes necessary and delays the work.
[9] Called _gás_ or _gái-as_.
The next operation consists in the felling of trees.[10] For this
purpose, scaffolds, usually of bamboo, are erected around the tree at a
height several feet above the buttresses of the tree or at such a point
as is considered expedient. Trees are cut down high above the base
because the wood at the bottom of the tree is usually exceedingly tough.
Standing on his perch at a distance of about 8 feet from the ground, the
feller plies his native axe[11] until the tree yields and crashes down
in its fall such of its fellows as may stand in its way. It may be
observed here that the Manóbo as a rule is an expert at tree felling and
takes great pleasure in it. Practically all the felling and clearing of
Bisáya land in the Agúsan Valley is done by Manóbos of Christian or of
pagan persuasion and at a merely nominal cost.
[10] _Gú-ba_.
[11] _Hu-wá-siu_.
After the trees have been cut down, all branches and parts of the tree
that would be too much of an obstruction in the farm are cut[12] and
mounted into heaps for future burning.[13] This burning, of course, can
not take place till after the hot weather,[14] which comes at this
period and lasts about a month. Unless the clearing was exceptionally
free from heavy timber, the ground remains encumbered with the larger
trunks and branches, even after the burning, but this is no impediment,
for the rice and _camotes_ can be planted between the stumps.
[12] _Gú-ang_.
[13] _Sáng-ag_.
[14] _Gu-yá-bang_.
THE SOWING OF THE RICE AND ITS CULTURE
It is essential that the sowing take place between the time of the
burning and the next full moon. But the exact date varies according to
the locality. Thus, in Umaíam district, the time for sowing is said to
be the ninth day after the first waning moon that follows that spell of
hot weather, known as _guyábang_, whereas in the upper Agúsan 12 nights
are counted from the first new moon after the _guyábang_ and the sowing
takes place the following day. It is thought that this procedure will
insure a plentiful crop.
The method of sowing is simple. The owner of the farm takes a handful of
rice from the woven-grass[15] bag in the center of the clearing and
scatters it broadcast. Then the members of the family complete the
sowing. There seems to be a knack in so scattering the seed that it may
not cover the ground too closely. Once cast upon the surface, the seed
is covered[16] immediately so as to get it under the ground and away
from the ravages of vermin. This is done by breaking the ground slightly
with bolos.
[15] _Kam-bu-yaí_.
[16] The process of covering the seed is called _hi-la-bón_.
As a protection against weeds, _camotes_, sugarcane, and even maize are
planted in places where the rice is not so close, and especially where
the weeds have sprung up. These latter must be removed from time to time
until the crop is sufficiently tall to shade the ground. This and all
subsequent work connected with the farm, except the making of wild-boar
traps and the caring for them, falls upon the women and children.
The growth of the rice is carefully observed, and the owner of the farm
must be ever ready to counteract evil indications and to feast Täphágan
upon their appearance. Thus finding a dead animal, such as a large bird,
lizard, or monkey, is considered of ill import and lustration of blood
must be resorted to. Again the appearance of certain birds in the
vicinity of the farm is looked upon as of evil omen, and it becomes
necessary to drive away the impending evil by proper ceremonial means.
Drought, though an uncommon occurrence, is especially feared. I once
witnessed a peculiar method of rain making. It was performed under the
auspices of Täphágan and in the following manner: The rain makers[17]
each secured a frond of some palm tree and went to the bank of the
stream near by. Here they beat their fronds upon the surface of the
water until the leaves were torn. Then each one stuck his frond upon the
bank in a vertical position and went his way, certain that rain would
follow.
[17] _Mig-pa-áyao_.
There are, on the other hand, divers good omens and indications of a
plenteous harvest. The swarming of bees on the farm is one of these. So
is the continuous cry of _kuaháu_. There are many other omens both good
and evil that render the growing season one of constant question and
answer between nature and primitive man. As the time for the harvest
approaches, means must be taken to protect the crop against its enemies.
Traps and light fences are the principal defense against wild boar.
Scarecrows, consisting of pieces of palm frond, tin cans, and other
things, are suspended from long rattan cords that diverge in all
directions from the watch house [18] in the center of the field. The
waving of these rattan strips, when manipulated by the young person on
watch, accompanied by loud yells, serve to frighten away the
ricebirds,[19] parrakeets[sic], and monkeys. A little offering of rice
is frequently made by way of gaining the good will and speedy departure
of the latter.
[18] _Ban-taí-an_.
[19] _Máya_.
A final feast, similar to that described in the preceding pages, is
given to Täphágan by way of thanksgiving, when the crop is nearly ripe
for the harvest, and she then passes out of the Manóbo's memory for
another year.
THE RICE HARVEST
The harvest time is the merriest of all the year. It ends, in most
cases, the long period of abstinence from rice, and many times
terminates a period of actual hunger. It is the season for the
celebration of marriages, with their attendant festivals; for hunting
and for fishing, especially with poison. And yet it is fraught with
religious fear and safeguarded by severe taboos and other restrictions
that make it to some extent a season of mystery. In many places it is a
time of vigilance against the attacks of the enemy.
The first thing that must be done when the rice is ripe enough to
harvest is to close all trails leading to the house and farm. No one may
now, under penalty of a fine, enter the precincts, nor may any one but
an inmate of the household be present, for otherwise the crop might
never come to maturity.[20] Should any one trespass upon the farm, it is
imperative that work be discontinued until the following day. This gives
a good opportunity to collect the fine imposed on the trespasser. I did
not care to violate this taboo, and for this reason can offer only
second-hand information as to what takes place from the time of the
closing of the trails till the harvest feast.
[20] _Makadúya_ is the term used to express the evil that might befall
the crop.
The owner makes solemn invocation to the omen bird and, if the omens are
satisfactory, proceeds to cut some of the ripe heads of rice in the
center of the farm. These are then put into a grass bag prepared
especially for this purpose. This bag is said to have bezoar stones[21]
placed in it in order that the rice may not only not diminish but may
even increase in quantity. For the six following days the women and
children reap a little every day and deposit the rice in the above
receptacle.
[21] _Mút-ja_ or _mút-da_.
The rice thus harvested is carefully preserved as seed for the following
year, though a little of it may be employed for ceremonial purposes
during the sowing and harvesting celebrations. The new rice must on no
account be eaten before the harvest feast is ready, and it must not be
given away, for that would certainly result in a mysterious
decrease.[22] In fine, it has such a sacred character that it must be
pounded at night and never in the presence of anyone who is not a member
of the household, for should anyone visit the house at this time the
rice would be found to have much chaff[23] in it.
[22] _Ka-gu-yú-dun_, i. e., literally, that it would be pulled away.
[23] _Á-pa_.
THE HARVEST FEAST
The harvest feast must take place before the real work of harvesting
begins. It usually occurs on the seventh day after the closing of the
trails, if everything is in readiness. The importance of this feast is
such that he who can not kill a pig for the occasion has no title to
aristocracy in the tribe. All being ready, the trails are opened and the
drum and gong boom out to announce to relatives and friends that they
are welcome to the feast of Hakiádan, the goddess of grain.
The ceremony differs but little from that to Täphágan, as described on
previous pages. The invocation to Hakiádan is most elaborate, lasting
for several hours in the few instances which I witnessed. It is taken up
by one priest after another and every inducement is offered to Hakiádan
to prevent the rice from being stolen, or destroyed by their enemies,
carried away by floods, wet by rain, raided by rats and ants, or stolen
by Dágau, that fickle mischievous spirit whose pleasure seems to be to
bring hunger [24] to humankind. The dead, whose final feast[25] has not
yet been celebrated, are given a betel-nut offering and requested most
devoutly not to tamper with the rice. Even the greedy parrakeets[sic],
the gregarious ricebirds, and other enemies of the rice have portions of
the first fruits set out for them in little leaf packages. Hakiádan is
asked to instruct these creatures to behave themselves during this
delicate season.
[24] _Ma-ka-bun-tas-úi_.
[25] _Ka-ta-pús-an_.
The pig is killed in the ordinary way, and the feast ends with the usual
revels. When the farmer is unable to procure a pig, a chicken is
substituted, specious excuses being made for the failure to provide a
larger victim.
After the celebration the women and children of the household, assisted
by such of their friends and relatives, women and children, as have
agreed to harvest the rice, begin the work in real earnest. Each one
starts out with her basket hanging upon her back, supported by the
string which passes over her head. In her hand she carries the
harvesting knife, which is a clamshell set at right angles in a palm's
length of rattan, or in lieu of the shell a similarly shaped piece of
tin. With this she snips off a ripe ear with a few inches of the stalk
and throws it into her basket, which now hangs from her shoulder. When
her basket is full she returns to the place where a larger basket[26]
has been set and deposits her load in it. Thus the process goes on for
the few days (three to five) necessary to harvest the crop.
[26] _Diwítan_.
The men in the meantime make the granary [27] somewhere in the clearing,
usually in the center. It is ordinarily a crude structure consisting of
four small posts, upon which rests a roof of rattan leaf thatch.
Intermediate between the roof and the ground is a floor either of bamboo
slats or of bark, upon which are set the cylindrical bark or grass
receptacles for the rice. Sometimes wooden disks or inverted cones of
bamboo slatwork are attached to the posts of the rice granary to prevent
the entrance of rats and mice.
[27] _Tam-bó-bung_.
The rice in the larger baskets is brought to the granary and in the
course of a few days is put on coarse mats of grass and threshed with
hands and feet. It is then spread out thinly on these same mats and
dried in the sun for one day. After it is dried it is cleaned of chaff
by being tossed into the air from the winnowing tray. It is then ready
for permanent deposit in the granary, to be disposed of later either by
sale or by home consumption.
A field 1 hectare in area will yield, at a low estimate, 25 sacks, but
where the soil is particularly well adapted for rice culture, as it is
on the upper parts of nearly every river in the Agúsan Valley, 50 sacks
are not considered an extraordinary yield.
THE CULTURE OF OTHER CROPS
The rice straw that stands upon the field is burnt down, and sweet
potatoes, some maize, a score or more of sugarcane plants, a patch of
taro, and sometimes a few banana plants are put in at intervals after
the harvest entertainments. The time selected for the planting of
sugarcane and bananas is around noon. It is thought that, if planted
then, they will grow taller and bigger than if planted at any other
hour. Taro and corn, on the contrary, must be planted during the morning
hours, probably for some reason analogous to the above. If the rumbling
of thunder is heard during the planting of these crops, it is an
intimation that the planting should be discontinued till the following
day, or, in case of urgency, till proper omens be taken to ascertain the
attitude of the powers above.
Fruit trees of divers kinds are found scattered throughout the broad
expanse of forest that covers eastern Mindanáo, but they are not of
man's sowing nor does the Manóbo ever lay claim to them. He takes the
fruit, frequently branch and all, eats it, throws the seed away and goes
his way rejoicing.
HUNTING
The Manóbos are excellent hunters, keen, clever, determined, and
enduring, but by no means incessant. In fact, it is only under the
stress of hunger or when a few of them rally together that they start
off with hunting spears and dogs. Occasionally one meets a professional
who takes pride in the business, as may be observed by the trophies of
wild-boar tusks and jaws hung in his house.
HUNTING WITH DOGS
The dogs used are of the usual type seen throughout the Philippines,
except that only the better and pluckier or luckier ones are chosen for
hunting. These are recognized by the size and relative position of the
nipples on the breast. It is said that from these and other marks the
fate of the dog can be foreseen. I was frequently instructed in these
signs, but found it impossible to master them for the simple reason that
no two experts seemed to agree. Thus in one case, where I consulted
those versed in this matter, they respectively informed me that a
certain dog would be mangled [28] by a wild boar, swallowed by an
alligator,[29] and devoured by a cobra, and advised me not to purchase
it. Good hunting dogs are often valued as highly as a human life (30
pesos) and sometimes more so. I have seen dogs that seldom returned
without having run down a deer or wild boar.
[28] _Pan-ii-gón-on_.
[29] _Si-bad-ón-on to bu-a-ja_ (_budáa_).
The ordinary Manóbo house has at least a few dogs, and these are allowed
the liberty of the house. They share the family mats, and sometimes have
a special ladder provided for their ascent and descent. Their food at
the best is somewhat scanty. They have names such as "Diguim,"[30]
"Sápas,"[31] and are addressed by their masters with the greatest
familiarity. A dog, however, that howls in its sleep, is thought to
forebode the death of its master or of some inmate of the house. It must
be sold, else the owner or one of his family might die. Dogs are
supposed to be messengers of the blood spirits [32] and to be under the
protection of the god of hunting,[33] for whom the following ceremony
must be made by the hunter if he desires continued success in the chase
and the safety of his dogs from the perils thereof.
[30] "Black."
[31] "Cotton."
[32] _Tagbú-sau_.
[33] _Sugúdun_.
OFFERING TO SUGÚDUN, THE SPIRIT OF HUNTERS
A triangular tray of _bayug_ or of _ilang-ilang_ wood decorated with
palm fronds is made and suspended from the rafters of the house. The
owner of the dogs then calls upon Sugúdun, offers him a quid of betel
nut, and promises to kill a fowl if only he will be so kind as to assist
in getting a wild boar or a deer the following day. The fowl must be a
male and of a red color. This invocation occupies the better part of an
hour, and, when the hunter is satisfied that he has convinced Sugúdun of
the necessity and expediency of being propitious, he slays the red fowl
in his honor. The blood is caught in a sacred saucer [34] and placed
upon the oblation tray[35] for the special entertainment of the hunting
deity. In one case I saw the blood anointment[36] made on the principal
dog in order to remove from him some evil influence that he was thought
to possess. After the fowl is cooked, a piece of the meat, a little
cooked rice, and a few eggs are put upon the sacrificial tray and left
there.
[34] _Apú-gan_.
[35] _Su-gú-gan_.
[36] _Lím-pas_.
THE HUNT
On one of the ensuing days, provided he has observed no ill omen, the
hunter starts off, usually with one or more companions, for the selected
hunting grounds. As the forests of the Agúsan Valley teem with wild boar
and deer, the hunters usually do not have to travel far before the dogs
get on the scent. This they announce by their continuous yelping. The
hunt then begins. The game strives to elude its pursuers by constantly
doubling on its path, so that the hunters do not have such a long run as
might be imagined. They never cease to encourage their dogs with a
peculiar monotonous cry that resembles a long-drawn _u_ sound. The dogs
keep on the heels of their prey and worry and harass it with repeated
snaps and bites till it finally comes to bay with its back to a tree.
The hunters at once become aware of this by the change in the cry of the
dogs, and, accordingly, hasten their steps. Upon arriving at the scene,
they cautiously steal up behind the game and put it to death with their
spears.
Accidents are uncommon during the hunt, but I have seen several in which
both men and dogs were mangled by some fierce wild boar that on being
wounded had proved a dangerous enemy.
Where several hunters have participated in the hunt, the game is divided
in the forest according to the number of dogs engaged. If the hunters
are relatives of the same household, as generally happens, the
distribution is made after they reach home. The game is carried back by
one of the party, and, if there are other relatives in the settlement,
they, too, receive a share. Thus a wild boar or a deer is sufficient for
just about one meal.
HUNTING TABOOS AND BELIEFS
The following taboos in connection with hunting are of interest:
(1) The mention of such things as are displeasing to the local forest
deities must be positively avoided, such as the mention of salt, of fish
that are not found in the region, and of the name of the quarry.
(2) The meat must not be cooked with lard, garlic, or in any other way
except in the orthodox Manóbo manner of broiling it, or cooking it in
water.
(3) The meat must not be salted and dried.
(4) The game must not be skinned, but singed, for the former act would
be one of rashness that would incur divine displeasure and result in
lack of success on the part of the dogs during all ensuing hunts.
(5) The bones of the game must not be rapped on the floor to remove the
marrow. They must be broken with a bolo.
(6) During the process of boiling the water in which the meat has been
placed must be allowed to run over.
(7) The bones of the game must not be thrown into water. Such an act
would, it is thought, bring sickness on the transgressor or on a member
of his family.
(8) An unmarried man, who has had clandestine relations with a woman,
may not partake of the meat before he has made an expiatory offering to
the owner of the dogs. This offering need not be of any great value and
is usually given in an informal way. The infringement of this taboo is
said to be attended with the same baneful effects on the hunting dogs as
that mentioned above.
(9) For the same reason a married man must make a compensatory offering
of some little thing to his wife in case he has been unfaithful to her.
However, the majority of those whom I questioned knew of no such
counteracting practice.
A consideration of the above restrictions will explain the reluctance
that the Manóbo feels in dividing his game with those who are not of his
persuasion. He is afraid that the meat may be cooked in lard or that
some other regulation may be broken, thereby bringing down upon himself
the displeasure of the spirit owner of the game and upon his dogs ill
luck or total lack of success in future hunts.
There are various traditional accounts of people who have been charmed
[37] by deer and never heard of again. It seems that, at first, they
were approached by a circling herd of deer, which they did not fear and
allowed to come close. But among the deer was a transformed _búsau_ or
demon that advanced and devoured the solitary hunter. It is said that a
dog will not follow a deer of this description.[38]
[37] _Pag-u-sa-hán_.
[38] Called _ma-paí-yag_.
OTHER METHODS OF OBTAINING GAME
The ordinary bow is used but the arrow frequently varies from the
regular fighting arrow in being heavier, thicker, and not provided with
feathering. An arrow with a forked point is occasionally used for small
birds, while for hornbills sharp spikes of _palma brava_ are used at
times to perforate their tough skins. Dart arrows are favorite for
monkeys. The blowpipe (_sum-pí-tan_)[39] is not used. Little game is
obtained by the bow and arrow, except when the hunter builds a shelter
in a fruit tree and picks off, unseen, such birds as come to feast
themselves.
[39] I found a long slender blowpipe all over Mandáyaland used for
shooting birds, but it is not a very successful weapon, nor is it used
in fighting.
"Birdlime," made out of the viscid sap of certain trees, is occasionally
used to capture small birds.
TRAPPING
TRAPPING CEREMONIES AND TABOOS
As on all occasions, the invocation to the turtledove, the consultation
of its cry, and the betel-nut offering to the forest deities of the
locality are performed at the outset by the prospective trapper. The
omission of the last ceremony might expose him to the danger of being
speared by his own trap.
I observed in several districts the use of an ordinary toy magnet,[40]
as a charm [41] to insure success in trapping, but I suspect that belief
in the efficacy of the magnet was inspired by some inventive trader who
wanted to dispose of his magnets with more dispatch and at a bigger
gain. The use, however, of magic herbs [42] is said to have been learned
from the Mamánuas and is resorted to in the eastern parts of the middle
and lower Agúsan. I was afforded no information either as to the names
or the nature of the herbs used. They are carried around the neck
carefully concealed.
[40] _Bá-to báni_.
[41] _Súm-pa'_.
[42] _Sin-lá-ub_.
The male priests and the warrior priests invoke their respective
tutelaries before a trapping expedition and the _manikiad_[43] calls
upon the emissary[44] of the war deities. The trapper sets a sign [45]
near his house upon his departure. This consists of a bunch of grass or
twigs ti'ed to a stick, and is an intimation to passers-by of his
absence and of the reason for it. He then sets out for his trapping
grounds, but if on the route he meets anyone he must return to the house
at least temporarily,[46] for otherwise he would catch nothing in the
traps.
[43] A title conferred upon a man who has one or two deaths to his
credit. The number depends upon the locality.
[44] This class of spirits is called _pan-aí-yang_.
[45] _Ba-li-úg_.
[46] Manóbos claim that the violation of this taboo would bring about a
condition that is expressed by the word _ma-ka-dú-ya_; I can not state
definitely what this condition is. I never have had a satisfactory
explanation.
In his absence the following are a few of the taboos that must be
observed:
(1) The trapper's wife must neither do work nor leave the house until
his return, or, in case of protracted absence, until sunset.
(2) No one, not even a dog, may enter the trapper's home unless the
visitor leaves, or unless there is left for him 011 his departure, an
object of personal use, such as his bolo. This is intended as a deposit
and will be returned. The dog must be tied till sunset or a similar
deposit made for it.
(3) The mention of the words pig and deer must be sedulously avoided,
and no one must refer to the purpose of the hunter unless it be in a
periphrastic way.
I observed on several trapping expeditions in which I took part, that
the trapper built a little offering house [47] near his shelter house,
and at first was very regular in his offerings and prayers to the spirit
lord of the forest. His religious fervor, however, decreased in direct
proportion to the bountifulness with which heaven rewarded his prayers.
When he found game becoming scarce, he decided that probably the local
forest spirit was displeased, and tried his luck in other parts.
[47] _Baí-yui-baí-yui_, literally, a little house.
THE BAMBOO SPEAR TRAP [48]
[48]_Ba-tik_.
A common method of trapping among the Manóbos, more especially practiced
during the rainy season, is by the use of the bamboo spear trap that is
in very common use throughout the Philippine Islands. Without entering
into details, it may be described as a trap in which a spring of bent
wood, upon being released, drives a bamboo spear that has been attached
to it into the side of a passing pig or deer. The whole apparatus is
laid horizontally about 1 foot above the ground, and is carefully
concealed. It is a simple contrivance, speedily and cheaply made, and in
the rainy season very successful. Accidents to human beings from these
traps are rare, due to the keen sight and forest instinct with which the
Manóbo is endowed. As the pig or deer passes along the trail, it
releases the spring and is speared in the side. It is seldom that a wild
boar dies on the spot or in the vicinity. It usually has to be tracked
for hours and sometimes is never found.
OTHER VARIETIES OF TRAPS
Bamboo caltrops are sharp bamboo slats[49] between 2 and 3 feet long set
in the ground, usually at an angle of about 45° in places where the wild
boar have to make a descent. It is not a very successful contrivance, as
these animals are endowed with such extraordinary sight and scent.
[49] _Pa-dúg-pa_.
The _pa-yu-pa-yu_ trap consists of a set of bamboo slats as described
above, set on each side of a pig trail, and of a good-sized log held in
a slanting position by a trigger. When released by the boar, the log
falls down behind him, and, by the sudden noise, frightens him and
causes him to jump into the bamboo spikes.
The pitfall[50] is little used. It consists of a hole large enough for a
wild boar or deer, carefully covered so as to deceive the animal. The
bottom bristles with sharp bamboo stakes.
[50] _Tu-kí-bung_.
The monkey spring trap[51] is on the style of the bamboo spear trap
described above but is much smaller, being set on the branch of a tree
without any attempt at concealment. The poor, simple-minded monkey, on
catching sight of the bait, walks up innocently, seizes it, and is
wounded by the spear. He does not travel far after that, for monkeys
succumb quickly to a wound.
[51] _Pú-kis_.
An ordinary noose trap [52] consists of a string with a piece of wood
bent back and held in position by a trigger. When the trigger is
released, the bent piece of wood draws up the noose tight on the bird's
leg. It is used for catching wild pigeons, jungle fowl, and other birds.
[52] _Lít'-ag_.
The circle of nooses [53] is a series of rattan nooses placed around a
decoy cock. This bird, by his lusty crowing, challenges his wild fellows
to fight. When the fight begins the champion of the woods soon finds his
feet enmeshed in the nooses, and within a short time his whole body
safely lodged in the trapper's carrying basket.
[53] _Ka-lí-as_.
FISHING
The Manóbo fishes more than he hunts, yet he can by no manner of means
be said to be an incessant fisherman. The following are the methods
commonly employed for catching fish.
SHOOTING WITH BOW AND ARROW
In shooting fish an arrow[54] that has a detachable head is used. The
fisherman conceals himself in a tree or on the bank of a stream or lake,
and upon spying the fish lets fly a two-pronged arrow which has a steel
or iron point.
[54] _Bág'-ai_.
This method is in universal use in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley
and in rivers which are too deep for other methods, especially during
floods, when the fish roam around over the inundated land. It is
ordinarily not attended with great success, three or four fish being an
average day's catch. The common catfish, called _dalág_ in Manila, is
the ordinary victim, other species being rare victims to the arrow.
FISHING WITH HOOK AND LINE
The hook[55] is a stout one and is made out of the iron handle of the
ordinary kerosene can or out of a piece of brass wire of similar size.
It is attached to a substantial _abaká_ cord,[56] 45 meters long, more
or less. A piece of lead or a stone for sinker and a suitable bait
complete the outfit. The fish caught with this apparatus are the
swordfish[57] and the sawfish. The fisherman seats himself in his boat
or on a sand bank, and with the line tied to his foot or to his arm
awaits a bite. He immediately pulls in his victim, never giving him a
chance to tire himself out as our fishermen do; Of course the fish is
always pulled upstream.
[55] _Kaúad_.
[56] _Ha-pón_.
[57] _Ta-gá-han_.
FISH POISONING[58]
[58] _Pag-tu-bá-han_.
Poisoning is a common and successful method of fishing, practiced more
frequently on the upper reaches of a river. There are four methods, all
of which I have witnessed frequently throughout Manóboland.
_The túba_[59] _method_.--A quantity of _túba_ varying from one-half to
two sacksful is put into a dugout and brought to the spot selected.
Everybody comes provided with a fish spear, fishing bow, bolo, boat or
raft, and conical traps[60] made for the occasion. The _túba_ is then
pounded as it lies in the boat, a little water being added. This process
occupies the greater part of an hour, and is a very animated one,
everybody being in high hopes of a grand feast. Where there are no
boats, the _túba_ is pounded in the rice mortars and brought in bamboo
joints to the selected spot.
[59] _Túba_ is the Croton Tiglium or croton-oil tree.
[60] _Sán-au_.
At a point possibly a mile or more down the stream from the place in
which it is decided to cast the poison, the women and girls, aided by a
few men, fix their conical traps across the stream so that no large fish
may escape. When all is ready the _túba_ is thrown into the river, and
everyone dashes downstream with loud exclamations, some in boats, some
on rafts, or; where the water is shallow, wading or jumping from rock to
rock.
It is some 15 minutes before the poison begins to take effect and then
the women and children at the traps may have a busy time removing the
fish in order to keep their traps free for the entrance of more. During
this time the men and boys scurry around jabbing, hitting, missing, and
rushing from side to side with mad shouts of joy and exultation,
sometimes two or three after some fine big dazed fish of extra size.
Thus they may continue for a few hours if the river is a good sized one
and the fish plentiful, for at the beginning a great number of fish
probably dart up side creeks, thus escaping from the effects of the
poison, and when all the fish in the main stream have fallen a prey,
these lurkers must be sought out.
_Túba_ has a deleterious effect on man, producing colic and diarrhea, if
taken in fairly strong solution. Yet the fish that die from the effects
of it are perfectly harmless in that respect. The famous _ís-da_ of the
Agúsan Valley is the only fish that does not succumb to the effects of
this poison.
The _túbli_ method.--The root of the _túbli_ plant is used for
poisoning. It is a quicker-acting poison and more universal than the
preceding, in the sense that nothing, not even shellfish, escapes its
baneful effects. As the plant has to be cultivated, it is obvious that
it is not obtainable in large quantities, and for this reason is not
used as a rule on the main streams, the quantity available not being
sufficient to have an effect. It is used in the same manner as _túba_.
The _lágtañg method_.--The _lágtañg_ is the seed of a tree that is not
found in the middle and upper Agúsan Valley. I never witnessed the use
of this poison on a large scale, due undoubtedly to the absence of it in
the middle and upper Agúsan. The following was the procedure followed in
using it as witnessed by me.
A few handfuls of the seeds are toasted in a frying pan and then pounded
in a rice mortar. Then ordinary earthworms, or even the intestines of a
bird, are cut into small bits and mixed with the poison. A deep quiet
pool in a river or a likely place in a lake is selected and the mixture
of worms and _lágtañg_ dropped into the water at the edge of the pool.
In less than five minutes the minnows and small fish rise to the
surface, and begin to circle around giddily. These are followed by the
larger ones but it is not an easy undertaking to catch them till they
have exhausted themselves in their giddy circles or die in the tall
_runo_ grass that grows along the banks.
This poison affects only such fish as eat the worms. People who eat fish
caught in this way seem to suffer no ill effects.
There are other vegetable poisons used in killing fish, but I remember
only the name of the tree called _tigaú_.
DRY SEASON LAKE FISHING[61]
[61] _Língig_.
The mass of lakes and channels in the central Agúsan dries up into mere
pools once a year, or once in a few years, and affords an admirable
opportunity for fishing on a large scale. Thousands of people from as
far south as Lankiláan, and from as far north as Guadalupe, from Los
Arcos on the east and from Walo on the west, troop to the lake region in
their boats. They bring with them their entire families, a supply of
salt, a little rice, if they have it, or the usual substitute (sago and
bananas), their earthen pots and pans, and their bolos. Upon arriving at
a suitable place, they erect a rude shack and start to work. Wading into
the mud and water now half-boiling under a torrid sun, they slash at
every fish that by his hurried dash makes known his presence. After the
fish have been chased in this manner for some time, some of them bury
themselves in the mud, whence they are easily removed with the hand. In
this manner a few men may secure hundreds of fish in a few hours, but
these are only of two species.[62] Other varieties of fish do not remain
in places that dry up to mere ponds. The _haú-an_ are known to leave the
torrid water by wriggling up on land and making their way to other
water. The fish after being caught are taken to the temporary shack and
placed in water[63] until such time as the owners are ready for the
cleaning and salting operations.
[62] The _ís-da_ or _haú-an_ and _pu-yo'-pu-yo_.
[63] It is believed that the flesh of fish will harden if they are left
in water after being caught.
The heads, except such few as are used for the family meals, are
discarded, but the roe and the intestines are carefully preserved as a
delicacy. The body is so cut that it can be spread out into one thin
piece and then salted, usually in a rather stingy way, about 3.5 liters
of salt being used for as many as 90 fish. The fish are then set up on
an elevated bamboo frame and left to dry for a whole day or more,
according to the strength of the sun.
Though the fishing season is one of the merriest of the year, yet it is
a time of work and of stench. It is no unusual thing for the whole
family to work till the late hours of the night in order to prevent the
fish from putrefying. The odor that prevails where thousands of fish
heads--that have not been consumed by the crocodiles that infest the
main channels--are rotting under a blazing sun is left to the reader's
imagination. The season may last as much as one month and one family may
have thousands of dried fish.[64] Ordinarily the lack of salt makes it
impossible for any of the Manóbos, except those of the better class, to
remain long, unless they choose to work for the Bisáyas.
[64] _Dá-ing_.
FISHING WITH NETS, TRAPS, AND TORCHES
Fishing with nets is not practiced except by a few Manóbos on the
seacoast or by the Christianized Manóbos who have learned the practice
from Bisáyas, though I have seen cast nets used on the upper Tágo, upper
Simúlao, and upper Agúsan.
The _búbo_ is a cigar-shaped trap made of slats of rattan, from 0.5 to 1
meter in length. The swifter the current, the smaller the trap used. The
large end has a cone with its apex pointing inward. It is made of bamboo
slats which are left unfastened at the apex of the cone so that the fish
may enter but not get out. This trap is set with its mouth facing either
up or down stream.
Another form of this trap[65] is cylindrical and not conical like the
_búbo_. It is set in swamps with an evil-smelling bait and quickly
becomes filled with a very savory mudfish.[66]
[65] _Bág-yas_.
[66] _Pán-tat_.
The _hí-pon_, _u-yáp_, and _u-yáp tá-na_ are varieties of small fish
that at fixed intervals make their way up the Agúsan to a distance of
from 20 to 30 miles in innumerable quantities. It is said that they
arrive at the expected date and hour. They are scooped into dugouts with
scoop nets in immense quantities and salted for sale. This method of
fishing is confined practically to Bisáyas, but a goodly number of
Christianized Manóbos who live in the vicinity of Butuán take part in it.
A fairly common method of fishing among the Christianized Manóbos, as
also among the pagan Manóbos who do not live in too warlike a country,
is by the use of a spear and torch. Going along the banks of the stream,
the fisherman lures the fish with the light and secures them with a jab
of his three-pronged spear. In this way he may secure enough for a meal
or two. Where the water is deep enough, this method of fishing is
attended with great danger from crocodiles, especially in the lake
region where they abound in numbers beyond conception.
CHAPTER XI
WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
There is no knowledge of a former use of stone implements in Manóboland.
During my peregrinations throughout eastern Mindanáo I saw no stone
implements except the ordinary whetstone, so universally used for
sharpening steel weapons and knives, the cooking stones upon which the
pots are placed, and the flint used in the production of fire. It is
true that there is a common rumor as to the existence of stone missiles
hurled in wrath by Anítan[1] at irreverent mortals, but I have never
seen these tokens of divine anger.
[1] One of the powerful spirits of the sky world.
Weapons and implements will be subdivided, the former into offensive and
defensive weapons, and the latter into agricultural, hunting, and
fishing implements.
OFFENSIVE WEAPONS
THE BOW AND ARROW
As the use of the bow and arrow in the Philippines is generally
considered by ethnologists to indicate Negrito influence, the subject
requires more than passing notice, especially as the geographical
distribution of this primitive weapon extends to not only every
non-Christian tribe and group east of the central Cordillera of
Mindanáo, except perhaps the Banuáons,[2] but, according to various
rumors, to the Manóbos occupying the central portion of Mindanáo in the
subprovince of Bukídnon.
[2] I am very much inclined to think that it exists among them as well.
The bow is a piece of _palma brava_,[3] or less frequently of bamboo[4]
varying in length between 1.2 and 2 meters and in thickness between 7
and 12 millimeters. In the center it is about 30 millimeters broad and
gradually tapers to a breadth of about 12 millimeters at each end.
Except on the upper Agúsan[5] no means are taken to strengthen this
stock by winding rattan around it, unless the bamboo or wood shows
indications of splitting, in which case a girdle of plaited rattan
obviates the danger. No attempt at ornamentation is made except the
smoothing and polishing of the wood. In the case of bamboo stocks, the
projecting pieces of the joints are not removed on the proximal side of
the bow. At about 2 or 3 centimeters from the extremities, two notches
are made to hold the string. At the extremity, which we will call the
upper one, from its being held up during use, one often sees a few
concentric incised circles in one of which is set a little ring of
steel, iron, or brass wire. The object of this is to increase the twang
of the bow upon the release of the arrow.
[3] _An-á-hau_.
[4] Of the species called _pa-túng_.
[5] Mandáya and Mañgguáñgan bows are smaller and neater than Manóbo
bows. They are made commonly of a piece of betel-nut palm and have
graceful lashings of rattan strips on the stock for the purpose of
imparting strength thereto.
The bowstring is nearly always a strip of rattan about 3 millimeters
broad. This is attached to the lower end of the stock by a simple series
of loops. To the upper extremity it is attached by a loop that slips
along the stock into the upper notch when the bow is strung for
shooting. It is needless to remark that the bowstring is about 2 or 3
centimeters shorter than the stock, which in the moment of stringing
must be bent to enable the upper extremity of the string to reach the
upper notch and thereby acquire a sufficient tension to propel the arrow.
Arrows are of several kinds according to the purpose for which they are
used, such as hunting, fishing, and fighting. Those intended for hunting
and fishing will be described in their proper places. The following
description applies exclusively to the offensive arrow used in fighting.
The shaft of this arrow consists of a reed of bamboo[6] about 8
millimeters in diameter and somewhat over a meter long, with a bamboo
head. The head is a sliver of bamboo[7] varying in length from 20 to 36
centimeters. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos seem to have
assimilated much from the Mandáyas, both the head and the shaft of the
arrow are much shorter, much neater, and, in general, much handier. The
arrowhead is broadest at about two-thirds of its distance from the
point. From this broad part, or shoulder, as we might call it, the head
tapers to a sharp point at one end and to such a size at the other that
it can be inserted into the natural socket of the shaft. In this socket
it is retained by a lashing of fine rattan, which serves at once to
retain it in place and to prevent the frail bamboo shaft from splitting.
A coating of _tabon-tábon_[8] seed pulp over the lashing prevents it
from loosening or slipping and at the same time preserves it from
atmospheric action. Occasionally one sees arrowheads with square
shoulders that act as barbs. I have never seen steel arrowheads in use
among Manóbos, though it is certain that they are used by Mañgguáñgans
between the Agúsan and the Sálug.[9] It is not unlikely, moreover, that
they are used by the people of the Ihawán and Baóbo Rivers.
[6] Of the species known as _la-hí'_.
[7] _Da-mu-án_ species.
[8] _Parinarium mindanaense_ (_Rosaceae_).
[9] I purchased for the Bureau of Science Museum a unique specimen
which, besides having a steel head, is provided with an ugly spur. The
owner claimed that it was one of the arrows that had been shot at him
and the party that accompanied him by the people of a Mañgguáñgan
settlement. I was one of his party.
A very important feature from an ethnological standpoint is the
feathering of the arrow. The object of this is to steady the arrow in
its flight and thereby prevent windage. The method of feathering is as
follows: The quills of the wing feathers of a hornbill, or sometimes of
a fish eagle, are parted down the middle. Then three, or sometimes only
two, of these parted quills with their adhering vanes are placed
longitudinally at equal distances along the arrow shaft so that their
extremities are about 6 centimeters from the butt of the shaft and their
webs stand straight out from the surface of the reed, forming equal
obtuse angles to one another. These vanes are retained in this position
by windings of very light, flexible rattan at their extremities. As a
security against slipping or change of relative position, a coating of
the above-mentioned fruit pulp, often mixed with pot black, is applied.
The final preparation of the arrow consists in chopping off with a bolo
or small knife the outer edges of the vanes. This is done in a slightly
slanting direction within about 1 centimeter of the butt end of the
vanes, at which point they are cut in a direction transverse to the
length of the arrow shaft.
The feathering of the arrow is always done with precision, as the
accuracy of its flight, the uniformity of its rotation, the length of
its trajectory, and the consequent penetrative power are known to depend
upon proper care in this respect.
Unlike other bowmen, the Manóbo makes a notch in the butt end of his
arrow, but as far as my observations go, there are never any decorative
incisions and tracings on Manóbo arrows.[10]
[10] Among the Mandáyas arrow shafts frequently have ornamental wavy
lines and concentric circles incised along the length of the shaft, but
this decoration has been observed among no other tribe that I know of in
eastern Mindanáo.
There seem to be no special arrow makers. Nearly every adult Manóbo, who
has not relinquished the use of the bow and arrow, with no other tool
than his bolo and perhaps a small knife, can complete a bow and a bunch
of arrows in a relatively short time.
In stringing the bow it is grasped by the center of the stock with the
left hand and the top, where the loose loop of the bowstring is placed,
is held with the right hand. The bottom of the bow rests upon the ground
and is supported by the right foot. The right hand then, by a movement
toward the person, bends the stock sufficiently to allow the loop of the
bowstring to reach and slip into its notch, the left hand and foot
retaining the bow in a bent position. The bowman then grasps the central
part of the stock between the thumb and the four fingers of the left
hand and seizing the feathered part of the arrow between the first and
middle fingers of the right, he places the end of it at right angles to,
and in contact with, the center, or thereabouts, of the string. The part
of the arrow in front of the feathering rests upon the thumb and middle
finger and under the index finger of the left hand. Raising up the bow
and holding it inclined at an angle of about 20° from the vertical, the
top being toward the right, the string, with the arrow butt always
pressed against it, is drawn back sufficiently (about 30 centimeters) to
give the requisite tension. The string is then allowed to fly back,
while at the same time the bowman releases his hold upon the arrow butt,
and thus the arrow speeds on its way. When ready to be released the end
of the arrow points to the bowman's right shoulder.
The greatest range of a good arrow is about 75 meters. Its effective
range, however, is only about one-third of that.
I can not laud the expertness of the Manóbo as a bowman. Here and there
one meets a really good shot, but the average man can not score 50 per
cent at close range.
No quivers worthy of the name are used. When a war raid is undertaken,
the arrows are placed in a bamboo internode, which is carried in a
horizontal position at the bowman's side. Arrows are never poisoned. The
bamboo of which the spearhead is made seems to have a somewhat poisonous
effect as a wound caused by it is very painful and hard to cure.
THE BOLO AND ITS SHEATH
The next important offensive weapon used by the Manóbo is the bolo. It
is his inseparable companion by day and, in regions where the influence
of civil or military authority is not strongly felt, also by night.
As there are but two Manóbo blacksmiths that I know of, all bolos used
are imported, either from the Mandáyas or from the Banuáons, though one
sees from time to time a weapon that has made its way from the Bagóbos.
The prevailing bolo is of Mandáya workmanship and merits a more detailed
description.
It is a substantial steel blade varying in length from 30 to 45
centimeters. At its juncture with the handle it is about as broad as the
handle but narrows gradually on top, and less so on the lower edge, to a
breadth of 25 millimeters[11] at a point one-sixth of the length of the
blade from the handle. At this point the back of the bolo changes its
direction, running off at an angle to its previous direction of 15°. The
lower part or edge of the weapon gradually bellies out until the blade,
at a point one-fourth of its entire length from the tip attains its
maximum breadth (7 to 10 centimeters) whence it curves like the segment
of a circle to the point of the weapon.
[11] Figures given are approximate only. They vary in different bolos.
The type of bolo that is considered more pretentious, and that is more
common on the upper Agúsan, has a thin straight back[12] up to within 6
or 7 centimeters from the handle, at which point the direction of the
back is slightly changed. In other respects this bolo is similar to the
one described above.
[12] Hence it is called _li-kúd-li-kud_.
At the narrowest part of the bolo and on the underside there is
occasionally a serrated decoration in the steel, the significance of
which I do not know.
The handle is occasionally of ebony, but more commonly of some other
wood. The grasp for the hand is cylindrical. The handle is often bound
with a braid of rattan, or a band or two of steel or of brass, to
prevent splitting, or less commonly with silver bands for ornament's
sake. Curving downward beyond the grasp is a carved ornamentation that
suggests remotely the head of a bird with an upturned curving bill. This
is one continuous piece with the grasp. It is rare to find brass
ferrules and hand guards at the juncture of the blade with the handle.
The sheath, which is of Manóbo production, consists of two pieces of
thin light wood a little broader than the bolo. It is almost rectangular
in form for a distance equal to the length of the blade, and then the
edges become gradually narrower up to a point that is about 3
centimeters from the end; at this point they expand into a small square
with incurving sides.
The two pieces are held together closely by bands of rattan coiled
around them at equal intervals. A coating of beeswax serves to preserve
the wood and at the same time to impart a finished appearance to the
sheath. Frequently pot black is mixed with the beeswax, and on the upper
and central parts, and on the ends and edges, symmetrical bands of this
black paint are applied according to the fancy of the wearer. Other
decorations of beads, cotton tassels, and strips of a yellow parasitic
plant, are not at all infrequent.
The girdle, which is nearly always of braided _abaká_ fiber, frequently
multicolored, and which holds the weapon to the left side of the wearer,
passes through a hole on the outer side of the sheath. This hole is made
through the central embossed part of the outer piece of the sheath.
A noteworthy feature of the sheath is that it is so made that by pushing
the handle to the lower side of the aperture of the sheath, the weapon
remains locked and can not fall out or be withdrawn until the handle is
pushed back to the upper side of the aperture.
A MAGIC TEST FOR THE EFFICIENCY OF A BOLO
It is very interesting to observe the method pursued in determining the
value of the bolo. A piece of rattan the length of the weapon is cut
into small pieces, each one, excepting perhaps the last, exactly as long
as the maximum width of the bolo. These pieces are then placed in the
following positions and in the order indicated by the number. (See fig.
1.) It is obvious that, as a rule, there is one piece of rattan that is
not as long as the others. This piece is always set down last, and its
position is the determining factor of the test.
[FIGURE 1]
In Figure 1 _a_ all the pieces of rattan happen to be equal, there being
no short piece. Moreover, there are enough pieces to complete the
figure. This combination is not inauspicious in so far as it does not
augur evil, but it is thought to be a sure indication of a failure to
kill.[13]
[13] This combination is called _lí-mut_.
In Figure 1 _b_ all the pieces are of equal length, but there are not
enough to complete the figure as in figure 1 _a_. This is a doubtful
con-figuration. On the one hand the weapon may or may not kill, on the
other it will prove efficient to the owner in matters not connected with
fighting.
In Figure 1 _c_ we have only four pieces of rattan, three of which are
equal to the maximum width of the bolo and one of which is short. This
is a good combination. It indicates that in a fight the enemy will
suffer loss.[14]
[14] This formation is called _sá-kab_.
In Figure 1 _d_ we have the best conformation possible. The fact that
the short section falls, as it were, inside, indicates that a short
fight and speedy death may be expected. The owner of a weapon that
passes this test is reluctant to part with it unless very advantageous
offers are made to him.
A form of divination in which a suspended bolo, especially a consecrated
one, takes the part of the _deus ex machina_ is described in the chapter
on divination.
THE LANCE
The lance, like the bolo, is imported. It is of two kinds: (1) The
Mandáya lance, which is found everywhere except on the lower Agúsan and
on the upper reaches of the Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían, and in the
eastern Cordillera; (2) a lance, probably of Moro production, which is
said to come from the Pulángi River, and which is used in the regions
just mentioned where the Mandáya lance is not considered lucky or
effective. In general, lances consist of a steel head and a long shaft,
usually of _palma brava_, but rarely of some other species.[15] The head
is firmly attached to the shaft with a viscous substance.
[15] Wood of the tree _ku-li-pá-pa_ is used occasionally.
The lance is the inseparable companion of the Manóbo in his travels
through dangerous places, of which there are not a few in remote
regions. When he arrives at a house he sticks the lance in the ground,
head up, near the ladder. In traveling he carries it upon his right
shoulder, head forward, in a horizontal position and is ever ready to
throw it if he fears an ambush. I have frequently startled my Manóbo
friends while they were engaged in some occupation, such as fishing,
just to study their demeanor. The result was always the same--a quick
turn and an attitude of offense, with lance poised and defiant eye.
The lance is held during the poise in the upturned right hand under the
thumb and over the first and second fingers. The arm is extended in a
slight curve just in front of the line of the shoulders. In making a
thrust, the lance is darted parallel to the line of the shoulders and on
a level with them, the left side of the person being presented to the
adversary. The lance is not thrown, but is nearly always retained in the
hand.
The Mandáya lance merits most attention, as it is more generally used,
and is usually of better mechanical and ornamental workmanship. The
shaft is a piece of either _palma brava_ or of _kulipápa_ palm, varying
from 1.8 to 2.4 meters in length. It has a uniform diameter of about 16
millimeters for a distance equal to one-half of its length from, the
head; the other half tapers very gradually to about one-half of its
original thickness, ending in a fairly sharp point, which may be capped
with a conical piece of tin or of steel to protect the wood against
injury from stones.
The head is a long, slender, pointed blade. From the shoulders, which
are from 4 to 7 centimeters apart, it may taper uniformly to a point;
much more commonly, however, it tapers gradually to within about 25
millimeters of the extremity. Here its width is about 25 millimeters. At
this point the edges converge at an angle of 45° to the axis, until they
meet, forming the point of the lance. From the shoulders of the blade
the edges likewise slant inward to the neck at an angle of 45°. The neck
is a solid cylindrical piece, about 3 centimeters in length, nearly
always ornamented with embossed work, and ends in a rod or in a conical
socket about 7 centimeters long. It is very common to see ornamental
chisel work along the axis near the neck. The general outline of the
engraving is that of the spearhead in miniature, within which there are
often little leaflike puncturings.
When the lance head has a socket it is attached to the shaft with a
resinous substance similar to that used for bolos. When the lance head
ends in a solid cylindrical piece and must be inserted in the hollow
shaft, the end of the shaft is reinforced with a Moro brass ferrule, if
the possessor of the lance has been so lucky as to have acquired one, or
with coils of _abaká_ fiber over which has been wound _abaká_ cloth
stuck with the above mentioned resin.
Lances of the better style have ornamental rings of beaten silver,
sometimes amounting to as many as 15, placed at equal distances along
the shaft for a distance of as much as 30 centimeters from the juncture
of the head and the shaft.
A lance of another style is common among the highland Manóbos of the
central Cordillera, and is not infrequently found among the Manóbos of
Kantílan and Tágo. Though not so striking in dimensions and in general
appearance, it is preferred by the Manóbo, because it is said to cause a
more severe wound and because it is less liable to have the head
detached when driven through the floor or wall of a house. Its head is
much narrower at its broadest part than the one just described, is not
so long, and nearly always tapers to a point. It is without any
shoulders. It never has the conical steel socket that the Mandáya lance
sometimes has, is always straight edged, and is set into the shaft in
identically the same manner as the socketless Mandáya weapon. Another
point of distinction is the decorative scallop that runs parallel to the
edges of the head on each side. There is very seldom any decorative work
within the periphery of these scallops.
THE DAGGER AND ITS SHEATH
A weapon, whose distribution among Manóbos is limited almost exclusively
to Manóbos south of the 8° of latitude, is the Mandáya dagger, of
Mandáya workmanship, and indicative of Mandáya influence.[16]
[16] It is the Mandáya tribal weapon that never leaves its wearer's side
by night or by day, on the trail or in the house, whenever there is
apprehension of danger.
Its component parts are a thin laminated piece of steel from 15 to 25
centimeters long with a thin, tapering rod somewhat shorter, projecting
in the line of the axis, and a hilt of _banáti_ through which the
projection of the blade passes. It is carried in a sheath which is held
at the wearer's right side by a girdle.
The blade is two-edged, widening from a sharp point to two shoulders
from 3 to 4 centimeters apart, whence the edges incurve gradually and
finally end in two projecting spurs 3 or 4 centimeters apart. The rod
for the reception of the hilt extends from this point along the line of
the axis for a distance of from 6 to 8 centimeters.
From time to time one finds a blade that is inlaid with tiny pieces of
brass or silver, but there is never any other kind of ornamentation.
The handle is of a type that is unique, as far as I know, in the
Philippine Islands. In using the dagger the body of the hilt is seized
in the right hand, the index finger is inserted between one horn of the
crescent and the central steel tang, and the thumb between the latter
and the other point of the crescent, while the other three fingers hold
the weapon within the palm. This method seems clumsy, but nevertheless
it is the orthodox way of holding it. Fastened to the right side of the
wearer in a more or less horizontal position and with the handle
projecting forward, it is always at the owner's disposal for prompt and
deadly action, especially so as only a mere thread or two of _abaká_
fiber running from the handle to the under part of the sheath retains
the weapon in its sheath.
The handle is usually strengthened at the neck with plaited rings of
_nito_ fiber and may have ornamental silver work, both at that point and
on the horns, or even at times on the whole outer surface of it.
The sheath consists of two pieces of wood of an elongated rectangular
shape, spreading out at the extremity. Strips of rattan wound at
intervals hold the two pieces together and a paint of blended beeswax
and pot black is ordinarily employed to give a finish to it. But
occasionally one sees bands of beaten silver at the head of the sheath,
and, less frequently, a profusion of beautiful, artistic silverwork set
over the whole sheath.[17]
[17] The steelwork and silverwork are nearly always the production of
Mandáya smiths living in and beyond the southeastern Cordillera, though
on the Agúsan there are a few silversmiths.
Manóbos in general, with the exception of those who live on the upper
Agúsan, take but little care of their weapons, except to sharpen them.
In this respect they are very unlike the Mandáyas and the Debabáons, who
are most conscientious and incessant in the care of their bolos, lances,
and daggers. They keep these weapons burnished by rubbing them on a
board that has been covered with the dust from a pulverized plate, or if
they have rusted, by filing them with an imported file. A final touch is
given to them by rubbing them with the leaves of what we might call the
sandpaper plant.[18] Once burnished they are protected from rust by
applications of hog fat, a little piece of which is suspended from the
roof whenever a pig is killed. Another point of difference between the
Manóbos, not including those of the upper Agúsan, and the
above-mentioned peoples is the infrequency with which the former make
use of racks for their fighting weapons. The Mandáyas and the Debabáons
very commonly have ornamental racks in which they keep their weapons.
[18] _Ficus fiskei_ and _Ficus fiskei adorata_ (_moracae_).
DEFENSIVE WEAPONS
THE SHIELD
Two varieties of shield are in use, the Mandáya and the Manóbo. The
diffusion of the former is limited to the district south of the 8°
latitude, not including the Ihawán and Baóbo River district; the latter,
to the rest of the Agúsan Valley with the exception of the portion where
Banuáon influence is prevalent,[19] such as the upper Agúsan and rivers
to the north of it, which are the western tributaries of the Agúsan. In
general, shields are made of _kalántas_[20] wood, varying from 90 to 100
centimeters in length. In the center is a projecting knob resembling a
low truncated cone about 4 centimeters high and varying in width at the
base from 8 to 15 centimeters, and at the truncation from 7 to 8.5
centimeters. The inside of this knob is hollowed out in such a way that
a longitudinal piece is left on the inside of it for holding the shield.
The upper end has a transverse piece of the same material as the rest of
the shield dovetailed into the main body, the object being to prevent
the body of the shield, whose grain runs longitudinally, from splitting
as a result of a blow.
[19] The Banuáon types of shield seen by the writer were circular in
form, concave on the proximal side, and made of plaited rattan painted
with _tabon-tábon_ pulp.
[20] _La-níp-ga_.
As a further protection against splitting, two strips of _palma brava_
or of bamboo in upper Agúsan types, and in other types three strips as
wide as the shield itself are set horizontally on each side, facing each
other, and are held in position by sewings of rattan slips passing
through perforations in the wood.
The ornamentation of all shields consists of a coating of beeswax, and
of thin scallops painted with beeswax and pot black, passing in a single
series around the shield and near its edge, and in a double series
longitudinally down the center.
The operculum,[21] of a seashell, or very occasionally some bright
object, may set off the knob. Not infrequently tufts of human hair
secured in some war raid are stuck into holes at distances of about 3
centimeters on both sides of the shield, and are considered highly
ornamental and indicative of the valor of the owner of the shield. One
might be inclined to think that the employment of human hair is a relic
of head-hunting, but I was unable to find a single tradition of its
practice in eastern Mindanáo and I doubt if such ever existed.
[21] Called _pas-lí-tan_.
The typical Manóbo shield has a straight top about 35 centimeters broad.
From the corners the sides gradually curve inward for a distance
(measured upon the central longitudinal line of the shield) of about 25
centimeters, at which point they curve out to the original width at a
distance of about 10 centimeters farther on, where the strengthening
strips are fastened on both the inner and outer surfaces. Thence the
sides curve in to form the second segment, in the center of which is
situated the knob, and at the end of which are placed two more
sustaining crosspieces. Beyond this section, the sides gently curve to
the bottom of the shield, which is about 25 centimeters broad and
practically straight.
The Mandáya type, as adopted from the Mandáyas by the Agusánon
Manóbos[22] differs from the Manóbo shield in being generally
narrower--about 17 centimeters at the top and about 22 centimeters in
the central section. From the top, where the transverse protective piece
is placed the sides slope out gently to the first sustaining crosspiece
placed at a distance from the end of about one-fourth of the entire
length of the shield; thence they run parallel for a distance equal to
one-half of the shield length, forming to the eye an elongated
rectangle, in the center of which is the knob. The remaining quarter of
the shield is hyperbolic in form with a small lozenge-shaped protrusion
at the focus. The upper edge of the shield is not quite straight, an
ornamental effect being produced by slight curves. In the center of the
upper edge is a very small projection or sometimes a round incision,
that might serve as an eyehole.
[22] Also by the Mañgguáñgans and by the Debabáon and Mansáka groups.
The Manóbos and other peoples of the upper Agúsan call themselves
Agusánon.
Another difference in this type of shield is the addition of ornamental
toothlike tracings. These serrations are done with beeswax and pot
black, and are ordinarily set in groups of four at right angles to and
along the central and the lateral scallops.
The last distinction is the more noticeable longitudinal bend which the
Mandáya type has as compared with the Manóbo style, the top and the
bottom being inflected uniformly inward at an angle of about 15° to the
vertical.
Among the Mandáyas it is interesting to note that a broad shield is
looked down upon as indicative of cowardice, and that a narrow shield is
considered evidence of valor in its owner.
In using the shield it is held in the left hand by the grasp that is
located in the inner part of the hollow knob in the center. It is always
held in an upright position, the transverse piece being on top, at the
left side of the warrior, who never presents the front of his person to
the enemy. To protect the feet and legs he must crouch down.
I was a constant witness of mimic encounters, and occasionally of what
appeared to be the preliminaries to more serious affairs, and can bear
witness to the skill displayed in the manipulation of the shield. The
rapidity with which the warrior can move about, now advancing, now
retreating, now thrusting, now parrying, and all the time concealing the
whole of his person except a part of the head and one eye, is a marvel.
ARMOR
Another article used for defensive purposes is the _abaká_ armor.[23]
Whenever the warrior has been able to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt
fabric, he sews it into an ordinary coat with sleeves and, in lieu of
imported buttons, uses little slivers of bamboo or wood to keep it
closed. When, however, the Mandáya cloth is not to be had, his female
relatives braid for him a number of multicolored cords of _abaká_ fiber,
6 millimeters broad, which are sewn together in the form of an American
or European coat and answer the purpose perhaps better than the Mandáya
cloth.
[23] _Lim botung_.
This armor is intended to resist arrows, and is said to be efficient
when the wearer is at long range. At short range, however, it helps only
to lessen the penetration, as I had occasion to observe after an attack
on the upper Agúsan, in which one of my warrior friends was wounded on
the shoulder by an arrow. A band of Debabáons went to make a
demonstration at the house of one of their enemies on the River Nábuk.
The particular warrior chief referred to, desiring to initiate his young
son into the art of warfare, carried him on his back to the scene of the
demonstration. After surrounding the house, the attacking party broke
out into the war cry and challenged their foes to a hand-to-hand combat.
The surrounded party replied with a shower of arrows, one of which
struck the chief on the shoulder. As he explained to me, he was so
solicitous about guarding his child that he exposed his person and
received the arrow in his shoulder. The point, he said penetrated to a
depth of about 3 centimeters.
I once saw another form of protective clothing on the River Argáwan. It
was a very long strip of cotton cloth which, it was said, was used for
wrapping around and around the body before an attack. This article, as I
later ascertained, was of Banuáon manufacture and use.[24]
[24] As a further protection in war there is used, it is said, a conical
piece of wood on which the hair is bound up. I never saw this device in
use and doubt if it is employed commonly by Manóbos. It was reported to
me as also being of Banuáon origin and make.
TRAPS AND CALTROPS
The dwellings of Manóbos who live in actual fear of attack are always
surrounded by traps and by bamboo caltrops of one or two varieties.
These form an efficient and common means of defense.
The trap is of the type described in the chapter on hunting. When this
trap is used as a means of defense, the spear is set at such a height
that it will wound a human being between the shoulders and the thigh.
The traps are set in varying numbers in the immediate vicinity of the
house, though if an attack is considered imminent they are set on the
trails leading to the house and some distance away. They may be so set
that they will not strike the one who releases them but the first or
second person following him. It is always prudent for a white man in a
hostile country to so safeguard himself and his men that no one will be
injured by these traps.
The bamboo caltrops referred to are slivers of sharpened bamboo, about
60 centimeters long, set in the ground at an angle of 45°, and at some
point where the enemy has to descend to a lower level. A favorite spot
is behind a log or at the descent to a stream. They are carefully
concealed and, to a white man not aware of the use of such traps, a
dangerous device.
Another form of caltrops very common indeed, and very treacherous in its
character, consists of small spikes made of slivers of bamboo, about 18
centimeters long, or of pointed pieces of hardwood. These are set in
goodly numbers in the trails that lead from the adjoining forest to the
house. The peculiar danger of these is that they protrude only about 2
or 3 centimeters above the ground, the soil being loosened around them
so that the pressure of the wayfarer's foot presses down the loose soil,
thereby giving the treacherous spike an opportunity to pierce the foot
to a considerable depth.
AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS
Implements of husbandry are few and far between. As there are no draft
animals in Manóboland, no plows, harrows, or other implements which
require animals are made use of.
THE AX
For felling the larger trees a simple steel ax is used. It is set in a
hole in a hardwood handle, usually of guava wood, and is retained in
place by a couple of plaits of rattan. The edge of the ax is only 6 or 7
centimeters long and yet it is surprising what the average Manóbo man
can accomplish with this insignificant-looking implement. Mounted upon
his frail scaffold he attacks the mighty trees of his forest home and
with unerring blow brings them down in a surprisingly short time.
THE BOLO
For cutting off the branches, the bolo, which may be at the same time
his weapon for attack or defense, is used. The work bolo is in no wise
distinguished from the fighting weapon except that the former has a
broad straight back. It is more usual to find a bolo of Bisáya
manufacture in use by Manóbos of the lower Agúsan. These bolos come from
Bohol or from Cebu and, being comparatively cheap and answering the
purpose equally well, are readily purchased.
THE RICE HEADER
During the harvest time the rice heads are cut with a header made of a
small piece of rattan or wood about 1.5 centimeters in diameter and
between 4 and 6 centimeters long. In the center of this and at right
angles to it is lashed a piece of tin or one of the valves of a common
shellfish.[25]
[25] _Bi-bi_.
FISHING IMPLEMENTS
THE FISHING BOW AND ARROW
The bow and arrow are used for fishing, wherever the Agúsan peoples,
Christian and non-Christian, have access to the lakes and pools that
abound in the central Agúsan.
The bow used in fishing and its accessories in nowise differs from the
more serious article intended for warfare, except that, due to its more
frequent use, it may be more dilapidated in appearance.
Fishing arrows, however, are different from those used in fighting. The
shaft of the former is a piece of bamboo,[26] varying in length from 1.2
to 1.5 meters and in maximum diameter from 7 to 12.5 millimeters.
[26] Of the variety called _lá-hi_ or _da-ga-sá'_.
The head is a 2-pronged piece of iron or steel about 17 centimeters
long, with barbs on the inner side of each prong, equidistant from the
extremity and facing each other. These two prongs unite to form a solid
neck that runs into the natural hole in the shaft, a ferrule of brass,
or more frequently a winding of rattan coated with _tabon-tábon_ seed
pulp, serving to prevent the splitting of the frail bamboo tube. The
head is attached to the shaft by a substantial string of _abaká_ fiber,
about 1.5 meters long, which is wound about the shaft, but which is
unwound by the fish in its frantic efforts to escape, leaving him with
the arrowhead in his body, and with the shaft breaking the water and
indicating to the fisherman the whereabouts of his victim. On the far
upper Agúsan the arrowhead is not of the 2-pronged type but is a thin,
laminated steel point that expands gradually to form the two lateral
barbs. It is of Mandáya manufacture and origin.
THE FISH SPEAR
The fish spear,[27] except on the far upper Agúsan, consists of a long
bamboo shaft from 1.5 to 2.25 meters in length with a heavy 3-pronged
barbed head set into a node at its larger end and with strengthening
girdles of rattan strips serving to reinforce it. The iron head is of
Bisáya or of Christian Manóbo workmanship. On the upper Agúsan the head
is 2-pronged and the shaft is frequently somewhat longer than that of
the spear used on the lower river. In other respects it is identical.
[27] _Sá-pang_.
FISHHOOKS
Large hooks are much more commonly used than small ones. Both are made
out of either brass wire or of iron, the latter often from the handle of
a kerosene can, and in general they resemble ordinary fishhooks such as
are made in civilized countries. The method of using the hook has been
described already under "Fishing."
For crocodiles a peculiar hook is used. It consists of a piece of _palma
brava_, sharpened at one end, and provided with a spur projecting
backward at an angle of about 30°. To this piece of wood is attached a
stout rope of _abaká_ fiber, which in its turn is tied to a piece of
stout bamboo about 1.8 meters long. The bamboo is then set firmly in the
ground, and the bait is allowed to hang within about 60 centimeters of
the water. The hungry crocodile, lured by the odor, springs at the bait,
and gets the hook between his jaws. It is seldom that by dint of frantic
pulling and wriggling he does not free the bamboo and rush off to one of
his favorite haunts, where, by the presence of the bamboo float above
him, he is discovered and dispatched.
HUNTING IMPLEMENTS
THE SPEAR
The chief weapon used in the chase is the spear. It consists of a stout,
wooden shaft between 2.1 and 2.4 meters long, which is set into the
hollow conical socket of a spearhead. The blade in general appearance
resembles the more serious weapon of war, but it is only about 10 or 12
centimeters long and makes no pretense to beauty, being fashioned solely
for utilitarian purposes. As a necessary accessory to the spear the
inseparable bolo is carried.
THE BOW AND ARROW
In the chapter on hunting reference has been made already to the hunting
bow and arrow. It is an ordinary bow, but the arrow differs in not being
feathered and finished like the arrow intended for human game.
A very effective and easily made arrow consists of a piece of bamboo
about 85 centimeters long and 3 to 4 millimeters in diameter, with a
sharp tapering point. In lieu of feathering, four or five tufts near one
extremity, set at a distance of about 2.5 centimeters from each other,
are made by scraping the surface so as to form little tufts of shavings.
This style of dart arrow is used principally for monkeys, but a supply
is always on hand for warlike purposes, when the more finished and
efficient arrows become exhausted.
Another difference in the hunting arrow is the 2-pronged bamboo head
formed either by splitting a regular bamboo arrow or, more commonly, by
lashing together two arrows. I saw on a few occasions _palma brava_
spike heads used by the Manóbos of the far upper Agúsan. These latter
forms are used exclusively for hornbills whose tough hide and abundant
plumage require something stronger than the ordinary arrow.
THE BLOWGUN
The blowgun[28] is used sporadically and perfunctorily on the far upper
Agúsan, but I have never seen it anywhere else among Manóbos.[29] It is
used for shooting small birds, chickens, and mice. It is made of an
internode of a variety of bamboo[30] about 1.2 meters long and 12.5
millimeters in diameter, to which is joined another internode about 20
centimeters long and of slightly larger diameter. This forms the
mouthpiece. I have never seen any decorative work on a blowpipe. The
dart is a thin tapering piece of bamboo about 35 centimeters long and
1.5 millimeters in diameter at the butt. Enough cotton to fill the bore
of the gun is fastened at the butt end of the dart. It is discharged by
the breath. The point is never poisoned, nor is there any tradition as
to the former use of poison on these darts.
[28] _Sum-pí-tan_.
[29] Its use by the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorígau, and Karága
Rivers is very common, but so far as I know it is neither a defensive
nor an offensive weapon.
[30] _La-hi'_.
The blowgun, when in use, is held to the mouth with the right hand. The
maximum range is about 20 meters. I have seen very small birds killed at
a distance of about 8 meters.
CHAPTER XII
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES
DIVISION OF LABOR
It is to be expected that among a people whose women have been obtained
practically by purchase the burden of work will fall on the woman. The
Manóbo man, however, at times performs an amount of heavy, hard work
that makes the division somewhat equitable.
MALE ACTIVITIES
House building, hunting, fishing, and trapping fall to the lot of the
man. When the rice-planting season is at hand, he fells the trees and
does the heavier work of clearing. An occasional war raid or an
occasional visit to some distant settlement for trading purposes may
impose upon him a few days of hard travel. Outside of these occupations
his work is comparatively light. He attends to his weapons, makes such
objects of wood or of bamboo as may be needed, and decorates them after
his style. He splits the rattan and does nearly all the plait work in
basket making. All the necessary implements for fishing, hunting, and
trapping are made by him, with the exception of steel weapons. He strips
the _abaká_ for the family clothes and procures the dye plants. In
certain districts he is the miner and in others he is the boat builder,
and in all districts he conducts trading transactions.
FEMALE ACTIVITIES
The Manóbo woman certainly has her share of work. She does all the
dyeing, weaving, and tailoring, besides attending to the various
household duties of providing fuel, food, and water. These latter
occupations impose upon her at least one trip daily to the _camote_
field, and several to the watering place, which in the mountainous
districts is ordinarily at a considerable distance down steep and rugged
trails. She attends to the children and cares for the sick, and day
after day dries, pounds, winnows and cooks the rice. When her helpmate
has felled the trees for the new farm, she does the looping, lighter
clearing, burning, sowing, weeding, tilling, and harvesting. In her
spare moments she makes mats, rice bags, and earthen vessels, braids an
occasional armlet, does the beadwork, and a thousand and one little
things according to the exigency of the moment or the requirements of
her spouse.
MALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL
The various operations of fishing, hunting, trapping, house building,
agriculture, and trading have been already described so that there
remain to be considered only boat building, mining, and plait work.
BOAT BUILDING
The art of boat building is known only to Manóbos who have been in
contact with Banuáons, so that one would be led to think that the art is
of Banuáon origin. It is confined practically to the Kasilaían, Líbang,
Maásam, Óhut, and Wá-wa Rivers, though one finds a boat builder here and
there on the Híbung River and on the Simúlau River, but only an
occasional one, if any, on the Argáwan, Umaíam, Ihawán, and upper Agúsan.
The boat is a dugout usually made of _magasinó'_, _kalántas_, or some
light durable wood. The tree is selected, hewed down with the simple ax,
and by dint of hard chopping hollowed out and shaped. In this way are
made nearly all the skiffs, canoes, and boats that ply up the network of
rivers in the Agúsan Valley. It is not uncommon to see a _banca_, or
large boat, 10 meters long by 1 meter beam.
MINING
Mining is confined to the Híbung River and its tributaries, to the Wá-wa
River, and to the Taligamán district, a few hours' walk to the southeast
of Butuán. It is a desultory occupation followed more at the request of
Bisáya traders, or in fulfillment of a contract, than out of any desire
for gold.
The time selected is usually after a flood. The gold is washed out with
a circular, hollow, wooden pan.[1] The operation has an established
religious procedure which, must be followed if one wishes to be
successful in the acquisition of the gold. The theory is as follows: The
gold is the property of a gold spirit, whose place in the Manóbo
pantheon I can not state. To enter upon his domains and to remove the
ore which is his without feasting him and making him a present of a
living victim for a future repast would provoke his wrath and result in
failure to obtain the object of the search. Hence the leader of the
miners upon arrival at the mining ground turns loose a white fowl and
kills a white pig in honor of the gold spirit. He also presents to the
spirit leaf packages of boiled native rice. The mining operations then
begin, but the peculiar feature of the whole procedure is that the rice
packages are purchased from the leader at the rate of 1
_ku-len-tás-on_[2] for two packages. Noise and merriment are interdicted
during the mining operations as being displeasing to the gold spirit,
but if, upon infringement of this taboo, further oblations of rice are
made to him he resumes his good humor and permits the gold to be found.
[1] _Bi-ling-án_.
[2] _Ku-len-tás-on_ are said to weigh one-half of the gold piece that
was in circulation in the Philippine Islands, in pre-American days, and
which was valued at 12.5 cents United States currency.
I found these beliefs to be held as far over as the upper Tágo River, on
the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera.
PLAITING AND OTHER ACTIVITIES
The plaiting and braiding of such objects as arm and leg ligatures out
of _nito_ or other vegetable fiber nearly always falls to the lot of the
women. The plaiting of baskets out of rattan, as well as the making of
fish traps and pack baskets, is generally a male occupation.
The process of basket making is fairly simple. A more or less
cylindrical, solid piece of wood with flat bottom and top forms the mold
upon which the strips of rattan are interlaced. A circular band of
bamboo strengthens the upper rim, a coating of the pulp of the seed of
the _tabon-tábon_ fills up the crevices and makes the basket almost
perfectly water-tight.
Pack baskets that are used for carrying game and for general utility on
long voyages are of the open wickerwork description.
I know of only two Manóbo blacksmiths in the whole of Manóboland. They
learned the trade from Bisáyas and produce bolos much like the Bisáya or
Bohol type seen in the Agúsan Valley. Here and there one meets a Manóbo
who understands how to beat out a fish spear or a fishhook, or to make a
crude pipe, but, with these exceptions, the Manóbo knows nothing of
steel or iron work.
As to the decoration, it is manifest from what has been said that he can
do simple but creditable work. The ornaments on bamboo tubes, combs,
baskets, and certain other things are evidences of his skill. So are the
tattoo and embroidery designs described in a previous chapter.
FEMALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL
WEAVING AND ITS ACCESSORY PROCESSES
_Abaká_ fiber is stripped by men and delivered to the womenfolk. The
women pound it for a long time in a wooden mortar to soften it, then
patiently tie strand to strand, placing it carefully in small hollow
baskets, where it is free from danger of entangling. Sand is often
sprinkled on it as a further means of preventing tangling.
Cotton yarn is prepared from the native plant by means of a very
primitive spindle, which consists of a small rod of wood at the end of
which is a top-shaped piece of the same material which serves to sustain
the necessary rotation. A tuft of cotton is attached to the end of this
bar, and, as the top rotates the thread is twisted. When the thread is
sufficiently long it is wound around the handle and the operation is.
repeated. By this slow and tedious process a sufficient amount of yarn
is spun for the requirements of the spinner.
The dyeing process consists in boiling the _abaká_ yarn with finely
chopped pieces of various woods.[3] In order to produce a permanent dye,
the process of boiling must be repeated more than once with new dyeing
material. As the boiling apparatus consists nearly always of small
earthen pots and the boiling is continually interrupted by culinary
operations, it is obvious that the process is an inordinately slow and
unsatisfactory one. I am of the opinion that to produce a fast red dye
on sufficient yarn for about seven skirts, the boiling occupies the
better part of two wrecks.
[3] _Si-ká-lig_ root for red effects, pieces of _kanai-yum_ tree for
black and pieces of _du-au_ for yellow effects.
Cotton yarn is never dyed. Whenever colors are desired, imported cotton
must be obtained through Christian or Christianized intermediaries.
The weaving is performed on a simple, portable loom, consisting of two
internodes of bamboo, one at the back part and one at the front part.
The warp threads pass serially around these two pieces of bamboo and
between the slits of a primitive comb situated within arm reach of the
posterior bamboo internode. The comb consists of an oblong rectangle
about 80 by 5 centimeters, having a series of little reeds set parallel
at a distance of 1.5 millimeters from each other. Through these
interstices pass the warp threads. Just beyond this comb and farther
away from the weaver is a hardwood rood[sic], as wide as the weft,
around which are single loops of _abaká_ or other fiber. Through these
loops pass alternately the warp threads in such a way that when the
batten is inserted the upper and lower alternate warp threads are
reversed, thereby holding the weft threads in the position to which they
have been driven by the batten.
The weft thread is wound upon a bobbin made out of a slender piece of
rattan which has two slits at each end, through which the weft thread
passes. The bobbin is driven through by the hand from side to side and
between the upper and the lower warp threads. The heavy, hardwood, flat,
polished batten is then worked by the hand, driving the weft thread into
juxtaposition with the part of the fabric finished already. The weaver
then inserts the batten between the warp threads at the point where they
alternately pass up and down through the previously mentioned loops on
the distal side of the comb, and between it and the rod that holds the
loops. By pulling the comb back to the finished part of the fabric, the
warp threads are reversed and the last weft thread is securely held in
place. Thus the process is repeated over and over again until the fabric
is finished.
The setting up of a piece of skirt cloth would occupy some two whole
days of uninterrupted work and the weaving some three days, but as
multitudinous household duties call the woman away constantly, she
spends the better part of at least two weeks on one piece, this period
not including the preparation of the yarn by tying and dyeing.
In weaving the woman sits upon the floor and keeps the warp threads
stretched by a rope that passes round her back from each extremity of
the yarn beam. When not in use, the web and the finished fabric are
folded up around the beam.
The products of the Manóbo loom are not as numerous and artistic as
those of the Mandáyas. The cloth produced is of four kinds: (1) The
ordinary skirt or mosquito-bar cloth made out of _abaká_ fiber and
having white and black longitudinal warp stripes, alternating with the
stripes of the red background; (2) a closely woven but thin cloth of
_abaká_ having sometimes, as in the case of men's jackets, straight weft
stripes of imported blue cotton; (3) a cloth of the same material, but
so thin as to be diaphanous, and not adorned with any stripes; (4) a
cloth for trousers made out of an _abaká_ warp and a native cotton woof.
In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the elaborate and
beautiful effects produced by the Mandáyas on _abaká_ cloth. The Manóbo
woman has no knowledge of the process by which such effects are obtained.
It is interesting to note that the two yarn beams are cut in such a
manner as to emit a booming sound at each stroke of the batten. I have
seen an additional internode attached to the end yarn beam in a vertical
position, with a view to increasing the resonance. The object of these
sounders is to call attention to the industry and assiduity of the
weaver.
POTTERY
The whole pottery industry consists in the making of rude earthen pots
out of clay. It is confined to places near which the proper clay is
found. A piece of clay is kneaded and mixed with fine sand till it
attains the proper consistency. A piece is then laid over a round stone
and beaten gently till it becomes sufficiently dry and rigid to serve
for a bottom to which clay is added strip by strip, at first thick but
gradually thinned with the fingers, until the pot is completed. It is in
the union of these strips that defects are liable to occur. Hence the
best workers patiently sit for hours beating their pots with a little
wooden mallet. The pots are then put into a hot fire and burnt several
times till they become sufficiently brittle to resist the fire, but the
manufacturers seem to lack a proper test, because the cracking of a new
pot is an ordinary occurrence.
The pot is spherical in shape with a wide mouth and a neck which, by its
incurving, makes it possible to hang it up by means of a piece of rattan
when it is not in use. There may be a few indentations running around
the neck for the purpose of decoration. It is customary to provide the
pot with a crude cover, also made of sand and clay.
TAILORING AND MAT MAKING
Tailoring is such a simple affair in Manóboland that it hardly deserves
mention. Whenever an imported needle of European or American make is not
to be had, a piece of brass wire is filed down and an eye made in it.
With the simple utensil and with a thread of _abaká_ fiber, the garment
is sewn with a kind of a transverse cross-stitch. When imported cotton
is on hand, nearly all seams are covered with either a continuous fringe
of cotton in alternate colors or with neat wavy stitches, all of which
serve both to conceal the seams and to embellish the garment.
In making a garment the piece of cloth is folded into a rectangle which
forms the body of the garment. A piece large enough to make the sleeves
remains. No piece is thrown away, there being no superfluous clippings.
All cutting is done with a bolo.[4]
[4] In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the method of
embroidery and to the various designs in common use.
Mats and bags are made out of _pandanus_. The same methods so commonly
used throughout the Philippine Islands are employed by the Manóbos.
PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE
CHAPTER XIII
DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS
ARRANGING THE MARRIAGE
Manóbo marriages, in general, may be said to be unions of convenience
sought with a view to extending the circle of relatives in such
directions as may result in an increase of power, prestige, protection,
and sundry other material advantages. An instance passed under my notice
in 1909 in which the daughter of a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief was
captured in marriage for the purpose of securing his aid against the
captor's enemies. The captor was a Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan of the upper
Agúsan.
SELECTION OF THE BRIDE
In the selection of his future wife, the Manóbo consults his own tastes
as far as he can, but he is influenced to a great extent by the opinion
of his parents and near relatives, all of whom ordinarily look to the
advantages to be derived from connection with powerful members of the
tribe. Hence rank and birth are nearly always a determining factor, and
where the wishes of the man's elders are in opposition to his own
natural choice, he yields and is contented to take the helpmate chosen
for him.
COURTSHIP AND ANTENUPTIAL RELATIONS
Sometimes the young man is bidden to take up his residence in the girl's
house, observe her general character and especially her diligence, find
out if she has been bespoken, gain the good will of her father and
relatives, and report to his people.
No communication of any kind takes place between him and his prospective
wife. When the subject is broached to the girl, she simply bids him see
her relatives. I have known of cases among the upper Agúsan Manóbos
where improper suggestions to the girl were at once reported by her to
her parents, and the author of them was at once brought to order with a
fine, the equivalent of P15 or P30. One white man is reported to have
met his death at the hand of a Manóbo for a mistake of this kind many
years ago. In deepest Manóboland, when the offense passes, however
slightly, the boundaries of suggestion, it becomes the source of many a
deadly feud. Happily, however, such cases are extremely rare.
BEGGING FOR THE HAND OF THE GIRL
Three, four, or five of the nearest male relatives of the man, after
procuring a little beverage, repair early some evening to the house of
the nearest relative of the girl. After they have partaken of the
inevitable betel-nut quid, and have offered a drink of sugarcane brew or
other beverage to the household, and have discussed a few topics of
daily life--it may be about the last wild boar killed, or the capture of
a polecat in the snares[1]--the prologue begins. This lasts from one to
two days, including often the better part of the nights. Each of the
visitors comes in his turn and rattles off, with many a significant haw
and cough, in good Manóbo style a series of periphrastic platitudes and
examples that apparently give no clue to the object of their visit. The
owner of the house and father, let us say, of the girl quickly
understands the situation and then assumes a most indifferent air. The
visitor who has taken up the discourse continues, with never a care for
the various household sounds, such as the chopping of wood, or the
yelping of dogs; and not even the announcement of supper, and the
partaking thereof, can stay his eloquence. The householder at times
emits a sleepy grunt of approval, relapses apparently into a drowse, and
after several hours, rolls into his mat and feigns sleep. At this
juncture one of the visitors hastens down the notched pole and gets the
silver-ferruled lance or silver-sheathed knife that has been left
concealed near the house. The spokesman of the visitors then offers it
to the father of the hoped-for bride on condition that he rise and
listen, for they have come with an object in view--to beg for the hand
of his daughter. It is then his turn to begin a painfully drawn-out
discourse, to which the visitors assent periodically with many an humble
and submissive "_ho_" and "_ha_," "_bai da man_" (yes, indeed), and so
forth. He strains and racks his brains to think of every imaginable
reason against the marriage, and finally, after he has exhausted every
resource, he bids his visitors go home and come back on such a day,
because he has to consult his relatives; but he can not get them to stir
until he gives them a counterpresent, which he claims is of much more
value than their present to him.
[1] _Lítag_.
On the appointed day the young man's relatives again proceed to the same
house, but in this case reinforced by all the relatives within reach,
each one carrying his present.
Upon the arrival the same performance is repeated and the same tactics
pursued as before, except that this time the visitors kill their fatted
pig and set it out, inviting the householder and all his relatives to
partake, but, lo and behold! no one will eat. No amount of persuasion
will induce them--they have eaten already--they are all sick--they do
not like to be invited to eat by their visitors, it being against all
the rules of hospitality, etc. To all of these objections the visitors
by turn answer, offsetting one reason by another and all the while
trying to put the other people into good humor and soften their hearts.
But no, the owner of the house and his party refuse, and all this while
the fatted pig lies in big black chunks on the floor, surrounded by rice
in platters, baskets, and leaves. At this point a few of the visitors
again hasten down the notched pole, and gather up out of the grass or
underbrush in the adjacent jungle the concealed presents. The arrival of
the presents is a grand moment for the father and relatives of the young
man. Even the future bride, who up to this time has coyly hidden away in
a corner, can not help stealing a few peeps at the display of spears,
bolos, daggers, plates, and jars.
Picking them up one by one the owner descants on their beauty, their
value (naming an outrageous sum), and his relatives express their sorrow
at parting with them. "But," he goes on to say, "it matters not,
provided that you see our good will and will join us in this banquet."
Whereupon he distributes among his guests according to the order of
their standing the array of presents, after which all squat down and
begin to eat, the visitors giving an extra dose of wassail to their
friends in order that under its warming influence they may soften and
yield.
During the course of the meal, the discussion is continued and every
appeal made to motives of friendship and self-interest, but in vain--the
other side shows no signs of yielding; they say that they can not yet
make a fixed contract, that the girl is too young, or that she does not
want the suitor; and so the hosts are bade to have patience and to go
their way. But now that they have spent an amount varying from P30 to
P50 they are not minded to lose it, but will persist in their suit for
years. I have heard of marriage transactions that covered 10 years and
have personal knowledge of numerous cases that have extended over 6.
The case of a Manóbo in Pilar, upper Agúsan, will illustrate the point.
His father, during the interregnum of 1898, first made the proposal for
the hand of the girl. It was refused until toward the end of 1904 the
parents finally yielded, but on condition that 10 slaves be paid. A few
months subsequently, after a course of hard haggling and cunning
bargaining, the contract was modified to four slaves plus the equivalent
of the value of six. Three slaves were delivered after a raid on a
Mañgguáñgan settlement on the middle Sálug (about April, 1905). The 6
"thirties,"[2] or P180, were paid in lances, knives, and other things
before the demise of the father toward the latter part of 1905, so that
one slave still remained to be delivered. On my last visit to Pilar
(February, 1910) the poor fiancé was still doing chores around his
mother-in-law's house, and the slave was still unpaid. If he can not
procure that slave it will probably cost him, in other effects, several
times the value of the slave.
[2] _Kat-lo-án_, meaning 30, is a monetary unit, representing the value
of a good slave.
Proceedings of the kind described before are repeated at frequent
intervals for a number of years, but with this exception, that on the
ensuing visits presents of no great value are bestowed on the father of
the expected bride--a bunch of bananas, a piece of venison, or a few
chickens, or some such offering are made, with a reiteration of the
petition. A capacious porker with a bounteous supply of sugar-cane brew
in big bamboo internodes is brought along occasionally to break down the
obdurateness of the householder's heart, until one fine day, under the
benign influence of "the cup that cheers," he yields, but intimating
that his petitioners can never afford the marriage payments.[3] He will
then probably recount the purchase price of this own wife, always with
exaggerations; descant on the qualities of his daughter, her strength,
her beauty, her diligence, her probable fecundity; and deplore the
grievous loss to be sustained by her departure from her parents' side.
Whereupon the visitors respond that they are willing to substitute a
number of slaves to make up for the loss of the daughter, but that in
any case she will not leave the paternal home and that the bridegroom
will take up his residence there and help his father-in-law in all
things; and so the matter is discussed and the payment of a certain
number of slaves is determined in the following manner:
DETERMINATION OF THE MARRIAGE PAYMENT
Determination of the marriage payment is the very soul of the whole
marriage proceeding. Years and years of service on the part of the
would-be husband, presents innumerable on the part of his relatives, and
feigned indifference or opposition on the other side have led up to this
moment. For the sake of clearness, let us call the father or nearest
male relative of the future bride A and the father or nearest male
relative of the bridegroom, B.
A, aided by all the cunning of his relatives, lays down as a condition,
let us say, seven slaves and one female relative of B, who is to be a
substitute for his daughter. To this B rejoins that it is a high price
and impossible of fulfillment, that he is not a warrior chief, nor a
_datu_, nor such a wealthy person as A, and that he can never satisfy
such a demand, giving a thousand and one reasons, such as sickness or
debt. A responds and belittles him for being so deficient in resources,
asks if B wants to get a wife for his son gratuitously, and tells him to
go home and buy a slave girl for him. He yells indignation at the top of
his voice, probably with his hand on his bolo, in a very menacing way.
B and his party, seeing that it is unavailing, go home, consult over the
matter, and during the course of a year or two take every possible means
to procure the necessary slaves. They may be successful in securing one
or more, let us say two, and at the same time may manage to get
together, say, 5 lances, 6 bolos, 2 jars, 30 plates, and 5 pigs; and so
one fine day they start off to A's for another trial.
B proceeds to make A feel merry before he reports his failure to comply
with the demand. This report is usually a tissue of the most atrocious
"oriental diplomacies" that the human mind can concoct. A listens to
this prologue, interlarded as it always is with ejaculations of
corroboration from B's party. Then A begins: It is an outrage, he will
have none of the pigs; the idea of selling his daughter for a bunch of
pigs! He gets up and says he will first kill the pigs and then the
owner, but his relatives make a pretense at restraining him. After a few
hours of this simulation, by which he has induced B to make many gifts,
he softens, but as the demand was not complied with to the letter, the
payment must be increased, he says, by 4 more pigs, a piece of Chinese
cloth, 8 Mandáya skirts, and 2 jars. At this point his relatives
interfere. His sister wants three pigs and four skirts. She was midwife
at the birth of the girl in question and, due to her contact with the
unclean blood, was approached by a foul spirit and fell sick. Surely she
deserves a big payment--1 female slave, 2 pigs, 2 shell bracelets, and a
piece of turkey red cloth. And the third cousin claims that she nursed
the child, the future bride, two months during the illness of its
mother, and demands two Mandáya skirts. And so the haggling is
continued, A and his party doling out the marriage effects as sparingly
as possible, taking care to make presents to the more vehement and
unyielding parties on the other side.
[3] _Ábat_.
This operation always lasts a few days, during which B keeps his
prospective relatives in high glee with pork and potations, until A
consents.
THE MARRIAGE FEAST AND PAYMENT
The marriage feast almost invariably takes place during the harvest, for
the simple reason that food is more abundant and also because the
harvest days are the gladdest of all the year. When the time for the
marriage is close at hand the father-in-law makes an announcement to
friends and neighbors, sending out messengers and leaving at each house
a rattan strip[4] to indicate the number of days to elapse before the
marriage. If his own house is not sufficiently large for the expected
attendance, he changes to another and awaits the eventful day.
[4] _Ba-lén-tus_.
The whole country flocks to the house at the appointed time, the
relatives of the bridegroom being loaded down with the marriage
presents, which are all carefully concealed in baskets, leaf wraps,
etc., and are deposited secretly in the woods adjoining the house. Of
course the omen bird must be consulted. On this occasion above all
others it is essential that the omens be favorable, as there are no
means, so I have been informed, to counteract an inauspicious marriage
omen. While preparations are being made for the banquet by the
bridegroom's party, the interminable parley[5] is continued. The bride's
father and relatives make their last efforts for securing all they can
in worldly effects. They almost repent of the bargain--it was too
cheap--think of the price paid for the bride's mother--the expenses
incurred during a long illness of the bride in her infancy--and compare
the modicum demanded for her marriage; it is outrageous! no, the
marriage can not go on, the girl is not in good health, and the ordeal
might increase her ailment. Every sort of trick is resorted to in order
that the other side may be more generous in the bestowal of gifts. The
discussion is thus one big tissue of simulation, and is carried on in
succession by the elders on each side. The bridegroom's father keeps
offering betel nut and brew to his new "cofather-in-law"[6] and selects
a favorable moment to make him a big present, possibly of an old
heirloom, a jar, or a venerable old spear, the value of which he
estimates at P50, although it may be worth only P8.
[5] _Bi-sä_.
[6] _Bá'-i_.
The meal is finally spread out on the floor. The roasted part of the pig
has been hacked into small chunks and is piled up on plates, leaves,
bark platters, and shallow baskets. The boiled portion remains in
charred bamboo internodes placed close at hand. The rice is loaded on
plates, or placed in large baskets lined with leaves, and the beverage
is put in the ancient family jars, or is left in long bamboos: The host,
in this case the bridegroom's father or nearest male relative, assisted
by a few others, distributes the meat, carefully selecting the pieces
according to weight, size, and quality, so that no one can complain of
not having had as good a share as his neighbor. Such toothsome parts as
the brains, heart, and liver are divided among the relatives who enjoy
greater prestige, the tougher and more gizzly[sic] pieces falling to the
lot of the people of lesser importance. This operation takes up the
better part of an hour. It is needless to say that a hubbub of voices
helps to give animation to the occasion. The Manóbo speaks in no angelic
whisper on ordinary occasions, but at a solemn time like this his vocal
chords twang with all the intensity of which they are capable.
Finally all squat down on the floor, armed with the inseparable bolo if
suspicious visitors are present. Hands are washed by pouring a little
water out of a bowl, tumbler, or bamboo joint; the mouth is rinsed, and
the meal is begun. With their right hands on their bolos, if they have
not ungirded[sic] them, they lay their left hands over their portions of
rice, knead handfuls of it into a compact mass, and raising their hands
to their mouths ram it in with the palms.
The two "cofathers-in-law" pay special attention to each other, each
trying to get the other intoxicated, and each feeding the other with
chunks of fat and other things. This custom is called _daiyápan_ and is
universal among the non-Christian tribes of the Agúsan Valley. It is a
mark of esteem and the highest token of hospitality. A few pieces of fat
and bone are scooped up, dipped in a mixture of red pepper, salt, and
water and thrust, nolens volens, into the mouth of the good fellow whom
it is desired to honor. And it is not good etiquette to remove it. It
must be gorged at once and the fortunate man must proceed to reciprocate
in the same way. The brew is distributed in tumblerfuls or in bamboo
joints holding about a tumblerful each. To refuse the allotted portion
would degrade one in the eyes of everyone, for here it is a sin to be
sober and a virtue to get drunk. Gluttony finds no place in a Manóbo
dictionary--one is merely full,[7] but always ready to go on; friend
divides his rice with friend, when he sees that the latter's supply is
getting low, and his own is immediately replenished by one of the
womenfolk, or slaves that attend to the culinary work. Nor must one
finish before anybody else. It is not polite. Nothing must be left on
the plate, a fact that each one makes clear by washing the plate clean
with water.
[7] _Mahántoi_.
The pandemonium increases in direct proportion as the brew diminishes.
One's neighbor may be yelling to somebody else at the other end of the
house while the latter is trying at the top of his voice to reach the
fellow that sits far away from him. Goodnatured, though rather
inelegant, jokes and jests are howled at the bride, who coyly conceals
herself behind a neighbor, and at the bridegroom, who does not seem at
all abashed. The women, who eat all together near the hearth, carry on
the same operations but in their own more gentle way, never falling
under the influence of the liquor. The meal is usually finished in about
three hours, when the pig and rice are exhausted.
After a chew of betel nut, comes the supreme moment for payment,[8]
ushered in by many a "_ho_" and "_ha_" with another discussion. The
tenor of this is that the father of the bridegroom is not as well
provided with goods[9] as he had desired to be, owing, let us say, to a
failure to obtain certain effects he had ordered from so-and-so,
together with numerous other pretexts and excuses that on the face of
them are untrue. Pointing out his slaves, he descants on them; and goes
on to explain how much trouble he had to get them; he could not value
them for less than P80 apiece. Or, if they are captives, he describes
the fatigues of his march and the imminent danger to which he was
exposed during the attack, together with such other reasons, mostly
fictitious, as would tend to enhance their value and thereby avoid
subsequent haggling. He then delivers the other goods demanded.[10]
Where two slaves had been asked he gives two kinds of goods,[11] say a
lance and a bolo, whereupon there is invariably a howl of
dissatisfaction, according to custom. But things are settled nicely
either by granting a few plates or some such thing for a solace, or by
playing on the good will or simplicity of the person who objected. The
distribution is not completed in one day. Usually about one-third of the
entire amount of goods is held over with a view to observing if there is
anyone who is not quite pleased with his portion, and also for the
purpose of keeping up their hopes.
[8] _Á-bat_.
[9] _Máng-gad_.
[10] By his cofather-in-law and relatives.
[11] _Da-dú-a no baíyo no máng-gad_.
THE RECIPROCATORY PAYMENT AND BANQUET
The following day, or whenever the payment has been completed, begins
the reciprocatory payment[12] in which the bride's relatives return to
those of the bridegroom a certain amount of goods varying in value, but
approximately one-half of what has been paid as the marriage portion. As
a soother, they also kill a pig and right earnestly set about putting
their new circle of relatives in good humor. It may be noted that the
duration of these feasts depends on the rapidity with which the pig is
dispatched. I have known a marriage feast to cover a period of seven
days, though it may be said that it is generally terminated the second
day, at least in the case of less well-to-do Manóbos.
[12] _Sú-bak_.
The reciprocatory payment being successfully carried through, it now
remains for the bridegroom's relatives to give the farewell feast and
carry off the bride. But it often happens that the girl's relatives have
ascertained that there are still a number of goods in the possession of
their new relatives and it is considered proper to secure them.
A few hours before departure the bride is decked out with all available
ornaments. Bead necklaces, with pendants of crocodile teeth and strips
of mother-of-pearl; bracelets of seashell,[13] large, white and heavy;
bracelets of vegetable fiber and of sea wood; a comb inlaid with
mother-of-pearl, and adorned with beads and tassels of cotton; leglets
of plaited jungle fiber--all these constitute her finery. During the
process of dressing, the bride's female relatives usually weep, while
the more distant ones set up a howl, often, I think, of ficticious[sic]
grief, in which the children, babies, and dogs may join. At this
juncture the female relatives of the bridegroom intercede and endeavor
to assuage their grief. It is only after numerous presents have been
given them that they become resigned, but at the last moment, when the
bride is about to be led away, they surround her and hold her and
perhaps repeat the wail till they receive more material consolation.
This necessitates another supply of presents. Then the children have to
be appeased. Finally the girl is led down the pole, but as her father
may have espied, let us say, a fine dagger, or a lance that struck his
fancy, nothing will satisfy him except to order them all back and tell
his cofather-in-law that he must needs have the lance or dagger, giving
some sly reason, as, for instance, that his wife had an ominous dream
last night. In one marriage feast that I witnessed, after all the
bridegroom's people had left the house, the bride's father told his son
to beat the dog. Whereupon he ordered the party back and told his
cofather-in-law that it was passing strange that the dog should have
howled just as they left the house and that he should leave his lance
and bolo as an offering to one of the family deities. It was done
accordingly and in all good nature. Then they started off again, but
were recalled because the old fox happened to remember that his
cofather-in-law had on several occasions during the early marriage
proceedings displeased him, and so it became necessary to atone for the
sin[14] by another gift. Finally they got a start, filched of all they
had. It happens frequently that the marriage suitors are deprived even
of their personal weapons and of part of their clothes. It may be
remarked that the bestowal of a person's upper garment is considered an
act of deep friendship, and is of fairly frequent occurrence.
[13] _Tak-ló-bo_ (_Tridacna gigas_).
[14] _Húgad to saí-ya_. This is another instance of that peculiar belief
in an atonement rite of which I can give no details.
The above is a description of the upper class marriage feast, but that
of the poorer class is carried on in much the same style, except that
the proceedings are much briefer. The bride's father and people on the
one hand strive by might and main to get the highest payment obtainable,
while the bridegroom's folk exert themselves to hold the price down.
Whatever is given in payment is overvalued--it is a keepsake, an
heirloom, would never be given away under any other circumstances--in
fact, may result in evil to the giver. On the other hand everything that
is received is depreciated--it is old, or of no use to the receiver. An
old trick is to return it, whereupon a little additional gift is made
for a consolation. But even then it is never admitted that the gift is
received for its intrinsic value, but rather out of good will.
MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CONTRACTS
THE MARRIAGE RITE
We will now follow the bride to her father-in-law's house and witness
the religious ceremony by which the hymeneal tie is indissolubly
knitted. It is essential that the omen bird should be favorable on the
trip to the bridegroom's house, otherwise the party must return. Usually
the parting injunction of the bride's father to his cofather-in-law
warns him to watch for the omen bird.
A pig is killed as soon as possible and set out in the usual style at
the house of the bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom sit side by side
on an ordinary grass mat. No special decorations have been made; no
bridal chamber has been prepared, except sometimes a rude stall of
slatted bamboo or of bark.
When the meal is ready, the bridegroom takes a handful of rice from his
plate and offers it to the bride while she also gives a similar portion
to him. Then he passes his rice from hand to hand behind his back seven
times, after which he says in a loud voice: "We are now married; let our
fame ascend."[15] The bride imitates him. Whereupon loud howls of assent
proclaim the consummation of the marriage contract.
[15] _Kanámi no miño nakalíbto ang bántug námi_.
The meal goes on in the same riotous style as described before. I seldom
witnessed a marriage during which the bridegroom did not become rather
hilarious toward the end of the meal, but never displayed anything but
feelings of delicacy and respect toward the bride. Instructions of a
kind that would be considered highly indecent, according to our
standards of morality, are howled out in the most candid way, so that
this ordeal proves embarrassing for the bride. She eats hastily and
retires to her female friends in the cooking portion of the house. I
have seen several cases where the girl, being a mere child, continued to
weep during the whole proceeding.
The feast being concluded a female priest takes the betel-nut omen.
Seven quids of betel nuts are placed by one of the family priestesses
upon a sacred dish.[16] She then sets it upon the head of the bridegroom
and falls into an ecstatic condition, steadying the plate with her hand.
Should one of the betel-nut slices become separated from its betel leaf,
the omen is considered unpropitious and is followed immediately by the
prophylactic rite--the fowl-waving ceremony.
[16] _A-púg'-an_.
The matter of overcoming the delicacy of the newly married maiden is not
infrequently attended with considerable difficulty. It is accomplished,
however, by means of an elderly relative of the girl, who occupies night
after night the mat between the newly married couple, until such time as
she thinks that her ward has become well enough acquainted with her
husband so that she will not run away. The go-between returns the
following day and claims her guerdon. Several cases passed under my
observation, in which the husband was unable to use his marital rights
for weeks owing to the timorousness and bashfulness of his youthful
spouse. In no case was anything but patience and gentleness displayed by
the husband.
MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE
The custom of wife capture is fairly frequent, especially in the upper
Agúsan where the Manóbo is within the Mandáya culture area. During my
last visit to the upper Agúsan (September, 1909, to February, 1910)
three cases occurred, and I had the pleasure of taking part in the
settlement of one of them.
The capture is effected by a band of some four to eight friends of the
party interested. They repair to the vicinity of the _camote_ patch,
which is almost invariably situated at some distance from the house of
its owner. Here a watch is kept until the intended captive, in company
probably with a few of her own tribe, appears upon the scene. Probably
it has been already ascertained that the male relatives have gone on a
hunting or fishing expedition, but to make assurance doubly sure one or
two of the party advance toward the women unarmed and make inquiries hi
an offhand way. If the absence of the male relatives is confirmed, they
thereupon seize the girl, and their companions rush out in full panoply
from their hiding places and carry off the fair prize. By the time the
girl's relatives become aware of the occurrence, the captors have eluded
all chance of discovery and the captive has probably resigned herself to
her fate, if she had not already consented by connivance.
With regard to wife capture it may be remarked that it is generally
resorted to under the advice and protection of some more powerful and
affluent personage. If undertaken on one's own initiative it might be
risky, and certainly always is a highly expensive affair. Even when
carried out with the connivance of a _datu_ or a warrior chief, it has
on occasions proved fatal, so I was assured.
The case referred to was that of the son of an influential Manóbo of the
Nábuk River, in the upper Agúsan Valley. His son had a few months before
my arrival lost his first wife in a raid made by a neighboring
settlement. He determined to avoid the prolixities and delay of the
ordinary matrimonial course, and, accordingly, captured the daughter of
a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief who lived near Pilar. I was in Compostela at
the time and on hearing that an expedition[17] to recapture the girl or
to collect the marriage payment would take place, I asked that I might
be allowed to accompany the party.
[17] _Duk-i-ús_. (Mandáya, _dúk-lus_).
We arrived at the house of the _datu_ and found everything and everybody
prepared for war. This _datu_ informed me that he anticipated trouble,
as the Mañgguáñgan was of a different breed, being at times altogether
unamenable to reason. During the rest of that day nothing occurred, but
no one ventured out of the clearing without a strong guard, and during
the night the strictest watch was maintained. The _datu_ said that among
Manóbos and Mandáyas a wife capture was easy of arrangement and was
never attended with any trouble, provided they had the wherewithal to
pay the marriage price, but that the Mañgguáñgan was an unruly character
and in a fit of rage or drunkenness was liable to commit acts of
atrocity even against his nearest relatives. He cited the case of a
Mañgguáñgan from Sálug who discovered the whereabouts of his son-in-law
and of the captured bride and killed them without further ado.
About 2 a. m. we were disturbed from our slumbers by one of the watchers
who had heard a distinct crackling in the adjoining forest. This report
brought everybody to his feet and provoked a chorus of yells of
intimidation, that never ceased till sunrise.
About 6 a. m. we espied forms in the forest, approaching from all sides.
When they, some 60 altogether, had taken up their positions on the edge
of the clearing wherein stood the house, they sounded their weird and
wild war whoop,[18] and four warriors, headed by the warrior chief
referred to, and armed with all the accouterments of war, rushed forward
toward the house, yelling, prancing around, defying, challenging, and
cursing. The warrior chief speared one of the two large pigs under the
house and proceeded, aided by his three companions to cut down the house
posts, never ceasing to yell in the most stentorian voice I ever heard.
At this juncture the _datu_ let down with a long strip of rattan a
silver-banded lance, a silver-sheathed war knife, and a silver-sheathed
Mandáya dagger. As everybody was howling, it was difficult to follow the
tenor of conversation, but I observed that the warrior chief accepted
the gift though he did not apparently relax his fury. He jumped around,
menacing, and animating his companions to fire the house. The _datu_
kept letting down presents of lances, Mandáya cloth, pigs, and other
things until everyone of the assailants had received a token of his good
will. Their fury very visibly diminished, and the _datu_ was finally
able to hold a colloquy with his new cofather-in-law, in which he
persuaded him to come up into the house and hold a conference[19] over
the matter. The latter, after numerous reiterations that he would never
enter the house except to chop heads off, finally ascended the notched
pole, followed by his braves. We of the house retired to the further
half, all armed, while the newcomers squatted in that portion of the
house near the ladder. Then began the conference which lasted till
breakfast was ready. It resembled in all respects the usual marriage
haggling, except that the warrior chief asseverated persistently that
the act of the _datu's_ son was deception and robbery, and that only
blood would atone for it. His companions howled assent and clutching
their bolos, half rose as if to begin a massacre. They were invited to
sit down and regale themselves, but that only made them howl all the
more. Finally the _datu_ ordered out a stack of weapons and other
presents, and made another allotment to the visitors, in due proportion
to relationship. This had a soothing effect and induced them to drink
copious draughts of sugarcane brew, which kept on soothing them more and
more as the end of the meal approached. During all this time special
attention was paid to the warrior chief, so that before long he was
feeling so happy that he ordered his followers to remove all weapons
from their persons, and began to feed huge chunks of half-raw hog meat
into the mouth of the _datu_ according to the immemorial custom.
[18] _Pa-nad-jáu-an_.
[19] _Bisa_.
After the feast I returned to the Agúsan but learned later that
everything had been settled amicably, the _datu_ having provided a
superabundance of wordly[sic] effects, in payment for the captured
woman. Among them were two slaves valued at P30 apiece.
PRENATAL MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND CHILD MARRIAGE
Prenatal marriage contracts have been made in the upper Agúsan,
especially when it was desired to secure the friendship of some more
powerful chieftain. I was informed by a _bagáni_ of the upper Sálug that
it is not an uncommon thing for two warrior chiefs or other powerful men
to make such contracts in order to cement the friendship between
themselves and between their respective clans. He cited several
instances, in some of which the sex of the child proved an impediment to
the carrying out of the prenatal marriage contract. Child marriages,
however, are not uncommon. I know of two cases in Compostela, in one of
which the boy husband was minor, the girl having already attained the
age of puberty at the time of the marriage. In the other case both were
mere children. It is needless to say that cohabitation was not permitted
in the latter case. The marriage payment had been made in the usual way
and the bride delivered over to her father-in-law.
According to my observation, the young man is married somewhere between
the ages of 17 and 20, and the woman from 13 to 16. The effect of these
early marriages is very apparent in the physical appearance of the wife
after a few years of married life. On account of the onerous duties that
fall to the lot of the woman, only a staunch constitution can maintain
unblemished the bloom of youthful beauty. I am of the opinion that the
average woman reaches her prime at about 25 years of age.
POLYGAMY AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS
It may be said that the Manóbo is in practice a monogamist, but polygamy
is permitted with the consent of the first wife and, in cases that I
have known, by her direction and even according to her selection. She
finds her work too burdensome and directs her husband to get another
helpmate. As a rule, however, it is only a warrior chief who has more
than one wife, as he is in a better position to procure the wherewithal
to pay the purchase price, namely, slaves. I am acquainted with a number
of warrior chiefs, both Manóbo and Mandáya, who have as many as four
wives, all dwelling in the same house, each having her little stall[20]
and living in perfect peace and happiness with her sister wives. There
appear to be no jealousy and no family broils, the wish of the first
wife being paramount in all things.
[20] _Sin-á-bung_.
I found the abhorrence to polyandry so great and so universal that all
tribes that I came in contact with throughout eastern Mindanáo branded
the practice as swinish.
Concubinage is unknown. In a country where a woman is worth a small
fortune to her relatives, and where she can not offer her love according
to her own choice, but must follow her relatives' desires,[21] it is not
likely that she would be delivered over temporarily to even a warrior
chief, nor is she likely to be repudiated except for strong reasons.
Hence divorce is never allowed, as far as my observation and knowledge
go, being considered an infringement of tribal customs that would
provoke divine wrath and bring disaster on the settlement.
[21] I heard of a case in Guadalupe in which the girl, not being allowed
to marry the man of her choice, took _tuble_ poison and ended her life.
Among the non-Christianized Manóbos I never heard of a case of
prostitution. The mere suggestion of it would probably result in a fine.
Fornication, however, probably takes place, but only very rarely and
under very abnormal circumstances, as when the sexual temperament of the
girl and a very favorable opportunity encourage the transgression. I
know of cases where Manóbo maidens actually recounted to their relatives
improper suggestions on the part of Bisáyas, and in every case these
relatives, with wild yells, and with menacing movements of bolo and
spear, collected a sufficient compensation to atone for the imprudence.
In one instance I paid the fine imposed upon a half-blind paddler of
mine for a very innocent joke that was not appreciated by the relatives
of a certain woman.
When, however, the Manóbo is removed from the stern influences of his
pagan institutions he goes the way of all flesh, as may be observed by a
study of conditions in _conquista_ towns.
I heard of a few cases of adultery among Christianized Manóbos but,
though the guilty wife was reported to have received a heavy punishment
in the form of a good beating, she was not divorced.
ENDOGAMY AND CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES
I found no vestige of endogamy nor of the totem system that is such a
remarkable and widespread feature of Polynesian, Melanesian, and cognate
peoples in Oceania. Neither is there any theoretical endogamic
institution which obliges a Manóbo to marry within his tribe, but, in
practice, such is his custom.
The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity. Consanguineous
marriages are everywhere regarded as baneful. It is a universal belief
that unless such marriages are consummated under the special auspices of
the goddesses Ináyao and Tagabáyao, they result in physical evil to both
the parents and the children.
The following are the persons between whom marriage is forbidden:
(1) All carnal relatives closer than first cousin.
(2) First, second, and third cousins, unless the proper ceremonies to
Tagabáyao and Ináyao have been performed, various omens very carefully
taken, and, after marriage, the yearly offering of a pig or chicken made
in order to avoid the ill effects that might follow the marriage.
(3) Stepmothers and stepfathers.
(4) Mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law.
(5) Daughters-in-law and sons-in-law.
(6) Captives and their captors. This marriage is believed to bar the way
to warriorship and to otherwise result in evil.[22] Captives may,
however, be married by others than those who captured them.
[22] _Ma-lí-hi_.
(7) Slaves; marriages among them are not tabooed absolutely, but they
are regarded as something unbecoming, and the person who marries a slave
girl is spoken of as _áyo-áyo_ (no good).
Marriage with a sister-in-law is fairly common, and may take place
during the wife's lifetime, usually at her instigation, but never
without her consent.
INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER MARRIAGES
It may be remarked that in the case of marriages between cousins within
the forbidden degrees, the actual marriage payment is much less, as the
matter is considered a family affair, but on the whole such a marriage
is a most expensive affair. In the first place, before the marriage, the
priest instructs the prospective husband to dedicate a number of objects
to Tagabáyao, the goddess of consanguineous love. This presupposes a
sacrificial ceremony in which, as in one case which I witnessed, a white
pig was killed, and a lance valued at P15, a bolo valued at P10, a
dagger valued at P10, and sundry other objects were formally consecrated
to Tagabáyao. The consecration was followed by a sacrifice to Tagabáyao,
after which the marriage payment was made. Then came a similar series of
offerings to Ináyao, goddess of the thunderbolt, that she might not harm
the newly married. I was told that year after year the newly married
cousins had to repeat this ceremony, and thereby keep in Ináyao's good
graces.
Intermarriage with a member of another tribe occurs occasionally but is
not looked upon with favor owing to the differences of religious belief
as also to the fact that it might not be possible for the husband to
take away his wife. In the cases that have come under my notice of
marriages between Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans, Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,
and Mandáyas and Manóbos, the man almost invariably married a girl
belonging to what was considered a higher tribe; for instance, Manóbo
man to a Mandáya girl, or a Mañgguáñgan man to a Mandáya girl. The
reason assigned was in nearly every case the assurance that the girl
would not be taken from the paternal roof, and that a bigger marriage
price would be forthcoming.
Gratuitous marriages occur rarely. In the few cases that passed under my
observation, all the expenses of the wedding feast were borne by the
bride's relatives, and the bridegroom took up his residence with his
father-in-law, and virtually entered a state of slavery. His children
also become the property of the father-in-law.
It is not intended to give the impression that the recipient of a
gratuitous wife has to perform the duties of an ordinary slave. On the
contrary, he is treated as one of his wife's family and is expected, in
view of the favor that he has received and the debt that he has
incurred, to help his father-in-law when called upon. If he should
happen on a definite occasion to prove recalcitrant, he is gently
reminded of his debt and of the sacredness with which a good Manóbo pays
it, and so he goes off on his errand and the matter is concluded.
Remarriage takes place frequently, owing to the fact that a widow does
not command so high a price as a maiden and that she has something to
say in the selection of her new husband. She can not, however, be
married if a funeral feast[23] for a near relative of the family is
still unfulfilled.
[23] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.
There is absolutely no trace of a levirate system by which the nearest
male kinsman must marry his deceased brother's widow. On the contrary, a
marriage with any relative's widow is absolutely tabooed, and this
taboo, as far as my observations warrant the assertion, is never
violated.
MARRIED LIFE AND THE POSITION OF THE WIFE
Married life appears to be one of mutual good understanding and
kindliness. The husband addresses his wife as _búdyag_ (wife) and leaves
to her the management of the establishment in everything except such
little business transactions as may have to be carried on. The wife gets
the wood and water every day, toiling up and down the steep mountain
sides. She goes off to the farm once or twice a day and returns with her
basket of _camotes_. In the meantime the husband whittles out his bolo
sheath or his lance shaft, or occasionally goes off on a fishing
expedition or a hunt, if the omens are good. Every once in awhile,
especially during the winter months, he sets up his wild boar traps, and
they may keep him busy about two days a week. Then comes the news of a
wedding feast, two days' journey hence, and off he goes for perhaps a
week, or there may be a big question to settle in another part of the
country and he must attend the discussion because there is a relative of
his involved; anyhow, it will end up with a big pig and plenty of brew.
So he goes away and has a roaring time, and comes back after a week with
a nice piece of pork and some betel nuts for his wife and tells her all
about the doings. She bears it all, makes her comments on it, and then
goes to get the _camotes_ for dinner, with never a complaint as to her
hard work. It is the custom of the tribe, and the institution of the
great men of bygone days, that the woman should toil and slave.
I have known of very few domestic broils and have never known of a case
of ill treatment, except when in a drunken fit the husband wreaked his
wrath on his wife.
Faithfulness to the marriage tie is a remarkable trait in Manóboland,
due to the stringent code of morals upheld by the spear and the bolo.
The few cases of adultery related to me among the non-Christian Manóbos
were mere memories. I heard of one case of fornication just before
leaving the upper Agúsan. It was narrated to me by a warrior chief of
the upper Kati'il. His fourth wife, a relative of the _datu_ who figured
in the case of wife capture described in this chapter, had in the days
of her maidenhood secretly fallen from grace, which fact she revealed to
her warrior husband, together with the name of the offender. The warrior
chief thereupon made a two-day march to Compostela and located the house
of his enemy, publicly vowing speedy vengeance. I visited the latter's
house a few days after and found it in a state of defense, a large
clearing having been made, with a mass of felled trees, underbrush, and
bamboo pegs all around. This man was a Manóbo of the Debabáon group who
had spent many years under the tuition of the older Christians of the
Agúsan Valley.
Rape, incest, and other such abominations are practically unheard of.
From what has been stated frequently throughout this monograph, it may
be seen that the position of the woman is merely that of a chattel. In
moments of anger, which are not frequent, the husband or the
father-in-law addresses the object of his wrath as _binótuñg_, that is,
purchased one, chattel. A woman, the Manóbo will tell you, has no
_tribunal_, or _tilibuná_;[24] she was born to be the bearer of children
and the planter of _camotes_. She can not carry a shield nor thrust a
spear.
[24] The meaning is that she has not enough brains to take part in the
discussions held in the town halls, called in Spanish "tribunal," and
erected by the Spaniards in the various Christianized settlements for
the arbitration of judicial and administrative matters pertaining to the
settlement.
Following out these views to their legitimate conclusions, and both
experience and observation verify them, it is obvious that there is no
evidence of the matriarchate system in Manóbo-land. The husband is the
lord of his household, of his wife, and of his children, and I do not
hesitate to say, probably would abandon or kill either, if the urgency
of a definite occasion required it.[25]
[25] Maliñgáan of the upper Simúlau, to prevent his wife and children
from falling into the hands of the Spanish forces, slew them and himself
in full view of the soldiery. I found this incident related in one of
the Jesuit letters, to which reference has been made already.
RESIDENCE OF THE SON-IN-LAW AND THE BROTHER-IN-LAW SYSTEM
After a few months, dependent on the term determined upon in the
marriage contract, the young husband returns to his father-in-law's
house, to whose family he is now considered to belong, and takes up his
permanent residence there. His respect for both his father-in-law and
mother-in-law is such that he will not mention them by name. He always
addresses them as father-in-law and mother-in-law, respectively. He aids
his father-in-law in everything as a son. Every year for 12 years during
the harvest time he is expected to kill a pig for him. Of course,
occasions arise on which he is called upon by his own relatives and has
to leave his father-in-law. Sometimes it happens that he does not
return, but in such cases he is expected to act in a diplomatic way, and
leave something, say a big pig, as a substitute for his person.
Brothers-in-law, and their name is legion, for the term includes all who
have married any relative however distant, are expected to aid the
relatives of their wives, especially in warfare. And it is my
observation that at least such of them as are married to nearer
relatives of a given individual, do effectively help him when he really
needs either financial or other assistance.
The brothers-in-law of a warrior chief nearly always live with him or in
his immediate vicinity. This custom is maintained, no doubt, both for
the protection and for the prestige thereby acquired.
CHAPTER XIV
DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD
DESIRE FOR PROGENY
The desire to fulfill the end of marriage is so strong that it may be
said that there is almost rivalry and envy between the young men. Many a
time I have heard the remark made that so and so is _a-yo-á-yo_--a sorry
specimen of humanity--because he had no children. If you ask a Manóbo
how many children he has he will seldom forget to tell you not only the
number that died, but also the number of times that his wife suffered
miscarriage, owing to a faulty selection of food, or to the noxious
influence of some evil spirits, or to the violation of certain taboos,
or to some other cause.
And thus it is that when the first evidences of motherhood manifest
themselves, the husband procures a _white_ or _black_ chicken and after
inviting a few friends, holds an informal party in honor of the
occasion. I know of one case in which the ritual waving ceremony[1] took
place on pregnancy, but it was performed, so the husband told me,
because of a conjunction of ill omens, and not because such a ceremony
was customary.
[1] _Kú-yab to má-nuk_.
BIRTH AND PREGNANCY TABOOS
The precautions taken by both husband and wife during pregnancy, as also
on the approach of parturition, are evidence of the sacredness with
which they guard the dearest hope of their married lives.
The following pregnancy and birth taboos, verified by the writer, hold
with little variation in every part of the Agúsan Valley, and several of
them are still adhered to by the Bisáyas of that region.[2]
[2] I find that some of these taboos are observed by the uneducated
Tagalogs of Manila and by the peasants of Tayábas Province.
The general idea prevailing in the observation of these taboos is one of
sympathy by which a certain action, productive of a certain physical
effect in one subject may produce by some sympathetic correlation an
analogous effect in another. An instance will make this clear. To wear a
necklace is an action in itself perfectly innocuous and even beneficial,
in so far as it enhances the person of the wearer, but for the Manóbo
man and wife such a proceeding at this particular time would produce, by
some species of mystic correlation, a binding effect on the child in the
hour of parturition, and must accordingly be eschewed.
These taboos are in force from the time when the young wife announces
her condition until the end of that trying period that follows
conception.
TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE HUSBAND
1. He must avoid all untoward acts, such as quarreling and haggling.
2. His demeanor must be quiet; he must avoid noisy and impetuous
actions, such as taking part in the capture of a domestic pig.
3. He must avoid all heavy work, such as the felling of trees, making of
canoes, or erection of house posts.
4. He must not engage in any work connected with rattan, such as tying
or splicing.
5. He must in no case use resin[3] for the purpose of sticking handles
or shafts on weapons.
[3] _Sái-yung_ or _saung_.
TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE WIFE
1. She must not do any heavy work nor carry anything on her head.
2. She must not sit on a corner of the hearth frame.
3. While in a sitting posture she must leave one knee uncovered.
4. She must be careful in the selection of her food for a period that
seems to depend, according to my observation, on individual whim.
Hence after the inception of pregnancy a woman becomes almost fastidious
in the choice of her food. Her every whim must be catered to. No general
rule can be given, but her general preference is for vegetable food,
especially the core of the various wild palm trees,[4] plantains, and
when obtainable, young coconuts. Acid fruits, such as the various
species of lemons or the fruits of rattan vines, seem to be her special
predilection.
[4] _Ó-bud_.
TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY BOTH HUSBAND AND WIFE
1. They must not thrust their hands through the floor nor through an
opening in the walls of the house.
2. Anything taken by them from the fire must not be returned by them,
but by a third party.
3. They must not return after having once started to descend the house
ladder until they have reached the ground.
4. They must not sit at the entrance to the house in such a way as to
impede free en trance or exit.
5. They must be careful that the firewood is not unusually speckled or
dirty, as the child that is to come might be lacking in due comeliness.
I have seen many a husband assiduously peeling off the bark from the
more-ugly-looking firewood.
TABOOS ENJOINED ON VISITORS
Visitors also are cautioned and expected to observe the third and fourth
taboos mentioned under the last section.[5]
[5] The taboo that forbids a visitor to sit at the door of the house is
observed by the lower classes of Manila. Also the taboo that forbids
quarreling.
ABORTION
Infanticide is never practiced; on the contrary, every means, natural,
magic, and religious, are taken to safeguard the life of the babe.
Abortion, however, occurs.
ARTIFICIAL ABORTION
Artifical[sic] abortion is unknown among the pagan Manóbos, but the
Christianized members of the tribe who have come under the influence of
culture of a different stamp, have acquired a knowledge of its practice
for the purpose of concealing their condition and of thereby avoiding
subsequent shame and trouble. For this purpose various vegetable
products are used, such as the sap of the red dyewood,[6] the core of a
wild palm,[7] the sap of black dyewood,[8] and the juice of mint.[9] I
was told that these are very effective and, as a rule, not attended with
evil consequences to the health of the woman.
[6] _Si-ká-lig_.
[7] Called _báñg-a_.
[8] _Tá-gum_.
[9] _La-bwé-na_.
INVOLUNTARY ABORTION
Involuntary abortion, however, is a matter of frequent, occurrence. It
would be hard to form an approximate estimate, but, from the opinions
expressed by several warrior chiefs and headmen, I believe that it
occurs not infrequently. No explanation as to its cause was obtained.
The fetus is usually buried without any ceremony under the house. In the
upper Agúsan, the Manóbo follows a Mandáya custom by erecting over the
grave, which is always under the house, an inverted cone of bamboo
slatwork, about 30 centimeters high and 60 centimeters in diameter. The
usual feelings of fright are not displayed on these occasions as on the
death of one that has died an ordinary death, for the child has not yet
been consociated with its two soul companions. Neither is the house
abandoned, as would ordinarily be done on the death of an older person.
THE APPROACH OF PARTURITION
THE MIDWIFE[10]
[10] _Pa-na-gám-hon_.
About the seventh month when the expectant mother feels the quickening
impulse of life within her, she selects a midwife and undergoes almost
daily at her hands a massage, without which it is thought she would be
in danger of a painful delivery. As far as I could learn, the method
followed is such as to keep the creature in a vertical position within
the womb, with the head downward. The massage is said to take place at
the beginning of a lunar month. The midwife is eminently the most
important personage in all that concerns birth. She is not necessarily a
priestess, but is usually a relative of the prospective mother. She is
always a woman of advanced age who has had abundant experience, and "has
never lost a case." She is reputed to be versed in many secret medicines
and devices necessary for the cure of any ailment proceeding from
natural causes and connected with childbirth. I always found the midwife
very reluctant to disclose the secrets of her profession.
When the woman announces the maternal pains, the midwife goes at once to
the house, taking with her various herbs and other things, all carefully
concealed on her person. She is not alone on such occasions, but is
usually accompanied, if not preceded, by the greater portion of the
female population in the community. Few of the male portion, and none of
the bachelors, attend, but they keep themselves informed of the progress
of the patient by frequent yells of inquiry from the neighboring houses.
The midwife bids the patient lie upon her back and, aided by a few
relatives of the parturient, proceeds to administer one of the most
ferocious massages imaginable. I witnessed one case in which the mother
was tightly bound with swathing clothes and the husband called upon to
exert his strength in an endeavor to force delivery.
As soon as it becomes apparent that the patient is in great pain, the
midwife, and perhaps others expert in such matters, resort to means
which are designed to produce an easy and speedy delivery.
PRENATAL MAGIC AIDS[11]
[11] _Ta-gi-á-mo_.
During several childbirths which I attended in various parts of the
valley, I observed the use of the following aids to delivery:
1. A piece of rattan[12] is taken by one of the women present and, after
being slightly burnt, is extinguished by the midwife and held close to
the person[13] of the parturient. With her hands the midwife then wafts
the smoke over the patient, muttering at the same time a formula.
[12] _Lá-gus_.
[13] Vulva.
The explanation of this procedure, as given to me in all cases, was the
following: The rattan is symbolic of the various fleshy bonds with which
the child is confined within the mother and as the rattan, wound round
and round the various portions of the house, is an impediment to the
removal of the piece which it retains, a piece of it is burnt in order
that by some mystic power the puerperal bonds may be undone. During the
burning the child is exhorted not to resemble the tardy rattan but to
come forth free and untrammeled from its mortal tenement.
This charm, it was explained to me, counteracts the violations of the
taboos whereby husband or wife, or both, are enjoined not to wear
necklaces or bodily bindings, and not to work in rattan and resin, or to
carry anything on the head. Should the burning of a piece of rattan be
omitted, it is believed that the umbilical cord[14] would be found to
have actually become tangled around the neck or body of the child during
the act of delivery, thereby increasing the difficulty and the danger.
[14] _Pó-sud_.
2. The burning of a small piece of the house ladder[15] and the
subsequent fumigation of the person of the parturient are practiced in
identically the same manner as the above, and are thought to neutralize
the evil effects that might result from the transgressions, even
involuntary, of those taboos which forbid that anyone should sit at the
door of a pregnant woman's house, or return to the house after having
begun his descent down the house pole or ladder.
[15] _Pá-sung_.
3. A third magic means, helpful in birth, is the consuming of a portion
of the hearth frame followed, as described above, by a fumigation of a
part of the patient's person. The particular effect of this charm is to
counteract the evil influences which might otherwise result to the child
from the nonobservance of the various other taboos mentioned previously.
4. Finally, various herbs, of which I did not learn the names because of
secretiveness on the part of the women, are put on a plate or on
anything that is convenient, and burned. On one occasion I observed that
the leaves[16] used to cover sweetpotatoes and other vegetables during
the process of steaming were employed, and on another I procured a piece
of grass that had fallen from the plate and later on I ascertained it to
be the leaf of a variety of bamboo. I was unable to learn the purpose of
this charm, the replies being contradictory or variable in different
localities.
[16] _Tú-yus_.
The midwife applies numerous other medicinal herbs and has various other
secret expedients of which I have been utterly unable to learn the
nature. In one case a midwife claimed to have a bezoar stone[17] found
in the body of an eel. This could not be seen, for it was wrapped in
cloth. When the patient gave signs of suffering, she would dip this
stone in water and rub it over the woman's abdomen.
[17] _Mút-ya_.
PRENATAL RELIGIOUS AIDS
It is very rarely, indeed, that any serious difficulty is encountered in
childbirth, but I have been informed that difficulties are occasionally
met with. In such cases, when all human resources fail, the matter is
said to be left in the hands of the family priestesses and the usual
religious invocation and rites are performed. In every case one or more
priestesses are present, and take the usual precautions, such as the
placing of lemon and _sasá_ reed under the house, against the approach
of evil spirits.
ACCOUCHEMENT AND ENSUING EVENTS
The midwife and her companions continue to assist the patient until the
moment of delivery, which takes place ordinarily within from four to six
hours after the first pangs of childbirth have been felt. The umbilical
cord is immediately cut with a sliver[18] of bamboo, and the mother is
made to sit up at once in order to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth
into the womb. At least such is the reason assigned for this last
practice.
[18] _Ba-lís_.
The child is immediately washed with water and some medicine sprinkled
over its navel.[19] It is then returned to its mother. Should the birth
have occurred during the period between new and full moon, it is said
that the child will have good luck[20] during life.
[19] I was informed on one occasion that the medicine used was
pulverized coconut shell, but this point needs further inquiry.
[20] _Paí-ad_.
I desire to call special attention here to the fact that should the
mother be in such a condition that she is unable to nourish her babe, it
is not given to another woman for nurture, but is sustained temporarily
on soup, rice water, and sugarcane juice. I have heard of several cases
in which the child succumbed for want of natural nourishment. One case
that occurred in San Luis on the middle Agúsan, I verified beyond a
doubt. Father Pastells, S. J.,[21] states that if the child can not be
suckled, it is buried alive, its mouth being sometimes filled with
ashes. I, however, have never heard of such a practice.
[21] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus, 8, 1879.
The reason for allowing no woman other than the mother to nourish the
child is that, if the child were nourished by another woman, it would
die. In this connection it may be well to state that infant mortality is
high. I do not hesitate to say that it is not less than 25 per cent and
may be 33.5 per cent.
The afterbirth, together with the umbilical cord, is nearly always
buried under the house. I was told that it is sometimes wrapped up and
hung from the beams that are just under the hearth. No reason is given
for the selection of this particular place, except that "no one passes
there."
POSTNATAL CUSTOMS
As a rule parturition is not attended with much weakness nor with any
danger. In fact, the mother usually can move around the house on the day
following the birth or even on the same day. After two or three days she
purifies herself by an informal bath, which is taken more for sanitary
than for ceremonial reasons, as far as I have been able to ascertain.
TABOOS
For a period of a week, more or less, the mother must refrain from the
use of all food except the following: The core of the wild palm tree,
native rice, fresh fish, and chicken. The chicken must be of a certain
color; in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley it must be either black
or white, and the leg must be dark in color.
Bathing is interdicted for two or three days according to the custom of
the locality.
After bathing, the new mother and her husband leave the house in order
that the little one may have good luck, and also that they themselves
may be removed from the malign influence of the malevolent spirits that
are inevitably present on the occasion of a birth.
The birth festivity is not a very solemn nor magnificent affair. The
midwife and a few friends, perhaps a dozen in all, are invited. It is at
the end of this repast that some little remuneration is made to the
midwife and to the priestess for their services. Among the pagan Manóbos
there seems to be no fixed rule as to the amount to be given to the
midwife, but among the _conquistas_ or Christianized tribes, there
prevails the customary price of P1.50 for the first birth, P1.00 for the
second, and P0.50 for the third and all successive ones.
THE BIRTH CEREMONY[22]
[22] _Tag-un-ún to bá-ta_.
When the child is born it is supposed not yet to have received the two
spirit companions[23] that are to accompany it during its earthly
pilgrimage. Whence proceed these spirit-companions, or what is their
nature, I have not been able to learn to my satisfaction. _Mandáit_, the
tutelary god of the little ones, after being invoked and appeased with
offerings, is supposed to select two spirit companions out of the
multitudinous beings that hover over human haunts. These spirits then
become guardians, as it were, of the child, and do not separate
themselves from him till one of them becomes the prey of some foul demon.
[23] _Um-a-gád_, from _á-gad_, to accompany.
These spirit companions are said to be invisible, and in physical
appearance like their corporal companion,[24] whose every action they
are supposed to imitate. As was explained to me, when we sit down, our
spirit companions also sit down, and when we dress, they also prepare
themselves, and when we go forth they accompany us. When the mother
leaves the house with her babe, she adjures the spirits to follow and to
guard their ward. Of the effect and purpose of this consociation no very
definite explanation has so far been given to me.
[24] In stature they are described as being somewhat smaller.
The rites of the birth ceremony are observed usually within a month
after the birth. There seems to be no stated time, but according to my
observation and information they take place on the first symptoms of
sickness, or of unusual restlessness on the part of the child. It is
firmly believed and openly avowed that these symptoms are due to the
machinations of Mandáit, who is desirous of being regaled with a fowl,
for he, like all his fellow spirits, is an epicure and likes the good
things of this world.
The ceremony begins with an invocation to Mandáit. A tiny canoe, more or
less perfect in design and equipment, according to the caprice and skill
of the fashioner, is made, and is hung up in the house after sunset. The
nearer relatives assemble and a priest, preferably a relative, takes the
chicken that has already been dedicated[25] to Mandáit, and waves it
over the babe and around the house, in order to ward off all such bad
influences and harmful spirits as might be flitting around, for in the
Manóbo's mind, there are not a few of these demons waiting to devour the
expected spirit companions.
[25] _Sin-ug-bá-han_.
The chicken is killed and the head, legs, and wings offered to Mandáit.
To these delicacies are added little leaf packages of cooked maize[26]
or native rice.[27] The priest, on these occasions invariably a woman,
goes through her invocations while the offerings are being placed on the
ceremonial boat. She burns incense[28] whose fragrance is said to be
especially acceptable to Mandáit. By the direction of the smoke, she
ascertains the position of Mandáit and of her own guardian or familiar
spirit, and turning to him, welcomes him. She falls into the usual state
of tremor during which Mandáit is supposed to partake spiritually of the
repast set out for him.
[26] _Búd-bud_.
[27] _Ba-kí_.
[28] _Pa-lí-na_, the gum of the _ma-gu-bái_ tree.
This ceremony being concluded, the fowl is partaken of, and a little
sugarcane beverage[29] is drunk, if it can be obtained. After the meal,
the priestess recounts in the old archaic language of song the
chronicles of bygone days. This is taken up by such other makers of
Manóbo monody as may be present. If the child proves to be restless, it
is lulled to sleep with the weird staccato of the bamboo guitar.[30]
During the course of the night the two souls are supposed to enter into
mystic consociation with the babe, and thenceforth to be its companions.
[29] _Ín-tus_.
[30] _Tan-kó_.
The following morning the priestess removes the little leaf packages
and, placing them on a rice winnow, tosses them into the air. The
children present at once grab for the packages. The ceremonial canoe,
however, with the offering of fowl, must be left suspended indefinitely.
In the lower half of the Agúsan Valley from San Luis to the mouth of the
Agúsan, a tray of bamboo trelliswork is used for the offering to Mandáit
instead of the sacrificial canoe described above. Otherwise the ritual
is identical.
THE NAMING AND CARE OF THE CHILD
The child receives, without any ceremony or formality, a name that seems
to depend on the caprice of the parents. It is usually that of some
famed ancestor, or of some well-known Manóbo but at other times it may
depend on some happening at the birth. Thus the writer knows of Manóbos
who bore the names Bágio (Typhoon), Línug (earthquake), Bádau (dagger),
Bíhag (captive), Áñglañg (slave), Ká-ug (maggot).
The child is treated by the parents and by the other relatives with the
greatest tenderness. He is petted and pampered from his very youngest
days, and punishment of any kind is seldom administered. A hammock made
out of a hemp skirt or a little bamboo frame, suspended by a string from
a bamboo pole in the fishing-rod style, is often provided for his
resting place. He is tenderly set in one of these by day, and the usual
little maternal devices are used to keep him from crying and to put him
to sleep.
When the little fellow is somewhat bigger and stronger, he is carried
about with his legs straddled across his mother's hip, or allowed to
crawl around the floor. If the mother has to absent herself and there is
no one to watch him, he is simply tied to the floor and left to his own
thoughts. He is not weaned till the advent of another child, or till he
of his own accord relinquishes the breast. His dress is of the simplest
in most cases.
As soon as the male child reaches the age of 7 to 8 years, and is able
to run around, he not infrequently accompanies his father or any other
male relative on a fishing or on a hunting expedition, often carrying
the betel-nut bag or some other object at times almost too heavy for his
tender years. While at home he is often in an emergency sent out to do
little chores. He is bidden to run out and get some betel leaf or some
firewood from the surrounding forest, or again is sent for a little
water. Such errands, however, are the exception. He has most of his time
to himself, and passes it in merry rompings with his little brothers and
cousins. If he lives near the river he spends a few hours a day in the
water, bathing, splashing his playmates, and catching frogs and other
edibles. A favorite pastime of his is to make a diminutive bow and ply
his arrows at some old stump or some unlucky lizard or other living
thing that he may have espied. If monkeys, crows, or other bold
marauders are overnumerous, he probably has to sit out in the rude
watch-house in the little clearing and keep the scarecrows moving, or by
shouts and other means drive off the uninvited pests.
He soon learns to smoke tobacco, to chew betel nut, and even to take a
drink of the brew that is being passed around, and thus he grows up to
be, at the age of 14 or 15, a little full-fledged man with his teeth
blackened, his lips stained, and his bolo at his side.
He enters youth without any special ceremony. It is true that as the boy
grows to puberty his teeth are ground and blackened and he is
tatooed[sic] and circumcised. Such operations might be considered as an
initiation into manhood or at least as a survival of a custom that is so
much in vogue in certain parts of Oceania. In other words, the youth
begins to tattoo and to assume other ornamentation in order that he may
attract the attention of the female portion of the tribe.
It is needless to say that he receives no schooling. In fact, the
average Manóbo who has not come in contact with civilization would not
know what to think of a pencil. On one occasion I accidentally allowed
some Manóbos to see my pencil. The sight of it aroused an animated
discussion as to the nature of the tree that yielded such peculiar wood.
All the schooling which the Manóbo boy gets is from the forest and the
streams. From them he learns to trap the timid deer and to catch the
wily fish. In them he acquires a quick step, a sharp eye, and a keen
ear. In the ways of nature he is a scholar, because the first moment
that he can clamber down the notched pole he betakes himself to the
surrounding forest and schools himself in all her ways and moods.
As soon as the boy reaches the age at which he feels that he is a man,
he ceases to be under paternal restraint, which even up to that age has
been more or less lax. At this period he assumes as much independence as
his father, but will obey any behest without understanding the propriety
or the necessity of complying. As a general rule, filial relations are
most cordial, and great respect is entertained for both parents, but it
may be said that male children respect and love the father, while girls
love their mother.
BIRTH ANOMALIES
MONSTROSITIES
Monstrosities are extremely rare. I met only one case, that of a child
with an abnormally large head.[31] Idiocy also is very uncommon, only
one case having come under my observation.
[31] Bása, Simúlao River, middle Agúsan.
ALBINISM
Albinism also is very infrequent. An albino is considered to be the
child of an evil spirit in so far as one of those relentless demons is
supposed to have exercised a malign influence on the mother. It is
believed that an albino can pay nightly visits to the haunt of its demon
sire. Among the Mandáyas on the upper Kati'il River, I saw some 12 cases
of albinism in a settlement of about 500 Mandáyas. No explanation was
obtained as I did not think it prudent at the time to ask for one.
HERMAPHRODITISM
Hermaphrodites,[32] in a secondary sense, are found occasionally. I am
personally acquainted with five. In every case they were womanly in
their ways, showing a preference for sewing, and other occupations of
women, and frequenting the company of women more than that of men.
[32] _Bán-tut_ (Mandáya _bi-dó_).
In one case at San Isidro, Simúlao River, an hermaphrodite, a fine
specimen of manhood to all appearances, was dressed as a woman. In
another case a Mandáya hermaphrodite of the Báklug River, a few miles
south of Compostela, was married. I was informed on all hands that the
marriage was for the purpose of securing the alliance of the
hermaphrodite's relatives against certain hereditary enemies and that
probably there would be no issue. I hope to get further information on
this point at a future date.
On the Lamíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían River, there lived a
woman who presented all the outward characteristics of a man. Her voice
was deep and resonant, her countenance of a male type. She constantly
carried a bolo, by day and by night, and in manual labor, such as
building houses, was the equal of any man in the settlement. She had
never married and had always rejected overtures toward marriage.
CHAPTER XV
DOMESTIC LIFE--MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH
MEDICINE AND DISEASE
The subject of Manóbo medicine may be divided into three parts,
according to the causes that are supposed to produce the malady or
according to the means that are used to cure it. These classes will be
described as natural, magic, and religious.
NATURAL MEDICINES AND DISEASES
Natural remedies in the form of roots and herbs are used for the
ordinary bodily ailments that afflict the Manóbo. The following are the
more common forms of sickness: Fever,[1] tuberculosis,[2] pain in the
diaphragm,[3] pains in the stomach and abdomen,[4] pains in the
chest,[5] pain in the head,[6] colds,[7] chronic cough (probably
bronchitis),[8] pernicious malaria,[9] ordinary malaria or chills and
fever,[10] cutaneous diseases,[11] intestinal worms,[12] and some few
others.
[1] _Híñg-yau_.
[2] _Súg-pa_.
[3] _Ka-bú-hi_, or _gi-húb_, probably a reversal of the diaphragm.
[4] _Pús-on_ and _go-túk_.
[5] _Da-gá-ha_.
[6] _Ó-yo_.
[7] _U-bó_.
[8] _Pás-mo_.
[9] _Pid-pid_.
[10] _Ó-yud_.
[11] _Ká-do_.
[12] _Bí-tuk_.
The natural remedies used in the cure of the above-mentioned diseases
are not very numerous, but they are applied as a rule externally. In
each settlement there are always a few who have gained a reputation
above others for their knowledge of these medicines, but their
proficiency is not high as may be judged by the degree of their success
and by the opinion of many of their fellow tribesmen.
For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue found in a tobacco pipe
are considered an effective ointment. Saliva mixed with betel nut is
used for the same purpose, and also for pains in the stomach. For other
pains the leaves of various trees, according to the knowledge or faith
of each individual, are applied. For pains in the stomach the gall of a
certain snake[13] is said to be efficacious. It is mixed with a little
water and applied externally, or it may be taken internally, provided it
be mixed with a little powder from a piece of pulverized plate.[14]
[13] _Ba-ku-sán_. The gall of this snake is reported as being a panacea
used by the Mamánuas.
[14] _Píñg-gan_, an imported plate of very inferior make.
The perfume of certain resins and especially that of the _manumbá_ tree
are considered medicinal in some cases.
The root of a tree called _lú-na_ when left to steep in water, is said
to be a very potent remedy for pains in the stomach. The seed of the
_sá-i_ grass is also used for the same purpose, and is said to be a
prophylactic against stomach troubles.
No amount of persuasion will overcome the Manóbos' suspicions of
European medicine till the administrator of it follows the old saying of
"Physician, heal thyself," and takes the first dose. In any case it is
not prudent to offer it except after long acquaintance, for should any
change for the worse occur in the patient's condition after taking the
foreign medicine he might imitate people of greater intellectual
caliber, and say, as he probably would, "Post hoc, ergo propter hoc,"
and the ensuing events might be sudden and unexpected.
On one occasion I administered a small dose of quinine to a child that
was suffering from fever. It died the following day. The father, who had
requested me to give the child some medicine, through the medium of a
Mañgguáñgan, sent me a few days later a present of a chicken and about
two glassfuls of sugarcane brew, and would not accept a reciprocatory
gift of beads and jingle bells that I sent him. The chicken and the
beverage were partaken of in due time, each of my servants drinking
about half a glass of the liquor. The following morning at about 4
o'clock I awoke with a sense of impending death. The servants were
called and they, too, complained of an uneasy feeling and one of them
suggested that we might have been poisoned. A dose of ipecacuanha saved
our lives, and at about 9 o'clock I proceeded to look for the bearer of
the gift, but was unable to locate him, as he had gone to his forest
home. A diplomatic investigation revealed the fact that he was an expert
in poisons and that the poison administered to me in the liquor was
probably the root of the _túbli_ vine that is also used for poisoning
fish.
Fragrant flowers and redolent seeds and herbs are thought to be very
efficacious for the relief of headaches, fainting spells, and for the
peculiar diaphragm trouble referred to before. The resin of the
_magubái_ tree, which also is used as incense in ceremonial rites, is
considered very potent. I have frequently seen patients held over the
smoke till I thought that death by suffocation would result.
In fine, it may be said that the Manóbos' knowledge of medicinal plants
is very limited, and his application of them equally so, for as soon as
he thinks that the condition of the patient has changed for the worse
the malady is at once attributed to preternatural causes, and
corresponding remedies are resorted to.
On casual observation it might appear that the sick are neglected, but
this is not the case. The relatives, especially the womenfolk, display
the tenderest solicitude toward them and keep them provided with an
abundance of food. The lack of blankets leaves the patient exposed to
the inequalities of temperature and explains, no doubt, the frequent
occurrence of colds, of rheumatism, and sometimes of tuberculosis. This
also may account for the high death rate among children.
MAGIC AILMENTS AND MEANS OF PRODUCING THEM
It is a common thing to hear that a _kometán_ was the cause of a
person's death. This may be defined as a secret method by which death is
superinduced in a certain person by means either supposedly magic in
character or so secret in administration that they may be looked upon as
magic. Thus (to give an example of a purely magical sickness), it is
thought that by making a wooden mannikin to represent the victim and by
mistreating it the person whom it represents will immediately fall sick
and die unless countervailing methods are employed to neutralize the
effects of the charm. I heard of a case in the lower Agúsan near
Esperanza where a wooden figure was made to represent the person of a
thief. The figure was cruelly tortured by sticking a bolo into its head,
and when sufficient punishment had been administered to cause its death,
had it been a thing of life, it was buried amid much wailing. I was
assured that the party whom it represented was taken with a lingering
disease shortly afterwards and finally died.
The belief in the _kometán_ or secret means of superinducing sickness is
widespread, but it is difficult to obtain reliable data on the subject
because, for obvious reasons, no one will admit that he is acquainted
with the secret nor will he affirm that anyone else is unless it be a
person so far away that there is no danger of future complications by
reason of the imputation.
THE COMPOSITION OF A FEW "KOMETÁN"
1. The fine flossy spiculæ of a species of bamboo[15] placed in the food
or in the drink is supposed to cause a slow, lingering sickness that
ends in death.
[15] _Caña bojo_, or bamboo of the genus _Schizostachyum_.
2. A piece of a dead man's bone pulverized and put into the food, even
into the betel-nut quid, is said to have the same effect but in a more
expeditious way, as it superinduces death within a few months.
3. Another reported _kometán_ consists of the blood of a woman dried in
the sun and exposed to the light of the moon. This is mixed with human
hair cut very fine. Administered in the food, it produces a slow
lingering disease that leads to the grave. It is said that after death
the hair reappears resting upon the lips and nostrils.
4. Human hair mixed with bits of fingernails and powdered glass is said
to be especially virulent. The secret of compounding it is known only to
a few. I was informed that the knowledge of this secret composition was
acquired from Bisáyas.[16]
[16] It is called _pa-ágai_.
It is generally believed that the war chiefs are provided with
antidotes[17] against the _kometán_. In fact, several assured me that
they possessed them, but they were unwilling to enter into any details.
I once saw a little bottleful of strange-looking herbs and water sold
for P2.50. It was said to be an antidote against the particular species
of _kometán_, which, on being placed in the path, would affect the one
for whom it was intended when he passed the spot.
[17] _Súm-pa_.
A piece of lodestone,[18] or even an ordinary toy magnet, is thought, in
certain localities, to act as a safeguard against divers kinds of evil
charms.
[18] _Bá-to bá-ni_.
OTHER MAGIC MEANS
I found a prevalent belief in the existence of an _aphrodisiac_[19]
which is said to consist of wax made by a small insect called _kí-ut_,
and of the ashes of various trees. The secret of compounding it is known
to very few. There is a persistent rumor that this was first learned
from the Mamánuas,[20] who are supposed to be very proficient in the
making and use of it even to this day. If a little of the composition is
put on the dress of a woman, or, better still, if a little packet of it
is attached to her girdle charms she will become attached to the man who
placed it there and will aid him, as far as it can be done, in his suit
for her hand.
[19] Called _hu-pai_.
[20] It is strange that the more advanced tribes in eastern Mindanáo
attribute a knowledge of magic methods to inferior ones. I have been
informed that both Mamánuas and Mañgguáñgans are more expert in the
manufacture and administration of charms than other tribes.
There is also a charm which is said to produce an aversion or dislike
between those who had formerly been friends.
Bezoar stones are hard substances, of a dark color, and vary in size
from a pea to a chestnut. They are said to be found in various trees and
plants,[21] and animals and fishes such as the monkey and eel.
[21] Such as the _a-nís-lag_, the _tú-ba_, the _túb-li_.
Their properties are both medicinal and magic. Thus the bezoar stones
from three different plants are supposed to be efficacious in the hour
of birth, but, at the same time, in all the doings of life they give the
fortunate possessor success over his rival. Hence they are called
_pandáug_, that is, they will enable one to get ahead of or beat
another. There is a bezoar stone from the _banti_ tree that gets its
owner to a place more quickly than his rival.
BODILY AILMENTS PROCEEDING FROM SUPERNATURAL CAUSES
_Sickness due to capture of the soul by an inimical spirit_.--When a
malady is of such a nature that it can not be diagnosed, or of so
serious a character that fear is entertained for the recovery of the
patient, it is ascribed to the maleficence of evil spirits, and
supernatural means are resorted to in order to save the captured soul
from their spirit clutches. For this purpose the priest intercedes with
his divine tutelars, and prevails upon them, by offerings and promises,
to rescue the captive. If the ailment is attributed to the war
divinities, then the warrior chief becomes the officiant and, after
appeasing the angry spirit with a blood offering, secures the release of
the unfortunate soul.
_Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons_.--Epidemics of
cholera and smallpox are thought to be due directly to evil spirits who
bring the diseases from their faraway sea haunts.
It is said that friendly deities and war spirits of the settlement
announce from the lofty mountain heights the approach of these
pestiferous demons. Thus, I was assured by many in the Kasilaían River
district, that Mount Tatamba on a tributary of the Lamiñga River gave
out a loud booming noise before the epidemic of 1903-4. The same is said
of Mount _Mag-diuáta_ by the Súlibao people. Be that as it may, those
who live along the main rivers scurry away on the approach of contagion
into the depths of the forest or upon the heights of the mountains, and
do not return until they feel assured that all danger is past. I was a
personal witness of this among the upper Agúsan Manóbos, where I found a
settlement, more than one year after the appearance of a contagious
disease, still ensconced in the heart of the forest a few miles away
from all water.[22]
[22] The inhabitants lived on the water that exuded from a tree known as
_ba-sí-kung_.
The reason given for avoiding the larger watercourses during epidemics
is that streams are thought to be the high roads for the sea demons when
they come upon their work of destruction. There were never wanting some
in each settlement who had seen these demons under some monstrous form
or other.
_Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases_.--Besides such
offerings as may be made to them during the regular ritual, there is a
special method of propitiating these plague bearers and thereby of
inducing them to betake themselves whither they hailed.
A raftlet[23] is made of bamboo, with a platform of the same material
raised several inches above the surface of the craft. This is adorned
with palm fronds arched over it. Upon it is firmly lashed a young pig or
a large fowl, of a white color, and by its side are placed various other
offerings of betel nut, rice, or eggs, according to the bounty and
good will of the priest and of the settlement. When all is ready, it is
taken to the water's edge about sunset, for that is the hour when the
mightiest of the demons begin their destructive march. Here the priest
makes an address to the demon of the epidemic, descanting on the value
of the offerings, the scarcity of victims at that particular time, the
reasons for mutual friendship between him (the demon) and the
settlement. The demon is then requested to accept these tokens of good
will and to go his seaward way. The disease itself, though never
mentioned by name, is requested in the same manner to take passage upon
the raft and to accompany its master downstream. The raft is then
launched into the water and allowed to follow the will of the current.
No one may even touch it or approach it on its downward course, for it
has become foul by contact with its pestilential owners.[24]
[23] _Gá-kit_.
[24] Bisáyas have no scruples in appropriating the fat fowls and pigs
thus found floating to doom.
SICKNESS AND DEATH
THE THEORY OF DEATH
Except in the case of a warrior chief, or a priest, or one who has met
his end at the hands of an enemy, death is ordinarily attributed to the
maleficence of the inimical spirits. The latter are believed to be
relentless, insatiable demons "seeking whom they may devour." In some
mysterious manner they are said to waylay a poor defenseless soul, and
ruthlessly hold it in captivity till such time as it suits their whims,
when they actually devour it. Notwithstanding the numerous explanations
given to me throughout the Agúsan Valley, I have never been able to
satisfy myself as to the various circumstances of time, place, and
manner in which the capture and consumption of the soul takes place.
Suffice it to say, however, that in its essential points this is the
universal belief: One of the soul companions is seized, and the owner
falls sick. Every available means is tried to effect a cure. When
everything fails the priest declares that the ailment is due, not to any
natural infirmity, but to the capture or wounding of one of the souls of
the patient by inimical spirits. Sacrifices are ordered, during which
usually a large number (from four to eight) of priests of both sexes
invoke their various divinities and beseech them to rescue the spirit
companion of the patient. During these ceremonies the priests describe
minutely how the capture was effected. In lengthy chants they set forth
the efforts of their deities to find the missing soul; they describe how
they travel to the ends of the sky, seeking the cruel captors and vowing
vengence[sic] upon their heads. They are said to make use of an
_espiho_[25] to discover the whereabouts of the enemy and of the
captive. The recapture of the soul and frequently the mighty encounter
between the good and bad spirits is chanted out at length by the
priests. I was told that in some cases the rescued soul is taken to the
home of the deities and there consoled with feast and dance and song
before its return to its earthly companion.
[25] This _es-pi-ho_ (from Spanish _espejo_, a looking-glass) is some
kind of a wonderful telescope by which objects can be described at the
farther extremities of the firmament. No lurking place is so remote or
so secret as to be hidden from its marvelous power.
FEAR OF THE DEAD AND OF THE DEATH SPIRITS
The utter fear, not only of the malignant spirits but also of the person
of the dead and of his soul, is one of the most peculiar features of
Manóbo culture. In the death chamber and hovering around the resting
place of the dead there is a certain noxious influence[26] by the
infection of which one is liable to become an object of attraction to
the dark-visaged, hungry, soul ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk to
the death house and await an opportunity to secure a victim.
[26] _Bá-ho_.
Then, again, the envious spirits of the dead are feared, for they, in
their eagerness to participate in the farewell and final death feast,
avail themselves of every occasion to injure the living in some
mysterious but material way. Sickness, especially one in which the only
symptoms are emaciation and debility, are attributed to their noxious
influence. Failure of the crops, bodily accidents, want of success in
important undertakings--these and a thousand and one other things--are
attributed to a lack of proper attention to the envious dead. "You have
been affected by an _umagad_,"[27] is a common saying to express the
peculiar effect that the departed may cause on the living. To avert this
unkindly feeling and thereby prevent the evil consequences of it, it is
not an infrequent thing to see propitiatory offerings made to the
departed in the shape of betel nut, chickens, and other things. In one
instance the father of a child that had died, presumptively from eating
new rice, imposed upon himself an abstinence from that article for a
period of several months.
[27] _In-um-a-gád ka_.
As another evidence of fear of the departed souls may be cited the
unwillingness of the Manóbo to use anything that belonged to the dead,
such as clothes. An exception, however, is made in the case of weapons
and other heirlooms,[28] all of which have been consecrated and are
supposed not to retain the odor or evil influence of death.
[28] _Án-ka_.
Offerings made to the dead to appease their ill will are not partaken of
by the living. They are supposed to produce baneful effects.[29] Hence
they are carefully removed to the outside of the house after the
departed visitor is supposed to have regaled himself. This applies to
betel-nut offerings, and to such offerings as chickens and pigs that in
cases of unusual pestering on the part of the dead may be set out with a
view to propitiating them.
[29] _Ka-dú-ut_.
One or more priests are present invariably in the death chamber. The
female priests take up their position near the corpse, and by the use of
lemons, pieces of the _sa-sá_ reed, and other things, said to be feared
by the demons, protect themselves and those present. Hence, during the
average "wake" the womenfolk huddle around the priestesses with many a
startled glance. On one occasion I saw a male priest take up his stand
at the door, lance poised, ready to dispatch such spirits as might dare
to intrude into the death chamber. Drums and gongs are beaten throughout
the night, not merely as a distraction for their grief but as a menace
to the ever-present demons.
An acquaintance of mine in San Luis, middle Agúsan, is reported to have
wounded seven evil spirits in one evening on the occasion of a death. I
was assured by many in the town that they had seen the gory lance after
each encounter.
Several other precautions besides those mentioned above are taken to
secure immunity from the stealthy attacks of the demons. A fire is kept
burning under the house, and the usual magic impediments, such as
_sa-sá_ reed, lemons, and a piece of iron, are placed underneath the
floor as menace to these insatiate spirits. Moreover, the food while
still in the process of cooking is never left unguarded, lest some
malicious spirit should slyly insert therein poison wherewith to kill
his intended victim or to spirit away an unwary soul.
For several days both before and after the death, supper is almost
invariably partaken of before sunset, as this is the hour when the most
mighty of the demons are supposed to go forth on their career of
devastation. If, however, it should be necessary to take supper after
sunset, it is the invariable custom to put a mat on the floor and
thereby foil the stealthy spirits in their endeavors to slip some
baneful influence[30] into the plates from below.
[30] This custom is prevalent among many of the Bisáyas of eastern
Mindanáo and may perhaps explain the origin of the peculiar low table
used by them.
After the burial it is almost an invariable rule for the inmates of a
house to abandon it. This remark, however, does not hold good in the
case of the decease of priests, warrior chiefs, and children, nor in the
case of those who have been slain in war. Should a stranger, or one who
is not a relative of the inmates, die in the house, it is an established
custom to collect the value of the house from the relatives of the
deceased. Father Pastells in one of the "Cartas de los PP. de la
Compañía de Jesús" cites an incident that happened to him in the house
of Selúñgan on the upper Sálug in the year 1878. It seems that one of
Pastells' followers died and that Selúñgan desired to collect the value
of the house. I know of one case where the fine was actually collected.
I was asked by a warrior chief on the upper Tágo, who would pay for the
house in the case of my death.
INCIDENTS ACCOMPANYING DEATHS
When death ensues, the relatives burst forth into loud wails of grief.
In one death scene that I witnessed the wife of the deceased fell down
on the floor, and in the wildness of her grief kept striking her head
against the _palma brava_ slats until she rendered herself unconscious.
Upon returning to herself, she violently embraced the corpse of her
deceased husband, bidding him return. Then she broke out into loud
imprecations against her tutelary deities upbraiding them for their
ingratitude in not having saved her husband's soul from the clutches of
its enemies. She bade them be off, would have no more to do with them,
and finally ended up by bidding them go on the war trail and destroy the
foul spirits that deprived her of her husband.
In nearly every death scene that I witnessed this last procedure was the
ordinary one, and I may say that it is quite characteristic of the
Manóbo.
On several occasions I witnessed some fierce displays of fury, to which
the mourners were driven by their poignant grief for some beloved
relative. In one instance the father of the deceased, drawing his bolo,
started to hack down one of the house posts, and in another the son,
after a frantic outburst of grief, seizing his shield and lance,
declared that he would ease his sorrow in the joy of victory over his
enemies and actually had to be detained by his relatives.
The grief and fury felt on these occasions will readily explain the
frequency of war raids after the occurrence of a death. This was
explained to me by Líno of the upper Sálug, probably the greatest
warrior of eastern Mindanáo, in the following manner: "After the decease
of a near relative, our enemies will rejoice and may, as is done with
frequency, proclaim their joy. We do not feel in good humor anyhow, so,
if it can be arranged speedily, we start off to assuage the sorrow of
our friends and our relatives with the palms of triumph."
This statement of Líno may explain the origin of the taboo that is
observed throughout the Agúsan Valley. The taboo referred to prohibits
anyone except a near relative from visiting the house of the deceased
for seven days after the death. It is suggested that this custom was
instituted to prevent the enemy from learning whether an expedition was
being set afoot. To enforce compliance with this custom, the trails
leading to the house are closed by putting a few branches across them at
a short distance from the house. It is not infrequent to find a broken
jar suspended (or placed) at these points, symbolic, probably, of the
cruel fate that may overtake the transgressor. Infringements of this
taboo are punished with a fine that varies from P5 to P15.
PREPARATION OF THE CORPSE
After the first paroxysm of grief has subsided, the body of the deceased
is washed, the greatest delicacy in exposing the person being shown, and
it is then attired in the finest garments obtainable. No personal
ornaments, such as necklaces and bracelets, are removed. Charms and
talismans, however, are removed, being considered heirlooms. The corpse
is then laid on its back, with the hands lying at the side, in the rude
coffin.
There is a tradition that, in the olden days, the bolo of the deceased
used to be buried with him but I never saw this done. The bolo, however,
was placed by his side in a few cases that I witnessed. Among the
mountain Manóbos there exists the custom of winding strands of colored
cotton on the fingers and feet of young girls and maidens after death. I
witnessed this in the upper Agúsan, and, in answer to my inquiry, was
informed that such was the custom of the Agusánon people.
The coffin is a hexagonal receptacle hewn out of a log,[31] and provided
with a truncated prism lid of the same wood. It frequently has a few
ornamental tracings of soot or other pigment, and where European cloth
is procurable a few pieces may be employed as a wrapping. The corpse is
wrapped in a mat and laid in the coffin, the head being placed upon a
rude pillow of wood. The coffin is then firmly lashed with rattan and is
not removed till the hour for interment. Frequently lemons, _sá-i_
grass, and various other redolent herbs are placed on or near it with a
view, I was told, to repressing the odor of the dead. It is probable,
however, that they are thought to have magic or other virtues. They
certainly are objects of fear to the death demons.
[31] _A-yu-yao_, said to be very durable, being found in perfect
preservation after two years; _kibidid_ or _ilang-ilang_ are also used.
The wailing, weird and wild, of the women was violent in nearly every
case I witnessed, especially when the corpse was taken out of the house
on its way to the burial place. The grief displayed by the male
relatives is not so intense but I noticed frequently that even they
broke into tears. I may add here that I was often informed that the
absence of the outward signs of grief is an infallible evidence of a
speedy death, and that it is considered unlucky to allow one's tears to
fall on the corpse.
Before describing the burial, I desire to mention a peculiar proceeding
which I observed on one occasion.[32] Before the corpse had been placed
in the coffin, one of those present, seizing a dog, placed it
transversely on the breast of the deceased for a few seconds. I was told
that the object of the action was to remove the dog's bad luck[33] by
putting him in the above-mentioned position, as he had for some time
been rather unlucky in the chase. This proceeding was verified by
subsequent inquiries in other settlements, and the custom and its
explanation were found to be identical with the above mentioned.
[32] San Luis, 1906.
[33] _Pá-yad_.
THE FUNERAL
As a rule the burial takes place the morning after the death, unless the
death occurred during the night, in which case it takes place the
following afternoon. Decomposition is never allowed to set in.
When all is ready, a last tribute and farewell are paid to the deceased.
The family priest sets an offering of betel nut near the coffin,
beseeching the dead one to depart in peace and bear no ill will to the
living. He promises at the same time that the mortuary feast[34] will be
prepared with all possible speed. The deceased is addressed, usually by
several relatives and friends who wish him well in his new home and
repeat the invitation to come to the death feast and bring grandfather
and grandmother and all other relatives that had preceded him to the
land of Ibú.
[34] _Ka-ta-pús-an_.
Then, amid great wailing, the coffin is borne away hastily. Only men
assist at the burial, and as a rule a male priest, sometimes several,
accompany the funeral party in order to assist them against the evil
ones that throng to the grave. The priests take up their positions, as I
witnessed on several occasions, at strategic points behind trees, with
balanced lance and not infrequently with shield. I have seen others
provided with _sa-sá_ reed in anticipation of wounding some over-bold
spirits.
I observed a very peculiar custom on several occasions. On the way to
the grave the men indulged in wild shouts. No other explanation was
offered except that such was the custom. It was suggested, however, that
it is a means of driving off the demons who may have got the scent of
death, or, again, it may be to warn travelers that there is a funeral,
thus enabling them to avoid meeting it, as this is said to be most
unlucky.
I have heard of the dead being buried under the house. However, the
practice is infrequent and is usually followed at the request of the
dying one. It is needless to add that the house and neighboring crops
are abandoned. When possible a high piece of ground is selected in the
very heart of the forest and a small clearing is made. The work at the
grave is apportioned without much parleying, some of the men devoting
themselves to making the customary roof[35] to be placed over the grave,
while others do the excavating. Sometimes a fence is erected around the
burying ground. The work always proceeds in absolute silence, and a fire
is always kept burning as a menace to the evil spirits. When all is
ready, the coffin is laid in its resting place and covered in all haste.
Here it may be remarked with regard to the orientation of the corpse,
that men are buried with their feet toward the east and women with their
feet toward the west. Then the little roof is set upon four supports
about 45 centimeters above the grave. One of those present, sometimes a
priest, lays a plate with seven offerings of betel nut upon the grave.
Then an earthen pot[36] with its collation of boiled rice[37] and with a
hole broken in the bottom of it is hung up under the roof.
[35] _Bin-aí-iu_.
[36] _Kó-don_.
[37] Imported rice can not be used.
As explained to me, rice is intended as a last refection for the
departed one before he sets out on his journey to the land of Ibú. The
hole that is invariably made in the bottom is intended, so I was told by
many, to facilitate the consumption of the rice. The family heirlooms
are occasionally brought to the grave but are not left there.
There is a common tradition to the effect that the ancient mode of
sepulture was a more pompous and solemn affair than the present one. I
was told that the deceased was buried with all his personal arms, except
his lance and shield, which were laid over his grave. Sacred jars[38]
were also left. I never have been able to get sufficient information as
to the exact whereabouts of the old burial grounds. The cave of Tinágo
near Taganáan, about 12 miles south of Surigáo, is easily accessible.
The Bisáyas of the town state that it was a burial place for the ancient
Bisáyas, but Montano, who procured some skulls from this cave,
pronounced it to be a Manóbo cemetery. The fact is, however, that up to
this day the townspeople repair to the cave on occasions and invoke
their ancestors. I was told of one gambler who used to go there and burn
a candle in order to increase his luck.
[38] _Ba-hán-di_.
The mourners carefully efface the footprints that have been made by them
on the loose clay around the grave and, scurrying away sadly and
silently, leave the dead one in the company of the spirits of darkness.
Henceforth this, the resting place of one who was beloved in life,
possibly of a loving wife, or of a darling child, will be eschewed as a
place of terror where stalk with silent footfall and dark-visaged face
the foul and insatiate soul ghouls.
On arriving at the house whence they started, the funeral party
invariably find a vessel, usually a coconut-shell cup, containing a
mixture of water and herbs,[39] placed at the door of the house. Each
one in turn wets his hands and purifies himself by rubbing the water on
some portion of his body. I never saw this process omitted. The
explanation afforded me was that the water had a purificatory[40] effect
in removing the evil influence to which they had become susceptible by
contact with the dead. After the burial, a little repast is set out by
way of compensation for those who assisted at the burial, and then
begins the time of mourning which ends only with the mortuary feast.
[39] I was told that _u-li-ú-li_ grass is always used as an ingredient.
[40] _Pan-dí-has_.
CERTAIN MOURNING TABOOS ARE OBSERVED
(1) Black must be worn by the nearest relatives.
(2) For seven days the wife and nearest relatives must remain confined
to the house.
(3) The house must be abandoned or the inmates must change their
sleeping quarters to another part of the house.
(4) No marriage can be celebrated by any of the carnal relatives until
the death feast has been celebrated.
(5) The deceased must not be mentioned by name, but spoken of as "my
father" or "my cousin" or other relative. This taboo holds indefinitely.
(6) No work must be undertaken nor business of any importance
transacted, by the nearer relatives, for seven days.
(7) No one other than a near relative may visit the house for seven days
after the decease.
DEATH AND BURIAL OF ONE KILLED BY AN ENEMY, OF A WARRIOR CHIEF, AND OF A
PRIEST
As one killed by an enemy is thought to have suffered no ill through the
machinations of the evil ones, his death is considered a glorious one,
and he is buried fearlessly. It sometimes happens that, due to the
distance between the place where he was killed and his home, it is found
impossible to convey his body to the settlement. He is, accordingly,
buried in some convenient spot in the forest without further ceremony.
No mortuary feast is held for him because he is supposed to enter the
abode of his chief's war deity and there to await the coming of his
chief.
I never witnessed the death of a warrior chief, but I made numerous
inquiries from which I gleaned the following particulars: The death and
burial of a warrior chief seems not to differ from that of an ordinary
person except in the greater pomp displayed and in the absence of fear.
The tutelary war deities, either one or several, of the warrior chief
are present and the evil spirits are said to maintain a respectful
distance. The war chief's spirit companions or souls, which it is
maintained are susceptible to injury at the hands of demons, are present
and accompany him to the home of his tutelar deities, as do also
Mandaláñgan or Mandayáñgan, the great ancestral hero of Manóboland.
The war chief has no special burial ground, nor any special mode of
sepulture, though I heard on the upper part of the Tágo River, in the
eastern part on Mindanáo, that a certain Ónkui, an acquaintance of mine,
had been buried in a dugout placed on the summit of a mountain. This
report appears from further investigation to be true. I have heard of a
similar practice at the headwaters of the Ihawán River.
There is no material difference between the mortuary customs at the
death of a priest and those practiced at that of a warrior chief. The
tutelar deities of the priest are all present, together with all their
relatives and friends of the unseen world. His seven spirit companions
or souls are also present, so that little or no fear of the uncanny
demons is exhibited by the mourners.
THE AFTER WORLD
The land of Ibú is described as being somewhere down below the pillars
of the earth. It is said to resemble, in all particulars, this world of
ours. Lofty mountains, lakes, rivers, and plains, such as are seen in
the Agúsan Valley, exist there. About halfway between this world and the
big country of Ibú, mistress of the lower world, is a large river
described to me as being as big as the Agúsan, but with red water. Here
lives Manduyápit, the ferryman. From Manduyápit's to Ibú's is said to be
a journey of seven days along a good broad trail. Americans, Spaniards,
and peoples of other nations do not pass on the Manóbo's trail because
each is said to have its own, and the country of Ibú is said to be
divided into districts, one for each nation.
Hence, when the soul or spirit companion of the deceased finds that it
is all alone, its fellow spirit having been ruthlessly seized and
devoured, it begins its long journey to Ibú's. One week's travel brings
it to the great red river. Here it is ferried across gratuitously by
Manduyápit, and begins the second half of its journey. On arriving at
Ibú's it naturally seeks the spirits of its relatives, preferably its
nearest relative, and takes up its abode with them. If Manduyápit, for
one reason or another, should refuse to ferry it across, it returns to
its starting place and plagues its former friends for aid. The priest is
made aware of this and interprets to the relatives of the returning one
the reason for its failure to pass the great red river.
If the souls of the deceased should desire to pay a visit to their
living relatives, they invoke the family deities and are borne back to
the world on the wings of the wind, without having to undergo the
fatigues of the 14 days' journey.
Ibú's great settlement is no gloomy Hades, nor, on the other hand, is it
a paradise of celestial joy. It is simply a continuation of the present
life, except that all care and worry and trouble are ended. The spirits
of deceased earthly relatives take up their abode in one house and pass
a quiet existence under the mild sway of Ibú. There they eat, work, and
even marry. Occasionally, with the aid of the family deities with whom
they can commune, they pay a brief visit to the home of their living
relatives and then return to the tranquil realms of Ibú as fleetly as
they came.
THE DEATH FEAST[41]
[41] _Ka-ta-pú-san_, meaning end, termination.
The death feast is the most important of all Manóbo feasts, for it marks
the ending of all relations between the living and their departed
relatives. Until its celebration the immediate relatives of the deceased
are said to fare poorly. In some mysterious way the departed are said to
harm them until they have received this final fete. Hence, the nearest
relative sets himself to work with all dispatch to provide the necessary
pigs, beverage, and rice for the feast. It is a common belief that
unless this celebration is as sumptuous as possible, ill luck may still
pursue them. This will explain the long delay so frequently observed
before the celebration of this festivity. I know of several such feasts
which were not held until nearly a year after the decease, the delay
being due to inability to secure sufficient edibles for the death
revels. The importance and magnitude of this feast will be readily
understood when one bears in mind the fact that, when given by a
well-to-do Manóbo, it is attended by everybody in the vicinity, and
lasts frequently for a period of seven days. It happens occasionally
that, in the interim between the death of one member of a family and the
death feast, another member of the same family goes his mortal way. In
such a case only one feast is held for the two departed ones.
The religious character of the feast deserves special mention. The
dinner being prepared, an ordinary winnow is set out in the middle of
the floor and on it are placed cooked rice and, when obtainable,
bananas. Around the winnowing tray are set all the requisites for a
plenteous meal. Then the relatives sit around on the floor in a circle
and each one lays on the tray his offering of betel nut to the deceased.
The family priests act as interpreters and intermediaries. The deceased
are then addressed, care being taken never to mention their names. They
are called, father, brother, etc., by relatives, and by those who are
not relatives, father of so-and-so, or sister of so-and-so, mentioning
the name of the corresponding living relative. The near relatives then
give salutary advice to the dead one as to the future dealings between
the latter and the living. They are begged to have a little patience,
are reminded that only a few years hence all will be united in the land
of Ibú, and are requested to accept this final feast as a farewell until
that time. "You shall go your way and molest us not. Let this feast be a
token of good will and a final farewell till we meet you in the realms
of Ibú." Such, in brief, is the strain of discourse consisting of
exhortations, advice, supplication, and valediction[sic], that lasts
several hours.
Finally a handful of rice is formed by the oldest relative into an image
suggestive of a human figure and the deceased are invited to approach
and to partake of the viands. The relatives pass the rice mannikin
around, each one taking a bite or two out of it. While this is being
done, the dead are invited to eat heartily, the living relatives
exhorting the dead ones; one urging them to take more soup, another to
increase their meat, another to take more bananas, and all reminding the
deceased diners of the great expense incurred in connection with this
banquet. The priests describe the actions of the mystic diners and the
hearty appetite with which they partake of the fragrance of the viands,
after their long journey from Ibúland.
During the mystic meal no one dares to approach the rice winnow, but
when the meal is finished, those who carried the deceased to his last
resting place approach the winnow and, raising it up in their hands,
with an upward movement conjointly toss the victuals into the air,
retreating instantly to avoid the food in its fall, for should a
particle of it touch their persons it is considered a prognostication of
speedy death. The origin and significance of this peculiar custom, which
I witnessed on many occasions, have never been explained to me. Inquiry
elicited no further information than that it was the custom.
Such is the repast of the dead and the ending of all relations between
them and the living. Henceforth they are not feasted, as they have no
more claim on the hospitality of the living. In all the greater
religious celebrations, however, they are present and receive an
offering of betel nut, which is placed at the doorway for them but they
are not invited to the feast.
The secular and social part of the feast in no wise differ from any
other celebration, except that those who buried the deceased have marked
attention paid them. There are the same motley group of primitive men
and women, the same impartial distribution of the food, the same wild
shouts of merriment, the same rivalry to finish each one his allotted
portion, the same generous reciprocation of food and drink, and,
finally, the same condition of inebriation that on many such occasions
has abruptly terminated the feast by a fatal quarrel.[42]
[42] An instance of a killing had taken place a short time before my
visit in 1909 to the Manóbos of the Binuñgñgaan River, upper Agúsan.
The rest of the day, and probably a goodly portion of the night, are
spent in dancing to the tattooing of the drum and the clanging of the
gong, interrupted at times by long tribal chants of the priests and
others versed in chronicles of Manóboland.
If the death revels continue more than one day, the second day is a
repetition of the first with the exception that only the betel-nut
offering is made to the dead. As the celebration of this mortuary feast
is the termination of the anxious period of mourning, and the release
from the subtle secret importunateness of the dead, everybody with his
wife and children flocks to the scene. No relative of the departed one
may be absent for that would leave him still exposed to the strange
waywardness of the envious dead.
CHAPTER XVI
SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS
INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC
THE DRUM
The drum is the instrument of universal use in Manóboland. Wherever one
travels, by day or by night, its measured booming may be heard. It is
made out of a piece of a palm tree, by removing the core and bark. It is
ordinarily about 25 centimeters high by 20 centimeters in diameter. The
top and bottom consist, in nearly every case, of a piece of deerskin,[1]
from which the fur has been scraped, a little fringe of it, however,
being left around the edges to prevent the hide from slipping when
stretched. The stretching is effected by means of rattan rings or
girdles, very often covered with cloth, and just large enough to fit the
cylindrical body of the drum. A few blows with a piece of wood forces
these girdles down the sides of the drum, thereby stretching the heads
perfectly tight so as to give the drum the proper tone. After a certain
amount of heating over the fire the drum is ready for use. No attempts
at ornamentation are made, the heavy ends of the hide being left
protruding in an ungainly way.
[1] Monkey and lizard skins are made use of in rare instances, and I
have heard it said that the skin of a dog makes a very fine drumhead.
The drum is played at either end, and in certain tunes at both ends. The
left hand serves to bring out the notes corresponding to our bass. The
drum is tapped, with more or less force and rapidity, on an upturned
head with the left hand, while the right hand with a piece of wood,
preferably a little slat of bamboo, raps out the after beat. Manóbo men,
women, and children can play the drum and mention the names of from 20
to 50 rhythms, each one of which is to their trained ears so different
that it can be recognized at once. The rhythms are varied by the number
of beats of the right hand to one of the left, and by the different
degrees of speed with which the tune is played. The general beat may be
compared to the dactyl of ancient Greek and Roman versification. The
left hand plays the long syllable, if we may so speak, while the right
plays the two short ones. The combinations, however, are as intricate as
the versification just referred to.
As the nomenclature[2] used in speaking of the tunes indicates, the
various forms of drum music are based on imitations of animals and
birds, or are adapted to certain occasions, such as the war roll
signaling for help.
[2] The following are some of the names of drum-tunes:
_Sin-ak-aí-sá-kai_ (significant of the movement of a raft or canoe);
_kum-bá-kum-bá to u-sá_ (imitative of the sporting of a deer);
_kin-am-pi-lán_ (indicative of the flourishing of the Moro weapon called
_kampilan)_; _Min-an-dá-ya_, an adaptation from the Mandáyas;
_bo-túñg-bó-tuñg_, _ka-ta-hud-án_, _ya-mút-yá-mut_, _pa-di-dít_,
_pin-án-dan_, _pa-tug-da-dúk tí-bañg_, _min-añg-gu-áñg-an_, _tin-úm-pi_,
_ma-sañg-aú-it_, _to-mán-do_, _in-ág-kui_, _pa-dú-au_, _bin-ág-bad_,
_pai-úm-bug_, _pa-dúg-kug_, _tum-bá-lig_, _mañg-úd_.
To one who hears Manóbo drum music for the first time, it sounds dull
and monotonous, but as the ear grows accustomed to the roll the compass
can be detected and the skill of the drummer becomes apparent. Now loud
and then soft, now fast and then slow, the tune is rattled off in
perfect measure and with inspiring verve. As one travels through the
crocodile-infested lake region in the middle Agúsan on a calm night, the
Manóbo drums may be heard tattooing from distant settlements. They
produce a solemn but weird impression on the listener.
THE GONG
The gong[3] is of the small imported type and is purchased from Bisáya
traders. As these gongs, when new, have several ornamental triangular
figures on the front, the Manóbo is taught to value them at as many
pesos minus one as the gong has figures. This gives a gong that cost
originally about 2 pesos a value of 4 or 5 pesos.
[3] _A-guñg_.
As a musical instrument it is played in combination with the drum.
Suspended from something or held up in the hand, it is beaten on the
knob with a piece of wood. The general time kept is the same as that
kept by the left hand of the drummer. Its constant clanging serves to
heighten the animation of the dance.
Both the drum and gong have a certain religious character. They are used
in all greater religious celebrations and seem to be a part of the
paraphernalia of the priest, for they are nearly always kept in his
house.
FLUTES
The flute, unlike the drum and gong, has no religious idea whatsoever
associated with it. It is played at the caprice of the tribesman, to
while away a weary hour, to amuse the baby, or to entertain a visitor.
The melody produced by it is soft and low, plaintive and melancholy,
resembling in general features Chinese music, with its ever recurring
and prolonged trill, its sudden rises and falls, and its abrupt endings.
Flutes are not used by women, and not all men have attained a knowledge
of them. Here and there one meets a man who is an expert and who is glad
to display his skill.
The tunes are said to be suggestive of birds' and animals' cries[4] and
seem to be the product of each.
[4] The more common pieces are: _Sin-a-gáu to bu-á-da_ (the roaring of
the crocodile), _bu-a-bú-a to á-mo_ (the monkey scare), and the
_din-a-go-yu-án_.
Flutes are made from the internodes of a variety of bamboo and are of
four kinds, depending on the number and position of the fingerholes.
_The paúndag flute_.[5]--The _paúndag_ is the commonest form. The joints
of the bamboo are cut off and the circumference of the resulting
internode is measured accurately with a piece of _abaká_ or other fiber.
With this for a measure, 16 marks or rings are cut on the segment and at
each end beyond the first and last mark, a distance equal to one-half
the circumference is marked off, the remainder of the segment being then
cut off square at each end. At the eighth mark a hole about 8
millimeters in diameter is cut or burned in the bamboo. The same is
done, but on the opposite side, at the ninth, eleventh, twelfth, and
fourteenth marks, respectively. The ends are then cut in much the same
shape as an ordinary whistle, and the flute, a segment of bamboo about 1
meter long, is ready for use.
[5] Called also _pan-dag_.
While being played, it is held in a vertical position, the side with the
one fingerhole being toward the body of the player. The end with the
first mark, that which is farther away from the fingerholes, is placed
just under the upper lip. The thumb and middle finger of the right hand
control the openings at the eighth and ninth marks, while those at the
eleventh and twelfth are covered by the first and middle fingers of the
left hand, respectively, the hole at the fourteenth mark being uncovered.
The blowing is performed without effort in the gentlest way possible, as
a very slight increase in the force of the breath raises the tone about
two octaves.
_The to-áli flute_.--The _to-áli_ is an abbreviated form of the flute
just described and is made in a similar way, except that only 10
divisions are made, and that on one side two holes are made at the fifth
and seventh marks, and on the other at the fourth and sixth openings,
respectively. There is no fifth fingerhole. This form of flute is played
like the _paúndag_ flute, except that the thumb and middle fingers of
the right hand cover the fifth and sixth openings, respectively, while
the thumb and fourth finger of the left hand control the seventh and
eighth openings.
In pitch this form of flute is considerably higher than the previous one
but in other respects the music is similar.
_The lántui flute_,[6]--A flute known as _lántui_ is in existence, but I
am not acquainted with the details of it.
[6] Called also _yántui_.
_The sá-bai flute_.--The _sá-bai_ flute differs from the three already
mentioned in being a direct flute. The joint at one end of the bamboo is
cut off. Seven circumference lengths are then marked off, beginning at
the remaining joint, and holes are made at the first (that is, the
point), fifth, sixth, and seventh divisions, one or more holes being
added in the center between the sixth and seventh divisions. For a
mouthpiece, a segment of bamboo about 2 centimeters long is placed over
the jointed end of the flute at the first division but in such a way as
not to cover completely the opening at that point.
The sound is produced by the breath passing through the opening last
mentioned and _striking the edge of the aperture_ that it partially
covers.
When played, this form of flute is held in a horizontal position. The
point is inserted into the mouth and the three consecutive holes at
divisions Nos. 5, 5.5, and 6 are covered by the first, second, and third
fingers, respectively, of the right hand.
In pitch this instrument is lower than the other three but in the
quality of the music it in no wise differs from them.
GUITARS
_The vine-string guitar_.--There are two kinds of vine-string guitars,
differing only in size and name, as far as I know, so that a description
of the smaller one[7] will answer for the larger.[8]
[7] _Kúd-luñg_.
[8] _Bin-i-já-an_.
It varies in length from 1.5 meters to 2 meters.[9] The combined neck
and finger board and the hollow boat-shaped sounding box are of one
piece. The other part of the guitar is a thin strip of wood with a
lozenge-shaped hole in the center, that fits with great accuracy on the
bottom of the sounding box. The head is always a scroll, rudely carved
into a remote suggestion of a rooster's head, as the name indicates,[10]
and two holes are pierced in it for the insertion of the tuning pegs.
Along the neck are from 9 to 12 little wooden frets, fastened to the
finger board with beeswax. I can give no information as to the rule by
which the interfret distances are determined.
[9] Ordinarily the _bán-ti_ or the _sa-gu-bád-bad_ wood is used.
[10] _Min-an-úk_, from _manuk_, a fowl.
The strings are two in number and extend from the tuning pegs through
two holes in the neck and over the finger board and the sounding box to
an elevated piece left on the sounding piece. An interesting feature of
these strings is that they are the central part or core of a small
vine[11] and give out rather sweet tones, though not so loud as catgut.
[11] _Bís-lig_.
Projecting from the end of the sounding box, and forming one continuous
piece with it, is an ornamental piece carved into a semblance of the
favorite fowl head.
The guitar is held like guitars the world over, and the playing is
performed by twanging the strings with a little plectrum of bamboo or
wood.[12]
[12] As to the tuning and modulating of the instrument I can give no
information. The matter requires further study.
The quality of the music is soft and melancholy, wholly in minor keys
and of no great range, probably not exceeding one octave. As far as I
can judge it bears a resemblance to Chinese music. Various tunes are
played on both forms of guitar according to the caprice and skill of the
performer.[13]
[13] The following are the names of some of the melodies: _Di-u-wá-ta
ko_ (Oh, my familiar spirit), _a-yáu-u-yáu-á_ (don't, oh, don't),
_to-láñg-it_ (the sky), _i-ka-nuñg-úd_, _ta-ta-lí-buñg_, _pan-in-ó-ug_,
_mi-a-pí tin-ig-bás-ai_, _du-yúg-dú-yug_, _ta-ga-lín-dug_,
_tiñg-ga-sau_, _ma-sú-gud_, _pa-má-bá to ba-ku-ta_, _da-gí-tan_.
There are no special occasions for playing this guitar. It is not played
by women nor is it used as an accompaniment for singing. The performer
takes up the instrument as the whim prompts him and in the semidarkness
plays his rude, melancholy tune.
_The bamboo string guitar_.[14]--The bamboo guitar is made of an
internode of one of the larger varieties of bamboo.[15] Five small
cylindrical strips are cut along the surface and small wedges of wood
are inserted under them at the ends to stretch them and retain them in
an elevated position. These strips extend from joint to joint. There are
usually two bass strings on one side and three treble strings on the
other. Between these treble bass strings is a longitudinal slit in the
bamboo joint intended to increase the resonance of the instrument. The
strings are at intervals of about 3 centimeters. Two holes are made in
the joint walls, the purpose of which is to increase the volume of sound.
[14] _Tan-kó_.
[15] _Pa-túñg_, _da-nu-án_, _kai-yaú-an_.
The tuning is regulated by the size of the little wedges which impart
greater or lesser tension as desired. I understand neither the theory
nor the practice of tuning this guitar.
While being played the guitar is held in both hands. The first finger
and thumb of the right hand manipulate the bass strings, while the three
treble strings are controlled by the other hand.
The weird staccato music produced by this instrument is indescribable.
One must hear it and hear it repeatedly in order to appreciate its
fantastic melodies.
Both men and women make use of it for secular and, I am inclined to
think, for religious motives. During the famous _túñgud_[16] movement
(1908-1910) it was used universally in the religious houses, but I was
unable to obtain definite information as to its sacred character. In the
postnatal ceremony that has been described under "Birth" I observed the
use of the instrument on several occasions, but could obtain no further
information except that the strains of this primitive guitar are
pleasing to Mandáit, the tutelary spirit of infants. This point merits
further investigation.[17]
[16] A religious movement that sprang up in 1908 and spread itself all
over the southeastern quarter of Mindanáo. (See Chapter XXIX.)
[17] The following are the names of some of the tunes played on the
above guitar: _ma-sú-gud_, _tám-bid_, _gam-aú-gá-mau_, _pa-ma-yá-bui_,
_tig-ba-bau_.
_The takúmbo_.--Though classed here as guitar, the _takúmbo_ hardly
deserves the name. It is a bamboo joint which has one joint wall opened.
At the other end beyond the second joint it is so cut as to resemble a
miter. Two strings, uplifted from the surface about 4 centimeters apart,
and held in an elevated position and at their requisite tension by
little wooden wedges placed underneath, form the strings. A
lozenge-shaped hole in the center between the strings increases the
resonance. The instrument is played by beating the strings with little
sticks preferably of bamboo. Two persons may play at one time.
The time observed is the drum rhythm. The sound produced is very faint
and unimpressive, and the instrument is of very sporadic occurrence.
The fact that one end is carved in the form of a miter tends to confirm
my supposition that this is a purely religious instrument. The carving
is supposed to represent the mouth of a crocodile.[18]
[18] This figure is called _bin-u-á-da_, or _bin-u-wá-ya_ from
_bu-á-ya_, crocodile.
I was given to understand that this instrument is used in the immolation
to the blood-deities in case of hemorrhage and such other illnesses as
are accompanied by fluxes of blood. It is said that the instrument is
set in a vertical position, the miterlike cutting being upward, and that
a part of the victim's blood is placed upon the node as if it were a
little saucer. The instrument is then played. I never witnessed the
ceremony, nor heard the instrument played, and am not prepared to give
credence to the above story till further investigation corroborates it.
THE VIOLIN[19]
[19] _Kó-gut_.
I neither saw nor heard this instrument, but my inquiries substantiate
the existence of it. The body is said to be of coconut shell with the
husk removed. The bow is made of bamboo bent into the form of a
defensive bow, to the ends of which are attached several threads of
_abaká_ fiber that serve as the bowstring. The strings of the violin are
two in number and are made of _abaká_ fiber.
The violin is said to be played as our violins are by drawing the bow
across the strings. It is not played by women, according to reports, nor
are there any stated times and reasons, religious or otherwise, for its
use.[20]
[20] The names of some of the tunes played are: _Pan-un-gá-kit_,
_lin-íg-tui ka-bú-ka_, _ba-yú-bas_, _pan-ig-á-bon to ka-bí_.
THE JEW'S-HARP[21]
[21] _Kubíñg_.
Another instrument which is found occasionally in Manóboland, is a
species of jew's-harp, made out of bamboo. It is a frail instrument made
more for a toy than for its musical qualities. It is ordinarily about 26
centimeters long, and consists of a slender piece of bamboo from the
central part of which a small tongue about 6 centimeters long is cut.
The tongue remains attached at one end, the tip of it being toward the
middle of the instrument. On the the reverse side there is a small
cavity in the body of the instrument intended to allow sufficient room
for the tongue of the harp to move while being played.
The instrument is played by putting the mouth to the above-mentioned
cavity and by blowing as we do in an ordinary jew's-harp. The tongue is
made to vibrate by tapping with the finger a needlelike spur that is
left at the end of the instrument. This vibration, in conjunction with
variations of the mouth cavity of the performer, produces tones which
are not unlike those of an ordinary jew's-harp but which are not so loud
nor so harmonious.
THE STAMPER AND THE HORN[22] OF BAMBOO
[22] _Tam-bú-li_.
On the upper Agúsan I witnessed the use of bamboo stampers. They consist
of large bamboo joints with one partition wall removed. They are stamped
on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong during a dance, the open
end being held up. The use of these stampers by Manóbos is rare, the
custom being confined almost exclusively to Mañgguáñgans of the upper
Agúsan and upper Sálug Valleys.
Another instrument, but one which can hardly be called musical, is the
bamboo horn used for signaling and calling purposes. It consists of an
internode of bamboo with one partition wall removed. An opening large
enough for the mouth is made on the side of the bamboo near the other
node. In using it the mouth is applied to this aperture and a good pair
of lungs can produce a loud booming blast. After the occurrence of a
death, especially if the deceased has been slain, it is customary to use
this instrument as a means of announcing the death to near-by
settlements, thereby putting them on their guard against any of the
slain one's relatives who might be impelled to take immediate vengeance
on the first human being he met.
SOUNDERS
A method of signaling, much in use among the mixed Manóbo-Mañgguáñgans
of the upper Agúsan, consists in beating on the butresses[sic][23] of
trees. It is surprising how far the resultant sound travels in the
silence and solitude of the forest.
[23] _Da-líd_.
In connection with musical instruments it may not be out of place to
mention the bamboo sounders[24] attached to looms. They are internodes
of bamboo with apertures in the joint wall and a longitudinal slit
extending almost from node to node. One of these always constitutes the
yarn beam of the loom.
[24] _Ka-gú_.
These internodes, besides serving to support the fabric during the
process of weaving, denote by their resonance that the weaver is busy at
work. The movement of the batten in driving home the weft produces a
sound that, owing to the resonance of the bamboo yarn beam may be heard
for several hundred meters.
When the Manóbo maiden is especially desirous of calling attention to
her assiduity and perseverance, she has an extra internode placed in an
upright position against the yarn beam just described. This doubles the
volume of sound and serves to intimate to visiting young men that she
would be an industrious wife.
VOCAL MUSIC
Singing is as common among the Manóbos as among their countrymen of the
Christian tribes. The fond mother croons her babe to sleep with a
lullaby. In festive hours the song is the vehicle of praise, of joke, of
taunt, and of challenge, and in religious celebrations it is the medium
through which the priests address their deities.
THE LANGUAGE OF SONG
The language used in singing is so different from the common vernacular
that Bisáyas and Christianized Manóbos who speak and understand
perfectly the ordinary dialect of conversation find the language of song
unintelligible. I have had several songs dictated to me and found the
song words to be plainly archaic. This observation applies also to the
song-dialect of Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons and Mandáyas.
As interpreted to me on many occasions, songs are improvisations spun
out with endless repetitions of the same ideas in different words. To
give an instance, a mountain might be described in the song as a
"beauteous hill," a "fair mount," a "lovely eminence," a "beautiful
elevation," all depending on the facility with which the maker[25] can
use the language. This feature of the song serves to explain its
inordinate length, for a song may occupy the greater part of a night,
apparently without tiring the audience by its verbose periphrases and
its exuberant figures.
[25] _Pán-dui_, a smith or maker.
THE SUBJECT MATTER OF SONGS
The subjects of songs are as varied as those of other nations, but
legendary songs, in which the valiant deeds of departed warriors are
recounted, seem to be the favorite. As far as I know, the songs are
always extemporaneous and not composed of any set form of words and
verses.
THE MUSIC AND THE METHOD OF SINGING
One must hear the song in order to get an idea of it. In general it is a
declamatory solo. The staccatolike way in which the words are sung, the
abrupt endings, and the long slurs covering as much as an octave remind
one somewhat of Chinese singing. The singer's voice frequently ascends
to its highest natural tone and, after dwelling there for from three to
six seconds, suddenly slurs down an octave, where it remains playing
around three or four consecutive semitones.
There is no choral singing and no accompaniment. No time is observed,
the song having wholly the character of a recitation. Neither are there
any attempts at rhyming nor at versification. Recurring intervals are
the rule.
The music is, in general, of minor tonality and, unless the subject of
the song is fighting or doing some other thing that demands loudness,
rapidity, and animation, it is of a weird, melancholy character. When,
however, the subject of the song requires anything of the _spiritoso_ or
_veloce_, the strain is sung with verve and even furore. It seems to be
good etiquette to cover the mouth with the hand when the singer,
desiring to add special vigor to the strain, rises to his highest
natural pitch and dwells there with an almost deafening prolonged yell.
CEREMONIAL SONGS[26]
[26] _Túd-um_.
Sacred songs, as distinguished from secular songs for festive and other
occasions, are sung only by the priests and by warrior chiefs. They are
supposed to be taught by a special divinity.[27] The remarks that apply
to music and singing in general apply to these religious songs. The only
difference is that sacred singing is the medium by which the spirits are
invoked, supplicated, and propitiated, and by which the doings of the
supernatural world are communicated to Manóbodom. These ceremonial
chants are performed not only during religious celebrations but more
commonly at night. The greater part of the night is often worn away with
a protracted diffuse narration in which is described, with grandiloquent
circumlocution and copious imagery, the doings of the unseen world.
[27] _Tu-tu-dú-mon no diu-wá-ta_.
DANCING
The Manóbo dance is somewhat on the style of an Irish jig or a Scotch
hornpipe. It is indulged in on nearly all occasions of social and
ceremonial celebrations. Though it may be performed at any time of the
day if there is a call for it, yet it usually takes place in the evening
or at night, and especially after a drinking bout, when the feasters are
feeling extra cheerful in their cups. There are no special dance houses
in Manóboland, the ordinary dwelling place of the host serving the
purpose. Whenever the floor is in poor condition (and that is often the
case) a mat or two may be spread upon it for the safety of the dancer.
This may be done out of respect also.
Though dances are held the year round during all great rejoicings and
during the greater sacrificial celebrations, it is during the harvesting
season that they are given with greatest frequency.
THE ORDINARY SOCIAL DANCE
By the social dance is meant the dance which takes place on an occasion
of rejoicing and which is indulged in by men, women, and children, one
at a time. It is exceptional that two or more persons dance
simultaneously. A striking peculiarity in dancing is the wearing of a
woman's skirt by males during the dance. No reason is assigned for the
practice except the force of custom. It is customary, also, to array the
dancer in all the available wealth of Manóboland--waist jacket, hat,
necklaces, girdle, hawk bells, and, in case of a female, with brass
anklets. Two kerchiefs, held by the corner, one in each hand, complete
the array. No flowers nor leaves are used in the decoration of the
person during dancing.
The drum, and when it is available, the gong are the only musical
accompaniments to the dancing. When these are lacking an old tin can, if
such a thing by some good luck has made its way into the house, answers
the purpose of a musical instrument. Even the floor is sometimes beaten
to produce an accompaniment for the dance. On the upper Agúsan bamboo
stampers are occasionally used, in imitation of Mañgguáñgan custom, to
impart more animation to the dance.
The dance is never accompanied by vocal music unless the constant scream
of approbation and encouragement from the spectators be included under
that term.
The time to which the dancing is performed is the same as that described
under "the drum" at the beginning of this chapter. It corresponds
somewhat to that of our waltz when played presto, although the movements
of the feet do not correspond to those of that dance.
The dancer names the rhythm he desires and it is the rule, rather than
the exception, that several starts are made, and several drummers tried
before a good dancer feels satisfied with the method of playing. This is
an indication of the excellent ear which the Manóbo has developed for
this apparently rude and primitive form of music.
The women in dancing are more gentle in their manner than the men; they
make fewer bending motions and do not posture so much. In other respects
the dancing of the men and women is identical.
The step may be called dactyllic[28] in that a long or accented beat is
struck with one foot and, in immediate succession, two quick short steps
are taken with the other. This is varied at recurring intervals by
omitting the two short steps, especially in mimetic or dramatic dances
when the dancer desires to return to the center or to execute some extra
evolution.
[28] A term borrowed from Latin and Greek versification.
To give a satisfactory description of the attitude and movements of the
dancer is impossible, as the skill and grace of the dance consists
essentially in postures and gestures, and each individual has his own
variations and combination. In fact no two men dance alike, though the
women are much alike in their style of dancing, due to the fact that
they bend the body and gesticulate comparatively little and that they
display less force and exertion. Suffice it to say that the dancer moves
his feet in perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and gong, at the same
time keeping the arms, hands, fingers, head, and shoulders in constant
movement. Now one hand is laid upon the hip while the other is extended
upward and at an oblique angle from the shoulder. Again both hands are
placed upon the hips and the dancer trips around a few times when
suddenly turning, he retires hastily, but in perfect time, with both
arms extended upwards and at an angle from the shoulders, the two
kerchiefs waving all the time to the movements of the body. During all
his movements the arms, hands, and fingers are twisted and turned with
graceful and varied, but measured, modulation. Now he raises one
shoulder and then another. Now he gazes up with a look of defiance upon
his countenance, as if at some imaginary foe, and then down, as if in
quest of something. At one time he stops and gently moves his feet to
the rhythm of the music for several seconds, at another he circles
around with uplifted arms and flying kerchiefs, and scurries to the
other end of the dancing space, as if pursued by some foeman. At this
point he may circle around again and, the music of the drum and gong
surging loud, stamp defiance as if at an imaginary enemy, in measured
beat and with quick, wild movements of the legs and the whole body.
And thus the dance goes on, now slow, now fast, now stately, now
grotesque, the feet pounding the floor in regular and exact time to the
music, and every part of the body moving, according to the whim of the
dancer, with graceful and expressive modulation.
The whole dance requires great exertion, as is evidenced by the
perspiration that appears upon the dancer's body after a few minutes.
For this reason, a dancer rarely continues for more than ten minutes. He
names his successor by dancing up to him, and putting the kerchiefs on
his shoulders. The appointee nearly always excuses himself on the plea
that he does not know how to dance, that his foot is sore, or with some
other excuse, but finally yields to the screams of request and
exhortation from the encircling spectators.
One who has witnessed a Manóbo dance at night by the flare of fire and
torch will not forget the scene. Squatted around in the semidarkness are
the russet figures of the merry, primitive spectators, lit up by the
flickering glare of the unsteady light, the children usually naked, and
the men having frequently bared the upper parts of their bodies. In the
center circles the dancer with his wealth of ornaments, advancing,
retreating, and posturing. The drum booms, the gong clangs, and the
dancer pounds the floor in rhythm. The jingle bells and the wire anklets
of the dancer tinkle. The spectators scream in exultation,
encouragement, and approval. The dogs add to the pandemonium by an
occasional canine chorus of their own, which coupled with the crying of
the babies and several other incidental sounds, serves to enhance the
rejoicing and to add eclat to the celebration.
THE RELIGIOUS DANCE
Unlike the secular dance just described, the sacred dance is performed
exclusively by the male and female priests and by the warrior chiefs of
the tribes. It may be performed either in the house or out on the
ground, according to the place selected for the sacrifice. In the case
of the sacrifice of a pig, the dance and its accompanying rites are
always performed out of doors near the house of one of the priests.
The dress of the priests is always as elaborate as possible, as in
ordinary festive dancing. Their various portable charms and talismans
are always worn around the neck and, instead of kerchiefs being held in
the hands, palm fronds[29] are used, one in each hand.
[29] _Ma-yún-hau_.
The music is similar to that described for the ordinary dance, and the
step and movements are identical except that the dance is more moderate,
there being no attempt at grotesque or fantastic movements. As it is
usually performed before an altar, a mat is spread upon the floor, so
that the dancing range is limited. In general, the sacred dance
presents, in its simplicity and its lack of violent contortions, rapid
motions, and gestures, an element of respect and religious quietude that
is not observed in secular dancing. The encircling spectators do not
indulge in such unseemly acclamations, though it may be remarked that
they assume no posture indicative of religious worship, for they
continue to talk among themselves and to indulge in the ordinary
occupation of betel-nut chewing, leaving the performance of the dance
and the attendant ceremonies to the priests, whose profession it is to
attend to such matters.
The dance is performed either consecutively or simultaneously by the
priests but is interrupted occasionally by other rites proper to the
ceremony.[30]
[30] See Chapter XXVI.
MIMETIC DANCES
Mimetic dances in no wise differ from the ordinary festal dancing except
that they are a pantomimic representation, by gestures, by postures, and
by mimicry of some feature of Manóbo life. So far as I know these dances
are never performed by women.
Mimetic dances are very popular in Manóboland, and visitors whom it is
desired to honor, are often treated, without solicitation on their part,
to a series of these performances. They often contain an element of what
we would call lasciviousness, but to the Manóbo they merely represent
ordinary natural acts. The following are some of the mimetic dances
which I have witnessed.
_The bathing dance_.--The dancer gyrates and pirouettes in the ordinary
style for several minutes when, by a bending movement, he intimates the
picking up of some heavy object. He simulates placing this on his
shoulder and then imitates a woman's walk, indicating thereby that he is
a woman and that he is going either to get water or take a bath. All
this, as well as subsequent representations, are performed in perfect
time to the music. By a slow movement and with many a backward glance to
see whether he is being watched, he reaches the end of the dancing place
which evidently represents the stream for he goes through a pantomimic
drinking. He then cautiously and after repeated backward glances,
divests himself of all his clothes, and begins the bathing operations.
He is frequently interrupted, and upon the supposed appearance of a
person presumably a male, he indicates that he has to resume his skirt.
The operation of washing the hair and other parts of the body are
portrayed with appropriate gestures and movements, as are also the
resuming of his dress and the return to the house with a bamboo tubeful
of water.
_The dagger or sword dance_.--This dance is performed only by men, two
of whom may take part in it at the same time. It consists in portraying
a quarrel between them, the weapon used being either the Mandáya dagger,
as on the upper Agúsan, or the ordinary war bolo, as in the central and
lower Agúsan. Appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges, foils, advances,
and retreats, all extremely graceful and skillful, are depicted just as
if a real encounter were taking place.
_The apian dance_.--This is a dramatic representation of the robbing of
a bee's nest. The gathering of the materials and the formation of them
into a firebrand, the lighting of it, and the ascent of the tree, are
all danced out to perfection. A striking part of the pantomine is the
apparently fierce stinging the robber undergoes, especially on certain
parts of his body.[31]
[31] The pubic region is referred to.
This part of the performance always draws screams of laughter from the
spectators. The whole ends with a vivid but very comic representation of
the avid consumption of the honey and beebread.
_The depilation dance_.--This is an illustration, by dancing movements,
of the eradication of hair especially in the pubic region. The dancer,
indicating by continual glances that he is afraid of being seen,
simulates the depilation of the pubic hair. The pain thereby inflicted
he manifests by the most comic contortions of his face.[32]
[32] Though depilation of the pubic region is represented in dancing, I
do not know positively that it takes place in reality.
_The sexual dance_.--This is a dramatic representation of sexual
intercourse on the part of one who apparently has made no overtures or
any previous arrangements with the object of his desire. He is supposed
to enter the house and approach the recumbent object of his love (in
this case represented by a piece of wood or of bamboo) in a timorous,
stealthy way. A hand to the ear intimates that he thinks he hears some
one approaching. He therefore retires a little distance, and after
reassuring himself that all is well, proceeds to attain his object. It
is only after protracted circling, approaching, and retiring, that he
simulates the attainment of his desire. No indications of bashfulness
nor delicacy are exhibited, by the female spectators.[33]
[33] I have been informed that sexual relations between a hen and a
rooster form the main feature of another mimetic dance.
_The war dance_.--The war dance is performed outside of the house on the
ground by one man alone or by two men simultaneously. The dancer is
attired in full festive array with hat and red turban, and is armed with
lance, war bolo, and shield.
The accompaniment to the dance is the drum, but both the rhythm executed
on it and the step performed by the dancer baffled description. Suffice
it to say that the music is a continuous roll tattooed by two expert
players, one at each end of the drum. The dancer keeps his feet moving
with the greatest conceivable velocity in perfect unison to the rhythm
which gives one the general impression of a rapid two-step. The movement
of the feet reminds one of the movements made by a rooster or a turkey
cock at times. The nodding of the head of the dancer is also similar to
that of a game-cock before a fight.
As the dance is supposed to represent an encounter and harid-to-hand
fight, all the movements of advancing and retreating, thrusting and
parrying are displayed. The combatants move around in circles, now
approaching, now receding, always under the protection of the shield.
They gaze savagely at each other, now over the shield, now at the side,
constantly sticking out their tongues at each other much as a snake
does. At times they place a heel in the ground with upraised foot, and
with the knee placed against the shield, and lance poised horizontally
above the shoulder, make rapid darts at each other. Every once in a
while they kneel down on one leg behind their shields and with rapid
movements of the head and spear look defiance at each other. During all
the movements of the dance the spear is held horizontally and is thrust
forward rapidly. The shoulders are constantly moved up and down, and the
shield follows this movement, all being in perfect time to the rapid
roll of the drum.
The dance ordinarily does not last more than five minutes as the extreme
exertion and rapidity of movement soon tire the dancer. It is a
magnificent display of warlike skill and of physical agility and
endurance.
CHAPTER XVII
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL
CLANS
TERRITORIES OF THE CLANS AND NUMBER OF PEOPLE COMPOSING THEM
Manóboland, with the exception of such settlements as have been formed
by non-Christian Manóbos in the vicinity of Christian _settlements_ and
usually situated at the head of navigation on the tributaries of the
Agúsan, is divided into districts, well defined, and, in case of
hostility, jealously and vigilantly guarded. These territorial divisions
vary in extent from a few square miles to immense tracts of forest and
are usually bounded by rivers and streams or by mountains and other
natural landmarks. Each of these districts is occupied by a clan that
consists of a nominal superior with his family, sons-in-law, and such
other of his relatives as may have decided to live within the district.
They may number only 20 souls and again they may reach a few hundred.
INTERCLAN RELATIONS
In the main it may be said that in time of peace the members of the
various clans live on good terms, visiting one another and claiming
relationship with one another, but peace in Manóboland was formerly very
transitory. A drunken brawl might stir up bad blood and every clan and
every individual would make ready for a fight.
The Agúsan Valley was styled by Montano, the French traveler, "Le pais
de terreur," and from the accounts given to me it must have deserved the
name. A perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus,"
which set forth the religious conquest of the Agúsan Valley, begun about
1875, will give an idea of the continuous raids and ambuscades that
interfered to no inconsiderable extent with the work of Christian
conquest undertaken by the missionaries. Upon my arrival in the Agúsan
in 1905 such rivers as the Ihawán, the Baóbo, the upper Umaíam, the
upper Argáwan, and all tributaries of the upper Agúsan, were seldom
visited by any but members of the clan to whose territorial jurisdiction
these rivers and the adjoining districts belonged. The establishment of
a special form of government on the lower and middle Agúsan, now known
as the subprovince of Butuán, did wonders toward repressing the
interclan raids, but on the upper Agúsan they continued at least until
my departure in 1910, though not to such an extent as in previous years.
For example, in February, 1910, the settlements of Dugmánon and Moncáyo
were in open hostility. I traveled both by land and water with members
of the two unfriendly clans. In traveling by water it was necessary to
proceed in midstream with shields protecting the occupants of the canoe
against the arrows of their enemies. On the trail it was imperative to
travel in bodies with a warrior on each side of the trail to guard
against ambush.
This feud arose out of a mere bagatelle, followed by the seizure of a
pig, and up to the time I left the region had given rise to four deaths.
I made every effort to adjudicate the case, but as each clan seemed
unwilling to yield, failed to bring the parties together.
THE CHIEF AND HIS POWER
THE SOURCE OF THE CHIEF'S AUTHORITY
It may be said in general that the chief is a man who, by his fluency of
speech and by his penetration and sagacity in unraveling the intricate
points of a dispute, by his personal prowess, combined with sagacity and
fair dealing, has won influence. Personal prowess appeals to the Manóbo,
so that in time of hostility the warrior chief is looked up to more than
any man who in time of peace might have enjoyed more influence and
prestige.
It must be borne in mind that the whole political organization of
Manóboland, including the system of government, social control, and
administration of justice, is essentially patriarchal, so that the
chieftainship is really only a nominal one. The very entity of a clan
springs from the kinship of its individual members, and, as in a family,
the stronger or abler brother might be selected on a given occasion to
represent, defend, or otherwise uphold the family, so in a Manóbo clan
or sect the stronger or the wiser member is recognized as chief.
However, he can not lay claim to any legal authority nor use any
coercion unless it is sanctioned by the more influential members of the
clan, is approved by public opinion, and is in conformity with customary
law and tribal practices, for there is no people that I know of that is
so tenacious and so jealous of ancient usages as the Manóbos of eastern
Mindanáo.
EQUALITY AMONG THE PEOPLE
Besides the titles applied to warrior chiefs and to priests, there is no
title that is in common use to express the influence and authority
wielded by any individual. It is not infrequent to hear of so-and-so
being spoken of as a _datu_ by the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley, but the
title is not used by Manóbos, but only by the Banuáon group inhabiting
the northwestern part of the valley or by Bisáyas when they desire to
cajole their Manóbo friends. The term _kuláno_ is sometimes used by the
Bisáyas, but as far as my knowledge goes is not used by Manóbos. It is
in all probability a form of the word _kuláno_ that is applied, I think,
to Bukídnon chiefs in the subprovince of Bukídnon. The fact that no
titles appear to exist for influential men except that of warrior chief
and of priest is an indication of the inferiority of the Manóbo to the
Mandáya in tribal organization.[1]
[1] In Mandáya a very influential chief is styled _á-ri-á-ri_, a kind of
petty king, and the elder of a settlement or even of an individual house
has a special name, significative of influence and of respect, to wit,
_ma-tá-duñg_.
There is no hereditary chieftainship, though a warrior chief makes
earnest endeavors to instill the spirit of valor into his first born
male child from the time he attains the use of reason. No insignia are
worn except by the warrior chief and the recognized warrior[2] to denote
the influence that they exert in the tribe or in the clan. Perfect
equality is conspicuous in nearly all things. The chief or the warrior
chief sallies forth, often in company with his slaves, and takes part in
fishing and in hunting expeditions. On the trail he may carry his own
share of the burden if he has been unable to induce others to take it. I
have had warrior chiefs, priests, and other influential people many a
time act as my carriers, but, of course, out of courtesy and respect,
had to allow them more in the way of recompense than was given to those
of lesser importance. The chief has no subordinate officers, no heralds,
and no assembly house. He lives in his own house and when any trouble
arises he settles it, in company with other influential men, either at
his own house or at any other house to which it may have been deemed
expedient to repair. Hence we may say that little or no formal
demonstration of respect is shown a chief. He is a Manóbo of more than
usual ability, of strong character, quick to discover the intricacies of
an involved question, facile of tongue, loved for his hospitality and
generous nature, more frequently better provided with worldly goods than
his fellow clansmen, and as a rule with a reputation for fair dealing.
Such are, in general, the sources of the respect that gives him a moral
weight in the arbitration of clan troubles or even of tribal concerns
when no hostility reigns.
[2] _Ma-ni-ki-ád_.
I have never heard among the Manóbos of any special celebration in which
a chief, other than a warrior chief, is formally recognized. He seems to
grow gradually into recognition, just as one brother of a family may,
after years of demonstrated ability, be looked up to by the rest of the
family.
RESPECT FOR ABILITY AND OLD AGE
Although the chiefs almost invariably look upon other men of the tribe
as their equals and show no affectation because of their position, yet
by those who come in contact with them a certain amount of respect is
shown. This is especially true in the great social and religious
gatherings and on the visit of a chief to another house. Here he gets an
extra supply of pork and of brew and of everything that is being
distributed.
From what has been said in a previous part of this monograph it is
obvious that women play no part in the control of public affairs. There
are no female chiefs. Women are domestic chattels relegated to the house
and to the farm. There is a common saying that women have no
tribunal--that is, are not fitted to take part in public
discussions--the reference being to the town hall of the Spanish regime.
Yet I know of one woman, Sinápi by name, who travels around like a chief
and through her influence arbitrates questions that the more influential
men of the region are unable to settle. She lives on the Simúlao River,
just above the settlement of San Isidro, and is without doubt the
individual of most influence on the upper Simúlao and Bahaían. In the
Jesuit letters mention is made of one Pínkai who had great weight among
her fellow tribesmen of the Argáwan River.
_Ceteris peribus_, the word and authority of the old are respected
more than those of others, probably because the former have more
numerous relatives, including often their great-grandsons and
great-granddaughters, as well as the indefinite number of relatives by
marriage that have joined the family since their first sons or their
first daughters married. When, however, they reach the age at which they
can no longer travel around and take part in the numerous imbroglios and
disputes that arise their influence is much less. This, it seems, is one
of the great differences between the social system of the Mandáyas and
that of the Manóbos and will explain the greater constancy and stability
of the Mandáya character as compared with that of the Manóbo.
THE WARRIOR CHIEF[3]
[3] _Ba-gá-ni_ from _ba-rá-ni_ (Malay), valiant.
The sword in Manóboland, as in all other parts of the world, is the
final arbiter when conciliation fails. Hence the prominent part played
by the warrior chief in time of war and frequently in time of peace. For
this reason it becomes necessary to discuss at more length the powers,
prerogatives, and character of the warrior chief.
GENERAL CHARACTER
The general character of the warrior chief is, among all the tribes of
the Agúsan Valley, that of a warrior who has to his credit an average of
five deaths. As such deaths are attributed primarily to the special
protection of divinities, called _Tagbúsau_, who delight in the shedding
of blood, the chief is regarded in the light of a priest in all that
concerns war in somewhat the same way as the _bailán_ or ordinary
priest, under the protection of his familiars of tutelary spirits, is
expected to officiate in all ordinary religious matters. To the priestly
office of the warrior chief is added that of magician to the extent that
he can safeguard himself and his friends with magic means against the
evil designs of his enemies. Finally, in a country where there is no
supremely constituted authority with sufficient force to remedy
grievances, but only personal valor and the lance and the bolo to appeal
to, it may be expected that in the majority of cases the warrior will
assume a fourth prerogative, namely, that of chief. Thus the warrior
chief will be considered heir in his warlike character of warrior, in
his magic character as medicine man, and finally in his political
character as chief.
The Christian conquest of the Agúsan Valley, begun in 1877, and the
establishment of a special form of government therein in 1907, have
contributed in no small measure to diminish the number of feuds and
bloody reprisals that had given the Agúsan Valley its reputation as "the
country of terror," and as a consequence leave little opportunity for
the recognition of new warriors. Thus it is that at the present day the
ancient system is fast fading away, and it is only a matter of years
before the warrior chief will be a thing of the past.
INSIGNIA AND PROWESS OF THE WARRIOR CHIEF
As a person of recognized prowess, the warrior chief is naturally the
leader in all warlike expeditions, and in time of peace he is looked up
to as the future defender of the settlement in which he resides.
Red is the distinguishing mark of the war chief's dress, which
ordinarily consists of a red headkerchief with embroidery of white,
blue, and yellow cotton at the corners, of a red jacket with similar
embroidery on the shoulders and around the back, and of long trousers,
sometimes red. His bolo is usually larger and more costly than those
carried by ordinary men and is generally of Mandáya origin. His spear,
too, is apt to be an expensive one, while his shield not infrequently is
tufted with human hair. When leading his band of braves to the attack or
during a sacrifice to his protector, the Tagbúsau, he wears his
charm-collar[4] with its magic herbs.[5] On the warpath he binds his
hair knot securely and envelops it with a rough hewn hemisphere of wood.
His influence in arranging all the details of the plan of attack is
strong, but during the attack itself he has little control over his
followers.[6] This might be expected from the spirit of independence
which the Manóbo displays even in the ordinary affairs of life when not
influenced by religious or other motives.
[4] _Ta-li-hán_.
[5] These collars are often as thick as a man's arm in the center,
tapering down to the ends. They are about 75 centimeters long, made out
of cloth, and contain in sections charms made of trees, plants, herbs,
and bezoar and other magic stones, all thought to have divers mystic
powers.
[6] So I have been assured by many great warriors.
In personal valor the warrior chief invariably surpasses his fellows.
There are many who will fight face to face, especially in the upper
Sálug, Baóbo, Ihawán, and Agúsan regions. Líno and his brother, the late
Gúnlas, both of the upper Sálug, are two of the numerous examples that
might be adduced. It is true that they take no inordinate risks before
an attack, and especially where firearms are opposed to them, yet during
an attack they become desperate and will take any risk.
The warrior has often been branded as a traitor, a coward, and butcher,
but such an opinion, I unhesitatingly assert, is based on ignorance and
prejudice.
THE WARRIOR'S TITLE TO RECOGNITION
When one of the braves who accompany an expedition has killed one or two
men in fair fight he acquires the title of _manikiád_ and is entitled to
wear a headkerchief striped with red and yellow. His prowess is
acknowledged, and he is considered to be so favored by the powers above
that he is looked upon as a prospective _bagáni_ or warrior chief. If
during ensuing expeditions, or by ambushes, he increases to five[7] the
number of people whom he has killed, his position as a full-fledged
warrior is recognized, but he does not become a warrior chief until such
time as the spirits of the gods of war become manifested in him. He is
then said to be possessed,[8] as it were, and it requires only a banquet
to the neighboring _datus_ and warrior chiefs to confirm his title.
These peculiar operations of divine influence consist of manifestations
of indescribable violence during the attack, of eating the heart and
liver of a slain enemy, and of various other exhibitions.
[7] The number of killings required for promotion to the rank of
_bagáni_, or recognized warrior, varies according to the locality.
[8] _Tag-bu-sau-án_.
VARIOUS DEGREES OF WARRIOR CHIEFSHIP
The rank of a warrior chief depends on the number of deaths which he may
have to his credit. There is apparently no fixed rule in this matter,
the custom of one region demanding five deaths for a certain rank while
that of another locality may require eight or only two deaths for a
similar one. From all reports made to me in nearly every district in the
middle and upper Agúsan it appears that the number of deaths requisite
in the olden days for the various degrees of warrior chiefship was much
higher than it is at present, due no doubt to the greater frequency with
which people were killed in those times. For this reason the more recent
warrior chiefs are spoken of by the older warriors as worthless.[9]
[9] _A-yo-á-yo_.
The following are the titles recognized by the Manóbos of the Agúsan
valley: (1) _hanágan_; (2) _tinabudán_;[10] (3) _kinaboan_; (4) _lúto_
or _linambúsan_; (5) _lunúgum_; (6) _lípus_.
[10] _Tinabudán_, i. e., wrapped, the full expression being "_tinabudán
to tabañg_," i. e., wrapped with a red handkerchief.
The first title, _hanágan_, is given to one who has killed five or more
people but has not yet been admitted to the full favor of a _tagbúsau_
or blood spirit. The second title, _tinabudán_, is given to a warrior
who has made it evident that he has divine favor and protection, made
manifest in the consumption of the heart and the liver, and who falls
into a condition similar to that of the priest while in an ecstasy. The
insignia of this degree consists of a red kerchief worn wrapped around
the hair knot at the back of the head.
The third degree, _kinaboan_, as the word itself indicates,[11] entitles
the bearer to add to his apparel a red jacket. Accounts are so various
that the exact time when this title is conferred can not be definitely
stated. Thus in Umaíam I was given to understand that 25 deaths were a
sine qua non, whereas on the Kasilaían River 6, and on the Sálug 7
deaths were reported as sufficient.
[11] From _ká-bo_, a jacket.
The fourth title, _lúto_, by its derivation means "cooked," "done,"
"finished," so that on attaining this degree a warrior is complete, at
least as far as his raiment is concerned, for he adds a pair of red
trousers. Though the number of deaths requisite for the attainment of
this degree is variously stated as being from 50 to 100, yet I suggest
15 as being, on the average, nearer the truth. The next degree,
_lunúgum_, as the word indicates, entitles the bearer to dress himself
all in black. It is a title acquired fortuitously, being given to one
who during an attack happened _to lance unknowingly a dead man in the
house of the enemy_. I can offer no further information on the point,
except that the recipient of this title must have been already a
recognized warrior. It seems probable that when a man commits such an
act on a dead man he is believed to be especially favored by the war
gods.
The warrior chief who acquires the last title, _lípus_, is supposed to
have innumerable deaths to his credit, but I venture to put 50 as a safe
standard of eligibility to this title. Fifty deaths extending over a
period of many years, and recounted with such additions as a little
vanity and a wine-flushed head might suggest, might easily be converted
into infinity. I know of no living warrior chief who bears the title of
_lípus_. Twenty-five deaths is the largest number reached by any warrior
with whom I am acquainted. The famous Líno of Sálug and his brother the
defunct Gúnlas, reached this rank.
THE WARRIOR CHIEF IN HIS CAPACITY AS CHIEF
It may be said that in nearly every case the warrior chief is the chief
of the clan or settlement. As a man of proved prowess, of sufficient
age, and with a good family following he is nearly always recognized as
the only one competent to deal with all cases that may come up between
his retainers and those of some other chief. Thus it may be said that
the Manóbo political system is a patriarchal one in which an elder
member of a family, through the respect due to his personal prowess,
age, and following, and not through any legal or hereditary sanction
adjudges such matters of dispute as inevitably arise between his
followers and those of some one else. The system is based on custom and
is carried out in a spirit of great fairness and equality.
The territory over which the warrior chief extends his sway is
recognized as being the collective ancestral property of the settlement.
In time of war no one except a relative is permitted to enter it under
the penalty of death, but in time of peace it lies open to all friendly
fellow tribesmen. Such matters, however, as fish poisoning[12] and
hunting by aliens are always interdicted.
[12] _Pag-tu-bá-han_.
Over this territory, usually occupying miles and miles of virgin forest,
lofty mountain, and fair valley, are scattered the dependents and
relatives of the warrior. It is only in times of trouble or of expected
attack that they build high houses for purposes of defense in closer
proximity to the chief. These settlements number between 20 and 200
souls, the former number being nearer the average than the latter.
The attitude of the followers toward their chief is in time of peace one
of kinship feeling or one of indifference. He has practically no
authority until called upon in time of trouble to lend the weight of his
influence and the fame of his prowess. He collects no tribute and
receives no services. In every respect he does as his lowest retainer
does, hunts, fishes, etc., except that he travels more to visit friendly
neighboring chiefs, who always receive him as a guest of honor and feast
him when they have the wherewithal.
Various grades of chiefs are occasionally reported, such as
_kuyáno_,[13] _masikámpo_,[14] and _dátu_ but such grades do not exist.
These names have probably been conferred by mercenary Bisáyas for
commercial reasons and are not assumed by Manóbos even for purposes of
ostentation.
[13] _Kuláno_, a title applied, I think, to Moros of the Rio Grande of
Mindanáo, and used, I have heard, by the Banuáons.
[14] _Maestre de Campo_--i. e., field marshal--was a title given by the
Spaniards to faithful Bukídnon chiefs.
The warrior chief is in almost every case the person of greatest
influence and authority, both by reason of his position in the family
and because of the prestige of his valor. In a country where the bolo
and lance are final arbiters when all else has failed the warrior must
of necessity be chief or be a person of very marked influence. If he is
not recognized as such, he generally removes himself with as many as
will or must follow to another locality, and there he becomes chief.
Nothing said here is intended to apply to the political organization of
the Christianized Manóbos, or _conquistas_ into settlements under the
special government of the Agúsan Province. My remarks are confined
exclusively to the pagan people.
THE WARRIOR CHIEF AS PRIEST AND MEDICINE MAN
The reader is referred to the second part of Chapter XXIV, Part IV, for
a detailed account of the functions and prerogatives of the warrior
chief in his capacity as priest. For the present we will pass on to
consider him in his role of medicine man, summarizing briefly his magic
methods for the cure of various ailments ascribed to supernatural agency.
As to the warrior's knowledge and powers in both capacities, I have
always found the many warrior chiefs with whom I have come in contact
very reticent and have accordingly been unable to secure detailed
information on this subject. It is beyond a doubt, however, that great
powers are attributed to them both in causing and curing certain
ailments.
It may be said that any disease attributed to the displeasure of the
blood spirits falls within their jurisdiction as priests and may be
cured by a sacrifice or by other ceremonial methods. As a general rule
they are supposed to have a knowledge of various magic and medicinal
herbs. They are always the possessors of necklaces,[15] to which are
attributed such powers as those of imparting invisibility and
invulnerability. These peculiar charms, as well as numerous herbs,
roots, and other things possessing magic power for good and for evil,
are often bound up in the charm collars and can not be seen. Nothing
will prevail upon the owner to declare even their names. After opening
the breast of the slain enemies they dip these mystic collars in the
blood and thereby, through the instrumentality of their blood spirits,
impart to the collars greater potency.
[15] _Ta-li-hán_.
Hemorrhages and all wounds or other troubles in which a flux of blood
appears are thought to emanate from the desire of the familiars of the
warrior priests for blood. Hence he is called upon to make intercession
and to propitiate[16] these bloodthirsty spirits with the sacrifice of a
pig or fowl. After the pig has been killed, a little of the blood is
caught in a split bamboo receptacle,[17] which is then hung up in the
house with the blood left in it for the regalement of these insatiate
spirits.
[16] _Dá-yo to tag-búsau_.
[17] _Bin-u-ká_.
Besides curative means the warrior medicine man is said to have secret
means of causing bodily harm to those against whom he feels a grievance.
These means are called _kometán_ and have been described in Chapter XV.
It is true that others are reputed to have these secret magic means, but
none except the warrior priest will make open confession of their
reputed powers.
CHAPTER XVIII
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, COURSE, AND
TERMINATION
MILITARY AFFAIRS IN GENERAL
There exists no military organization in Manóboland, no standing army,
no reviews, no conscription. The whole male circle of relatives and such
others as desire to take part, either for friendship's sake or for the
glory and spoil, form the war party. There is no punishment for failure
to join an expedition but as blood is thicker than water, the nearer
male relatives always take part and there are never wanting others who
either bear a grudge against the author of the grievance or go for the
emolument that they may receive or even for the sport and the spoil of
it. It is customary to bring along such male slaves as may be depended
upon to render faithful and efficient work. It is only fear of incurring
enmity that holds back the majority of those who do not take part. I
here desire, to impress upon my readers one important point in the
Manóbo's idea of war, and it is this: _That no blame is laid upon nor
resentment harbored toward anyone who joins an expedition as a paid
warrior_.[1] I have ascertained beyond reasonable doubt, after continual
questioning on my part and open unsolicited avowals on the part of
others, that warrior chiefs are frequently paid to redress a wrong in
which they have no personal concern.
[1] _Sin-nó-ho_.
In the case of ordinary tribesmen, I know that where personal feelings
and the hope of material advantages are not an inducement to partake in
the expedition, they are frequently tempted with an offer of some such
thing as a fine bolo or a lance, to lend their services to the leader of
the war party. It is needless to say that only close ties of friendship
or relationship to the enemy prevent the offer from being accepted,
_especially as the acceptance of it relieves the Manóbo from all
responsibility for such deaths as may accrue to his credit during the
prospective encounter_. When, however, previous feuds, or other
unfriendly antecedents existed between the warrior and his opponent, the
acceptance of a remuneration for his participation in the fray would not
shield him from the dire vengeance that would, sooner or later, surely
follow.
For a description of the weapons used and of the manner of using them,
the reader is referred to Chapter XI.
In the description of the Manóbo house (Chapter V), reference was made
to the high houses erected for defense when an unusual attack is
expected. Tree houses, at the time I left the valley, were very few and
far between, even in the eastern Cordillera and at the headwaters of the
Tágo River.
Besides building high houses and resorting to devices referred to in
Chapter V, the Manóbos occasionally slash down the surrounding forest in
such a way as to form a veritable abatis of timber.
In one place I saw a very unique and effective form of defense. A fence
surrounded the house. To gain access to the latter it was necessary to
ascend a notched pole about 2 meters high and then to pass along two
horizontal bamboo poles about 10 meters long. Numerous deadly bamboo
caltrops bristled out of the ground underneath the precarious bamboo
bridge that led to a platform whence the house could be reached only by
climbing the usual notched pole. Whosoever ventured to cross this
perilous bridge, would certainly meet death from one source or another,
either from the hurtling shower of arrows from above or from the
bristling caltrops below.
THE ORIGIN OF WAR
Fighting arises from one or more of the following causes: Vendettas,
sexual infringements, debts, and sometimes from a system of private
seizure, by which the property or life of an innocent third party is
taken. The Manóbo expresses the same thing in a simpler way by saying
that war has its origin in two things, namely "debt (blood debt
included) and deceit." It has been said that glory and the capture of
slaves are the springs of war in Manóboland, but this, in my opinion, is
not true. Nor will I concede that war is undertaken for merely religious
reasons. It is my belief, verified by numerous observations made during
several years of intimate dealing with Manóbos throughout eastern
Mindanáo, that fighting or killing takes place in order to redress a
wrong or to collect a debt, whether it be of blood or of anything else.
It is true that many who have no grievance, take part merely for the
sport, the spoil, and the glory of it, but in no case that I know of was
there wanting on the part of those who inaugurated the war a real and
reasonable motive. I have heard of cases of unjust warfare but my
informants were enemies of the parties against whom they complained and
most probably were calumniating them.
VENDETTAS
Vendettas, which exist in many more enlightened countries of the world,
are the most common cause of war, or it would be better to say, of the
continuance of war.
There is no doubt, in my mind, but that the whole eastern quarter of
Mindanáo would flame out into interclan warfare, were it not for the
efficient form of government now established there. I can bear witness
to this fact, as I was cognizant of various raids that took place from
1905 to 1907 and of the fact that they were much less frequent from the
close of 1907 till my departure from the Agúsan Valley in 1910.
As in other countries, so in Manóboland, not only is the vendetta
regarded as legitimate but it is considered the duty of every relative
of the slain to seek revenge for his death. Living in a state of
absolute independence from the restraints of outside government, as they
had been up to the beginning of the Christian conquest in 1877, the
Manóbos, according to their own accounts, passed a very unquiet
existence. On account of blood feuds, most of them lived in tree houses
built in lofty inaccessible places, as I have been repeatedly told by
old men. I have been assured that if ever the Americans leave the
valley, old blood scores will be settled, even should it be necessary
"to do without salt."[2]
[2] The enjoyment of salt seems to be, in the Manóbo's estimation, one
of the greatest blessings, if not the greatest, that he has derived from
civilization. Yet he would be willing to forego the use of it, if it
were possible for him to take revenge upon the slayers of his relatives.
The vendetta system was so prevalent during my first travels in eastern
Mindanáo that on one occasion a Manóbo of the Tágo River inquired of me
whether there were any living relatives of a certain Manóbo of the upper
Argáwan who had killed his grandfather. Upon learning that there were,
he forthwith besought me to accompany him in a raid against the
relatives of his grandfather's murderers.
Another instance will show the persistency with which the idea of
revenge is entertained. I noticed in a house on the Wá-wa River a strong
rattan vine strung taut from a rafter to one of the floor joists. My
host, the owner of the house, waxed over-merry in his cups and was
descanting on his valiant feats in the pre-American days. He suddenly
jumped up and twanged the rattan, intimating that he might yet be able
to take revenge on a certain enemy of his but that if he were unable to
do it, his son after him would strive to fulfill his teaching and that
in any case vengeance would be had before the vine rotted. Anyone
familiar with the rattan knows its durability, when protected from the
influences of the sun and rain.
This practice of stretching a green rattan in some part of the house and
of vowing vengeance "till it rot" is not uncommon, and is an indication
of the deep, eternal desire for vengeance so characteristic of the
Manóbos.
Another practice, also indicative of the vendetta system, is the
bequeathing from father to son[3] of the duty of seeking revenge. I have
never been present at the ceremony but have heard over and over again
that so-and-so received the inheritance and must endeavor to carry out
the dying behest of his father or other relative. One man, who had
received this "teaching," on being questioned as to whether he would
like to make peace with his enemy, seemed shocked and vehemently
protested, saying, "It can't be done, it can't be done, it is tabooed;"
he then went on to upbraid me soundly for the suggestion.
[3] It is called _ka-tud-li-án_.
In some cases, the task of revenge is turned over to a third party, who
has no personal interest in the feud. As explained to me, such a person
is in a better position to attack the enemy than one whose duty it is.
In case he succeeds in getting revenge, no blame, I was assured, is
attached to him, as he is regarded in the light of a paid warrior or
mercenary. Such an institution as this of the vendetta together with the
system of private seizure render life in Manóboland very hazardous, and
serve to explain the extreme caution and forbearance exhibited by one
Manóbo toward another in the most trivial concerns of life.
PRIVATE SEIZURE[4]
[4] _Tau-a-gán_.
The practice of private seizure is a very peculiar one, according to our
way of thinking, yet it is universal among the tribes of eastern
Mindanáo. As long as it is confined to material things, it is not
ordinarily a cause for war, but when practiced on a human being, it
frequently results in retaliation in kind.
The practice consists in seizing the property of a third, frequently a
neutral, party, as a "call" on the debtor. For example, A owes B a slave
and for one reason or another has been unable or unwilling to pay his
debt. B has exhibited a sufficient amount of patience, while at the same
time he has used every means to bring pressure to bear upon A. Finally,
despairing of collecting in an amicable way, and, most probably,
suspecting that his debtor is playing with him, he seizes a relative or
a slave or a pig of C as a "call" to A. C thus pays A's debt and then
takes measures to collect from him, the understanding being that B is to
take all responsibility for the consequences.
This system seldom gives rise to a blood feud except when blood has been
shed. Thus in the above instance, had B killed C, as a summons to A, a
feud would almost infallibly have followed. Yet C's relatives might have
been willing to accept a money compensation from B, and might have come
to an agreement whereby they would jointly operate against A in order to
avenge the death of C.
I witnessed a case in which the seizure of a pig was the origin of a
bloody feud that had not ended at the time of my departure from the
upper Agúsan. As the individuals involved in the case are still living
their names will be represented by letters.
A had been fined P15 because his wife had made the statement that B had
knowledge of a secret or magic[5] poison. C who was a relative of A and
already owed B to the amount of P15, with the consent of all parties
concerned, assumed the responsibility of paying A's debt, thereby
putting himself in debt to B to the amount of one slave (at P30). Now
some of C's relatives had certain little claims against some of B's
relatives and thought it a good opportunity to collect their own dues
and to diminish their kinsman's debt by presenting their claims for
payment. B refused to pay on the ground that his kinsfolk and not
himself were responsible for the settlement of said claims, whereupon C
refused to deliver his slave till the payment to his relatives was
forthcoming.
[5] _Ko-me-tán_.
The matter thus lingered for several months until B, who owed a slave to
another party, and was pressed for payment thought it time to force
matters, and, in company with three relatives, seized A's sow as a
"call" on C.
The result of this was that after a few weeks B's wife and another woman
were speared to death in a _camote_ patch, and in revenge B took the
lives of two of C's party. I made every possible effort to have the
matter adjudicated in an informal way but neither party seemed to be
anxious to come to terms.
Owing to this system of private seizure, a party of warriors returning
from an unsuccessful raid are considered dangerous, and settlements on
their trail put themselves in a state of watchfulness,[6] for when
returning without having secured a victim the party might be incited to
make a seizure in order to avoid thereby the derision of their enemies.
[6] _Lá-ma_.
DEBTS AND SEXUAL INFRINGEMENTS
Long-continued failure to pay a debt is very frequently the remote cause
of war. This is easy to understand if we consider the sacredness with
which debts are regarded in Manóboland. An excessive delay in meeting
obligations gives rise to hot and hasty words on the part of the
creditor; the debtor takes umbrage and retorts, a quarrel with bolos
ensues, thereby giving rise to a feud that, under favorable conditions,
may continue for generations with its fierce mutual reprisals. A feature
that serves to increase the number of these financial bickerings is the
fact that questions of indebtedness are almost invariably discussed
while drinking is going on and as a result, according to an immemorial
rule the world over, the creditor frequently indulges in personalities.
Sexual infringements are a cause of war. Only one case passed under my
personal notice but instances of olden days were related to me. There is
no doubt in my mind as to the result of a serious sexual misdemeanor; it
is death by the lance or the bolo for the offender without much
parleying, if one may give credence to the universal outspoken Manóbo
opinion on the subject.
INCEPTION OF WAR
DECLARATION OF WAR
No heralds go forth to announce to the enemy the coming conflict. On the
contrary, the greatest secrecy is maintained. If the grievance is a
sudden and serious one, such as the death of a clansman, a set of
ambushers may be dispatched at the earliest moment that the omens are
found favorable. Or it may be decided to attack the settlement of the
enemy in full force. If the latter decision is reached, a party is sent
out to reconnoiter the place of attack. All information possible is
obtained from neighbors of the enemy, and, if the reconnaissance shows
conditions favorable for an attack, the march is begun in due form.
Should the reconnoitering party, however, report unfavorably, the attack
is put off until, after weeks, months, or years of patient, but close,
vigilance and inquiry, a favorable opportunity presents itself.
Sometimes a bolder warrior chief who has a personal grievance may send a
war message in the shape of a fighting-bolo,[7] or of a lance with an
abusive challenge, but this is rare, as far as I have been able to
ascertain. It is common, however, for the more famed war chiefs to keep
their personal enemies on the _qui-vive_, by periodic threats. "I will
begin my march 10 nights from now," "I will reap his rice," "I will eat
his heart and liver," "He won't be able to sow rice for four years," "I
need his wife to plant my _camotes_"--are samples of the messages that
reach a clansman and keep him and his family on some mountain pinnacle
for many a long year till such time as the threat is carried out and the
posts of his house, all wreathed with secondary growth, tell the grim
tale of revenge. I have seen such posts scattered over the face of
eastern Mindanáo--a memory of the dead.
[7] _Li-kúd-lí-kud_.
TIME FOR WAR
The usual time for war is either on the occasion of death in the family
or at the time of the harvest season. The former is selected both to
soften, by the joy of victory, the sorrow felt for the loss of a dear
relative, and to check the jubilation that the enemy would naturally
feel and frequently express on such an occasion. The latter is chosen
for the purpose of destroying the enemy's rice crop or at least of
making it difficult for him to harvest it.
War is undertaken at other times also. Thus a sudden and grievous
provocation would cause an expedition to start just as soon as the
necessary number of warriors could be assembled, and a favorable
combination of omens obtained.
It often happens, I have been told over and over again, that when an
attack proves unsuccessful, those who repelled the attack set out at
once to surprise their enemies by a shower of arrows while the latter
are returning to their homes, or, if possible, reach the settlement
before them and massacre the defenseless women and children.
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR
The remote preparations for war consist in locating the house of the
enemy and in getting all information, even the minutest, as to the
trails, position of traps and bamboo spears. All this must be done
through a third party, preferably someone who has a grievance to
satisfy, and may require months or even years, for the Manóbo is a
cautious fighter and will take no unnecessary risks. During all this
time the aggrieved party is enlisting, in a quiet, diplomatic way, the
good will of as many as he can trust. If he has no recognized warrior
chief on his side he must by all means secure the services of at least
one, even though it should be necessary to offer him a material
compensation and in divers other ways gain his good will and cooperation.
The immediate preparations consist in sending out a few of the nearest
male relatives several days or even a week before the intended attack to
reconnoiter the settlement of the enemy. On the return of this party
word is sent to those who have agreed to join the expedition and a day
and place are appointed for meeting. A pig and a supply of rice are
procured and on the appointed day the relatives and friends of the
leader assemble at the trysting place, which was, in nearly every
instance that I witnessed or heard of, a house somewhat remote from the
settlement.
With a warrior chief for officiant certain religious rites[8] are
performed. The pig is partaken of in the usual style and, if the omens
are favorable, all is ready. But should the omens portend evil, the
expedition is put off to a more auspicious occasion. In one instance
that passed under my personal observation the departure of the warriors
was postponed for several days by reason of inauspicious omens. I have
heard of some cases in which the war party returned after several days'
march in order to await more reassuring signs of success.
[8] See Pt. IV, Ch. XXVI.
No particular demonstrations of sorrow are manifested by the women when
the war party sets out. Revenge is of more importance than love.
Moreover, it is seldom that the casualties on the side of the aggressors
amount to more than one, so that no fear is entertained and all are
sanguine as to the outcome, for have not the omens been consulted and
have they not portended so many deaths and so many captives?
The band glides off silently and stealthily into the forest. A war
chief, if one has been willing to join the expedition, usually leads,
accompanied, it is believed, by his invisible war deities. A little
ahead, just the distance of a whisper, the Manóbos say, strides
Mandayáñgan, the giant and the hero of the old, old days. All ears are
alert for the turtledove's cry, and when its prophetic voice is heard,
every arm is up and points with closed fist in the direction of it. But
it is only its direction with regard to the leader that is considered.
If this is unfavorable, the march is discontinued till the next day,
but, if favorable, the party proceeds, selecting, as much as possible,
tortuous and seldom trodden trails.
The following are some of the taboos that must be observed by the party
while en route.
(1) They may speak to no one met on the trail.
(2) Nothing once taken in the hand may be thrown away until night or
until arriving at the enemies' settlement. Thus a piece of a branch
caught in the hand and broken off accidentally must be retained.
(3) They may eat nothing that is found on the trail. Thus killing game
is prohibited. I heard of one man who had been wounded in an ambush
arranged by the enemy on the trail. He assured me that his ill luck was
due to his having taken a fish dropped by a fish eagle.[9]
[9] _Man-dá-git_.
(4) The food taken on the trail must be placed upon one shield,
preferably that of the leader, and thence distributed to the members of
the party.
(5) The wives of the warriors are forbidden to indulge in unnecessary
shouting and noise, and to remain within the house as far as possible
till the return of their husbands.
(6) No cooking may be done on the trail till the settlement of the enemy
is reached. This does not mean that food may not be cooked in a house
along the trail. On the contrary, I was assured that on a long trip it
is customary to call at the house of some friendly person and to make a
sacrifice, at the same time taking further observations from the
intestines of the victim. I was an eyewitness of this proceeding on one
occasion and did not fail to observe also with what relish the war party
replenished the inner man.
Besides taboos, there are a number of evil omens that must be guarded
against. Thus, if a snake were to cross the path, or any insect such as
a bee or a scorpion were to bite or sting one of the party, the return
of the whole number would be necessary unless they were too far advanced
already. In the latter case other omens must be consulted, and, when it
is felt that these new omens have neutralized the effect of the previous
ones, the march may be continued. Owing to the observance and
reobservance of omens it is obvious that great delays are occasioned and
at times the expedition is stopped. On the one that I accompanied in
1907, the turtledove gave a cry, the direction of which was considered
to portend neither good nor evil, and the leader expressed his opinion
at the time that the object of the expedition would not be attained. He
was overruled, however, by the consensus of opinion of his companions,
and the march was resumed. Notwithstanding the fact that ensuing signs
all proved favorable, yet as I observed very clearly, the first omen had
depressed the spirits of the party. When my efforts to settle the
dispute without a fight failed, and an open attack was decided upon,
there seemed to be no morale in the party, and the attack was abandoned
without any special reason. This instance will serve to show the
uncompromising faith of the Manóbo in omens, especially in that of the
turtledove.
There is one omen of a peculiar nature that is of singular importance
while on the warpath. On such a journey red pepper and ginger are
consumed in considerable quantities for the purpose, it is said, of
increasing one's courage. Naturally, no matter how accustomed one may
have become to these spices, he always feels their piquancy to a certain
extent, so that the warrior who fails to become aware of a sharp biting
taste, regards this as an ill omen and, though he accompanies his
fellows to the scene of combat, takes no part in the attack.
It is usual, as was said before, to stop over at a friendly house
nearest to that of the enemy and to send forward a few of the band to
make another reconnaissance but, if no house is available, a stop is
made anywhere. A reason for this is that they may arrive near the
settlement at nightfall or during the night.
When the party arrives within a few miles of the actual ascent to the
mountain where the enemy's house is situated, a halt is again made in a
concealed position and a few of the more experienced warriors advance at
dusk on the trail to the house. If the enemy has been in a state of
constant vigilance, this undertaking is one of extreme difficulty. The
house is on the top of a lofty hill and frequently access can not be had
to it except by passing through a series of swamps. In addition one must
climb up precipitous ascents, and break through a network of felled
trees and such other obstacles as the reader can readily imagine for
himself. There is, moreover, the danger from spring traps set both for
man and animal, and from sharp bamboo slivers placed all around the
house and on the trails. Thus a fair idea can be obtained of the
difficulties that are encountered by those who, in the silence and
darkness of the night, inform themselves of all that is necessary for a
successful attack. After going around the house and unspringing traps
and removing sufficient of the bamboo slivers to afford a safe passage,
the scouts return to the camp and a whispered consultation takes place.
Positions are assigned to each man and a general plan of attack is made.
Then, groping along in the gloom of the night, with never a sound but
that of their own stumbling steps, they put themselves in position
around the settlement and await with bated[sic] breath the break of day.
THE ATTACK
TIME AND METHODS OF ATTACK
The break of day is selected as the hour for the attack because sleep is
then thought to be soundest and the drowsiness and sluggishness
following the awakening to be greater. Moreover, at that time there is
sufficient light to enable the attacking party to see their opponents
whether they fight or flee.
The number of combatants depends entirely on the strength and position
of the enemy. As a rule as many as possible are enlisted for an
expedition where the enemy has numerical strength and a strong position.
In the expedition which I accompanied in 1907, the party numbered some
60. I have heard of war parties that numbered 150.
When the house or houses of the enemy are low, the aggressors steal up
noiselessly and, breaking out into the dismal war cry,[10] drive their
lances through the floor or through the sides of the house, if it is low
enough. They then retire and by listening and questioning ascertain
whether any of the inmates still survive. If any remain alive they are
to surrender.
[10] _Pa-nad-jáu-an_.
When, however, the settlement is a large one, consisting of one or more
high houses, the matter is a more difficult one. The aggressors advance
to the house and if the floor is out of reach of their lances one or
more of the bolder ones may quietly climb up the posts and after
dispatching one or more of the inmates with a few thrusts hurriedly
slide down to the ground. Then the war cry is called out to increase the
consternation that has begun to reign in the house. If the enemy is
known to have a large stock of arrows the aggressors retire and allow
them to expend part of their supply.
No unnecessary risks are taken in fighting. When the male portion of the
enemy are considered capable of making a stand, the house is not
approached but a battle of arrows takes place, the aggressors advancing
to entice the enemy to shoot, while their bowmen, usually only a few in
number, reply. During all this time there is a bandying of hot words,
threats, and imprecations on both sides. "I'll have your hair," "I'll
eat your liver," "I'll sacrifice your son," "Your wife will get my
water," are a few of the expressions that are used. The drum and gong in
the house may be beaten all this time as a signal of distress to call
such relatives or friends as may live within hearing distance. The
priestesses of the attacked party may go through a regular sacrifice if
there is a chicken or a pig in the house, beseeching their deities to
protect them in this the hour of danger.
When the arrows of the enemy are thought to be expended, the attacking
party try by means of a burning arrow to fire the roof. Should this
succeed, the inmates are doomed, for when they escape from the house the
enemy close in upon them, and kill with lances or bolos, men and women,
whether married or single. As a rule, only the children are spared.
Should the roof, however, fail to catch fire another means of attack is
employed. Putting their shields upon their heads in a formation much
like the old Roman testudo, they advance to the house in bodies of four
or six and begin to hack down the posts. But here again they may be
foiled, for it has happened that the inmates of the house were provided
with a supply of big stones, or had a little boiling water on hand, and
made their opponents retire out of fear of the arrows that would be sure
to follow when the stones had broken the arrangement of their shields.
Moreover, the ordinary Manóbo, who has lived in expectation of an attack
sooner or later, has his house set on a number of posts varying from 12
to 20. No little time would be required to cut these and the aggressors
would be in danger of receiving wounds and thereby bringing the attack
to an end, _for it is the invariable practice for the party to retire
after one of its members has been wounded or slain_. The reason for this
custom I am unable to state. There occurred on the Argáwan in 1907 an
instance which I verified, and in the various accounts of Manóbo
fighting that I received all over the Agúsan Valley, there were numerous
instances of the observance of this custom.
In besieging the house, which may not be captured for several days,
either firewood, food, or water may give out quickly, and the besieged
succumb to hunger, or to thirst. In their last extremity they make a
dash for liberty, especially during the night, and, though many of them
fall victims, not a few frequently save themselves.
Sometimes, I was told, the besieged rush forward and meet death
fighting. Again the men are said to kill their wives and children with
their own hands, and then to go forth to meet the enemy. Father Urios,
S. J., makes mention of a case of this kind.
As to the number of slain, and of captives, it depends on the size of
the settlement. In an instance which I verified on the Húlip River,
upper Agúsan, some 190 souls perished in one attack. Though this number
seems large, yet it goes to show that on occasions raids are made on a
somewhat larger scale than might be expected.
As each one of the attacking party strikes down the victim that falls in
his way he notifies his companions of the fact by a fierce yell, calling
out at the same time the name of his victim. This is to avoid disputes
later and to secure the credit for the killing. Though the killing of a
woman does not entitle the warrior to any special title, yet it adds one
to his glory list and is supposed to make him more apt to fall into the
favor of a war deity. It is said that in the confusion of the flight
many women meet their end but that a good many remain in the houses and
yield themselves to the mercy of their captors. Some of these,
especially the younger ones, are bound with rattan, if they offer
resistance and dragged to the settlement of their captors.
As soon as it is ascertained that there is no one left to offer
resistance the warriors adorn their lances with leaves of _palma brava_
or such other palm fronds as may be found in the vicinity.
Many warrior chiefs, especially of the Debabáon[11] group, have
described the fight to me and all agree that it is generally of short
duration. This might be expected from the number of precautions taken to
insure success. According to all reports a strongly entrenched enemy is
seldom attacked, unless it is ascertained that a goodly portion of the
male members are absent.
[11] Babáo is the district between the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers.
As a resume of the method of attack, based on what I learned during my
sojourn among the Manóbos, I may say that there are no general nor
partial encounters. The house or the settlement is surrounded stealthily
just before day, the warriors being spread out at intervals in bands of
three or four around the settlement and protected if possible by trees.
The leader, who is nearly always a warrior chief, takes up his position
with some trusty warriors at the place of closest approach to the house,
or at some other strategic point. The arrowmen, who number only a few,
are stationed near him. They work at a disadvantage for they have to
shoot upward while their opponents in the houses can discharge their
arrows downward.
From these positions the attacking party make every effort to cause a
panic among the inmates of the house either by chopping down the posts
which support the house or by firing the roof. If either purpose is
accomplished the besieged rush forth only to meet the point of the lance
or the edge of the bolo.
There are no preconcerted movements, no combinations with centers,
wings, and reserves. The chief has little or no influence with his
followers during the fight, though on account of his personal prowess he
is looked up to as a pillar of strength and would, no doubt, if given
the opportunity, or if the abuse and banter were extreme, engage in a
hand-to-hand encounter. Numerous cases of this kind are on record.
No women nor priests take part in the attack. There are no orators to
inspire the warriors to deeds of valor. In lieu of oratory, the warriors
on each side engage in the most ferocious abuse imaginable. Challenge
after challenge is yelled out defiantly by the besiegers. In the
expedition which I joined in 1907, the attacking party incessantly
defied their enemies to come down, while the latter in return challenged
the besiegers to approach. Neither party seemed willing to take the risk
so the arrowmen plied their arrows, the priestesses in the houses
continued their invocations, and everybody howled challenges and
imprecations at everybody else.
EVENTS FOLLOWING THE BATTLE
CELEBRATION OF THE VICTORY
After the fight is over the warrior chiefs perform a ceremony of which I
have been able to learn but few details. They are said to become
possessed by their tutelary war spirits. They dance and jump around the
lifeless body of their chief enemy.[12] After performing their dance
they open the breast of the enemy and remove the heart and liver, and
place their charm collars[13] in the opening. When the heart and liver
have been cooked, they consume them. But as several war chiefs have
assured me, it is not they that partake of the flesh, but their
protecting deities. Be that as it may, lemon[14] whenever obtainable, is
mixed with the gory viands. Some warriors informed me that their deities
preferred the heart and liver raw.
[12] Their tongues are said to loll out of their mouths "one
palm-length." This may seem somewhat exaggerated but I can throw no
further light on the matter.
[13] _Ta-li-hán_.
[14] _Sú-ái_. It is interesting to note the frequency of the use of
lemons or limes in religious proceedings.
It is perfectly legitimate to despoil the enemy's house and to bear away
such few valuables as may be found. The house, or houses, are then
burnt, and the victors, leaving the slain where they fell, hasten back
with their captives to cheer the fond ones at home.[15]
[15] I have heard it said that the bodies of the slain are doubled up
and put into holes in the ground in an upright position. As far as I
know this is an exceptional proceeding.
It is said that, as a rule, the aggressors are victorious, for rarely do
they attack an enemy that is too strongly entrenched. They prefer to
wait, even for years, till an occasion favorable in time, place, and
circumstances, presents itself. It is only under special provocation,
such as continual attacks by their enemy, that they attack him while he
is in a strong position and then more with a view to destroying his
crops than with the hope of securing a victim.
THE CAPTURE OF SLAVES
The capture of slaves is one of the important features of the
expedition. A slave becomes the property of the captor, although a
certain number are very frequently given in payment to the warrior chief
or chiefs who were engaged to help the raiding party. This number
depends on a previous agreement. The age of the captive decides whether
he or she will be taken into captivity or slain on the spot. As a rule,
all but children under the age of puberty are despatched[sic] there and
then as they are liable to escape sooner or later if taken captive.
However, I was assured by several warrior chiefs that the better looking
unmarried girls are not killed, but are kept to be married, or to be
retailed in marriage, thereby bringing a handsome remuneration to the
owner. It must not be supposed by the reader that this implies anything
inconsistent with sexual morality, for these female slaves are treated
with as much delicacy as if they were the captor's daughters. To the
numerous inquiries that I made on this point, there was only one
reply--that sexual intercourse with them was foul and would make the
offender _ga-bá-an_.[16] A warrior who would be guilty of violating this
taboo would never, it is thought, attain the rank of warrior chief.
Should anyone of the warriors desire to marry his captive he must go
through a purificatory[17] process, the details of which I am unable to
furnish.
[16] I have never yet been able to grasp the significance of this word.
It is used by Bisáyas in the form _hi-ga-bá'-an_, which has apparently a
very similar meaning.
[17] _Hú-gad_.
The above taboo goes even further. Not only is the person of the living
female captives to be respected but also that of the dead, in so far as
it-is considered improper to remove from their persons any object such
as bracelets or hair. Men's bodies, however, are rifled of everything,
even their hair, and are then unmercifully hacked and hewn.
THE RETURN OF THE WARRIORS
If the war party is unsuccessful, they return hastily and cautiously. It
frequently happens that the enemy take a short cut, being better
acquainted with the geography of the region, and lay an ambush at a
suitable point. For this reason a close watch is kept on the return
home; a few warriors take the lead, and where a beaten trail is
followed, a few keep guard on each side at a distance of several yards,
to avoid falling into an ambush. When the party arrive at their
settlement each repairs to his own house. A thousand and one reasons are
assigned for failure, but never is it attributed to a falseness of the
omens--anything but that. Should the band, however, have been
victorious, or have brought about the death of the chief enemy at least,
no words can describe their joy and jubilation. The woods reecho with
their wild screams and the weird ululations of the battle cry. Each one
provides himself with a bamboo trumpet and makes the forest resound with
its deep boom. The captives that offer any resistance, are dragged
along, or even killed, if they become too troublesome. Upon nearing a
friendly settlement the din is redoubled and the whole settlement turns
out to welcome the victors. But when their home settlement is reached
the scene is indescribable. I witnessed an occasion of this kind. Before
the party came into sight the bamboo trumpets could be heard, first
faintly and then increasing in strength. As soon as the expectant women
and the few men who had remained in the village had satisfied themselves
that their relatives and friends were returning, drums and gongs were
beaten in answer. The young men and boys rushed out and crossing the
river on their rafts or in their boats dashed into the forest to meet
the conquerors. Even the women became hilarious and gave vent to loud
cries. For a few minutes before the appearance of the party the war cry
could be heard and when they came into view on the other side of the
river the din was indescribable. The gong and drum were brought down to
the bank and the war tattoo was beaten. The clanging of the gong, the
rolling of the drum, the booming of the trumpets, the ululation of the
war cry, and the lusty yells and shrieks of joy, welcome, and inquiry
produced a pandemonium that baffles description. Before the victors
crossed the river they all took a bath,[18] not for sanitary but for
ceremonial reasons. The bath is thought to have a purificatory effect in
that it removes the evil influence[19] of death.
[18] This is an invariable custom, I was told.
[19] _Bá-ho_, literally foul smell.
When the victors had crossed the river they removed the palm fronds[20]
with which they had adorned their lances and put them on the necks and
heads of their wives and friends. Later on a banquet was prepared and
the reader is left to conceive for himself the revels that followed. It
is said that not infrequently at this time some of the captives are
given to the unsuccessful warriors for immediate slaughter. That this
has occurred I have absolutely no reason to doubt, and every reason to
believe. I have heard many describe among themselves how it was done,
and what joy it gave them to be able to take revenge upon one of their
hereditary enemies.
[20] Called _Ma-yún-hau_. It is said that these are frequently stained
with the blood of the slain.
AMBUSHES AND OTHER METHODS OF WARFARE
Ambush[21] is a legitimate method of warfare, according to Manóbo
customs. It consists in locating one's self with one or more companions
at a place which the enemy is expected to pass. A favorite place for the
ambush is on the trail between the enemy's house and his rice or
_camote_ field, but a spot on a river bank or at any suitable point may
be selected. Great precautions are taken by putting up screens of leaves
to prevent the enemy from discovering the ambush. This is always made on
the right hand[22] and very frequently there is a supply of sticks and
stones in readiness. The position on the right hand is chosen because it
gives those in wait an opportunity to deal a blow on the weaker side of
the enemy, all of whom carry the shield in the left hand.
[21] _Báñg-an_.
[22] Right hand refers to the right hand of the party to be attacked.
It is customary to take an ear or the right forearm of one slain in
ambush as a proof of his death if the conditions of the ambush require
such a proof. An instance occurred during my first visit to the upper
Agúsan in 1907. Three Mañgguáñgans were ambushed by a mixed group of
Manóbos and Debabáons, and the above-mentioned parts of their bodies
were taken by the victors to their clans as a proof of the killing.
After a rupture between two parties, one or both of them go into a state
which is expressed by the word _láma_. This signifies that one or both
of them abandons his homestead and transfers himself and the members of
his household (usually a few brothers-in-law with their families) to
some place difficult of access. If the house can be built on a bluff, or
a hill that is approachable from only one or two sides, so much the
better. On such a site a house[23] is built varying from 5 meters to 8
meters in height, sometimes, though rarely nowadays, being built upon a
tree trunk. The felled timber at the edge of the forest is left
unburned. Bamboo or _palma brava_ caltrops are placed in the encircling
forest. In addition to these, spring traps[24] for human beings may be
set out if it is suspected that an attack is imminent. In certain
localities I have seen a stockade[25] erected around the house.
Sometimes a wall of old bamboo may be built from the ground up to the
floor, inclined inward at the bottom at an angle of about 70° to the
ground. The ladder is invariably a log with a number of notches in it.
Strips of bark or even bamboo shingles may form the roof but as a rule
the Manóbo takes his chances with a roof of rattan leaf.
[23] _I-li-hán_.
[24] _Bá-tik_.
[25] _In-á-gud_.
On approaching the house of one who is in state of vigilance, it is not
unusual to find certain signs on the trail. Thus a broken earthen pot is
frequently hung up, or if the trail leads to the house of a warrior
chief, there will be probably the parted bamboo called _binúka_, and a
number of saplings slashed down at a certain point on the trail, both of
which signs are symbolic of the evil fate that will befall such as dare
to enter the guarded region.
No one but a near relative may live within a certain definite distance
of a house which is in a state of defense, nor may anyone visit it
except by special request. If the inmate has to meet anyone he appoints
a trysting place at some spot in the woods and there the visitor, by
beating on the butress[sic] of a tree or by any other preconcerted
signal, announces his presence. The former may be suspicious and may
first circle around to examine the footprints before he ventures to
approach.
PEACE[26]
[26] _Dug-kút_.
When the opposing parties have evened up their blood accounts and are
wearied of ambushes, surprises, loss of relatives, destruction of crops,
and continual fight and flight, they agree to make peace either through
a friendly chief, or by a formal peacemaking. The desire to make peace
is made known by sending to the enemy a work bolo. If it is accepted, it
is a sign that the desire is mutual but if it is returned, arbitration
must be brought about through a third party, usually a warrior chief or
a _datu_. For this purpose a clear open space, such as a big sandbar, is
appointed and a day fixed.
On the appointed day the parties arrive in separate bands and take up
their positions facing one another, a line being drawn or a long piece
of rattan being placed on the ground beyond which no member of either
party may pass. Matters are then discussed in the presence of such
_datus_ or persons of influence as may have been selected for that
purpose and after balancing up blood and other debts, the leaders agree
to make the payments at an appointed time and thereby put an end to the
feud. As an evidence of their sincerity, they part between them a piece
of green rattan.[27] Then beeswax[28] is burned. This is a kind of oath
which serves to bind them to their contracts.[29]
[27] I have been informed of a very interesting custom said to be
observed by the Banuáon group in settling their troubles. It was said
that peace is made by hand-to-hand fights in which single pairs of
opponents fight until the _datus_ who act as umpires award the victory
to one or the other. This is called _din-a-tú-an_.
[28] _Tó-tuñg_.
[29] I never witnessed a peacemaking and I never had a chance to assist
at one of the referred combats of the Banuáon people, mentioned above.
CHAPTER XIX
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF
JUSTICE; CUSTOMARY, PROPRIETARY, AND LIABILITY LAWS
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
Bisáyas and other people who have had more or less familiar dealings
with Manóbos almost invariably make the statement that Manóbo justice is
the oppression of the weak by the strong; that there is no customary law
that governs in social dealings except that one which is founded on the
caprice and villainy of the warrior chiefs and of those who have most
influence and following. Now I utterly repudiate such statements and
rumors as being due either to lack of familiarity; to a too ready
tendency to believe malicious reports; or to undisguised ill will
toward, and contempt of, Manóbos. I have lived on familiar terms with
these primitive people for a considerable period and have found no
evidence of oppression and tyranny. Disputes and misunderstandings arise
at times, people sometimes fly into a rage, killings take place on
occasions, but such things happen among other peoples. It is truly
surprising, considering the lack of tribal and interclan cohesion in
Manóboland, that such occurrences are not more frequent or even
continual. The statement that the warriors and other influential men
rule by caprice and oppression is unfounded. There is no coercion in
Manóboland, except such as arises from the influence of relatives, and
from gentle persuasion and general consent. A warrior chief, or any
other man who would try to use a despotic hand or even to be insolent,
exacting, or unrelenting in his manner, would not only lose his friends
and his influence, but would arouse hostility and place himself and his
relatives in jeopardy.
It must be understood from the outset that in Manóboland there is no
constituted judicial authority nor any definite system of laws. There
are no courts, and no punishments such as imprisonment, torturing, and
whipping. All social dealings by which one contracts an obligation to
another are regulated by the principle that one and all must act
according to established custom. This principle governs the procedure
even of chiefs and influential men when they endeavor to bring about a
settlement through the weight of their influence.
Voluntary and involuntary departures from the beaten track cause
disputes when these deviations affect another's rights. Thus to refuse
one the hospitality of the house, or to overlook him intentionally in
the distribution of betel nut would give rise to a dispute, because
these courtesies are customary and are therefore obligatory.
Punishment for a violation of customary obligation then becomes a matter
of private justice. The injured one either singly, or by means of his
relatives and of such friends as he may interest in his cause, seeks
reparation from the offender. If he can not secure it through an appeal
to customary law supported by the consensus of opinion of the relatives
on each side, he takes justice into his own hands and kills his opponent
or orders him to be killed.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES
THE PRINCIPLE OF MATERIAL SUBSTITUTION
The Manóbo system of law is still in its indefinite primitive stage. Its
fundamental principles are involved in the retention, preservation, and
devolution of property. Unlike the highly developed legal systems of the
world, it tends, in general, to consider violations as civil, and not as
criminal, wrongs. Hence upon due restitution, offered with good will,
the great majority of transgressions upon another's rights are quickly
condoned. In this it is far more humane than other systems that seek not
only justice for the injured party but the corporal punishment of the
wrongdoer.
RIGHT TO A FAIR HEARING
As far as my observation goes justice is administered on a patriarchal
plan in a spirit of fairness and equality. Except in the case of
flagrant public wrongs the transgressor is given a fair and impartial
hearing, aided by the presence of his relatives and of others whom he
may select or who may choose to attend the arbitration of the case. The
presence of the relatives contributes in nearly every case an element of
good will, and prevents the use of intimidation. It helps greatly to
promote, and not to prevent, justice. It is the paramount factor in
determining the defendant to yield, even when bad feeling has been
aroused on each side, and when their desire for revenge and spirit of
independence would naturally prompt them to have recourse to violent
methods. Though the female relatives do not take formal part in the
arbitration, yet in their own gentle way they exert a certain amount of
influence for good.
SECURING THE DEFENDANT'S GOOD WILL
Because of the desire for revenge which the Manóbo inherits and the
universal recognition of the revenge system in Manóboland, an appeal to
good will in the settlement of matters is very important, and is a
feature of every case of arbitration. I have attended many and many a
Manóbo arbitration at which the wrongdoer, after being condemned by the
consensus of opinion, was asked over and over whether he recognized his
fault and whether he received the sentence with good will. In nearly
every instance he replied that he did, and, as an evidence of his
sincerity, procured, as soon as convenient, a pig and invited the
assembly to a feast. On one occasion I acted as the judge in a case of
rape committed by a Manóbo who had had frequent dealings with Christian
Manóbos. At my urgent request his life was spared and a fine of 100
pesos was imposed upon him. After he had expressed his conformity with
the sentence and his lack of ill feeling toward his accusers, I notified
the chief of the other party of my intention to leave the settlement,
whereupon he told me secretly that I had better wait as the defendant in
the case would undoubtedly entertain the company with pork and
potations. And so it happened, for the defendant procured a pig that
must have been worth 15 pesos, and a supply of sugarcane wine that must
have cost him a few more, expenditures that would not be deducted from
the amount of his fine.
FOUNDATIONS OF MANÓBO LAW
Owing to the utter lack of interclan and tribal organization there is no
set of statute laws in Manóboland, but, in lieu of them, there are a
number of traditional laws, simple and definite, that, in conjunction
with religious interdictions, serve in the main to uphold justice, the
foundation of all law. There is no word for law in the whole Manóbo
dialect, but the word for custom[1] is used invariably to express the
regulations that govern dealings between man and man.
[1] _Ba-tá-san_.
One fundamental law is the obligation to pay a debt, whether it be a
blood debt or a material one. A very common axiom says that "there is no
debt that will not be paid"--if not to-day, to-morrow; if not during one
lifetime, during another--for the collection of it will be bequeathed as
a sacred inheritance from father to son, and from son to grandson.
Montano[2] notes with surprise the sacredness in which debts are held,
not only by Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley but by all the numerous tribes
with which he came in contact in his travels around the gulf of Davao. I
noted the same throughout eastern Mindanáo. The Manóbo, when called to
account, will never deny his true indebtedness, and when no further time
is given him, he will satisfy his obligations, even if he has to part
with his personal effects at a nominal value or put himself deeply in
debt to others. He is never considered insolvent. It is true that the
Christianized part of Manóboland is not so punctilious in the settlement
of financial obligations to outsiders (Bisáyas), but this is explained
by the bad feeling that has arisen toward the latter on account of-the
wholesale, fraudulent exploitation carried on in commercial dealings
between them and the Christian Manóbos.
[2] Une mission aux Isles Philippines.
So many references have already been made in previous chapters to the
practice of revenge that it is not necessary to dilate upon it here.
Suffice it to say that it is not only the right but the duty, often
bequeathed by father to son, to obey this stern law. One who would allow
a deliberate breach of his rights to pass without obtaining sufficient
compensation would be looked down upon as a sorry specimen of manhood.
The feeling is so deeply rooted in the heart that the wife may urge her
husband, and the fiancé, her lover, to carry out the law, and the father
may instill into the hearts of his little ones the desire to wreak
vengeance upon their common enemies.
CUSTOMARY LAW
ITS NATURAL BASIS
The intense conservatism of the Manóbo, fostered by the priestly order,
is the basis of the customary law that determines and regulates social
and individual dealings in Manóboland. So strong is this conservatism,
based on a religious principle, that it is believed that any act not
consistent with established customs arouses the resentment of the spirit
world. This feeling exerts so powerful an influence that in many cases a
definite custom is carried out even when a departure from it would be
manifestly to the material advantage of the individual. As has been set
forth before in this monograph, the ridiculously low prices at which
rice is sold in harvest time is a case in point.
The extreme cautiousness and suspiciousness that is such a dominant
feature of Manóbo character tends also to maintain the customary law.
The Manóbo prefers to jog along in the same old way rather than to do
anything unusual, thereby laying himself open to the displeasure of his
fellowmen and to that of the gods.
ITS RELIGIOUS BASIS
The legion of taboos, religious and magic, limits the Manóbo's actions,
in no inconsiderable manner, within fixed and definite rules, the
nonobservance of which would render him responsible for such evil
consequences as might follow. To cite an instance: When I first went
into a region near Talakógon that was considered to belong to a local
deity, my guide cautioned me to avoid certain actions which, he said,
were displeasing to the reigning deity. I asked him what would be the
consequence if harm were to befall him as a result of my failure to
comply with his instructions. He quietly informed me that I would be
responsible to his relatives for any harm which might come to him.
Again if one enters a rice field during harvest time the displeasure of
the goddess of grain is aroused, and the rice is likely to be diminished
in quantity. The transgressor may do all in his power to appease the
offended goddess, but if she refuses to be appeased and permits a
decrease of the supply, not otherwise explainable, he will be held
responsible, and in the due course of events will have to make good the
shortage according to the tenets of customary law.
Another example will show the rigid regulations that custom imposes in
the matter of omens. I started out with a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan for
a point up the Nábok River. At the beginning of our trip the turtle
bird's cry came from a direction directly in front of us--an indication
of impending evil either during the trip or at its termination. My guide
and companion begged me not to proceed, but I managed to convince him
that there was nothing to be feared, so he consented to continue the
trip with me. Now it happened that he had a quantity of loose beads in
his betel-nut knapsack and that a hole was worn in the sack before the
end of the trip, the result being that he lost his beads. He held a
consultation with the chief of the settlement at which we had arrived,
explaining the omen bird's evil cry and the efforts he had made to
persuade me to desist from the trip. It was decided that because of my
failure to follow the directions indicated by the omen bird, I was
responsible for the loss of the beads. On further discussion of the
point it became apparent that I would have had to answer for the life of
my companion, if he had lost it on the trail, for it was intimated to me
that the omen bird's voice had clearly warned us of danger and I was
requested to explain my failure to heed the warning.
The observance of customs for religious reasons suggests an explanation
of many acts that to an outsider seem inexplicable, not to say
unreasonable. The selection of farm sites at considerable distances from
the dwelling, the reluctance to leave the region of one's birth, the
unwillingness to visit remote mountains and similar places, the fear of
doing anything unusual in places thought to be the domain of a
deity--these and numerous other ideas--are to be attributed to the
observance of customary law.
In this connection it may be well to remark that a stranger visiting
remote Manóbo settlements without an introduction or without previous
warning should be very careful, if he desires to deal with these
primitive people in a spirit of friendship, not to break openly and
flagrantly any such regulations, principally religious ones, as may be
pointed out to him. In fact it would be well to ascertain as soon as
possible what is expected of him. I have always made it a point to
announce that I would not be responsible for any evil consequences
attending my violation of customs that I was ignorant of and I have
requested my new friends to acquaint me with such customs and beliefs as
might differ from those of other Manóbo settlements.
PROPRIETARY LAWS AND OBLIGATIONS
CONCEPTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS
Property rights in the full sense of the word are not only very clearly
understood but very sternly maintained. The Manóbo conception of them is
so high that, with the exception of such things as _camotes_ and other
vegetable products, even gifts must be paid for. And even for such
trifling things as _camotes_, an equivalent in kind is expected at the
option of the donor. During my wanderings I was always in the habit of
making presents as compensation for the food furnished me, and was
frequently asked why I had done so, and why I did not make the
recipients of these presents pay me. No explanation could change the
strong belief that all property of any value, whether given under
contract or not, should be paid for. This principle is further evidenced
by the fact that there is no word in the Manóbo dialect for gift nor is
there any word for thanks. In some places, however, they have a
conception of "alms."[3] On many occasions one of the first requests
made to me by a new acquaintance of some standing was a request for
alms. I am of opinion that this idea was acquired by them from the
universal reports concerning the liberality of the missionaries who from
the middle of the seventeenth century labored in the Agúsan Valley. A
request for alms or for a present of any value is seldom made by one
Manóbo of another, but when it is made it is met by a simple answer, "I
do not owe you anything." That settles the question at once.
[3] _Lí-mos_, probably from the Spanish _limosna_, alms.
My practice of distributing gifts frequently aroused some ill feeling.
For example, on many occasions I was asked by individuals why I had made
presents to so-and-so and not to them. It was necessary in these cases
to explain that I owed a debt of good will to the individuals referred
to and that I would most assuredly give like gifts to others whenever I
should become indebted to them in a similar manner.
LAND AND OTHER PROPERTY
Customary law regarding public land is very simple. Each clan and, in
some cases, one or more individual family chiefs, have districts which
are the collective property of the clan or family. Theoretically this
ownership gives hunting, fishing, agricultural, and other rights to that
clan or family, to the exclusion of others. In practice, however, anyone
who is on good terms with the chief who represents the family or the
clan in question, may occupy a portion of the land without any other
formality than that of mentioning the matter to the proper chief. The
occupation presumes that the occupant is on terms of good will with the
chief, and it never implies that the new occupant is required to pay
anything for the use of the land. With regard to fishing rights,
especially when the fish-poisoning method is employed, it is very often
stipulated that a share of the catch shall be given to the owner. When
the two parties concerned are on good terms, the territory of one may be
used by the other for hunting, apparently without any question.
When the rice-sowing season is at hand, the Manóbo goes over the clan
district and selects any piece of vacant land that, because of its
fertility and closeness to water, may have recommended itself to him
after a due consultation of the omens. Having made the selection, he
formally takes possession of the land by slashing down a few small trees
in a conspicuous place and by parting the top of a small tree stem and
inserting into it at right angles a piece of wood. He then returns to
his settlement and announces his selection. He has become now the owner
of the land. Anyone who might attempt to claim the land would become
cleft, so it is believed, like the parted stem that was left as a proof
of the occupation of the land. In a few cases I saw a broken earthen pot
left on an upright stick. It was explained to me that this, too, was a
symbol of what would befall the one who would dare to dispute the right
to the property. This is another evidence of the widespread belief in
sympathetic magic.
In my travels throughout eastern Mindanáo I never heard of a single
instance of a land dispute among the non-Christian peoples. There is no
reason for dispute because the whole of the interior is an immense and
very sparsely populated forest that could support millions instead of
the scant population which is now scattered through it. Moreover, the
religious element in the selection, the consultation of omens, and the
approval by the unseen world seem to prevent disputes.
From the moment of occupation, then, till the abandonment of the site
the occupant is the sole lawful owner of the land and has full rights to
proprietorship of all that it produces. When he abandons the land he
still retains the ownership of such crops or plants as may be growing on
it. Hence betel-nut palms, betel plants, bananas, and other plants,
belong, to him and to his descendants after him. Even such fugitive
crops as _camotes_ are his until they die off or are destroyed by wild
boars.
Fruit trees, such as durian, jack-fruit, and others growing in the
forest, are, in theory, the collective property of a clan or of a
family, but in practice anyone may help himself. However, the finder
becomes sole and exclusive owner of a bee's nest as soon as he sets up
an indication of his ownership in the form of a split stick with a small
crosspiece, and announces his possessive rights on his return to the
settlement. The parted trunk has a form and significance similar to that
which it has in connection with the selection of a new site. As far as I
know a bee's nest once located by one individual is seldom appropriated
by another, but the theft of palm wine is common enough, especially if
the palm tree be at a considerable distance from the owner's settlement.
All other property that is the result of one's own labor, or that has
been acquired by purchase or in any other customary way, belongs to the
individual, unless he is a slave. Even slaves, captured during war
raids, become the property of their captors, unless stipulation to the
contrary has been made before the raid. In one expedition that took
place in 1907 a certain warrior chief was delegated to punish a
Mañgguáñgan. As an advance payment he received a few bolos and lances,
but it was expressly agreed that after the attack he and his party were
to receive all the slaves captured.
With regard to the loss of, or damage to, property belonging to another,
the customary law is rigid; the damage or the loss must be made good, no
matter how unfortunate may have been the circumstances of the loss. This
will explain the great care that carriers exercise in transporting the
property of others through the mountains, for if by any mischance the
things were to get lost or wet or broken, or damaged in any other way,
they would be required to make good the loss. This custom, as applied in
some cases, may seem somewhat harsh, but it must be remembered that
Manóboland is a land where the law of vengeance prevails, and that no
opportunity to wreak vengeance must be given. Such opportunities would
occur if anyone were permitted to attribute a loss or other accident to
involuntary causes.
This rigid law will explain also the peculiar liability under which one
is sometimes placed for an absolutely unintentional and unforeseen act.
Thus, on a certain occasion, one of my carriers died a few days after my
arrival in a settlement. Shortly after the occurrence of the death I was
confronted by a band of the relatives of the deceased in full panoply
and requested to pay the commercial equivalent of a slave.
On another occasion I ran after a child in play. The child out of fright
rushed into the forest and hid. The same afternoon it was taken with a
violent fever to which it succumbed a few days later. I was not in the
settlement at the time of the death, and was not sorry, for it was
reported to me that the father of the deceased child had said that he
would have killed me. On my return to his settlement a few days later I
visited the father for the purpose of having the case arbitrated. He
broached the subject and demanded three slaves, or their equivalent, in
payment for the death of his child, which was due, he firmly believed
and asseverated, to the scare that I had given it.
Many instances might be adduced to illustrate the peculiar liability
which one undergoes in dealing with these primitive men who follow out
in practice the old fallacy of _post hoc ergo propter hoc_.
LAWS OF CONTRACT
The conception of contract is as universal as the conception of property
rights, but a certain amount of leniency seems to be expected in such
details as fulfilling the terms of the contract on the specified date,
unless it has been expressly and formally agreed that no leniency is to
be looked for. In case of a failure to fulfill the contract at the
stated time it is customary to offer either what is called an
"excuse,"[4] in the form of extra hospitality or a free gift of some
article, not so valuable as to constitute a debt, or to make many
explanations, very frequently fictitious. These remarks apply only to
cases in which the creditor has undergone the hardship of a reasonably
long trip or of other necessary expenditures. Thus, to illustrate the
point, A owes B a pig deliverable, according to agreement, after the
lapse of so many days, there being no express provisions for any penalty
in case of nonfulfillment of the agreement. B goes to A's house and is
treated to a special meal with an accompaniment of drink when
obtainable. Toward the termination of the meal, he is informed by A of
the latter's inability to pay, for numerous real, or more numerous
fictitious, reasons. B accepts this excuse but before leaving asks for
some little thing that he may take a fancy to. It is always given as an
"excuse." Another day for the payment is agreed upon. This leniency may
be displayed on one or more occasions till the delay in paying
exasperates B or renders him liable to loss. Ill feeling arises all the
more readily if B feels that A has not been as assiduous as he should
have been. Then a stringent contract is entered upon, the nonperformance
of which will render A liable to interest or to a fine, as may be
stipulated.
[4] _Ba-lí-bad_.
In cases where serious consequences might result from a failure to
fulfill a contract, it is customary for the contractor and often for the
other party to make a number of knots on a strip of rattan, each knot
signifying a day of the time to elapse before payment, or representing
one article of the goods to be paid for, or one item of the goods to be
delivered.
All more important contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and
the time and the number of articles to be delivered are counted out on
the floor with grains of corn or with little pieces of wood, or are
indicated by counting a corresponding number of the slats of the floor.
THE LAW OF DEBT
The law of debt in Manóboland is so rigid that failure to comply with it
has given rise to many a bloody feud. All commercial transactions are
conducted on a credit basis. An individual whom we will call A needs a
pig, for instance, and starts out on a quest to secure one. He visits
one of his acquaintances and informally brings up the subject,
remarking, for example, that he would like to buy a certain pig that is
in the settlement. He may not be able to make the purchase until he has
tried several settlements, for it may happen that the owner of each pig
may want in exchange objects that A does not have and is unable to get.
Thus B, the owner of a pig in the first settlement, wants in payment a
Mandáya lance of a certain length, breadth, and make. Now A knows of no
one from whom he can procure such a lance, so he has to go on to the
settlement of C who in exchange for his pig wants five pieces of Mandáya
cloth. A is afraid to take the pig on such terms because the Ihawán
Manóbos are in arms on account of a recent killing, and as the trade
route for Mandáya cloth passes through the territory of the Ihawán
Manóbos he sees no possibility of fulfilling a contract to deliver the
cloth. So off he goes to the settlement of D where he finds a pig for
which the owner demands four yards of blue cloth, two of red, and two of
black, together with a specified quantity of salt. A thinks that it will
be easy for him to run over to some Christian settlement and get those
articles in time to pay D, so he clinches the bargain by putting a
series of knots in a strip of rattan to represent the number of days to
expire before the date of payment. This he delivers to D and the
contract is sealed. He then returns to his settlement with his pig, and
turns it over to some one else perhaps, to whom he owes a pig, or, if it
was intended for a sacrifice, to the family priest or priestess. In due
time it is disposed of with much satisfaction to the gods and to the
inner man. As the day for payment approaches, A must take measures to
get the salt and the cloth for D, so he hastens to the settlement of E,
if sickness in the family, or heavy rains, or some other obstacle does
not prevent him, but finds that E requires a Mandáya bolo for the
articles needed and as A has no such object and sees no immediate
prospect of obtaining it, he goes on to F's. F demands a certain amount
of beeswax and a Mandáya dagger in exchange for the cloth and the salt
and as A feels that he can procure these articles, he closes the
bargain, promising to deliver the goods within so many days or weeks.
A now owes D cloth and salt, payable within 14 days, let us suppose. He
is also under contract to F to furnish him a dagger and a specified
amount of beeswax, also on a specified date. Upon the approach of the
time agreed upon A runs over to F's only to find that F had been unable
to get the cloth and the salt, either because no Bisáya trader has been
up to the Christianized settlement on the river; or because of heavy
rains or for some other reason. The result is that A returns to his
settlement without the cloth and the salt. Upon his arrival at D's or
upon D's arrival at his settlement, as the case may be, he excuses
himself to D, setting forth in detail the reason for his failure. He
treats D as best he can, and fixes another date for the delivery of the
salt and the cloth, the same to be delivered at D's settlement. D
returns to his home without the salt and the cloth and awaits the
delivery.
Now it may happen that, through the fault of A or through the fault of F
or through unforeseen circumstances, A is unable to keep his agreement.
D has made many useless trips to collect from A. It is true that D has
been feasted by A upon every visit but the long delay, and possibly his
debt of salt to someone else, is gradually provoking him. So one day he
speaks somewhat strongly to A, setting a definite term for the payment.
If A is unable to meet his obligations after this ultimatum, or if D
suspects or has proof that A is playing a game, matters become strained
and D has recourse to one of three methods: (1) Collection by armed
intimidation; (2) the _tawágan_ or seizure; (3) war raid.
The last two methods have been sufficiently explained in Chapter XVIII
but the first needs a little explanation.
After all attempts to collect by peaceable means have failed, the
creditor assembles his male relatives and friends and proceeds to the
house of the debtor with all the accoutrements of war. It is customary
to bring along a neutral chief or two from other clans. Upon arriving at
the debtor's house no hostile demonstrations are made. The creditor and
his party enter as if their object were an ordinary visit. Should,
however, the debtor have abandoned his house, this part of the affair
would be at an end, for the creditor would be justified in adopting the
second method (i. e., the seizing of any object, human of other that he
might see), or the third method.
Should his debtor, however, be present, the creditor and his companions
are regaled with betel nut and food and the meeting is perfectly
goodnatured. But gradually the subject of the debt is introduced and
then begins the pandemonium. If the chiefs who have accompanied the
creditor's party have enough moral influence to bring about an
agreement, the matter is settled, but if not, the visiting party may
depart suddenly with yells of menace and defiance, and very frequently
may have recourse to the seizure method, taking on their way home any
object that they may encounter such as a pig, or even a human being.
Hence as soon as it becomes known that no settlement has been made
bamboo joints[5] are blown--the invariable signal in Manóboland of
danger--and everybody goes into armed vigilance. Children and women are
not allowed to leave the house, and pigs are frequently taken from below
and put up in the house until the enraged creditor and his party have
gone.
[5] _Tam-bú-li_.
I was in one place where such a state of things existed. My merchandise
was taken by my host from under the house and carefully hidden upstairs.
I wished to go to meet the collecting party but no one would volunteer
to accompany me.
If an agreement to pay has been brought about, the debtor has to make
the settlement before the departure of his creditor, even though it may
require several days to complete the payment. In this latter case the
sustenance of the visiting party and all their needs fall, by custom,
upon the poor debtor.
Such is the customary method of collecting debts when all peaceable
efforts have been unavailing. To understand the principle involved in
it, as also the circumstances that bring it about, it is necessary to
bear in mind that once the creditor becomes disgusted with the delay of
his debtor in settling the account, he announces his intention to add to
the indebtedness a financial equivalent of all fatigues[6] and expenses
to be subsequently incurred in the collection of the debt. These
fatigues not only include the actual trips made both by himself and such
messengers as he may send to collect the debt, but such incidental
losses, sicknesses, or accidents as may be the outcome of such trips.
[6] _Ka-há-go_.
Another principle recognized in this matter is the liability into which
the debtor may fall for such losses as the creditor may undergo through
his failure to fulfill his obligations to a third person. Thus A owes B
a pig, and B owes C, who in his turn must pay a lance to D at a certain
time. On account of C's failure to deliver the lance in due time to D,
he is, according to a previous contract, mulcted to the equivalent of 15
pesos. Had C been able to purchase a lance with the pig that B owed him
he would, by customary law, be justified in putting the fine of 15 pesos
to B's account. B attributes his failure to A's delay and on the same
grounds, adds 15 pesos to the latter's indebtedness.
It is clear that the principle of liability involved in this system
gives rise to an infinity of disputes that may lead to bloodshed
whenever the matter can not be arbitrated by the more influential men
and chiefs in a public assembly. The debt after a certain time increases
beyond reasonable proportions until it finally becomes so great as to be
beyond the debtor's means. Notwithstanding the sacredness with which the
average Manóbo regards his debts, it happens occasionally that a little
bad feeling springs up which, in the course of time may lead to serious
consequences. It will be readily understood how easy it is for one party
to take umbrage at the words or actions of another and to become
obstinate. Happily, however, this does not happen frequently, on account
of the salutary fear inspired by the lance and the bolo, and the urgent
endeavors of the chiefs and the more influential men to settle matters
amicably. I am surprised that disputes and bloodshed arising from, the
great credit system do not occur more frequently among such primitive
people.
Though in practice the relatives of a debtor assist him to settle his
obligations, especially when he is hard pressed by his creditor, yet in
theory there is no joint obligation to pay the debt. Neither do they, as
a rule, assume a collective responsibility for it.
Between relatives, as between others, the law regarding the payment of a
debt is strenuously maintained, though I know of no case between near
relatives in which it led to more than family bickerings. A very careful
account of the indebtedness of one relative to another is sedulously
kept.
INTEREST, LOANS, AND PLEDGES
INTEREST
No interest is charged unless an express contract is made to that
effect. In the case of a loan of paddy, however, even if no formal
contract has been made, twice as much must be returned as was borrowed.
Express contracts that call for interest are rather rare, as far as my
observation goes, and when such contracts are made they are usually of a
usurious nature, due, as I have noticed on several occasions, not so
much to the desire for material gain, as to that of satisfying an old
grudge against the borrower. In settlements that have had experience
with the usurious methods of Christian natives, one finds here and there
an individual who tries to follow the example set him by people that he
looks up to. This practice is universally discountenanced, and, though
it is submitted to under necessity in commercial dealings with Bisáyas,
it gives rise to no inconsiderable ill feeling, a fact that explains, to
my mind, the difficulties that Bisáyas experience in collecting from
Christianized Manóbos, as also the killing of many a Bisáya in
pre-American days. During my trading tour of 1908 there was universal
complaint made to me by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, upper Umaíam, and
upper Argáwan Rivers against the system of usury employed by Bisáya
traders, and many a time I heard this remark made concerning certain
individuals: "We would kill him if we were not afraid of the Americans."
LOANS AND PLEDGES
With the exception of articles borrowed on condition that they are to be
returned, loans are very rare in Manóboland. The most usual loan is that
of paddy. Articles borrowed must be returned in as good a condition as
that in which they were received.
I know of no leases among non-Christian Manóbos. Land is too plentiful
to lease; other property is either sold or borrowed.
I have never known a material pledge to be given, but the custom of
going bond seems to be very generally understood though not much
practiced, as such a custom insinuates a distrust that does not seem to
be pleasing to the Manóbo. A notable feature of the practice is the
principle that the _bondsman becomes the payer_. I am inclined to think
that this principle was taught to their mountain compeers by Bisáya and
Christianized Manóbos who found in it a convenient expedient whereby to
make the collection of debts easier and sure. On the strength of it, a
chief or a more well-to-do member of the tribe becomes responsible for
the debt of one whose surety he became.
LAWS OF LIABILITY
LIABILITY ARISING FROM NATURAL CAUSES
The liability here referred to is the general responsibility that a
person acquires for consequences that are imputed to an act of his,
whether voluntary or involuntary. Instances of this strange law arise on
many occasions in Manóboland. The reader is referred to the case of the
loss of the beads, the attempt to collect from me for the natural death
of one of my carriers, for the death of a child that I had frightened,
and other instances mentioned previously, all of which show the idea of
responsibility for consequences following an act. A few more instances
will make the principle involved clearer. On the upper Agúsan, a Manóbo
of Nábuk River went over to Moncáyo to collect a debt. According to
custom he carried his shield and spear. Now it happened that there were
two women walking along the river bank, one of whom was the wife of an
enemy of this Nábuk warrior. Upon seeing him she became frightened, fell
into the river, and was drowned. The result of this was that the Nábuk
man was condemned to pay a slave or its equivalent. As a near relative
of his enemy owed him "thirty" (P30) he transferred the fine to him but
the transference was not accepted on the ground that the Nábuk man ought
to pay his fine first. A few days' discussion of the matter resulted in
the departure of the Nábuk man, who upon his arrival in a near
settlement killed, in his rage, one of his slaves. The outcome of the
whole affair was a feud between Moncáyo and Nábuk.
LIABILITY ARISING FROM RELIGIOUS CAUSES
The violation of the numerous taboos is believed to bring about evil
consequences that are chargeable to the account of the infringer. For
example, a man in Búai was charged 30 pesos for the breaking of a
certain birth taboo, a violation which was supposed to have been
responsible for the stillbirth of a child. I was warned on many
occasions to desist from making disrespectful remarks about animals,
such as monkeys or frogs, because, if Anítan were to hurl her
thunderbolts at one of my companions and harm were to befall him I would
be fined or killed. I would undergo a similar punishment, I was told on
other occasions, for using such tabooed words as crocodile and salt; it
was believed that a storm would be the result of the use of these words.
On one occasion I thought it prudent to give a carrier of mine a piece
of rubber cloth wherewith to cover his salt, for he had threatened to
collect from me if it became wet from the storm that was impending, and
which all my companions imputed to my deliberate use of the names of
certain fish not native to their mountain water.
LIABILITY ARISING FROM MAGIC CAUSES
Another pregnant source of fines and of sanguinary feuds is the belief
in the possession, by certain individuals, of magic power to do harm. No
one that I know of or have heard of, except a few fearless warrior
chiefs, has made open avowal of the possession of such power and yet on
many occasions I have heard of the supposed possession of it by various
individuals. To give an instance, a Manóbo on the upper Agúsan had the
reputation of having secret poisons. One day another Manóbo and his wife
visited him. With the exception of a trifling altercation about a debt,
everything went well. On her return home the woman was suddenly taken
sick and died. Her death was ascribed to the magic power of the person
recently visited and the outcome was that the party with the bad
reputation had to build a tree house, one of the few that I have seen,
and surround his settlement with an abatis of brush and of sharp spikes,
all in anticipation of an attack by the deceased woman's husband.
It was the rule rather than the exception that I, myself, had the same
reputation applied to me. Upon arrival in heretofore unvisited regions I
was fequently[sic] informed that they had heard of my wonderful power of
killing. On many occasions it was only by assuming a bold front and by
vowing vengeance on my traducers that I freed myself from the
imputation. In such cases I always asked for the name of the slanderer,
and, upon learning it, announced my intention of seeking him without
delay, for the purpose of clearing myself from the imputation and of
demanding satisfaction from him.
THE SYSTEM OF FINES
It is not intended here to consider the system of fines as penalties for
voluntary wrongdoings but only as punishments for certain little acts of
forgetfulness or of omission that might be construed as conscious acts
of disrespect. The system is a very strange one and, to our way of
thinking, very harsh, productive sometimes of bad feeling and even of
more serious results.
Instances that have passed under my personal observation will illustrate
the system. Thus, on one occasion an acquaintance of mine left the house
without making his intention known to those present. While he was under
the house, one of the guests happened to spit through the floor upon the
clothes of the man underneath. Upon his return he identified the guilty
one both by his position in the house, and by the quality of the chewing
material he was using. The case was discussed at length and it was
decided that for carelessness the guilty one should make material
reparation in the form of a chicken and some drink.
Again, the dog of a certain individual on the upper Agúsan was guilty of
soiling the clothes of a person that happened to be working under the
house. As the owner of the sick dog (it had been mangled by a wild boar)
had been previously warned of the possibility of something untoward
happening, he was fined and was condemned to make further reparation in
the form of a convivial meeting in order to remove the ill feeling.
Instances of fines that were imposed on me will illustrate the principle
involved. Upon my arrival in new regions I was almost invariably called
upon to pay a certain amount, on the ground that I had had no permission
to enter the settlement, or that the local deities had been displeased
at my visit, or that I was a spy, or for some other reason. The refusal
to pay was always accepted after lengthy explanations and after the
distribution of a few trifling gifts to the more vehement members of the
settlement, but in one case arms were drawn and I had to take my stand
with, back to the wall and await developments.
Other instances in which unintentional disrespect toward the person or
property of anyone was displayed might be adduced to profusion. It will
suffice to say, however, that such acts as the following, even when
unintentional, lay the agent under a liability, the commercial value of
which must be determined by the circumstances and very frequently by
formal arbitration: Spitting upon, or otherwise soiling another; rudely
seizing the person of another; unbecoming treatment of another's
property, especially of his clothes, as when, for instance, one steps
upon another's shirt; opening another's betel-nut knapsack or other
concealed property; borrowing things without formal announcement and due
permission; going into certain places interdicted by the owner, as
bathing, for instance, in that part of a river which the owner has
forbidden the use of,[7] or visiting his rice granary; and using
disrespectful language, even in joke, about another, as, for instance,
speaking of one as an insect, a Mañgguáñgan.[8]
[7] Due, presumably, to the fact that the place, usually a deep pool, is
the abode of a water wraith.
[8] This is a term of reproach when applied to a Manóbo.
These interdictions are necessary among the Manóbos in order that in
their social dealings with one another proper deference may be shown
toward their person and property. For were a mere "pardon me" a
sufficient reparation for an act, however unintentional, advantage might
be taken of it to inflict a thousand and one little incivilities that
would serve to arouse the relentless spirit of revenge that centuries of
feuds have instilled into the Manóbo character.
CHAPTER XX
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS AND FAMILY
PROPERTY; PROCEDURE FOR THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE
FAMILY PROPERTY
The property of a Manóbo family is so scanty that the rules governing it
have never developed beyond a primitive stage. The house belongs
collectively to the father and to such of his sons-in-law and
brothers-in-law as may have constructed it. The structure represents
little value to the owner except that of the rough-hewn boards which may
be transported to another place. The reason that such cheap houses are
built is that they may be abandoned without much loss at any moment that
a death, or even a suspicion of danger, arising from religious or from
natural reasons, may dictate.
The movable property in the house belongs to the individuals who have
made, purchased, or in any other lawful way acquired it. In this respect
it is to be noted that each married couple provides itself with
household utensils and such other things as may be necessary. These
things do not become the property of the head of the family, but remain
the individual property of the person who brings them.
It must be noted, too, that women, children, and slaves have
theoretically no right to ownership. It is true that women are allowed
to dispose of the products of their labor like rice and cloth, but
usually, if not always, the consent of their husbands or of their
husbands' nearest male relatives is first secured if the article is of
much value. Frequently a consultation is held with the head of the whole
household.
RULES OF INHERITANCE
When a man dies and leaves no near relatives that are of sufficient age
to manage the inheritance, the elder brother-in-law inherits the
property. The deceased brother's wife is a part of this property. When
the father dies, the son is the heir, and, if of sufficient age and
capabilities, takes the place of his father. But should he be deemed
incompetent by his near male relatives, his paternal uncle, or, if he
has none, a brother-in-law, becomes the manager of the household. Any
property which may be of value is thus retained within the line of male
descent. This is in accordance with the principles of the patriarchate
system which prevails in Manóboland.
The eldest son inherits his father's debts, but the administrator (if in
such unpretentious matters we may use so pretentious a word) pays the
debts collecting in turn from the son unless he be a near kinsman of the
deceased father. About matters of inheritance I have never even heard of
a dispute. The valuable property may consist of only a lance and a bolo,
or a dagger, and a few jars. The best suit of clothes together with
personal adornments, such as necklaces, are carried with the deceased to
his last resting place so that there is little left to quarrel over.
With the exception of the few heirlooms, if there be any, consisting of
a jar and some few other things, the greatest fear is entertained of
articles that belonged to the departed one. This fear is due to the
peculiar belief in the subtle, wayward feeling of the departed toward
the living.
RULES GOVERNING THE RELATIONS OF THE SEXES
MORAL OFFENSES
In the chapter on marriage the general principles governing the
relations of the sexes is set forth. The relations both antenuptial and
postnuptial are of the most stringent character.
As a Manóbo once told me, sexual morality is bound up with religion and
the greater violations of it are sometimes punished by the divinities.
Such lighter offenses, as gazing at the person of a woman while she is
bathing, or on any other occasion when her person is exposed, are
punished with appropriate fines. Improper suggestions and unseemly jokes
undergo the same fate. It is a very common report among Bisáyas that to
touch a Manóbo woman's heel is an exceptionally serious offense against
Manóbo law. I never heard of any such regulation among Manóbos, although
it may exist. To touch any other part of her person, however, is an
offense punishable by a good-sized fine.
Death is the consequence of adultery, fornication, and seduction, except
in very exceptional cases where the influence of the guilty one's
relatives may save him. But it is certain that in these cases the fine
is very heavy. I believe that it is never less than the equivalent of
three slaves.
All reports, both Bisáya and Manóbo, state that when fornication has
been attempted or accomplished the woman herself may make known the
offense to her parents and relatives.
The law is even more rigid in the matter of adultery. While I was on the
upper Agúsan River a case of adultery committed by a Christianized man
and woman was discovered. The death of the man had been decided upon,
and that of the woman was being mooted. I succeeded in having the death
sentence commuted to a heavy fine of three slaves.
It is the common report in Manóboland that, when a woman makes known the
act of her lover, the latter does not deny it. Not only under such
circumstances, but in nearly all other instances when brought face to
face with the truth a Manóbo will confess, sometimes even though there
be no witness against him. Such is my observation of dealings between
Manóbo and Manóbo. In his relations with outsiders, however, the Manóbo
is not so veracious; on the contrary, he displays no little art in
suppressing or in twisting the truth.
MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND PAYMENTS
In the chapter on marital relations it was made manifest that marriage
is practically a sale in which a certain amount of the marriage price is
returned to the bridegroom. This rule is very stringent. Should the
marriage negotiations discontinue without any fault of the man or of his
relatives all payments previously made have to be returned, item for
item. In this respect it is to be noted that marriage contracts are
almost relentlessly rigid, a fact that suggests an explanation of the
length of the period that is usually required to terminate the
negotiations. For it is only by many acts of attention and even of
subservience that the suitor's relatives break down the obdurateness of
the fiancé's relatives and make them relax the severity of their
original demands. Very minute and strict accounts of the various
payments, including such small donations as a few liters of rice, are
recorded on a knotted rattan strip in anticipation of a final
disagreement.
When it is decided that the marriage is not to take place by reason of
the death of one of the affianced parties, the father and relatives of
the fiancé must return all the purchase payments which may have been
made. Custom provides that these payments shall be returned gradually,
the idea being, presumably, to allow the fiancé's relatives an
opportunity to profit by the donations of a new suitor, if one should
present himself within a stipulated period. It will be readily
understood that the nature of the debts incurred by an obligation to
return marriage payments determines the character of the payments that
will be exacted from a new suitor. Thus, if A's relatives, for good
reasons, decide not to continue their suit for the hand of B's daughter,
B would be granted a specified time in which to await the presentation
of a new suitor for his daughter's hand. This new suitor would be
required to bring a lance, for example, and other objects that would
serve as first and more urgent payments to A.
In the case of fornication committed by a man with his fiancé, death may
be the penalty if the girl's father desires to have the marriage broken
off, but I was given to understand that such a heavy penalty is rarely
inflicted, the girl's father contenting himself with imposing a heavy
fine.
ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN
In all my wandering among the Manóbos, I never knew nor heard of an
illegitimate child, so can not say what regulations govern, if such
births occur. In Mandáyaland the father of an illegitimate child is
obliged to marry the girl and to enter his father-in-law's family in a
state of semiservitude. The marriage takes place before the birth of the
child.
I was told by Mandáyas that illegitimate children belong to the nearest
male relative of the mother, that in case of her marriage they still
belong to her relative, and that they are treated in all other respects
as legitimate children.
EXTENT OF AUTHORITY OF FATHER AND HUSBAND
The laws governing family relations are very simple. The father has
theoretically absolute power of life and death over his wife, children,
and slaves. In practice, however, this power is seldom used to its full
extent. An arbitrary exercise of domestic authority over his wife and
children would arouse the antagonism of her relatives and lead to a
rupture of friendly relations. Hence, in family dealings there are
displayed on one side paternal affection and leniency and on the other
filial devotion and a sense of duty, so much so that the members of the
family live in peace and happiness with seldom a domestic grievance.
The wife, of course, is the absolute property of her husband, but is
rarely, if ever, sold. I know of only one wife who was sold and she was
a Bisáya woman married to a recently Christianized Manóbo.
It is not in accord with Manóbo custom for a man to have two or more
wives unless the first wife consents to the later marriages, and, if she
does consent, she must always be considered the man's favorite and must
be allowed to have a kind of motherly jurisdiction over the other wives.
In all cases that have come under my observation, this rule was followed
among Manóbos but not among Mandáyas. The latter frequently seem more
attached to their second, third, or fourth wives, but do not separate
the first wife either from bed or board. As a result of the necessity of
the first wife's consent to a second marriage, bigamy is comparatively
rare.
RESIDENCE OF THE HUSBAND
The man is always expected to take up his residence in his wife's family
and he nearly always does so. In fact, such is the implied and
frequently the explicit contract made between his relatives and those of
the girl. But after a few years, if not sooner, he usually takes his
wife back to his own clan, leaving his father-in-law or other male
relative of his wife some gift in the shape of a pig or other payment.
In such a case it seems to be the custom for the father-in-law to
acquiesce.
CRIMES AND THEIR PENALTIES
CRIMES
It must be laid down as a general principle that in Manóboland it is
considered proper and obligatory to seek redress for all wrongs (except
a few serious ones) by an appeal to the relatives of the wrongdoer,
either directly by a formal meeting or indirectly through the mediation
of a third party. The first exceptions to this rule are cases of
adultery, fornication, rape, and homicide when the murderer, wantonly,
and without an attempt to arbitrate, kills a fellow man. The great law
of vengeance presupposes in nearly every case a recourse to arbitration,
and not a hasty, unannounced, deliberate killing.
The one who orders the death of another or in any other way deliberately
causes it is the one on whom vengeance must be taken. Thus, if A pays a
neutral warrior chief to kill his opponent, the responsibility for the
death will be laid, not on the warrior who did the killing (unless he
had personal motives for committing the murder) but on the one who
ordered the death. The warrior was paid and accordingly bears no
responsibility. He may be paid again by the relatives of the slain to do
a similar act to their enemies. Thus it is, that in Manóboland, it is
very necessary to be on such terms of friendship with the members of the
warrior class that they will not be inclined to undertake for payment
the task of taking vengeance for another.
Killing for public policy is a recognized institution, but such
executions very seldom take place. On the upper Tágo River word was sent
to me that my guide would be killed if he led me into a certain remote
region at the headwaters of that river. It was reported on all sides
that the principal chiefs of the region had assembled before my
departure and had decided upon his death. For some reason, probably
fear, the sentence was not carried into effect.
It was reported to me that in time of an epidemic it is permitted to
kill anyone who dares to break the quarantine.
Involuntary killing when it is manifest that it was a pure accident can
be compounded.
THE PRIVATE SEIZURE
By the _tawágan_ system a Manóbo is permitted to kill or seize anything
or anybody that he may decide upon, _provided that he has made every
endeavor to settle the dispute by amicable means_. Having failed to
adjust the matter without bloodshed, he may avenge himself, first and
above all, on the guilty party. I will not make a positive statement to
the effect that he must announce his intention to make use of the right
accorded him by the _tawágan_ custom, but I am of opinion that this must
be done, for in every instance that came under my observation it had
been generally known beforehand that the aggrieved party would make a
seizure within a specified time. I know that on one occasion I had to
exact a promise from a man that he would not lay hands on merchandise of
mine that was deposited under a house in the vicinity of his settlement.
He had made public announcement that he would make a seizure, even
though it should be that of my merchandise.
The aggrieved party in making use of his right must, if possible,
inflict damage, even death, upon the debtor or other wrongdoer or on
some of his relatives, but should this prove impracticable he is at
liberty to select anyone. If he kills a neutral party, he must compound
with the relatives of the slain one for the death inflicted and enter
with them into a solemn promise to act jointly against the offending
party. In the case of seizure, he can not dispose of the object seized
until the owner be consulted. It is customary for the two to enter a
compact by which they bind themselves to take joint action against the
offender, advantageous terms being guaranteed to the new colleague. The
man whose property is thus seized is very often one who has had an
old-time grudge against the original offender or debtor.
PENALTIES FOR MINOR OFFENSES
Minor offenses such as stealing, slandering, failure to pay debts,
deception that causes material damage to another, loss or damage to
another's property, the lesser violations of sexual propriety,
disrespect to another's property, etc., are punishable by fines that
must be determined by the assembled relatives of the two parties. I have
never been able to find the least trace of any definite system of fines.
In the determination of them for the more serious of offenses (adultery,
wanton killing, etc.), the equivalent of a human life, 15 or 30 pesos,
is the basis of the calculation. In the case of minor offenses, however,
lesser quantities are determined upon after a lengthy discussion of the
subject by the respective relatives of the parties involved.
CUSTOMARY PROCEDURE
PRELIMINARIES TO ARBITRATION
The aggrieved party, upon hearing of the offense and after making many
futile efforts to come to an agreement, consults with his relatives,
when, after being assured of their cooperation he begins to issue
threats, all of which reach the ear of his opponent. At first the latter
probably is not disturbed by these, but, as they begin to pour in from
all sources, he makes up his mind either to face his opponent in person,
if the affair has not gone too far, or to look around for a friendly
chief or other person of influence and sagacity to mediate. All this
time new rumors of his enemy's anger and determination to appeal to arms
reach him, but he must not display cowardice, neither must his opponent
openly seek arbitration, for such an action would bespeak fear on both
sides. So, on the part of the aggrieved one, there is menace, revenge,
and a pretense at least not to be amenable to peaceable measures. On the
part of the other, there must be no display of fear, no hurry to
arbitrate, and a general indifference, at least simulated, as to the
outcome. If the offending party answers threat by threat, his opponent
may become incensed and hostilities may break out, as happens in other
parts of the world.
In the meantime neighboring chiefs and influential people are throwing
the weight of their opinions in favor of peace and if they prevail one
or more of them are requested to assist in the final settlement,
definite emolument sometimes being promised, especially when either of
the contending parties is very anxious to have the matter settled.
It is the duty now of the mediating chiefs or other persons to bring the
parties together. This they do either by inviting the contestants to a
neutral house or by persuading one of them to invite the other to his
house.
It may happen that the aggrieved party, instead of following this
procedure, precipitates a settlement by sending a fighting bolo or a
dagger or a lance to his opponent. This is an ultimatum. If the weapon
is retained it means hostilities. If it is returned, it denotes a
willingness to submit the matter to arbitration. But the one who
receives the weapon probably will not return it at once as he desires to
disguise, in the presence of his opponent's emissary, the bearer of the
ultimatum, any eagerness he may feel for arbitration. Once having
decided that he will submit the matter to arbitration or that he will
yield, he announces to the messenger that he will visit his opponent
within a specified period and talk matters over and that he is willing
to have the affair settled but that his relatives are unwilling. If a
bolo or other such object has been sent to him he returns it, for to
retain it would signify his unwillingness to submit and his readiness to
take the consequences.
A few days before the appointed time he orders drink to be made and he
may go out on a big fishing expedition. He procures also a pig or two.
With these, and accompanied by a host of male relatives, he sets out for
the house that has been agreed upon. The pigs and drink and other things
are deposited in a convenient place near the house, for it would be
impolitic to display such proofs of his willingness to yield.
This is the procedure followed in more serious cases. Cases of lesser
importance, which occur with great frequency, are settled almost
informally in the following manner:
When the subject under dispute is not of such a serious nature, either
in itself or by reason of aggravating circumstances, like quarrels or
violent language that may have preceded it, the ordinary method of
settling the trouble consists in a good meal given by one party to the
other. Toward the end of the repast, when all present are feeling
convivial from the effects of the drink, the question at issue, usually
a debt, is taken up and discussed by the parties concerned and their
respective relatives. It happens often that the matter is put off to
another time, and thus it may require several semifriendly meetings to
settle it. On the whole, however, the proceedings are terminated
amicably, although I have seen a few very animated scenes at such times.
On one occasion a member of the party, accompanied by his relatives,
rushed down the pole and seizing his lance and shield challenged his
adversary to single combat. The challenge was not accepted, so he and
his party marched away vowing vengeance. I have seen bolos or daggers
drawn on many occasions but the relatives and others always intervened
to prevent bloodshed. It is to be noted that such violent actions are
due often to the influence of drink but do not take place more
frequently than drunken brawls do in other parts of the world.
When the case in question is of such an involved and serious character
as to make it dangerous for the accused one to enter the house, he
remains hidden till he ascertains how his relatives and friends are
progressing. In other cases he personally attends and may argue in his
own defense.[1]
[1] There is a very formal peace-making procedure followed by the
Manóbos who have been in contact with the Banuáons of Maásam River, but
I never witnessed it, so I can not give any first-hand information as to
the details. In the chapter on war will be found such details as have
been given to me by trustworthy Bisáyas of Talakógon.
GENERAL FEATURES OF A GREATER ARBITRATION
The general features of the procedure are the following: The policy of
the aggrieved one and of his party is to maintain a loud, menacing
attitude, and to insist on a fine three or four hundred times larger
than they expect to be paid. The accused and his relatives keep up a
firm attitude, not so firm, however, as to incense unduly their
opponents, and from the beginning make an offer of a paltry sum in
payment.
Although everybody at times may break into the discussion, or all may
yell at the same time, the ordinary procedure is to allow each one to
speak singly and to finish what he has to say. The others listen and
assent by such expressions as correspond to our "yes indeed," "true,"
etc., whether they are in accord with the speaker's opinions or not.
These lengthy talks are, at least to an outsider, most wearisome, given,
as they are, in a dreary monotone, but they explain the inordinate
length of arbitrations that may last for several days.
The whole party is squatted on the floor and makes use of grains of
corn, of pieces of wood or leaf, of the bamboo slats of the floor, of
their fingers and toes or of anything convenient, to aid them in the
enumeration of the objects of which they treat. Everybody is armed,
probably with his hand on his weapon, and his eyes alert. In very
serious cases women and children may not be present. This, of course, is
an indication of possible bloodshed and is a very rare occurrence.
The chiefs or other influential men who have been selected to aid each
side in the settlement take a conspicuous part in the proceedings and
help to influence the parties concerned to come to an understanding, but
it can not be said that their word is paramount. The contestants' own
relatives have more weight than anyone else. The procedure at a Manóbo
arbitration may be likened to that of a jury when in retirement. Point
after point is discussed, similitudes and allegories are brought up by
each speaker until, after wearisome hours or days, the opinion of each
side has been molded sufficiently to bring them into agreement. In one
respect it differs from the jury method in that loud shouts and threats
are made use of occasionally, proceeding either from natural vehemence
or from a deliberate intention on one side to intimidate the other.
It is not good form for the defendant to yield readily. On the contrary,
it is in accordance with Manóbo custom and character to yield with
reluctance, feigned if not real. When a small pig is really considered a
sufficient payment, a large one is demanded. When the pig is received
and is really in conformity with the contract, defects are found in
it--it is lean or sick or short or light in weight--in a word, it is
depreciated in one way or another. The giver, on the contrary,
exaggerates its value, descants on its size, length, form, and weight,
tells of the exorbitant price he paid for it, reminds the receiver of
the difficulty of procuring pigs at this season, and in general
manifests his reluctance to part with it.
It must not be supposed that such actions and statements are believed at
once. On the contrary, it is only after lengthy talks on each side that
opinions are formed, an agreement entered into, a contract is drawn up,
or reparation made. It is the identical case of stubborn jurymen.
In the settlement of these disputes much depends upon the glibness of
tongue and on the sagacity of one or more of the principal men. For were
it not for their skill in understanding the intricacies of the subject
and in sidetracking irrelevant claims the disputes would be impossible
of satisfactory arrangement. This will be understood more readily if it
is borne in mind that outside of the reasonable facts of the case,
counterclaims are made by the debtor or the accused party. These claims
are sometimes of an extraordinary nature and date back to the time of
his grandfather or other distant relative. Thus he may say that his
opponent's great uncle owed his grandfather a human life and that this
blood debt has never been paid nor revenge obtained. Such an affirmation
as this will be corroborated by his relatives and they may immediately
break out into menaces of vengeance. Again, he may aver that his
opponent was reputed to have had a charm by which death might be caused,
and that his son had died as a result of this use of evil magic powers.
Whereupon the other vigorously repudiates the imputation and demands a
slave in payment of the slander. It is only the popularity of the chief
men, their reputation for fair dealing, their sagacity, and perhaps
their relationship with the respective contestants that dispose of such
side issues and bring about an amicable and satisfactory settlement.
It is customary for the one who loses to regale the assembly with a good
meal. In Manóbo-land this latter is the great solace for all ills and
the source of all friendship. So, when the question under dispute has
been settled, the one who lost sends out and gets the pig and drink that
have been brought for that purpose. When prepared, the food is set out
on the floor, the guests are distributed in due order, and then begins
one of those meals that must be witnessed in order to be understood. One
feature of this feast is that the two former adversaries are seated
together and vie with each other in reciprocating food and drink. As
they warm up under the influence of the liquor they load large masses of
food into each other's mouths, each with an arm around the other's neck.
Upon the following day, or perhaps that same day, the winner of the case
reciprocates with another banquet. When that is finished, the other
party may give another banquet and so they may continue, if their means
permit, for many days. I assisted at one peacemaking in which the
banqueting lasted for 10 successive days.
DETERMINATION OF GUILT
BY WITNESSES
The usual and natural method of determining the guilt of the accused is
through the instrumentality of witnesses. They are questioned and
requestioned at great length even if the defendant be not present. There
seems to be no necessity for this procedure, for the defendant admits
his guilt when brought face to face with the plaintiff or with the
witnesses. The testimony of children is not only admissible but is
considered conclusive. That of a woman testifying against a man for
improper suggestions and acts is considered sufficient to convict him.
False testimony in the presence of witnesses and relatives is almost
unheard of. I suppose that this marvel is to be attributed to the fear
of the dire retribution that would infallibly overtake the false witness.
BY OATHS
Ordinarily no oath is administered nor any other formal means adopted to
make certain that the accused or the witnesses will tell the truth, but
there is a practice which is sometimes followed whenever the veracity of
anyone is doubted. This is called _tó-tung_ or burning of the wax, a
ceremony that may be used not only with witnesses but with anyone from
whom it is desired to force the truth. I have used it very successfully
on numerous occasions in getting information about trails. The ceremony
consists in burning a piece of beeswax in the presence of the party to
be questioned. This signifies that if he does not answer truthfully his
body by some process of sympathetic magic, will be burned in a similar
manner. After making his statement and while the wax is being burned, he
expresses the desire that his body may burn and be melted like the wax
if his statement is untrue. This is another example of the pervading
belief in sympathetic magic.
BY THE TESTIMONY OF THE ACCUSED
In the various instances that have come under my observation, the guilty
one, as a rule, vigorously denied his guilt until confronted in public
assembly by his accusers, so that I judge that custom does not require
him to make a self-accusation until that time. But when duly confronted
with witnesses, he nearly always admits his guilt.
For if the defendant should deny his guilt and if there were no evidence
against him other than suspicion, the injured party would be justified
in inflicting injury on anyone else, according to the principles of the
private-seizure system. If it should later be discovered that the
defendant was the original offender, the innocent parties who were the
victims of this seizure would ultimately take terrible vengeance on him.
I was informed by the Debabáons that a false denial of one's guilt
before the assembled arbiters and relatives is especially displeasing to
the deities. I failed to get information on this point from Manóbos, but
it would be fairly reasonable to conclude that their belief in the
matter is identical with that of the Debabáons.
Should the accused one deny his guilt and should circumstantial evidence
point to him as the guilty one, the wax-burning ceremony above described
would be performed. If he should still maintain that he was innocent,
various methods for the determination of his guilt would be resorted to.
BY ORDEALS
The tests made to determine the innocence or guilt of a person are
threefold: (1) the hot-water ordeal, (2) the diving ordeal, and (3) the
candle ordeal.
_The hot-water ordeal_.[2]--A brass anklet, armlet, or similar metal
object is put into boiling water in one of the iron pans so common
throughout the Agúsan Valley. The suspected party, or parties, is then
called upon to insert a hand into the water and to remove the object
that has been placed at the bottom of the shallow pan. Although I have
heard many threats of an appeal to this test, I never saw the actual
operation of it, but I have been assured repeatedly by those who claimed
to have seen the performance that the hand of the guilty one gets badly
scalded, while that of an innocent one remains uninjured. The belief in
the truth of this test is so strong, that, at times when the ordeal was
threatened, I have heard many express not only their willingness but
their eagerness to undergo it.
[2] _Pag-ínit_.
I have made numerous and very definite inquires in different localities
and from members of different tribes as to the reason for the value of
the ordeal as a test and as to whether or not it might be explained by
the agency of supernatural beings, but in reply always received the
answer that no reason could be given except that it had always been so
and that religion had no connection with it.
_The diving ordeal_.[3]--I never witnessed the actual operation of this
ordeal except in play, but the belief in its efficacy is strong and
widespread. The operation consists in a trial between the parties under
suspicion as to the length of time they can remain under water. Two at a
time undergo the test. The one that retains his head under water longer
is declared innocent for the time being, but has to undergo the test
with each one of the suspected parties. This method seems impossible as
a final proof, but such is the procedure as described to me on the upper
Tágo River.
[3] _Sún-ub_.
Another and more common method is a simultaneous trial by all the
accused. At a given signal they submerge their heads. The one that first
raises his from the water is declared guilty. I was told by one party
that the respective relatives of the accused ones stand by and hold them
down by main force. This statement was corroborated by all those present
at the time, but, as neither my informant nor anyone else could explain
what it would be necessary to do in case of asphyxiation, I do not give
credence to the story.
On numerous occasions I made diving tests in sport with Manóbos and
found that I could retain my breath longer than they could. They assured
me, nevertheless, that if the test were made as an ordeal and if I were
the guilty party, I would infallibly lose.
_The candle ordeal_.--Among the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region
I found the belief in the efficacy of the candle ordeal for determining
the guilt of one of the suspected parties. Candles of the same size are
made and are given to the suspects, one to each of them. They are then
stuck to the floor and lit at the same time. The contestants have the
right to keep them erect and to protect them from the wind. The one
whose candle burns out first is declared guilty.
A belief in the value of ordeals is widespread, but the actual practice
of them is very rare. No reason for this has been given to me, although
it is stated that the refusal to submit to one would be considered
evidence of guilt.
BY CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE
In Manóboland circumstantial evidence, in the absence of other evidence,
has sufficient weight to convict one who is under suspicion. Hence
footprints and other traces of a man's presence are carefully examined.
In fact, as a gatherer of testimony, even of the most insignificant
kind, the Manóbo is peerless; he is patient, ceaseless, and thorough.
This is due, no doubt, to his cautious, suspicious nature and to that
spirit of revenge that never smolders. He may wait for years until the
suspicion seems to have died out, when one fine day he hears a rumor
that confirms his suspicions and the flame of contention bursts forth.
One by one the successive bearers of the incriminating rumor are
questioned in open meeting until the truth of it is ascertained and the
guilty one brought to justice. I have known many cases, principally of
slander, traced in this way from one rumor bearer to another. This
illustrates the statement made before that in cases involving damage or
loss to another the guilty party and the witnesses as a rule declare the
truth, when they are called upon, knowing that one day or another the
secret will probably be ferreted out and then the punishment will be
greater.
ENFORCEMENT OF THE SENTENCE
The sentence having been agreed to by the consensus of opinion of both
sides, and the defendant having manifested his concurrence therein, a
time is set for the payment. When the offense is of a very serious
character, partial payment is made at once, the object being to mollify
the feelings of the enraged plaintiff. This payment ordinarily consists
of a weapon belonging either to the defendant himself or to one of his
relatives, but in urgent cases it might be a human being, as a relative
for instance. I myself saw delivery of a son made after the termination
of an adultery case.
The whole payment or compensation is not exacted at once but a suitable
length of time for the completion of it is always agreed upon. The
defendant receives a strip of rattan with a number of knots and is at
times made to take the wax-burning oath.
His conduct on these occasions is apparently submissive for he does not
want to run counter to tribal opinion, but it happens sometimes that
upon leaving the house of adjudication he expresses his dissatisfaction
with the decision or throws the blame upon somebody else. In this case
there may arise another contention. On the whole, however, he abides by
the decision.
In the great majority of cases the convicted man makes the stipulated
payment, for a refusal to do so would lead to more serious difficulties
than those already settled, and excuses for nonfulfillment are not
accepted as readily as before. Moreover, a second arbitration subjects
his opponent and his opponent's relatives to unnecessary trouble and
long journeys. Hence, realizing that a second trial will only serve to
exasperate his opponent and arm public opinion against him, he fulfills
his obligations faithfully.
CHAPTER XXI
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS
INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS
Dealings on the part of. Manóbos with other tribes such as the Banuáon,
the Debabáon, and the Mandáya are almost without exception of the most
pacific kind. I made frequent inquiries, especially while on the upper
Agúsan River, as to the reason for this, and was always given to
understand that any trouble with another tribe was carefully avoided
because it might give rise to unending complications and to interminable
war. I am of the opinion that, in his avoidance of war with neighboring
tribes, there is ever present in the Manóbo's mind a consciousness of
his inferiority to the Mandáya, Debabáon, and Banuáon, and a realization
of the consequences that would inevitably follow in case of a clash with
them. Thus the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, who had provoked the
Mandáyas of the Katí'il River at the beginning of the Christian
conquest, suffered a dire reprisal on the Húlip River, upper Agúsan,
when some 180 of them were massacred in one night.[1]
[1] See Oartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 5:22, 1883.
The current accounts of Debabáon warriors, as narrated to me by many of
them on the upper Sálug River, show the severe losses suffered by
Manóbos of the upper Agúsan in their conflicts with Debabáons. The same
holds true of the Manóbos on the lower Agúsan when they matched their
strength with the Banuáons of the Maásam, Líbañg, and Óhut Rivers. A
perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" will give one
a vivid picture of the devastation caused by not only the Banuáons but
by the Mandáyas and the Debabáons in Manóboland.
The reason for these unfriendly intertribal relations and for the
consequent defeats of the Manóbos in nearly every instance is not far to
seek. The Manóbo lacks the organization of the Mandáya, Debabáon, and
Banuáon. Like the Mañgguáñgan he is somewhat hot-headed, and upon
provocation, especially while drunk, prefers to take justice into his
own hands, striking down with one fell swoop his Mandáya or other
adversary, without appealing to a public adjudication. The result of
this imprudent proceeding is an attack in which the friends and
relatives of the slain one become the aggressors, invading Manóbo
territory and executing awful vengeance upon the perpetrator of the
wrong. The friends and relatives of the latter, with their inferior
tribal organization and their conscious feeling of inferiority in
courage, together with a realization of the innumerable difficulties
that beset the path of reprisals, very rarely invade the territory of
the hostile tribe.
Both from the accounts given in the aforesaid Jesuit letters and from my
own observations and information, I know that the same statements may be
made of the intertribal relations of Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,
Mañgguáñgans and Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans and Manóbos. The
Mañgguáñgans are much lower in the scale of culture than the Manóbos,
and when they are under the influence of liquor yield to very slight
provocation. As a result of a rash blow, the Mañgguáñgan's territory is
invaded and his settlement is surrounded. He is an arrant coward as a
rule, and, hot-headed fool as he is, jumps from his low, wall-less house
only to meet the foeman's lance. Thus it happens that thousands and
thousands of them have been killed. If we may believe the testimony of a
certain Jesuit missionary, as stated in one of the Jesuit letters, the
Mañgguáñgan tribe numbered 30,000 at one time and their habitat extended
eastward from the Tágum River and from its eastern tributary, the Sálug,
between the Híjo and the Tótui Rivers, to the Agúsan and thence spread
still eastward over the Simúlau River. In 1886 Father Pastells estimated
them to number some 14,000. In 1910, I made an estimate, based on the
reports of their hereditary enemies in Compostela, Gandía, Geróna, and
Moncáyo, and venture to state that in that year they did not number more
than about 10,000 souls. Their territory, too, at that date, was
confined to the low range of mountains that formed the Agúsan-Sálug
divide and to the swamp tracts in the region of the Mánat River, with a
scattered settlement here and there on the east of the Agúsan to the
north of the Mánat River.
The Manóbos of the Ihawán, Baóbo, and Agúsan Rivers played a bloody part
in the massacre of the Mañgguáñgans. While on my first visit to the
upper Agúsan in 1907, I used to hear once or twice a week of the killing
of Mañgguáñgans. Many a time my Mandáya or Manóbo or Debabáon companions
would say to me, upon seeing a Mañgguáñgan: "Shoot him, grandpa, he is
only a Mañgguáñgan."
I know from the personal accounts of Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon
warrior chiefs that in nearly every case they had acquired their title
of warrior chief by bloody attacks made upon Mañgguáñgans. The warrior
chiefs of the upper Agúsan, upper Karága, upper Manorígau and upper and
middle Katí'il had nearly to a man earned their titles from the killing
of Mañgguáñgans. This is eminently true of the Debabáon group. Moncáyo
itself boasts of more warrior chiefs than any district in eastern
Mindanáo, and stands like a mighty watchtower over the thousands and
thousands of Mañgguáñgan and Manóbo graves that bestrew the lonely
forest from Libagánon to the Agúsan.
INTERCLAN RELATIONS
It must be borne in mind that, judging from the testimony of all with
whom I conversed on the subject as well as from my own personal
observation, interclan feuds among Manóbos have diminished notably since
the beginning of missionary activity and more especially since the
establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Upon the
establishment of this government in the lower half of the Agúsan Valley,
there was a perceptible decrease in bloody fights due to the effective
extension of supervision under able and active officials. Here and there
in remote regions, such as the upper reaches of the Baóbo, Ihawán,
Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían Rivers, casual killings took place. On
the upper Agúsan, however, where no effective government had been
established until after my departure in 1910, interclan relations were
not of the most pacific nature. Thus, in 1909, the settlements of
Dugmánon and Moncáyo were in open hostility, and up to the time of my
departure four deaths had occurred. The Mandáyas of Katí'il and
Manorígao had contemplated an extensive movement against Compostela and
after my departure did bring about one death. However, the intended move
was frustrated happily by the establishment of a military post in
Moncáyo in 1910. Several Mañgguáñgans at the headwaters of the Mánat
River met their fate in 1909. The whole Mañgguáñgan tribe went into
armed vigilance that same year and rendered it impossible for me to meet
any but the milder members of the tribe living in the vicinity of
Compostela. On one occasion I had made arrangements to meet a
Mañgguáñgan warrior chief at an appointed trysting place in the forest.
Upon arriving at the spot, one of my companions beat the buttress of a
tree as a signal that we had arrived, but it was more than an hour
before our Mañgguáñgan friends made their appearance. Upon being
questioned as to the delay, they informed us that they had circled
around at a considerable distance, examining the number and shape of our
footprints in order to make sure that no deception was being practiced
upon them. When we approached the purpose of the interview, namely, to
request permission to visit their houses, they positively refused to
allow it, telling us that they were on guard against three warrior
chiefs of the upper Sálug who had recently procured guns and who had
threatened to attack them. Upon questioning my companions as to the
likely location of the domicile of the Mañgguáñgans, I was assured that
they probably lived at the head of the Mánat River in a swampy region
and that access to their settlement could be had only by wading through
tracts of mud and water thigh deep.
During the same year various other raids were made, notably on the
watershed between the Sálug and the Ihawán Rivers. The Manóbos of the
Baóbo River, which has been styled by the well-known Jesuit missionary
Urios "the river of Bagáni" (warrior chiefs), were reported to be in a
state of interclan war. Such a condition, however, was nothing unusual,
for I never ascended the upper Agúsan without hearing reports of
atrocities on Baóbo River.[2]
[2] The Baóbo River rises in a mountain that is very near the confluence
of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, and empties into one of the myriad
channels into which the Agúsan is divided just below Veruéla.
In time of peace, interclan dealings are friendly, but it may be said in
general that dealings of any kind are not numerous and that their
frequency is in inverse ratio to the distance between the two clans. It
is seldom that a given individual has no feudal enemy in one district or
another so that in his visits to other clans he usually has either to
pass through the territory of an enemy or to run the risk of meeting one
at his destination. This does not mean that he will be attacked then and
there, for he is on his guard, but it must be remembered that he is in
Manóboland and that a mere spark may start a conflagration.
Hence, visits to others than relatives and trips to distant points are
not frequent. This is particularly true of the womenfolk. Here and there
one finds a Manóbo man who travels fearlessly to distant settlements for
the purpose of securing some object that he needs, but he never fails to
carry his lance, and frequently, his shield; he is never off his guard,
either on the trail or in the house he may be visiting.
During the greater social and religious gatherings the greatest
vigilance is exerted by all concerned as everyone realizes beforehand
the possibility of trouble. Hence bolos or daggers are worn even during
meals. Enemies or others who are known to be at loggerheads are seated
at a respectful distance from each other with such people around them as
are considered friendly or at least neutral. This arrangement of guests
is a very striking feature of a Manóbo meal and one of great importance,
for it prevents many an untoward act. The host, in an informal way, sees
to the distribution of the guests, and when his arrangement is not
acceptable to any of the interested parties, a rearrangement is made and
all seat themselves. This proceeding has nothing formal about it. The
whole thing seems to be done by instinct.
EXTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS
EXPLOITATION BY CHRISTIAN NATIVES
The shameless spoliation[3] practiced during my residence and travels in
eastern Mindanáo (1905-1909) by Christian natives upon the Christianized
and un-Christianized Manóbos is a subject that deserves special mention.
[3] Since the establishment in 1909 of government trading posts, this
spoliation has practically ceased in the Agúsan Valley.
_Exploitation by falsification_.--The hill people, living in their
mountain fastnesses out of communication with the more important
traders, had to depend wholly for their needs on petty traders and
peddlers of the Christian population. They were accordingly kept in
absolute ignorance of the true value of the commodities that they
required. False reports as to the value of rice, hemp, and _vino_ were
constantly spread. To-day, it would be a report of a war between China
and Japan that caused a rise of several pesos in the price of a sack of
rice. To-morrow, it would be an international complication between Japan
and several of the great European powers which caused a paralysis in the
exportation of hemp and a corresponding fall of several pesos in the
value of it. These and numerous other fabrications were corroborated by
letters purporting to come from Butuán, but in most cases written by one
trader to another on the spot, with a view to giving plausibility to the
lie. It was a common practice for the trader's friend or partner in
Butuán to direct, usually by previous arrangement, two letters to him,
in one of which was stated the true value of the commodity and in the
other the value at which it was desired to purchase or to dispose of it.
The latter letter was for public perusal and rarely failed to beguile
the ignorant _conquistas_ and Manóbos.
But it was not only in the exorbitant rates charged and in the
unspeakably low prices paid for objects of merchandise that the
Christian trader swindled his pagan fellow men. The use of false weights
and measures was a second means. The Manóbo had little conception of a
_pikul_[4] or of an _arroba_[5] of hemp, so that he was utterly at the
mercy of the trader. The steelyards used by Christian traders from 1905
to 1908 were never less than 30 per cent out of true and frequently as
much as 50 per cent. One pair of scales I found to be so heavily leaded
that the hemp that weighed 25 pounds on them weighed between 38 and 39
pounds on a true English scales.
[4] A _pikul_ is the equivalent of 137.5 Spanish pounds.
[5] An _arroba_ is 25 Spanish pounds.
Another method of defraudation consisted in false accounts. The Manóbo
had no account book to rely upon in his dealings with the trader, but
trusted to his memory and to the honesty of his friend. The payment was
made in occasional deliveries of hemp or other articles, such deliveries
covering a period usually of many months. When the day for settling
accounts came, the Manóbo was allowed to spread out his little grains of
corn or little bits of wood on the floor and to perform the calculation
as best he could. Any mistakes in his own favor were promptly corrected
by the trader, but mistakes or omissions in favor of the trader were
allowed to pass unobserved. The account would then be closed and the
trader would mark with a piece of charcoal on a beam, rafter, or other
convenient place, the amount of the debt still due him, for it was
extremely rare that he allowed the poor tribesman to escape from his
clutches.
_Defraudation by usury and excessive prices_.--Another method of
exploitation consisted in a system of usury, practiced throughout the
valley but more especially on the upper Agúsan. An example will
illustrate this: A Bisáya advances 5 pesos in various commodities with
the understanding that at the next harvest he is to receive 10 sacks of
paddy in payment. At the next harvest the Manóbo is unable to pay more
than 6 sacks. He is given to understand that he must pay the balance
within two months. After that period the trader goes upstream again and
proceeds to collect. The paddy is not forthcoming, so the trader informs
his customer that the prevailing price of paddy in such and such a town
is actually 5 pesos per sack and that he accordingly loses 20 pesos by
the failure to receive the paddy stipulated for and that the debtor must
answer for the amount. The poor Manóbo then turns over a war bolo or
perhaps a spear at one-half their original value, for the contract
called for paddy and not weapons. In that way he pays up a certain
amount, let us say 10 pesos, and has still a balance of 10 pesos against
him, he having no available resources wherewith to settle the account in
full. He is then offered the alternative of paying 20 sacks at the next
harvest or of performing some work that he is unwilling to do, so he
accepts the former alternative. The bargain is then clinched with many
threats on the part of the trader to the effect that the Americans will
cut off his head or commit some other outrageous act should he fail to
fulfill this second contract.
The worst depredation committed on the Manóbo consisted of the advancing
of merchandise at exorbitant rates just before harvest time with a view
to purchasing rice and tobacco. It is principally at this time that the
Manóbo stands in special need of a supply of pigs and chickens for the
celebrations, religious and social, that invariably take place. As he
has little foresight in his nature and rarely, if ever, speculates, he
was accustomed to bartering away in advance a large amount of his paddy
and tobacco. The result was that after paying up as much of his paddy
debts and tobacco debts as he could, he found that his stock was meager,
barely sufficient for a few months. So the time came when he had to
repurchase at from 3 to 10 pesos per bamboo joint that which he had sold
for 25 centavos.
_Exploitation by the system of commutation_.--Another means of
defrauding perpetrated on the Manóbo was the system of commutation by
which the debt had to be paid, if the creditor so desired, in other
effects than those which were stipulated in the contract. The value of
the goods thus substituted was reckoned extraordinarily low. For
example, in the event of a failure to pay the stipulated amount of
tobacco, its value in some other part of the Agúsan, where that
commodity was high, would be calculated in money, and any object would
be asked for that the trader might desire. Suppose the customary value
of this object, a pig for instance, to be 10 pesos, at which price it
would be offered to the trader, who would reply that he had contracted
for tobacco and not pigs. He would go on to show that he had no use for
pigs, that he could procure a pig of the same size for 2 pesos in
another town, and he would finally persuade the debtor to turn over the
pig for 2 pesos.
I adjudicated unofficially, at the request of the Manóbos, several cases
where the Bisáya trader tried to collect not only the value of a sow but
of the number of young ones that it might have given birth to had it
lived. These pigs had been left with Manóbos for safe-keeping and either
had died from natural causes or had been killed. One Bisáya went so far
as to demand payment for the chickens that a hen would have produced had
it not been stolen from the Manóbo to whom it had been entrusted. This
part of the claim I did not allow, so the claimant demanded pay for the
eggs that might have been laid.
_Wheedling or the puának system_.--Another means of exploitation
practiced on the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan was the _puának_ system,
invented by the Bisáya trader. The _puának_ was some prosperous Manóbo
who was chosen as an intimate friend and who, out of friendship, was
expected to furnish his Bisáya friend anything which the latter might
ask for. The Bisáya in return was expected to do the same.
The Bisáya paid his Manóbo friend a few visits every year, on which
occasions he was received with all the open-hearted hospitality so
characteristic of the Manóbo. Pigs and chickens, purchased frequently at
high rates, were killed in his honor. The country was scoured for
sugar-cane wine or other drink, and no means were left untried to make
the reception royal. The Bisáya, in the meanwhile, lavished on his host
soft, wheedling words, at the same time giving him sad tales of the rise
in the price of merchandise, of his indebtedness to the Chinese, and
before leaving gave him a little cloth or some other thing of small
value. In return he received paddy, tobacco, and such other articles as
he needed. The farewell was made with great demonstrations of friendship
on the Bisáya's part and with an invitation to his Manóbo friend to
visit him at a certain stated time.
During his friend's visit the Manóbo had gone around the country
canvassing for paddy and such other articles as he had been instructed
to barter for. His wife and female relatives had stamped out several
sacks of paddy for their friend. His sons and other male relatives had
cleaned the Bisáya's boat and supplied him with rattan. In a word, the
whole family had made menials of themselves to satisfy the Bisáya's
every desire.
At the stated time the Manóbo started downstream with the various
commodities that had been requested of him, paddy, tobacco, and other
things. At his friend's house he was received with a great exhibition of
joy and welcome. During his stay he was kept happy by constant doses of
_vino_. Besides the killing of a suckling pig and of a few chickens, a
little wheedling and palavering were about the only entertainment he
received. But as the grog kept him in good humor and it is supposed to
cost one peso per liter, he was perfectly happy, turned over his wares
to the host, had his accounts balanced for him (he was usually in a
hilarious condition while this was being done), received further
advances of merchandise at the usual usurious rates, and left for his
upland home to tell his family and relatives of the glorious time he had
at his _puának's_.
_Bartering transactions_.--The following schedule of approximate values
of commodities in the Agúsan, 1905 to 1909, will serve to show the
commercial depredations committed on Manóbos and _conquistas_ by the
Bisáyas who have ever looked upon them as their legitimate prey.
Sale
price
in Gain Value
barter in of
for weighing abaká
Quantity Original Monetary abaká or in
Article retailed cost value fiber measuring Butuán
------- --------- ---- ----- ----- --------- ------
Pesos Pesos Kilos Per cent Pesos
Rice 1 sack 5-8 12-22 100-200 30-50 16-38
Vino 1 demijohn 5.50 16 240 30-50 42-48
Salt 1 sack 2.50 12 100 10-30 21-24
Salted fish 1 jar 6.00 16 205 -- 33-37
Turkey red 1 piece 4.00 14 106 15-25 26-28
----- -----
26.00 138-175
To this list might be appended the values of exchange in paddy, beeswax,
and rattan and the corresponding gain made when these latter are
bartered in their turn for hemp or disposed of to the Chinese merchants.
From the above list it is evident that a Bisáya trader could go up the
river with goods valued at 26 pesos and within a few weeks return with
_abaká_ valued at 138 pesos to 175 pesos, according to the scales and
other measures used. His total expenses, including his own subsistence,
probably would not exceed 30 pesos.
No mention is here made of such luxuries as shoes, hats, or European
clothes on which gains of from 500 to 1,000 per cent are the rule.
Neither have various other usuries been included, such as high interest
or payment of expenses in case of delays, all of which go to swell the
gain that a Bisáya considers his right and his privilege when he has to
deal with beings whom he hardly classes as men.
Among the Manóbos the credit system almost invariably prevails, based
upon the sacredness with which the Manóbo pays his debts. It is true
that the Christianized Manóbo occasionally is not very scrupulous in
this respect, but this is because he has been fleeced so much by his
Christian brethren.
Arriving in a settlement, the trader displays only a part of his wares
at a time. If he has two pieces of cloth, he displays only one. Of five
sacks of rice, only two are his, he claims. In answering the inquiry as
to whether he has dried fish, he says that he has just a little for his
personal use, for the price of it in Butuán was prohibitive. On being
besought to sell a little, he secretly orders it taken out from the jar
and delivered to his customer, at an outrageous price. The object of
this simulation is to hasten the sales of his wares, for should he
display all his stock, many of his customers might prefer to wait in
hopes of a reduction in prices, a sort of a diminutive "clearance sale."
As the article for which the exchange is made is nearly always _abaká_
fiber, it is evident that a certain period, longer or shorter according
to the amount of fiber contracted for, must be allowed the customer.
When this period exceeds a week, the stipulation is made that the
payment shall be made in installments. A shorter period is allowed than
is necessary for the stripping of the hemp, under the pretense that the
trader is in a hurry to leave the settlement and catch a certain steamer
with which he deals. This is a prudent precaution as the Manóbo is not
very methodical in his affairs nor quick in his movements. A thousand
and one things--omens, sickness, bad weather--may delay him in the
fulfillment of his contract. It is this tardiness that gives rise to the
ill feeling and bickering that are not infrequently the outcome of this
system of trading. The Manóbo, moreover, has long since become aware of
the stupendous gain made by the traders, and, when not dealt with
gently, becomes exasperated and on occasions deliberately delays his
creditor. Then again, some other trader may have got into the settlement
in the meantime and seduced him into buying, cash down, some more
enticing article, for this primitive man, like the rest of the world,
often buys what he lays his eyes upon without any thought of the future.
For this reason, the trader keeps close observation upon all who owe
him, almost daily visiting their houses and profiting by the occasion to
help himself to whatever little fish or meat or other edibles he may
find therein. One who has been in debt a long time is a favorite victim,
for when he is unable to pay his debt on time he is shamelessly required
to offer a substantial apology[6] in the form of a chicken or some other
edible.
[6] _Ba-lí-bad_.
GENERAL CONDITIONS OF TRADING
In general, there was no established system in the Agúsan Valley as far
as the dealings of Bisáyas went. The constant fluctuation of prices was
a sufficient explanation of this. Thus, rice might be worth 13 centavos
per kilogram in Butuán, while at the same time it might command a price
of 43 centavos on the Híbung River or in Veruéla. Salted fish might be
selling in Butuán for a trifle, whereas up the Simúlau a jar of it at
retail might be worth 20 or 30 sacks of paddy. In general the increase
in price of a commodity was in direct proportion to its distance from
points of distribution. By points of distribution are meant the Chinese
stores in Butuán and Talakógon.
Again the old-time custom of selling paddy at a fixed customary price
held the Manóbo in commercial servitude to his Bisáya compeer. This was
due to the intense conservatism of the Manóbo and to his peculiar
religious tenets in this regard, both of which were fostered and
sustained by the tribal priests and encouraged by Bisáyas. Could he have
been induced to retain his paddy instead of selling it at 50 centavos
per sack he would not have been obliged to repurchase at P5 per sack.
The same might be said of his tobacco, which he sold wholesale by the
bamboo joint at 25 centavos each, or, at most, at a peso each, and which
he repurchased, paying, in times of scarcity, 20 centavos for enough to
chew a few times.
The credit system, too, was an impediment to his financial advance. It
seems to have been a tribal institution. During my trading tour I
frequently heard my Manóbo debtors proclaim boastingly to their fellow
tribesmen that I had much confidence in their integrity.
The Manóbo who could gain the confidence of the traders and accumulate
his debts seemed to be an honored person, but when he was able to make
sufficient payment to satisfy his creditors he was a great man. Hence,
the traders played upon his vanity and advanced him such commodities as
he desired, seldom obliging him to settle in full his obligations, and
induced him to accept on credit a certain amount so as to retain him in
bondage to them. It must not be imagined that there was anything
tyrannical in the manner of collecting outstanding debts. On the
contrary, it was almost always done in a gentle diplomatic way, the
trader knowing full well that the Manóbo regarded a debt as sacred and
that he would finally pay it. But it must not be supposed that the
transactions were entirely free from disputes and quarrels. It happened
occasionally that the Manóbo detected the frauds in his creditor's
accounting or remembered omissions of his own in a past reckoning, and
so the bickering began, the Bisáya never caring to admit his errors or
frauds, while the Manóbo, who is a hard and fast bargainer, insisted on
claiming what he considered his rights. As a rule, the matter was
settled peaceably by the principal men of the region. Numerous
instances, however, occurred wherein the Manóbo, exasperated by the
numerous frauds of his creditor, awaited a favorable occasion to
dispatch him. On the whole, it may be said that differences which arose
between Bisáyas and their mountain compeers in eastern Mindanáo are to
be attributed in no small degree to the ruinous, relentless exploitation
of the unsophisticated, untutored Manóbo by the greedy Bisáya
traffickers.
INTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS
By internal trading is meant those simple transactions that take place
between Manóbo and Manóbo. The subject presents a striking contrast to
the merciless system adopted by the Christian traders in their dealings
with their pagan congeners.
The transactions are simple exchanges of the absolute necessities of
life.
MONEY AND SUBSTITUTES FOR IT
There is little conception of money as such among the hillmen unless
they have been in contact with Christian or Christianized traders, and
even then although monetary terms are made use of, there is but a vague
conception of the real value of what they represent. I asked a Manóbo of
the upper Wá-wa the price of his little bamboo lime tube. The answer was
30 pesos.
Money, therefore, has no value as a circulating medium, although it may
be prized as a material out of which to make rings and other ornamental
objects. As substitutes, there are several units of more or less
indefinite value. Thus, the value of a slave which, expressed in
monetary value, varies between 15 and 30 pesos, is mentioned in
connection with large fines and with marriage payments. Again, plates of
the type called _píñggan_ are referred to in small fines and in other
payments, but as these are imported articles the price varies. On the
whole, however, 100 _píñggan_ are worth a good serviceable slave--that
is, 30 pesos. Pigs also are mentioned as a unit of value, but here again
the value is not wholly definite, as a great many of them are imported
and vary with the purchasing price.
PREVAILING MANÓBO PRICES
The following list will give a fair idea of the monetary value of some
of the commodities that are most frequently exchanged between Manobos.
1. A slave who can perform a full-grown person's work. ..... 30.00 Pesos
2. A slave who can do a certain amount of work. ..... 20.00
3. A slave whose right hand can not reach the tip of his left ear .....
15.00
4. A male pig 1 year old ..... 1.00
5. A sow that has given birth once ..... 1.00
6. One fathom of _abaká_ cloth nearly 1 meter wide ..... 1.00
7. A woman's skirt of _abaká_ ... .50
8. One double sack of paddy (150 liters) ..... .50
9. Three double _gantas_ (15 liters) ..... 0.0625
10. One large basket (15 liters) of _camotes_, corn, taro, etc. .....
0.0625
11. One bunch of bananas ..... 0.0625
12. One dugout, 7 fathoms long, with a beam of 4 spans ..... 1.50
13. One dugout, 11 fathoms long, with a beam of 5 spans ..... 2.50
14. One bamboo jointful of tobacco, into whose mouth the closed hand can
not be easily inserted ..... 0.0625
15. One bamboo jointful of tobacco, into whose mouth the closed hand can
be easily inserted ..... 0.125
16. One full-grown hen or rooster ..... 0.125
The values above indicated are based on the monetary terms used to
represent their value, and borrowed, possibly, from the terms which are
still in vogue in eastern Mindanáo.[7]
[7] _I-sá-ka sá-pi_ (Bis., _ú-sa'-ka sa-lá-pi_), P0.50; _ka-há-ti_,
P0.25; _Si-ká-pat_, P0.125; _Si-kau-au_, P0.0625.
From the above scale it will be seen that a pig 1 year old could be
exchanged for 2 full-grown chickens, 2 sacks of paddy, and 2 bamboo
joints of tobacco. It is not customary to trade in such things as
_camotes_, taro, and corn, the return of them being the usual
stipulation, but the corresponding values have been inserted in the
above list in order to give the reader an idea of the value of food
commodities.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
No measure of weight is used by the hill Manóbo. The Christianized
Manóbo may have obtained some old scales of the type used by Bisáyas for
weighing _abaká_ fiber. These scales are steelyards, the construction of
which permitted the Bisáya trader to fleece his non-Christian customers
of as much as 50 per cent of their _abaká_ fiber. The method of
falsifying the balance was by loading the counterpoising weight with
lead, and by filing the crosspiece that acts as fulcrum. Another method
which might be used with even true steelyards consisted in giving the
counterpoise arm a downward tilt, after the _abaká_ fiber had been
loaded on the other arm. This was usually done on the pretense of
picking up the counterpoising weight which had been purposely left on
the ground.
In measures of volume the Manóbo is almost equally destitute for he has
only the _gántañg_. This is a cylindrical measure made out of the trunk
of a palm tree, with a bottom of some other wood. It has a capacity of
from 10 to 15 liters, but I know of no rule which fixes its exact size.
An interesting point with regard to the size of this measure is that it
is double that of the one used by Bisáyas.[8] It is suggested that the
early Bisáya traders, on the introduction of the Spanish _ganta_ and
_fanega_, taught, for obvious purposes, their unsuspecting mountain
friends to make a measure double the size of the legal one.
[8] The _gántang_ measure in eastern Mindanáo is of two kinds, _de
almacen_, "of the store," and _de provincia_, "of the province." The
latter is twice the size of the former, and is universally used by the
mountain peoples.
In the manner of measuring out paddy (for it is practically only for
this purpose that the _gántang_ serves) there is a feature that is
characteristic of Manobo frugality and economy. The paddy is scooped
with the hands, little by little, into the measure, which is not moved
until it is full. Then with a piece of stick the surface of the paddy is
leveled off and it is emptied into the larger receptacle. At the same
time the number is counted out loudly. The intention in not moving or
disturbing the measure is to allow the paddy to have greater bulk, for
if it is disturbed the grains settle and it requires more to fill the
measure.
Twenty-five of these _gántang_ make a _kabán_, _bákkid_, or _anéga_, as
it is variously called. This _kabán_, although there is no measure
corresponding to it in Manóboland, would be equivalent in bulk to two
sacks of rice, or about 150 liters.
The yard is the distance from the end of the thumb, when the arm is
extended horizontally, to the middle of the sternum. It, of course,
varies somewhat with each individual.
The Bisáya trader, in measuring cloth, considerably shortens his yard by
not giving a full stretch to the arm, and by slightly turning the
outstretched hand toward his body. This gain, together with another
little one secured when he bites off the measured piece from the bolt,
makes a total gain of 10 centimeters approximately. Remonstrances on the
part of the customer are unavailing, for he is told that such is the
length of the trader's yard and, if the customer is not satisfied, he is
not obliged to accept the cloth. As it is a credit transaction, the poor
Manóbo is obliged to yield.
The fathom[9] is the distance between the thumb tips when the arms and
hands are outstretched. The fraud practiced by the Bisáya trader in the
yard measure is also employed in this.
[9] _Dú-pa'_.
The span [10] is the stretch between the tip of the first finger and
that of the thumb as they are stretched over the object to be measured.
[10] _Dáng-au_.
The finger length[11] is the length of either the first or of the middle
finger, according to the custom of each locality.
[11] _Túd-lo_.
The joint length [12] is the length of the middle joint of the finger.
It is a measure that is very seldom used.
[12] _Lúm-po_.
SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVES
SLAVE TRADE
I have not visited the Agúsan Valley since 1910, so that I am unable to
give any information as to the actual extent of slave trading at the
present day. From 1905 to 1909 the practice was in vogue, but to no
great extent. It is reported on all sides by Mañgguáñgans, Mandáyas,
Manóbos, and Banuáons that since the American occupation it has
diminished to a remarkable degree, due to the wonderful reputation of
the Americans for having overcome the Spaniards. This diminution was a
natural sequence of the decrease of war raids.
Slave trading among the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo was practically
confined to the Ihawán, Baóbo, upper Simúlau, and Agúsan Rivers. I am of
the opinion that during my four years' residence in the Agúsan there
were not more than 100 cases of slave trade in the regions outside of
the Ihawán and Baóbo River Valleys.
The customary value of a slave has been mentioned in this chapter, but
it is only proper to add that a great many considerations, such as poor
health, weak constitution, and other defects which might lessen the
ability of the slave to work, detract from his value. It may be said in
general that the value of a slave ranges between 10 and 30 pesos, never
exceeding the last figure, at which he stands on a par with an unusually
good hunting dog, or with an extra large prolific sow.
Slave trading does not, in the Manóbo's mind, involve the idea of
degradation which attaches to it among other nations. A slave is to the
Manóbo a chattel which he can sell, kill, or dispose of in any other way
that he may deem expedient.
CLASSES OF SLAVES
Captives[13] are those who have been captured from the enemy. At first
their treatment may be a little harsh, or they may, when their owners
happen to be angry, be killed outright. This is due to the fact that the
feelings of revenge have not cooled off. But after a few days their
condition and treatment is similar to that of ordinary slaves, except
that more precautions are taken to prevent their escape. If fear of
their escape is entertained, it is usual to sell them as soon as
possible.
[13] _Bi-ha_.
By ordinary slaves[14] are meant those who have been purchased or who
have been delivered over in payment of fines or marriages. There is no
institution in Manóboland by which a freeman, not a minor, can become a
slave by reason of debt. But minors, usually relatives of the debtor,
sometimes in an exigency are turned over in payment of a debt. This is
usually done with a view to avoiding bloodshed.
[14] _Áñg-lañg_.
DELIVERY AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES
The manner of delivering the slave to a new owner depends ordinarily
upon the feelings with which he regards the change, except in the case
of children, who are easily coaxed into accepting it. In the case of
older persons who have been attached to their owners, the matter is more
difficult, as they display a reluctance to change hands. A ruse is then
resorted to, as in a case which I witnessed. The person, in this case a
slave girl, was sent to her purchaser's house, ostensibly for the
purpose of procuring salt and of delivering a basket of paddy. As she
was about to return her purchaser called her back into the house. She
then, realizing the circumstances, burst into tears, but was soon
soothed by the wives of her new owner.
On the whole slaves are not mistreated. Like all menials, they at times
become remiss in the performance of what is expected of them, and
accordingly are given a few blows with a stick or other convenient
object. In a very passionate moment, or when drunk, the master may cut
off his slave girl's hair or denude her completely in the presence of
the household, but such acts are of very rare occurrence.
Immediately after being captured, or after a change of master, the slave
feels his lot keenly, but as time goes on and as he realizes that there
is no hope of deliverance, the remembrance of his relatives fades away
and he resigns himself to his fate. Sometimes one finds a slave who has
become so attached to his master that he is unwilling to return to his
relatives. This is true of those who have been captured when young, and
especially of girls. A fondness often grows up between the latter and
their master's wife, and separation causes loud and long weeping.
A slave enjoys no rights, either personal or political. He can be
disposed of without his consent either by sale or in marriage, or in any
other way his master sees fit. If he runs away he is pursued and brought
back to his master's house. If he runs away with frequency, and the
owner is unable to dispose of him to some one else, he is simply speared
to death. I never witnessed the actual killing, but trustworthy accounts
authenticate the fact that formerly, at least, it occasionally took
place. If a slave flees from his master's house no one may aid or abet
him in his flight, though it is lawful for anyone to capture him with
the intention of returning him to his master, who in this case must pay
the capturer P15.[15]
[15] On my last trip among the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo (Karága
River) I was instrumental in saving the life of a woman slave who had
escaped six times. At the time of her escape six slaves, led by a boy
slave of about 14 years of age, had fled from the house of their master.
They were recaptured and no punishment except a good scolding and an
infinity of threats was meted out to them. A few days afterwards an
elderly slave again escaped. She was discovered in a neighboring house
and brought back by the wife and daughter of her owner. When her master
saw her he rushed from his house with spear and bolo and would have
killed her had it not been for my remonstrances and entreaties.
The slave does his share of domestic service. To the female falls the
task of drawing water, gathering firewood, pounding rice, cooking, and
weeding; to the male that of acting as his master's companion, porter,
and general messenger, and of planting _camotes_ and other crops.
The slave's dress is usually sufficient to cover his nakedness and no
more. Ear disks, bracelets, and similar articles of feminity[sic] are
not allowed, and too neat arrangement of the hair is not countenanced,
as it might be indicative of matrimonial inclinations. Marriage of his
slaves is not looked upon with favor by the master, and he does not
permit it unless the material advantages are so great that they will
repay him for the loss of the slave's services.
I know of few slave marriages. Captives, however, are said to be married
off for a good payment, when their looks and other good qualities have
won the heart of some young man.
My observation and the testimony of Manóboland as to the sexual morality
of slaves is that it is excellent, though no vigilance seems to be
exercised over them in the matter. The female slave makes trips alone to
the water place even by night, and spends many hours of the day in
solitary places while working in the clearings or traveling to the
granary. This sexual morality is due to the fact that intercourse with a
female slave is looked down upon with unmitigated contempt.
The slave fares no worse in the matter of food than the inmates of the
house; possibly he fares even better, for he gets more secret tastes of
sugarcane and roasted _camotes_ between meal hours; during meals he does
not forget himself, as he often has the handling of the pots.
PART IV. RELIGION
CHAPTER XXII
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANÓBO RELIGION AND NATURE AND CLASSIFICATION OF
MANÓBO DEITIES
INTRODUCTORY
The matter of Manóbo religious belief is so difficult of investigation,
and withal so important, that I feel a certain amount of timidity in
taking up the subject. The natural suspiciousness of the Manóbo and his
inclination not to answer questions truthfully until he has assured
himself of his interrogator's motives in asking it are the principal
sources of this difficulty. Then again his fear of offending the
divinities, coupled with his absolute subjection in spiritual affairs to
his priests, do not render the undertaking easier. And finally his
primitive, untutored mind is not capable of setting forth in a
satisfactory manner the intricacies, and not infrequently, the numerous
variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step in the
investigation. However, my sojourn among, and intimate dealings with,
both laymen and priests give me hope that the following is in its
essentials a true interpretation of this primitive religion.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION
SINCERITY OF BELIEF
The life of a Manóbo is as deep an expression of his religious beliefs
as that of any man I know. Belief in the supernatural seems to be
instinctive with him. He undertakes no action out of the ordinary
routine without consulting the powers above, and when he has assured
himself of their disapprobation, he refrains most sacredly from his
intended project, even if it should be one so cherished as vengeance on
an enemy. But if these higher powers manifest their approbation he
carries out his project with full assurance of success.
To the Manóbo his deities and demons, spirits, giants, ghouls, and
goblins are as real as his own existence, and his belief in them seems
to him entirely rational and well founded, because for authority he has
tradition and revelation--tradition handed down from generation to
generation, revelation imparted to priests while manifesting all the
indications of what he considers supernatural influence.
BASIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF
I have had occasion to study the working of the Manóbo mind when brought
into contact with phenomena which it had never contemplated before and I
observed that when the phenomenon impressed him as being not prejudicial
nor unintelligible it was ascribed to a beneficent supernatural agency,
but when it produced the impression of being unintelligible or
detrimental it was at once condemned as being the work of evil spirits.
On one occasion a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan accompanied me to Talakógon
and, upon seeing the government launch, made inquiries as to its nature.
His questions being answered to his satisfaction, he made his comments,
praised its form, and finally declared it to be the work of a god. But
when it began to move, giving forth its shrill whistle and producing the
noise characteristic of a gasoline launch, he at once condemned it as
being the work of evil agency.
I saw another instance illustrative of this tendency upon the arrival of
the first phonograph in the Simúlau River district. My companion was a
Manóbo of the upper Bahaían. Upon hearing the strains of the phonograph
he concluded at once that there was an evil spirit within it.
Notwithstanding the fact that I assured him to the contrary, he
persisted in his belief, averring that no good spirit would give vent to
such an unearthly noise.
Almost invariably my watch, cornet, compass, and barometer were
condemned as being the work of malevolent spirits. Instances might be
multiplied indefinitely, but the general conclusion is that anything
that suggests the unintelligible, the unusual, the suspected, the
gloomy, is at once attributed to inimical powers. Hence a crow that caws
at night is thought to be an evil spirit. The crashing of a falling tree
in the forest is the struggle of mighty giants. The rumbling of thunder,
the flash of lightning, the tempest's blast, and all the other phenomena
of nature are the operations of unseen agencies. The darkness is peopled
with hosts of spirits. On the desolate rocks, in the untrodden jungle,
on the dark mountain tops, in gloomy caves, by mad torrents, in deep
pools, dwell invisible powers whose enmity he must avoid or whose good
will he must court, or whose anger he must placate.
Fear then seems to be the foundation of the Manóbo's religious beliefs
and observances. Untutored as he is, he fails to understand occurrences
which the average trained mind can easily explain. On one occasion I was
at the headwaters of the Abagá River, a tributary of the Tágo River. I
had to cross the river at a point where a mighty rock stood in
midstream, dividing the river in two. I noticed that each of my Manóbo
carriers deposited a little stone near an aperture in the rock. I asked
them why they had made their tribute to the spirit dweller of the rock,
and I could not convince them that the rock was not placed there by the
spirit, but was a natural result of the action of the water. They would
never, they said, be able to return to the Agúsan unless they showed
their good will to the spirit lord of Abagá.
MEANS OF DETECTING SUPERNATURAL EVIL
In all the concerns of life the Manóbo must secure immunity from the ill
will of the multitudinous spirits that surround him. But this alone is
not sufficient. He must be able to detect future evil, otherwise how can
he avoid it? His ancestors for long bygone generations, have taught him
how to foresee and avoid evil, for they have learned, often after bitter
experience, the signs of present and approaching evil and the means of
effectively avoiding it. These signs are embodied in a system of augury,
that forms one of the most important parts of Manóbo religion. Hence,
before all important undertakings, and, above all, whenever there is any
suspicion of bodily danger or any apprehension of supernatural ill will,
the omens must be sedulously consulted and the machinations of evil or
of inimical spirits thereby detected.
BELIEF IN AN HIERARCHY OF BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT DEITIES
Now it happens that at times these omens can not be observed, so that it
might seem that the Manóbo is left exposed to, and defenseless against,
a host of spirit enemies.[1] However, he knows a means of defense, for
the good old people of yore have handed down the belief that there is an
hierarchy of beneficent divinities called _diwáta_ that are ever ready
to be his champions against the powers of evil. The old, old, people
found this faith justified and experienced the help of the beneficent
gods. Why should not he?
[1] _Búsau_.
How then is he to communicate with these invisible champions? Evidently
through those who have been chosen by the deities themselves for that
purpose--the order of priests called Italian. And so, following out the
practice of his forefathers, he has recourse to the priests in more
important concerns in which he can not otherwise ascertain the schemes
of malignant spirits or determine the pleasure of the gods. The priest,
in answer to his call, either by means of divination, or by ecstatic
communion with his tutelary deity, or by appropriate offerings, learns
the means to ward off the impending or suspected evil.
Living in a "land of terror," as he had up to about 35 years ago,
surrounded on all sides by mortal enemies, and in constant warfare with
them, the Manóbo, like his forebears, felt the necessity of having
recourse to spiritual agents for protection against his enemies and for
assistance in conquering them. Herein is involved another feature of
Manóbo religion--the belief in a multitude of warlike spirits called
_tagbúsan_ with whom communication is held through the mediation of
warrior chiefs called _bagáni_.
OTHER TENETS OF MANÓBO FAITH
Other points of importance in the religious ideas of the Manóbos are the
belief in a future life and in the existence, immortality, and duality
of the soul.[2] An inordinate fear of the dead and of all connected with
them, a host of religious and of other taboos, and a belief in the
efficacy of charms, talismans, and sympathetic magical means complete
the summary of Manóbo religion. For champions the Manóbo has the
tutelary _diuáta_; for mediators, the _bailán_; for guides, dreams,
divination, auguries, and omens; for propitiation, prayers, invocations,
oblations, and sacrifice; for proof of faith, tradition, revelation, and
personal experience.
[2] Not the metaphysical soul that is maintained in biblical and
theological belief, but a material counterpart of each individual.
SPIRIT COMPANIONS OF MAN
The _umágad_,[3] or spirit companions of man, as understood by the
Manóbo, may be defined as his material invisible counterparts without
whose presence he would cease to live. He attributes to these spirits or
souls invisibility, power of locomotion, and to at least one of them
immortality. He invests not only men, but also animals and such plants
as are cultivated by man for his sustenance, with souls or spirits. He
will tell you that the soul of rice is like rice, and exists as a
separate invisible form beside the visible material entity known as
rice. I was given to understand that trees once had souls and in proof
of the assertion the narra tree was cited, for even yet, it was
explained, it bleeds when cut.[4] No other explanation is offered in the
case of animals, than that they live and die and dream, therefore they
must have a spirit or soul.
[3] From _á-gad_, accompany.
[4] The sap of the _narra_ tree bears a very striking resemblance to
blood. _Narra_ is one of the _Pterocarpus_ species.
Vegetable souls in such plants as are used for the nourishment of man,
are explained in the following way: The offerings of rice and drink
which are set out for the deities, tutelary or other, are partaken of
and after repast of the gods the offerings become insipid, because they
have lost their "soul." I frequently tested the substantial remains of
the spirits' feast and found that they had still retained their pristine
savor and strength. No argument of mine, however, could convince my
Manóbo friends to the contrary. The spirits had consumed the soul, and
there remained, according to their staunch belief, nothing but the
outward form and inert bulk of the former offerings.
The Manóbo supposes himself to have been endowed by Mandáit with two
invisible companions and he is convinced that without their attendance
he could not exist. These souls or spirits are not indwelling principles
of life but are two separate indeterminate entities that differ only in
two respects from the person whose associates they are. The first
difference is that of size, for it is the general belief that they are a
trifle smaller than their bodily associates. Besides being smaller, they
are invisible. No mortal eye, it is said, except the priest's, has seen
a man's spirit companion, and yet it is only for brief intervals that
they are absent from their corporal companions. At times they crouch
upon the shoulders. When the man is making ready for a journey, they do
likewise. When he sets out upon his travels they follow him, one on each
side in somewhat the same way as the "guardian angels" of other creeds
accompany their wards. I once witnessed a little incident illustrative
of this belief. It was on the middle Agúsan, when a mother was about to
leave the house of birth. At the last moment she addressed the spirits
of her little one, conjuring them to follow and to care for their tender
ward.
Hence our souls are as our shadows, our other selves. Notwithstanding
the close association between them and their human companions, they are
seldom invoked. They are considered to have little, if any, power to
help. It is thought that without their presence man would become mad,
and in proof of this I was informed of cases where persons, on being
awakened rudely and hurriedly, had recourse to the bolo, in a fit of
madness due as it was thought, to the absence of their souls.[5]
[5] This belief explains the reluctance that the Manóbo, like members of
other Philippine tribes, feels in arousing a person hurriedly from sleep.
It is said that when we sleep these spirits wander off for a brief space
on their own mystic errands, and their doings are mirrored in our
dreams. Hence the strong and abiding belief of the Manóbo in dreams.
These strange companions of man have no material wants yet they lead an
insecure existence, exposed, as they are, to the insidious attacks of
the common foes of mortals. Hence it comes to pass that one of them,
while away on its random rambles some unlucky day, is mysteriously
kidnaped and finally "devoured" by a ruthless evil spirit.[6] As soon as
the surviving soul realizes what has taken place, it bemoans the loss of
its companion and leaving its corporal companion unattended wends its
way, sad and solitary, to the land of Ibú. I have been assured by
priests that this companionless soul frequently returns to the scene of
sickness and there bemoans with piteous cries the loss of its companion,
heaping horrid imprecations on the head of the foul spirit that wrought
the evil. Only the priest can hear its wild wail of woe and see its
piteous face, all suffused with tears. Upon seeing the spirit's grief
the priest renews at once his supplications to his tutelary deities,
beseeching them to rescue the captured soul from the clutches of its
enemy and thereby save the life of the patient. Should the prayers of
the priest prove unavailing, the soul wends its way to the region of
Ibú, where, free from the agressions[sic] of earthly enemies, it begins
its second and unending existence in the company of its spirit relatives.
[6] The "souls" of an ordinary priest and of war priests, as also those
of the slain, are not subject to such attacks, being under the
protection of numerous dieties[sic].
GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE DEITIES
Manóbo religion consists primarily of a belief in an innumerable number
of deities called _úmli_ and of secondary deities called _diuáta_. In
contradistinction to these is a multitudinous host of demons known as
búsau, waging incessant and ruthless war against the Manóbo world. In
addition to these there is a numerous array of spirits known as
_tagbánua_ to whom is assigned the ownership of the forests, hills, and
valleys, while the various other divisions and operations of nature are
thought to be under the superintendence of other preternatural beings,
beneficent or otherwise.
The conception which the Manóbo has of the supernatural world is very
much like his idea of the world in which he lives. His gods, like his
warrior chiefs, are great chiefs, no one of whom recognizes the
sovereignty of the other. We find no idea of a supreme being as such.
The priests of one settlement have their own special deities to whom
they and their relatives have recourse, while the priests of another
settlement have another set of deities for their tutelaries, with whom
they intercede, either for themselves or for such of their friends as
may need assistance. It is true that each priest has amongst his
familiars a major divinity from whom he may have experienced more help,
but in the spirit world there does not exist, according to Manóbo
belief, one supreme universal being.[7] Each priest declares the
supremacy of his major deity over those of other priests, and Manóbos
declare Manóbo deities to be superior to those of other tribes.
[7] During the great religious movement that was at its height in 1909,
there was a general belief in the existence of a _Magbabáya_, or supreme
being, that was to overthrow the world, but before my departure from the
Agúsan in 1910, this supreme being was multiplied and was being sold to
anyone of Manóbo belief who could afford to pay the equivalent of a
human life. Thus one frequently heard that So-and-So had received one or
more _Magbabáya_.
CLASSIFICATION OF DEITIES AND SPIRITS The following is a general
classification of Manóbo deities and spirits.
BENEVOLENT DEITIES
(1) _Úm-li_, a class of higher beings who on special occasions, through
the intercession of the _diuáta_, succor mortals.
(2) _Diuáta_, a minor order of benignant deities, with whom the priests
hold communion on all occasions of impending danger, before all
important undertakings, and whenever it is considered necessary to feast
or to propitiate them.
GODS OF GORE AND RAGE
(1) _Tagbúsau_, a category of sanguinary gods who delight in blood and
who incite their chosen favorites, the _bagáni_ or warrior chiefs, to
bloodshed and revenge, and ordinary laymen to acts of violence and
madness.
(2) _Panaíyang_, a class of fierce deities related by ties of kinship,
and subordinate to the _tagbúsau_ or gods of gore. Their special
function seems to be to drive men to madness.[8]
[8] They are called _ma-ka-yáng-ug_, i. e., "can make mad."
(3) _Pamáiya_, retainers of the _tagbúsau_, and their emissaries, when
it is desired to incite men to acts of rage.
MALIGNANT AND DANGEROUS SPIRITS
_Bú-sau_, an order of insatiable fiends, who, with some exceptions,
occupy themselves wantonly in the destruction of human kind. The
following are some of the classes and individuals who are commonly
believed in but who, unlike most of the other _búsau_, are not of a
perfidious nature unless aroused to anger.
(1) _Tag-bánua_, a class of spirits who are not unkind, if duly
respected, and who live in all silent and gloomy places.
(2) _Táme_, a gigantic spirit, that dwells in the untraveled jungle and
beguiles the traveler to his doom.
(3) _Dágau_, a mischievous, fickle spirit that delights in stealing the
rice from the granary. If aroused to anger she may cause a failure of
the rice crop.[9]
[9] She is called also _Ma-ka-bún-ta-sái_, i. e., "can cause hunger."
(4) _Anit_ or _Anítan_, is the spirit of the thunderbolt, and one of the
mightier class of spirits that dwell in the upper sky world.[10]
[10] _In-ug-tú-han_.
(5) Epidemic demons, who hail from the extremity of the world at the
navel[11] of the ocean.
[11] _Pós'-ud to dá-gat_.
AGRICULTURAL GODDESSES
(1) _Kakiádan_, the goddess of the rice, and its custodian during its
growth.
(2) _Tagamáling_, the goddess of other crops.
(3) _Taphágan_, the harvest goddess, and guardian of the rice during its
storage in the granary.
GIANT SPIRITS
(1) _Mandáyangan_, a harmless humanlike giant whose home is in the
far-off mountain forests.
(2) _Ápíla_, an innocuous humanlike giant, the rival of Mandáyanñgan for
the wrestling championship.
(3) _Táme_, the giant demon referred to above.
GODS OF LUST AND CONSANGUINEOUS LOVE
(1) _Tagabáyau_, a dangerous goddess, that incites to consanguineous
love and marriage.
(2) _Agkui_, half _diuáta_, half _búsau_, who urges men to
consanguineous love and to sexual excesses.
SPIRITS OF CELESTIAL PHENOMENA
(1) _Inaíyau_, an empyrean god, the wielder of the thunderbolt and the
lightning, and the manipulator of the winds and storms.
(2) _Tagbánua_, who, besides being local gods reigning over the forest,
have the power to produce rain.
(3) _Umoúiuí_, the cloud spirit.
OTHER SPIRITS
(1) _Sugúdon_ or _Sugújun_, the god of hunters and trappers, under whose
auspices are conducted the operations of the chase and all that pertains
thereto. He is also the protector of the hunting dogs.
(2) _Libtákan_, the god of sunrise, sunset, and good weather; a god who
dwells in the firmament and seems to have special power in the
production of light and good weather.
(3) _Mandáit_, the soul spirit who bestows upon every human being two
invisible, not indwelling, material counterparts.
(4) _Yúmud_, the water wraith, an apparently innocuous spirit, abiding
in deep and rocky places, usually in pools, beneath the surface of the
water.
(5) _Ibú_, the queen of the afterworld, the goddess of deceased mortals,
whose abode is down below the pillars of the world.
(6) _Manduyápit_, the spirit ferryman, the proverbial ferryman who
ferries the departed soul across the big red river on its way to Ibúland.
(7) _Makalídung_, the founder of the world, who set the world on huge
pillars (posts).
NATURE OF THE VARIOUS DIVINITIES IN DETAIL
THE PRIMARY DEITIES [12]
[12] Called also _úm-li_ or _ma-di-góon-an no di-u-á-ta_.
The primary _diuáta_ are a class of supernatural beings that dwell in
the upper heavens. It is generally believed that at one time they led a
human existence in Manóboland but finally built themselves a stone
structure up into the sky and became transformed into divinities of the
first order. They stand aloft in a category by themselves and have no
dealings with the Manóbo world. On occasions the minor _diuáta_ or those
of the second class, when they are unable to afford man the required
help, have recourse to these greater deities. During my last trip to the
Agúsan Valley, it was the common report that the _diuáta_ of a certain
Manóbo clan on the upper Umaíam River, having been unable to protect the
people from military persecution had recourse to this higher hierarchy
and that it was only a matter of time when the members of the clan would
be taken up into the higher-sky regions where the supreme powers dwell
and where they would themselves become _úmli_ or _madigónan no diuáta_.
It is thought that these deities have brass intestines and that they can
draw up a house into their ethereal abodes with a gold _limbá_,[13] but
the conception of them is so vague and so varying that I am unable to
give further definite information.
[13] _Lim-bá_ possibly means chain.
THE SECONDARY ORDER OF DEITIES
It is with the secondary order of divinities, however, that we have to
deal more at length, for they are the guardians and champions of the
Manóbo in all the vicissitudes and concerns of life.
They are thought to be beings that in the long forgotten past lived
their earthly lives here below and after their mortal course was run
were in some inexplicable way changed into _diuáta_. Though belonging
now to a different and more powerful order, they still retain a fondness
for the tribesmen who sojourn here below. Selecting certain men and
women for their favored friends [14] they keep in touch with worldly
affairs and at the call of their favorites hasten to the help of
humankind.
[13] _Lim-bá_ possibly means chain.
[14] These are the _báilan_ or priests and priestesses of Manóboland.
In physical appearance these deities are human and Manóbo-like but they
are described as being "as fair as the moon." Warriors they are, to a
certainty, for they are said to carry their shield and all the insignia
of a Manóbo warrior chief and to fare forth at times to punish some bold
demon for his evil machinations against the tribe.
They are said to reside on the highest and most inaccessible mountains
[15] in the vicinity of their favorite priests but are ready to fly "on
the wings of the wind" to any part of the world in answer to a call for
help.
[15] We find several mountains and promontories in eastern Mindanáo
named after these gods, notably Mount Magdiuáta to the southwest, and
the Magdiuáta range to the northwest, of the town of Liañga. Point
Diuáta also, to the west of Butuán, is reported as being the dwelling
place of Manóbo divinities.
On these lofty heights they ordinarily lead a peaceful life. They are
blessed with wives and children and have attendant spirits [16] to do
their bidding. They have slaves, too, in their households, black
ill-visaged demons captured in some great raid. They have few material
wants, for betel nut is said to be their food but still they love to
join in the feasts of mortals and to be regaled with all the good things
of this world. They do not consume mortal offerings in a material way,
for the offerings remain intact except for some slight fingerings that
have been found at times on the surface of the rice and other offerings.
It is only the "soul," or, as is held by others, the redolence of the
viands that is partaken of. An exception, however, must be made in the
case of the blood of victims, for this is actually consumed by the
deities.
[16] These retainers are called _lim-bó-tung_.
So great is their desire for the savory things of life that they are
said to plague their mortal friends into providing them. Thus Mandáit,
the soul spirit, makes the babe restless, and even indisposed, with no
other intention than to induce the people to provide a fatted fowl. It
is believed too that Manaúg, the special patron of the sick, causes many
a bodily ailment in order that his idol may be set up and that he may be
treated to the various delicacies that he is fond of. And the
bloodthirsty war lords, Tagbúsau, must have their blood libation
periodically, whether it comes from a human being or from an animal
victim. It is true that this blood offering is to all appearance taken
by the warrior chief or by the priest, for they ravenously suck it from
the gory wound, or gulp it down from the vessel in which it has been
caught. But it is believed that neither the priest nor the warrior chief
drinks it, but the familiar spirits of the former, or the gods of the
latter, who at the moment of sacrifice have taken possession of them,
and produce in them violent tremblings and other manifestations of
preternatural possession. I could get no satisfactory explanation of the
manner of this possession. It is said to be effected by a mysterious
corporal transformation of the divinity such as even the demons are
capable of when they desire to ply their malice on humankind.
It is during this period of ecstatic seizure that the priest reveals to
the assembled tribesmen the directions and desires of his deities.
Breaking forth with loud voice and great belching into a wild strain, he
announces to the people the recovery of the sick one, or a plentiful
harvest, but it is not the priest that utters these prophecies and
instructions, but the _diuáta_ that speaks through him.
THE GODS OF GORE, AND KINDRED SPIRITS
These warlike beings are an order of divinities under whose special
protection the priest warrior chief performs his feats of valor, and for
whose special veneration he makes sacrifices and other offerings.
The prevailing idea with regard to them is that they are a class of
deities whose sole delight is the blood of the human race. This is said
to be their choice food, though they are willing, on nearly all
occasions, to accept as a substitute that of a pig or of a fowl.
They are said to dwell in high, rocky places on far-away mountains. In
order to be supplied with the delicacies of which they are so fond, they
select certain individuals for their favorites and servants, and accord
to them an immunity from personal danger.
It is seldom that they leave their rocky dwelling places, but when they
do it is because they consider themselves neglected by their servants or
when they experience an inordinate craving for blood. In such cases they
hasten to plague their favorites in divers ways into watchfulness and
compliance, and thereby keep themselves supplied with the viands so
acceptable to them.
They have messengers, too. These are called _pamáiya_ and are sent by
their masters to human haunts to incite men to anger, and thereby bring
on an occasion for bloodshed, much as the proverbial devil is said to
tempt humankind.
During all ceremonial feasts in their honor they are present and partake
of the blood of the victim, human or animal. And when their favorite
servants go forth to take revenge upon some long-standing enemy, they
accompany him and during the attack are by his side, protecting him and
inciting him to superhuman deeds. And when the enemy, men and women, lie
bleeding all around and the captives have been bound, these terrible
spirits eat, through their favorite's mouth, the heart and liver and the
blood of one of the slain, preferably that of the chief enemy.
CHAPTER XXIII
MALEFICENT SPIRITS
THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF MALIGNANT DEMONS
Standing out in strong antithesis to the benevolent divinities is an
order of maleficent spirits corresponding to the proverbial devils of
other cults. Throughout this paper they will be called, for want of a
better name, búsau or demons; that is, evil agents holding an
intermediate place between the higher divinities and men. No uniform
tradition as to the origin of these spirits appears to exist. It is
certain, however, from my investigation that the belief in such spirits
antedates the recent partial Christian conquest of the Agúsan.[1] It is
said that in the old, old days, these spirits were rather well disposed
toward men, and that children used to be entrusted to their care during
the absence of the parents. Be that as it may, at the present day they
have acquired a degree of maleficence that causes them to be considered
the implacable enemies of the human race.
[1] The introduction of Catholicism among the pagan tribes of eastern
Mindanáo was begun on a large scale by the Jesuits about the year 1877.
As frequently described to me by priests and by others who claimed to
have seen them, these foul spirits are human in all other respects
except that they are unusually tall, 2 fathoms being the average height
accorded them. Black and hideous in appearance they are said to stalk
around in the darkness and silence of the night. By day they retire to
dark thickets, somber caves, and the joyless resting places of the dead.
They have no families nor houses, neither do they experience physical
wants and so they wander around in wanton malice toward men. Seizing an
unwary human "soul," they make it a prisoner and, sweeping away with it
"on the wings of the wind," in some mysterious way devour it. Or, again,
simulating the shape of a wild boar, an uncommon bird, or even a fish,
they inflict bodily harm on their human victim.
The story of "Ápo Bóhon"[2] illustrates the belief in the metamorphosis
of these demons. Ápo Bóhon was a Manóbo of the Kasilaían River. One day,
in the olden time, he went forth to hunt but had no luck, though three
times he had offered his tributes to the Lord of the Agibáwa marshland.
Wearied with this hunt, he lay down to rest toward evening when lo! he
spied a monkey and taking his bow and dart arrow he shot it. But he
could not cook it. He piled wood upon the fire but still the flesh only
blackened with soot and would not cook. In his hunger he ate the flesh
raw but he never returned home, for the monkey was an evil spirit and
Ápo Bóhon fell into his power. Thus it is that until this day he wanders
around the woods of Kasilaían and may be heard toward evening calling
his dogs together for his return to his home on Agibáwa marshland. Woe
betide the unlucky mortal who may cross his path, for now his quest is
human. But if, upon hearing his voice, the traveler calls upon him and
offers him a quid, Ápo Bóhon will pass on his way and do no harm.
[2] _A-po_ means "grandfather" and _bo-on_ "ulcer."
METHODS OF FRUSTRATING THEIR EVIL DESIGNS
THROUGH PRIESTS
Naturally to the priest falls the task of opposing, through his
influence with men's supernal friends, these malicious beings. Having
got together the proper offerings he calls upon his friendly gods, one
or several, and beseeches them to rescue and release the missing spirit
or umagdd, and to punish the offending demons. Well pleased with the
tokens of good will offered by the priest and by his earthly friends,
the friendly deities are said to hasten to their home and gird
themselves for the pursuit. With lance and shield and hempen coat[3]
they start off on the raid. They are described as having their hair
bound up in small wooden hemispheres, their heads turbaned with the red
kerchief, and their necks adorned with a wealth of charms, much like the
great warrior chiefs of Manóboland. Guiding their footsteps by means of
a powerful glass,[4] and traveling with tremendous speed, they are said
to overtake quickly the fleeing enemy, even though they may have to
travel to the other side of the world. Then begins a fierce battle
between them and the enemy for the recovery of a human soul, or for the
purpose of punishing the demons for acts of malice.
[3] _Lim-bo-tung_.
[4] Called _espiho_. There is a universal belief among the Manóbos in an
_espiho_ (from the Spanish _espejo_, looking-glass) by which one can see
into the bowels of the earth or to the extremities of the world.
This battle is described in minutest detail by the priests during the
period of divine possession through which they pass in the course of the
religious ceremonies. At times a hand-to-hand combat between a friendly
deity and some more powerful demon is described at great length. Again
the capture of many evil spirits is the theme of a story.
A common occurrence during these combats is the use of an iron ball by
the friendly deities. The sight of this is said to inspire terror in the
demons and leaves them at the mercy of their opponents. Shut up in this
ball as in an iron prison they are brought back in triumph to the
domains of their conquerors and the rescued companion spirit of man
hurries joyously back to its mortal counterpart. These evil demons are
said to be held as captives in the houses of the good spirits and to
serve them in the capacity of slaves, accompanying and aiding them in
their warlike expeditions against other evil spirits.
BY VARIOUS MATERIAL MEANS
Besides having recourse to the _diuáta_ the Manóbos make use of a
reed,[5] or vine,[6] of the branches of a wild lemon tree[7] and other
plants,[8] in order to counteract the evil influence of these fiends. It
may be remarked that 11 of these cause a painful wound on an ordinary
human being but that they are said to be particularly irritating to evil
spirits; this is especially true of the wound made by the _sá sá_ reed.
Hence, on occasions when these demons are expected to be present, the
priest secures the above-mentioned plants and sets them in places where
it is thought the demons may be enticed to enter. It is mostly on the
occasion of a death or of a birth that these precautions have to be
taken for the smell of death and of human blood seems to have a great
attraction for these monsters. On such occasions branches of lemon trees
or of the other plants above mentioned are hung under the house or at
any opening in the wall. The priest, also, frequently carries a
sharpened _sá sá_ reed in the hope of encountering some overbold demon.
Although the wound inflicted by the reed does not kill the demon, yet it
is very slow to heal and is said to be at times incurable.
[5] _Sá-sá_.
[6] _U-ág_.
[7] _Su-á_ and _Ka-ba-yan-á_.
[8] _Ka-míli_ and _Húás_.
Such is the fear which the evil spirits have of these reeds, vines, and
branches that the mere mention of them is believed to be sufficient to
frighten the demons. Fire and smoke, also, are said to keep them away
and for that reason a fire is often kept burning under the house during
times of sickness and death. Great care is used to keep alive the fire
at night on nearly all occasions of apprehension.
Loud shouts, too, are resorted to in order to intimidate the evil
spirits. During funerals the yelling is particularly noticeable; the loud
yells which one hears while traveling through solitary places in the
mountains and down the rivers are intended as a menace to the malevolent
spirits.
BY PROPITIATION
When all other means have proved unavailing, propitiation is resorted
to. I witnessed the propitiatory ceremony during several cases of
serious sickness. In each case, when the offerings had been set out for
the benevolent divinities on the regular sacrificial stands,[9] a
corresponding offering of meat, rice, and other things was set out for
the evil demons that were supposed to be responsible for the sickness.
Their offerings were not placed in the house but outside, on a log or on
the ground, and were not touched again, nor eaten by anyone, for the
spirit of evil might have rendered them baneful.[10]
[9] _Ban-ká-so_ and _ta-lí-duñg_.
[10] Compare with the customs in vogue in the case of offerings made to
the _diuáta_.
After the various supplications have been made by the priests to the
good deities, the evil ones are called upon but not in the same way, for
they are not allowed within the precincts of the house, where various
objects, like _sá sá_ and lemon branches, have been placed to prevent
their entrance. They are addressed from the opening around the house as
if they were at a considerable distance, and no very endearing terms are
used. During cases of sickness and especially during epidemics the
custom of making a ceremonial raft is very common. I have heard numerous
accounts both as to the uniformity of this practice and the reason for
it.
Sickness of an unusual kind and especially of a contagious nature is
supposed to be due to the agency of some very powerful epidemic spirits,
who ascend the river, spreading the infection, and eluding at the same
time, the _diuáta_ in pursuit. When the priests decide that all efforts
to secure aid of the good deities are unavailing, they determine to
propitiate the evil epidemic spirits in the following manner: A small
raft of bamboo, 1 meter by 5 meters in the instance I witnessed, is
constructed. On this is securely bound a victim, such as a pig. Fowl
also may be offered on similar occasions and more or less elaborate
ceremonies may be performed, like the blood-unction and the fowl-waving
rite. In the ceremony which I witnessed the demons in question were
formally requested to accept the pig, not to molest the settlement
further, and to take themselves and their pig "down the river." The
sickness was then addressed and requested to transfer itself to the body
of the pig. After this the raft was freed and in its seaward course
floated into the hands of persons who had less fear of demons than their
Manóbo friends.[11]
[11] I know that the pig in question was taken and consumed in a less
religious way by a Bisáya trader.
THE "TAGBÁNUA" OR LOCAL FOREST SPIRITS
THEIR CHARACTERISTICS AND METHOD OF LIVING
The _tagbánua_[12] or lords of the mountains and the valleys, are a
class of local deities, each one of whom reigns over a certain district.
To them is assigned the ownership of the mountains and the deep forest
and all lonely patches and uncommon places that give an impression of
mystery and solitude.
[12] _Tag_ a prefix denoting ownership, and _bá-n-u-a_, "uninhabited
place," the open uninhabited country as distinguished from the territory
in the immediate vicinity of the main rivers or of settled regions.
The _tagbánua_ are thought to be neither kindly nor unkindly spirits,
and without guile, provided a proper deference is shown them when we
trespass upon their domains.
A _tagbánua_ with his family selects a particular place for his
habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or
some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to
the headwaters of the Tágo River, I saw the dwelling place of a
_tagbánua_. It was a huge bowlder[sic], called Buhiísan, that stood at
the junction of the two torrents that form the Abagá River, a tributary
of the Tágo.
A favorite haunt of the _tagbánua_ is a natural open place in the center
of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes his domicile
in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times select the
_lauán_ or any other lofty tree but that his choice is usually the
_baléte_. Here he dwells with his family and is said to lead a quiet,
peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and provides
himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of plants, such
as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the vegetable part of
his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the abundance of wild
boars and deer. He and his family return home toward sunset and begin to
prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manóbos have heard with
their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of the rice mortar
but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any Manóbo home.
DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS
There are in the vicinity of Talakógon two localities where _tagbánua_
are said to reign. One is called Agibáwa and the other Kasawáñgan. Both
of them are remote timberless places in the center of swampy regions. In
the former the reigning deity had constructed a house, so I was told by
one who claimed to have seen the posts while the house was still in the
process of construction. According to other reports this deity had a
herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen by several of my friends
and acquaintances.[13]
[13] These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the offspring, of a
small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the Philippine
insurrection.
The Kasawáñgan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I
had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as
interpreted to me by Manóbo guides and companions.
It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide
introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it
began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to
an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information
that he was afraid of the _tagbánua_, who was evidently displeased, for
had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide then
went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the marshland
some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we would make
friends with the diety[sic] he consented to remain with me.
After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion set
out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the
invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut
and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he
had come into this region unwillingly.
After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made
another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill
will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for
no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my
guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will
of the _tagbánua_ toward me.
I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable
success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that
the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the
offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manóbo boys.
Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed toward
this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied
indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class
of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanáo,
Bisáyas[14] included.
[14] Among the Bisáyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid the
_tagbánua_ amounts almost to worship.
WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS
The existence of a _tagbánua_ in any particular locality is determined
by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the name [15] of
the spirit, ascertains the cause of his displeasure on a given occasion,
and prescribes the offerings to be made to him either for reasons of
propitiation or of supplication.
[15] Only the priests may pronounce the name.
Respect must be shown toward the _tagbánua_ in various ways. His
territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as
trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if
known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things
which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A
violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other
evil indicative of the _tagbánua's_ displeasure, unless immediate
measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the
finger at places like a mountain where dwells a _tagbánua_, the
displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to
feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manóbos that
pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in
petrifaction of the arm.
The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an
invocation to the _tagbánua_, especially if the site be in the vicinity
of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place without
obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be
occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping
operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds
that game is scarce.[16]
[16] In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on such
occasions have been described.
In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an individual
that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a result of
a _tagbánua's_ animosity, and that the ordinary simple offerings are not
sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must be killed and the
regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be performed.
It is rare, however, that a Manóbo has so far forgotten himself as to
draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation
necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered
expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary
steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manóbo oarsmen
desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon,
but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before
nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to
rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck
a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manóbo could
explain it in no other way except that the local _tagbánua_ had been
displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into the
forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding
their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful
vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the _baléte_ tree it was
unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the ruse
was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the
supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the _tagbánua_. Several
little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the increase of
the flood, both of which were also attributed to this spirit's malign
influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me to stop for the
purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the offended deity. We
finally reached the desired spot and the supposed supernatural sounds
were heard no longer.
CHAPTER XXIV
PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS
THE BAILÁN OR ORDINARY MANÓBO PRIESTS
THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER
The _bailán_[1] is a man or woman who has become an object of special
predilection to one or more of those supernatural friendly beings known
among the Manóbos as _diuáta_. This will explain why the word
_diuatahán_ is frequently used, especially by the mountain people,
instead of _bailán_. I was frequently told by priests that this special
predilection of the deities for them is due to the fact that they
happened to be born at the same time as their divine protectors. This
belief, however, is not general.
[1] _Bai-lán_ is probably a transformation of the Malay word _be-li-an_,
a medicine man. (Mandáya, Bagóbo, and Subánun, _ba-li-án_.)
As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him, the
priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can
commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself
and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the
light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with
the other world. In the hour of danger the _bailán_ is consulted, and
after a brief communion with his spirit Mends he explains the measures
to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his tutelary
deities. Should a _baléte_ tree have to be removed from the newly
selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers not to
molest the tiller of the soil, if not the _bailán_? Should a tribesman
have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts succeed in
giving a satisfactory interpretation, the _bailán_ is called in to
consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream forebodes,
perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a white fowl must
be made to Manáug, the protector of the sick. And should this offering
prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends again and
discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the patient. And
if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who else but the
_bailán_ could learn through his divine friends the significance thereof
and whether the home must be abandoned or the project relinquished?
At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked,
conciliated, or appeased, the Manóbo calls upon the priest to intercede
for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends.
The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with few
exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the _bailán's_
relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest selects his
successor, recommending his choice to the _diuáta_. In one instance that
I know of the mother, a _bailán_, instructed her daughter in the
varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable to her
familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when the
priest himself has a personal concern in the succession.
But no matter how proficient the _bailán_-elect may be in the sacred
rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by his
fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known as
_dundan_, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is considered
to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of some
supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a violent
trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating, foaming at the
mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that I have seen,
apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These symptoms are
considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence, and the novice
is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready to begin his
ministrations under the protection of his spiritual friends. I know of
one case on the lower Lamlíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían,
where a certain individual[2] became a _bailán_ without previous
premonition and without any aspirations on his part. He was a person of
little guile and one who had never had any previous training in the
practices of his order.
[2] Báya (or Bório) is the young man referred to.
When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with
five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for
the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator
create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence
the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the
increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that,
due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived
than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each
familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions,
but I did not find this to be the common belief.
THEIR PREROGATIVES
(1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he
sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose
injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or
through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal
influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through
whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in
visible incarnation.
(2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled to
discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the
_búsau_, and even to wound them. I investigated two[3] cases of the
latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the truth of the
killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power was
entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the
facts.
[3] San Luis and San Miguel.
(3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the
beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various
spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing
with them. This statement applies to the spirits of "souls"[4] of the
departed whose wishes and wants he interprets; to the spirits of the
hills and the valleys, the _tagbánua_, whose favor must be courted and
whose displeasure must not be provoked, and to the whole order of
supernatural beings that people the Manóbo world, with the exception of
the blood spirits, the worship of whom falls to the war priests.
[4] _Um-a-gád_.
SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS
On first becoming acquainted with the _bailán_ system, I was very
dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness of
these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and
frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their
sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other
observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the
world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay
at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect.
They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods
for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal
observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty
trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail
themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for
themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation. "I
will call on _Si Inimigus_" (her _diuáta's_ pet name, his real name
being Si Inámpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaían River to me once
when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child, "and I will let you
know his answer." On her return she informed me that the child had
fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and that Si Inimigus
required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good will towards him
and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt for such
nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any compensation for
her advice.
I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my
personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover
mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated men of political and social
standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of
the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case,
as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such
deception. One shrewd Manóbo of the upper Agúsan assured me that the
Manóbos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such
matters.
Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy expenses
is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his tutelary
spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer constant
oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these spirits are
hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit some evil
spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of course his
relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the same time
he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other individual.
Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may be
stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the sacrificial
victim except that which he eats in company with those who attend the
sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim.
THEIR INFLUENCE
The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with
none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the
chieftainship of a settlement, even among the _conquistas_, or
Christianized Manóbos, who live within the pale of the established
government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life
their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal
customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following
incident is an illustration of this influence:
During a visit which I made to the Lamiñga River, a western tributary of
the Kasilaían River, I met Mandahanán, a warrior chief. Among other
matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, 0.50 per sack, at
which Manóbos were wont to sell rice to the Bisáya peddlers who at that
time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of
their rice at the current Bisáya rate of P2.50 per sack. He replied that
he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of
his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of
rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a
partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by
them being that such an action would be displeasing to _Hakiádan_, the
goddess of rice, and to _Tagamáling_, the protector of other crops.
These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they took
umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries to
diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following
year's crop.[5]
[5] The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science, according to an
account that I received, also demonstrates the influence exerted by the
priests.
To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal practices
and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change
confessedly would be beneficial to them.
THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS
The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs himself
with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may have
acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of charms,
talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or girded
around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the
protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed
to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the
sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries,
one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached.
All the rites of the Manóbo ritual consist of one or more of the
following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation,
and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others
of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen
merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial
proceedings.
These rites are the following:
(1) The betel-nut offering.[6]
[6] _Pag-á-pug_.
(2) The burning of incense.[7]
[7] _Pag-pa-lí-na_.
(3) Ceremonial omen taking.[8]
[8] _Ti-maí-ya_.
(4) Prophylactic fowl waving.[9]
[9] _Kú-yab to má-nuk_.
(5) The death feast.[10]
[10] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.
(6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig[11] to his own tutelaries in the
event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger.
[11] _Hín-añg to ka-hi-mó-nan_.
(7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to Taphágan, the goddess of grain
during the season of rice culture.
(8) The harvest ceremonies in honor of Hakiádan for the purpose of
securing an abundant crop and of protecting the rice from sundry
insidious enemies and dangers.
(9) The birth ceremony in honor of Mandáit for the protection of the
recently born babe.
(10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics, as also in
cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to predominate over
that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate sexual passion, as
also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant efforts have failed
to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are illustrations of the power
of the evil spirits.
(11) Lustration[12] either by anointing with blood or by aspersion with
water.
[12] _Paí-as_.
(12) The betel-nut omen.[13]
[13] _Ti-maí-a to man-ó-on_.
(13) The invocation of the _diuáta_ with the sacred chant.[14]
[14] _Túd-um_.
THE BAGÁNI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD
The _bagáni_ or warrior priests are under the protection of
preternatural beings called tagbúsau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they
must satisfy.
This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from
warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly
guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of
various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and
invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions
that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the
resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all
dangers, material and spiritual.
It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions
return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they
take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon
their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a
monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that
have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and
vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home
unscathed.
Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls
into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural
origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which,
after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and
liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have
been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed
cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do
something rash. I witnessed the actions of several _bagáni_ during
ceremonial performances to the _tagbúsau_, and I felt no little fear as
to what might be the outcome of the warrior chiefs fury.
What has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his
disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to
the war chief in his position as war priest.
In return for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of war
require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial of
which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his
protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In
another chapter we shall see the means whereby the _bagáni_ keeps
himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.[15]
[15] For a full description of the rites peculiar to the warrior chief
as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.
CHAPTER XXV
CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES
GENERAL REMARKS
The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in
different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies
of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in
the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain
localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound
is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient
receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to
give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their
associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manóbos of
the middle and upper Agúsan.
THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST
THE RELIGIOUS SHED[1] AND THE BAILÁN'S HOUSE
[1] _Ka-má-lig_.
The priest has no special residence nor any special religious structure
except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that will be
described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious than
that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be
recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little
religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos,
daggers, and various other objects that are considered heritages,[2]
handed down from his predecessors in the priestly office. It is not
unusual for the priest, especially among the Christianized Manóbos, to
have two houses, one for the residence of his family and another which,
by its seclusion, is better adapted for the celebration of religious
rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting perhaps at the Catholic
services in the settlement, to perform the pagan ceremonies that for him
have more truth and efficacy than the Christian rites. While in the
settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to all appearances a
Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation he hies him to the
seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of his fellow
believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings who, to his
mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy of Catholic
belief.
[2] _Án-ka_.
In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the
priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been consecrated[3]
either by himself or by one of the settlement to the friendly deities.
It may be remarked here that these consecrated objects can not be
disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by making a
substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipso facto
become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper deity.
[3] _Sin-ug-bá-han_.
EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES
The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts,
averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45
centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of
the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few
fronds of palm trees,[4] and covers a space of approximately 2.4 square
meters.
[4] The fronds used are one or more of the following palms: Betel nut,
_anibung_, _kagyas_, and coconut.
The ceremonial salver[5] is a rectangular wooden tray, generally of
_iláñg-iláñg_ wood, usually decorated with incised, traced, or carved
designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the ceremonial salver
on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice, betel nut, and
other things for the deities.
[5] _Ban-ká-so_.
The sacrificial stand[6] also is made out of _iláñg-iláñg_ wood. It
consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg, and is used for making the
offerings of betel nut and other things.
[6] _Ta-lí-dung_.
When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial table[7]
of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been selected as the
place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying on its side.
Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms. This stand is
used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude, unpretentious
structure.
[7] _Áñg-ka_.
CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS
Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only
decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds, however,[8] enjoy
a special preference, being used in every important ceremony when they
are obtainable. No other leaves and no flowers, unless the bloom of the
betel nut be considered such, are used as decorations.
[8] Known as _ba-gaí-bai_.
The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos,
daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial
structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity
to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped
with cloth, preferably red.
SACRED IMAGES[9]
[9] _Man-á-ug_.
Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At best
they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently
without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45
centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of _báyud_ wood,
or of any soft white wood when _báyud_ is not obtainable. More elaborate
images are furnished with berries of a certain tree[10] for eyes and
adorned with tracings of sap from the _kayúti_ or the _narra_ tree, but
the ordinary idol has a smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a
few tracings of the same for body ornamentation.
[10] _Ma-gu-baí_.
Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and
distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the
representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female,
and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts,
though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a comb.
Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions. They
are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are looked
upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of honor and
respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they represent. I
have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and bead
necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the
response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were
thereby honored.
It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made. They
are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the thatch
of the roof.
The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones,
which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and
before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a
sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agúsan,
I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the
presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive
movements.
Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a pole
and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These are
supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are expected
to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very common
when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an epidemic.
CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS
Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood[11] and meat of pig and
fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an exhilarating
beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every obtainable
condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith to
cleanse[12] the hand, being provided for the visiting deities. Such
offerings are set out upon consecrated plates[13] which are used for no
other purpose and can not be disposed of.
[11] No reference is here made to human blood, a subject which will be
found treated in Chapter XXVI.
[12] _Pañg-hú-gas_.
[13] _A-pú-gan_.
As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest is
very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all dirty
grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after the
deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of his
fingering.
The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the
divinities have their special tastes. Thus _Sugúdan_, the god of
hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the _tagbánua_ display a preference
for a white victim.
RELIGIOUS RITES
CLASSIFICATION
(1) The betel-nut offering.[14]
[14] _Pag-á-pug_.
(2) The burning of incense.[15]
[15] _Pag-pa-lí-na_.
(3) The address or invocation.[16]
[16] _Tawág-táwag_.
(4) The ceremonial omen taking.[17]
[17] _Pag-ti-ná-ya_.
(5) The prophylactic fowl waving.[18]
[18] _Kú-yab to mán-uk_.
(6) The blood unction.[19]
[19] _Pag-lím-pas_.
(7) The child ceremony.[20]
[20] _Tag-un-ún to bá-ta'_.
(8) The death feast.[21]
[21] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.
(9) The sacrifice of fowl or pig.[22]
[22] _Ka-hi-mó-nan_.
(10) The rice planting.[23]
[23] _Täp-hag_.
(11) The hunting rite.[24]
[24] _Pañg-o-múd-an_.
(12) The harvest feast.
(13) The conciliation of evil spirits.
(14) The divinatory rites.
(15) The warrior priest's rites.
(16) Human sacrifice.[25]
[25] _Hu-á-ga_.
A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found
distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to
which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under
the heading "birth," the death feast in the chapter on death, the
warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of the
warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies that
may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major ceremonies
as subrites, will be described.
METHOD OF PERFORMANCE
_The betel-nut tribute_.--In all dealings with the unseen world, the
offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as it
constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manóbo life the essential
preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony
may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious
character when not performed by a _bailán_.
The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated plate,[26] or in
lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the ordinary betel-nut quid,
consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon a portion of _buyo_ leaf,
and sprinkled with a little lime. The priest who has more than one
divine protector, must give a tribute to each one of them. In certain
ceremonies seven quids are invariably set out by him, always accompanied
by an invocation, the strain of which is usually very monotonous and
always couched in long periphrastic preambles. It is really an
invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be implored to partake of the
offering.
[26] _A-pú-gan_.
Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log for
the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree, he
may think it prudent to show his deference to its invisible dwellers by
offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him on
his way, and should he dread the "stony tooth" of the thunder, he lays
out his little offering, quite often with the thought that he has in
some unknown way annoyed Anítan, the wielder of the thunderbolt, and
must in this fashion appease the offended deity.
_The offering of incense_.--This ceremony appears to be confined to
priestesses. I have never seen a Manóbo priest offer incense. The
resin[27] of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its fragrance is
deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The priestess herself,
or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the pod[28] at her side,
where it is always carried depending from the waist, a little of the
resin and lights it. It is then set on the altar or in any convenient
spot. The direction of its smoke is thought to indicate the approach and
position of the deity invoked. As the smoke often ascends in a slanting
direction, it frequently directs itself toward the suspended oblation
trays. This is taken as an indication that the deity is resting or
sitting upon the _bankáso_ tray, in which case he is called
_bankasúhan_, or on the _talíduñg_, when he is said to be _talidúñgan_.
This ceremony is preliminary to the invocation.
[27] _Tú-gak to ma-gu-bái_.
[28] This is the pod of a tree called _ta-bí-ki_.
The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the betel
nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or evil
smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the celebration
of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion I wished to
do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial celebration,
but it was returned to me with the information that the smell was not
acceptable to the presiding deities.
_Invocation_.--The invocation is a formal address to the deities, and on
special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired to make a truce
with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly all ceremonies.
As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and extends itself
throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals for a whole
night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be participated in by
one priest after another, each one addressing himself to his particular
set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of entreaty to be
propitious.
The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the
officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate
voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud
voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is
considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance.
In addressing his gods the Manóbo proceeds in about the same way as he
does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the
subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point.
The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he
reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of
the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of
past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where
these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus
intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present
during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill
pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and
especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He
next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about
to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every
imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the
offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The
spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or
they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship
of them.
After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it may
be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts to
his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation is
continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods of
ecstatic possession of the priest himself.
_Prophylactic fowl waving_.--The fowl-weaving ceremony may be performed by
one not of the priestly order. The performance is very simple. A fowl of
no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs and wings being
secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the person or persons in
whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at the same time a short
address is made in an undertone to this same influence,[29] bidding it
betake itself to other parts. The chicken may be then killed
ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not killed it becomes consecrated
and is given to the priest until it can be disposed of in a ceremonial
way on a future occasion.
[29] _Ka-dú-ut_.
This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a very
evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe sickness
or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion it was
performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was the
bearer of some malign influence.
I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the efficacy
of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the old, old
folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the popular
belief in its efficacy.
_Blood lustration_.--When a fowl or a pig has been killed sacrificially,
it is customary to smear the blood on the person or object from whom it
is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to avert a threatened
or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify an evil influence.
The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the following way:
Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose benefit it is
intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his bloody finger
over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and along the
fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the house,
thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses the
indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows the
preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous ceremony
is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent enough to call
for its performance.
I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl the
priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that issued
to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest and could
never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the sickness in
the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl.
_Lustration by water_.--Lustration by water is somewhat similar in its
purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite among
the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region. I am inclined to think
that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic Church
because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manóbos.
The following is the cermony[sic]: When the divinities are thought to
have eaten the soul or redolence[30] of the viands set out for them, and
to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that purpose, the
priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and sprinkles the
assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed this rite, the
recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was evinced by their
efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great efficacy in
removing ill luck and malign influences.[31]
[30] _Bá-ho_ and _um-a-gád_.
[31] _Paí-ad_.
CHAPTER XXVI
SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES
THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG
Religion is so interwoven with the Manóbo's life, as has been constantly
stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group under the
heading of religion all the various observances and rites that properly
belong to it.[1] I will now give an account of the sacrifice of a pig
that took place on the Kasilaían River, central Agúsan, for the recovery
of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered typical of the ordinary
ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it be for the recovery of
a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any other favor.
[1] The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of the
important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the subject of
death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter XIV for the
birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies will be found
scattered through this monograph, each under its proper heading.
I arrived at the house at about 4 p.m. Near the pole leading up to the
house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.[2] On this, with
a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the intended victim,
a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had been erected the
small houselike structure,[3] which has been described already. It
contained several plates full of offerings of uncooked rice and eggs,
which had been placed there previously. The ceremonies began shortly
after my arrival. Three women of the priestly order sat down near the
ceremonial house and prepared a large number of betel-nut quids for
their respective deities, but the spectators never ceased for a moment
to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the quids were prepared
and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each plate. Then one of the
priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of bamboo and, calling
for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other two priestesses,
seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded to dance to the
sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the third officiant.
All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by previous
understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the priestesses
broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of repetitions
and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were reminded of the
various sacrifices that had been performed in their honor from time
immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain; of the size of
these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the number of guests
present; and of an infinity of other things that it would be tedious to
recount. This was rattled off while the spectators were enjoying
themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation was being
carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong boomed out
again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the ceremonial
shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet ensued and
another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix harangue to
the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in rearranging the
offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more incense, while
the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the services. After
an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was continued, the
priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm branches waving
up and down as they swung their arms in graceful movements through the
air. This continued for several minutes, until one of them stopped
suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The other two continued
their dance around her, waving their palm fronds over her. The trembling
increased in violence until her whole body seemed to be in a convulsion.
Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her eyeballs protruded, and the
eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong increased their booming in
volume and in rapidity, while the dancers surged in rapid circles around
the possessed one, who at this period was apparently unconscious of
everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand and a copious
perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the music and the
dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the loud belching
could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of this prolonged
belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and painful
gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with never a
care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one uttered
a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking enemies,
spiritual or other.
[2] _Añg-kan_.
[3] _Ka-má-lig_.
It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now
conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she
described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the
sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and
uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings
of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time
frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the
early night everyone was feeling in high spirits.
After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum and
gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other
priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and
gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was
at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house,
leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table.
The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the
priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of
various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the
benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary chants[4] by
a few priests consumed the remainder of the night.
[4] _Túd-um_.
Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the
customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead
of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses,
joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on
which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations
were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During
these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime
was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven
betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A
rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative
of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands
of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by
the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim.
One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan under
the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower opening
of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of the blood
and gave the pan to a sister priest.[5] At the same time a little was
given to the sick man, who drank it down with such eager haste that it
ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then performed blood
lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the remainder of the
blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these bloody ministrations
performed on them.
[5] Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper wound. This is a
custom more prevalent among the Mandáyas than among the Manóbos.
The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange
spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they
stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled
in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered
from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male
priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a
near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and
gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling
around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on
account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not
be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with
perspiration. Through him a _diuáta_ announced the recovery of the
patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social
celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till
the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way.
In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man recovered,
and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be attributed
to the deep and abiding faith that the Manóbo places in his deities and
in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such as to
inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers his
health and strength in nearly every case.
RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS
(1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war.
(2) The supplication and invocation of the gods of war.
(3) The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies.
(4) The various forms of divination.
(5) The ceremonial invocation of the omen bird.
(6) The _tagbúsau's_ feast.
(7) Human sacrifice.
The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions
performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they
are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the
invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by
the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations
back.
The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities with
which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted will be
described later on.
THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES
The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to
securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the
intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem
to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in
diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the
separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony
is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an
offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over
which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite
them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out
on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf,
his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior
chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without
making it known that an attack[6] is soon to be made. It is then
explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the
offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a
grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged
to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to
forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to
redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The
invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to
depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation.
[6] I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative of the
enemy is generally selected for this task.
There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above ceremony,
that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very pointedly the
spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are said to be
placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields in such a
way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their presence on
their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of the upper
shields.
VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION
_The betel-nut cast_.[7]--This form of divination is never omitted,
according to all accounts. In the instance which I witnessed the
procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition invoked the
_tagbúsau_, informing him that each of the quids represented one of the
enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate by the position of these
symbols after the ceremony the fate of the enemy. The warrior priest or
his representative, lifting up the shield with one hand under it, and
one hand above it, turned it upside down with a rapid movement, thus
precipitating the quids on the floor. Now those that fell vertically
under the shield represented the number of the enemy who would fall into
their clutches, while those that lay without the pale of the shield
represented the individuals who would escape, and to whose slaughter
accordingly they must devote every energy. There are numerous little
details in this, as in most other forms of divination, each one of which
has an interpretation, subject, it would appear, to the vagaries of each
individual augur.
[7] _Ba-lís-kad to ma-má-on_.
_Divination from the báguñg vine_.--Before leaving the point from which
it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green rattan, the
length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick, are laid upon
the ground parallel to each other and about 2.5 centimeters apart. One
of these stands for the enemy and the other for the attacking party. A
firebrand is then held over the two until the heat causes one of them to
warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus if the strip that
represents the enemy were to begin to twist over toward that of the
aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from the former, the
omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the assaulting
party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist over and fall
on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march might be
entered upon.
The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed with
the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen prove
ill, the _tagbúsau_ must be invoked and other forms of divination tried
until the party feels assured of success.
_Divination from báya squares_.--The _báya_ is a species of small vine,
a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly the length of
the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the ground in squares.
Should the number of pieces be sufficient to constitute complete squares
without any remainder the omen is bad in the extreme, but should a
certain number of pieces remain the omen is good. Thus if one piece
remains the attack will be successful and of short duration. If two
remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be some delay; and
if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it will be necessary
to construct ladders.[8]
[8] _Pa-ga-hag-da-nán_.
When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination
prove unpropitious, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other divinatory
methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of
success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a
disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party.
Thus, for instance, the bad luck[9] might be attributed to the presence
of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are eliminated
and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the observance of all
the omens necessary for an expedition, together with the concomitant
ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and nights.
[9] _Paí-ad_.
INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD[10]
[10] _Pan-áu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon_.
Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the
omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it
acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This
ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the
march.
The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible
turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and
thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances
that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was
placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet
omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon
its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory.
Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry[11] as a further
inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in
the neighborhood.
[11] This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over palm and
thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be tightly closed,
leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is applied to this
slit and by blowing in puffs the Manóbo can produce a sound that is
natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a turtledove that
may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known the birds to
approach within shooting distance of the artificial sounds.
THE TAGBÚSAU'S FEAST
In the ceremonies connected with, the celebration in honor of his war
lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually
assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is
the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I
witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which
will serve as a general description of the ceremony:
The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described
before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo,
about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude
crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the
diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of
this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary
from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial
salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and
_gíbañg_[12] for the war deities.
[12] _Gí-bañg_ is the nape of the neck, and here refers to that of a
pig.
In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set out
on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been spread
out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been bound
already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries and in
its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests, covered
with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered throughout
the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an imposing
appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank. Around their
necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their pendants of
shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs.
About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony was
ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The
warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during
the night they chanted legendary tales of great Manóbo fights and
fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies.
During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system or
order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the
dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One
noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior
priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full
panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger,
they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war
tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be
some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and
forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield,
and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge.
Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce
glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The
spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention
and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior
priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an
act of violence.
At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that
followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be
expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of
war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party
and assist them in capturing their enemies.
When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party, the
chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the
pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the
wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in
plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the
blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow
into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The
ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest,
together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently
this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at
once and examined the gall bladder and the liver.
The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were
performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and
was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at
it.
When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was
partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned
that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great
extent in drinking.
The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the scouts
had not returned they waited until the next morning.
When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on
the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took
observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as
satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to
warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party
into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and
the march began.
HUMAN SACRIFICE[13]
[13] _Hu-á-ga_.
I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the
facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt
that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Manóbos in former times.
It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a country
where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less than a
good dog. When it is considered that in Manóboland revenge is not only a
virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands to
reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend or
relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have observed
of Manóbo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee with
which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a settlement,
slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart, liver, and blood
taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger used by one Manóbo
to another is "_huagon ka_," that is, "May you be sacrificed."
I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only that
are near to the territory of the Bagóbos and the Mandáyas. This leads me
to think that the custom is either of Bagóbo or of Mandáya origin.
The Jesuit missionary Urios[14] makes mention of the case of Maliñgáan
who lived on the upper Simúlao, contiguous to the Mandáya country. In
order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little girl
sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out against
him, and the death of Maliñgáan by his own hand.
[14] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, Cuaderno V, letter from
Father Saturnine Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881.
I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the
headwaters of the Báobo, Ihawán, and Sábud Rivers. One particular case
will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My
authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the
sacrifice.
A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was
selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the
ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was
suffering.[15] The preparatory ceremonies were described as being of the
same character as those which take place in the ordinary pig sacrifice
for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nub tribute, the
solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for the recovery
of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the warrior
priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave that it
might harbor no ill will against the participants in the ceremony.
[15] _To-bu-káw_.
The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being
entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice
arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior
priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud
voice to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human
creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's
breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit.
The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests
inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar[16] into one of the
wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, _tagbusauán_; that is,
filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the scene
that must have followed.
[16] _Ta-ti-hán_.
Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal
report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young
son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery
through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to
perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that
they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of
blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt
whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a
matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most
natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when
Manóbos speak among themselves.
There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it
partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I
was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The
following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to
kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty
in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more
of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order
that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full
jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged
out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust
with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have
every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances
of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly
typical of Manóbo character and would probably occur among any people
that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly.
What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of
victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive,
probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he
too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of
victory?
CHAPTER XXVII
DIVINATION AND OMENS
IN GENERAL
The Manóbo not only consults his priest in order to determine the will
of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of life and
discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring indications, the
course that he may pursue with personal security and success.
To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to attempt a
task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite
uncertainties and seeming contradictions.
Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and
auguries the Manóbo can afford no further information than that they
have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that
on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the
undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent
inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the
enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed
violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which
aroused the displeasure of a deity.
In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him
assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and
if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other
trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work
until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory
omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success.
There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manóboland. Here
and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this reputation
is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on the part of
others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a combination of
good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long consultation
until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the other.
MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS
The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill:
(1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house,
prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a
few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.[1]
[1] _Pan-dú-ut_.
(2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler must
return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse must
be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension omen, in
order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him.
(3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that is
a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is unlucky
and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination, the
exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is
tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is
entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence.
(4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even in
the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the
approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence
has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing.
The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed
immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these
ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I
arrived at a house on the upper Karága, shortly after the occurrence of
this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According
to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by
the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans.
(5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner. This
omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an
intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be
sold.
(6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets prognosticates
sickness.
(7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of
such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day.
(8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory explanation
of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil import.
(9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the
clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted to.
(10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil import
and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the threatened
ill.
(11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is
thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have
metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds.
DIVINATION BY DREAMS
As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings of
the soul companions of the Manóbo and in some mystic way are thought to
foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a proof
that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly aroused
but not rudely.[2] The belief in dreams is strong and abiding and plays
no small part in the Manóbo's religious life.
[2] If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in which he is
said to be _pa-ga-tam-ái-un_, a term that I have failed to learn the
meaning of.
The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved in
apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and
reliable information. In cases where Manóbo experts differ, and where
other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a
dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising[sic]
that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the
subject.
Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to those
of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more
general application and to be more definite in their significance. But
the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no
value because it may happen that the future must be determined by
recourse to other divinatory methods.
There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the warrior
chief may receive a knowlege[sic] of future events in their dreams and
also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in which the
latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that he had been
instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He stated that
he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he had given
to a sick relative of his.
However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction of
the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to
avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the
fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration rite.
DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES
THE VINE[3] OMEN
[3] _Bu-dá-kan_, a species of creeper.
I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war
expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the
selection of a new town site for the town of Monacayo[sic] on the upper
Agúsan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The
procedure in the rite is as follows:
A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of
the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown
herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the
square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in
position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain
are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2_c_, _e_.)
The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle, as
in figure 2_a_, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance is
gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle itself.
The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the posts that
support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not sufficient
to form even one "ladder," it is evident that all hopes of entering the
house and getting the enemy are vain. The principle of the omen consists
in the observation of the presence and number of ladders, and of the
length of the central piece which represents the inmates of the house to
be attacked. The following are some of the main and more intelligible
figures.
[FIGURE 2]
As there is no side piece or "ladder" in Figure 2_b_, _c_ it is a sign
that the house of the opponent can not be entered. In Figure 2_c_ the
shortness of the central piece is an indication that one of the
attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is called
_lahúñgan_[4] and is very inauspicious.
[4] From _la-húñg_, to carry on a pole between two or more persons.
In Figure 2_d_ the necessary ladders are present and the inmates of the
house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called
_hagdanan_.[5]
[5] From _hágdan_, a pole ladder.
In Figure 2_e_ there are the necessary means of getting access to the
house as may be seen by the presence of the three "ladders" at right
angles to the house. Moreover, the piece representing the inmates is
shorter, an indication of great slaughter. This is a most favorable omen
and, as there will be great weeping as a result of the killing, it is
called luha'an.[6]
[6] From _lú-ha_, a tear.
In Figure 2_f_ the absence of a piece within the rectangle is symbolical
of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the intended attack is
put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward to reconnoiter.
There are several other combinations to which different interpretations
may be given according to whether the omen is employed for a war
expedition or for the selection of a new site, but the above figures
give a general idea of this method of divination.[7]
[7] The interpretation of these figures can not be given in greater
detail because the Manóbos themselves can not always give consistent
explanations of them.
Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a pig[8] or of
a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should be performed, and
then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the use of the vine
may be made.
[8] _Dá-yo to tag-bú-sau_.
THE RATTAN OMEN[9]
[9] _Tí-ko_.
The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a
prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm.
The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one
fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the
length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way
that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These
two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf
circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into
the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck
together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for
it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a hand-to-hand
fight with the attacking party.[10] Should, however, the different leaf
circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the omen is
excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations arising
from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name and a
special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable information
as to these. This rattan-frond omen appears to be used very rarely. In
fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed on it by
many with whom I conversed.[11]
[10] The omen is then said to be _na-ba-ká-an_. The exact meaning of
this term, I am unable to state.
[11] For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI.
DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS
THE SUSPENSION OMEN
The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to
suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from
its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired
information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old
smoking pipe may be used.
The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray, or
table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The
answers are somewhat limited, being confined to "yes" and "no," and are
expressed by the faint and silent movement or by the utter quietude of
the object suspended. Movement denotes an affirmative response to the
question, quietude or lack of movement a negative answer.
I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the taker
of the oracle In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed, the
party wished to discover whether it would be safe for him to proceed on
a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at
once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and,
after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the
question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer.
The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of _abaká_
fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position where the
heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not surprising that it
displayed a tendency to be in constant movement.
THE OMEN FROM EGGS[12]
[12] _Ti-maí-ya to a-tá-yug_.
A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is
broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If
the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if
they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be
rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a
single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed,
however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable.
DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES
Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all occasions
where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great importance. I
witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the departure of a war
party in the upper Agúsan in 1907.
THE BLOOD OMEN
The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a
pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright,
spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent,
but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as
indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number
and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood
is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will
be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy
or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the
interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can
afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the
interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of
this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions,
uncertainties, and intricacies.
THE NECK OMEN
Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method of
determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself.
The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation,
wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded
bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this
vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck
free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to
point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack.
Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was
twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the
person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during
the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the
result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one
of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there
acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight.
I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before all
war expeditions[13] or war raids. In the lake region of the Agúsan
Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be good if
the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the north.
[13] _Mañg-ái-yau_ is a word used by nearly all tribes in Mindanáo to
express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself. Mr. H. O.
Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is used also by
some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the Negritos of
the Gumaín and Kauláman rivers in western Pampanga.
THE OMEN FROM THE GALL
The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of
normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an
unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or
failure.[14] When the gall bladder is unusually large, however, the omen
gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful observance
of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but disaster.
[14] In the former case the omen is said to be _gu-tús_ and in the
latter case _gí-pus_.
THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER
This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of it
dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and
examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding
interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of
each individual augur.
On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics, this
omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in other
contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of previous
evil ones.
THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX[15]
[15] _Pós-ud_. This appendix is a small blind projection found on the
intestines of fowls.
I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject for
augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of a
chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the
observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be
erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a
favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with
reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In
every case which I saw the omen was favorable.
ORNITHOSCOPY
IN GENERAL
Divination by birds is confined practically to the turtledove.[16] This
homely inert creature is considered the harbinger of good and evil, and
is consulted at the beginning of every journey and of every undertaking
where its prophetic voice can be heard. Should its cry forebode ill, the
undertaking is discontinued no matter how urgent it may be. But should
the cry presage good, then the project is taken up or continued with
renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is not this bird the envoy of
the deities and its voice a divine message?
[16] _Li-mó-kon_.
No arguments can shake the Manóbo's[17] faith in the trusty omen bird.
For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you cite him of
its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its prophecies have
come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite to a false
interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from the evil
prognosticated by the bird.
[17] Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Banuáons of the Agúsan
Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Manóbos in regard to
this omen bird.
RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD
The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down
unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is
carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is
about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little
_camote_ or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the captive
bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that they too in
turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return.
And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive
omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give
it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the
success of the trip.
When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a
site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a
trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not
the captive bird is solemnly invoked.[18] It is requested to sing out
its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones. Before a
war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the house as
a further inducement to it to be propitious.
[18] _Táu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon_.
INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL
It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of the
various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases even
several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the
following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from
which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent
contradictions involved in Manóbo ornithoscopy.
The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and
indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the
interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and
remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus
what was originally a good omen, may become, in conjunction with
subsequent ones, most fatal.
The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general positions
of the bird with reference to the person making the observation.
(1) Directly in front.
(2) Directly behind.
(3) Directly at right angles on the right.
(4) Directly at right angles on the left.
(5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45°.
(6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45°.
(7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45°.
(8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45°.
The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that are
not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent
observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be
discontinued but vigilance must be exerted.
The second direction[19] is also bad. It is a sign that behind one there
are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the family. The trip
must not be undertaken or continued until the following day.
[19] Called _ga-biñg_.
The third and fourth directions[20] are indeterminate. One's fate is
unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all ears
are alert.
[20] On the upper Agúsan it is called _bá-us-bá-us_, on the central,
_bí-tang_.
The fifth direction[21] is good and one may proceed with full assurance
of success.
[21] Called _bág-to_.
The sixth position[22] merely guarantees safety to life and limb but one
must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the trip.
[22] Also called _bág-to_.
The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that
is, bad.
Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate
interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different
directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction
augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard
simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal
omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the
bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from
the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the
destination one must hurry home without delay.
Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be
immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be
exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his
shield and spear in defense.
I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and so
difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter.
Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every journey the bird is
consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's
ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably
abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt
to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be
delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days
because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable.
BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN
Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger of
good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode evil.
Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is of evil
omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are
examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night
have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then
considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil
intent.
An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is
also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening
that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving
ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to
kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around
the house.
Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the house
forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay to
avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I
observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the
blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil portent.
CHAPTER XXVIII
MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS
THE CREATION OF THE WORLD
The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agúsan
Valley. In the district surrounding Talakógon creation is attributed to
Makalídung, the first great Manóbo. The details of his work are very
meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in
the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a
python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels
displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an
earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is
believed that should the trembling continue the world would be
destroyed.
In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that its
extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these limits is
an enormous hole called "the navel of the sea,"[1] through which the
waters descend and ascend. This explains the rise and the fall of the
tide.
[1] _Pó-sud to dá-gat_.
It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but that
one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and it
ascended to its present position.
Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manóbos of the
Argáwan and Híbung Rivers, gives the control of the world to _Dágau_,
who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company of a python.
Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and when it is
spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge serpent to
wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its
foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the
supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the
soil unproductive.
According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the upper
Agúsan, on the Simúlau, and on the Umaíam, the world is like a huge
mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center. This
pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of deities
who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their feelings
by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their duties.
CELESTIAL PHENOMENA
THE RAINBOW
The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable
manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is
thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the
rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war
chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of
blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought
that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-to-hand combat; but if
the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should
seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against
attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching.
On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might
become curved.
THUNDER AND LIGHTNING
Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for
disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is
described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at
the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in
Inugtúhan, the sky world, and together with Inaíyau is the wielder of
the thunderbolt and of the storm.
She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must
hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of
blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims
to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found.
ECLIPSE OF THE MOON
The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that a
gigantic tarantula[2] has attacked the moon and is slowly encompassing
it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first evidences of
darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from the houses,
shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with their bolos,
play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of trees, blow
bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time giving forth
yells of defiance at the monster saying, "Let loose our moon," "You
will be hit by an arrow." The women at the same time keep sticking
needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the direction of the enemy that
is trying to envelop the moon.
[2] _Tam-ban-a-káu-a_. (Bisáya, _ba-ka-náu-a_.) Some say that a huge
scorpion is the cause of eclipses.
The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon does
not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is
believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness
that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign
and all human apparel will be turned into snakes.
During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities
for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon.
As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have never
been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon the
moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing actions
of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the
invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted
by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because
it has been handed down from the days of yore.
ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE
It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married.
They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of
their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household
duties that fall to the lot of a woman--some say to get water, others
say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before
departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to
watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from
his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun,
who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and
approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending
down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance
melted them like wax. Upon preceiving[sic] this he wept and quietly
betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife.
The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the house,
turned to where the children slept, but found only their inanimate
forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of her grief
called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally softened by the
long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight of him the wild
cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled themselves until
finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became angry and called
her his chattel.[3] At first she feared his anger and quieted her sobs,
but finally, breaking out into one long wail, she seized the burnt forms
of her babes and in the depth of her anguish and her rage, threw them
out on the ground in different directions. Then the husband became angry
again and, seizing some taro leaves that his wife had brought from the
farm, cast them in her face and went his way. Upon his return he could
not find his wife, and so it is to this day that the sun follows the
moon in an eternal cycle of night and day. And so it is, too, that the
stars stand scattered in the sable firmament, for they are her discarded
children that accompany her in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a
shooting star breaks across her path, but that is only a messenger from
her husband to call her back. She, however, heeds it not but speeds on
her way in never-ending flight with the marks of the taro leaves[4]
still upon her face, and with her starry train accompanying her to the
dawn and on to the sunset in one eternal flight.
[3] _Máñg-gad_ (chattel) and _bin-ó-tuñg_ (purchase slave) are the
ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband toward his wife and
refer to her domestic status as originating in the marriage payment.
[4] Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of bamboos; others,
that they are _baléte_ trees, and others again, that they are the taro
marks referred to.
THE STORY OF THE IKÚGAN,[5] OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE RESETTLEMENT OF
THE AGÚSAN VALLEY
[5] From _i-kug_, tail.
It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men, Tíduñg,[6]
overran the Agúsan Valley as far south as Veruéla. They were tailed men
from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a dagger, and that of
the women like an adze of the kind used by Manóbos. For 14 years they
continued their depredations, devastating the whole valley till all the
Manóbos had fled or been killed, except one woman on the Argáwan River
or, as some say, on the Umaíam.
[6] It would be interesting to know whether these Tíduñg were members of
a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Súlu Archipelago.
When the Manóbos first arrived in the Agúsan Valley they tried to
withstand the tailed men. The Manóbos of the Kasilaían River are said to
have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally
obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.[7] It is said that when encamped
near the present site of San Luis these tailed folks slept on a kind of
nettle[8] and being severely stung, took it for a bad omen and returned.
[7] It is true that the Manóbos of the Tágo River, province of Surigao,
claim kinship with those of the Kasilaían and Argáwan Rivers, but their
migration from the Agúsan Valley seems to have been comparatively
recent, if I may believe their own testimony.
[8] _Ság-ui_.
As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be
known, but they devastated the valley from Butuán to Veruéla and from
east to west.
The solitary woman who had hidden in the _runo_ reeds of Argáwan
continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving
_abaká_ cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a turtledove's
egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for meat and fish
were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot the egg. Thus
it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when lo! instead of
a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl who, under her
foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to woman's estate.
Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel
through the country to discover whether the Ikúgan had really departed,
and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed
at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The
foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition--that he would
place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with
such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long
succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came
about the repopulation of the Agúsan Valley. The chief then married the
beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land.
GIANTS
The great mythic giants of Manóboland are _Táma_, _Mandayáñgan_, and
_Apíla_. All three are described as of marvelous height, "as tall as the
tallest trees of the mountains," and their domain is said to be the deep
and dark forest.
_Táma_ is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in
beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the
beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily.
His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous
footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Manóbo of the
Kasilaían River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a
fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all
over eastern Mindanáo.
_Mandayáñgan_, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike giant, who
loves to attend the combats of Manóboland. He is said to have been one
of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in the great
mountain forests, where live the gods of war.
_Apíla_ is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to leave his
far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant strides,
go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayáñgan. The noise of their
fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a league,
and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty struggle
for supremacy.
Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more
human, the principal of whom is _Dábau_. _Dábau_ lived on a small
mountain in view of the present site of Veruéla. It is said that, before
beginning his trip up the Agúsan, he sent word to the inhabitants of the
Umaíam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake region
and that all rice should be carefully protected against the commotion of
the waters.[9]
[9] The nearest settlements to the channel through which _Dábau_ must
have passed were several kilometers distant.
On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a _palma
brava_ palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his bamboo raft from
Butuán to the mouth of the Maásin Creek, near Veruéla, in one day.[10]
With him lived his sister, also a person of extraordinary strength, for
it is on record that she would at times pluck a whole bunch of bananas
and throw it to her brother on a neighboring hill.
[10] This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large native canoe and
under normal conditions.
PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS
There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and
mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern
Mindanáo with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange
observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must
not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This
statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human
haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering
remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of
Anítan[11] the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtúhan. If they enter
the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and divinatory
means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck.
[11] Called also _Á-nit_ and _In-a-ní-tan_.
I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and
other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to
brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have
followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anítan. The
two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will
sufficiently illustrate the point.
Two Manóbos of the Kasilaían River entered a house and, upon perceiving
a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make unseemly remarks
to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after it began to
thunder and, remembering the offense that they had committed, they had
recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided that Anítan was
displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other victim than a
hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her ceremonially unclean,
she at once ordered the dog to be killed for Anítan. The thunder and the
lightning passed away promptly. It may be noted here that the dog may
have had considerable value, for a really good hunting dog commands as
high a value as a human life.
In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young
monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a
little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small
earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first
mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his
indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anítan.
As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the
threating[sic] thunderbolts.
In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become
turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine
wrath, as the following legend will show.
THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBÁTAÑG
In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of
Kagbubátañg.[12] The occupants espied a monkey and a cat fighting upon
the summit of the promontory. The incongruity of the thing impressed
them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks, addressing
themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they and their
craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified craft and
crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make an
offering,[13] howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of these
petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an
offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and
the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.[14]
[12] _Kag-bu-bá-tañg_ is a point within sight of the town of Placer,
eastern Mindanáo.
[13] The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in fact
anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the point.
[14] There is said to be a similar locality near Taganíto, between
Clavér and Carrascál.
In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that the
imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for it
might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but by
petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the legend
of Añgó, of Bináoi.[15]
[15] _Bin-á-oi_ is the name of an oddly shaped peak at the source of the
River Añgadanán, tributary of the Wá-wa River. From the upper Tágo its
white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the stream Malitbug
that delivers its waters to the Tágo River through the Borubuán.
AÑGÓ, THE PETRIFIED MANÓBO
Añgó lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera with
his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs in
quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his
spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down
upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the
near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes,
he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and
help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent,
but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in
his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking
back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog
and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger
and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his _camote_ patch
he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones
overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on.
He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic
lime[16] and set it around her husband, but all to no avail, for his
feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell under the
wrath of Anítan. The following morning the whole family had petrified up
to the knees, and during the following three days the process continued
from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and then on to the head.
And thus it is that to this day there may be seen on Bináoi Peak the
petrified forms of Añgó and his family.
[16] Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to be objects
of fear to the evil spirits.
CHAPTER XXIX
THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910
THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT
The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal
report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.[1] It was thence
propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies
south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the Libagánon
and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manóbos of the
upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be true (and the
probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected
one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part occupied by
Moros[2] and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some Bisáyas who, moved by
the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsúan[sic],
became adherents.
[1] The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum River,
which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.
[2] I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor of Davao,
that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It is then
not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it
likewise.
Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas,
Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single
woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.
Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival,
but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one
who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The following is
his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable
evidence.
REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL
One Meskínan,[3] a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken sick with
what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the
third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive
people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed
the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was
not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent
spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he
showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his
marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of
trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after
recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until
it reached the Mawab River,[4] but in so altered a form that it not only
attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had
actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart
himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansáka
group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of
his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to
me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mawab. The
following is substantially his account.
[3] Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo of the
Libagánon River.
[4] A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf of Davao.
Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid
before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how
Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the
natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a
messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from
Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the
world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their
assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.[5] In the
intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves
from destruction.
[5] My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people.
This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear.
My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskínan:
(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they
would devour their owners.
(2) No more crops were to be planted.
(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each
settlement.
(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest[6] who must have
received his power from Meskínan himself, and several assistants[7] who
were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed
services in distant "churches."
[6] Called _pun-ó-an_.
[7] _Tai-tái-an_, that is, "bridges," meaning probably that these
emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines
would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement.
(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing
sacred dances in his honor, and _forwarding offerings to him_.
My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement went
over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the
numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they
reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden;
that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he
bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings.
The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling over[8] of
the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of
Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise,
when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost;
husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and
chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live
a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with
instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of
the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with
never a care for material wants, _the men on their shields, and the
women on their combs_.
[8] _Kíliñg_.
A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a "_Magbabáya_"[9] or
spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his
assistants and emissaries.
[9] As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this
term.
The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly to
erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts
enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one
month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and
children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to
the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at
intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into
the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of
the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.
SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT
Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the end
of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that
every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious
house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests
and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even
in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.
My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the
Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been
stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a
religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the
other behests of the Magbabáya.
All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the
world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was not
long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in
Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to
which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is
evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was
received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant,
the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the
settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests
and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the
Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts
and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and
the Simúlau Rivers.
This great religious movement was known as "Túñgud."[10]
[10] I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word,
nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who
pretended to know its meaning.
ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES
When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, and I
had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libagánon and
to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I
was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the
sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them interpreted to
me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of
the movement are first hand.
The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food.
No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's injunction,
so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the Mandáya
country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my
arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the _camote_
crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days'
wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round sum of money to
procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack
of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I
had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food.
When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but especially
during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of
thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, and similar
things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the
mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a hurry to the religious
house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting
Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was
leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "_túñgud,
túñgud_," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the
town.
Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its
profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds
and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manóbos in
general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can
readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by
the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and others more or less
conversant with Manóbo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful
effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and
all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to
enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom
or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious
services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the
almost inaccessible haunts of the upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the
hereditary and truculent enemies of Compostela whom even the Catholic
missionaries could never convert. Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon
region went fearlessly over to the Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts
and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I
heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not
for the order of the Magbabáya of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and
to forego revenge, he would be killed.
So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural
law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved
themselves for it.
THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT
NEW ORDER OF DEITIES
In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual
under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to
others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter
interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious
ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an
inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The
Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the
statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at
least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in
black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from
a future life of darkness and desolation.
After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself to
such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were
said, after being thus endowed, to have a _Magbabáya_, in much the same
way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further
development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of
imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by
Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by
others.
OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER
The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries for
escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were:
(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings[11] in
each settlement.
[11] _Ka-má-lig_.
(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant
under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.
(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.
That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most
remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous
Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the
Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests
and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the
Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the
municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement.
From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the
movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under
very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over
unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the
religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant
points in an incredibly short time.
As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were
carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only
to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled
in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on
all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible
settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon
my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud,
túñgud."[12] In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open
my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once
these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation
might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.
[12] Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible,
_ta-gá-an_.
In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being
assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places
as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:
(1) A small alcove[13] in one corner, frequently provided with a door,
sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve
as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within
they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while
the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement
proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.
[13] Called _sin-á-buñg_.
(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on
it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a
supply of drink.
(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of
four logs set upon the floor.
(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the
walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.
(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the
building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from
the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a
variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the
buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement
inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation
is unprecedented.
(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed
offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the
deities.
RELIGIOUS RITES
Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was
unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper
Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on
the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and
emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in
Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being
that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary
religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed
repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.
The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The
high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken
advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the
new religion.
Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went
ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the
religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a
stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud
voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct
whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on:
"When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling
sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The
dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the
responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low
sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the
building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite
direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he
pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from
which the sounds appeared to me to come.
When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement
assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libagánon, which
was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to overthrow the
world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had
not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save
themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the
Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld and had taken up
his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in
weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the
completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced
the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to
neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskínan, he
announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of lances be
donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which
was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled
people that he perform the _túñgud_ services, whereupon he and his
assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants
being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings
and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.
The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of
Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured
a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial
table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting
himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the
performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of
the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature
of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in
that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the
other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger
dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.[14] The use of
this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended to
remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by
means of their shields when the world toppled over.
[14] It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither so graceful
nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster and there
are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so
characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor
are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.
The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came
upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a
more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes,
his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious
perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched,
and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of
the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his
feet and left him resting against the wall.
As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of
the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he
interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "_túñgud,
túñgud, tagáan_." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken
up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the
interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskínan
in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as
announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the priests, including the
local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but
not with such vehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to
be "very big."
An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the
dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,[15] the emblem
of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have
been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had conferred
a _Magbabáya_. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the
heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he
desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and
thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. A refusal to
surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such
was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and
practiced.
[15] _Mo-sá_.
Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance,
but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but
always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and
which were unintelligible to my interpreters.
After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our
positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those
whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been
consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them
under or near the table.
The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his
fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the
priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed
to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.
The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the
occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over
the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood
drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side,
the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent
feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted,
they said, by their respective deities.
The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The
priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and
trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the
sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on
all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow
had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "_túñgud,
túñgud, tagáan_," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up
by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially
the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and
adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces,
bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others
promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one.
THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD
I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the
Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the
Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this
on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan
Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the
fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the
Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers,
who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given
as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a
great religious deception.
I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, whose
real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that
he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence
is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even that at the
beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the
reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became greater, abuses
crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole
system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling
innocent believers out of their valuables.
The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum
River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the
upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with
Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much
craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were
prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the
movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter
opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of
this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his
"Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as
is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús.
Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried
out.
THE SACRED TRAFFIC
Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, and
was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. Hence
there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his
body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either
"down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or
winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to
understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him
under these circumstances.
As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that Meskínan
could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, that he
could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum and
Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those
who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who
received this spiritual influence were expected to give a
consideration[6] for the gift, or _Magbabáya_, as it was called. As time
went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of
a slave (P30) for every _Magbabáya_ received from the representatives of
Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal
of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they
were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start
off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits.
It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some
act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one
young fellow assured me that his _Magbabáya_ had fled because of his
failure to abstain from eating rice.
[6] Called _á-lo_. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish
word _regalo_, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use
among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact.
I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of
renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four
days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other
chattels, with which to purchase a _Magbabáya_. I saw them return, too,
happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in
a worldly way.
But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of _Magbabáya_
alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from
Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious
shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a
present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may
be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs
which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent
of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and
consecrated by the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon, and that they were of
the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of
dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to
perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab
and Tágum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he
was taking this means to get back the equivalent.
A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the value
of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to him by
Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in
the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling
out similar ones.
During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of
khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years
before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I
explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt
cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the
responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.
RELIGIOUS TOURS
In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and
with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the
beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were
tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled
the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to
settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy
as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty
of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription
of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to
visit other settlements.
To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who
would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators
of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be
erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection
of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to
bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.
As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to
dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the
most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting
Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of
their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active,
popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was
shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other
respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud
and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.
They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports
about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the
ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how
he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up
the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing
their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for
renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their
sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of
donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their
possession.
An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be
gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest
from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the
Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.
3 old English muzzle-loaders.
100 ornamental silver breastplates.
300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.
60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.
9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of
the tour).
30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.
I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos,
an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of
the most costly maids in his tribe.
The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me
is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival
I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his
debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me
that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a
trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received
enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.
THE WHISTLING SCHEME
The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried
on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the
movement to call upon one's _Magbabáya_ for an answer except at
nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the _Magbabáya_
of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak.
The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar
deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice,
"_Magbabáya_." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some
errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low
whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity
about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was
nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar
hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles,
intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the
amount of information supposed to be conveyed.
That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter
personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest
himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first
heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and
descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed
into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of
disguising the direction of the sound.
Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion,
the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to
reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed.
On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to
the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps
proceeding from the supposed _Magbabáya_ in answer. The priest
interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult
his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a
young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his
hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the
sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly
see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator
and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10
minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning
priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of
divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such
expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," "Túñgud,
Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to
determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes
dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he
was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of
course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the
exact location of the imaginary god.
Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their
little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the
use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for
the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a
melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it
is like a tiny flute."
Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest
a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge
concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his
deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable
offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the
individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the
first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone
on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation in order to
afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means
he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit,
but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the
fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished,
there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said,
from the _camote_ clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest
then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay,
Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my
scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name
lest I should quarrel with the individual--a proceeding that would be in
violation of a current taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that
it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the
supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I
claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the
consultation.
PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY
Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in
the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their
assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual
intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a _Magbabáya_,
and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and
their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the
men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told
by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the
injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was
true of all the other priests.
Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great
_Magbabáya_ of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all
food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate
and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as
such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality,
which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The
customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that
his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own
settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required
of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and
he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a
pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who
maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole
days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar.
Of course I was fined for my curiosity.
The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the
substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common
peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism
and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points
of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and
decreed its downfall. The great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon had gone down
to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its
very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he
communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their
worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth
would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but
also in all the concerns of life up to the very end.
These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could
resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future,
impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment
of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the
irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a
Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of
deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry,
and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of
securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid
when even the mighty _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon would at times demand a
lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them
began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity
and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their
pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others
out of their temporal goods.
THE END OF THE MOVEMENT
The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various
inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual
postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another,
the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part
of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of
the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and
the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as
offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed
to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at
least 50,000 people.
It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution
approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be
patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to
take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the
purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting
a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons,
Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the
fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would
be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a
loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because
he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued
until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud.
At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country was
getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their
property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack
upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of
raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a
word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment
of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples
already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed.
SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS
In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find similar
movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of
May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of
which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is,
the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child,
with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops
were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were
to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these
frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agúsan peoples
impossible.
On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me that
in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the
Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that when
the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the
authors of it and killed many.
I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father
Urios,[17] dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one Manáitai, a
Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían River, was told
by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the Manóbos of Patrocinio
back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the whole clan was to meet
in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers
and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and
soul, into the sky.
[17] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, 1891.
The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from everything
except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatúan complied
with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but
as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was
abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and
observances.
From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious
revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps
every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such
as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.
APPENDIX
HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO
EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875
From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in the
obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is
brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse
into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come
down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but
little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure
and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular
imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into
hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently,
was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded
the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one
tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and
even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless,
relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events
that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to
thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines
nor relished its rigorous precepts.
1521
Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of
various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes[1] who states
that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various
historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated
here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the
mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal
occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.[2] A later
governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to
this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.
[1] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.
[2] It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with
such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass.
1565-1574
A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II[3] some time after the
arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore
the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. Upon arrival
in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at
the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In
another letter of Mirandola,[4] dated 1574, we find Butuán spoken of as
a district with much gold.
[3] E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202,
1906.
[4] Ibid., 3: 233.
1591
In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson
from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was an
_encomienda_[5] and that tributes were collected as early as 1591.
[5] An _encomienda_ was a royal allotment or grant of land, including
the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of
government.
1596
In Chirino's[6] relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits,
Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in
the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means
tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity,
however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of
the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, and protected the
missionaries in every way possible.[7] Religious fervor is said to have
reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves
until the blood flowed.
[6] Ibid., 12: 315.
[7] Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma
in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were
accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the natives
of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by
Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both
friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.
Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who
preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,[8] "a people untamed and
ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring peoples."[9]
[8] Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the Higagáons or
Banuáons of the present day.
[9] Ibid., 44: 60.
There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we
find that a fort was constructed in Línao[10] some time after 1596. The
headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father Francisco
Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks[11]
visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion."[12]
[10] Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veruéla. It
and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is
now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to
the middle Agúsan.
[11] We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred
to the mountain people as _little blacks_ (Negrillos), otherwise we
might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living
in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao were Negritos.
[12] Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.
Morga in his Sucesos[13] speaks of Butuán as being peaceable. He makes
mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats.
[13] Ibid., 15.
1597
In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray
Andres de San Nicolas,[14] we learn that missionaries had penetrated the
district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to
withstand the hostility of the mountain people.
[14] Ibid., 21.
1622
In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical
administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to
have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the
conquest, for it is related[15] that he traveled 50 leagues up the
river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent
difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the
two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The
results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted
3,000 souls, and to have founded three _conventos_[16] one of which was
in the village of Línao.[17] At this period Butuán is said to have had
1,500 Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600
souls.
[15] Ibid., 21: 221.
[16] A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the
spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.
[17] Ibid., 21: 221.
1629
In 1629[18] there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of the
Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous
Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the
people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever
been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of
Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by
every means in their power.
[18] Ibid., 35: 65.
1648
The arrival of the Dutch in Manila[19] in 1648 incited the natives to
sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo,
helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa[20] sets
forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manóbos.
[19] Ibid., 36: 126.
[20] Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and
Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).
He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butuán
in the Province of Karága.[21] "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a
treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.[22]
They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their
clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and
they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their
manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an
incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dábao,
a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the
original of the legendary giant that still lives in Manóbo tradition,
stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in
Línao.[23]
[21] The Province of Karága at this time extended from Dapítan on the
northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.
[22] The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to
think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The only
trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is observed
among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and
northeastern contiguous to Butuán.
[23] Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a
soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in
consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that
region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate
that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is
added by the application of the term _Negrillos_ (little Negroes) to
Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly
Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is
unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no
tradition as to the former employment of them exists.
The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other
churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the
capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full
of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity,
suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were
able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been
lost."[24] In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable
slaves captured by the Spanish forces.
[24] Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.
1661-1672
Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical
labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of
the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives
as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they
were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in
human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and
were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living
between Butuán and Línao. The people to whom he refers are most probably
the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the present day, because, as we shall
see later on, the Christianized Manóbo towns of the present day did not
exist before 1877.
Father Combes[25] is the authority for the statement that Butuán was the
origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and
Basilan." The following is the extract:
[25] Ibid., 40: 126.
But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan
recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which,
although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan
Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few
leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same
stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given
kings and nobility to these nations.[26]
[26] San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312)
says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood and nobility
of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he
was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity
between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in the Agúsan Valley.
Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, are common to
these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was
intercourse between the two peoples.
Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio[27] in 1744
says that "Some of the Manóbos in the mountains of Karága (who are
heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people
civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and
excellent houses) pay tribute."
[27] Ibid., 40: 298,
We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained
wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was unable
to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that
time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuán. My
authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around
Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and
quite reasonable," living in villages in human society in a very well
ordered civilization--and the other, an inferior people leading a
brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San
Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the ancestors of the present Bisáyas of
Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who have traditions as to the pagan
condition of their ancestors.
Concepcion[28] gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanáo.
"Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military
post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The tradition of the fight
between the Moros and the people of Línao still exists among the Bisáyas
of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in
Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro _lantaka_
(small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the
anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle
against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I
found extant among the Manóbos is the legend of the tailed men, and of
their own flight.
[28] Ibid., 48: 163.
FROM 1875 TO 1910 1800-1877
For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Manóbos
until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and
returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in 1875. The
material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of selected
letters[29] from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and
higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a
detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of
the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to
civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the
various town and _rancherias_[30] are furnished; with the names of the
chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the
part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the
armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the
interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and
of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In
a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the
Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of
Mindanáo.
[29] These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús
de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from
1876 to 1902 and probably later.
[30] A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized
people.
1877
In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed
to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuán,
Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove[31] in 1877 writes that he
reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in Talakógon, which is at
present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuán. He
notes the extent of the slave trade between Manóbos and Bisáyas, and
that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agúsan and to the upper
Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan and organized the church
among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been annexed to Talakógon. In
the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuán,
Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.
[31] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.
1879
In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies,
Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of
which _rancherias_ of _conquistas_[32] or Christianized Manóbos are
still in existence.
[32] _Conquista_ is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal
use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a
non-Christian tribe.
In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement of
Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of Talakógon
in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part from the
Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the ignorance of
the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibáo and
Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.
The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He
then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that
district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and
Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded
Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo
converts, respectively.
Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized
1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then
pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded
the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the
town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of
the town was changed five times.
La Concepcion,[33] near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa
were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that
he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The
present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual glance will
convince one of their Negrito derivation.
[33] This rancheria is not in existence.
During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and
succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This
is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the
present day.
1881-1883
From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of
all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so
that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe
and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor
Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the
towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a
pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them.
Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment.
Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los
Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized
people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the
lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns,
were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by
the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of
certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the _conquistas_ of
Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for
the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized
people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be
borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by
the missionaries to reach the pagans. These _conquistas_ were prevailed
upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and
soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries,
especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the
pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes
_nolens volens_. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results
that would follow as a consequence, the _conquistas_ preferred to flee and
join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude.
1883
The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return of
some 5,000 _conquistas_ to their original manner of life, for at this
period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.[34] The
upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simúlao district, 2,000.
[34] Ibid., 5: 71.
On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of the
Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were
attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately.
Baóbo, "the river of _bagáni_,"[35] continued to keep Patrocinio, Búai,
and Gracia on the alert.
[35] A _bagáni_ is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or Manóbo warrior
who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence
of being under the influence of war deities.
Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in
establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as
being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper
Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio
and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state
just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present
site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and
Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in
existence at the present day.
The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed
their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read
that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo,
Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being
about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though
there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.
1884
In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there
were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district.
Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a
population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower
Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas
being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.
1885
On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to
the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan
Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River
converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a
town of that name.
Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized
217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over
to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.
There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower
Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On
the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty
families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All
the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and
associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of
Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)[36] moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards
Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela
having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however,
they were re-formed.
[36] I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan
was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle
Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it consisted entirely of
Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans such as are stated by my
authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan.
1886
In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the
lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements
were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near Maínit.
In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawán
River.
It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the
Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in
42 towns.[37]
[37] Ibid., 11, appendix.
1887
In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa,
owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and
Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro
was abandoned this same year.
1887-1888
On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their
labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon
people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to
have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of
La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of
armed troops.
1889
In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa
abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the
Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the
Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the
same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on the Tágo River.
1890
In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people
of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on
the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther
up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small
_rancheria_ called Tilyérpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása
on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on the Bahaían River were founded
the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the
abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawán. Many Mamánua and
Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is
attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas
and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Óhut was founded this
same year.
1891
The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the
foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang
River.
In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were
established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a
settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement
is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25
families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in
existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority
for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its
foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed
through the same experience, though not so many times.
1893
In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on
the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, was
founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is
the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in
1908, I think.
On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and more
Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number
of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.
In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.
1894
In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. At
the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town
site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.
During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the Mánat,
was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another
town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, between
Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the Agsábo, a
branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was
re-formed.
1900-1905
I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894
to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed
Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in
1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative
tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are
recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned
their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From
1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the
upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was
due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted
themselves to the culture of _abaká_ and to the production of its fiber.
On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo there
occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition
of alarm.
On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old
feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro
Province to station troops at Compostela.[38]
[38] Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the following
_rancherias_ in existence:
On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo,
San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis,
Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), Patrocinio,
Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar,
Compostela, and Taga-únud.
On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.
On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.
On the Líbang River, Concordia.
On the Kasilaían River, Basa.
On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos.
On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and Rosario.
On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.
On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.
On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), Libertad,
Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.
On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.
From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:
Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.
Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.
Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam River.
Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia.
Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.
Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.
Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the
Híbung River.
Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.
Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those
whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the
following towns have ceased to exist:
Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.
Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.
San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.
Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.
San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the
impression that it was located near Túbai).
Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.
Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.
Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.
San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.
Patai, between Martires and Borbon.
Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.
Las Navas, on the Híbung.
Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.
Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,
Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.
Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.
Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan
San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).
The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up to
1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000;
Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of
the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons,
1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns,
including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the
present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been
insignificant.
METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE
MANÓBOS
The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans
in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to
the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.[39] The following
extracts are pertinent:
[39] Ibid., 11, appendix.
The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating
the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various
races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of
their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies,
respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of
character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be
possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy
emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have
commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended
visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed
with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with
dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he
wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that
have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes
the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power
they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the
Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their
neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they
are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is
the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their
conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor
on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not
only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection
and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to
explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish
rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their
suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and
by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he
strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions
are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort
being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and
elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he
succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with
some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any
proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place
without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the
missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and
even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best
adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza[40]
and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and
of the private dwellings begins.
[40] A public square.
It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary
is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the
uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts
that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of
returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to
provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so
that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in
search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little
rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by
planting _camotes_ and other crops which yield quickly.
The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the
next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being
sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy
the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are
presented with the official staff of command in the name of the
governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is
established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the
Gobernadorcillo[41] of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of
bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of
the province.
[41] This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to
the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to
"mayor" at the present time.
The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector,
who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians,
and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from
among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new
town and begin their teaching.
As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and
perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district
visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside
their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the
government.
The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also
calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to
keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always
some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who
might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not
regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a
desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this
time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the
caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the
strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are
at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their
teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the
chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for
fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on
neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or
sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their
gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor
possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it
will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes
necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a
simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth
the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their
superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their
children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.
It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak,
for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like
all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and
inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping
and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should
be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a
word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a
religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the
inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of
the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly
celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The
Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those
savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave
their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours.
The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have
gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are
being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in
their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in
esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate
themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to
show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning
some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some
prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided
that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the
circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary
encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily
convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human
nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of
mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient
superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from
whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them
consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing
themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this
is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as
previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted
Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a
chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has
several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is
tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the
settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by
yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is
of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as
he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances
inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been
baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and
customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a
Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can
hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian
towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be
recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements.
THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS
I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to
ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish
missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient
homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and
religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the
information furnished me by the _conquistas_, both those who are still
living under the effective control of the Government and those who have
returned to their primitive haunts.
(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal
equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must
have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to
believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where many
of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was told
stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his
understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one
occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be
baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose
names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most
of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the
missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them
again.
(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the chief
means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed
expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the
adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of
_conquistas_ who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and
who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they
were telling the truth.
How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers
leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given
me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by
the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the
pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for
commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain
people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took
unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans.
(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and
alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout
the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting
the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point
of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that
with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than
ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than
kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a
feeling of obligation.
(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries
of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This,
coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the
country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied
by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the
missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the
people they were visiting.
(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was
the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals
strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of
eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this
monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that
for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural
then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly
to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very
devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average
Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, of the
Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the
doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected
centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not
be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am
inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of
manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he
became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of
influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the
differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the
debt-ridden, cringing _conquistas_, and his manly, free, independent,
vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the _conquista's_ time is consumed
in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the other half in paying
them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His _abaká_ patch often
is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to
an inconsiderate taskmaster.[42]
[42] The special government established in the subprovince of Butuán
took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the
_conquistas_ by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agúsan, so
that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation
of the special government.
EXPLANATION OF PLATES
PLATE 1. _a_, _b_, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. Note
tattooing. _c_, Forearm of woman in _d_. _d_, Mandáya woman. Compostela.
Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments.
PLATE 2. _a_, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper Agúsan.
_b_, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. _c_, Manóbo woman.
Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _d_, Mandáya man. Compostela, upper Agúsan.
PLATE 3. _a_, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbos. Ihawán
River, Agúsan Valley. PLATE 4. _a_, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan
Valley. _b_, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof,
notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.
PLATE 5. _a_, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, upper
Agúsan. _b_, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched pole,
numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo
shingles.
PLATE 6. _a_, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. _b_, Manóbo house.
Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now
very rare.
PLATE 7. _a_, Armor coat made of _abaká_, with war chief's red jacket
inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. _b_, Manóbo _abaká_ skirt, woven in red,
white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It
serves at night as a blanket. _c_, White trousers made of _abaká_.
Central Agúsan. _d_, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan.
_e_, Mandáya _abaká_ skirt. Worn by Manóbos when obtainable. The design
is produced by the tie and dye process.
PLATE 8. _a_, _b_, Women's jackets of cotton and _abaká_, embroidered
with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agúsan. _c_, War
chief's red jacket. Insignia of _bagáni_-ship used by Manóbos of the
upper Agúsan. _d_, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the
wearer has killed at least three people. _e_, Hat of sago palm bark.
Middle Agúsan. _f_, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and
central Cordilleras. _g_, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. _h_, Central
Agúsan style. _i_, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of 8° latitude.
_j_, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. _k_, Ihawán and Baóbo style. _l_,
Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. _m_, Manóbo betel-nut bag. _n_, Betel-nut bag
made of Mandáya _abaká_ and cotton cloth.
PLATE 9. _a_, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. _b_, _d_, Bamboo
guitars. _c_, Wooden two-stringed guitar. _e_, _f_, _h_, Bamboo flutes.
_g_, Bamboo jew's-harp. _i_, Drum with head of deerskin. _j_, _l_, _m_,
_n_, Fish traps and fishing line. _k_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, Rattan
baskets. _s_, _t_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _u_, _z_, _cc_, Bead
necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. _v_, _y_, Seed and shell
necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. _w_, _aa_, _bb_, _dd_, _ee_, Women's
incised bamboo combs. _x_, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas
out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan Manóbos. _ff_, _ll_, _rr_, _Nito_
bracelets, worn by Manóbo men and women. _gg_, _ii_, _kk_, Shell
bracelets, worn by Manóbo women. _hh_, _jj_, Beaded girdles made of
_nito_ and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. _mm_, _nn_, _oo_, _pp_,
Wooden ear disks and pendants. _qq_, Black coral bracelet, bent by
heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. _ss_, _Nito_ armlet, worn by
Manóbo men. _tt_, Bear's bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.
PLATE 10. _a_, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. _b-f_, Fishing bows and
arrows. The arrows have detachable points. _g_, Mandáya spear used by
Manóbos of upper Agúsan. _h_, Central Agúsan spear. _i-k_, Manóbo bow
and arrows. _l_, Manóbo shield. Upper Agúsan. _m_, Mandáya shield. _n_,
Shield. Central Manóbo. _o-r_, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by
Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos.
_t-v_, Manóbo bamboo lime tubes. _w_, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos.
_x_, _y_, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. _z_, _aa_, Mandáya war bolo and
sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.
PLATE 11. _a_, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is
characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. _b_, Men of the
mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of
the Manóbo war dance.
PLATE 12. _a_, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper
Agúsan. _b_, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note superiority
of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was
built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.
PLATE 13. _a_, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the
stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. _b_, c, Sacred posts with offering trays
for the _Magbabáya_, used on the upper Agúsan during the great religious
movement.
PLATE 14. _a_, _d_, Ceremonial birth canoes. _b_, _c_, Blood oblation
trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood.
_e_, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. _f-i_, Sacred
images, used to attract Manóbo divinities. _j_, Sacred shield. _k_, _l_,
Sacred jars. _m_, _o_, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during
religious ceremonies. _n_, _p_, War chief's charms, worn during war
raids. They contain magic herbs. _q_, Ceremonial birth offering stand.
Middle Agúsan. _r_, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial
chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used
constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agúsan. _s_,
Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.
***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***
******* This file should be named 18607-8.txt or 18607-8.zip *******
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607
Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.
Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.
*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
https://www.gutenberg.org/license).
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that
- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License. You must require such a user to return or
destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
Project Gutenberg-tm works.
- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
of receipt of the work.
- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
[email protected]. Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at https://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact
For additional contact information:
Dr. Gregory B. Newby
Chief Executive and Director
[email protected]
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit:
https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
https://www.gutenberg.org
This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
