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Title: The complete works of John Gower, volume 2
The English works
Author: John Gower
Editor: G. C. Macaulay
Release Date: July 10, 2023 [eBook #71162]
Language: English
Credits: Ted Garvin, Stephen Rowland, Krista Zaleski, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COMPLETE WORKS OF JOHN
GOWER, VOLUME 2 ***
Transcriber’s Notes
Obvious typographical errors in punctuation have been silently
corrected.
In particular, these typos were corrected:
Page cxxxii - corrected respcet to respect
Page 477 - corrected “feminine from” to “feminine form” in note 2677.
Page 481 - corrected “too” to “two” in note 390.
Footnote 1275 - Added “margin” to linenote for line 2052
The Corrigenda et Addenda have been corrected in place.
All other spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.
Italics are represented thus _italic_, superscripts thus y^n, bold thus
=bold=.
THE COMPLETE WORKS
OF
JOHN GOWER
_G. C. MACAULAY_
* *
THE ENGLISH WORKS
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
[Illustration]
LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK
[Illustration: MS. FAIRFAX 3, f. 125 v^o. (UPPER PORTION)]
THE COMPLETE WORKS
OF
JOHN GOWER
_EDITED FROM THE MANUSCRIPTS
WITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES, AND GLOSSARIES_
BY
G. C. MACAULAY, M.A.
FORMERLY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
* *
THE ENGLISH WORKS
(CONFESSIO AMANTIS, PROL.--LIB. V. 1970)
‘O gentile Engleterre, a toi j’escrits.’
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1901
Oxford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
PREFATORY NOTE
The circumstances under which this edition was undertaken have already
been stated in the Preface to the volume containing the French Works,
where mention is also made of the editor’s obligations to many
librarians and private owners of manuscripts.
At present it need only be said that the editor has become more and
more convinced, as his work went on, of the value and authentic
character of the text given by the Fairfax MS. of the _Confessio
Amantis_, which as proceeding directly from the author, though not
written by his hand, may claim the highest rank as an authority for his
language.
It is hoped that the list of errata, the result chiefly of a revision
made during the formation of the Glossary, may be taken to indicate not
so much the carelessness of the editor, as his desire to be absolutely
accurate in the reproduction of this interesting text.
The analysis of the _Confessio Amantis_ which is printed in the
Introduction, was undertaken chiefly at the suggestion of Dr.
Furnivall. With reference to this it may be observed that in places
where the author is following well-known sources, the summaries are
intentionally briefer, and in the case of some of the Biblical stories
a reference to the original has been thought sufficient.
OXFORD, 1901.
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION vii
CONFESSIO AMANTIS:--
PROLOGUS 1
LIBER I 35
LIBER II 130
LIBER III 226
LIBER IV 301
LIBER V 402
NOTES 457
INTRODUCTION
The _Confessio Amantis_ has been the subject both of exaggerated
praise and of undue depreciation. It was the fashion of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries to set Gower side by side with Chaucer, and
to represent them as the twin stars of the new English poetry, a view
which, however it may be justified by consideration of their language
and literary tendencies, seems to imply a very uncritical estimate of
their comparative importance. Some of these references are collected
below, and they serve to indicate in a general way that the author had
a great literary reputation and that his book was very popular, the
latter being a conclusion which is sufficiently vouched for also by the
large number of manuscripts which existed, and by the three printed
editions. We shall confine ourselves here to drawing attention to a few
facts of special significance.
In the first place the _Confessio Amantis_ is the earliest English
book which made its way beyond the limits of its own language. There
exists a Spanish translation, dating apparently from the very beginning
of the fifteenth century, in which reference is made also to a
Portuguese version, not known to be now in existence, on which perhaps
the Castilian was based. This double translation into contemporary
languages of the Continent must denote that the writer’s fame was not
merely insular in his life-time.
Secondly, with regard to the position of this book in the sixteenth
century, the expressions used by Berthelette seem to me to imply
something more than a mere formal tribute. This printer, who is
especially distinguished by his interest in language, in the preface
to his edition of the _Confessio Amantis_ most warmly sets forth his
author as a model of pure English, contrasting his native simplicity
with the extravagant affectations of style and language which were then
in fashion. In fact, when we compare the style of Gower in writing
of love with that which we find in some of the books which were at
that time issuing from the press, we cannot help feeling that the
recommendation was justified.
Again, nearly a century later a somewhat striking testimony to the
position of Gower as a standard author is afforded by Ben Jonson’s
_English Grammar_. The syntax contains about a hundred and thirty
illustrative quotations, and of these about thirty are from Gower.
Chaucer is cited twenty-five times, Lydgate and Sir Thomas More each
about fourteen, the other chief authorities being Norton, Jewel, Fox,
Sir John Cheke and the English Bible.
Finally, our author’s popularity and established position as a
story-teller is decisively vouched for by the partly Shakesperian
play of _Pericles_. Plots of plays were usually borrowed without
acknowledgement; but here, a plot being taken from the _Confessio
Amantis_, the opportunity is seized of bringing Gower himself on the
stage to act as Prologue to four out of the five acts, speaking in the
measure of his own octosyllabic couplet,
‘To sing a song that old was sung
From ashes ancient Gower is come,’ &c.
The book was so well known and the author so well established in
reputation, that a play evidently gained credit by connecting itself
with his name.
The following are the principal references to Gower in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The author of _The King’s
Quair_ dedicates his poem to the memory (or rather to the
poems) of his masters Gower and Chaucer. Hoccleve calls him ‘my
maister Gower,’
‘Whos vertu I am insufficient
For to descrive.’
John Walton of Osney, the metrical translator of Boethius,
writes,
‘To Chaucer, that is flour of rhethorique
In english tonge and excellent poete,
This wot I wel, no thing may I do like,
Though so that I of makinge entermete;
And Gower, that so craftely doth trete
As in his book of moralite,
Though I to hem in makinge am unmete,
Yit moste I schewe it forth that is in me.’
Bokenham in his _Lives of the Saints_ repeatedly speaks of
Gower, Chaucer and Lydgate, the last of whom was then still
living, as the three great lights of English literature. Caxton
printed the _Confessio Amantis_ in 1483, and it seems to have
been one of the most popular productions of his press.
In the sixteenth century Gower appears by the side of Chaucer
in Dunbar’s _Lament for the Makaris_ and in Lindsay’s poems.
Hawes in the _Pastime of Pleasure_ classes him with Chaucer and
his beloved Lydgate, and Skelton introduces him as first in
order of time among the English poets who are mentioned in the
_Garland of Laurel_,
‘I saw Gower that first garnysshed our Englysshe rude,
And maister Chaucer,’ &c.,
a testimony which is not quite consistent with that in the
_Lament for Philip Sparow_,
‘Gower’s Englysh is old
And of no value is told,
His mater is worth gold
And worthy to be enrold.’
Barclay in the Preface of his _Mirour of Good Manners_ (printed
1516) states that he has been desired by his ‘Master,’ Sir
Giles Alington, to abridge and amend the _Confessio Amantis_,
but has declined the task, chiefly on moral grounds. The work
he says would not be suitable to his age and order (he was a
priest and monk of Ely),
‘And though many passages therin be commendable,
Some processes appeare replete with wantonnes:
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
For age it is a folly and jeopardie doubtlesse,
And able for to rayse bad name contagious,
To write, reade or commen of thing venerious.’
Leland had some glimmering perception of the difference between
Chaucer and Gower in literary merit; but Bale suggests that our
author was ‘alter Dantes ac Petrarcha’ (no less), adding the
remark, taken perhaps from Berthelette’s preface, ‘sui temporis
lucerna habebatur ad docte scribendum in lingua vulgari[A].’
In Bullein’s _Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence_ (1564)
Gower is represented as sitting next to the Classical poets,
Homer, Hesiod, Ennius and Lucan. Puttenham in the _Art of
English Poesie_ (1589), and Sidney in the _Defence of Poesie_
(1595), equally class Gower and Chaucer together. The latter,
illustrating his thesis that the first writers of each country
were the poets, says, ‘So among the Romans were Livius
Andronicus and Ennius, so in the Italian language ... the
poets Dante, Boccace and Petrarch, so in our English, Gower
and Chaucer, after whom, encouraged and delighted with their
excellent foregoing, others have followed to beautify our
mother tongue, as well in the same kind as in other arts.’
In Robert Greene’s _Vision_, printed about 1592, Chaucer and
Gower appear as the accepted representatives of the pleasant
and the sententious styles in story-telling, and compete
with one another in tales upon a given subject, the cure of
jealousy. The introduction of Gower into the play of _Pericles,
Prince of Tyre_ has already been referred to.
The uncritical exaggeration of Gower’s literary merits, which formerly
prevailed, has been of some disadvantage to him in modern times. The
comparison with Chaucer, which was so repeatedly suggested, could not
but be unfavourable to him; and modern critics, instead of endeavouring
to appreciate fairly such merits as he has, have often felt called upon
to offer him up as a sacrifice to the honour of Chaucer, who assuredly
needs no such addition to his glory. The true critical procedure is
rather the opposite of this. Gower’s early popularity and reputation
are facts to be reckoned with, in addition to the literary merit which
we in our generation may find in his work, and neither students of
Middle English, nor those who aim at tracing the influences under which
the English language and literature developed during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, can afford to leave Gower’s English work out of
their account.
THE ENGLISH WORKS.
i. LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS.--The reason of the success of the
_Confessio Amantis_ was naturally the fact that it supplied a popular
need. After endeavouring to ‘give an account of his stewardship’
in various ways as a moralist, the author at length found his true
vocation, and this time happily in his native tongue, as a teller of
stories. The rest is all machinery, sometimes poetical and interesting,
sometimes tiresome and clumsy, but the stories are the main thing. The
perception of the popular taste may have come to him partly through the
success of Chaucer in the _Legend of Good Women_, and the simple but
excellent narrative style which he thereupon developed must have been
a new revelation of his powers to himself as well as to others. It is
true that he does not altogether drop the character of the moralist,
but he has definitely and publicly resigned the task of setting society
generally to rights,
‘It stant noght in my sufficance
So grete thinges to compasse,
. . . . . . . . .
Forthi the Stile of my writinges
Fro this day forth I thenke change
And speke of thing is noght so strange,’ &c. (i. 4 ff.)
He covers his retreat indeed by dwelling upon the all-pervading
influence of Love in the world and the fact that all the evils of
society may be said to spring from the want of it; but this is little
more than a pretext. Love is the theme partly because it supplies
a convenient framework for the design, and partly perhaps out of
deference to a royal command. There is no reason to doubt the statement
in the first version of the Prologue about the meeting of the author
with Richard II on the river, and that he then received suggestions for
a book, which the king promised to accept and read. It may easily be
supposed that Richard himself suggested love as the subject, being a
matter in which, as we know from Froissart, he was apt to take delight.
‘Adont me demanda le roy de quoy il traittoit. Je luy dis, “D’amours.”
De ceste response fut-il tous resjouys, et regarda dedens le livre en
plusieurs lieux et y lisy[B].’ It was certainly to the credit of the
young king that he should have discerned literary merit in the work of
the grave monitor who had so lectured him upon his duties in the _Vox
Clamantis_, and should have had some part in encouraging him to set his
hand to a more promising task; and if it be the fact that he suggested
love as the subject, we cannot but admire both the sense of humour
displayed by the prince and the address with which our author acquitted
himself of the task proposed.
The idea of the Confession was no doubt taken from the _Roman de la
Rose_, where the priest of Nature, whose name is Genius, hears her
confession; but it must be allowed that Gower has made much better use
of it. Nature occupies herself in expounding the system of the universe
generally, and in confessing at great length not her own faults but
those of Man, whom she repents of having made. Her tone is not at all
that of a penitent, though she may be on her knees, and Genius does
little or nothing for her in reply except to agree rather elaborately
with her view that, if proper precautions had been taken, Mars and
Venus might easily have outwitted Vulcan. Gower on the other hand has
made the Confession into a framework which will conveniently hold any
number of stories upon every possible subject, and at the same time
he has preserved for the most part the due propriety of character
and situation in the two actors. By giving the scheme an apparent
limitation to the subject of love he has not in fact necessarily
limited the range of narrative, for there is no impropriety in
illustrating by a tale the general nature of a vice or virtue before
making the special application to cases which concern lovers, and
this special application, made with all due solemnity, has often a
character of piquancy in which the moral tale pure and simple would be
wanting. Add to this that the form adopted tends itself to a kind of
quasi-religious treatment of the subject, which was fully in accordance
with the taste of the day, and produces much of that impression of
quaintness and charm with which we most of us associate our first
acquaintance with the _Confessio Amantis_.
The success of the work--for a success it is in spite of its
faults--is due to several merits. The first of these is the author’s
unquestionable talent for story-telling. He has little of the dramatic
power or the humour which distinguish Chaucer, but he tells his tales
in a well-ordered and interesting manner, does not break the thread by
digressions, never tires of the story before it is finished, as Chaucer
does so obviously and so often, and carries his reader through with
him successfully to the end in almost every case. His narrative is a
clear, if shallow, stream, rippling pleasantly over the stones and
unbroken either by dams or cataracts. The materials of course are not
original, but Gower is by no means a slavish follower in detail of his
authorities; the proportions and arrangement of the stories are usually
his own and often show good judgement. Moreover he not seldom gives a
fresh turn to a well-known story, as in the instances of Jephthah and
Saul, or makes a pretty addition to it, as is the case in some of the
tales from Ovid. Almost the only story in which the interest really
flags is the longest, the tale of Apollonius of Tyre, which fills up
so much of the eighth book and was taken as the basis of the plot of
_Pericles_; and this was in its original form so loose and rambling
a series of incidents, that hardly any skill could have completely
redeemed it. There is no doubt that this gift of clear and interesting
narrative was the merit which most appealed to the popular taste, the
wholesome appetite for stories being at that time not too well catered
for, and that the plainness of the style was an advantage rather than a
drawback.
Tastes will differ of course as to the merits of the particular
stories, but some may be selected as incontestably good. The tale of
Mundus and Paulina in the first book is excellently told, and so is
that of Alboin and Rosemund. The best of the second book are perhaps
the False Bachelor and the legend of Constantine and Silvester, in the
latter of which the author has greatly improved upon his materials. In
the third book the tale of Canace is most pathetically rendered, far
better than in Ovid, so that in spite of Chaucer’s denunciation his
devoted follower Lydgate could not resist the temptation of borrowing
it. The fourth book, which altogether is of special excellence, gives
us Rosiphelee, Phyllis, and the very poetically told tale of Ceix and
Alceone. The fifth has Jason and Medea, a most admirable example of
sustained narrative, simple and yet effective and poetical, perhaps
on the whole Gower’s best performance: also the oriental tale of
Adrian and Bardus, and the well told story of Tereus and Philomela.
In the seventh we shall find the Biblical story of Gideon excellently
rendered, the Rape of Lucrece, and the tale of Virginia. These may
be taken as specimens of Gower’s narrative power at its best, and by
the degree of effectiveness which he attains in them and the manner
in which he has used his materials, he may fairly be judged as a
story-teller.
As regards style and poetical qualities we find much that is good in
the narratives. Force and picturesqueness certainly cannot be denied to
the tale of Medea, with its description of the summer sea glistening
in the sun, which blazes down upon the returning hero, and from the
golden fleece by his side flashes a signal of success to Medea in her
watch-tower, as she prays for her chosen knight. Still less can we
refuse to recognize the poetical power of the later phases of the same
story, first the midnight rovings of Medea in search of enchantments,
‘The world was stille on every side;
With open hed and fot al bare,
Hir her tosprad sche gan to fare,
Upon hir clothes gert sche was,
Al specheles and on the gras
Sche glod forth as an Addre doth:
Non otherwise sche ne goth,
Til sche cam to the freisshe flod,
And there a while sche withstod.
Thries sche torned hire aboute,
And thries ek sche gan doun loute
And in the flod sche wette hir her,
And thries on the water ther
Sche gaspeth with a drecchinge onde,
And tho sche tok hir speche on honde.’ (v. 3962 ff.),
and again later, when the charms are set in action, 4059 ff., a
passage of extraordinary picturesqueness, but too long to be quoted
here. We do not forget the debt to Ovid, but these descriptions are far
more detailed and forcible than the original.
For a picture of a different kind, also based upon Ovid, we may take
the description of the tears of Lucrece for her husband, and the
reviving beauty in her face when he appears,
‘With that the water in hire yhe
Aros, that sche ne myhte it stoppe,
And as men sen the dew bedroppe
The leves and the floures eke,
Riht so upon hire whyte cheke
The wofull salte teres felle.
Whan Collatin hath herd hire telle
The menynge of hire trewe herte,
Anon with that to hire he sterte,
And seide, “Lo, mi goode diere,
Nou is he come to you hiere,
That ye most loven, as ye sein.”
And sche with goodly chiere ayein
Beclipte him in hire armes smale,
And the colour, which erst was pale,
To Beaute thanne was restored,
So that it myhte noght be mored’ (vii. 4830 ff.),
a passage in which Gower, with his natural taste for simplicity, has
again improved upon his classical authority, and may safely challenge
comparison with Chaucer, who has followed Ovid more literally.
It is worth mention that Gower’s descriptions of storms at sea are
especially vivid and true, so that we are led to suppose that he had
had more than a mere literary acquaintance with such things. Such for
instance is the account of the shipwreck of the Greek fleet, iii. 981
ff., and of the tempests of which Apollonius is more than once the
victim, as viii. 604 ff., and in general nautical terms and metaphors,
of some of which the meaning is not quite clear, seem to come readily
from his pen.
Next to the simple directness of narrative style which distinguishes
the stories themselves, we must acknowledge a certain attractiveness
in the setting of them. The Lover decidedly engages our interest:
we can understand his sorrows and his joys, his depression when his
mistress will not listen to the verses which he has written for her,
and his delight when he hears men speak her praises. We can excuse
his frankly confessed envy, malice and hatred in all matters which
concern his rivals in her love. His feelings are described in a very
natural manner, the hesitation and forgetfulness in her presence, and
the self-reproach afterwards, the eagerness to do her small services,
to accompany her to mass, to lift her into her saddle, to ride by her
carriage, the delight of being present in her chamber, of singing
to her or reading her the tale of Troilus, or if no better may be,
of watching her long and slender fingers at work on her weaving or
embroidery. Sometimes she will not stay with him, and then he plays
with the dog or with the birds in the cage, and converses with the
page of her chamber--anything as an excuse to stay; and when it grows
late and he must perforce depart, he goes indeed, but returns with
the pretence of having forgotten something, in order that he may bid
her good-night once more. He rises in the night and looks out of his
window over the houses towards the chamber where she sleeps, and loses
himself in imagination of the love-thefts which he would commit if by
any necromancy he had the power. Yet he is not extravagantly romantic:
he will go wherever his lady bids him, but he will not range the world
in arms merely in order to gain renown, losing his lady perhaps in the
meantime at home. We take his side when he complains of the Confessor’s
want of feeling for a pain which he does not himself experience, and
his readiness to prescribe for a wound of the heart as if it were a
sore of the heel. Even while we smile, we compassionate the lover who
is at last disqualified on account of age, and recommended to make a
‘beau retret’ while there is yet time.
But there is also another character in whom we are interested, and
that is the lady herself. Gower certainly appreciated something of the
delicacy and poetical refinement which ideal love requires, and this
appreciation he shows also in his _Balades_; but here we have something
more than this. The figure of the lady, which we see constantly in the
background of the dialogue, is both attractive and human. We recognize
in her a creature of flesh and blood, no goddess indeed, as her lover
himself observes, but a charming embodiment of womanly grace and
refinement. She is surrounded by lovers, but she is wise and wary. She
is courteous and gentle, but at the same time firm: she will not gladly
swear, and therefore says nay without an oath, but it is a decisive
nay to any who are disposed to presume. She does not neglect her
household duties merely because a lover insists upon hanging about her,
but leaves him to amuse himself how he may, while she busies herself
elsewhere. If she has leisure and can sit down to her embroidery, he
may read to her if he will, but it must be some sound romance, and not
his own rondels, balades, and virelays in praise of her. Custom allows
him to kiss her when he takes his leave, but if he comes back on any
pretext and takes his leave again, there is not often a second kiss
permitted. She lets him lead her up to the offering in church, and
ride by her side when she drives out, but she will take no presents
from him, though with some of her younger admirers, whose passion she
knows is a less serious matter, she is not so strict, but takes and
gives freely. Even the description of her person is not offensive, as
such descriptions almost always are. Her lover suspects that her soul
may be in a perilous state, seeing that she has the power of saving a
man’s life and yet suffers him to die, but he admits there is no more
violence in her than in a child of three years old, and her words are
as pleasant to him as the winds of the South. Usurious dealing is a
vice of which he ventures to accuse her, seeing that he has given her
his whole heart in return for a single glance of her eye, and she holds
to the bargain and will not give heart for heart; but then, as the
Confessor very justly replies, ‘she may be such that her one glance is
worth thy whole heart many times over,’ and so he has sold his heart
profitably, having in return much more than it is worth.
However, the literary characteristic which is perhaps most remarkable
in the _Confessio Amantis_ is connected rather with the form of
expression than with the subject-matter. No justice is done to Gower
unless it is acknowledged that the technical skill which he displays
in his verse and the command which he has over the language for his
own purposes is very remarkable. In the ease and naturalness of
his movement within the fetters of the octosyllabic couplet he far
surpasses his contemporaries, including Chaucer himself. Certain
inversions of order and irregularities of construction he allows
himself, and there are many stop-gaps of the conventional kind in the
ordinary flow of his narrative; but in places where the matter requires
it, his admirable management of the verse paragraph, the metrical
smoothness of his lines, attained without unnatural accent or forced
order of words, and the neatness with which he expresses exactly what
he has to say within the precise limits which he lays down for himself,
show a finished mastery of expression which is surprising in that age
of half-developed English style, and in a man who had trained himself
rather in French and Latin than in English composition. Such a sentence
as the following, for example, seems to flow from him with perfect
ease, there is no halting in the metre, no hesitation or inversion for
the sake of the rhyme, it expresses just what it has to express, no
more and no less:
’Til that the hihe king of kinges,
Which seth and knoweth alle thinges,
Whos yhe mai nothing asterte,--
The privetes of mannes herte
Thei speke and sounen in his Ere
As thogh thei lowde wyndes were,--
He tok vengance upon this pride.’ (i. 2803 ff.)
Or again, as an example of a more colloquial kind,
‘And if thei techen to restreigne
Mi love, it were an ydel peine
To lerne a thing which mai noght be.
For lich unto the greene tree,
If that men toke his rote aweie,
Riht so myn herte scholde deie,
If that mi love be withdrawe.’ (iv. 2677 ff.)
There is nothing remarkable about the sentiment or expression in
these passages, but they are perfectly simple and natural, and run
into rhyming verse without disturbance of sense or accent; but such
technical skill as we have here is extremely rare among the writers of
the time. Chaucer had wider aims, and being an artist of an altogether
superior kind, he attains, when at his best, to a higher level of
achievement in versification as in other things; but he is continually
attempting more than he can perform, he often aims at the million
and misses the unit. His command over his materials is evidently
incomplete, and he has not troubled himself to acquire perfection of
craftsmanship, knowing that other things are more important,
‘And that I do no diligence
To shewe craft but o sentence.’
The result is that the most experienced reader often hesitates in his
metre and is obliged to read lines over twice or even thrice, before
he can satisfy himself how the poet meant his words to be accented and
what exactly was the rhythm he intended. In fact, instead of smoothing
the way for his reader, he often deliberately chooses to spare himself
labour by taking every advantage, fair or unfair, of those licences of
accent and syllable suppression for which the unstable condition of
the literary language afforded scope. The reader of Gower’s verse is
never interrupted in this manner except by the fault of a copyist or an
editor; and when we come to examine the means by which the smoothness
is attained, we feel that we have to do with a literary craftsman who
by laborious training has acquired an almost perfect mastery over his
tools. The qualities of which we are speaking are especially visible
in the more formal style of utterance which belongs to the speeches,
letters and epitaphs in our author’s tales. The reply of Constance to
her questioner (ii. 1148 ff.) is a good example of the first:
‘Quod sche, “I am
A womman wofully bestad.
I hadde a lord, and thus he bad,
That I forth with my litel Sone
Upon the wawes scholden wone,
Bot what the cause was, I not:
Bot he which alle thinges wot
Yit hath, I thonke him, of his miht
Mi child and me so kept upriht,
That we be save bothe tuo.”’
And as longer instances we may point to the reflexions of the Emperor
Constantine near the end of the same book (ii. 3243 ff.), and the
prayer of Cephalus (iv. 3197-3252). The letters of Canace and of
Penelope are excellent, each in its own way, and the epitaphs of Iphis
(iv. 3674 ff.) and of Thaise (viii. 1533 ff.) are both good examples of
the simple yet finished style, e.g.
‘Hier lith, which slowh himself, Iphis,
For love of Araxarathen:
And in ensample of tho wommen,
That soffren men to deie so,
Hire forme a man mai sen also,
Hou it is torned fleissh and bon
Into the figure of a Ston:
He was to neysshe and sche to hard.
Be war forthi hierafterward;
Ye men and wommen bothe tuo,
Ensampleth you of that was tho.’ (iv. 3674 ff.)
In a word, the author’s literary sphere may be a limited one, and his
conception of excellence within that sphere may fall very far short
of the highest standard, but such as his ideals are, he is able very
completely to realize them. The French and English elements of the
language, instead of still maintaining a wilful strife, as is so often
the case in Chaucer’s metre, are here combined in harmonious alliance.
More especially we must recognize the fact that in Gower’s English
verse we have a consistent and for the moment a successful attempt
to combine the French syllabic with the English accentual system of
metre, and this without sacrificing the purity of the language as
regards forms of words and grammatical inflexion. We shall see in our
subsequent investigations how careful and ingenious he is in providing
by means of elision and otherwise for the legitimate suppression of
those weak terminations which could not find a place as syllables in
the verse without disturbing its accentual flow, while at the same time
the sense of their existence was not to be allowed to disappear. The
system was too difficult and complicated to be possible except for a
specially trained hand, and Gower found no successor in his enterprise;
but the fact that the attempt was made is at least worthy of note.
With considerable merits both of plan and execution the _Confessio
Amantis_ has also no doubt most serious faults. The scheme itself,
with its conception of a Confessor who as priest has to expound a
system of morality, while as a devotee of Venus he is concerned only
with the affairs of love (i. 237-280), can hardly be called altogether
a consistent or happy one. The application of morality to matters
of love and of love to questions of morality is often very forced,
though it may sometimes be amusing in its gravity. The Confessor is
continually forgetting one or the other of his two characters, and the
moralist is found justifying unlawful love or the servant of Venus
singing the praises of virginity. Moreover the author did not resist
the temptation to express his views on society in a Prologue which
is by no means sufficiently connected with the general scheme of the
poem, though it is in part a protest against division and discord,
that is to say, lack of love. Still worse is the deliberate departure
from the general plan which we find in the seventh book, where on
pretence of affording relief and recreation to the wearied penitent,
the Confessor, who says that he has little or no understanding except
of love, is allowed to make a digression which embraces the whole
field of human knowledge, but more especially deals with the duties of
a king, a second political pamphlet in fact, in which the stories of
kings ruined by lust or insolence, of Sardanapalus, Rehoboam, Tarquin,
and the rest, are certainly intended to some extent as an admonition of
the author’s royal patron. The petition addressed to Rehoboam by his
people against excessive taxation reads exactly like one of the English
parliamentary protests of the period against the extravagant demands
of the crown. Again, the fifth book, which even without this would be
disproportionately long, contains an absolutely unnecessary account of
the various religions of the world, standing there apparently for no
reason except to show the author’s learning, and reaching the highest
pitch of grotesque absurdity when the Confessor occupies himself in
demolishing the claim of Venus to be accounted a goddess, and that too
without even the excuse of having forgotten for the moment that he is
supposed to be her priest. Minor excrescences of the same kind are to
be found in the third book, where the lawfulness of war is discussed,
and in the fourth, where there is a dissertation on the rise of the
Arts, and especially of Alchemy. All that can be said is that these
digressions were very common in the books of the age--the _Roman de
la Rose_, at least in the part written by Jean de Meun, is one of the
worst offenders.
Faults of detail it would be easy enough to point out. The style is
at times prosaic and the matter uninteresting, the verse is often eked
out with such commonplace expressions and helps to rhyme as were used
by the writers of the time, both French or English. Sometimes the
sentences are unduly spun out or the words and clauses are awkwardly
transposed for the sake of the uninterrupted smoothness of the verse.
The attainment of this object moreover is not always an advantage, and
sometimes the regularity of the metre and the inevitable recurrence of
the rhyme produces a tiresome result. On the whole however the effect
is not unpleasing, ‘the ease and regularity with which the verse flows
breathes a peaceful contentment, which communicates itself to the
reader, and produces the same effect upon the ear as the monotonous
but not wearisome splashing of a fountain[C].’ Moreover, as has
already been pointed out, when the writer is at his best, the rhyme is
kept duly in the background, and the paragraph is constructed quite
independently of the couplet, so that this form of metre proves often
to be a far better vehicle for the narrative than might have been at
first supposed.
ii. DATE AND CIRCUMSTANCES.--The _Confessio Amantis_ in its earliest
form bears upon the face of it the date 1390 (Prol. 331 _margin_)[D],
and we have no reason to doubt that this was the year in which it was
first completed. The author tells us that it was written at the command
of King Richard II, whom he met while rowing on the Thames at London,
and who invited him to come into his barge to speak with him. It is
noticeable, however, that even this first edition has a dedication to
Henry earl of Derby, contained in the Latin lines at the end of the
poem[E], so that it is not quite accurate to say that the dedication
was afterwards changed, but rather that this dedication was made more
prominent and introduced into the text of the poem, while at the same
time the personal reference to the king in the Prologue was suppressed.
If the date referred to above had been observed by former editors,
the speculations first of Pauli and then of Professor Hales, tending
to throw back the completion of the first recension of the _Confessio
Amantis_ to the year 1386, or even 1383, would have been spared. Their
conclusions rest, moreover, on the purest guess-work. The former argues
that the preface and the epilogue[F] in their first form date from
the year 1386, because from that year the king (who was then nineteen
years old) ‘developed those dangerous qualities which estranged from
him, amongst others, the poet’; and Professor Hales (_Athenæum_, Dec.
1881) contends that the references to the young king’s qualities as a
ruler, ‘Justice medled with pite,’ &c. certainly point to the years
immediately succeeding the Peasants’ revolt (a time when Gower did not
regard him as a responsible ruler at all, but excuses him for the evil
proceedings of the government on account of his tender age)[G], that
the reference to Richard’s desire to establish peace (viii. 3014* ff.)
_must_ belong to the period of the negotiations with the French and
the subsequent truce, 1383-84, though Professor Hales is himself quite
aware that negotiations for peace were proceeding also in 1389, and
finally that the mention of ‘the newe guise of Beawme’ must indicate
the very year succeeding the king’s marriage to Anne of Bohemia in
1382, whereas in fact the Bohemian fashions would no doubt continue to
prevail at court, and still be accounted new, throughout the queen’s
lifetime. It is on such grounds as these that we are told that the
_Confessio Amantis_ in its first form _cannot_ have been written later
than the year 1385 and was probably as early as 1383.
All such conjectures are destroyed by the fact that the manuscripts of
the first recension bear the date 1390 at the place cited, and though
this does not absolutely exclude a later date for the completion of the
book, it is decisive against an earlier one. Moreover, the fact that in
the final recension this date is omitted (and deliberately omitted, as
we know from the erasure in the Fairfax MS.) points to the conclusion
that it is to be regarded definitely as a date of publication, and
therefore was inappropriate for a later edition.
This conclusion agrees entirely with the other indications, and they
are sufficiently precise, though the fact that one of these also
has unluckily escaped the notice of the editors has caused it to be
generally overlooked[H].
The form of epilogue which was substituted for that of the first
recension, and in which the over-sanguine praise of Richard as a ruler
is cancelled, bears in the margin the date of the fourteenth year of
his reign (viii. 2973 _margin_), ‘Hic in anno quarto decimo Regis
Ricardi orat pro statu regni,’ &c. Now the fourteenth year of King
Richard II was from June 21, 1390, to the same day of 1391. We must
therefore suppose that the change in this part of the book took place,
in some copies at least, within a few months of its first completion.
Thirdly, we have an equally precise date for the alteration in the
Prologue, by which all except a formal mention of Richard II is
excluded, while the dedication to Henry of Lancaster is introduced into
the text of the poem; and here the time indicated is the sixteenth year
of King Richard (Prol. 25), a date which appears also in the margin of
some copies here and at l. 97, so that we may assume that this final
change of form took place in the year 1392-93, that is, not later than
June 1393.
Having thus every step dated for us by the author, we may, if we think
it worth while, proceed to conjecture what were the political events
which suggested his action; but in such a case as this it is evidently
preposterous to argue first from the political conditions, of which as
they personally affected our author and his friends we can only be very
imperfectly informed, and then to endeavour to force the given dates
into accordance with our own conclusions[I].
It will be observed from the above dates that we are led to infer two
stages of alteration, and the expectation is raised of finding the poem
in some copies with the epilogue rewritten but the preface left in its
original state. This expectation is fulfilled. The Bodley MS. 294 gives
a text of this kind, and it is certain that there were others of the
same form, for Berthelette used for his edition a manuscript of this
kind, which was not identical with that which we have.
In discussing the import of the various changes introduced by the
author it is of some importance to bear in mind the fact already
mentioned that even the first issue of the _Confessio Amantis_ had a
kind of dedication to Henry of Lancaster in the Latin lines with which
it concluded,
‘Derbeie comiti, recolunt quem laude periti,
Vade liber purus sub eo requiesce futurus.’
This seems rather to dispose of the idea that a dedication to Henry
would be inconsistent with loyalty to Richard, a suggestion which would
hardly have been made in the year 1390, or even 1393. No doubt those
copies which contained in the preface the statement that the book
was written at the command of the king and for his sake, and in the
epilogue the presentation of the completed book to him (3050* ff.),
if they had also appended to them the Latin lines which commend the
work to the earl of Derby, may be said to have contained in a certain
sense a double dedication, the compliment being divided between the
king and his brilliant cousin, and very probably a copy which was
intended for the court would be without the concluding lines, as we
find to be the case with some manuscripts; but the suggestion that the
expressions of loyalty and the praises of Richard as a ruler which
we find in the first epilogue are properly to be called inconsistent
with a dedication of the poem to Henry of Lancaster, his cousin and
counsellor, is plausible only in the light of later events, which
could not be foreseen by the poet, in the course of which Henry became
definitely the opponent of Richard and finally took the lead in
deposing him. It is true that the earl of Derby had been one of the
lords appellant in 1387, but after the king’s favourites had been set
aside, he was for the time reconciled to Richard, and he could not in
any sense be regarded as the leader of an opposition party. That Gower,
when he became disgusted with Richard II, should have set Henry’s
name in the Prologue in place of that of the king, as representing
his ideal of knighthood and statesmanship, may be regarded either as
a coincidence with the future events, or as indicating that Gower had
some discrimination in selecting a possible saviour of society; but it
is certain that at this time the poet can have had no definite idea
that his hero would become a candidate for the throne.
The political circumstances of the period during which the _Confessio
Amantis_ was written and revised are not very easy to disentangle. We
may take it as probable that the plan of its composition, under the
combined influence of Chaucer’s _Legend of Good Women_[J] and of the
royal command, may have been laid about the year 1386. Before this time
Richard would scarcely have been regarded by Gower as responsible for
the government, and he would naturally look hopefully upon the young
sovereign, then just entering upon his duties, as one who with proper
admonition and due choice of advisers might turn out to be a good
ruler. During the succeeding years the evil counsellors of the king
were removed by the action of the lords appellant and the Parliament,
and in the year 1389 a moderate and national policy seemed to have been
finally adopted by the king, with William of Wykeham as Chancellor
and the young earl of Derby, who had been one of the appellants but
had quarrelled with his uncle Gloucester, among the king’s trusted
advisers. By the light of subsequent events Gower condemned the whole
behaviour of the king during this period as malicious and treacherous,
but this could hardly have been his judgement of it at the time, for
Richard’s dissimulation, if dissimulation it were, was deep enough
to deceive all parties. Consequently, up to the year 1390 at least,
he may have continued, though with some misgivings, to trust in
the king’s good intentions and to regard him as a ruler who might
effectually heal the divisions of the land, as he had already taken
steps to restore peace to it outwardly. It is quite possible also that
something may have come to his knowledge in the course of the year
1390-91 which shook his faith. It was at this time, in July 1390, just
at the beginning of the fourteenth year of King Richard, that his
hero the earl of Derby left the court and the kingdom to exercise his
chivalry in Prussia, and for this there may have been a good reason.
We know too little in detail of the events of the year to be able to
say exactly what causes of jealousy may have arisen between the king
and his cousin, who was nearly exactly of an age with him and seems to
have attracted much more attention than Richard himself at the jousts
of St. Inglevert in May of this year. Whatever feeling there may have
been on the side of the earl of Derby would doubtless reflect itself
in the minds of his friends and supporters, and something of this kind
may have deepened into certitude the suspicions which Gower no doubt
already had in his heart of the ultimate intentions of Richard II. The
result was that in some copies at least of the _Confessio Amantis_ the
concluding praises of the king as a ruler were removed and lines of a
more general character on the state of the kingdom and the duties of
a king were substituted, but still there was no mention of the earl
of Derby except as before in the final Latin lines. Two years later,
1392-93, when the earl of Derby had fairly won his spurs and at the age
of twenty-five might be regarded as a model of chivalry, the mention of
Richard as the suggester of the work was removed, and the name of Henry
set in the text as the sole object of the dedication.
The date sixteenth year must certainly be that of this last change,
but the occasion doubtless was the sending of a presentation copy to
Henry, and this would hardly amount to publication. The author probably
did not feel called upon publicly to affront the king by removing
his name and praises, either at the beginning or the end, from the
copies generally issued during his reign. Whether or not this conduct
justifies the charge of time-serving timidity, which has been made
against Gower, I cannot undertake to decide. He was, however, in fact
rather of an opposite character, even pedantically stiff in passing
judgement severely on those in high places, and not bating a syllable
of what he thought proper for himself to say or for a king to hear,
though while the king was young and might yet shake himself free from
evil influences he was willing to take as favourable a view of his
character as possible. Probably he was for some time rather in two
minds about the matter, but in any case ‘timid and obsequious’ are
hardly the right epithets for the author of the _Vox Clamantis_.
Before leaving this subject something should perhaps be said upon a
matter which has attracted no little attention, namely the supposed
quarrel between the author of the _Confessio Amantis_ and Chaucer.
It is well known that the first recension of our poem has a passage
referring to Chaucer in terms of eulogy (viii. 2941*-57*), and that
this was omitted when the epilogue was rewritten. This fact has been
brought into connexion with the apparent reference to Gower in the
_Canterbury Tales_, where the Man of Law in the preamble to his tale
disclaims on Chaucer’s behalf such ‘cursed stories’ as those of Canace
and Apollonius, because they treat of incest. It has been thought that
this was meant for a serious attack on Gower, and that he took offence
at it and erased the praise of Chaucer from the _Confessio Amantis_.
It is known of course that the two poets were on personally friendly
terms, not only from the dedication of _Troilus_, but from the fact
that when Chaucer was sent on a mission to the Continent in 1378, he
appointed Gower one of his attorneys in his absence. It is possible
that their friendship was interrupted by a misunderstanding, but it may
be doubted whether there is sufficient proof of this in the facts which
have been brought forward.
In the first place I question whether Chaucer’s censure is to be taken
very seriously. That it refers to Gower I have little doubt, but that
the attack was a humorous one is almost equally clear. Chaucer was
aware that some of his own tales were open to objection on the score
of morality, and when he saw a chance of scoring a point on the very
ground where his friend thought himself strongest, he seized it with
readiness. Some degree of seriousness there probably is, for Chaucer’s
sound and healthy view of life instinctively rejected the rather morbid
horrors to which he refers; but it may easily be suspected that he was
chiefly amused by the opportunity of publicly lecturing the moralist,
who perhaps had privately remonstrated with him[K]. As to the notion
that Chaucer had been seriously offended by the occasional and very
trifling resemblances of phrase in Gower’s tale of Constance with his
own version of the same original, it is hardly worth discussion.
There is of course the possibility that Gower may have taken it more
seriously than it was meant, and though he was not quite so devoid of
a sense of humour as it has been the fashion to suppose[L], yet he
may well have failed to enjoy a public attack, however humorous, upon
two of his tales. It must be observed, however, that if we suppose
the passage in question to have been the cause of the excision of
Gower’s lines about Chaucer, we must assume that the publication of it
took place precisely within this period of a few months which elapsed
between the first and the second versions of Gower’s epilogue.
Before further considering the question as to what was actually our
author’s motive in omitting the tribute to his brother poet, we should
do well to observe that this tribute was apparently allowed to stand in
some copies of the rewritten epilogue. There is one good manuscript,
that in the possession of Lord Middleton, in which the verses about
Chaucer not only stand in combination with the new form of epilogue,
but in a text which has also the revised preface, dated two years
later[M]. Hence it seems possible that the exclusion of the Chaucer
verses was rather accidental than deliberate, and from this and other
considerations an explanation may be derived which will probably seem
too trivial, but nevertheless is perhaps the true one. We know from
the Fairfax MS. of the _Confessio Amantis_ and from several original
copies of the _Vox Clamantis_ that the author’s method of rewriting
his text was usually to erase a certain portion, sometimes a whole
column or page, and substitute a similar number of lines of other
matter. It will be observed here that for the thirty lines 2941*-2970*,
including the reference to Chaucer, are substituted thirty lines from
which that reference is excluded. After this come four Latin lines
replacing an equal number in the original recension, and then follow
fifteen lines, 2971-2985, which are the same except a single line in
the two editions. It may be that the author, wishing to mention the
departure of the Confessor and the thoughts which he had upon his
homeward way, sacrificed the Chaucer verses as an irrelevance, in order
to find room for this matter between the Adieu of Venus and the lines
beginning ‘He which withinne daies sevene,’ which he did not intend to
alter, and that this proceeding, carried out upon a copy of the first
recension which has not come down to us, determined the general form
of the text for the copies with epilogue rewritten, though in a few
instances care was taken to combine the allusion to Chaucer with the
other alterations. Such an explanation as this would be in accord with
the methods of the author in some other respects; for, as we shall see
later on, the most probable explanation of the omission in the third
recension of the additional passages in the fifth and seventh books,
is that a first recension copy was used in a material sense as a basis
for the third recension text, and it was therefore not convenient to
introduce alterations which increased the number of lines in the body
of the work.
iii. ANALYSIS.
PROLOGUS.
1-92. PREFACE. By the books of those that were before us we are
instructed, and therefore it is good that we also should write
something which may remain after our days. But to write of wisdom only
is not good. I would rather go by the middle path and make a book of
pleasure and profit both: and since few write in English, my meaning
is to make a book[N] for England’s sake now in the sixteenth year of
King Richard. Things have changed and books are less beloved than in
former days, but without them the fame and the example of the virtuous
would be lost. Thus I, simple scholar as I am, purpose to write a
book touching both upon the past and the present, and though I have
long been sick, yet I will endeavour as I may to provide wisdom for
the wise. For this prologue belongs all to wisdom, and by it the wise
may recall to their memory the fortunes of the world; but after the
prologue the book shall be of Love, which does great wonders among men.
Also I shall speak of the vices and virtues of rulers. But as my wit
is too small to admonish every man, I submit my work for correction to
my own lord Henry of Lancaster, with whom my heart is in accord, and
whom God has proclaimed the model of knighthood. God grant I may well
achieve the work which I have taken in hand.
93-192. TEMPORAL RULERS. In the time past things went well: there was
plenty and riches, with honour for noble deeds, and each estate kept
its due place. Justice was upheld and the people obeyed their rulers.
Man’s heart was then shown in his face and his thought expressed by
his words, virtue was exalted and vice abased. Now all is changed, and
above all discord and hatred have taken the place of love, there is no
stable peace, no justice and righteousness. All kingdoms are alike in
this, and heaven alone knows what is to be done. The sole remedy is
that those who are the world’s guides should follow good counsel and
should be obeyed by their people; and if king and council were at one,
it might be hoped that the war would be brought to an end, which is so
much against the peace of Christ’s religion and from which no land gets
any good. May God, who is above all things, give that peace of which
the lands have need.
193-498. THE CHURCH. Formerly the life of the clergy was an example to
all, there was no simony, no disputes in the Church, no ambition for
worldly honour. Pride was held a vice and humility a virtue. Alms were
given to the poor and the clergy gave themselves to preaching and to
prayer. Thus Christ’s faith was first taught, but now it is otherwise.
Simony and worldly strife prevail; and if priests take part in wars, I
know not who shall make the peace. But heaven is far and the world is
near, and they regard nothing but vainglory and covetousness, so that
the tithe goes at once to the war, as though Christ could not do them
right by other ways. That which should bring salvation to the world is
now the cause of evil: the prelates are such as Gregory wrote of, who
desire a charge in order that they may grow rich and great, and the
faith is hindered thereby. Ambition and avarice have destroyed charity;
Sloth is their librarian and delicacy has put away their abstinence.
Moreover Envy everywhere burns in the clergy like the fire of Etna,
as we may see now [in this year of grace 1390] at Avignon. To see the
Church thus fall between two stools is a cause of sorrow to us all:
God grant that it may go well at last with him who has the truth. But
as a fire spreads while men are slothfully drinking, so this schism
causes the new sect of Lollardy to spring up, and many another heresy
among the clergy themselves. It were better to dike and delve and have
the true faith, than to know all that the Bible says and err as some
of these do. If men had before their eyes the virtues which Christ
taught, they would not thus dispute about the Papacy. Each one attends
to his own profit, but none to the general cause of the Church, and
thus Christ’s fold is broken and the flock is devoured. The shepherds,
intent upon worldly good, wound instead of healing, and rob the sheep
unjustly of their wool. Nay, they drive them among the brambles, so
that they may have the wool which the thorns tear off. If the wolf
comes in the way, their staff is not at hand to defend the sheep,
but they are ready enough to smite the sheep with it, if they offend
ever so little. There are some indeed in whom virtue dwells, whom God
has called as Aaron was called, but most follow Simon at the heels,
whose chariot rolls upon wheels of covetousness and pride. They teach
how good it is to clothe and feed the poor, yet of their own goods
they do not distribute. They say that chastity should be preserved by
abstinence, but they eat daintily and lie softly, and whether they
preserve their chastity thereby, I dare not say: I hear tales, but I
will not understand. Yet the vice of the evil-doers is no reproof to
the good, for every man shall bear his own works.
499-584. THE COMMONS. As for the people, it is to be feared that that
may happen which has already come to pass in sundry lands, that they
may break the bounds and overflow in a ruinous flood. Everywhere there
is lack of law and growth of error; all say that this world has gone
wrong, and every one gives his judgement as to the cause; but he who
looks inwards upon himself will be ready to excuse his God, in whom
there is no default. The cause of evil is in ourselves. Some say it is
fortune and some the planets, but in truth all depends upon man. No
estate is secure, the fortune of it goes now up, now down, and all this
is in consequence of man’s doings. In the Bible I find a tale which
teaches that division is the chief cause why things may not endure,
and that man himself is to blame for the changes which have overthrown
kingdoms.
585-662. NABUGODONOSOR in a dream saw an image with the head and neck
of gold, the breast and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of brass,
the legs of steel, and the feet of mixed steel and clay. On the feet of
this image fell a great stone which rolled down from a hill, and the
image was destroyed. Daniel expounded this of the successive kingdoms
of the world.
663-880. These were the FOUR MONARCHIES, of Babylon, of Persia, of
the Greeks, and of the Romans. We are now in the last age, that of
dissension and division, as shown by the state of the Empire and the
Papacy. This is that which was designated by the feet of the image.
881-1088. We are near to the end of the world, as the apostle tells
us. The world stands now divided like the feet of the image. Wars are
general, and yet the clergy preach that charity is the foundation of
all good deeds. Man is the cause of all the evil, and therefore the
image bore the likeness of a man. The heavenly bodies, the air and
the earth suffer change and corruption through the sin of man, who
is in himself a little world. When he is disordered in himself, the
elements are all at strife with him and with each other. Division is
the cause of destruction. So it is with man, who has within him diverse
principles which are at strife with one another, and in whom also
there is a fatal division between the body and the soul, which led to
the fall from a state of innocence. The confusion of tongues at the
building of the tower of Babel was a further cause of division, and
at last all peace and charity shall depart, and the stone shall fall.
Thenceforward every man shall dwell either in heaven, where all is
peace, or in hell, which is full of discord.
Would God that there were in these days any who could set peace on the
earth, as Arion once by harping brought beasts and men into accord. But
this is a matter which only God can direct.
LIB. I.
1-92. I cannot stretch my hand to heaven and set in order the world: so
great a task is more than I am able to compass: I must let that alone
and treat of other things. Therefore I think to change from this time
forth the style of my writings, and to speak of a matter with which all
the world has to do, and that is Love; wherein almost all are out of
rule and measure, for no man is able to resist it or to find a remedy
for it. If there be anything in this world which is governed blindly by
fortune, it is love: this is a game in which no man knows whether he
shall win or lose. I am myself one who belongs to this school, and I
will tell what befel me not long since in regard to love, that others
may take example thereby.
93-202. I fared forth to walk in the month of May, when every bird
has chosen his mate and rejoices over the love which he has achieved;
but I was further off from mine than earth is from heaven. So to the
wood I went, not to sing with the birds, but to weep and lament; and
after a time I fell to the ground and wished for death. Then I looked
up to the heaven and prayed the god and the goddess of love to show me
some grace. Anon I saw them; and he, the king of love, passed me by
with angry look and cast at me a fiery lance, which pierced through my
heart. But the queen remained, and asked me who I was, and bade me make
known my malady. I told her that I had served her long and asked only
my due wage, but she frowned and said that there were many pretenders,
who in truth had done no service, and bade me tell the truth and show
forth all my sickness. ‘That can I well do,’ I replied, ‘if my life
may last long enough.’ Then she looked upon me and said, ‘My will is
first that thou confess thyself to my priest.’ And with that she called
Genius, her priest, and he came forth and sat down to hear my shrift.
203-288. This worthy priest bade me tell what I had felt for love’s
sake, both the joy and the sorrow; and I fell down devoutly on my knees
and prayed him to question me from point to point, lest I should forget
things which concerned my shrift, for my heart was disturbed so that I
could not myself direct my wits. He replied that he was there to hear
my confession and to question me: but he would not only speak of love;
for by his office of priest he was bound to set forth the moral vices.
Yet he would show also the properties of Love, for he was retained in
the service of Venus and knew little of other things. His purpose was
to expound the nature of every vice, as it became a priest to do, and
so to apply his teaching to the matter of love that I should plainly
understand his lore.
289-574. SINS OF SEEING AND HEARING. I prayed him to say his will, and
I would obey, and he bade me confess as touching my five senses, which
are the gates through which things come into the heart, and first of
the principal and most perilous, the sense of sight. Many a man has
done mischief to love through seeing, and often the fiery dart of love
pierces the heart through the eye. (289-332.)
Ovid tells a tale of the evils of ‘mislook,’ how _Acteon_ when hunting
came upon Diana and her nymphs bathing, and because he did not turn
away his eyes, he was changed into a hart and torn to pieces by his own
hounds. (333-378.)
Again, the _Gorgons_ were three sisters, who had but one eye between
them, which they passed one to another, and if any man looked upon
them he was straightway turned into a stone. These were all killed by
Perseus, to whom Pallas lent a shield with which he covered his face,
and Mercury a sword with which he slew the monsters. (389-435.)
My priest therefore bade me beware of misusing my sight, lest I also
should be turned to stone; and further he warned me to take good heed
of my hearing, for many a vanity comes to man’s heart through the ears.
(436-462.)
There is a serpent called _Aspidis_, which has a precious stone in his
head, but when a man tries to overcome him by charms in order to win
this stone, he refuses to hear the enchantment, laying one ear close to
the earth and stopping the other with his tail. (463-480.)
Moreover, in the tale of Troy we read of _Sirens_, who are in the form
of women above and of fishes below, and these sing so sweetly, that the
sailors who pass are enchanted by it and cannot steer their ships: so
they are wrecked and torn to pieces by the monsters. Uluxes, however,
escaped this peril by stopping the ears of his company, and then they
slew many of them. (481-529.)
From these examples (he said) I might learn how to keep the eye and
the ear from folly, and if I could control these two, the rest of the
senses were easy to rule. (530-549.)
I made my confession then, and said that as for my eyes I had indeed
cast them upon the Gorgon Medusa, and my heart had been changed into
stone, upon which my lady had graven an eternal mark of love. Moreover,
I was guilty also as regards my ear; for when I heard my lady speak,
my reason lost all rule, and I did not do as Uluxes did, but fell at
once in the place where she was, and was torn to pieces in my thought.
(550-567.)
God amend thee, my son, he said. I will ask now no more of thy senses,
but of other things. (568-574.)
THE SEVEN DEADLY VICES.--PRIDE.
575-1234. HYPOCRISY. Pride, the first of the seven deadly Vices, has
five ministers, of whom the first is called Hypocrisy. Hast thou been
of his company, my son?
I know not, father, what hypocrisy means. I beseech you to teach me
and I will confess. (575-593.)
A hypocrite is one who feigns innocence without, but is not so within.
Such are many of those who belong to the religious orders, with some
of those who occupy the high places of the Church, and others also who
pretend to piety, while all their design is to increase their worldly
wealth. (594-672.)
There are lovers also of this kind, who deceive by flattery and soft
speech, and who pretend to be suffering sickness for love, but are
ready always to beguile the woman who trusts them. Art thou one of
these, my son?
Nay, father, for I have no need to feign: my heart is always more sick
than my visage, and I am more humble towards my lady within than any
outward sign can show. I will not say but that I may have been guilty
towards others in my youth; but there is one towards whom my word has
ever been sincere.
It is well, my son, to tell the truth always towards love; for if thou
deceive and win thereby, thou wilt surely repent it afterwards, as a
tale which I will tell may show. (672-760.)
_Mundus and Paulina._ At Rome, in the time of Tiberius, a worthy lady
Pauline was deceived by Mundus, who bribed the priests of Isis and
induced them to bring her to the temple at night on pretence of meeting
the god Anubus. Mundus concealed himself in the temple and personated
the god. Meeting her on her way home he let her understand the case,
and she, overcome with grief and shame, reported the matter to her
husband. The priests were put to death, Mundus was sent into exile, and
the image of Isis was thrown into the Tiber. (761-1059.)
_The Trojan Horse._ Again, to take a case of the evil wrought by
Hypocrisy in other matters, we read how, when the Greeks could not
capture Troy, they made a horse of brass and secretly agreeing with
Antenor and Eneas they concluded a feigned peace with the Trojans and
desired to bring this horse as an offering to Minerva into the city.
The gates were too small to admit it, and so the wall was broken
down, and the horse being brought in was offered as an evidence of
everlasting peace with Troy. The Greeks then departed to their ships,
as if to set sail, but landed again in the night on a signal from
Sinon. They came up through the broken gate, and slew those within, and
burnt the city. (1060-1189.)
Thus often in love, when a man seems most true, he is most false, and
for a time such lovers speed, but afterwards they suffer punishment.
Therefore eschew Hypocrisy in love. (1190-1234.)
1235-1875. INOBEDIENCE. The second point of Pride is Inobedience,
which bows before no law, whether of God or man. Art thou, my son,
disobedient to love?
Nay, father, except when my lady bids me forbear to speak of my love,
or again when she bids me choose a new mistress. She might as well say,
‘Go, take the Moon down from its place in heaven,’ as bid me remove
her love out of my breast. Thus far I disobey, but in no other thing.
(1235-1342.)
There are two attendants, my son, on this vice, called _Murmur_ and
_Complaint_, which grudge at all the fortune that betides, be it good
or bad. And so among lovers there are those who will not faithfully
submit to love, but complain of their fortune, if they fail of anything
that they desire.
My father, I confess that at times I am guilty of this, when my lady
frowns upon me, but I dare not say a word to her which might displease
her. I murmur and am disobedient in my heart, and so far I confess that
I am ‘unbuxom.’
I counsel thee, my son, to be obedient always to love’s hest, for
obedience often avails where strength may do nothing; and of this I
remember an example written in a chronicle. (1343-1406.)
There was a knight, nephew to the emperor, by name _Florent_,
chivalrous and amorous, who seeking adventures was taken prisoner by
enemies. He had slain the son of the captain of the castle to which
he was led; and they desired to take vengeance on him, but feared
the emperor. An old and cunning dame, grandmother to the slain man,
proposed a condition. He should be allowed to go, on promise of
returning within a certain time, and then he should suffer death unless
he could answer rightly the question, ‘What do all women most desire?’
He gave his pledge, and sought everywhere an answer to the question,
but without success. When the day approached, he set out; and as he
passed through a forest, he saw a loathly hag sitting under a tree. She
offered to save him if he would take her as his wife. He refused at
first, but then seeing no other way, he accepted, on the condition that
he should try all other answers first, and if they might save him he
should be free. She told him that what all women most desire is to be
sovereign of man’s love. He saved himself by this answer, and returned
to find her, being above all things ashamed to break his troth. Foul as
she was, he respected her womanhood, and set her upon his horse before
him. He reached home, journeying by night and hiding himself by day,
and they were wedded in the night, she in her fine clothes looking
fouler than before. When they were in bed, he turned away from her,
but she claimed his bond; and he turning towards her saw a young lady
of matchless beauty by his side. She stayed him till he should make
his choice, whether he would have her thus by night or by day; and he,
despairing of an answer, left it to her to decide. By thus making her
his sovereign, he had broken the charm which bound her. She was the
king’s daughter of Sicily, and had been transformed by her stepmother,
till she should win the love and sovereignty of a peerless knight. Thus
obedience may give a man good fortune in love. (1407-1861.)
Know then, my son, that thou must ever obey thy love and follow her
will.
By this example, my father, I shall the better keep my observance to
love. Tell me now if there be any other point of Pride. (1862-1882.)
1883-2383. SURQUIDRY or PRESUMPTION holds the third place in the court
of Pride. He does everything by guess and often repents afterwards: he
will follow no counsel but his own, depends only on his own wit, and
will not even return thanks to God.
When he is a lover, he thinks himself worthy to love any queen, and he
often imagines that he is loved when he is not. Tell me, what of this,
my son?
I trow there is no man less guilty here than I, or who thinks himself
less worthy. Love is free to all men and hides in the heart unseen,
but I shall not for that imagine that I am worthy to love. I confess,
however, that I have allowed myself to think that I was beloved when I
was not, and thus I have been guilty. But if ye would tell me a tale
against this vice, I should fare the better. (1883-1976.)
My son, the proud knight _Capaneus_ trusted so in himself that he
would not pray to the gods, and said that prayer was begotten only of
cowardice. But on a day, when he assailed the city of Thebes, God took
arms against his pride and smote him to dust with a thunderbolt. Thus
when a man thinks himself most strong, he is nearest to destruction.
(1977-2009.)
Again, when a man thinks that he can judge the faults of others and
forgets his own, evil often comes to him, as in the tale which follows.
_The Trump of Death._ There was a king of Hungary, who went forth with
his court in the month of May, and meeting two pilgrims of great age,
alighted from his car and kissed their hands and feet, giving them alms
also. The lords of the land were displeased that the king should thus
abase his royalty, and among them chiefly the king’s brother, who said
that he would rebuke the king for his deed. When they were returned,
the brother spoke to the king, and said he must excuse himself to his
lords. He answered courteously and they went to supper.
Now there was ordained by the law a certain trumpet of brass, which
was called the Trump of Death: and when any lord should be put to
death, this was sounded before his gate. The king then on that night
sent the man who had this office, to blow the trumpet at his brother’s
gate. Hearing the sound he knew that he must die, and called his
friends together, who advised that he with his wife and his five
children should go in all humility to entreat the king’s pardon. So
they went lamenting through the city and came to the court. Men told
the king how it was, and he coming forth blamed his brother because he
had been so moved by a mere human sentence of death, which might be
revoked. ‘Thou canst not now marvel,’ he said, ‘at that which I did:
for I saw in the pilgrims the image of my own death, as appointed by
God’s ordinance, and to this law I did obeisance; for compared to this
all other laws are as nothing. Therefore, my brother, fear God with all
thine heart; for all shall die and be equal in his sight.’ Thus the
king admonished his brother and forgave him. (2010-2253.)
I beseech you, father, to tell me some example of this in the cause of
love.
My son, in love as well as in other things this vice should be
eschewed, as a tale shows which Ovid told.
There was one _Narcissus_, who had such pride that he thought no woman
worthy of him. On a day he went to hunt in the forest, and being hot
and thirsty lay down to drink from a spring. There he saw the image of
his face in the water and thought it was a nymph. Love for her came
upon him and he in vain entreated her to come out to him: at length in
despair he smote himself against a rock till he was dead. The nymphs of
the springs and of the woods in pity buried his body, and from it there
sprang flowers which bloom in the winter, against the course of nature,
as his folly was. (2254-2366.)
My father, I shall ever avoid this vice. I would my lady were as humble
towards me as I am towards her. Ask me therefore further, if there be
ought else.
God forgive thee, my son, if thou have sinned in this: but there is
moreover another vice of Pride which cannot rule his tongue, and this
also is an evil. (2367-2398.)
2399-2680. AVANTANCE. This vice turns praise into blame by loud
proclaiming of his own merit; and so some lovers do. Tell me then if
thou hast ever received a favour in love and boasted of it afterwards.
Nay, father, for I never received any favour of which I could boast.
Ask further then, for here I am not guilty.
That is well, my son, but know that love hates this vice above all
others, as thou mayest learn by an example. (2399-2458.)
_Alboin and Rosemund._ Albinus was king of the Lombards, and he in war
with the Geptes killed their king Gurmond in battle, and made a cup
of his skull. Also he took Gurmond’s daughter Rosemund as his wife.
When the wars were over, he made a great feast, that his queen might
make acquaintance with the lords of his kingdom; and at the banquet
his pride arose, and he sent for this cup, which was richly set in
gold and gems, and bade his wife drink of it, saying, ‘Drink with thy
father.’ She, not knowing what cup it was, took it and drank; and then
the king told how he had won it by his victory, and had won also his
wife’s love, who had thus drunk of the skull. She said nothing, but
thought of the unkindness of her lord in thus boasting, as he sat by
her side, that he had killed her father and made a cup of his skull.
Then after the feast she planned vengeance with Glodeside her maid.
A knight named Helmege, the king’s butler, loved Glodeside. To him
the queen gave herself in place of her maid, and then making herself
known, she compelled him to help her. They slew Albinus, but were
themselves compelled to flee, taking refuge with the Duke of Ravenna,
who afterwards caused them to be put to death by poison. (2459-2646.)
It is good therefore that a man hide his own praise, both in other
things and also in love, or else he may fail of his purpose.
2681-3066. VAIN GLORY thinks of this world only and delights in new
things. He will change his guise like a chameleon. He will make carols,
balades, roundels and virelays, and if he gets any advantage in love,
he rejoices over it so that he forgets all thought of death. Tell me if
thou hast done so.
My father, I may not wholly excuse myself, in that I have been for love
the better arrayed, and have attempted rondels, balades, virelays and
carols for her whom I love, and sung them moreover, and made myself
merry in chamber and in hall. But I fared none the better: my glory was
in vain. She would not hear my songs, and my fine array brought me no
reason to be glad. And yet I have had gladness at times in hearing how
men praised her, and also when I have tidings that she is well. Tell me
if I am to blame for this.
I acquit thee, my son, and on this matter I think to tell a tale how
God does vengeance on this vice. Listen now to a tale that is true,
though it be not of love. (2681-2784.)
There was a king of whom I spoke before, _Nabugodonosor_ by name. None
was so mighty in his days, and in his Pride he ruled the earth as a
god. This king in his sleep saw a tree which overshadowed the whole
earth, and all birds and beasts had lodging in it or fed beneath it.
Then he heard a voice bidding to hew down the tree and destroy it; but
the root (it said) should remain, and bear no man’s heart, but feed on
grass like an ox, till the water of the heaven should have washed him
seven times and he should be made humble to the will of God. The King
could find none to interpret this dream, and sent therefore for Daniel.
He said that the tree betokened the king, and that as the tree was
hewn down, so his kingdom should be overthrown, and he should pasture
like an ox and be rained upon and afflicted, until he acknowledged
the greatness of God. The punishment was ordained, he said, for his
vain glory, and if he would leave this and entreat for grace, he might
perchance escape the evil.
But Pride will not suffer humility to stand with him. Neither for his
dream nor yet for Daniel’s word did this king leave his vain glory, and
so that which had been foretold came upon him.
Then after seven years he remembered his former state and wept; and
though he might not find words, he prayed within his heart to God and
vowed to leave his vain glory, reaching up his feet towards the heaven,
kneeling and braying for mercy. Suddenly he was changed again into
a man and received his power as before, and the pride of vain glory
passed for ever from his heart. (2785-3042.)
Be not thou, my son, like a beast, but take humility in hand, for a
proud man cannot win love. I think now again to tell thee a tale which
may teach thee to follow Humility and eschew Pride.
3067-3425. HUMILITY. _The Three Questions._ There was once a young
and wise king, who delighted in propounding difficult questions, and
one knight of his court was so ready in answering them that the king
conceived jealousy and resolved to put him to confusion. He bade him
therefore answer these three questions on pain of death: (1) What is
it that has least need and yet men help it most? (2) What is worth
most and yet costs least? (3) What costs most and is worth least? The
knight went home to consider, but the more he beat his brains, the more
he was perplexed. He had two daughters, the younger fourteen years of
age, who, perceiving his grief, entreated him to tell her the cause.
At length he did so, and she asked to be allowed to answer for him
to the king. When the day came, they went together to the court, and
the knight left the answers to the maiden, at which all wondered. She
replied to the first question that it was the Earth, upon which men
laboured all the year round, and yet it had no need of help, being
itself the source of all life. As to the second, it was Humility,
through which God sent down his Son, and chose Mary above all others;
and yet this costs least to maintain, for it brings about no wars
among men. The third question, she said, referred to Pride, which cost
Lucifer and the rebel angels the loss of heaven, and Adam the loss of
paradise, and was the cause also of so many evils in the world.
The king was satisfied, and looking on the maiden he said, ‘I like
thine answer well, and thee also, and if thou wert of lineage equal to
these lords, I would take thee for my wife. Ask what thou wilt of me
and thou shalt have it.’ She asked an earldom for her father, and this
granted, she thanked the king upon her knees, and claimed fulfilment of
his former word. Whatever she may have been once, she was now an earl’s
daughter, and he had promised to take her as his wife. The king, moved
by love, gave his assent, and thus it was. This king ruled Spain in old
days and his name was Alphonse: the knight was called Don Petro, and
the daughter wise Peronelle. (3067-3402.)
Thus, my son, thou mayest know the evil of Pride, which fell from his
place in heaven and in paradise; but Humility is gentle and debonnaire.
Therefore leave Pride and take Humility.
My father, I will not forget: but now seek further of my shrift.
My son, I have spoken enough of Pride, and I think now to tell of
Envy, which is a hellish vice, in that it does evil without any cause.
(3403-3446.)
LIB. II.
1-220. SORROW FOR ANOTHER’S JOY. The next after Pride is ENVY, who
burns ever in his thought, if he sees another preferred to himself or
more worthy. Hast thou, my son, in love been sick of another man’s
welfare?
Yea, father, a thousand times, when I have seen another blithe of love.
I am then like Etna, which burns ever within, or like a ship driven
about by the winds and waves. But this is only as regards my lady, when
I see lovers approach her and whisper in her ear. Not that I mistrust
her wisdom, for none can keep her honour better; yet when I see her
make good cheer to any man, I am full of Envy to see him glad.
My son, the hound which cannot eat chaff, will yet drive away the oxen
who come to the barn; and so it is often with love. If a man is out of
grace himself, he desires that another should fail. (1-96.)
_Acis and Galatea._ Ovid tells a tale how Poliphemus loved Galathea,
and she, who loved another, rejected him. He waited then for a chance
to grieve her in her love, and he saw her one day in speech with young
Acis under a cliff by the sea. His heart was all afire with Envy, and
he fled away like an arrow from a bow, and ran roaring as a wild beast
round Etna. Then returning he pushed down a part of the cliff upon
Acis and slew him. She fled to the sea, where Neptune took her in his
charge, and the gods transformed Acis into a spring with fresh streams,
as he had been fresh in love, and were wroth with Polipheme for his
Envy. (97-200.)
Thus, my son, thou mayest understand that thou must let others be.
My father, the example is good, and I will work no evil in love for
Envy. (200-220.)
221-382. JOY FOR ANOTHER’S GRIEF. This vice rejoices when he sees
other men sad, and thinks that he rises by another’s fall, as in other
things, so also in love. Hast thou done so, my son?
Yes, father, I confess that when I see the lovers of my lady get a
fall, I rejoice at it; and the more they lose, the more I think that I
shall win: and if I am none the better for it, yet it is a pleasure to
me to see another suffer the same pains as I. Tell me if this be wrong.
This kind of Envy, my son, can never be right. It will sometimes be
willing to suffer loss, in order that another may also suffer, as a
tale will show. (221-290.)
_The Travellers and the Angel._ Jupiter sent down an angel to report
of the condition of mankind. He joined himself to two travellers, and
he found by their talk that one was covetous and the other envious. On
parting he told them that he came from God, and in return for their
kindness he would grant them a boon: one should choose a gift and the
other should have the double of what his fellow asked. The covetous
man desired the other to ask, and the other, unwilling that his fellow
should have more good than he, desired to be deprived of the sight of
one eye, in order that his fellow might lose both. This was done, and
the envious man rejoiced. (291-364.)
This is a thing contrary to nature, to seek one’s own harm in order to
grieve another.
My father, I never did so but in the way that I have said: tell me if
there be more.
383-1871. DETRACTION. There is one of the brood of Envy called
Detraction. He has Malebouche in his service, who cannot praise any
without finding fault. He is like the beetle which flies over the
fields, and cares nothing for the spring flowers, but makes his feast
of such filth as he may find. So this envious jangler makes no mention
of a man’s virtue, but if he find a fault he will proclaim it openly.
So also in Love’s court many envious tales are told. If thou hast made
such janglery, my son, shrive thee thereof. (383-454.)
Yes, father, but not openly. When I meet my dear lady and think of
those who come about her with false tales, all to deceive an innocent
(though she is wary enough and can well keep herself), my heart is
envious and I tell the worst I know against them; and so I would
against the truest and best of men, if he loved my lady; for I cannot
endure that any should win there but I. This I do only in my lady’s
ear, and above all I never tell any tale which touches her good name.
Tell me then what penance I shall endure for this, for I have told you
the whole truth.
My son, do so no more. Thy lady, as thou sayest, is wise and wary, and
there is no need to tell her these tales. Moreover she will like thee
the less for being envious, and often the evil which men plan towards
others falls on themselves. Listen to a tale on this matter. (454-586.)
_Tale of Constance._ The Roman Emperor Tiberius Constantinus had a
daughter Constance, beautiful, wise, and full of faith. She converted
to Christianity certain merchants of Barbary, who came to Rome to
sell their wares, and they, being questioned by the Soldan when they
returned, so reported of Constance that he resolved to ask for her in
marriage. He sent to Rome and agreed to be converted, and Constance
was sent with two cardinals and many other lords, to be his bride. But
the mother of the Soldan was moved by jealousy. She invited the whole
company to a feast, and there slew her own son and all who had had to
do with the marriage except Constance herself, whom she ordered to be
placed alone in a rudderless ship with victuals for five years, and so
to be committed to the winds and waves. (587-713.)
For three years she drifted under God’s guidance, and at last came
to land in Northumberland, near a castle on the bank of Humber, which
was kept by one Elda for the king of that land Allee, a Saxon and a
worthy knight. Elda found her in the ship and committed her to the
care of Hermyngheld his wife, who loved her and was converted by her.
Hermyngheld in the name of Christ restored sight to a blind man,
at which all wondered, and Elda was converted to the faith. On the
morrow he rode to the king, and thinking to please him, who was then
unwedded, told him of Constance. The king said he would come and see
her. Elda sent before him a knight whom he trusted, and this knight
had loved Constance, but she had rejected him, so that his love was
turned to hate. When he came to the castle he delivered the message,
and they prepared to receive the king; but in the night he cut the
throat of Hermyngheld and placed the bloody knife under the bed where
Constance lay. Elda came the same night and found his wife lying dead
and Constance sleeping by her. The false knight accused Constance and
discovered the knife where he had placed it. Elda was not convinced,
and the knight swore to her guilt upon a book. Suddenly the hand of
heaven smote him and his eyes fell out of his head, and a voice bade
him confess the truth, which he did, and thereupon died. (714-885.)
After this the king came, and desiring to wed Constance, agreed to
receive baptism. So a bishop came from Bangor in Wales and christened
him and many more, and married Constance to the king. She would not
tell who she was, but the king perceived that she was a noble creature.
God visited her and she was with child, but the king was compelled to
go out on a war, and left his wife with Elda and the bishop. A son was
born and baptized by the name of Moris, and letters were written to the
king, and the bearer of them, who had to pass by Knaresborough, stayed
there to tell the news to the king’s mother Domilde. She in the night
changed the letters for others, which said, as from the keepers of the
queen, that she had been delivered of a monster. The messenger carried
the letters to the king, who wrote back that they should keep his wife
carefully till he came again. On his return the messenger stayed again
at Knaresborough, and Domilde substituted a letter bidding them on
pain of death place Constance and her child in the same ship in which
she had come, and commit them to the sea. They grieved bitterly, but
obeyed. She prayed to heaven for help and devoted herself to the care
of the child (886-1083). After the end of that year the ship came to
land near a castle in Spain, where a heathen admiral was lord, who
had a steward named Theloüs, a false renegade. He came to see the
ship and found Constance, but he let none else see her; and at night
he returned, thinking to have her at his will. He swore to kill her
if she resisted him, and she bade him look out at the port to see if
any man was near: then on the prayer of Constance he was thrown out
of the ship and drowned. A wind arose which took her from the land,
and after three years she came to a place where a great navy lay. The
lord of these ships questioned her, but she told him little, giving
her name as Couste. He said that he came from taking vengeance on the
Saracens for their treachery, but could hear no news of Constance. He
was the Senator of Rome and was married to a niece of the Emperor named
Heleine. She came to Rome with her child and dwelt with his wife till
twelve years were gone, and none knew what she was, but all loved her
well. (1084-1225.)
In the meantime king Allee discovered the treachery and took vengeance
on his mother, who was burnt to death after confession of her guilt;
and all said that she had well deserved her punishment and lamented for
Constance. Having finished his wars, the king resolved to go to Rome
for absolution, and leaving Edwyn his heir to rule the land, he set
forth with Elda. Arcennus reported to his wife and to Couste the coming
of king Allee, and Couste swooned for joy. The king, after seeing the
Pope and relieving his conscience, made a feast, to which he invited
the Senator and others. Moris went also, and his mother bade him stand
at the feast in sight of the king. The king seeing him thought him
like his wife Constance, and loved him without knowing why. He asked
Arcennus if the child were his son, and from him he heard his story and
the name of his mother. The king smiled at the name ‘Couste,’ knowing
that it was Saxon for Constance, and was eager to ascertain the truth.
After the feast he besought the Senator to bring him home to see this
Couste, and never man was more joyful than he was when he saw his wife.
(1226-1445.)
The king remained at Rome for a time with Constance, but still she
did not tell him who she was. After a while she prayed him to make an
honourable feast before he left the city and to invite the Emperor,
who was at a place a few miles away from the city. Moris was sent
to beseech him to come and eat with them, which request he granted;
and at the time appointed they all went forth to meet the Emperor.
Constance, riding forward to welcome him, made herself known to him as
his daughter. His heart was overcome, as if he had seen the dead come
to life again, and all present shed tears. So a parliament was held and
Moris was named heir to the Emperor. King Allee and Constance returned
home to the great joy of their land; but soon after this the king died,
and Constance came again to Rome. After a short time the Emperor also
died in her arms, and she herself in the next year following. Moris was
crowned Emperor and known as ‘the most Christian.’ (1446-1598.)
Thus love at last prevailed and the false tongues were silenced. Beware
then thou of envious backbiting and lying, and if thou wouldest know
further what mischief is done by backbiting, hear now another tale.
(1599-1612.)
_Demetrius and Perseus._ Philip king of Macedoine had two sons,
Demetrius and Perseus. Demetrius the elder was the better knight, and
he was heir to the kingdom; but Perseus had envy of him and slandered
him to his father behind his back, saying that he had sold them to
the Romans. Demetrius was condemned on suborned evidence and by a
corrupt judge, and so put to death. Perseus then grew so proud that
he disdained his father and usurped his power, so that the father
perceived the wrong which had been done; but the other party was so
strong that he could not execute justice, and thus he died of grief.
Then Perseus took the government and made war on Rome, gathering a
great host. The Romans had a Consul named Paul Emilius, who took
this war in hand. His little daughter wept when she parted from him,
because her little dog named Perse was dead, and this seemed to him a
prognostic of success, for Perseus had spoken against his brother like
a dog barking behind a man’s back. Perseus rode with his host, not
foreseeing the mischief, and he lost a large part of his army by the
breaking of the ice of the Danube. Paulus attacked him and conquered
both him and his land, so that Perseus himself died like a dog in
prison, and his heir, who was exiled from his land, gained his bread by
working at a craft in Rome. (1613-1861.)
Lo, my son, what evil is done by the Envy which endeavours to hinder
another.
I will avoid it, my father; but say on, if there be more.
My son, there is a fourth, as deceptive as the guiles of a juggler, and
this is called False Semblant. (1862-1878.)
1879-2319. FALSE SEMBLANT. This is above all the spring from which
deceit flows. It seems fair weather on that flood; but it is not so
in truth. False Semblant is allied with Hypocrisy, and Envy steers
their boat. Therefore flee this vice and let thy semblant always be
true. When Envy desires to deceive, it is False Semblant who is his
messenger; and as the mirror shows what was never within it, so he
shows in his countenance that which is not in his heart. Dost thou
follow this vice, my son?
Nay, father, for ought I know; but question me, I pray you.
Tell me then, my son, if ever thou hast gained the confidence of any
man in order to tell out his secrets and hinder him in his love. Dost
thou practise such devices?
For the most part I say nay; but in some measure I confess I may be
reckoned with those that use false colours. I feign to my fellow at
times, until I know his counsels in love, and if they concern my lady,
I endeavour to overthrow them. If they have to do with others than she,
I break no covenant with him nor try to hinder him in his love; but
with regard to her my ears and my heart are open to hear all that any
man will say,--first that I may excuse her if they speak ill of her,
and secondly that I may know who her lovers are. Then I tell tales of
them to my lady, to hinder their suit and further mine. And though I
myself have no help from it, I can conceal nothing from her which it
concerns her to know. To him who loves not my lady, let him love as
many others as he will, I feign no semblant, and his tales sink no
deeper than my ears. Now, father, what is your doom and what pain must
I suffer? (1879-2076.)
My son, all virtue should be praised and all vice blamed: therefore
put no visor on thy face. Yet many men do so nowadays, and especially
I hear how False Semblant goes with those whom we call Lombards, men
who are cunning to feign that which is not, and who take from us the
profit of our own land, while we bear the burdens. They have a craft
called _Fa crere_, and against this no usher can bar the door. This
craft discovers everything and makes it known in foreign lands to our
grievous loss. Those who read in books the examples of this vice of
False Semblant, will be the more on their guard against it. (2077-2144.)
_Hercules and Deianira._ I will tell thee a tale of False Semblant, and
how Deianira and Hercules suffered by it. Hercules had cast his heart
only upon this fair Deianira, and once he desired to pass over a river
with her, but he knew not the ford. There was there a giant called
Nessus, who envying Hercules thought to do him harm by treachery,
since he dared not fight against him openly. Therefore, pretending
friendship, he offered to carry the lady across and set her safe on
the other shore. Hercules was well pleased, and Nessus took her upon
his shoulder; but when he was on the further side, he attempted to
carry her away with him. Hercules came after them and shot him with a
poisoned arrow, but before he died he gave Deianira his shirt stained
with his heart’s blood, telling her that if her lord were untrue, this
shirt would make his love return to her. She kept it well in coffer
and said no word. The years passed, and Hercules set his heart upon
Eole, the king’s daughter of Eurice, so that he dressed himself in
her clothes and she was clothed in his, and no remedy could be found
for his folly. Deianira knew no other help, but took this shirt and
sent it to him. The shirt set his body on fire, and clove to it so
that it could not be torn away. He ran to the high wood and tore down
trees and made a huge fire, into which he leapt and was burnt both
flesh and bones. And all this came of the False Semblant which Nessus
made. Therefore, my son, beware, since so great a man was thus lost.
(2145-2312.)
Father, I will no more have acquaintance with False Semblant, and I
will do penance for my former feigning. Ask more now, if more there be.
My son, there is yet the fifth which is conceived of Envy, and that is
Supplantation, by means of which many have lost their labour in love as
in other things. (2313-2326.)
2327-3110. SUPPLANTATION. This vice has often overthrown men and
deprived them of their dignities. Supplantation obtains for himself the
profit of other men’s loss, and raises himself upon their fall. In the
same way there are lovers who supplant others and deprive them of what
is theirs by right, reaping what others have sown. If thou hast done
so, my son, confess.
For ought I know, father, I am guiltless in deed, but not so
in thought. If I had had the power, I would long ago have made
appropriation of other men’s love. But this only as regards one, for
whom I let all others go. If I could, I would turn away her heart from
her other lovers and supplant them, no matter by what device: but force
I dare not use for fear of scandal. If this be sin, my father, I am
ready to redress my guilt. (2327-2428.)
My son, God beholds a man’s thought, and if thou knewest what it were
to be a supplanter in love, thou wouldest for thine own sake take heed.
At Troy Agamenon supplanted Achilles, and Diomede Troilus. _Geta_
and _Amphitrion_ too were friends, and Geta was the lover of Almena:
but when he was absent, Amphitrion made his way to her chamber and
counterfeited his voice, whereby he obtained admittance to her bed.
Geta came afterwards, but she refused to let him in, thinking that her
lover already lay in her arms. (2429-2500.)
_The False Bachelor._ There was an Emperor of Rome who ruled in peace
and had no wars. His son was chivalrous and desirous of fame, so he
besought leave to go forth and seek adventures, but his father refused
to grant it. At length he stole away with a knight whom he trusted,
and they took service with the Soldan of Persia, who had war with the
Caliph of Egypt. There this prince did valiantly and gained renown;
moreover, he was overtaken by love of the Soldan’s fair daughter, so
that his prowess grew more and more, and none could stand against him.
At length the Soldan and the Caliph drew to a battle, and the Soldan
took a gold ring of his daughter and commanded her, if he should fall
in the fight, to marry the man who should produce this ring. In the
battle this Roman did great deeds, and Egypt fled in his presence. As
they of Persia pursued, an arrow struck the Soldan and he was borne
wounded to a tent. Dying he gave his daughter’s ring to this knight of
Rome. After his burial a parliament was appointed, and on the night
before it met, this young lord told his secret to his bachelor and
showed him the ring. The bachelor feigned gladness, but when his lord
was asleep, he stole the ring from his purse and put another in its
stead. When the court was set, the young lady was brought forth. The
bachelor drew forth the ring and claimed her hand, which was allowed
him in spite of protest, and so he was crowned ruler of the empire.
His lord fell sick of sorrow, caring only for the loss of his love;
and before his death he called the lords to him and sent a message to
his lady, and wrote also a letter to his father the Emperor. Thus he
died, and the treason was known. The false bachelor was sent to Rome on
demand of the Emperor, to receive punishment there, and the dead body
also was taken thither for burial. (2501-2781.)
Thus thou mayest be well advised, my son, not to do so; and above all
when Pride and Envy are joined together, no man can find a remedy for
the evil. Of this I find a true example in a chronicle of old time,
showing how Supplant worked once in Holy Church. I know not if it be so
now. (2782-2802.)
_Pope Boniface._ At Rome Pope Nicholas died, and the cardinals met in
conclave to choose another Pope. They agreed upon a holy recluse full
of ghostly virtues, and he was made Pope and called Celestin. There
was a cardinal, however, who had long desired the papacy, and he was
seized with such envy that he thought to supplant the Pope by artifice.
He caused a young priest of his family to be appointed to the Pope’s
chamber, and he told this man to take a trumpet of brass and by means
of it speak to the Pope at midnight through the wall, bidding him
renounce his dignity. This he did thrice; and the Pope, conceiving it
to be a voice from heaven, asked the cardinals in consistory whether
a Pope might resign his place. All sat silent except this cardinal
of whom we have spoken, and he gave his opinion that the Pope could
make a decree by which this might be done. He did so, and the cardinal
was elected in his stead under the name of Boniface. But such treason
cannot be hid; it is like the spark of fire in the roof, which when
blown by the wind blazes forth. Boniface openly boasted of his device;
and such was his pride that he took quarrel with Louis, King of France,
and laid his kingdom under interdict. The king was counselled by
his barons, and he sent Sir William de Langharet, with a company of
men-at-arms, who captured the Pope at Pontsorge near Avignon and took
him into France, where he was put in bonds and died of hunger, eating
off both his hands. Of him it was said that he came in like a fox,
reigned like a lion, and died like a dog. By his example let all men
beware of gaining office in the Church by wrongful means. God forbid
that it should be of our days that the Abbot Joachim spake, when he
prophesied of the shameful traffic which should dishonour the Church of
God. (2803-3084.)
Envy it was that moved Joab to slay Abner treacherously; and for Envy
Achitophel hanged himself when his counsel was not preferred. Seneca
says that Envy is the common wench who keeps tavern for the Court,
and sells liquour which makes men drunk with desire to surpass their
fellows. (3085-3110.)
Envy is in all ways unpleasant in love; the fire within dries up the
blood which should flow kindly through his veins. He alone is moved by
pure malice in that which he does. Therefore, my son, if thou wouldest
find a way to love, put away Envy.
Reason would that I do so, father; but in order that I may flee from
this vice, I pray you to tell me a remedy.
My son, as there is physic for the sick, so there are virtues for the
vices, which quench them as water does a fire. Against Envy is set
Charity, the mother of Pity, which causes a man to be willing to bear
evil himself rather than that another should suffer. Hear from me a
tale about this, and mark it well. (3111-3186.)
_Constantine and Silvester._ In Latin books I find how Constantine,
the Emperor of Rome, had a leprosy which could not be cured, and wise
men ordered for his healing a bath of the blood of children under
seven years old. Orders were sent forth, and mothers brought their
children from all parts to the palace. The Emperor, hearing the noise
of lamentation, looked forth in the morning and was struck with pity.
He thought to himself that rich and poor were all alike in God’s sight,
and that a man should do to others as he would that others should do
to him. He resolved rather to suffer his malady than that so much
innocent blood should be shed, and he sent the mothers and children
away happy to their homes. In the night he had a vision of Saint Peter
and Saint Paul, saying to him, that as he had shown mercy, mercy should
be shown to him, and bidding him send to fetch Silvester from Mount
Celion, where he was hiding for fear of the Emperor, who had been a foe
to Christ’s faith. They told him their names and departed, and he did
as they commanded. Silvester came and preached to the Emperor of the
redemption of mankind and the last judgement, and said that God had
accepted the charity and pity which he had shown. Constantine received
baptism in the same vessel which had been prepared for the blood; and
as he was being baptized, a light from heaven shone in the place and
the leprosy fell from him as it were fishes’ scales. Thus body and soul
both were cleansed. The Emperor sent forth letters bidding all receive
baptism on pain of death, and founded two churches in Rome for Peter
and Paul, to which he gave great worldly possessions. His will was
good, but the working of his deed was bad. As he made the gift, a voice
was heard from heaven saying that the poison of temporal things was
this day mingled with the spiritual. All may see the evil now, and may
God amend it. (3187-3496.)
I have said, my son, how Charity may help a man in both worlds;
therefore, if thou wouldest avoid Envy, acquaint thyself with Charity,
which is the sovereign virtue.
My father, I shall ever eschew Envy the more for this tale which ye
have told, and I pray you to give me my penance for that which I have
done amiss, and to ask me further.
I will tell thee, my son, of the vice which stands next after this.
(3497-3530.)
LIB. III.
There is a vice which is the enemy to Patience and doth no pleasure
to nature. This is one of the fatal Seven and is called IRE, which in
English is WRATH.
25-416. He has five servants to help him, of whom the first is
MELANCHOLY, which lours like an angry beast and none knows the reason
why. Hast thou been so, my son?
Yea, father, I may not excuse myself therof, and love is the cause of
it. My heart is ever hot and I burn with wrath, angered with myself
because I cannot speed. Waking I dream that I meet with my lady and
pray her for an answer to my suit, and she, who will not gladly swear,
saith me nay without an oath, wherewith I am so distempered that I
almost lose my wits; and when I think how long I have served and how I
am refused, I am angry for the smallest thing, and every servant in my
house is afraid of me until the fit passes. If I approach my lady and
she speaks a fair word to me, all my anger is gone; but if she will not
look upon me, I return again to my former state. Thus I hurt my hand
against the prick and make a whip for my own self; and all this springs
from Melancholy. I pray you, my father, teach me some example whereby I
may appease myself.
My son, I will fulfil thy prayer. (25-142.)
_Canace and Machaire._ There was a king called Eolus, and he had
two children, a son Machaire and a daughter Canace. These two grew
up together in one chamber, and love made them blind, so that they
followed only the law of nature and saw not that of reason. As the bird
which sees the food but not the net, so they saw not the peril. At
length Canace was with child and her brother fled. The child was born
and the truth could not be hid. The father came into her chamber in a
frenzy of wrath, and she in vain entreated for mercy. He sent a knight
to her with a sword, that she might slay herself; but first she wrote a
letter to her brother, while her child lay weeping in her breast. Then
she set the pommel of the sword to ground and pierced her heart with
the point. The king bade them take the child and cast it out for wild
beasts to devour. Little did he know of love who wrought such a cruel
deed. (143-336.)
Therefore, my son, have regard to love, and remember that no man’s
might can resist what Nature has ordained. Otherwise vengeance may
fall, as in a tale that I will tell. (337-360.)
_Tiresias_ saw two snakes coupled together and smote them with his
staff. Thereupon, as he had disturbed nature, so he was transformed
against nature into a woman. (361-380.)
Thus wrote Ovid, and thus we see that we ought not to be wroth against
the law of nature in men. There may be vice in love, but there is no
malice.
My father, all this is true. Let every man love whom he will; I shall
not be wroth, if it be not my lady. I am angry only with myself,
because I can find no remedy for my evils. (381-416.)
417-842. CHESTE. The second kind of Wrath is Cheste, which has his
mouth ever unlocked and utters evil sayings of every one. Men are more
afraid of him than of thunder and exclaim against his evil tongue. Tell
me, my son, if thou hast ever chid toward thy love.
Nay, father, never: I call my lady herself to witness. I never dared
speak to her any but good words. I may have said at times more than
I ought, the best plowman balks sometimes, and I have often spoken
contrary to her command; but she knows well that I do not chide. Men
may pray to God, and he will not be wroth; and my lady, being but a
woman, ought not to be angry if I tell her of my griefs. Often indeed I
chide with myself, because I have not said that which I ought, but this
avails me nothing. Now ye have heard all, therefore give me absolution.
My son, if thou knewest all the evils of Cheste in love, thou wouldest
learn to avoid it. Fair speech is most accordant to love; therefore
keep thy tongue carefully and practise Patience.
My father, tell me some example of this. (417-638.)
_Patience of Socrates._ A man should endure as Socrates did, who to try
his own patience married a scolding wife. She came in on a winter day
from the well and saw her husband reading by the fire. Not being able
to draw an answer to her reproaches, she emptied the water-pot over his
head: but he said only that rain in the course of nature followed wind,
and drew nearer to the fire to dry his clothes. (639-698.)
I know not if this be reasonable, but such a man ought truly to be
called patient by judgement of Love’s Court.
Here again is a tale by which thou mayest learn to restrain thy tongue.
(699-730.)
_Jupiter, Juno and Tiresias._ Jupiter and Juno fell out upon the
question whether man or wife is the more ardent in love, and they made
Tiresias judge. He speaking unadvisedly gave judgement against Juno,
who deprived him of his sight. Jupiter in compensation gave him the
gift of prophecy, but he would rather have had the sight of his eyes.
Therefore beware, and keep thy tongue close. (731-782.)
_Phebus and Cornide._ Phebus loved Cornide, but a young knight visited
her in her chamber. This was told to Phebus by a bird which she kept,
and he in anger slew Cornide. Then he repented, and as a punishment he
changed the bird’s feathers from white to black. (783-817.)
_Jupiter and Laar._ The nymph Laar told tales of Jupiter to Juno, and
he cut off her tongue and sent her down to hell. There are many such
now in Love’s Court, who let their tongues go loose. Be not thou one of
these, my son, and above all avoid Cheste.
My father, I will do so: but now tell me more of Wrath. (818-842.)
843-1088. HATE is the next, own brother to Cheste. Art thou guilty of
this?
I know not as yet what it is, except ye teach me.
Listen then: Hate is a secret Wrath, gathering slowly and dwelling in
the heart, till he see time to break forth.
Father, I will not swear that I have been guiltless of this; for though
I never hated my lady, I have hated her words. Moreover I hate those
envious janglers who hinder me with their lies, and I pray that they
may find themselves in the same condition as I am. Then I would stand
in their way, as they stand in mine, and they would know how grievous a
thing it is to be hindered in love.
My son, I cannot be content that thou shouldest hate any man, even
though he have hindered thee. But I counsel thee to beware of other
men’s hate, for it is often disguised under a fair appearance, as the
Greeks found to their cost. (843-972.)
_King Namplus and the Greeks._ After the fall of Troy the Greeks,
voyaging home, were overtaken by a storm and knew not how to save their
ships. Now there was a king, Namplus, who hated the Greeks because of
his son Palamades, whom they had done to death, and he lighted fires to
lure their ships towards his rocky coast. They supposed that the fires
were beacons to guide them into haven, and many of their ships ran on
the rocks. The rest, warned by the cry of those that perished, put
forth again to sea.
By this, my son, thou mayest know how Fraud joins with Hate to
overthrow men. (973-1088.)
1089-2621. CONTEK and HOMICIDE. Two more remain, namely Contek, who
has Foolhaste for his chamberlain, and Homicide. These always in their
wrath desire to shed blood, and they will not hear of pity. Art thou
guilty of this, my son?
Nay, my father, Christ forbid. Yet as regards love, about which is
our shrift, I confess that I have Contek in my heart, Wit and Reason
opposing Will and Hope. Reason says that I ought to cease from my love,
but Will encourages me in it, and he it is who rules me.
Thou dost wrong, my son, for Will should ever be ruled by Reason,
whereof I find a tale written. (1089-1200.)
_Diogenes and Alexander._ There was a philosopher named Diogenes, who
in his old age devised a tun, in which he sat and observed the heavens.
King Alexander rode by with his company and sent a knight to find out
what this might be. The knight questioned Diogenes, but he could get
no answer. ‘It is thy king who asks,’ said the knight in anger. ‘No,
not my king,’ said the philosopher. ‘What then, is he thy man?’ ‘Nay,
but rather my man’s man.’ The knight told the king, who rode himself
to see. ‘Father,’ he said,’tell me how I am thy man’s man.’ Diogenes
replied, ‘Because I have always kept Will in subjection to me, but
with thee Will is master and causes thee to sin.’ The king offered to
give him whatsoever he should ask. He replied, ‘Stand thou out of my
sunshine: I need no other gift from thee.’
From this thou mayest learn, my son; for thou hast said that thy will
is thy master, and hence thou hast Contek in thine heart, and this,
since love is blind, may even breed Homicide. (1201-1330.)
_Pyramus and Thisbe._ In the city of Semiramis there dwelt two lords
in neighbouring houses, and the one had a son named Piramus, and the
other a daughter, Tisbee. These loved each other, and when two are of
one accord in love, no man can hinder their purpose. They made a hole
in the wall between them and conversed through this, till at length
they planned to meet near a spring without the town. The maiden was
there first; but a lion came to drink at the spring with snout all
bloody from a slain beast, and she fled away, leaving her wimple on
the ground. This the lion tore and stained with blood, while she lay
hid in a bush, not daring to move. Piramus came soon and supposed she
had been slain. Reproaching himself as the cause of her death, he slew
himself with his sword in his foolhaste. Tisbee came then and found
him dead, and she called upon the god and goddess of love, who had so
cruelly served those who were obedient to their law. At last her sorrow
overcame her, so that she knew not what she did. She set the sword’s
point to her heart and fell upon it, and thus both were found lying.
(1331-1494.)
Beware by this tale that thou bring not evil on thyself by foolhaste.
My father, I will not hide from you that I have often wished to die,
though I have not been guilty of the deed. But I know by whose counsel
it is that my lady rejects me, and him I would slay if I had him in my
power.
Who is this mortal enemy, my son?
His name is _Danger_, and he may well be called ‘sanz pite.’ It is he
who hinders me in all things and will not let my lady receive my suit.
He is ever with her and gives an evil answer to all my prayers. Thus I
hate him and desire that he should be slain. But as to my lady, I muse
at times whether she will be acquitted of homicide, if I die for her
love, when with one word she might have saved me.
My son, refrain thine heart from Wrath, for Wrath causes a man to fail
of love. Men must go slowly on rough roads and consider before they
climb: ‘rape reweth,’ as the proverb says, and it is better to cast
water on the fire than burn up the house. Be patient, my son: the mouse
cannot fight with the cat, and whoso makes war on love will have the
worse. Love demands peace, and he who fights most will conquer least.
Hasten not to thy sorrow: he has not lost who waits.
Thou mayest take example by Piramus, who slew himself so foolishly. Do
nothing in such haste, for suffrance is the well of peace. Hasten not
the Court of Love, in which thou hast thy suit. Foolhaste often sets a
man behind, and of this I have an example. (1495-1684.)
_Phebus and Daphne._ Phebus laid his love on Daphne and followed his
suit with foolish haste. She ever said him nay, and at length Cupid,
seeing the haste of Phebus, said that he should hasten more and yet
not speed. He pierced his heart therefore with a golden dart of fire,
and that of Daphne with a dart of lead. Thus the more Phebus pursued,
the more she fled away, and at length she was changed into a laurel
tree, which is ever green, in token that she remained ever a maid. Thus
thou mayest understand that it is vain to hasten love, when fortune is
against it.
Thanks, father, for this: but so long as I see that my lady is no tree,
I will serve her, however fortune may turn.
I say no more, my son, but think how it was with Phebus and beware. A
man should take good counsel always, for counsel puts foolhaste away.
Tell me an example, I pray you. (1685-1756.)
_Athemas and Demephon._ When Troy was taken and the Greeks returned
home, many kings found their people unwilling to receive them. Among
these were Athemas and Demephon, who gathered a host to avenge
themselves and said they would spare neither man, woman, nor child.
Nestor however, who was old and wise, asked them to what purpose they
would reign as kings, if their people should be destroyed, and bade
them rather win by fair speech than by threats. Thus the war was
turned to peace: for the nations, seeing the power which the kings had
gathered, sent and entreated them to lay aside their wrath. (1757-1856.)
By this example refrain thine heart, my son, and do nothing by violence
which may be done by love. As touching Homicide, it often happens
unadvisedly through Will, when Reason is away, and great vengeance has
sometimes followed. Whereof I shall tell a tale which it is pity to
hear. (1857-1884.)
_Orestes._ Agamenon, having returned from Troy, was slain by his wife
Climestre and her lover Egistus. Horestes, his infant son, was saved
and delivered into the keeping of the king of Crete. When he grew up,
he resolved to avenge his father, and coming to Athens gathered a power
there with the help of the duke. When he offered sacrifice in a temple
for his success, the god gave him command to slay his mother, tearing
away her breasts with his own hands and giving her body to be devoured.
He rode to Micene and took the city by siege: then he sent for his
mother and did as the oracle had commanded. Egistus, coming to the
rescue of Micene, was caught in an ambush and hanged as a traitor.
Fame spread these deeds abroad, and many blamed Horestes for slaying
his mother. The lords met at Athens and sent for him to come and
answer for his deed. He told how the gods had laid a charge upon him
to execute judgement, as he had done, and Menesteus, a duke and worthy
knight, spoke for him and championed his cause. They concluded upon
this that since she had committed so foul an adultery and murder, she
had deserved the punishment, and Horestes was crowned king of Micene.
Egiona, daughter of Egistus and Climestre, who had consented to the
murder of Agamenon, hanged herself for sorrow that her brother had been
acquitted. Such is the vengeance for murder. (1885-2195.)
My father, I pray you tell me if it is possible without sin to slay a
man.
Yea, my son, in sundry wise. The judge commits sin if he spares to slay
those who deserve death by the law. Moreover a man may defend his house
and his land in war, and slay if no better may be.
I beseech you, father, to tell me whether those that seek war in a
worldly cause, and shed blood, do well. (2196-2250.)
_War._ God has forbidden homicide, and when God’s Son was born, his
angels proclaimed peace to the men of good will. Therefore by the law
of charity there should be no war, and nature also commends peace.
War consorts with pestilence and famine and brings every kind of evil
upon the earth. I know not what reward he deserves who brings in such
things; and if he do it to gain heaven’s grace, he shall surely fail.
Since wars are so evil in God’s sight, it is a marvel what ails men
that they cannot establish peace. Sin, I trow, is the cause, and the
wages of sin is death. Covetousness first brought in war, and among the
Greeks Arcadia alone was free from war, because it was barren and poor.
Yet it is a wonder that a worthy king or lord will claim that to which
he has no right. Nature and law both are against it, but Wit is here
oppressed by Will, and some cause is feigned to deceive the world. Thou
mayest take an example of this, how men excuse their wrong-doing, and
how the poor and the rich are alike in the lust for gain. (2251-2362.)
_Alexander and the Pirate._ A sea-rover was brought before Alexander
and accused of his misdeeds. He replied, ‘I have a heart like thine,
and if I had the power, I would do as thou dost. But since I am the
leader of a few men only, I am called a thief, while thou with thy
great armies art called an Emperor. Rich and poor are not weighed
evenly in the balance.’ The king approved his boldness and retained him
in his service. (2363-2417.)
Thus they who are set on destruction are all of one accord, captain
and company alike. When reason is put aside, man follows rapine like
a bird of prey, and all the world may not suffice for his desires.
Alexander overran the whole earth and died miserably, when he
thought himself most secure. Lo, what profit it is to slay men for
covetousness, as if they were beasts. Beware, my son, of slaying.
(2418-2484.)
Is it lawful, my father, to pass over the sea to war against the
Saracen?
My son, Christ bade men preach and suffer for the faith. He made all
men free by his own death, and his apostles after him preached and
suffered death: but if they had wished to spread the faith by the
sword, it would never have prevailed. We see that since the time when
the Church took the sword in hand, a great part of that which was won
has been lost to Christ’s faith. Be well advised then always ere thou
slay. Homicide stands now even in the Church itself; and when the well
of pity is thus defouled with blood, others do not hesitate to make war
and to slay. We see murder now upon the earth as in the days when men
bought and sold sins.
In Greece before Christ’s faith men were dispensed of the guilt of
murder by paying gold: so it was with Peleus, Medea, Almeus, and so it
is still. But after this life it shall be known how it fares with those
who do such things. Beasts do not prey upon their own kind, and it is
not reasonable that man should be worse than a beast.
Solinus tells a tale of a bird with man’s face, which dies of sorrow
when it has slain a man. By this example men should eschew homicide and
follow mercy. (2485-2621.)
I have heard examples of this virtue of MERCY among those who followed
the wars. Remember, my son, that this virtue brings grace, and that
they who are most mighty to hurt should be the most ready to relieve.
(2622-2638.)
_Telaphus and Theucer._ Achilles and his son Telaphus made war on
Theucer, king of Mese. Achilles was about to slay the king in the
battle, but Telaphus interceded for him, saying that Theucer once did
him good service. Thus the king’s life was spared but the Greeks won
the victory. Theucer, grateful for this and for other service before
rendered by Achilles, made Telaphus heir to all his land, and thus was
mercy rewarded. (2639-2717.)
Take pity therefore, my son, of other men’s suffering, and let nothing
be a pleasure to thee which is grief to another. Stand against Ire
by the counsel of Patience and take Mercy to be the governor of thy
conscience: so shalt thou put away all homicide and hate, and so shalt
thou the sooner have thy will of love.
Father, I will do your hests; and now give me my penance for Wrath, and
ask further of my life.
My son, I will do so. Art thou then guilty of Sloth?
My father, I would know first the points which belong to it.
Hearken then, and I will set them forth: and bear well in mind that
shrift is of no value to him that will not endeavour to leave his vice.
(2718-2774.)
LIB. IV.
1-312. LACHESCE is the first point of SLOTH, and his nature is to put
off till to-morrow what he ought to do to-day. Hast thou done so in
love?
Yes, my father, I confess I am guilty. When I have set a time to speak
to that sweet maid, Lachesce has often told me that another time is
better, or has bidden me write instead of speaking by mouth. Thus I
have let the time slide for Sloth, until it was too late. But my love
is always the same, and though my tongue be slow to ask, my heart is
ever entreating favour. I pray you tell me some tale to teach me how to
put away Lachesce. (1-76.)
_Eneas and Dido._ When Eneas came with his navy to Carthage, he won
the love of the queen Dido, who laid all her heart on him. Thence he
went away toward Ytaile; and she, unable to endure the pain of love,
wrote him a letter saying that if he came not again, it would be with
her as with the swan that lost her mate, she should die for his sake.
But he, being slothful in love, tarried still away, and she bitterly
complaining of his delay, thrust a sword through her heart and thus got
rest for herself. (77-146.)
_Ulysses and Penelope._ Again, when Ulixes stayed away so long at Troy,
his true wife Penolope wrote him a letter complaining of his Lachesce.
So he set himself to return home with all speed as soon as Troy was
taken. (147-233.)
_Grossteste._ The great clerk Grossteste laboured for seven years to
make a speaking head of brass, and then by one half-minute of Lachesce
he lost all his labour. (234-243.)
It fares so sometimes with the lover who does not keep his time.
Let him think of the five maidens whose lamps were not lit when the
bridegroom came forth, and how they were shut out.
My father, I never had any time or place appointed me to get any grace:
otherwise I would have kept my hour. But she will not alight on any
lure that I may cast, and the louder I cry, the less she hears.
Go on so, my son, and let no Lachesce be found in thee. (244-312.)
313-538. PUSILLANIMITY means in our language the lack of heart to
undertake man’s work. This vice is ever afraid when there is no cause
of dread. So as regards love there are truants that dare not speak, who
are like bells without clappers and do not ask anything.
I am one of those, my father, in the presence of my lady.
Do no more so, my son, for fortune comes to him who makes continuance
in his prayers. (313-370.)
_Pygmaleon._ There was one named Pymaleon, a sculptor of great skill,
who made an image of a woman in ivory, fairer than any living creature.
On this he set his love and prayed her ever for a return, as though
she understood what he said. At length Venus had pity on him and
transformed the image into a woman of flesh and blood. Thus he won his
wife; but if he had not spoken, he would have failed. By this example
thou mayest learn that word may work above nature, and that the god of
love is favourable to those who are steadfast in love. About which also
I read a strange tale. (371-450.)
_Iphis._ King Ligdus told his wife that if her child about to be born
should be a daughter, it must be put to death. A daughter was born,
whom Isis the goddess of childbirth bade bring up as a boy. So they
named him Iphis, and when he was ten years old he was betrothed to
Iante. Cupid took pity on them at last for the love that they had to
one another, and changed Iphis into a man. (451-505.)
Thus love has goodwill towards those who pursue steadfastly that which
to love is due.
My father, I have not failed for lack of prayer, except so far as I
said above. I beseech Love day and night to work his miracle for me.
(506-538.)
539-886. FORGETFULNESS. There is yet another who serves Accidie, and
that is Foryetelness. He forgets always more than the half of that
which he has to say to his love.
So it has often been with me, father: I am so sore afraid in her
presence that I am as one who has seen a ghost, and I cannot get my
wits for fear, but stand, as it were, dumb and deaf. Then afterwards I
lament and ask myself why I was afraid, for there is no more violence
in her than in a child of three years old. Thus I complain to myself of
my forgetfulness; but I never forget the thought of her, nor should do,
though I had the Ring of Oblivion, which Moses made for Tharbis. She is
near my heart always, and when I am with her, I am so ravished with the
sight of her, that I forget all the words that I ought to speak. Thus
it is with me as regards forgetfulness and lack of heart.
My son, love will not send his grace unless we ask it. God knows a
man’s thought and yet he wills that we should pray. Therefore pull up a
busy heart and let no chance escape thee; and as touching Foryetelness
I find a tale written. (539-730.)
_Demophon and Phyllis._ King Demephon, as he sailed to Troy, came to
Rhodopeie, of which land Phillis was queen. He plighted his troth to
her, and she granted him all that he would have. Then came the time
that he should sail on to Troy, but he vowed to return to her within a
month. The month passed and he forgot his time. She sent him a letter,
setting him a day, and saying that if he came not, his sloth would
cause her death. She watched and waited, putting up a lantern in a
tower by night, but he did not return. Then when the day came and no
sail appeared, she ran down from the tower to an arbour where she was
alone, and hanged herself upon a bough with a girdle of silk. The gods
shaped her into a tree, which men called after her Philliberd, and this
name it has still to the shame of Demephon, who repented, but all too
late. Thus none can guess the evil that comes through Foryetelness.
(731-886.)
887-1082. NEGLIGENCE is he who will not be wise beforehand, and
afterwards exclaims, ‘Would God I had known!’ He makes the stable-door
fast after the steed is stolen. If thou art so in love, thou wilt not
achieve success.
My father, I may with good conscience excuse myself of this. I labour
to learn love’s craft, but I cannot find any security therein. My will
is not at fault, for I am busy night and day to find out how love may
be won.
I am glad, my son, that thou canst acquit thyself of this, for there is
no science and no virtue that may not be lost by Negligence. (887-978.)
_Phaeton._ Phebus had a son named Pheton, who, conspiring with his
mother Clemenee, got leave to drive the chariot of the Sun. Phebus
advised him how he should do, and that he should drive neither too
low nor too high. But he through Negligence let the horses draw the
car where they would, and at last the world was set on fire. Phebus
then caused him to fall from the car, and he was drowned in a river.
(979-1034.)
_Icarus._ As in high estate it is a vice to go too low, so in low
estate it does harm to go too high. Dedalus had a son named Icharus,
and they were in prison with Minotaurus and could not escape. This
Dedalus then fashioned wings for himself and his son, and he warned his
son not to fly too high, lest the wax with which his wings were set on
should melt with the sun. Icharus neglected his father’s warning and
fell to his destruction: and so do some others. (1035-1082.)
1083-2700. IDLENESS is another of the brood of Sloth and is the nurse
of every vice. In summer he will not work for the heat and in winter
for the cold. He will take no travail for his lady’s sake, but is as a
cat that would eat fish and yet not wet his claws. Art thou of such a
mould? Tell me plainly.
Nay, father, towards love I was never idle.
What hast thou done then, my son?
In every place where my lady is, I have been ready to serve her,
whether in chamber or in hall. When she goes to mass, I lead her up to
the offering; when she works at her weaving or embroidery, I stand by,
and sometimes I tell tales or sing. When she will not stay with me, but
busies herself elsewhere, I play with the dog or the birds and talk to
the page or the waiting-maid, to make an excuse for my lingering. If
she will ride, I lift her into the saddle and go by her side, and at
other times I ride by her carriage and speak with her, or sing. Tell me
then if I have any guilt of Idleness.
Thou shalt have no penance here, my son; but nevertheless there are
many who will not trouble themselves to know what love is, until he
overcome them by force. Thus a king’s daughter once was idle, until the
god of love chastised her, as thou shalt hear. (1083-1244.)
_Rosiphelee_, daughter of Herupus, king of Armenie, was wise and fair,
but she had one great fault of sloth, desiring neither marriage nor
the love of paramours. Therefore Venus and Cupid made a rod for her
chastising, so that her mood at length was changed. She walked forth
once in the month of May, and staying alone under the trees near
a lawn, she heard the birds sing and saw the hart and the hind go
together, and a debate arose within her as to love. Then casting her
eyes about, she saw a company of ladies riding upon white horses. They
had saddles richly adorned and were clothed in the fairest copes and
kirtles, all alike of white and blue. Their beauty was beyond that of
earthly things, and they wore crowns upon their heads such that all the
gold of Cresus could not have purchased the least of them.
The king’s daughter drew back abashed and hid herself to let them pass,
not daring to ask who they were. Then after them she saw a woman on
a black horse, lean, galled and limping, yet with a richly jewelled
bridle. The woman, though fair and young, had her clothing torn and
many score of halters hanging about her middle. The princess came forth
and asked her what this company might be, and she said these were they
who had been true servants to love, but she herself had been slow and
unwilling; and therefore each year in the month of May she must needs
ride in this manner and bear halters for the rest. Her jewelled bridle
was granted her because at last she had yielded to love, but death came
upon her too suddenly. ‘I commend you to God, lady,’ she said, ‘and
bid you warn all others for my sake not to be idle in love, but to
think upon my bridle.’ Thus she passed out of sight like a cloud, and
the lady was moved with fear and amended her ways, swearing within her
heart that she would bear no halters. (1245-1446.)
Understand then, my son, that as this lady was chastised, so should
those knights take heed who are idle towards love, lest they deserve
even a greater punishment. Maidens too must follow the law of love and
not waste that time during which they might be bearing the charge of
children for the service of the world. And about this I think to tell
them a tale. (1447-1504.)
_Jephthah’s daughter._ Among the Jews there was a duke named Jepte,
who going to war against Amon, made a vow that if victory were granted
to him, he would sacrifice to God the first who should meet him on his
return. He overcame his foes and returning met his daughter, who came
forth to welcome him with songs and dances. When she saw his sorrow
and heard the vow that he had made, she bade him keep his covenant,
and asked only for a respite of forty days to bewail her maidenhead,
in that she had brought forth no children for the increase of her
people. So with other maidens she went weeping over the downs and the
dales, and mourned for the lost time which she never could now redeem.
(1505-1595.)
Father, ye have done well to rebuke maidens for this vice of Sloth: but
as to the travail which ye say men ought to take for love, what mean ye
by this?
I was thinking, my son, of the deeds of arms that men did in former
times for love’s sake. He who seeks grace in love must not spare his
travail. He must ride sometimes in Pruce and sometimes in Tartary, so
that the heralds may cry after him, ‘Valiant, Valiant!’ and his fame
may come to his lady’s ear. This is the thing I mean. Confess, if thou
hast been idle in this. (1596-1647.)
Yea, my father, and ever was. I know not what good may come of slaying
the heathen, and I should have little gain from passing over the sea,
if in the meantime I lost my lady at home. Let them pass the sea whom
Christ commanded to preach his faith to all the world; but now they sit
at ease and bid us slay those whom they should convert. If I slay a
Saracen, I slay body and soul both, and that was never Christ’s lore.
As for me, I will serve love, and go or stay as love bids me. I have
heard that Achilles left his arms at Troy for love of Polixenen, and so
may I do: but if my lady bade me labour for her, I would pass through
sky or sea at her command. Nevertheless I see that those who labour
most for love, win often the least reward, and though I have never been
idle in deed, yet the effect is always idleness, for my business avails
me nothing. Therefore idle I will call myself.
My son, be patient. Thou knowest not what chance may fall. It is
better to wait on the tide than to row against the stream. Perchance
the revolution of the heavens is not yet in accord with thy condition.
I can bear witness to Venus that thou hast not been idle in love;
but since thou art slow to travail in arms and makest an argument of
Achilles, I will tell thee a tale to the contrary. (1648-1814.)
_Nauplus and Ulysses._ King Nauplus, father of Palamades, came to
persuade Ulixes to go with the Greeks to Troy. He, however, desired to
stay at home with his wife, and feigning madness he yoked foxes to his
plough and sowed the land with salt. Nauplus saw the cause and laid the
infant son of Ulixes before his plough. The father turned the plough
aside, and Nauplus rebuked him for thus unworthily forsaking the honour
of arms and for setting love before knighthood. He repented of his
folly and went forth with them to Troy. (1815-1891.)
Thus a knight must prefer honour to worldly ease and put away all
dread, as did _Prothesilai_, whose wife wrote to him that he should
lose his life if he landed at Troy; and he took no heed of her womanish
fears, but was the first to land, choosing rather to die with honour
than to live reproved. (1892-1934.)
_Saul_ too, when the spirit of Samuel told him that he should be slain
in battle, would not draw back from the danger, but with Jonathas his
son he met his enemies on the mountains of Gelboe, and won eternal
fame. (1935-1962.)
_Education of Achilles._ Prowess is founded upon hardihood, and we know
how Achilles was brought up to this by Chiro, called Centaurus. He was
taught not to make his chase after the beasts that fled from him, but
to fight with such as would withstand him. Moreover a covenant was set
that every day he should slay, or at least wound, some savage beast, as
a lion or a tiger, and bring home with him a token of blood upon his
weapon. Thus he came to surpass all other knights. (1963-2013.)
Other examples there are, as of Lancelot and many more, which show how
Prowess in arms has led to success in love. Let this tale be witness of
it. (2014-2044.)
_Hercules and Achelons._ King Oënes of Calidoyne had a daughter
Deianire, who was promised in marriage to Achelons, a giant and a
magician. Hercules, that worthy knight who set up the two pillars of
brass in the desert of India, sought her love, and the king dared not
refuse him. It was ordained then that combat should decide between
them. Achelons, stirred up to prowess by love, fought boldly, but
Hercules seized him with irresistible strength. Then Achelons tried his
craft, changing himself into a snake first and then a bull. Hercules,
however, held him by the horns and forced him down, till at length he
was overcome. Thus Hercules won his wife by prowess. (2045-2134.)
So _Pantasilee_, queen of Feminee, for love of Hector did deeds of
prowess at Troy; and _Philemenis_, because he brought home the body of
Pantasilee and saved some of her maidens, had a tribute granted to him
of three maidens yearly from the land of Amazoine. _Eneas_ also won
Lavine in battle against king Turnus. By these examples thou mayest
see how love’s grace may be gained, for worthy women love manhood and
gentilesse. (2135-2199.)
What is _Gentilesse_, my father?
Some set that name upon riches coming down from old time, but there is
no true merit in riches; and as for lineage, all are descended from
Adam and Eve. Rich and poor are alike in their birth and in their
death; the true gentilesse depends upon virtue, and for virtue love may
profit much. Especially love is opposed to Sloth, and Sloth is most of
all contrary to the nature of man, for by it all knowledge is lost.
(2200-2362.)
By _Labour_ it was that all useful arts were found out, and the names
of many inventors have been handed down by fame, as Cham, Cadmus,
Theges, Termegis, Josephus, Heredot, Jubal, Zenzis, Promotheus, Tubal,
Jadahel, Verconius, and among women Minerve and Delbora. Saturnus found
out agriculture and trade, and he first coined money. (2363-2450.)
Many philosophers have contrived the getting and refining of
metals and the science of _Alconomie_, by which gold and silver are
multiplied, with the working of the seven bodies and the four spirits
for the finding of the perfect Elixir.
The philosophers of old made three Stones: the Vegetable, by which
life and health are preserved, the Animal, by which the five senses
are helped in their working, and the Mineral, by which metals are
transformed. This science is a true one, but men know not how to follow
it rightly, so that it brings in only poverty and debt. They who first
founded it have great names, as Hermes, Geber, Ortolan and others.
(2451-2632.)
With regard to _Language_, Carmente was the first who invented the
Latin letters, and then came those who laid down the rules of rhetoric,
as Aristarchus, Dindimus, Tullius and Cithero. Jerome translated the
Bible from Hebrew, and others also translated books into Latin from
Arabic and Greek. In poetry Ovid wrote for lovers, and taught how love
should be cooled, if it were too hot.
My father, I would read his books, if they might avail me; but as
a tree would perish if its roots were cut away, so if my love were
withdrawn, my heart would die.
That is well said, my son, if there be any way by which love may be
achieved; and assuredly he who will not labour and dares not venture
will attain to nothing. (2633-2700.)
2701-3388. SOMNOLENCE. The chamberlain of Sloth is Somnolence, who
sleeps when he should be awake. When knights and ladies revel in
company, he skulks away like a hare and lays himself down to rest; and
there he dreams and snores, and when he wakes, he expounds his dreams.
If thou wilt serve love, my son, do not thou so.
Surely not, father; it were better for me to die than to have such
sluggardy, or rather it were better I had never been born. I have never
been sleepy in the place where my lady was, whether I should dance
with her, or cast the dice, or read of Troilus. When it is late and I
must needs go, I look piteously upon her and take leave upon my knee,
or kiss her if I may; and then before I depart from the house, I feign
some cause to return and take leave of her again. Then afterwards I
curse the night for driving me away from her company, and I sigh and
wish for day, or think of the happiness of those who have their love
by their side all the long night through. At last I go to bed, but my
heart remains still with her: no lock may shut him out, and he passes
through the strongest wall. He goes into her bed and takes her softly
in his arms, and wishes that his body also were there. In my dreams
again I suffer the torments of love, or if I dream sometimes that I
meet her alone and that Danger has been left behind, I wake only to
find all in vain.
My son, in past times many dreams have told of truth, as thou mayest
know by a tale. (2701-2926.)
_Ceix and Alceone._ Ceix, king of Trocinie, went on a pilgrimage for
the sake of his brother Dedalion, and left at home Alceone his wife.
She besought him to fix the time of his return, and he said ‘Within two
months.’ The time passed and she heard no tidings, and Juno, to whom
she prayed, sent Yris to the house of Sleep, bidding him show this lady
by dream how the matter was.
Yris bent the heaven like a bow and came down, and she went to the
place where Sleep had his dwelling, in a cave where no sun ever shone
and no sound could be heard but the murmur of the river Lethes, which
ran hard by. He himself was sleeping in a chamber strewn up and down
with dreams, and long it was ere her words could pierce his ears. When
he at length understood the message, he chose out three, Morpheus,
Ithecus and Panthasas, to do this deed. Morpheus appeared to Alceone in
the form of her husband lying dead upon the shore, while the other two
showed her in action the scene of the tempest and the wreck. She cried
out in terror and awoke, and on the morrow, going down to the sea, she
saw his body floating on the waves. Careless of death she leapt into
the deep, and would have caught him in her arms; but the gods pitied
them and changed them into birds of the sea, and so they dwelt together
lovingly. (2927-3123.)
Thus dreams prove sometimes true.
Father, I have said that when I am in my lady’s company, I do not
desire to sleep. But at other times I care little to wake, for I cannot
endure to be in company without her. I know not if this be Somnolence.
I acquit thee, my son, and I will tell a tale to show how little love
and sleep are in accord. (3124-3186.)
_Prayer of Cephalus._ He who will wake by night for love may take
example by Cephalus, who when he lay with Aurora prayed to the Sun and
to the Moon that the night might be made longer and the day delayed, in
order that he might follow only the law of love. Sloth cares nothing
for the night except that he may sleep, but Cephalus did otherwise.
(3187-3275.)
My father, that is no wonder, since he had his love by his side. But
this is never my case, so I have never need to entreat the Sun to stay
his chariot, or the Moon to lengthen her course. Sometimes I have a
dream that makes me glad, but afterwards I find it untrue: so that I
know not of what use sleep is to man.
True, my son, except that it helps nature, when it is taken in due
measure. But he who sleeps unduly may come by misfortune, as I can show
by a tale. (3276-3316.)
_Argus and Mercury._ Jupiter lay by Io, wherefore Juno changed her
into a cow and gave her into the keeping of Argus, who had a hundred
eyes. Mercury came to steal the cow, and he piped so cunningly that
Argus fell asleep. So Mercury smote off his head and took away Io.
Therefore, my son, beware thou sleep not overmuch. (3317-3364.)
Love will not let me do so, father: but ask further, if there be more.
Yea, my son, one there is to tell of still. (3365-3388.)
3389-3692. TRISTESCE. When Sloth has done all that he may, he conceives
Tristesce, which drives him to utter wretchedness. With Tristesce is
Obstinacy, and despair follows them. So it is with some lovers, who
lose all hope.
I am one of these, father, except that I do not cease to pray.
My son, do not despair; for when the heart fails, all is lost. Listen
to a tale about this. (3389-3514.)
_Iphis and Araxarathen._ Iphis, son of king Theucer, loved a maid of
low estate. Though a prince, he was subject to love, but she would not
listen to his suit. At length being brought to despair, he came before
her house in the night, and having bewailed his case and lamented her
hardness of heart, he hanged himself upon the post of the gate. On the
morrow the maiden took the guilt upon herself, and prayed that no pity
might be shown to her, as she had shown no pity to him. The gods took
away her life and changed her into stone; and men carried the body of
Iphis to the city and set up the stone image of the maiden above his
tomb, with an epitaph telling of their fate. (3515-3684.)
Thus, my son, despair, as I say, is a grievous thing.
Father, I understand now the nature of Sloth, and I will take heed.
LIB. V.
AVARICE is the root of all strife among men. He ever gets more and more
and lets nothing go, and yet he has never enough. He has no profit from
his riches any more than an ox from his ploughing or a sheep from his
wool: instead of being master of his wealth, he serves it as a slave.
Dost thou fare so in love, my son?
No, my father, for I was never in possession; but I cannot here excuse
my will, for if I had my lady, I would never let her go; and herein I
am like the avaricious man. Moreover, though I have not the wealth, yet
I have the care, and am like that ox of which ye told before. Judge if
this be Avarice.
My son, it is no wonder if thou art a slave to love; but to be a slave
to gold is against nature and reason. (1-140.)
_Midas._ Bacchus had a priest named Cillenus, and he being drunk and
wandering in Frige was brought in bonds before Mide, the king of that
land. This king dealt with him courteously, and Bacchus in reward of
this bade him ask what worldly thing he would. He debated long within
himself between three things, pleasure, power and wealth; and at length
he asked that all things might be turned by his touch to gold. The boon
granted, he tried his power on stone and leaf, but when he at length
sat down to meat, then he saw the folly of Avarice, and prayed Bacchus
to take back his gift. The god took pity and bade him bathe in Paceole,
and so he recovered his first estate; but the stones in the bed of the
river were changed to gold. He went home and put away his Avarice, and
taught his people to till the land and breed cattle rather than seek
increase of gold. (141-332.)
Before gold was coined, war and usury were unknown, but now through
Avarice all the world is out of joint. When thou seest a man have need,
give him of thy substance, for the pain of _Tantalus_ awaits those
who will not give: they stand in a river up to their chin and yet
cannot drink, and fruit hangs over and touches their lips, of which
they cannot eat. Thus Avarice hungers ever after more, though he has
enough, and gets no good from that which he has. If thou desirest to be
beloved, thou must use largess and give for thy love’s sake: if thou
wilt have grace, be gracious, and eschew the disease of Avarice. Some
men have no rest for fear their gold should be stolen, and so some
lovers cannot be at peace for Jealousy. (333-444.)
What is this _Jealousy_, my father?
It is like a fever, my son, which returns every day. It makes a man
look after his lady wherever she goes, and if she make the least sign
of countenance to another man, he turns it to a cause of quarrel.
Nothing can please him that she does. If he goes from home, he leaves
some one to report her doings, and finds fault where there is none. The
wife who is married to such a man may well curse the day when the gold
was laid upon the book. As the sick man has no appetite for food, so
the jealous man has no appetite for love, and yet like the avaricious
he is tormented with the fear of losing his treasure. Love hates
nothing more than this fever of which I speak, and to show how grievous
it is, I will tell thee an example. (445-634.)
_Vulcan and Venus._ Vulcan the smith had the fair Venus for his wife,
whom Mars loved and was beloved again. Jealousy caused Vulcan to spy
upon them, and he devised so by his craft that they were caught as they
lay together and bound with chains. He called the gods to see, but was
only rebuked for his pains. Hence earthly husbands may learn that by
Jealousy they bring shame upon themselves. (635-725.)
This example, my father, is hard to understand. How can such things
happen among the gods, when there is but one God who is Lord of all?
How come such gods as these to have a place?
My son, such gods are received by the unwise in sundry places: I will
tell thee how. (726-747.)
747-1970. THE RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD. There were four forms of belief
before Christ was born.
The _Chaldees_ worshipped the Sun, Moon and Stars and the Elements,
which cannot be gods because they suffer change. (747-786.)
The _Egyptians_ worshipped beasts, and also three gods and a goddess,
of whom the goddess, Ysis, came from Greece and taught them tillage.
(787-834.)
The _Greeks_ deified the men who were their rulers or who became
famous, as Saturnus king of Crete and Jupiter his son,--such was their
folly. Of gods they had besides these Mars, Apollo, Mercury, Vulcan,
Eolus, Neptune, Pan, Bacchus, Esculapius, Hercules, Pluto, and of
goddesses Sibeles, Juno, Minerva, Pallas, Ceres, Diana, Proserpine;
also Satyrs, Nymphs and Manes,--it would be too long to tell the whole.
(835-1373.)
Yes, father, but why have ye said nothing of the god and the goddess of
love?
I have left it for shame, my son, because I am their priest, but since
thou desirest it, I will tell thee. Venus was the daughter of Saturn,
and she first taught that love should be common. She had children both
by gods and men: she lay with her brother Jupiter and her son Cupid,
and she first told women to sell their bodies. Therefore they called
her the goddess of love and her son the god. (1374-1443.)
The Greeks took a god to help in whatsoever they had to do. Dindimus,
king of the Bragmans, wrote to Alexander, blaming the Greek faith, and
saying that they had a god for every member of their body, Minerva for
the head, Mercury for the tongue, and so on. (1444-1496.)
Idol-worship came first through Cirophanes, who set up an image of his
son, and after that Ninus made a statue of his father Belus, which he
caused to be worshipped, and third came the statue of Apis or Serapis,
who spoke to Alexander in the cave, when he came riding with Candalus.
(1497-1590.)
Thus went the misbeliefs of Grece, of Egypt and of Chaldee. Then, as
the book says, God chose a people for himself. Habraham taught his
lineage to worship only the one true God, and after they had multiplied
in Egypt, God delivered them wondrously by Moises and brought them into
the land of promise. But when Christ was born, they failed and fell
away; so that they now live out of God’s grace, dispersed in sundry
lands. (1591-1736.)
God sent his Son down from heaven to restore the loss which we suffered
in Adam: so that original sin was the cause of man’s honour at the
last. By this faith only we can attain to Paradise once more, but
faith is not enough without good deeds. Therefore be not deceived by
Lollardy, which sets the true faith of Christ in doubt. (1737-1824.)
Christ wrought first and then taught, so that his words explained his
deeds, but we in these days have the words alone. Our prelates are
like that priest who turned away his eyes and let Anthenor steal the
Palladion of Troy. Christ died for the faith, but they say that life is
sweet, and they follow only their own ease. Therefore the ship of Peter
is almost lost in the waves, and tares are sown among the corn. Gregory
complains of the sloth of the prelacy, and asks how we shall appear
beside the Apostles in the day of Judgement. We shall be like the man
who hid his lord’s besant and got no increase upon it. We are slow
towards our spiritual work, but swift to Avarice, which, as the apostle
says, is idolatry.
My father, for this which ye have said I shall take the better heed:
but now tell me the branches of Avarice as well in love as otherwise.
(1825-1970.)
1971-2858. COVEITISE. Avarice has many servants, and one of these is
Coveitise, who is her principal purveyor and makes his gain in every
place. He is as the pike who devours the smaller fishes: for him might
is always right. I will tell thee a tale of the punishment of this
vice. (1971-2030.)
_Virgil’s Mirror._ Virgil made a mirror at Rome, wherein the motions
of all enemies for thirty miles round might be seen. They of Carthage
had war with Rome, and took counsel with the king of Puile how they
might destroy this mirror. Crassus, the Roman Emperor, was above all
things covetous. They sent therefore three philosophers to Rome with
a great treasure of gold, which they buried in two places secretly.
These men professed to the Emperor that by dreams they could discover
ancient hoards of gold, and first one and then the other of these
buried treasures was found. Then the third master announced a yet
greater treasure, to be found by mining under the magic mirror. As they
mined, they underset the supports of the mirror with timber, and on a
certain night these three set fire to the timber and fled out of the
city. So the mirror fell and was destroyed, and Hanybal slew so many
of the Romans in a day, that he filled three bushels with their gold
rings. The Romans punished their Emperor by pouring molten gold down
his throat, so that his thirst for gold might be quenched. (2031-2224.)
Coveitise in a king or in those of his court is an evil thing, my son;
but he who most covets often gains least, and Fortune stands for much
as well in courts as elsewhere. (2225-2272.)
_The Two Coffers._ A king heard that his courtiers complained of
unequal rewards for their service. He resolved to show them that the
fault lay not with him, and he caused two coffers to be made in all
respects alike, the one of which he filled with gold and jewels, and
the other with straw and stones. He called before him those who had
complained, and bade them choose. They chose the worthless coffer,
and he proved to them by this, that if they were not advanced, their
fortune only was to blame. (2273-2390.)
Like this is the story of the _Two Beggars_ whom the Emperor Frederick
heard disputing about riches, and for whom he prepared two pasties, one
containing a capon and the other full of florins. (2391-2441.)
Thus it is often with love: though thou covet, yet shalt thou not
obtain more than fortune has allotted thee. Yet there are those that
covet every woman whom they see, finding something to their liking in
each. They can no more judge in matters of love than a blind man can
judge of colours.
My father, I had rather be as poor as Job than covet in such a manner.
There is one whom I would have, and no more. (2442-2513.)
There are some also who choose a woman not for her face nor yet for her
virtue, but only for her riches.
Such am not I, father. I could love my lady no more than I do, if
she were as rich as Candace or Pantasilee; and I think no man is so
covetous that he would not set his heart upon her more than upon gold.
To one who knows what love is, my lady seems to have all the graces of
nature, and she is also the mirror and example of goodness. It were
better to love her than to love one who has a million of gold. I say
not that she is poor, for she has enough of worldly goods; yet my heart
has never been drawn to her but for pure love’s sake.
It is well, my son, for no other love will last. Hear now an example of
how coveitise prevailed over love. (2514-2642.)
_The King and his Steward’s Wife._ There was a king of Puile, whom his
physicians counselled to take a fair young woman to his bed, and he
bade his steward provide. The steward had a wife whom he had married
for lucre and not for love, and he set his coveitise before his honour.
Having received a hundred pounds from the king to procure him the
woman, he brought at night his own wife, against her will. Before the
morning he came and desired to take her away, but the king refused to
let her go, and at length the steward was compelled to tell him who she
was. The king threatened him with death if he remained one day longer
in the land, and afterwards he took the woman for his wife. (2643-2825.)
Beware, my son, of this, for it is a great evil when marriage is made
for lucre.
Father, so think I, and yet riches may sometimes be a help to love. Now
ask me more, if more there be. (2826-2858.)
2859-4382. FALSE WITNESS and PERJURY. Coveitise has two counsellors,
False Witness and Perjury, who make gain for their master by lying. So
lovers often swear faithful service to a woman, and it is all treachery.
I am not one of these, father: my thought is not discordant to my word.
I may safely swear that I love my lady, and if other men should bear
witness of it for me, there would be no false swearing.
My son, I will tell thee a tale to show that False Witness is at last
found out. (2859-2960.)
_Achilles and Deidamia._ Thetis, in order that her son Achilles might
not go to Troy, disguised him as a girl and put him to dwell with the
daughters of king Lichomede. There he was the bedfellow of Deidamie,
and so her maidenhead was lost. The Greeks in the meantime assailed
Troy in vain, and it was told them by divination that unless they had
Achilles, their war would be endless. Ulixes therefore was sent with
Diomede to bring him, and coming to the kingdom of Lichomede he could
not distinguish Achilles from the rest. Then he set forth the gifts
which he had brought for the women, and among them a knight’s harness
brightly burnished. Achilles left all the rest and chose this, and then
he came forth armed in it before them. He was glad enough, but not
so Lichomede, who had been so overseen. Thus came out the treachery
of False Witness; and if Thetis, who was a goddess, thus deceived
Deidamie, what security have women against the untruth of lovers?
(2961-3218.)
My father, tell me some tale about Perjury.
I will tell thee, my son, how Jason did to Medea, as it is written in
the book of Troy. (3219-3246.)
_Jason and Medea._ Jason was the nephew of king Peleus; and desiring
to achieve adventures and see strange lands, he took a company of
knights, and among them Hercules, and sailed to the isle of Colchos to
win the fleece of gold. On the way they touched at Troy, where the king
Lamedon treated them discourteously, and then they came to Colchos.
Oëtes, who was king there, endeavoured to persuade Jason to leave his
adventure, but without success; and then the princess Medea entertained
him with welcome. Moved by love of him she offered him her help to win
the fleece, and he plighted his troth to her and swore that he would
never part from her. She taught him what to do, and gave him a magic
ring and an ointment, telling him also what charms and prayers to use,
so that he might slay the serpent which guarded the fleece, yoke the
fire-breathing oxen to the plough, sow the teeth of the serpent and
slay the knights who should spring up.
He took his leave of her, and passing over the water in a boat did as
Medea bade him. Returning with the fleece he was welcomed back by Medea
and the rest, and that night he took Medea and her treasure on board
his ship and they sailed away to Greece. It was vain to pursue: they
were gone.
When they came to Greece, all received them with joy, and these lovers
lived together, till they had two sons. Medea with her charms renewed
the youth of Eson, Jason’s father, and brought him back to the likeness
of a young man of twenty years. No woman could have shown more love
to a man than she did to Jason; and yet, when he bare the crown after
his uncle Peleus was dead, he broke the oath which he had sworn and
took Creusa, daughter of king Creon, to wife. Medea sent her the gift
of a mantle, from which fire sprang out and consumed her; then in the
presence of Jason she killed his two sons, and was gone to the court of
Pallas above before he could draw his sword to slay her. Thus mayest
thou see what sorrow it brings to swear an oath in love which is not
sooth. (3247-4229.)
I have heard before this how Jason won the fleece, but tell me now who
brought that fleece first to Colchos.
_Phrixus and Helle._ King Athemas by his first wife had two children,
Frixus and Hellen; but his second wife Yno hated them and contrived a
device against them. She sowed the land with sodden wheat; and when no
harvest came, she caused the priests of Ceres to say that the land must
be delivered of these children. The queen bade men throw the children
into the sea; but Juno saved them, and provided a sheep with golden
fleece, which swam with them over the waves. Hellen for dread fell off
his back and so was lost, but her brother was borne over to the isle of
Colchos, and there the fleece was set, which was the cause why Jason
was so forsworn.
My father, he who breaks his troth thus is worthy neither to love nor
to be beloved. (4230-4382.)
4383-4670. USURY. Another of the brood of Avarice is Usury, whose
brokers run about like hounds, hunting after gain. He has unequal
weights and measures, and he takes back a bean where he has lent a pea.
So there are many lovers, who though the love they gave will hardly
weigh a mite, yet ask a pound again; and often by the help of their
brokers these buy love for little.
My father, I am not guilty of this. That which I give is far more than
ever I take again. Usury will have double, but I would be content with
half. If my lady reward me not the better, I can never recover my
cost. Nor yet have I ever used brokers in love. But thought is free,
my father, and to me it seems that my lady herself cannot be excused
of this that ye call Usury. For one glance of her eye she has my whole
heart, and she will render me nothing again. She has all my love and I
go loveless: she says not so much as ‘Thanks.’ Myself I can acquit, and
if she be to blame in this, I pray God to give her grace to amend.
My son, thou speakest ill in that thou accusest thy lady. She may
be such that her one glance is worth thy heart many times reckoned.
Moreover in love the balance is not even: though thy love weigh more,
thou must not ask for return as a debt that is due; for Love is lord
and does after his own will. Be patient, and perchance all may turn to
good. I am well pleased that thou hast used in love no brokerage to
deceive. (4383-4572.)
_Echo._ Brokers of love receive at last that which they have deserved.
Juno had Echo among her maidens, and she was of accord with Jupiter to
get him new loves and to blind her lady’s eyes. When Juno understood
this, she reproved her and took vengeance, sending her to dwell in the
woods and hills and repeat always the sound of the voices that came to
her ears. (4573-4652.)
If ever thou be wedded man, my son, use no such means as this.
4671-4884. PARSIMONY or SCARCENESS. Another there is whom Avarice has
for the keeper of his house, and his name is Scarceness. It is easier
to flay the flint than to get from him the value of a rush to help
another. How is it with thee, my son? Hast thou been scarce or free
towards thy love?
My father, if I had all the treasure of Cresus or the gold of Octovien,
I would give it all to her, if I might. But indeed I never gave her any
gift, for from me she will not take any, lest I should have some small
cause of hope. Yet she takes from others and gives again, so that all
speak well of her. As for me, she knows that my heart and all that I
have is at her command and will be while I live. (4671-4780.)
_Babio and Croceus._ Scarceness accords not with love, and often a man
has lost the coat for the hood. With gift a man may do much, and meed
keeps love in house. Babio had a love named Viola, who was both fair
and free; but he was a niggard, and so she was ill served. Croceus,
liberal and amorous, came in her way, and she left Babio loveless.
(4781-4862.)
My father, if there be anything amiss in me toward my love in this
matter, I will amend it.
Thou sayest well, and I will pass on. (4863-4884.)
4885-5504. INGRATITUDE or UNKINDNESS. This is a vice which repays no
service, and when he has received a barnful, grudges to give a grain in
return. God and Nature both condemn this vice, and even a beast loves
the creature who does him kindness, as this tale will show by example.
(4885-4936.)
_Adrian and Bardus._ Adrian, a great lord of Rome, while hunting in
a forest, fell into a pit. He cried for help all day, but none heard
till evening, when one Bardus, a woodcutter, came by with his ass, and
heard Adrian promise to give half his goods to him who should help
him. He let down a rope, and first an ape and then a serpent was drawn
up by it. Bardus was terrified, but still the voice implored help,
and at length Adrian was drawn up. At once this lord departed without
thanks, and threatened Bardus with vengeance if ever he should claim
the promise. The poor man went home, not daring to speak more, and on
the next day, going to get wood, he found that the ape had requited his
kindness by gathering for him a great heap of sticks, and so continued
to do day by day; and the serpent brought him a precious stone in her
mouth. This last he sold to a jeweller and afterwards found it again
in his purse, and as often as he sold it, the same thing followed. At
length this came to be known, and the Emperor heard of it. Calling
Bardus before him he listened to his tale, and gave judgement that
Adrian should fulfil his promise. (4937-5162.)
Flee this vice, my son, for many lovers are thus unkind.
Alas, father, that such a man should be, who when he has had what he
would of love, can find it in his heart to be false. As for me, I dare
not say that my lady is guilty of this Unkindness, but I for my part am
free.
Thou must not complain of thy lady, my son. Perchance thy desire is not
such as she in honour can grant. It is well that thou art not guilty of
Unkindness, and I will tell thee a tale to keep thee in that course.
(5163-5230.)
_Theseus and Ariadne._ Minos, king of Crete, having war with those of
Athens, compelled them as a tribute to send nine men yearly, whom he
gave to be devoured by Minotaurus. The lot fell at last upon Theseus,
son of the king of Athens, and he went with the rest to Crete.
Adriagne, daughter of Minos, loved him, and she gave him help to slay
the monster. Then he took her away with him by ship, and her sister
Fedra went in their company. They rested in the isle of Chio, and there
he left Adriagne sleeping, and sailed away with Fedra. Thus by his
ingratitude and falsehood he broke the law of love, and evil came of it
afterwards. (5231-5495.)
5505-6074. RAVINE. Ravine, in whose service is extortion, seizes other
men’s goods without right and without payment. So there are lovers who
will take possession by force. (5505-5550.)
_Tereus._ Pandion, king of Athens, had two daughters, Progne and
Philomene. Progne was married to Tereus, king of Thrace, and desiring
to see her sister, she sent Tereus to Athens to bring her. Coming back
in company with Philomene he ravished her, and then maddened by her
reproaches cut out her tongue, so that she could speak no articulate
words. Then he shut her up in prison, and coming home to his wife, he
told her that her sister was dead. Philomene in her prison prayed for
deliverance, and at length weaving her story with letters and imagery
in a cloth of silk, she sent it by a privy messenger to Progne. Progne
delivered her sister, and together they concerted vengeance, with
prayers to Venus, Cupid and Apollo. Progne slew the son which she had
by Tereus and served up his flesh to him for meat, and when he would
have pursued the sisters to take vengeance, the gods transformed them
all three, Philomene to a nightingale, which complains ever for her
lost maidenhead, Progne to a swallow, which twitters round houses
and warns wives of the falsehood of their husbands, and Tereus to a
lapwing, the falsest of birds, with a crest upon his head in token that
he was a knight. (5551-6047.)
Father, I would choose rather to be trodden to death by wild horses
or torn in pieces, than do such a thing as this against love’s law.
(6048-6074.)
6075-6492. ROBBERY. The vice of Robbery gets his sustenance by that
which he can take on the high-roads, in woods and in fields. So there
are lovers, who, if they find a woman in a lonely place, will take a
part of her wares, no matter who she may be; and the wife who sits at
home waiting for her husband’s return from hunting will hear from him
nothing of this, but only how his hounds have run or his hawks have
flown. (6075-6144.)
_Neptune and Cornix._ Cornix was a maid attendant on Pallas, and as she
went upon the shore, Neptune thought to rob her of the treasure which
passes all others and is called the maidenhead. She prayed to Pallas,
and by her help escaped from him in the form of a crow, rejoicing more
to keep her maidenhead white under the blackness of the feathers than
to lose it and be adorned with the fairest pearls. (6145-6217.)
_Calistona._ King Lichaon had a daughter Calistona, who desired ever to
be a maiden and dwelt with the nymphs of Diane. Jupiter by craft stole
her maidenhead, and Diane discovering it reproached her, so that she
fled away. She was delivered of a son, Archas, but Juno in vengeance
transformed her into a bear. In that likeness she met her son in the
forest, and he bent his bow against her, but Jupiter ordained for them
both so that they were saved from misfortune. (6225-6337.)
Such Robbery, my son, is ever to be avoided, and I will tell thee how
in old days VIRGINITY was held in esteem.
Valerius tells how the Emperor did honour to the virgin, when he met
her in the way, and we hear also of _Phirinus_, who thrust out his eyes
in order that he might the better keep his virginity.
_Valentinian_ moreover, the Emperor, in his old age rejoiced more that
he had overcome his flesh, than that he had conquered his enemies in
battle. (6338-6428.)
Evil follows when Virginity is taken away in lawless manner, as when
Agamenon took Criseide from the city of Lesbon, and plague came upon
the host, so that they sent her back with prayer and sacrifice.
Therefore do no Robbery in love’s cause, my son. (6429-6492.)
6493-6960. STEALTH. Coveitise has also a servant called Stealth, who
takes his prey in secret, coming into houses at night, or cutting
purses by day. Like the dog that comes back from worrying sheep, he
looks all innocent, so that no man knows what he has done. There are
lovers also who take by stealth, either kisses or other things. Hast
thou done so? (6493-6561.)
I dare not, father, for my heart is hers and will not do anything
against her. Moreover Danger is so watchful a warden that none can
steal anything from her. Strong locks make thieves into honest men, and
by no lying in wait can I slip through his guard. Yet at night I often
wake when others sleep, and I look out from my window upon the houses
round, and mark the chamber where she lies. I stand there long in the
cold and wish for some device of sorcery, whereby I might enter that
chamber and steal. It brings me ease for the time to think of these
things, but it profits me nothing in the end. It is for you to judge if
I deserve penance for this or no.
Stealth does little good, my son, in the end. I will tell thee a tale
from Ovid of stealth which was done by day. (6562-6712.)
_Leucothoe._ Phebus loved Leuchotoe, whom her mother kept close in
chamber and seldom allowed to go forth. On a day he came in suddenly
through her chamber wall and stole her maidenhead. Her father, when he
knew, dared not take quarrel with Phebus, but without pity he caused
her to be buried alive; and Phebus wrought so that she sprang up as a
golden flower, which ever follows the sun. (6713-6783.)
No wonder that this came to evil, my father, because it was done in
broad day, but lovers sometimes have kept their thefts more secret.
Tell me of something done by night. (6784-6806.)
_Hercules and Faunus._ Hercules and Eolen, going together on a
pilgrimage towards Rome, rested in a cave. Faunus, with Saba and her
nymphs, were in a wood hard by, and Faunus, having had a sight of
Eolen, thought to come by night and steal. Hercules and Eolen went to
rest on separate beds, having to offer sacrifice on the morrow, and
as they had exchanged clothes with one another in sport, she had his
mace by her and his clothes upon her bed, and he her wimple round his
face and her mantle over him. The servants slept like drunken swine.
Faunus came into the cave, and feeling the mace and lion’s skin, he
left her bed alone and went over to the other. Hercules seized him and
threw him on the floor, where he still lay helpless on the morrow, a
laughing-stock to Saba and the nymphs.
I have too faint a heart, father, for any such michery. (6807-6960.)
6961-7609. SACRILEGE. God has laid down a law that men shall not steal,
but work for their sustenance, and yet there are those who will even
take the goods of holy Church, and this is called Sacrilege. [There
are three kinds of Sacrilege, namely, theft of holy thing from holy
place, of common thing from holy place, or of holy thing from common
place. (7015*-7029*.)] Three princes especially in old days were guilty
of this, Antiochus, Nabuzardan and Nabugodonosor. This last wrought
sacrilege in the temple at Jerusalem, and Baltazar his heir paid the
penalty. (6961-7031.) [A tale is told of one _Lucius_ at Rome, who
robbed the statue of Apollo of a ring, a golden mantle and a golden
beard, and excused himself, saying that he took the ring because it
was held out towards him and offered, the mantle because it was too
heavy for summer and too cold for winter, and the beard because it was
not fit that Apollo should have a beard, when his father, who stood
near him, was beardless. Thus can men feign and excuse themselves.
(7105*-7209*.)]
There are lovers who at mass will whisper in their lady’s ear or take
from her hand a ring or glove. Some go to churches to seek out women
and to show themselves there in fresh array, looking round upon them
all and sighing, so that each thinks it is for her; and yet such a man
loves none of them, but goes there only to steal their hearts. All this
is Sacrilege.
My father, I do not so: but when my lady goes to matins or to mass,
thither I go also; and then my looks are for her alone, and my prayers
are that God may change her heart. I watch and wait to steal from her a
word or look, and when I lead her up to the offering with my hand about
her waist, I win a touch as well. Except in such things I have done no
Sacrilege, but it is my power and not my will that fails.
Thy will is to blame, my son; the rest that thou hast said is of little
account. Yet all things have their time and place: the church is for
prayer and the chamber for other things. That thou mayest know how
Sacrilege is punished, I will spend on thee a tale. (7032-7194.)
_Paris and Helen._ Lamedon was king of Troy, and against him the
Greeks made war, and they slew him and destroyed his city. With other
prisoners they took the fair Esiona his daughter, and she was given
to Thelamon. Priamus, son of Lamedon, built up Troy again, and with
advice of his parliament he sent Antenor to demand back Esiona. The
Greeks and Thelamon stoutly refused his request, and Priamus called his
parliament again to debate of war or peace. Hector spoke for peace,
alleging grounds of prudence, though he was ever the first in war; but
his brother Paris gave his voice for avenging the wrong. He told how,
as he slept beside a well, three goddesses came before him in a vision,
and Venus, to whom he assigned the golden apple which was the prize of
beauty, had promised to give him in Greece the fairest woman of all the
earth. Paris then went forth to Greece, though Cassandra and Helenus
lamented for the evil that was to come. Landed in an isle he met the
queen Heleine, who came to do sacrifice there to Venus, and he stole
her heart. Heleine was in the temple all the night, offering prayer
to Venus, and Paris came all suddenly and bore her to his ship. This
Sacrilege was the cause why the Greeks laid siege about Troy, and at
last burnt and slew all that was within it. (7195-7590.)
Note also how Achilles saw Polixena in the temple of Apollo, and how
Troilus first laid his love on Criseide in a holy place. Take heed
therefore to thyself.
Thus Avarice has more branches than any other vice, and the working
of it is everywhere seen; but if a man would live rightly, he must do
Largess. (7591-7640.)
7641-7844. PRODIGALITY and LARGESS. Virtue lies between two extremes:
here we see Avarice and Prodigality, and between them Liberality or
Largess, which holds the middle path between too much and too little.
Where Largess guides a man, he does what is right both to God and the
world, and God rewards him with the gift of heaven. The world gives
ever to him who hath; but it is better to give than to receive, to have
thine own good than to crave that of others. ‘If thy good suffice thee
not, then refrain thy desires and suffice to thy good.’ Charity begins
with itself: if thou enrich others making thyself poor, thou wilt have
little thanks. ‘Jack is a good fellow,’ they say while his money lasts,
but when that is gone, then ‘Jack _was_ a good fellow,’ and they leave
him to starve. (7641-7760.)
There are lovers who spend and waste their love with Prodigality,
setting their heart upon many. But he who makes himself thus common,
loses the special love of one, if she be wise. Hast thou thus wasted
thy love?
Nay, father: I have tasted here and there, but never truly loved any
excepting one. On her indeed my love is wasted, for it brings no
return: I know not whether this is what ye mean by Prodigality.
My son, perchance thy love is not lost nor wasted. None can say how
such a thing will end; therefore I know not whether thou hast lost
or won. As summer returns after winter, so perchance thou mayest yet
recover thy grace of love. (7761-7834.)
LIB. VI.
1-14. GLUTTONY. The great original sin which brought death on all
mankind was Gule, that is, Gluttony. The branches of it are many, but I
shall speak of two only.
15-616. DRUNKENNESS makes a wise man foolish and a fool think himself
wise. The drunken man thinks that there is nothing that he does not
know and nothing that he cannot do, yet he is withal so helpless that
he can neither stand nor go; he knows not what he is, nor whether it is
day or night. In the morning he calls again for the cup which made him
lose his wits at night. The wine binds him fast and makes him a subject
and a slave. (5-75.)
There are lovers so besotted with love, that they know no more than
drunken men what reason is. The greatest men have been thus overcome:
Salomon, Sampson, David, Virgil and Aristotle. Confess if thou art thus
drunken, for I think by thy countenance thou art schapen to this malady.
It is true, my father: I confess that I am drunk with love, and often I
know not what I do, so that men marvel at me. When I am absent from my
lady I am drunk with the thoughts of her, and when I am present, with
looking upon her. At times I am in Paradise, and then I wake and my joy
is turned to woe. I suffer then the fever of hot and cold, and the evil
is that the more I drink, the more I am athirst. Yet I think if I had
truly a draught of the drink that I desire, I should be sobered and do
well; but tasting of this is forbidden me. (76-305.)
Love-drunkenness, my son, is a grievous thing, and yet none can
withstand it. It is not all of one kind, for Jupiter has two tuns full
of love-drink in his cellar, the one sweet and the other bitter. Cupid
is butler of both, and being blind he gives men to drink of them by
chance, now of this and now of that, so that some laugh and others
lower. I know by thy tale that thou hast drunk of the potion that is
bitter. (306-390.)
_Bacchus in the Desert._ But thou must ever pray to attain to the
other, whereby thy thirst may be allayed, as Bacchus prayed in the
desert, when he and all his host were in danger of perishing by thirst.
Jupiter sent a ram, which spurned the ground, and there sprang up a
fountain of water. (391-439.)
Pray thou thus in thy need: a dumb man seldom gets land. Remember
moreover that the butler is blind, and he may by chance give thee a
drink of the sweet, which shall cause thee to grow sober.
Of love-drunkenness an example is Tristram, who drank with Bele Ysolde
of the drink which Brangwein gave them: and that thou may the more
eschew the company of drunken men, hear this tale. (440-484.)
_Marriage of Pirithous._ The fair Ipotacie was wedded to Pirotoüs, and
he invited his friends to the feast. They became drunk both with wine
and with desire, and so they carried away the bride by violence from
her husband. (485-529.)
_Galba and Vitellus_ were rulers of Spain, and so drunken were they
both that the land cried out against them. They ravished both wife and
maid, but at length they were brought under the law and condemned to
die. Then they filled full a great vessel of wine and drank until their
senses left them, and so they were slain, being already half dead.
(537-595.)
617-1260. DELICACY. The vice of Delicacy will not lack any pleasure
which meat or drink can give, and desires always something new.
So he who is delicate in love cannot content himself with what he has;
but though he have a fair wife, yet he will set his heart on others,
and though his lady make him cheer, he must have more than she can with
honour give.
I am not guilty of this, father: I would be satisfied if I could be fed
at all, except with woe. Yet some dainties I pick which please me for
the time. (617-752.)
My sight is fed with dainties when I look upon her face and form, yet
it may never be fed to the full, but always longs for more. (753-826.)
My hearing has a dainty feast when men commend her worthiness and
grace, and above all when I hear her speak, for her words are to me
like the winds of the South. Or again, I feed my ears with tales of
those who loved before I was born, of Ydoine and Amadas and of many
more, and I think how sorrow endures but for a time. (827-898.)
Finally, I have a cook whose name is Thought, who keeps his pots ever
boiling with fancy and desire, and sets before me on the table all the
pleasant sights that I have seen and words that I have heard. Yet it
is no full meal, but one of woulds and wishes, so that the food I have
does me little good, and serves only to keep off starvation, till I
have the feast which shall satisfy my hunger. (899-938.)
Such are my three delights, and I take my food thus of thinking,
hearing and seeing, as a plover does of air. By Delicacy such as this I
hope that I do no Gluttony.
It is in small things only that thou hast thy delight, my son; but
remember always that the delights of the body do grievance to the soul.
(939-974.)
_Dives and Lazarus._ Christ tells a tale against this vice, which is
read in Latin, but for the better knowledge of the truth I will declare
it in English. Christ saith, &c. (975-1109.)
Thus, my son, he who follows Delicacy and gives no alms shall fall
into distress. He who has power over the good things of this world may
wear the richest ornaments and eat the choicest food, yet he must put
away Delicacy, if he would not starve his soul while feeding his body.
(1110-1150.)
_Nero_ followed his lusts against nature, and in regard to Delicacy he
wrought a subtle thing to know how his stomach fared. He chose three
men to eat and drink at his table. On a certain day after meat he
caused one to ride, another to walk, and the third to sleep, and after
this he killed them, in order that he might see which had best digested
his food.
He refrained from nothing that was pleasant to him, and above all he
set his heart on women, so that he spared neither wife nor maid. So
drunk was he with his lusts. (1151-1226.)
Delicacy and Drunkenness go together and pass all bounds of reason.
Thus too Love is at times so unrestrained that he takes no heed of
God’s law, but calls in the powers of heaven and earth and hell to
achieve his purpose. (1227-1260.)
1261-2407. SORCERY. There is nothing that love will not dare. He
follows no law but his own, and goes forth like Bayard the blind horse,
till he fall into the ditch. Thus at times he follows Sorcery, whether
Geomance, Ydromance, Piromance or Nigromance, with all the craft both
of invocation of spirits and of natural magic.
I know nothing of this, father; but to win my lady I would once have
done all that might be done, whether in hell or heaven.
That goes very near, my son: but I warn thee that he who does so is
beguiled at last, and that Sorcery has no good end. (1261-1390.)
_Ulysses and Telegonus._ Of those that were at Troy Uluxes had a name
above all for craft and magic arts. This king was vexed by storms as
he returned, and in spite of needle and stone his ship was driven upon
the strand of Cilly, where he found two queens, Calipsa and Circes.
These were sorceresses and they changed many of his men to the form
of beasts, but he overcame them with his sorceries, and at length he
took his course for home, leaving Circes with child. His wife and all
his people rejoiced at his home-coming, but when a man is most in his
prosperity, then fortune makes him soonest fall. He had a dream, as he
lay upon his bed, and he seemed to see a form of heavenly beauty. He
embraced that image and it embraced him again, and it said to him: ‘Our
acquaintance shall be hereafter to our sorrow: one of us two shall take
his death from this love in which we now rejoice.’ It showed him then
a sign, three fishes wrought upon a pennon, and so all suddenly went
forth from him.
Uluxes started from sleep, and making his calculations upon this, he
judged that the danger was to be feared from his son Thelamachus.
Him therefore he shut up within castle wall, and he made for himself
a stronghold and set his servants to keep guard. But none can make
resistance against his fate: Thelogonus, his son by Circes, came to
find his father, bearing as his ensign a pennon with three fishes upon
his spear, and he came to this stronghold of Uluxes. The guards denied
him entrance and an affray arose at the gate. The king came forth, and
Thelogonus cast his spear at him, not knowing who he was. Uluxes was
wounded to death, but he recognized the figure of his dream and the
sign upon the pennon, and embraced his son, commending him to the care
of Thelamachus before he died.
Lo, what evil came to him of Sorcery: by Sorcery he begat his son,
and that which was done against nature was against nature avenged.
(1391-1788.)
_Nectanabus._ The king of Egypt, Nectanabus, a great magician, fled
from his enemies to Macedoine. In the chief city there the queen
Olimpias kept the feast of her nativity and rode forth to be seen by
the people. Nectanabus stood with the others, and gazed upon her so
steadfastly, that the queen sent for him and asked him who he was. He
replied that he was one who had a message for her, which must be said
in private. She appointed a time, and he told her how the god Amos of
Lybia desired to be her bedfellow and would beget a child of her who
should subdue the whole earth. To prove his words he caused her by his
magic to have a vision, which she took for prophecy; and so at length,
coming in the person of the god and transforming himself into various
shapes, he had his will of her and begat a son. Nectanabus caused
Philip the king, being from home, to have a vision whereby he supposed
that a god had lain with his wife, and returning he found her with
child. Still he doubted, but by further signs and wonders Nectanabus
caused him to forget his jealousy. Amid portents of earthquake and of
tempest the child was born, and his name was called Alexander. He grew
up, and Aristotle taught him philosophy, while Nectanabus instructed
him in astronomy. On a certain night, when they were upon a tower
observing the stars, Nectanabus prophesied by them that his own death
should be by the hands of his son. Alexander, to prove that he lied,
threw him from the tower to the ground, asking what was the use of his
art if he could not prophesy his own fate rightly. Nectanabus made
known the truth, and Alexander was sorry, and told his mother how it
was. Thus he died and was buried, and this was the reward of Sorcery.
(1789-2366.)
_Zoroaster_ too and _Saul_ came to evil by Sorcery. I counsel thee
never to use this, my son. (2367-2400.)
I will not, father. But I beseech you tell me something of that
Philosophy which, as ye said, Aristotle taught to Alexander: for to
hear of something new might ease my pain.
Thou sayest well; but I, who am of the school of Venus, know not much
of this high lore. Yet, as it is comprehended in a book, I can in part
show forth to thee how it is. (2401-2440.)
LIB. VII.
1-60. Thou hast prayed me to declare to thee the school of Aristotle,
and how Alexander was taught. This is not the matter on which we were
set to speak; yet since wisdom is to be desired above all things, I
will tell thee of that which Calistre and Aristotle wrote to Alexander.
There are three principal points of Philosophy: Theoric, Rhetoric,
Practic.
61-1506. THEORIC. The parts of Theoric are three: Theology, Physics and
Mathematics. The first treats of God and things spiritual; the second
of bodily things, such as man, beast, herb and stone; and the third has
four divisions, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry and Astronomy. (61-202.)
Aristotle taught this young king of the four elements and the four
complexions of man, of the principal divisions of the earth, and of the
fifth element, Orbis, which contains the whole. (203-632.)
To speak next of _Astronomy_, this Orbis is that which we call the
firmament, and in it are first the seven Planets, and then the twelve
Signs of the Zodiac, about each of which Alexander was taught in turn.
(633-1280.)
Nectanabus, teaching him natural magic, informed him of the Fifteen
Stars and of the stone and herb appropriate to each, by means of which
wonders may be worked. (1281-1438.)
The authors who taught this science of Astronomy were first Noë, then
Nembrot, and after them many others, but principally Tholomee, who
wrote the book of Almagest, and Hermes. (1439-1492.)
Thus these Philosophers taught Alexander in regard to that which is
called Theoric. (1493-1506.)
1507-1640. RHETORIC. Speech is given to man alone and he must take
heed that he turn it to no evil use. There is virtue in stones and
in herbs, but word has virtue more than any earthly thing. But the
word must not be discordant with the thought, as when Uluxes by his
eloquence persuaded Anthenor to betray to him the city of Troy. Words
are both evil and good, they make friend of foe and foe of friend.
For a true example of Rhetoric read how Julius and the consul Cithero
pleaded against one another when the treason of Catiline was discovered.
1641-5397. PRACTIC. This has three divisions, Ethics, Economics and
Politics. A king must learn the first in order that he may rule himself
in the way of good living, the second teaches him how to order his
household, and the third how to govern his kingdom. (1641-1710.)
1711-1984. The first point of Policy is TRUTH, which above all things
ought to be found in a king; and this is in part signified by the
jewels of his crown.
To show thee that Truth is the sovereign virtue of all, I will tell
thee a tale. (1711-1782.)
_King, Wine, Woman and Truth._ Daires, Soldan of Perce, had three wise
men about his chamber, Arpaghes, Manachaz and Zorobabel. To them he
put the question, which is strongest, wine, woman, or a king. Of this
they disputed in turn, and Arpaghes said, ‘A king is the strongest,
for he has power over men and can raise them up and cast them down:
also he alone stands free from the law.’ Manachaz said, ‘Wine is the
strongest, for this takes reason away from the wise and makes the fool
seem learned, this turns cowardice to courage and avarice to largess.’
Zorobabel said, ‘Women are the strongest, for the king and all other
men come of women and bow to the love of women,’ and he told how he had
seen Cirus upon his throne overcome by the love of Apemen, daughter
of Besazis, so that she did with him what she would. Women too make
men desire honour, and woman is next to God the greatest help of man,
as _Alceste_, wife of Ametus, gave her life to save her husband. Thus
Zorobabel told his opinion, but nevertheless he said that above all
these the mightiest of all earthly things is Truth: and so the question
was concluded, and Zorobabel was most commended for his judgement.
(1783-1984.)
1985-2694. LARGESS is the second point of Policy. A king must be
free from the vices both of Avarice and of Prodigality. As Aristotle
taught by the ill example of the king of Chaldee, he must spend his
own substance and not that of his people, he must do justice before he
makes gifts, and his gifts must be to those who have deserved them.
(1985-2060.)
_Julius and the poor Knight._ A knight came to plead his cause at
Rome, where the Emperor Julius was in presence; but he could get no
advocate, because he was poor. He prayed for justice to the Emperor,
and Julius assigned him an advocate. The knight was angry, and said,
‘When I was with thee in Afric, I fought myself and put no man in my
stead: and so thou here shouldest speak for me thyself.’ Julius took
his cause in hand; and thus every worthy king should help his servants
when in need. (2061-2114.)
_Antigonus and Cinichus._ A king should know how much to give. A poor
knight asked King Antigonus for a great sum, and he replied, ‘That is
too much for thee to ask’: then when the knight asked a very small
gift, he said, ‘That is too little for me to give.’
Kings must not exceed the due measure in giving, and especially they
ought not to give to flatterers, who offend against God, against the
prince and against the people. Yet flattery is always found in the
courts of kings. (2115-2216.)
_Diogenes and Aristippus._ Two Philosophers went from Carthage to
Athens to learn, and thence returned again. The one, Diogenes, was
content to dwell apart and study, the other, Arisippus, went to court
and got honour and wealth by flattery. Diogenes was gathering herbs in
his garden and washing them in the river, when Arisippus passed by with
a company, and said, ‘If thou hadst known how to make thyself pleasing
to thy prince, there would have been no need for thee to pick herbs.’
The other replied, ‘If thou hadst known how to pick herbs, there would
have been no need for thee to make thyself pleasing by thy flatteries.’
(2217-2317.)
But the example of Arisippus is chiefly followed, and flattery is that
which makes men beloved. [Dante the poet said once to a flatterer,
‘Thou hast many more servants than I, for a poet cannot find how to
feed and clothe himself, but a flatterer may rule and lead a king
and all his land.’] There was a custom among the Romans, which was
established against flattery, as follows. (2318-2354.)
_Roman Triumph._ When an Emperor had a triumph after victory, he went
in pomp with four white horses and the nobles of the land before and
behind him: but one sat with him in his car, who said continually,
‘Know thyself, and remember that good fortune is only for a time.’
Moreover he and every other man might speak whatever truth he knew to
the Emperor, whether good or bad. (2355-2411.)
_The Emperor and his Masons._ Again, when an Emperor was enthroned, his
masons came to ask him how he would have the stone made for his tomb.
There was no flattery then, to deceive princes. (2412-2448.)
_Caesar’s Answer._ One came and did reverence to Cesar, as if he were a
god: then he came and sat down by his side as an equal. ‘If thou art a
god,’ he said, ‘I have done well in worshipping thee, but if a man, in
sitting by thy side.’ Cesar answered that he was a fool, and had done
ill in one of two things, either in sitting by the side of his god or
in worshipping a mere man. They that heard this took it as a lesson
against flattery. (2449-2490.)
The king who bestows his goods upon flatterers does harm to himself
and his land. There is an example in the Bible. (2491-2526.)
_Ahab and Micaiah._ 1 Kings xxii. (2527-2694.)
2695-3102. JUSTICE is the third point of Policy. A land is nothing
without men, and men cannot be without law. It is for the king above
all others to guide the law, and though he is above the law, yet he
must not do things which are against it. He must make his own life
right towards God, and then endeavour to rule his people rightly, and
he must see that his judges are both wise and true. (2695-2764.)
_Maximin_, when he appointed a judge, inquired carefully whether
he were virtuous or no. Thus the course of law was not hindered by
coveitise. (2765-2782.)
_Gaius Fabricius_, consul of Rome, when the Samnites brought him gold,
tried it with taste and smell, and said he knew not for what it would
serve. It was better, he said, to rule the men who had the gold, than
to possess gold and lose the liberty to be just. (2783-2817.)
In those times none was preferred to the office of judge unless he were
a friend to the common right. (2818-2832.)
_Conrad_ ordered matters so that in his time no man durst set aside the
law for gold. (2833-2844.)
_Carmidotoire_ the consul slew himself rather than allow his own law to
be broken, when by inadvertence he had come armed to the Senate-house.
(2845-2888.)
_Cambyses_ flayed a corrupt judge, and nailed his skin upon the chair
where his son was set to judge in his place. (2889-2904.)
_Ligurgius_, prince of Athens, having established good laws in his
city, took an oath from the citizens that they would change nothing
during his absence; and so he departed, never to return, desiring that
Athens might still enjoy good laws. (2917-3028.)
_The first Lawgivers._ The names of those who first made laws ought to
be handed down to fame. They are Moses, Mercurius, Neuma Pompilius,
Ligurgius, Foroneus, Romulus. Kings ought to be led by law, and it is a
scandal to a king if the law be not executed. (3029-3102.)
3103-4214. The fourth point of Policy is PITY. This is the virtue by
which the King of kings was moved when he sent his Son down to this
earth. Every subject should fear his king, and every king should have
mercy on his people. [The apostle James says that he who shows no pity
shall find none. Cassodre says that the kingdom is safe where pity
dwells. Tullius that the king who is overcome by pity bears a shield
of victory. We read how a knight appealed from the wrath of Alexander
to his pity and so obtained grace. (3149*-3179*.)] Constantine said,
‘He who is a servant to pity, is worthy to rule all else.’ Troian said
that he desired his people to obey him rather from love than fear.
(3103-3162.)
[_The Pagan and the Jew._ Two travellers went through the desert
together, and each asked the other of his belief. The one said, ‘I am a
Pagan, and by my faith I ought to love all men alike and do to others
as I would they should do to me.’ The other, ‘I am a Jew, and by my
faith I ought to be true to no man, except he be a Jew, as I am.’ The
day was hot and the Pagan rode on an ass with his baggage, while the
Jew went on foot. The Jew asked the Pagan to let him ease his weariness
by riding, and the other assented. So they went on, but when the Pagan
desired his ass back, the Jew rode on, saying that thus he did his duty
by his law. The Pagan prayed to God to judge his quarrel, and going on
further he found the Jew slain by a lion and the ass with the baggage
standing by him. Thus a man may know how the pitiful man deserves pity,
and that lack of pity is the cause of evil. (3207*-3360*.)]
_Codrus_, king of Athens, having a war, was informed by Apollo that
either he must perish in the battle or his people be discomfited. He
had pity upon his people and gave his life for them. Where have we such
kings now? (3163-3214.)
_Pompey_ had war against the king of Ermenie, and having taken him
captive, he gave him his crown again and restored him to his kingdom.
(3215-3248.)
Cruelty is the opposite of Pity. (3249-3266.)
_Leoncius_ the tyrant cruelly cut off the nose and lips of the merciful
Justinian: he was so served himself by Tiberius, and Justinian was
restored to the empire. (3267-3294.)
_Siculus_ the cruel king caused Berillus to make a bull of brass,
within which men should be burnt to death. Berillus was himself the
first who suffered this torture. (3295-3332.)
_Dionys_ fed his horses on man’s flesh and was slain by Hercules.
(3341-3354.)
_Lichaon_ devoured the bodies of his guests and was changed into a
wolf. (3355-3369.)
Tyranny may not last. The Lion will not slay the man who falls down
before him to entreat mercy, and how then ought a Prince to destroy the
man who asks his mercy? Yet some tyrants have been so cruel that Pity
cannot move them. (3370-3416.)
_Spertachus_, a warrior and a cruel man, made war on the queen
Thameris, and having taken her son prisoner, he slew him without mercy.
The queen gathered a power and took the tyrant in an ambush. Then she
filled a vessel with the blood of his princes and cast him therein,
bidding him drink his fill of blood. (3417-3513.)
A king, however, must not fail to slay in the cause of Justice, and he
must be a champion of his people without any weak pity. If he fears
without cause, he is like those in the fable who were in dread when the
Mountain was in labour, and at length it brought forth a mouse.
As there is a time for peace, so there is also a time for war, and
here too virtue stands between two extremes, between foolish pity and
rash cruelty. Of men who have undertaken war for a righteous cause
there are examples in the Bible, and of those I will tell thee one.
(3514-3626.)
_Story of Gideon._ Judges vii. (3627-3806.)
_Saul and Agag._ Saul failed to obey God’s command to slay Agag,
showing pity wrongfully: therefore he lost his life and his kingdom.
(3807-3845.)
On the other hand _Salomon_ obeyed his father David’s command in
slaying Joab, and yet he showed mercy in his reign and wrought no
tyranny. Also he was wise and had worthy men about him, and there is
nothing better for a ruler than Wisdom. Salomon asked for this gift
from God, and this it is which a king chiefly needs in order to hold
the balance even between Justice and Pity. (3846-3944.)
_Courtiers and Fool._ Lucius, king of Rome, asked his steward and his
chamberlain what men said about him. The steward merely flattered in
his reply, but the chamberlain answered that people thought he would be
a worthy king if he had good counsellors. The fool, who played with his
bauble by the fire, laughed at both, and said, ‘If the king were wise,
the council would not be bad.’ Thus the king was instructed and put
away his bad counsellors. (3945-4010.)
_Folly of Rehoboam._ 1 Kings xii. 1-20. (4027-4129.)
Counsel of young men thus leads to ruin. There is a question whether it
is better that the king be wise or his council. The answer is that it
is better to have wise counsellors. (4130-4180.)
The Emperor _Anthonius_ said he would rather have one of his subjects
saved than a thousand of his enemies slain. Mercy mingled with justice
is the foundation of every king’s rule. Thus I have spoken of four
points, Truth, Largess, Pity and Justice. There is yet a fifth.
(4181-4214.)
4215-5397. CHASTITY, the fifth point of Policy. The male is made for
the female, but one must not desire many. A man must keep the troth he
has plighted in marriage, and this all the more in the high and holy
estate of a king.
Aristotle advised Alexander to frequent the company of fair women, but
not to beguile himself with them. For it is not they who beguile the
men, but the men beguile themselves. The water is not to blame if a man
drown himself in it, nor the gold if men covet it. It is by nature that
a man loves, but not by nature that he loses his wits: that is like
frost in July or hose worn over the shoe. Yet great princes have been
thus misled. (4215-4312.)
_Sardanapalus_ lost his kingdom and his honour, because he became
effeminate in his lusts. (4313-4343.)
_David_, however, though he loved many women, preserved the honour of
knighthood. (4344-4360.)
_Cyrus_ had a war with the _Lydians_, and he could not conquer them.
Then, feigning, he made a perpetual peace with them, and they fell into
idleness and fleshly lust, so that he subdued them easily. (4361-4405.)
_Balaam_ advised king Amalech to send fair women among the Hebrews, and
these led them into lust, so that they were discomfited in battle, till
Phinees caused them to amend their ways. (4406-4445.)
This virtue of Chastity belongs especially to a king.
_Salomon_ took wives of sundry nations and did idolatry in his folly.
Therefore after his death his kingdom was divided.
_Antonie_, son of Severus, gave an evil example of lust; and the tale
which here follows will show what is the end of tyranny and lechery.
(4446-4592.)
_Tarquin_ the tyrant had many sons, and among them Arrons. He had a war
with the Gabiens, and to their city Arrons went, showing wounds which
he said he had received from his father and brethren. They took him as
their leader, and he by his father’s advice cut off the heads of their
chief men, and so the Romans conquered the city. They made a solemn
sacrifice in the temple of Phebus, and a serpent came and devoured the
offerings and quenched the fires. Phebus said that this was for the sin
and pride of Tarquin and his son, and that he who should first kiss his
mother, should avenge the wrong. Brutus fell to the ground and kissed
his mother Earth. (4593-4753.)
Tarquin had a war afterwards with Ardea, and they were long at the
siege. A dispute arose between Arrons and Collatin as to the virtue of
their wives, and they rode to Rome to see how they were employed. At
the palace they found the wife of Arrons full of mirth and thinking
nothing of her husband; at the house of Collatin, Lucrece was working
with her women and praying for her husband’s return. Arrons was smitten
with love of her, and returning again the next day he ravished her. She
on the morrow called her husband and her father, with whom came Brutus,
and told them her tale. Refusing their forgiveness she slew herself,
and they took the body into the market-place, where Brutus told the
tale to the people. They remembered also the former evil doings of
Tarquin and his son, and sent both into exile. (4754-5130.)
_Virginia._ When Appius Claudius was governor of Rome, he set his
desire upon a gentle maid, daughter of Livius Virginius, and he caused
his brother Marcus to claim her unrightfully as his slave. Her father
was with the host, but he rode hastily to Rome; and when Appius
adjudged her to his brother against the law, finding that he could
save her from dishonour in no other way, he thrust her through with
his sword and made his way back to the host. Thus the tyranny came to
men’s ears and the unrighteous king was deposed by the common consent.
(5131-5306.)
As an example of chastity in marriage we read the story of _Sarra_ the
daughter of Raguel. Seven men who married her were strangled by the
fiend Asmod, because they took her only for lust; but Thobie, taught by
Raphael, had his will and yet kept the law of marriage. God has bound
beasts by the law of nature only, but men must follow also the law of
reason and do no lechery. Thus the philosopher taught to Alexander.
(5307-5397.)
I thank you, father. The tales sound in my ears, but my heart is
elsewhere; for nothing can make me forget my love. Leave all else
therefore, and let us return to our shrift.
Yes, my son, there is one point more, and this is the last. (5398-5438.)
LIB. VIII.
1-198. LAWS OF MARRIAGE. God created Adam and Eve to repair the loss
of Lucifer and his angels, and bade them increase and multiply. In
the first generation by God’s law brother and sister were joined in
marriage, then afterwards cousin wedded cousin, as in the time of
Habraham and Jacob. At last under Christian law Marriage was forbidden
also in the third degree. Yet some men take no heed to kinship or
religion, but go as a cock among the hens and as a stallion among the
mares. Such love may be sweet at first, but afterwards it is bitter.
199-2008. EXAMPLES OF INCEST. _Caligula_ the Roman Emperor bereft his
three sisters of their virginity: therefore God bereft him of his life
and of his empire.
_Amon_ lay with his sister Thamar, and Absolon his brother took
vengeance upon him.
_Lot_ lay with his daughters, and the stocks which came from them were
not good.
Thus if a man so set his love, he will afterwards sorely repent it; and
of this I think to tell a tale which is long to hear. (199-270.)
_Apollonius of Tyre._ In a Chronicle called Pantheon I read how king
Antiochus ravished his daughter and lived with her in sin. To hinder
her marriage, he proposed a problem to those who sought her love,
and if a man failed to resolve it, he must lose his head. At length
came the Prince Apollinus of Tyre, and the king proposed to him the
question. He saw too clearly what the riddle meant, and Antiochus
fearing shame put off the time of his reply for thirty days. (271-439.)
The Prince feared his vengeance and fled home to Tyre, and thence
he departed secretly in a ship laden with wheat. Antiochus sent one
Taliart in all haste to Tyre, with command to make away with the Prince
by poison. Finding that Apollinus had fled, he returned.
In the meantime the Prince came to Tharsis, and took lodging there
with one Strangulio and his wife Dionise. The city was suffering
famine, and Apollinus gave them his wheat as a free gift, in return for
which they set up a statue of him in the common place. (440-570.)
A man came to him from Tyre and reported that king Antiochus desired
to slay him. He was afraid and fled thence again by ship. A storm came
upon him and the ship was wrecked: Apollinus alone came alive to land.
A fisherman helped him and directed him to the town of Pentapolim,
where he found the people gathered to see games, and the king and queen
of the country there present. (571-695.)
He surpassed all others in the games, and the king called him to supper
in his hall. At supper he was sad and ate nothing, and the king sent to
him his daughter to console him. To her he told his name and country,
and with that he let the tears run down his cheeks. She fetched a
harp and sang to it, and he took it from her hand and played and sang
divinely. They all saw that he was of gentle blood. (696-799.)
The king’s daughter desired her father that he might be her teacher,
and in the course of time she turned with all her heart to love of him.
She so lost her appetite for meat and drink and sleep that she was in
danger of her life.
Three sons of princes demanded her in marriage, and she by letter
informed her father how the matter stood: if she might not have
Apollinus, she would have none other. (800-911.)
The king sent for Apollinus and showed him his daughter’s letter. He
assented gladly, and the marriage took place with great festivity. Soon
after this men came from Tyre reporting that Antiochus and his daughter
were dead, having been both struck by lightning, and entreating him to
return to his own people. All were rejoiced to hear that the king’s
daughter had married so worthy a prince. (912-1019.)
Apollinus sailed away with his wife, she being with child. A storm
arose and she began to be in travail. In anguish she was delivered of a
maid child, but she herself lay dead. (1020-1058.)
Apollinus sorrowed as never man sorrowed before, but the master of the
ship required that the dead body be cast out of the ship, because the
sea will not hold within itself any dead creature, and the ship would
be driven on the shore if the body remained within her. They made
therefore a coffer closely bound with iron and covered with pitch, in
which they placed the corpse, with gold and jewels, and with a letter
praying that she might receive burial; and so they cast it overboard.
Apollinus in the meantime sailed first to Tharsis. (1059-1150.)
The coffer was cast up at Ephesim and was found by Cerymon, a great
physician. He by his art restored the seeming corpse to life, and she
took upon herself the rule of religion and dwelt with other women in
the temple of Diane. (1151-1271.)
Apollinus coming to Tharsis entrusted his infant daughter Thaise to
the care of Strangulio and Dionise, and so he sailed on to Tyre. This
daughter, until she was fourteen years old, grew up with the daughter
of Strangulio, but Thaise was preferred to the other in all places
where they went, and Dionise was therefore wroth. She bade her bondman
Theophilus take Thaise down to the shore of the sea and there slay her.
He brought her to the sea, but her cry called forth pirates from their
hiding-place, who carried her with them away to Mitelene and sold her
to Leonin, master of a brothel. (1272-1423.)
The young men who came to her were moved by compassion and did her no
wrong, so that Leonin sent his own servant in to her. She entreated to
be permitted to make gain for him in some other way, and being taken
from the brothel and placed in security, she taught such things as
gentlewomen desire to learn, and her name went forth over all the land.
(1424-1497.)
Theophilus reported that he had slain Thaise, and Dionise, pretending
that she had died suddenly, made a great funeral and set up a tomb
with an epitaph. After this, Apollinus came to seek for his daughter
at Tharsis, and hearing that she was dead, he put forth to sea again
in grievous sorrow. He lay weeping alone in the darkness of the ship’s
hold, until under stress of storm they came to Mitelene. (1498-1617.)
Hearing of his grief, the lord of the city, Athenagoras, sent Thaise
to comfort him. He at first rejected all her consolation, but
then to his joy discovered that she was the daughter for whom he
mourned. Athenagoras asked for her in marriage and was wedded to her.
(1618-1776.)
They went forth all together with intent to avenge the treason at
Tharsis, but Apollinus was warned in a dream to go to Ephesim, and
there in the temple of Diane he found the wife whom he supposed to have
been dead. Thence they voyaged to Tyre and were received with joy.
Athenagoras and Thaise were there crowned king and queen, and Apollinus
sailed away and took due vengeance upon Strangulio and Dionise.
(1777-1962.)
When this was done, a letter came to him from Pentapolim, praying him
to come and receive that kingdom, since the king was dead. They had a
good voyage thither, and he and his wife were crowned there and led
their life happily. (1963-2008.)
Thus, my son, thou mayest see how it is with those that love in a good
manner, but it is not love when men take their lust like beasts.
2029-3172. CONCLUSION. Father, I may acquit myself in this, but I
entreat your counsel as to what way I shall follow in my love.
I counsel thee, my son, to labour no more in things which bring thee no
profit. The end of every pleasure is pain. Love is blind, and makes all
his servants blind: thou mayest yet withdraw and set thyself under the
law of reason.
It is easy to say so, father. My woe is but a game to you, feeling
nothing of that which I feel. The hart that goes free knows not the
sorrows of the ox under the yoke. But I entreat you to present for me
a Supplication to Venus and Cupid, and bring me a good answer back.
(2009-2188.)
Then arose a great debate between my Priest and me: my reason
understood him well, but my will was against him. At length he agreed
to deliver my Supplication, and with tears instead of ink I wrote the
letter thus: ‘The wofull peine of loves maladie,’ &c. (2189-2300.)
The Priest went forth to present my petition, and I abode. Suddenly
Venus stood by me, and I fell upon my knee and prayed her to do me
grace. ‘What is thy name?’ she said, as if in game. ‘John Gower,’
I replied. ‘I have read thy bill,’ she said, ‘in which thou hast
complained to Nature and to me. Nature is mistress where she will, and
I excuse thee for following her law: but as for what thou sayest, that
I am bound to relieve thee, because thou hast served in my Court, I
will give thee medicine that will heal thy heart, but perchance it will
not be such as thou desirest.’ (2301-2376.)
Half in scorn she spoke to me of my age and hoary locks, and counselled
me to make a ‘beau retret,’ while there was yet time; for even though I
should attain to my desire, I could not hold covenant duly with love.
I grew cold suddenly for sorrow of my heart, and lay swooning on the
ground. Then methought I saw Cupid with his bow bent, and with him
a great company, those gentle folk who once were lovers, arrayed in
sundry bands. (2377-2459.)
Youth was the leader of one company, and these had garlands, some of
the leaf and some of the flower. They went with piping and with song
which resounded all about: they laughed and danced and played, and
talked of knighthood and of ladies’ love. There was Tristram with
Ysolde, Lancelot with Gunnore, Jason with Creusa, Hercules with Eole,
Troilus with Criseide, but in his mirth he was yet heavy of cheer
because of Diomede. Those also I saw who died for love, as Narcissus,
Piramus, Achilles; and the women who were forsaken, Dido, Phillis,
Adriagne, Deianire and Medea. Many others too I saw, but four women
especially who were most commended as examples in marriage, Penolope,
Lucrece, Alceste and Alcione. Youth, which led this company, took no
heed of me. (2460-2665.)
Then came Eld, leading a company not so great. Their music was low and
their dancing soft: they smiled, but they did not laugh aloud. There
was David with Bersabee, and Salomon with his wives and concubines,
Sampson with Dalida, and Aristotle with the queen of Greece; Virgil
also and Plato and Ovid the poet. (2665-2725.)
When this company was come to the place where I lay, they entreated
Venus for me, and even some of the younger band said that it was great
pity. Cupid came with Venus to me as I lay, and the lovers all pressed
round to see. Some said that love was folly in the old, and others that
no age could be free, and that while there was yet oil in the lamp, it
might always be set alight. Cupid groped after me till he found me, and
then he drew forth that fiery lance which before he had cast through
my heart, and Venus anointed my wound with a cooling ointment and gave
me a mirror in which I might behold myself. I saw my face wrinkled and
my eyes dim, and I likened myself to that time of year when winter has
despoiled the earth. Then Reason returned to me and I was made sober
and sound. (2726-2869.)
Venus beheld me, and laughing asked me what Love was. I answered with
confusion that I knew him not, and prayed that I might be excused from
my attendance on her Court. As touching my Confession too, I asked an
absolution, and the Priest gave it readily. Then the queen delivered
to me a pair of beads to hang about my neck, and on them was written
_Por reposer_ in gold. ‘Thus,’ said she, ‘have I provided for thine
ease, and my will is that thou pray for peace. Stay no more in my
Court, but go where moral virtue dwells, where are those books which
men say that thou hast written: thou and I must commune together never
again. [O]Adieu, for I must go from thee.’ And so enveloped in a starry
cloud, Venus was taken to her place above, and her Priest departed
also at the same time. I stood for a while amazed; and then I smiled,
thinking of the beads that she had given me and of the prayers that I
should say. And thus I took my way softly homeward. (2870-2970.)
To God, the Creator of all things, I pray for the welfare of this
land, and that it may have peace and unity, which every estate should
desire. I pray that the clergy may work after the rule of charity, that
the order of knighthood may cause extortion to cease and defend the
right of the Church, that merchants may follow honesty, and above all
that the king may keep himself and all the other estates of the kingdom
in the right way. The king who humbly follows the law of God shall be
blessed, and his name shall be remembered for ever. (2971-3105.)
I promised to make in English a book between play and earnest, and now
I ask that I may be excused for lack of curious skill. I have written
in rude plain words, as sickness and age would suffer me; and I pray my
lords that I may stand in their grace, for I desire to do pleasure to
those under whose rule I am. (3106-3137.)
And now my Muse bids me rest and write no more of love, which turns the
heart away from reason. Of this love then I take my final leave. But
that love which stands confirmed by charity, which may save the body
and amend the soul, such love may God send us, that in heaven our joy
may be without end. (3138-3172.)
iv. ORTHOGRAPHY AND PHONOLOGY.--In the remarks upon Gower’s language
which here follow there is no systematic completeness. Attention is
called to such points as seem to be important or interesting, reference
being made especially to the language of Chaucer, as dealt with in
B. ten Brink’s _Chaucers Sprache und Verskunst_ (second edition,
1899). It is necessary perhaps to remark here upon a difference of
procedure which distinguishes this investigation from those which
have for their object the text of Chaucer or of other writers whose
work is handed down to us in manuscripts which do not proceed from
the author himself. In such cases we have first to ascertain what the
author actually wrote, before we can draw any valid conclusions about
the laws of his language. It may even be necessary to restrict the
discussion to such forms as are authenticated by rhyme; but when we are
compelled to do this, we must remember that we are accepting a rather
dangerous limitation. The conclusions drawn from the rhyme-words of a
Middle English author will probably not be precisely applicable to his
language in general. The sphere of our investigations will be that in
which the licentious and exceptional is most likely to be found. If he
has any tendency to borrow from other dialects than his own or to use
irregular forms, this tendency will be most seen in his rhymes, for it
will probably be the exigencies of rhyme which suggest the variation.
Chaucer repeatedly uses ‘here,’ in the sense of the modern ‘her,’ to
rhyme with such words as ‘bere,’ ‘spere,’ but we should certainly not
be justified in concluding that this and not ‘hire’ was the normal
form of his language. Similarly in the case of Gower by examination of
his rhymes alone we might be led to many very doubtful results. For
example, we should gather that he almost always used the form _sinne_
rather than _senne_, _wile_ (verb) and not _wole_ or _wol_, _axe_ and
not _aske_, _sek_ (adj.) and never _sik_, _hond_ and never _hand_,
_couthe_ and never _coude_, _sente_ (pret.) rather than _sende_, the
adverb ending _-ly_ in preference to _-liche_ or _-lich_. In these
cases and in many others we might easily be misled, the forms of these
words as used in rhyme being determined chiefly by the comparative
frequency of the various rhyme-syllables. Most of the conclusions
above mentioned, and others like them, have in fact been arrived at
in a paper by K. Fahrenberg, published in the _Archiv für die neueren
Sprachen_, vol. 89. The author of this paper, having only Pauli’s text
before him, very properly confines himself to an examination of the
rhymes, and within these limits most of his results are sound enough;
but it would be very unsafe to treat them as generally applicable to
the language of Gower. In our case it must be understood that the
Fairfax manuscript is regarded (for reasons which will afterwards be
stated) as a practically accurate reproduction of the author’s original
text, and consequently the occurrence of a particular form in rhyme is
not held necessarily to be of any special significance.
ORTHOGRAPHY.--This being premised, we shall proceed to note first some
points which call for attention in the orthography of the text.
In describing the British Museum MS. Harl. 3869, Pauli takes
occasion to observe: ‘This copy is very remarkable on account of its
orthography, which has been carried through almost rigorously according
to simple and reasonable principles.’ This system he appears to
attribute to the copyist of the manuscript in question, but it is in
fact that of the author, the text being copied very faithfully from the
Fairfax manuscript itself. Pauli appears to have been repelled by the
outward appearance of this ‘small stout folio’ with its rather untidy
writing. He did not take the trouble to examine the Oxford copies; but
he seems to have perceived that its orthography was the same as that of
the Stafford manuscript, and this should have enlightened him. In fact,
if instead of taking Berthelette as his basis, he had simply printed
the text of the Harleian volume, there would hardly have been need of
another edition.
The orthography of the Fairfax text, first hand, confirmed as it is
in almost every particular by that of the Stafford manuscript, and
supported also by the testimony of others, more especially of MS.
Bodley 902, may be assumed to be that of the author; and it is well
worthy of our attention, for he evidently regarded exactness and
consistency in spelling as a matter of some importance.
We may observe in the first place that it was not Gower’s practice
to mark vowel-length by doubling the vowel. Naturally there are some
MSS. in which this is occasionally found, and in particular the third
hand of A gives _caas_, _paas_, _glaade_, _maade_, _saake_, _waas_,
_bee_, _breeþ_, _soo_, _aroos_, _moore_, _schoon_, _ooþer_, _toold_,
&c. with considerable frequency, while very many MSS. have _book_,
_look_, _took_, _oon_, _heere_, _mateere_, and some other forms of the
same kind; but this is not in accordance with the author’s rule. In
the Fairfax MS. the cases of doubled vowel are only occasional, except
in the instance of _good_, which is thus regularly distinguished from
_god_.
Of _oo_ there are very few cases except _good_. We have _oon_
about three times for _on_, and _blood_, _brood_, _cooste_,
_do_ (= doe), _foode_, _hool_, _schoo_, _too_ (= toe), _woot_,
in isolated instances. The doubling of _e_ is more frequent,
as _beere_, _cheeke_, _cleene_, _dee_ (pl. _dees_), _degree_,
_eem_, _eer_, _fee_, _feede_, _feer_, _feere_, _feet_,
_greene_, _meene_, _meete_, _pees_, _queene_, _scheete_, _see_
(subst.), _seene_, _slee_, _spreede_, _thee_, _tree_, _weer_,
_weere_, _wreeche_, _ȝee_, _ȝeer_, and a few more. Most of the
above words, however, and in general all others, are written
usually with a single vowel, and we have quite regularly (for
example) _ded_, _dede_, _drem_, _ek_, _fend_, _fre_, _gret_,
_hed_, _her_ (= hair), _lef_, _red_, _slep_, _bok_, _bon_,
_brod_, _fol_, _gon_, _hot_, _lok_, _non_, _schon_, _sone_
(soon), _tok_, _wok_, and so on. Where there is variation of
spelling in this respect, it is not felt to be a matter which
concerns the rhyme; for we have _weer_ : _pouer_, _pees_:
_reles_, _sene_ : _meene_, _there_ : _feere_, _good_ : _stod_,
_fode_ : _goode_, _do_ : _schoo_, &c., though sometimes the
spelling of the rhyme-words is evidently brought into harmony,
as _meene_ : _Almeene_, ii. 2465 f., _beere_ : _weere_, iv. 1323
f., _brood_ : _good_, v. 4375 f., _goode_ : _foode_, vii. 519
f. In a few cases however a phonetic distinction seems to be
intended, as when we find _eet_ as preterite of _ete_, and
_beere_ (also _bere_) pret. plur. of _beren_.
_Maii_ (the month) is regularly written with _ii_, but rhymes
with _mai_, _gay_, &c.
The doubling of final consonants, apparently to indicate vowel
shortness, is more common, as in _all_, _bladd_, _charr_, _hadd_,
_happ_, _madd_, _bedd_, _fedd_, _fett_, _spedd_, _bitt_, _bridd_,
_chidd_, _godd_, _rodd_, beside _al_, _char_, _had_, _hap_, _mad_,
_bed_, _fet_, &c.
The doubling of _s_ in a final tone syllable seems to have no
such significance, as in _Achilles_ : _press_, iv. 2161 f., but
_Ulixes_ : _pres_, iv. 147 f., so _natheles_ : _encress_, _pes_:
_encress_, in all of which the vowel must be long.
One of the most noteworthy points of the orthography is the frequent
use of _ie_ in tonic syllables for close _ē_. This appears in French
words such as _achieve_, _appiere_, _chief_, _chiere_, _clier_,
_grieve_, _matiere_, _messagier_, _pier_, &c. (also in many of these
cases _e_, as _chere_, _cler_, _matere_), but it is very commonly used
also in words of English origin and seems invariably to be associated
with the close sound of the vowel. Thus we have _hiede_, _spriede_,
_lief_ (but _levere_), _sieke_, _diel_, _stiel_, _whiel_, _dieme_,
_sieme_, _diere_, _fiere_ (= company), _hiere_ (adv.), _hiere_ (verb),
_liere_, _stiere_, and others, which have in most cases the alternative
spelling with _e_, as _hede_, _sprede_, _seke_, _del_, _stel_, _whel_,
_deme_, _seme_, &c., but in all of which the vowel has the close sound.
It is impossible here to discuss the question how far this habit of
spelling may have been introduced by analogy from French words with
a similar sound of the vowel, and how far it may have grown out the
Kentish use of _ie_, _ye_ for O. E. _ēo_, _ē_, _īe_. Reference may
be made to the remarks in the Introduction to the volume of Gower’s
French Works, p. xxi, where it is suggested that _ie_, having lost its
value as a diphthong in later Anglo-Norman, came to be regarded as a
traditional symbol in many cases for close _ē_, and hence such forms as
_clier_, _clief_, _pier_, _prophiete_, &c., and as regards _ie_ in the
Kentish dialect there is a useful statement in the paper by W. Heuser,
_Zum Kentischen Dialekt im Mittelenglischen_, published in _Anglia_,
xvii, 78 ff.
In any case the fact is pretty clear that this variation was confined
by Gower to words in which he gave to the vowel a close sound, and it
is therefore useful as a distinguishing note, though there are few
words in which this is the only form of spelling.
Both in stems of words and in their terminations _i_ is on the whole
preferred to _y_, so that we have _crie_, _hide_, _lif_, _like_,
_mile_, _ride_, &c. more usually than _crye_, _hyde_, &c. (but perhaps
_y_ more often after _m_, _n_, as _knyht_, _myhte_, _nyht_), and also
_arrai_, _mai_, _dai_, _hardi_, _ladi_, _worþi_, _mi_, _thi_, more
often on the whole than _array_, _may_, &c., but _-ly_ in adverbs more
often than _-li_.
In some few cases it seems that a distinction is pretty consistently
made, as between _wryte_ (inf.) and _write_ (past participle), and
perhaps between _wite_ (know) and _wyte_ (blame).
Before _gh_ followed by _t_ we find _a_, _o_ almost regularly in place
of _au_, _ou_. Thus we have _aghte_, _straghte_, _taghte_, _boghte_,
_broghte_, _doghter_, _noght_, _oghte_, _oght_, _soghte_, _wroghte_,
&c., but occasionally _broughte_, _doughter_, _ought_, &c. Beside
some of these there are forms in which _au_ (_aw_), _ou_ (_ow_) are
written, but followed by simple _h_, as _strawhte_, _tawhte_, _douhter_
(_dowhter_).
There is no difference between _-oun_ and _-on_ as terminations
of such French words as _divisioun_, _complexioun_, &c.,
but _-oun_ is much the more usual form[P]. Where they occur
in rhyme, the rhyme-words are usually assimilated to one
another in form of spelling, but sometimes _-oun_, _-on_
rhyme together, as _division_ : _doun_, ii. 1743 f., _toun_:
_condicion_, v. 2551, _constellacioun_ : _relacion_, vi. 2253 f.
In the case of _an_ followed by a consonant in a tone-syllable
the variation to _aun_ seems to be merely a question of
spelling, and we have such rhymes as _chaunce_ : _remembrance_,
ii. 893 f., _demande_ : _comaunde_, iv. 2794, _supplanted_:
_enchaunted_, ii. 2491, _covenant_ : _supplaunt_, ii. 2367. In
the French terminations _-ance_, _-ant_, the simple form is
decidedly preferred (but _governaunce_ : _porveaunce_, Prol. 187
f., _graunt_ : _amblaunt_, ii. 1505 f.), and so also in many
other words, as _change_, _strange_, _comande_, _demande_,
_supplante_ (also _comaunde_, _supplaunte_). In other cases
_au_ is either the usual or the only form, as _daunce_,
_daunte_, _enchaunte_, _haunte_, _sclaundre_.
With regard to the consonants, it should be observed that Gower
consistently wrote _sch_ for _sh_ initially, so that we have regularly
_schal_, _schape_, _sche_, _schewe_, _schip_, _schrifte_, and also
_lordschipe_, _worschipe_, &c.[Q], in other places usually _ssh_,
as _bisshop_ (also _bisschop_), _buissh_, _fissh_, _fleissh_ (also
_fleisch_), _freissh_, _reisshe_, _wisshe_.
The almost regular use of _h_ for _gh_ in such words as _hih_, _nyh_,
_sih_, _kniht_, _liht_, _miht_, _niht_, _heihte_, _sleihte_, &c. will
be spoken of later.
Gower did not use _ȝ_ for _h_ or _gh_. Such forms as _miȝte_, _riȝt_,
_uȝte_, _wrouȝt_, are practically unknown in the best MSS. (F has
_nouȝt_ once.) On the other hand initially in such words as _ȝe_,
_ȝer_, _ȝive_ (_forȝive_), _ȝong_, &c., _ȝ_ is regularly used. Only
late and inferior MSS. have _y_. In regard to this letter Gower’s
usage is exactly the reverse of that which we find in the _Ayenbite of
Inwyt_. We have _þ_ for _th_ regularly except in the case of a capital
letter being required, as at the beginning of a line, or in connexion
with some foreign words and names as _thalemans_, _thevangile_,
_rethorique_, _Athemas_, _Anthenor_, _Thebith_. Cases of _th_ for _þ_
in ordinary English words are very rare in F (but i. 2890, v. 2319,
vii. 4203).
In some words there is an interchange of _c_ and _s_, as
_decerte_, _pourchace pourchase_, _service servise_, _rancoun_,
_suffice suffise_, _sufficant_, &c., and the French termination
_-esse_ is also spelt _-esce_, as _largesse largesce_,
_simplesce simplesse_; so also _encresce_, _redresce_, &c.
In such points the orthography of Romance words is usually
in accordance with that which we find in the author’s French
writings, in which also are found such etymological forms as
_deceipte_, _doubte_.
Before quitting the general subject, we ought to note certain words
of common occurrence which are spelt not quite in the usual way. The
author regularly writes _bot_ for _but_, _be_ for _by_, when used as
a preposition and unemphatic, _ous_ for _us_ (pers. pron.), _noght_
for _not_ (_not_ being used for _ne wot_). Some forms of proper names,
as _Habraham_, _Irahel_, are characteristic. In these points, as in
many others, the writer evidently followed a definite system, and in
spite of the variations recorded, the orthography of the Fairfax and
Stafford MSS. certainly conveys to the reader the general impression of
regularity and consistency.
PHONOLOGY. (1) O. E. SHORT VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.
O. E. =a=, =æ=, =ea=. In the case of _a_ (_o_) before a lengthening nasal
combination, _ld_, _nd_, _mb_, _ng_, &c., we may note that though
_hond_, _honde_, _hondes_ are preferred, as by Chaucer, yet _hand_,
_handes_ pretty frequently occur, as i. 2, 1807, 2994, ii. 574, iii.
116, v. 1505, &c. (also _handle_, iii. 1956, v. 1949), and that without
any necessity of rhyme. In fact _hand_ seems to be rather preferred
except in rhyme. Contrary to what is apparently Chaucer’s usage we find
_thonk_, _thonke_ as the regular forms in Gower, and only occasionally
_thank_, as ii. 60, 2012. This may be due to the Kentish tendency to
lengthen before _nk_, which perhaps was pronounced nearly as _ng_ (see
Morsbach, _Mittelengl. Gramm._, p. 128), and in this connexion we may
note the fact that the Fairfax MS. twice has _þong_ for _þonk_. On
the other hand there is no definite trace of the principle which has
been discovered in some of the Kentish texts of lengthening before
these combinations when a vowel follows, while preserving _a_ when the
consonant group ends the word, _honde_, _stonde_, _þonke_, &c., but
_hand_, _stand_, _þank_[R]. Gower uses _handes_ as well as _hand_,
and interchanges _hange_ and _honge_, _sang_ and _song_, according to
convenience.
Note that _upon_ rhymes freely with _on_ (= one), _anon_,
_gon_, &c., but the supposed rhyme _on_ (_ăn_) : _mone_, i.
2179, noted by Fahrenberg, is really _one_ (_ān_) : _mone_.
In some cases of original _ǣ_ shortened to _æ_ Gower prefers
_e_ to _a_, as _eny_, only occasionally _any_, _eddre_ beside
_addre_, but _lesse_, _ledde_ only for the sake of rhyme.
_ea_ before _h_ becomes _ī_ in _sih_ (from _seah_, _sæh_, pret. of
_sēon_), which in Gower is the usual form of the word, _æg_ forms _ai_
(_ay_), as in _dai_, _lay_, _mai_, _fain_, _slain_, and other _ai_
forms, which are not interchangeable with _ei_ (but _said_ with variant
_seid_ by influence of _seie_).
O. E. =e=. When we are dealing with so careful a rhymer as Gower,
we need hardly remark upon the absolute distinction made between
_ę̄_ derived from O. E. _ĕ_ and _ẹ̄_ of whatever origin. The case
of _skiereþ_ : _hiereþ_, cited by Fahrenberg as an instance of the
opposite, cannot be regarded as a real exception, in view of the
uncertain derivation of _skiere_. His other cases of supposed _ę_ : _ẹ_
are instances of the pret. pl. _spieke_ (_speke_), from _sprǣcon_, as
_spieke_ : _beseke_, ii. 959, _sieke_ : _spieke_, ii. 1455. One is
doubtful, viz. _seke_ : _mispeke_, ii. 2007, where _mispeke_ may be
pret. subjunctive; and besides these, _undergete_ : _flete_, ii. 1133
f. is irregular.
There is, however, also a well-marked distinction between new-lengthened
_ę̄_ in words like _trede_, _stede_, _bere_, _spere_, &c., _forȝete_,
_gete_, _begete_ (inf. and partic.), _mete_ (subst.), &c., and _ę̄_
from _ǣ_ or _ēa_, the distinction being due presumably to imperfect
lengthening. With the first class rank also words in which _e_ is
derived from O. E. _y_ in open syllables, as _lere_ (loss) from O. E.
_lyre_, _stere_ (stir) from _styrian_, _dede_ (pret.) from _dyde_, and
also _e_ in _answere_.
Thus we find the following quite distinct sets of rhymes:
_bede_, _forbede_ (past participles), _bede_ (subst.), _dede_
(pret. = did), _stede_ (stead), _trede_, forming one class
and rhyming together, while they are kept entirely apart from
_threde_, _drede_, _dede_ (= dead), _rede_, pl. adj. (= red),
which have _ę̄_ from _ēa_ or _ǣ_. On the other hand, _bede_
the pret. plur. of _bidde_ (from _bǣdon_) rhymes with _dede_
(dead), e.g. i. 2047.
So also _answere_, _bere_ (subst.), _bere_ (verb inf.),
_forbere_, _dere_ (destroy), _lere_ (loss), _stere_ (stir),
_bestere_, _swere_ (verb), _tere_ (verb), _were_ (wear),
_were_ (defend), form one class of rhyme-words as against
_ere_, _fere_ (fear), _there_, _were_ (from _wǣron_), &c. But
_eere_ (verb) from _erian_ rhymes with _there_, v. 819 f., and
_scheres_ with _teres_, v. 5691. The case of _bere_ rhyming
with _were_ (from _wǣron_), i. 2795 f., vii. 1795 f., is not an
exception to the rule, being the preterite plural, from _bǣron_.
Another group is _chele_, _fele_ (many), _hele_ (cover),
_stele_, _wele_, as against _hele_ (heal), _dele_, &c.: but we
find _hele_ (_hǣlo_) : _hele_ (_helan_), iii. 2755 f.
Again we have _ete_, _gete_ (inf. and partic.), _begete_,
_forȝete_, _mete_ (meat), _sete_ (past partic.), kept apart
from _grete_ (great), _bete_ (beaten), _strete_, _tete_, _lete_
(_lǣtan_), _swete_ (verb, = sweat), _threte_, _whete_, &c.
It may be noted that _beȝete_ (subst.) belongs to the class
_grete_, _bete_, &c.
There is every reason to suppose that the same distinction
would hold with other endings, in the case of which no
sufficient rhyme-test is forthcoming, as _breke_, _speke_
(inf.), _wreke_ (inf. and past partic.), which have no other
words with _ę̄_ with which they could be rhymed, _eke_, _seke_,
_meke_, &c., all having _ẹ̄_.
On the whole we may say that this distinction is very carefully
kept in Gower’s rhymes, and must certainly indicate a difference of
pronunciation.
The adverb _wel_, also written _wiel_, has a double sound, as in
Chaucer, either _ę̄_ or _ẹ̄_, rhyming with _del_ (_diel_), _stiel_,
_whiel_, &c., and also with _naturel_, _Daniel_, and the substantive
_wel_ for _wele_.
_eg_ forms _ei_, which is often interchangeable with _ai_, as _seie_,
_leie_, _weie_, _aȝein_.
O. E. =i=. There is nothing in Gower’s rhymes to lend support to the
theory that _i_ from O. E. _ĭ_ in open syllables (i.e. before a single
consonant followed by a vowel), as in the past participles _write_,
_drive_, _schrive_, and the infinitives _ȝive_, _wite_, is of doubtful
quantity. The past participle and plural preterite _write_ have _ĭ_
and rhyme with _wite_ (know), while the infinitive _wryte_ rhymes with
_wyte_ (blame), verb and substantive: the infinitives _live_, _ȝive_,
_forȝive_ and the participles _drive_, _ȝive_, _schrive_, &c. rhyme
among themselves and not with _schryve_ (inf.), _alyve_, _fyve_: the
short vowel words _wile_ (verb), _skile_, _bile_ are separate from
_wyle_ (subst.), _whyle_, _ile_, &c. This would not be worth mentioning
but for ten Brink’s argument (_Chaucers Sprache_, §§ 35, 325), based on
the very smallest positive evidence.
_hire_ (_hir_) is used regularly for the personal and possessive
pronoun of the third person sing. fem. (= her), and never _here_, as is
Chaucer’s usage in rhyme.
_cherche_ is Gower’s regular form from _cirice_, but _chirche_ is
common in the orthography of the _Praise of Peace_, e.g. 197, 210, 225,
&c., beside _cherche_, 232, 254.
O. E. =o=. _wolde_, _scholde_, _golde_, _molde_ rhyme with _tolde_,
_holde_, _colde_, &c., but in open syllables a distinction is observed
(as in the case of _e_) between new-lengthened _ǭ_ and _ǭ_ from
O. E. _ā_, so that _tofore_, _before_, _therfore_, _score_ and the
participles _bore_, _forbore_, _lore_, _schore_, _swore_ are kept
separate in rhyme from such words as _hore_, _more_, _lore_ (subst.),
_ore_, _rore_, _sore_, to which later group should be added _More_
(Moor), and the Romance verb _restore_[S]. This distinction seems to
be recognized by Chaucer, cp. _Troilus_, v. 22-26, but with a good
many exceptions, as _Legend of Good Women_, 452 f., 550 f., 1516 f.,
_Cant. Tales_, A 1541 f., 3237 f., &c., chiefly, but not exclusively,
in the case of _more_. Gower is very much stricter and allows very few
exceptions (_overmore_ : _tofore_, i. 3361 f., _nomore_ : _therfore_,
vii. 3279* f., _more_ : _therfore_, vii. 3869 f., _more_ : _fore_,
viii. 991 f.), which must be regarded as imperfect rhymes. Considering
the frequency with which words of these two classes occur in rhyme, it
is remarkable that the distinction should be so well kept.
We may note that _bowe_ (subst.) from _boga_ rhymes with words like
_knowe_, in which _ow_ is from _āw_.
O. E. =u=. In some words _o_ and _u_ interchange, as _begonne
begunne_, _conne cunne_, _coppe cuppe_, _dronkeschipe drunkeschipe_,
_further forther_, _ronne (over)runne_, _sonne sunne_, _thurgh
thorgh(soght)_, _tonge tunge_, _tonne tunne_, &c., but we have
without variation, _bole_, _hunger_, _note_ (nut), _some_, _under_,
_wonder_, &c. The regular rhyme _under_ : _wonder_ is enough to show
that the sound was the same.
_love_, _above_ rhyme together and not with any other word. (For the
rhyme at v. 7047 f., see under =ō=.)
_sone_ (from _sunu_), _wone_ (custom), _astone_, rhyme only with one
another: in the rhyme _wones_ : _ones_, which occurs iv. 2217 f., viii.
611 f., we have to do of course with a different word.
_dore_ (_door_) rhymes with _spore_ and _dore_ (subjunctive of _dar_),
_bole_ with _wole_ (verb).
O. E. =y=. This is usually represented by _e_ (except before _h_,
_gh_), e.g. _abegge_, _berie_, _berthe_, _besy_, _bregge_, _dede_
(did), _evel_, _felle_ (also _fille_), _felthe_, _ferst_, _fest_,
_hell_ (also _hill_, _hull_), _ken_ (also _kin_), _kende_ (usually
_kinde_), _kesse_ (also _kisse_), _knette_, _krepel_, _lere_, _lest_
(listen), _lest_ (= pleases, also _list_), _mende_ (also _minde_),
_merie_, _merthe_, _pet_ (also _pitt_, _put_), _scherte_, _schetten_,
_senne_ (also _sinne_), _stere_ (stir), _thenke_ (from _þyncan_),
_werche_ (also _worche_), _werse_ (also _worse_): to these must be
added _hedde_, _hed_, pret. and past partic. of _hyde_, in which
original _ȳ_ was shortened (also _hidde_, _hid_). On the other hand,
we have _gilt_ (also _gult_), _gultif_, _lifte_ (sky), _stinten_ (not
_stenten_), _thinne_ (not _thenne_), _thurste_, _wierdes_. Gower does
not use the forms _birthe_, _bisy_, _dide_ (did), _mirie_, _mirthe_,
_stire_.
The results obtained for certain words from rhymes by Fahrenberg[T]
are rather misleading. For example, he suggests the conclusion that
_fille_ (subst.) and _fulfille_ are used with _i_ only, but of the
nineteen instances which he quotes, all but two are in rhyme with
_wille_, a natural combination (at least for _fulfille_), and one which
has determined the form in most cases. Apart from this, both _felle_
(subst.) and _fulfelle_ are found (_felle_ in rhyme, iii. 2609).
Again, _senne_ is much more common than would appear from the rhymes.
Fahrenberg can quote only one instance in rhyme, as against twenty-nine
of _sinne_, but this is certainly due to the greater frequency of the
words (such as _beginne_, _winne_, &c.), which give rhymes to _sinne_.
The word occurs seven times in the Prologue, once it is in rhyme,
_Sinne_ : _inne_, and of the other six instances five are of _senne_
and one only of _sinne_. On the other hand, _hell_ (from _hyll_) alone
appears in rhyme, but _hill_ or _hull_ are commoner forms in use.
The mistakes tell both ways, but on the whole the conclusion that _i_
is much commoner than _e_ in these words is seriously incorrect.
For the use in rhyme of the words of this class with open tone
syllable, as _stere_, _lere_ (from _lyre_), see under =e=.
(2) O. E. LONG VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.
O. E. =ā=. The _ǭ_ of _hom_ rhymes, as in Chaucer, with the _ọ̄_ of
the preterites _com_, _nom_, and also _fom_ with _nom_, v. 4007. These
must be regarded as imperfect rhymes, due to the want of strictly
correct rhyme-words. Gower has regularly _most_ (O. E. _māst_) and
but once in rhyme _mest_ (O. E. _mǣst_), _lest_ : _althermest_, i.
3101 f.: also regularly _oght_, _noght_, and _oghte_ (verb), but
_tawht_ : _awht_, i. 2770, and _aghte_ : _betaghte_, viii. 747.
O. E. =ǣ=. This, when representing West-Germanic _ā_, Gothic _ē_,
appeared as _ē_ in the Old Anglian and Kentish dialects, and might
naturally be expected to be sometimes close _e_ in the language of
Chaucer and Gower. It is well known that Chaucer uses many of the words
which have this vowel in a variable manner.
The same is true to some extent also in words where the original _ǣ_
corresponds to Germanic _ai_, and in which we find Old Kentish _ē_. Of
these _leden_, _clene_, _menen_, _leeren_ appear in Chaucer sometimes
with _ẹ̄_ (and _evere_, _nevere_ always). For these and some other
cases see ten Brink, _Chaucers Sprache_, § 25.
When we compare Chaucer’s usage with that which we find in our author,
we find what our former experience has prepared us to expect, viz. a
greater strictness and regularity of usage in Gower. The examples of
fluctuation between the two sounds are comparatively few.
Taking first the words in which _ē_ is from _ǣ_ corresponding
to West-Germanic _ā_, we find the following with _ę̄_:
_bede_ (pret. pl.), from _bǣdon_, (_dede_ : _bede_, i. 2047 f.).
_breth_ (: _deth_, i. 119, 2127, &c.).
_fere_, ‘fear,’ (: _ere_, i. 462, ii. 46).
_her_, ‘hair,’ (_heres_ : _teres_, i. 2999).
_lete_, from _lǣtan_, (: _grete_, i. 3365, &c.).
_lewed_ (: _thewed_, i. 274, _beschrewed_, iii. 479).
_sete_, pret. pl., (_sete_ : _grete_, iv. 1309), but _siete_
(not in rhyme), v. 3339.
_strete_ (: _grete_, i. 938, _bete_, i. 1156).
_there_ (: _ere_, i. 499, 558, &c.), but also _there_ : _swere_
(neck), iv. 859, and _hiere_ (adv.) : _there_, _Praise of
Peace_, 178.
_were_, from _wǣron_, (: _ere_, Prol. 235, i. 2808, &c.), but
also _ẹ̄_ in a few instances, as _hiere_ (verb) : _were_, i.
2741 f., _hiere_ (adv.): _were_, v. 747 f.
_where_ (e.g. _elleswhere_ : _eere_, Prol. 9), but _here_
(adv.): _elleswhere_, v. 361 f.
The substantive and verb _red_, _rede_ rhyme about equally with
_ẹ̄_ and _ę̄_, the latter cases being almost all with _ded_,
_dede_ (dead, sing. and pl.), as i. 1446, iv. 1940, 1960, &c. On
the other hand, _rede_ : _hiede_, i. 447 f., _rede_ : _spede_, i.
1293 f., ii. 103 f., &c., _red_ : _sped_, iii. 1991 f.
The following words of this class have as a rule _ẹ̄_:
_cheke_ (_chieke_) (: _mieke_, v. 2471, _eke_, v. 3019).
_dede_, ‘deed,’ (: _fede_, Prol. 465, _mede_, i. 1553, &c.,
_spede_, i. 2653, &c., _ȝede_, ii. 855, _forbiede_, iii. 1122),
but _dede_ (dead) : _dede_, i. 1037 f.
_drede_ (: _nede_, i. 1987, 2240[U], : _spede_, iv.
629, : _hiede_, iv. 1448, &c.), but _dede_ (dead) : _drede_,
ii. 3405 f., _drede_ : _rede_ (from _rēad_), iv. 185 f.
_leche_ (: _seche_, ii. 3220, _beseche_, iii. 413).
_meete_, ‘dream,’ (: _meete_, from _mētan_, iii. 51).
_mete_ (_unmete_), adj. (: _mete_, from _mētan_, ii. 458, iii.
1100).
_slep_, _slepe_, subst. and verb, (_kepe_ : _slepe_, Prol. 309
f., 475 f., _slep_ : _kep_, i. 155, &c.), but _slep_ : _hep_
(_hēap_), iv. 3007 f.
_speche_ (_spieche_) (: _seche_, Prol. 174, _beseche_, i. 1986).
_spieke_ (_speke_), from _sprǣcon_, pret. pl. (: _beseke_, ii.
959, _sieke_, ii. 1456).
_thred_ (: _sped_, i. 1419).
_ȝer_, _ȝere_, (_ȝere_ : _stiere_, ii. 2379, _ȝer_ : _hier_,
iii. 129, _ȝeeres_ : _pleiefieres_, iv. 481), with no instances
apparently of _ę̄_.
If we take now the words in which _ē_ is from _ǣ_ corresponding
to Germanic _ai_, we obtain the following results.
With _ę̄_:
_er_ (: _ner_, ii. 2285).
_geth_ (: _deth_, ii. 1804, 2616, &c.).
_lene_, ‘lend,’ (: _bene_, v. 4407).
_leve_, ‘remain,’ (: _bereve_, Prol. 412).
_se_ (_see_), ‘sea,’ (: _stree_, iii. 86, iv. 1715, _sle_, iv.
1664), but _be_ : _se_, iv. 1625 f., _me_ : _see_, viii. 1723 f.
_ȝe_ (_ȝee_), ‘yea,’ (: _slee_, iii. 262, 2068, _stree_, iii.
668).
(_stre_, _slee_, have no _ẹ̄_ rhymes, so we have no reason to
suppose, as in the case of Chaucer, that final _ē_ has a close
sound.)
With _ẹ̄_:
_areche_, from _ārǣcan_, (: _beseche_, ii. 666).
_clene_ (: _sene_, ii. 3461).
_del_ (_diel_), _somdiel_, &c. (: _whiel_, Prol. 137, _stiel_,
Prol. 612, 828).
_evere_, _nevere_, (: _levere_, Prol. 38, ii. 5, ii. 2417, &c.).
_-hede_ (_-hiede_) as a suffix: _hiede_ : _godhiede_, Prol.
497 f., cp. i. 1211 f., 1719 f., v. 595 f., viii. 95 f.,
_mede_ : _wommanhiede_, iii. 1607 f., _wommanhiede_ : _fiede_,
vi. 695 f., _maidenhede_ : _spede_, vii. 5145 f., viii. 1419 f.,
and so on, but once _ę̄_, _Maidenhede_ : _rede_ (from _rēad_), v.
5987.
_hete_, subst. and verb, ‘heat,’ (: _swete_, ‘sweet,’ ii. 2740,
vi. 249), but _hete_ : _tobete_, iii. 121 f., _hete_ : _bete_,
viii. 1195 f.
_lede_ (: _hiede_, v. 156, : _fede_, vii. 2336*), but _dede_
(dead) : _lede_, ii. 2779 f.
_lere_ (_liere_), from _lǣran_, (: _hiere_, verb, i. 454, iii.
2204, v. 2029, _diere_, viii. 1462, _hiere_ (adv.), viii. 1497,
_unliered_ : _stiered_, Prol. 233 f.).
_mene_ (_meene_), verb, (: _sene_, ii. 2830, iv. 1645, _wene_,
i. 1937, &c., _grene_, i. 777, &c., _tene_, iii. 771, _queene_,
iv. 786).
_sprede_ (_spriede_) (: _fede_, i. 2824, _spede_, ii. 504,
_spredeth_ : _nedeth_, v. 7679 f., _feedeth_, vi. 895 f.), but
_sprede_ : _hede_ (head), vii. 845 f.
_teche_ (: _beseche_, i. 590, 2260, iii. 132).
The above are the results arrived at by examination of the rhymes
with vowels of undoubted quality; i.e. _ę̄_ from O. E. _ēa_, and _ẹ̄_
from O. E. _ē_, _ēo_, _īe_. In addition to this, an investigation has
been made of the rhyming of these words among themselves and with
words of Romance origin, in the process of which some additional words
with _ē_ from _ǣ_, as _dele_, _hele_, _swete_, ‘sweat,’ _wete_, are
brought in. This cannot here be given in full, but it may be said that
in almost all points it confirms the results arrived at above. A few
words, however, to which an open vowel is assigned above, rhyme with
other words from _ǣ_ which almost certainly have _ẹ̄_, and therefore
must be set as having unstable pronunciation. Thus, in spite of the
rhyme _lene_ (lend) : _bene_ mentioned above, we have _lene_ : _mene_
(both verb and subst.) and _lene_ : _clene_, and though _fere_
rhymes more than once with _ere_, we have _lered_ : _afered_ and
_unlered_ : _afered_, which suggest that the close sound was possible.
On the whole we may set down the following as the result of our
examination.
With open vowel: of the _ǣ_ (_ē_) class, _bede_, pret. pl., _breth_,
_her_ (pl. _heres_), _lete_, _lewed_, _strete_: of the _ā_ = _ai_
class, _er_, _geth_, _leve_ (remain), _ȝee_ (yea).
With close vowel: of the former class, _leche_, _meete_ (dream),
_mete_ (fit), _slepe_, _speche_, _speke_, pret. pl., _thred_, _wete_,
_wreche_, _ȝer_, and with one exception only in each case _dede_,
_slep_: of the latter class, _areche_, _clene_, _del_, _evere_, _lere_,
_mene_, _nevere_, _teche_, and with one exception in each case, _-hede_
(_-hiede_), _lede_, _sprede_.
With unstable vowel: from _ǣ_ (_ē_), _drede_, _eve_, _fere_ (fear),
_red_ (subst.), _rede_, _there_, _were_, _where_: from _ǣ_ = _ai_,
_hete_, _lene_, _see_ (sea).
The conclusions to which we are led are, first that in Gower’s usage
there is less instability of vowel-sound in these words than in
Chaucer, the number of words with unstable vowel being smaller and the
variations even in their case more exceptional; secondly that Gower’s
language has a strongly pronounced leaning towards _ẹ̄_; and finally
that this tendency is quite as much visible in the words of the _ǣ_ =
_ai_ class as in the others.
O. E. =ēa=. The substantive _believe_ has _ẹ̄_ by influence of the verb.
There is no use apparently of _nę̄de_ from _nēad_ or of _ȝę̄r_ from
_gēar_, and _ek_, _eke_, seems invariably to have _ẹ̄_.
From _ēage_, _flēah_, _hēah_, _nēah_ we have _yhe_, _flyh_, _hih_,
_nyh_.
There seems no reason to suppose that _stre_, _sle_ had _ẹ̄_, as
has been concluded for Chaucer’s language because of such rhymes as
_sle_ : _he_, _stre_ : _she_, _stree_ : _we_, see ten Brink, _Chaucers
Sprache_, §23.
It has already been shown that _see_ (sea), which we have supposed to
have unstable vowel quality, very seldom rhymes with words having _ẹ̄_,
notwithstanding the frequent opportunity for such rhymes, and _ȝee_,
‘yea,’ never. It may be questioned whether the rule laid down by ten
Brink for Chaucer is a sound one, and whether Chaucer’s practice does
not really depend simply upon the larger supply of rhymes in _ẹ̄_, such
as _he_, _she_, _me_, _thee_, _be_, _se_ (verb), _tre_, _three_, &c. It
is at least possible that the difference here between Gower and Chaucer
arises from the fact that the latter was less strict in his rhymes, and
certainly the later developments of _sle_, _see_, _stre_, _ȝee_ supply
no confirmation of the idea that they had _ẹ̄_ regularly in Chaucer’s
language.
O. E. =ēo=. By the side of _sek_ (_siek_) there is occasionally _sik_.
The form _fil_, _fille_ for _fell_, _felle_, pret. sing. and pl. from
_falle_, are not used by Gower. He rhymes _fell_ (_fēoll_) : _hell_
(_hyll_) and _felle_, pret. pl.: _felle_ (_fyllan_).
The personal pronoun _ȝow_ (_ȝou_) from _ēow_ rhymes with _thou_,
_now_, &c.
O. E. =ī=. Fahrenberg’s instances of _ī_ : _ē_, i. 177 f. and iii. 413
f., are both founded on mistakes.
O. E. =ū=. The personal pronoun from O. E. _ūs_ is always written
_ous_, but rhymes in some instances with _-us_ in Latin names, e.g.
_Tricolonius_ : _ous_, _Tereüs_ : _ous_.
_būtan_ is shortened to _bot_, not _but_. It occurs also as a
dissyllable in the form _bote_.
O. E. =ȳ=. The only example of _ȳ_ as _ē_ is _fer_ from _fȳr_, which
occurs in rhyme with _ȝer_, iii. 694, (elsewhere _fyr_). Chaucer has
_fere_, dat., rhyming with _here_, adv., _Troilus_, iii. 978, and also
_afere_ in rhyme with _stere_, ‘stir,’ _Troilus_, i. 229.
The cases of _hedde_, _hed_, pret. and past participle (from _hȳdan_),
are examples of shortened _ȳ_ passing naturally to _e_, and so also
_fest_ from _fȳst_, _felthe_ from _fȳlþe_, _threste_ from _þrȳsta_.
From _ȳg_ in _drȳge_ we have _dreie_, but also _drye_.
O. E. =ō=. Gower, like Chaucer, rhymes the word _do_ (_misdo_, _undo_,
&c.), and occasionally _to_ in _therto_, with words that have _ǭ_
derived from _ā_, not only _so_, _also_, _two_, _wo_, but also _tho_,
adv. (i. 2609, iii. 683, v. 5331, &c.), _go_, _ago_ (ii. 2483, 3513,
iv. 1161, 3465, v. 5173, &c.), _overmo_ (i. 2385), _no_ (v. 4776),
_fo_ (iv. 3407). These words also rhyme with proper names, such as
_Juno_, _Lichao_, Babio. The other forms of _do_, as _doth_, _don_,
rhyme nearly always with _ọ̄_, but once we have _doth_ : _goth_, v.
3967 f., and once _don_ : _anon_, v. 3627 f. The rhyme _soth_ : _goth_
also occurs, v. 1579 f. This latter class of rhyme, as _don_ : _anon_,
_don_ : _gon_, _sothe_ : _bothe_, _soth_ : _wroth_, occurs frequently
in Chaucer’s earlier work, as the _Book of the Duchess_, but much less
so in the later.
These rhymes, like those of _hom_ with _com_, &c., noticed above under
_ā_, are to be explained as due to scarcity of exactly corresponding
rhyme words. The only exact rhyme for _do_ and _to_ is in fact _schoo_,
which is found in Prol. 356, but obviously could not be of frequent
occurrence. The explanation given by ten Brink, _Chaucers Sprache_, §
31, and repeated mechanically by others, is that certain words which
have _ǭ_ from _ā_, as _wo_, _two_, _so_ (_swā_), may equally have _ọ̄_
upon occasion owing to the influence of _w_. This is shown to be wrong
both by the fact that the rhymes in question are, as we have seen, by
no means confined to these words, and by the absence of other evidence
in the case of _wo_ and _so_ that they ever had a tendency to _ọ̄_. The
fact that the rhyme _do_ : _so_ is by far the commonest instance is due
simply to the more frequent occasion for using the words.
In the rhyme _glove_ : _love_, v. 7047 f., we have to deal with _ọ̄_,
and there can be no question here of _love_ from _lufian_. Both sense
and rhyme point to a verb _love_ corresponding to the substantive _lof_
or _love_, mod. _luff_, and signifying the action of bringing a ship’s
head up nearer to the wind. The other rhymes used with _glove_ are
_behove_, Prol. 357, _prove_, iii. 2153.
We may note that _wowe_ from _wōgian_ rhymes with _bowe_ (_būgan_), which
does not fit in with ten Brink’s very questionable theory about the
development of _ou_ (_ow_), _Chaucers Sprache_, § 46, Anm.
(3) ROMANCE VOWELS. A few notes only will be added here to what has
already been said in the Introduction to Gower’s French Works.
Words with _-oun_ (_-on_) ending, as _condicioun_ (_-on_), _opinioun_
(_-on_), &c., rhyme only among themselves or with _toun_, _doun_,
&c. There are no rhymes like Chaucer’s _proporcion_ : _upon_, and it
is to be noted especially that the rhyming of proper names in _-on_,
as _Salamon_, _Acteon_, &c., with this class of words, which is very
common in Chaucer, does not occur in Gower’s English, though we
occasionally find it in his French. At the same time the possibility of
such rhymes cannot be denied, for we have _toun_ : _Ylioun_, v. 7235
f., and _Lamedon_ : _Jasoun_, v. 7197 f.
Adjectives in _-ous_ do not rhyme with _-us_, as in Chaucer
_Aurelius_ : _amorous_, _Theseüs_ : _desirous_.
The terminations _-arie_, _-orie_ are not used at all, but instead of
them the French forms _-aire_, _-oire_, as _adversaire_, _contraire_,
_necessaire_, _gloire_, _histoire_, _memoire_, _purgatoire_,
_victoire_. Latin proper names in _o_ rhyme with _ǭ_, as _Cithero_ (:
_also_), _Leo_ (: _also_), _Phito_ (: _tho_), _Juno_ (: _so_, _tho_),
&c., but also in several cases with _do_. There seems no sufficient
reason to suppose, as ten Brink does, that they regularly had _ọ̄_.
(4) CONSONANTS. The termination _-liche_ (_-lich_) in adjectives and
adverbs, which Fahrenberg judging by the rhymes sets down as very
uncommon compared with _-ly_, is by far the more usual of the two.
It is true that _-ly_ occurs more frequently in rhyme, but that is
due chiefly to the greater abundance of rhyme words corresponding to
it, e.g. _forthi_, _by_, _cri_, _merci_, _enemy_: we have, however,
_redely_ : _properly_, Prol. 947 f. The general rule of usage is this:
_-ly_ usually in rhyme (but _besiliche_ : _swiche_, iv. 1235 f.), and
before a consonant in cases where the metre requires a single syllable,
as i. 2069, ‘Al prively behinde his bak’ (but _frendlich_, viii. 2173),
_-liche_ or _-lich_ before a vowel, as i. 373, ‘That ronne besiliche
aboute,’ cp. ii. 1695, v. 1247, and _-liche_ of course where two
syllables are required, as i. 1035, ‘Was thanne al openliche schewed,’
so ii. 918, iv. 57, and compare also iii. 2065 f.,
‘Unkindely for thou hast wroght,
Unkindeliche it schal be boght.’
But in Prol. 719 we have _only_ before a vowel,
‘Noght al only of thorient,’
though _onliche_ occurs in a similar position, i. 1948, and _onlich_,
iii. 42. Again, 911,
‘And sodeinly, er sche it wiste,’
but Prol. 503,
‘Al sodeinliche, er it be wist,’
cp. iv. 921, compared with i. 1336.
The treatment of the O. E. spirant _h_ (= χ) deserves some attention.
This occurring before _t_ is recognized as having in M. E. a palatal
or a guttural sound, according to the nature of the preceding vowel,
but the texts of our period usually give it as _gh_ in both cases.
Gower, however, makes a distinction, writing almost regularly _alihte_,
_briht_, _dihte_, _fihte_, _flihte_, _kniht_, _liht_, _miht_, _mihte_,
_niht_, _riht_, _sihte_, _wiht_, _heihte_, _sleihte_, &c., but _aghte_,
_caghte_, _straghte_, _boghte_, _broghte_, _noght_, _oght_, _oghte_,
_soghte_. Occasionally however in the first class we find _g_, as
rarely _bryghte_, _lighte_, more frequently _heighte_, _sleighte_, and
pretty regularly _eighte_; and there are several words in the second
which have variants with _h_, but in these cases _w_(_u_) is inserted,
as _cawhte_, _strawhte_, _dowhter_ (_douhter_), _owhte_ : otherwise _u_
is generally absent, as we have already seen. The form referred to is
commoner with the vowel _a_ than with _o_.
It is hardly necessary to repeat here that _plit_ is a word of Romance
origin, and rhymes properly with _delit_, _appetit_, not with _liht_,
_niht_, &c., being separate in etymology from O. E. _pliht_.
From the fact that there is no rhyming of _-iht_ with _-it_ either in
Gower or Chaucer, we may certainly gather that the sounds were somewhat
different; but the fact that Gower does not usually write _gh_ after
_i_ indicates, no doubt, that in this case the sound of the spirant was
less marked than when preceded by broader vowels.
Where O. E. _h_ is a final aspirate, _g_ is not usually written, as
_sih_, _hih_, _nih_, _bowh_, _lowh_, _plowh_, _slowh_, _ynowh_, except
in the case of _thogh_, but very occasionally we find such forms
as _drogh_, _plogh_. In the words which have _w_(_u_) _h_ is often
dropped, as in _bowes_, _low_, _slow_ (preterites), _ynow_.
v. INFLEXION.--(1) SUBSTANTIVES. In a certain number of words there
is variation in the matter of final _e_: thus we have _drink drinke_,
_felawe felawh_ (_fela_), _flyht flyhte_, _half halve_, _help helpe_,
_kep kepe_, _lack lacke_, _lyf lyve_, _myn myne_, _queene queen_,
_sor sore_, _wel wele_, _will wille_, _wyndou wyndowe_, to which must
be added many words with the suffixes _-hede_, _-hode_, _-schipe_,
and the termination _-inge_, e.g. _falshed(e)_, _knyhthod(e)_,
_manhed(e)_, _felaschip(e)_, _hunting(e)_, _knowleching(e)_,
_teching(e)_, _wenyng(e)_. In these latter cases the presence of
the _e_ ending is not wholly dependent on the accent, for we have
_huntíng_, i. 350, but _húntynge_, iv. 2429, _techyng_ and _techinge_
both equally in rhyme, i. 1592, v. 611, _gládschipe_, i. 3128,
_knithód_, v. 2057, _felaschíp_, ii. 1217. Accent however has some
influence, and it is hardly conceivable that the final _e_ should count
in the metre except where the accent falls on the preceding syllable,
so that where the accent is thrown back, we find that the word is
regularly followed by a vowel. In the case of the (English) termination
_-ere_ the final _e_ is usually written: such words are _beggere_,
_forthdrawere_, _hindrere_, _ledere_, _lovere_, _makere_, _repere_,
_spekere_, _writere_. This _-e_, however, is either elided or passed
over in the metre (as with _janglere_, v. 526), unless an accent falls
on the termination, in which case it may be sounded, as vii. 2348, ‘The
Sothseiere tho was lief.’
The forms _game_, _gamen_ appear side by side both in singular and
plural, as i. 347, vi. 1849, viii. 680.
As regards the oblique cases we note the following genitive forms:
_cherche_, _herte_ (also _hertes_), _hevene_, _ladi_, _soule_, _sterre_
(pl.), _wode_ (also _wodes_), to which add _dowhter_ (also _dowhtres_),
_fader_ (also _fadres_), _moder_. In the expressions _horse side_,
_horse heved_, &c., _horse_ is genitive singular.
The _-e_ termination of the dative appears in a good many prepositional
phrases: _to (in) bedde_, _in boke_, _to borwe_, _be (to)
bote_, _with (of) childe_, _unto the chinne_ (but _unto the chin_,
i. 1682), _be daie_, _to (fro) dethe_ (also _fro deth_), _of dome_,
_on (under) fote_ (but _upon the fot_, _at his fot_), _on fyre_,
_to (upon) grounde_, _fro (unto) the grounde_ (also _fro the
ground_), _on hede_, _at (fro) home_ (also _at hom_), _in (on,
upon) honde_, _to (into) honde_, (but ‘bar on _hond_,’ _be the
hond_), _on horse_, _to horse_, _to (in, of) house_ (but _in myn
hous_), _to (into) londe_, _be (in, over) londe_, _of (out
of) londe_, _fro the londe_, (but _of his lond_, &c.), _be lyhte_,
_to lyve_, _to manne_, _to mowthe_, _be mowthe_, _be nyhte_ (also _be
nyht_, and regularly _at nyht_, _on nyht_, _a nyht_, _to nyht_), _to
rede_, _be (to, into, out of) schipe_ (also _to schip_), _to
scorne_, _to slepe_ (also _to slep_), _to toune_, _to wedde_, _to
wyve_, _to ȝere_, _be ȝere_.
In the plural we have _hors_, _schep_ unchanged, and also with
numerals, _mile_, _monthe_, _pound_, _ȝer_ (beside _ȝeres_), _wynter_.
The plural of _thing_ is _thinges_, sometimes _thinge_, not _thing_.
Mutation plurals, _feet_, _men_, _teeth_, _wommen_. Plurals in _-en_,
_brethren_, _children_, _oxen_ (also _oxes_), _ton_, _yhen_.
The forms in _-ere_ have plurals _-ers_, as _janglers_, _kepers_,
_lovers_. From _maiden_ we have beside _maidens_ also _maidenes_ (three
syllables), iv. 255, which is perhaps the true reading in Chaucer,
_Leg. of G. Women_, 722. From _angel_ we have plural _anglis_, iii.
2256, as well as _angles_, and _Nimphis_, v. 6932, but there are few
examples of plural in _-is_.
With regard to Romance substantives Gower appears to be stricter
than Chaucer in preserving their form. He gives us regularly _beste_
‘beast,’ _feste_, _requeste_, _tempeste_. We have however _baner_ (also
_banere_), _host_, _maner_, _matier_ (beside _manere_, _matiere_),
_press_ (beside _presse_), _travaile_, _conseile_ (substantives) very
occasionally for _travail_, _conseil_.
Several distinctively feminine forms are used, as _capiteine_,
_chamberere_, _citezeine_, _cousine_, _enemie_.
In some cases the Latin inflexion is introduced, as _Tantaly_,
_Apollinis_, _Centauri_, _in Cancro_, _Achillem_, _Esionam_, _Phebum_,
the two last apparently introduced after the first recension.
(2) ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS. A few adjectives vary as regards final _e_
in the uninflected form, for example _ech eche_, _lich liche_, _low
lowe_, _many manye_, _moist moiste_, _old olde_, _other othre_, _such
suche_ (?), _trewe trew_, _wommanyssh wommannysshe_.
In comparative forms _-e_ is often dropped, as _fairer_, _further_,
_longer_, _rather_, _ȝonger_, but more often written, as _furthere_,
_deppere_, _ferre_, _gladdere_, _grettere_, _lengere_, _rathere_.
This _-e_, however, is either elided or passed over in the metre (as
ii. 503, iv. 1459, vi. 1490, 1525, 2010). Where there is syncope of
the penultimate, as after _v_(_u_) in _levere_, the final _e_ counts
regularly as a syllable, so that in case of elision the word is reduced
to a monosyllable, which never takes place with _rathere_, _furthere_,
&c.
When adjectives or adverbs ending in weak _e_ are combined with a
suffix or another word, _-e_ is often dropped; thus we have _everemore
evermore_, _furthermore_, _joieful joiful_, _hevenely hevenly_,
_trewely_ _trewly_ (so also _trewman_), and so on. In such cases a
previously syncopated penultimate ceases to be so on loss of the
following _e_.
A few cases occur of _-id_ for _-ed_ in adjective endings, as _nakid_
(also _naked_), _wickid wikkid_ (usually _wicked_), also _hundrid_
(usually _hundred_).
The definite form is used pretty regularly in the case of English
monosyllabic adjectives, and usually also in monosyllables of French
origin. This rule applies (1) to adjectives used after the definite
article, a demonstrative pronoun or a possessive; (2) to those employed
as vocatives in address; (3) to adjectives in combination with proper
names or words used as proper names[V]. Thus we have regularly (1)
‘the _grete_ hert,’ ‘the _stronge_ coffre,’ ‘The _qwike_ body with
the _dede_,’ ‘this _proude_ vice,’ ‘this _ȝonge_ lord,’ ‘my _longe_
wo,’ ‘his _lose_ tunge,’ ‘thi _fulle_ mynde,’ ‘whos _rihte_ name,’ &c.
(2) ‘O _derke_ ypocrisie,’ ‘O _goode_ fader,’ ‘_lieve_ Sone,’ &c. (3)
‘_grete_ Rome,’ ‘_Blinde_ Avarice,’ ‘_proude_ Envie’ (but ‘_proud_
Envie,’ Prol. 712), ‘_faire_ Eole,’ ‘_stronge_ Sampson,’ ‘_wise_
Tolomeüs,’ &c.
We must note also the inflexions in the following expressions, ‘so
_hihe_ a love,’ ii. 2425 (but _hih_, vii. 2413), ‘so _grete_ a wo,’ v.
5737, so _grete_ a lust,’ v. 6452, ‘so _schorte_ a time,’ vii. 5201.
With Romance adjectives we find ‘his _false_ tunge,’ ‘the _pleine_
cas,’ ‘_false_ Nessus,’ &c., and so usually in monosyllables.
In the case of English monosyllables the exceptions are few. ‘His
_full_ answere,’ i. 1629, ‘hire _good_ astat,’ i. 2764, ‘here _wrong_
condicion,’ ii. 295, ‘his _slyh_ compas,’ ii. 2341 (but ‘his _slyhe_
cast,’ ii. 2374), ‘the _ferst_ of hem,’ iii. 27, v. 2863, cp. 5944
(usually ‘the _ferste_,’ as i. 580, &c.), ‘my _riht_ hond,’ iii. 300,
‘the _trew_ man,’ iii. 2346, ‘his _hih_ lignage,’ iv. 2064 (due perhaps
to the usual phrase ‘of hih lignage’), ‘the _hih_ prouesse,’ v. 6428*,
‘hire _hih_ astat,’ v. 6597, ‘the _gret_ oultrage,’ vii. 3413, ‘hire
_freissh_ aray,’ vii. 5000, ‘hire _hol_ entente,’ viii. 1222, cp. viii.
1710, 2968 (but ‘ȝoure _hole_ conseil’).
Among Romance adjectives the want of inflexion is more frequent in
proportion to the whole number of instances, e.g. ‘the _vein_ honour,’
Prol. 221, ‘the _fals_ emperour,’ Prol. 739, ‘Hire _clos_ Envie,’ ii.
684, &c.
In the case of adjectives of more than one syllable, whether English or
French, the definite form is exceptional. The commonest case is that of
superlatives, in which the definite form _-este_ is regularly used when
the accent falls on the termination, whether in rhyme or otherwise,
as _faireste_, i. 767, v. 7427, _slyheste_, i. 1442, _wiseste_:
_myhtieste_, i. 1097 f., _wofulleste_, vii. 5017. Even when the accent
is thrown back, the definite inflexion is more usually given than not,
as _faireste_, i. 1804, _hoteste_, i. 2492, _treweste_, ii. 1282,
_povereste_, iv. 2238, _heyeste_, vii. 935, but sometimes dropped, as
‘the _purest_ Eir,’ Prol. 921, ‘the _ȝongest_ of hem,’ i. 3133, ‘the
_lowest_ of hem alle,’ vii. 224: in all cases, however, where the
accent is thrown back, the adjective is followed by a word beginning
with a vowel, so that the metre is not affected.
Other adjectives of which the termination is capable of accent
may take the definite inflexion, when the accent is thrown on the
termination, as ‘the _covoitouse_ flaterie,’ ‘this _lecherouse_
pride,’ this _tyrannysshe_ knyht,’ but on the other hand ‘his fals
_pitous_ lokynge,’ ‘the _pietous_ Justinian,’ ‘the proude _tyrannyssh_
Romein,’ and cases where the adjective is used as a substantive,
‘the _coveitous_’, ‘This _Envious_,’ ‘_thaverous_,’ &c. We have ‘the
_parfite_ medicine,’ iv. 2624 (but ‘the parfit Elixir,’ iv. 2522, with
accent thrown back), and ‘O thou _gentile_ Venus,’ viii. 2294; but
perhaps _parfite_, _gentile_ are to be regarded as feminine forms, as
almost certainly _devolte_, i. 636.
Where the final syllable of the adjective is incapable of accent, there
is ordinarily no question of a definite inflexion, except where there
is syncope after _v_ (_u_), as in _evele_. Such words are _croked_,
_wicked_, _cruel_, _litel_, _middel_, _biter_, _dedly_, _lusti_,
_sinful(l)_, _wilful_, _woful(l)_, _wrongful_, and we may note
that comparatives in _-ere_ and adjectives in _-liche_ (with accent
thrown back) sometimes appear in the truncated form of spelling even
where a definite termination is suggested by their position, e.g.
‘hire _ȝonger_ Soster,’ v. 5395, ‘hir _goodlych_ yhe,’ ii. 2026, ‘Ha,
thou _ungoodlich_ ypocrite,’ v. 6293, ‘hire _dedlich_ yhe,’ vii.
5089 (_-lich_ in these latter cases to avoid the hiatus of ‘ungoodly
ypocrite,’ &c.). As an exceptional instance the form _nakede_ should be
observed, ‘his _nakede_ arm,’ iv. 421, given so both by F and S.
The formation of plurals in adjectives and participles used
attributively is governed by the same principles. We have ‘_preciouse_
Stones,’ iv. 1354, but ‘the most _principal_’ (pl.), v. 1115. In the
expression ‘the chief flodes,’ v. 1112, _chief_ must be considered
perhaps as a substantive, like _hed_ in ‘the hed planete.’ Naturally
words like _wicked_, _woful_, _lusti_, &c., take no plural inflexion,
but we have _manye_ (_manie_) beside _many_ apparently as a plural
form, though _manye_ also occurs in the singular, and _enye_ once as
plural of _eny_. In the expression ‘som men’ _som_ is without inflexion
in the plural, e.g. Prol. 529, iii. 2113, but ‘_somme_ clerkes,’ Prol.
355, ‘_some_ thinges,’ i. 1265.
Adjectives used as predicates or in apposition are to some extent
treated according to convenience of metre or rhyme, but in the case
of monosyllables there is a decided preference for inflexion. The
following are some of the instances: ‘Whan we ben _dede_,’ Prol. 2,
‘hem that weren _goode_,’ 42, ‘my wittes ben to _smale_,’ 81, ‘Ther ben
of suche manie _glade_,’ 299, ‘become _grete_,’ 303, ‘ben with mannes
senne _wrothe_,’ 920, so _blinde_, i. 774, _smale_, 1145, _glade_,
1151, _hyhe_, _smale_, i. 1678 f., _hore_ and _whyte_, i. 2045,
_stronge_, iii. 1112, _dulle_, iv. 947, _whyte_, _fatte_, _grete_, iv.
1310, &c. We have also ‘hise thoghtes _feinte_,’ iv. 118, ‘thinges ...
_veine_,’ i. 2689, ‘hise bedes most _devoute_,’ i. 669, ‘in wordes so
_coverte_,’ iv. 1606, wher the men ben _coveitouse_, v. 4800.
On the other hand, ‘Of hem that ben so _derk_ withinne,’ i. 1077,
‘Hire chekes ben with teres _wet_,’ i. 1680, ‘Thei wexen _doumb_,’
iv. 345, ‘Here bodies weren _long_ and _smal_,’ iv. 1320, ‘Thei weren
_gracious_ and _wys_,’ vii. 1447, ‘thei weren _glad_,’ viii. 881, and
so frequently.
The participle used as predicate is ordinarily uninflected, but there
are a few examples of a plural form adopted for the rhyme, as _made_,
Prol. 300, _ansuerde_, i. 3246, iv. 2343, _hidde_, v. 6789.
The usage of _al_, _alle_ as an adjective is in some ways peculiar,
but tolerably consistent. In the singular before an article, a
demonstrative pronoun or a possessive, the uninflected form _al_
(occasionally _all_) is used, as ‘al the baronie,’ ‘al the world,’
‘al his welthe,’ ‘all his proude fare,’ ‘al a mannes strengthe’ (also
‘the Cite all,’ ii. 3473), but before a substantive the form _alle_
(dissyllable)[W], as ‘alle grace,’ ‘alle thing,’ ‘alle untrouthe,’
‘alle vertu,’ ‘in alle wise,’ ‘in alle haste,’ ‘alle wel,’ ‘alle
charite,’ but sometimes before vowels _al_, as ‘al honour,’ i. 879, ‘al
Erthe,’ i. 2825, ‘al Envie,’ ii. 168, ‘al untrowthe,’ ii. 1684. In the
plural, ‘al the,’ ‘all these,’ ‘alle the,’ &c. (‘alle’ being counted as
a monosyllable), and without the article, ‘alle’ (but ‘al othre,’ iv.
1532).
Note also the adverbial expression ‘in _none_ wise,’ cp. ‘_othre_
wise.’ In cases of the combination of a French adjective with a
feminine substantive of the same origin the adjective occasionally
takes the French feminine form. Instances are as follows:
‘_devolte_ apparantie,’ i. 636, ‘_veine_ gloire,’ i. 2677 ff.,
‘vertu _sovereine_,’ ii. 3507, ‘_seinte_ charite,’ iv. 964, ‘herbe
_sovereine_,’ vii. 1392, ‘joie _sovereine_,’ viii. 2530, and even as
predicate, ‘Dame Avarice is noght _soleine_,’ v. 1971. Possibly also,
‘O thou _divine_ pourveance,’ ii. 3243, ‘the _parfite_ medicine,’ iv.
2624, ‘a _gentile_ ... on,’ v. 2713, and ‘O thou _gentile_ Venus,’
viii. 2294, may be examples of the same usage.
There is one instance of the French plural adjective in _-s_, Prol.
738, evidently introduced for the sake of the rhyme.
(3) PRONOUNS. The personal pronoun of the first person is regularly
_I_, not _ich_. It is usually written _y_ by the copyist of the last
235 lines of the Fairfax MS. and in the _Praise of Peace_.
The third person sing. fem. is _sche_ (never written _she_), once
_scheo_: the oblique case is _hire_, _hir_ (never _here_), and _hire_,
though usually equivalent to a monosyllable, sometimes has _-e_ fully
sounded, as i. 367, iv. 766, v. 1178.
The third person neuter is _it_, seldom _hit_.
In the first person plural the oblique case is _ous_, not shortened to
_us_ in spelling.
The possessives of the first and second persons sing., _min_, _thin_,
have no plural inflexion, but the disjunctive form _thyne_ pl. occurs,
i. 168. On the other hand _his_, originally an uninflected form, has
usually the plural _hise_, but sometimes _his_. The form _hise_ is
never a dissyllable.
The feminine possessive, 3rd pers., is _hire_ or _hir_, freely
interchanged and metrically equivalent. There is no question of a
plural inflexion here, and we find ‘_Hire_ Nase,’ ‘_hire_ browes,’
‘_hir_ lockes,’ ‘_Hire_ Necke,’ quite indifferently used, i. 1678 ff.
The disjunctive is _hire_, v. 6581, and _hires_, v. 6857. The forms
_oure_, _ȝoure_ are usual for the possessives of the 1st and 2nd pers.
plur., and these are commonly used as monosyllables, e.g. i. 2062,
2768, and interchanged with _our_, _ȝour_; but they are also capable
of being reckoned as dissyllables, e.g. Prol. 5, iii. 1087. Here
again there is no plural inflexion (‘_ȝour_ wordes,’ iii. 627). The
disjunctive _ȝoures_ occurs in i. 1852.
The possessive of the 3rd pers. plur. is _here_, _her_, which is
practically never confused in good MSS. with _hire_, _hir_ of the
fem. sing.[X] We are fully justified in assuming that for Gower the
distinction was absolute.
The ordinary relatives are _which_ and _that_: _who_ is little used as
a relative except in the genitive case, _whos_. The plural _whiche_ is
usually pronounced as a monosyllable, as ii. 604, iv. 1496, v. 1320,
and often loses _-e_ in writing, as Prol. 1016, iv. 1367, 1872, v.
4041, but also sometimes counts as a dissyllable, e.g. i. 404, vii.
1256.
In combination with the definite article the singular form is ‘the
which,’ not ‘the whiche,’ as Prol. 71, 975.
(4) VERBS. In the Infinitive and Gerund, apart from the cases of _do_,
_go_, _se_, _sle_, &c., few instances occur of the loss of final _e_.
The verb _sein_ (_sain_) has _seie_ and also _say_, and beside the
regular infinitive _pute_ we have also _put_ in several instances,
the next word beginning with a vowel or mute _h_. The cases are as
follows: ‘And thoghte put hire in an Ile,’ i. 1578, ‘To put his lif,’
&c., i. 3213, ‘put eny lette,’ ii. 93, and so also ii. 1021, iii. 1166,
iv. 756, 2615, v. 273, viii. 892: but also, ‘It oghte _pute_ a man in
fere,’ i. 462, ‘To _puten_ Rome in full espeir,’ ii. 1551, ‘Theucer
_pute_ out of his regne,’ iii. 2648, &c. In addition to the above
there are a few instances of the same in other verbs, as ‘_get_ hire
a thank,’ ii. 60, ‘It schal noght wel _mow_ be forsake,’ ii. 1670,
‘_flitt_ his herte aside,’ iv. 214, ‘_let_ it passe,’ viii. 2056. (In
vi. 202, ‘If that sche wolde _ȝif_ me leve,’ we ought perhaps to read
_ȝive_ with S: cp. i. 1648.)
The gerund ‘to done’ is common, but we do not find either ‘to sene’ or
‘to seine.’
=Present Tense.= In the 1st pers. sing, of the present, apart from such
forms as _do_, _go_, &c., and _prai_ beside _preie_ _praie_, there are
a few cases of apocope, as in the infinitive: ‘Than cast I,’ iv. 560,
‘let it passe,’ iv. 363, ‘I put me therof in your grace,’ i. 732, ‘I
put it al,’ v. 2951, ‘I red thee leve,’ vi. 1359, ‘Nou thenk I,’ vii.
4212. In two of these instances it will be noticed that the following
word begins with a consonant.
In the 3rd pers. sing. the syncopated and contracted forms are very
much used by Gower. He says regularly _bit_, _ett_, _get_, _put_,
_schet_, _set_, _sit_ (2nd pers. _sist_), _smit_, _writ_; _arist_,
_bint_, _fint_, _holt_ (_halt_), _lest_, _went_, _wext_; _berth_,
_brekth_, _bringth_, _crith_, _drawth_, _drinkth_, _falth_, _farth_,
_forsakth_, _leith_, _lyth_, _preith_, _spekth_, _takth_ (or _tath_),
_thenkth_, _ȝifth_, and only occasionally _draweth_, _drinketh_,
_fareth_, _kepeth_, _sitteth_, _waxeth_, &c. In vi. 59 the best MSS.
agree in giving _sterte_ for _stert_, and in viii. 2428 most have
_sitte_ for _sit_, but these are probably accidental variations. For
the 3rd pers. plural Fahrenberg (p. 404) quotes several supposed
instances of _th_ ending. Of these most are expressions like ‘men
seith,’ where ‘men’ is used as singular indefinite. One only is valid,
viz. vii. 1107, ‘Diverse sterres to him longeth’: cp. vii. 536.
=Preterite.= With regard to the tense formation of Strong Verbs
reference may be made to the Glossary, where all the characteristic
forms are recorded. We confine ourselves here to a few remarks.
The following instances may be noticed of gradation between the
singular and the plural of the preterite: _began_, pl. _begunne
begonne_, _gan_, pl. _gonnen_, _ran_, pl. _runne_, _wan_, pl. _wonne_,
_bond_, pl. _bounden_, _fond_, pl. _founden_, _song_ (_sang_), pl.
_songe sunge_, _sprong_, pl. _spronge sprungen_, _drank_ (_dronk_), pl.
_drunke_, _bar_, pl. _bere_ (_beere_), _brak_, pl. _brieken_, _spak_,
pl. _spieke_, _sat_, pl. _sete(n) siete(n)_ _seete_, _bad_,
pl. _bede_, _lay_ (_lih_), pl. _lihe leie(n)_, _wax_, pl. _woxen_,
_wrot_, pl. _write(n)_, _rod_, pl. _riden_, _ches_, pl. _chose_,
and among preterite-presents _can_, pl. _conne_, _mai_, pl. _mowe_,
_schal_, pl. _schulle schull schol_, _wot_, pl. _wite_.
There are some few instances in F of strong preterites with irregular
_-e_ termination in the 1st or 3rd pers. singular, but in no case
is this authenticated by metre or rhyme. The following are examples
in which F and S are agreed, ‘_schope_ a wile,’ v. 4278, ‘he _bare_
him,’ v. 5236, ‘which _sihe_ his Soster,’ v. 5810, ‘_lete_ come,’ vi.
1186, ‘he tho _toke_ hire in his arm,’ viii. 1732. These are perhaps
mistakes, and they have sometimes been corrected in the text on the
authority of other MSS.
The 2nd pers. sing. has the _-e_ termination, as _sihe_ (_syhe_), iii.
2629, iv. 599, _were_, iv. 600, _knewe_, vi. 2313, _come_, viii. 2076,
but _tok_, i. 2421. The 2nd pers. sing. of the preterite-present _mai_
is regularly _miht_ (_myht_), never ‘mayest.’ Occasionally the best
MSS. give it as _mihte_, e.g. i. 2457, vii. 2637, 3819, but there is no
metrical confirmation of this form. The preterite plural is very rarely
found without _-e_, as v. 3300, 7534, vii. 3574.
Among Weak Verbs those which have the short or syncopated form keep the
_-e_ termination almost regularly. Such preterites are, for example,
_aspide_, _cride_, _deide_, _leide_, _obeide_, _payde_, _preide_,
_seide_, _teide_, _hadde_, _made_, _brende_, _sende_, _answerde_,
_ferde_, _herde_, _solde_, _spilde_, _tolde_, _wende_, _betidde_,
_dradde_, _fedde_, _fledde_, _hedde_, _gradde_, _ladde_, _radde_,
_spedde_, _spradde_, _crepte_, _duelte_, _felte_, _hente_, _kepte_,
_kiste_, _lefte_, _lepte_, _loste_, _mente_, _slepte_, _wente_,
_wepte_, _alihte_, _caste_, _dihte_, _grette_, _knette_, _kutte_,
_laste_, _liste_, _mette_, _plyhte_, _putte_, _schette_, _sette_,
_sterte_, _triste_, _arawhte_, _broghte_, _cawhte_, _oghte_, _roghte_,
_schryhte_, _soghte_, _strawhte_, _tawhte_, _thoghte_, _wroghte_,
_cowthe_, _dorste_, _mihte_, _moste_, _scholde_, _wiste_, _wolde_.
At the same time it must be noted (as in the case of the infinitive)
that with some of these forms there is an occasional tendency to drop
the _-e_ before a vowel at the beginning of the next word (that is,
where elision would take place), and the agreement of the best MSS.,
especially F and S, makes it certain this was sometimes done by the
author. It is impossible to trace any system, but the number of verbs
affected is not large, and in nearly every case the instances of this
kind of elision-apocope are largely outnumbered by the examples of
normal inflexion in the same verb[Y].
The following is a tolerably full list of references for
these preterite forms, which are given in alphabetical order:
‘_Beraft_ hire,’ v. 5647, ‘it _betidd_ upon the cas,’ vii.
4381, ‘Sche _cast_ on me,’ i. 152, ‘_cast_ up hire lok,’ v.
5436, ‘he _cast_ his lok,’ vi. 1035, ‘_dorst_ he,’ ii. 1633,
‘_drad_ him,’ viii. 1368, ‘And _felt_ it’ (subj.), viii. 2165,
‘so _ferd_ I,’ viii. 2445, ‘_had_ herd hem,’ v. 5865, ‘Hir bodi
_hent_ up,’ v. 5702, ‘_herd_ he noght sein,’ iii. 2082, ‘And
_kept_ hire,’ ii. 181, ‘Sche _kept_ al doun,’ v. 1495, ‘he
_kest_ him,’ vi. 1746, ‘And _kist_ him,’ v. 3777, 5592, ‘and
_knet_ it,’ v. 6866, ‘he _kut_ it,’ vii. 4525, ‘what him _list_
he tok,’ iii. 2446, ‘Sche _lost_ al,’ ii. 2290, cp. v. 3465,
‘That _mad_ hem,’ ii. 310, and so also v. 986, 3393, 3822, ‘ne
_myht_ I,’ i. 1280, ‘_miht_ eschuie,’ iii. 1356, and so also
iii. 1440, vii. 4285, ‘_Put_ under,’ Prol. 683, ‘Wan and _put_
under,’ Prol. 718, ‘He _put_ hem into,’ i. 1013, ‘Sche _put_
hire hand,’ i. 1807, and so also ii. 3267, v. 3045, 4088, 5326,
6409, vi. 2062, vii. 4402, viii. 2702, ‘thei _putt_ hem,’ v.
7417, ‘Of ous, that _schold_ ous,’ Prol. 543 (so SF), ‘_schold_
every wys man,’ ii. 578, ‘And _seid_ hir,’ i. 3188, ‘_Seid_
ek,’ v. 4309, ‘And _set_ hire,’ ii. 2220, ‘He _set_ him,’ v.
3691, ‘he _set_ an essamplaire,’ vii. 4262, ‘And _tawht_ hem
so’ (‘tawhte’ S), iii. 176, ‘_told_ him,’ i. 3187, ii. 803,
2865 (‘tolde’ S), vii. 4688, _told_ hem,’ v. 3883, viii. 1555,
‘he _told_ out,’ ii. 884, ‘every man _went_ on his syde,’ v.
7403, ‘And _went_ hem out’ (pl.), v. 7533, ‘sche _wist_ it,’
ii. 2010, ‘thanne _wold_ I,’ i. 183, ‘and _wold_ have,’ v.
4217, ‘I _wold_ stele,’ v. 7137, ‘_wold_ I,’ viii. 2298, to
which we may add ‘_myht_ obeie,’ and ‘_behight_ him’ from the
_Praise of Peace_, 39, 41.
Of these examples it is to be remembered, first that in only
one case, ‘I wold stele,’ v. 7137, does this apocope take
place before a consonant, though in one other instance, v.
5865, the following word begins with an aspirated _h_; and
secondly, that with all these, except perhaps _put_, the full
form of the preterite is that which usually occurs before a
vowel as well as elsewhere. Even in the case of _put_ we have
the form _putte_ frequently when it is subject to elision, as
Prol. 1069, ‘And putte awey malencolie,’ and so ii. 713, 2684,
iv. 399, 1368, &c., as well as regularly before a consonant,
as ‘With strengthe he putte kinges under,’ i. 2797. The form
_putt_ occurs in v. 7417, and in this case the verb is plural.
The only other instances of plurals in the list are Prol. 543
and v. 7533.
With regard to the weak verbs which form preterites with ending _-ede_,
the loss of the final _e_ is somewhat more common, but it is usually
retained, and sometimes it counts as a syllable in the verse. Where
this is not the case, it is either elided in the usual way, or if it be
dropped in writing, this is only under the conditions which apply to
the verbs mentioned above, namely, before a vowel at the beginning of
the succeeding word.
It is, however, noteworthy that the use of these forms, whether in
_-ede_ or _-ed_, is decidedly rare, and was avoided by our author even
in cases where the _-e_ would have been subject to elision. It is
evident that he was always conscious of this ending, even if he did not
always write it, and yet he felt that the two weak syllables ought not
to have full value in the metre. The result was that he avoided the
use of the form generally, so far as it was reasonably possible to do
so. The whole number of these preterites in _-ede_, _-ed_ to be found
in the _Confessio Amantis_ is surprisingly small, both actually and
relatively, that is, taking account of the extent to which the verbs
in question are employed in their other tenses. The method pursued is
chiefly to substitute in narrative the present tense, or the perfect
formed with ‘hath,’ for the 3rd person singular of the preterite,
‘Conforteth’ for ‘Confortede,’ ‘Hath axed’ for ‘axede,’ ‘feigneth’
for ‘feignede,’ and this apparently as a matter of habit and even in
cases where a vowel follows. No doubt the use of the present tense in
narrative is quite usual apart from this, but the extremely frequent
combination of strong or syncopated preterites with the present tenses
of verbs of this class seems to me to indicate clearly how the matter
stood.
The following are a few of the examples of this: ‘For sche
_tok_ thanne chiere on honde And _clepeth_ him,’ i. 1767
f., ‘The king _comandeth_ ben in pes, And ... _caste_,’
3240 f., ‘_Comendeth_, and _seide_ overmore,’ 3361, ‘he him
_bethoghte_,... And torneth to the banke ayein,’ ii. 167 ff.,
‘for hem _sente_ And _axeth_ hem,’ 613 f., ‘_lay_ ... _clepeth_
oute ... _sterte_,’ 848 ff., ‘Sche _loketh_ and hire yhen
_caste_,’ 1066, ‘This child he loveth kindely ... Bot wel
he _sih_ ... _axeth_ ... _seide_,’ 1381 ff., ‘Sche _preide_
him and _conseileth_ bothe,’ 1457, ‘Which _semeth_ outward
profitable And _was_,’ 2201 f., ‘And he himself that ilke
throwe _Abod_, and _hoveth_ there stille,’ iii. 1232 f., and so
on.
These examples will serve to illustrate a tendency which every reader
will observe, when once his attention has been called to it. There
are indeed many narrative passages in which nearly all the strong or
syncopated verbs are used in the preterite, and all the others in the
present, and it is evident that this cannot be accidental[Z].
There are, however, a certain number of instances of the use of weak
preterites, indicative or subjunctive, and a few in which the final _e_
(or _-en_) is sounded in the metre.
The following are examples of _-ede_ preterites (in one
instance _-ide_): ‘I _wisshide_ after deth,’ i. 120, ‘he
_passede_ ate laste,’ 142, ‘he hem _stoppede_ alle faste,’ 522,
‘And _warnede_ alle his officiers,’ 2506, ‘Mi ladi _lovede_,
and I it wiste,’ ii. 502, ‘he _axede_ hem anon,’ 1248, ‘he
_rounede_ in thin Ere,’ 1944, ‘Bot he hire _lovede_, er he
wente,’ 2027, ‘Thogh that he _lovede_ ten or tuelve,’ 2063,
‘_Supplantede_ the worthi knyht,’ 2453, ‘Sche _pourede_ oute,’
iii. 679, so also iii. 1631, 2556, iv. 468, 825, 842, 934,
1340, 1345, 1444, ‘Lo, thus sche _deiede_ a wofull Maide,’
iv. 1593, ‘it _likede_ ek to wende,’ 2150, ‘_Controeveden_ be
sondri wise,’ 2454, ‘_Translateden._ And otherwise,’ 2660,
‘And _foundeden_ the grete Rome,’ v. 904, ‘He _feignede_ him,’
928, ‘And _clepede_ him,’ 951, ‘He _percede_ the harde roche,’
1678, ‘Thei _faileden_, whan Crist was bore,’ 1697, ‘Thei
_passeden_ the toun,’ 2182, ‘Alle othre _passede_ of his hond,’
3258, ‘_Welcomede_ him,’ 3373, ‘_walkede_ up and doun’ (pl.),
3833, ‘_axede_ him,’ 5129, so also 5774, 6132, 6791, 6887,
‘_oppressede_ al the nacion’ (pl.), vi. 568, ‘That _loveden_
longe er I was bore,’ 882, ‘he _usede_ ay,’ 1207, ‘_exilede_
out of londe,’ 2348, ‘_Enformeden_,’ vii. 1495, ‘_Devoureden_,’
3346, ‘_Ensamplede_ hem’ (pl.), 4441, ‘_Restorede_ hem,’ 4445,
so also 4632, 4986, 4992, 4998, &c., ‘_Eschuieden_ to make
assay,’ viii. 373, ‘With love _wrastlede_ and was overcome,’
2240.
This list of examples, which is fairly complete up to v. 1970, will
sufficiently show the manner in which _-ede_ preterites are used. In
more than three-fourths of the instances quoted the _-e_ is subject
to elision, and of those that remain nine are examples of the plural
with _-eden_ termination, and three only of the ending _-ede_, viz. ii.
2063, ‘Thogh that he lovede ten or tuelve,’ ii. 2453, ‘Supplantede the
worthi knyht,’ and v. 1678, ‘He percede the harde roche,’ of which the
first is really a case of syncope, ‘lov’de,’ as also ii. 502 (cp. vi.
882) and iv. 1593, whereas in ii. 2027 ‘lovede’ occurs unsyncopated but
with _-e_ elided. It will be noted that in the plural the form _-eden_
is used regularly when the syllables are to be fully pronounced, though
_-ede_ can be used for the sake of elision.
The _-ed_ form of preterite is less frequent than the other, and I am
not aware of any clear example of its employment before a consonant or
in rhyme. We have, for example, ‘And _used_ it,’ i. 342, ‘Sche _cleped_
him,’ i. 1535 (‘_humbled_ him,’ i. 2065, is probably a participle, ‘to
have humbled himself’), ‘_pryded_ I me,’ i. 2372, ‘ne _feigned_ I,’
ii. 2061, ‘the goddes ... Comanded him,’ iii. 2140 f., ‘Thei _cleped_
him,’ v. 876, cp. 1057, &c. In iii. 1759, ‘The Gregois _torned_ fro
the siege,’ we have most probably a participle, ‘were torned.’ We may
observe that the _-ed_ form stands also in the plural.
Among weak preterites from originally strong verbs we may notice
_abreide_, _crepte_ (but past participle _crope_), _foghte_, _fledde_,
_schotte_, _slepte_ (also _slep_, with past participle _slepe_),
_smette_ (beside _smot_), _wepte_. The pret. _satte_ in vii. 2282, ‘He
satte him thanne doun,’ seems to arise from confusion of _sat_ and
_sette_.
=Imperative.= The _Confessio Amantis_ is peculiarly rich in
imperatives. Beside the regular imperative singular forms, e.g. _ared_,
_besech_, _behold_, _ches_, _com_, _do_, _forsak_, _griet_, _help_,
_hier_, _hyd_, _kep_, _lef_, _ly_, _lei_, _lest_, _lep_, _prei_, _put_,
_say_, _schrif_, _spek_, _tak_, _tell_, _thenk_, _understond_, _ȝif_,
&c., the MSS. give us also _hyde_, iii. 1502, _seie_, vii. 4084,
_speke_, vii. 5422, _take_, iv. 2674, v. 6429, _thenke_, iii. 1083,
but not in such positions as to affect the metre. The forms _axe_,
_herkne_, _loke_, _wite_ are regular, but _lok_ also occurs (i. 1703,
v. 1220).
In some instances the short form of imperative seems to be used as
3rd pers., e.g. ‘hold clos the ston,’ v. 3573, for ‘let him hold,’
‘tak in his minde,’ viii. 1128, for ‘let him take,’ cp. viii. 1420.
The singular and plural forms are often used without distinction,
as v. 2333 ff., ‘_Ches_ ... and _witeth_ ... _ches_ and _tak_ ...
_goth_ ... _taketh_,’ v. 3986, ‘So _help_ me nou, I you beseche,’
with ‘_Helpeth_,’ just above, several persons being addressed, and so
‘_taketh_ hiede And _kep_ conseil,’ viii. 1509 f., to one person. In
the interchange of speech between the Confessor and the Lover, while
sometimes the distinction is preserved, the Confessor saying _tak_,
_tell_, _understond_, and the Lover _telleth_, _axeth_ (e.g. i. 1395,
1875), at other times the Lover says _lest_, _say_, _tell_, _lef_, &c.
(i. 1942, 1972, ii. 2074, iii. 841, &c.)[AA].
=Present Participle.= The form of the present participle is the most
characteristic part of Gower’s verb inflexion as compared (for example)
with Chaucer’s. Chaucer seems regularly to have used the form in
_-inge_ (often with apocope _-ing_): Gower uses ordinarily the form
_-ende_, and normally with the accent thrown on the termination, as i.
204, ‘To me _spekende_ thus began,’ 236, ‘Whos Prest I am _touchende_
of love,’ 428, ‘_Stondende_ as Stones hiere and there,’ 633, ‘So
that _semende_ of liht thei werke,’ 1379 f., ‘That for I se no sped
_comende_,... _compleignende_,’ 1682, ‘_Hangende_ doun unto the chin.’
Sometimes the same form is used with accent on the preceding syllable,
and in this case the _-e_ is systematically elided, e.g. Prol. 11, ‘In
tyme _comende_ after this,’ 259, ‘_Belongende_ unto the presthode,’
i. 296, ‘As _touchende_ of my wittes fyve’ (cp. 334, 742), 3025, ‘And
_wailende_ in his bestly stevene.’
In a relatively small number of instances the form _-inge_ occurs
either in rhyme, as i. 524, ‘So whan thei comen forth seilinge,’ in
rhyme with ‘singe,’ i. 1710, ‘And liveth, as who seith, _deyinge_,’ in
rhyme with ‘likynge’ (subst.), or with the accent thrown back, as i.
115, ‘_Wisshinge_ and _wepinge_ al myn one,’ v. 518, ‘_Abidinge_ in
hir compaignie,’ vi. 717, ‘I mai go _fastinge_ everemo’; rarely out of
rhyme and with accent, as i. 2721, ‘Mi fader, as _touchinge_ of al.’
The final _e_ is never lost in writing, but when the accent is thrown
back it is always elided.
=Past Participle.= The _-id_ termination of weak past participles is
very rarely found in the Fairfax MS., except in the concluding passage,
which is copied in a different hand from the rest. It occurs commonly
in the _Praise of Peace_. Examples found elsewhere in F are _weddid_,
iv. 650, _medlid_, iv. 1475.
From _setten_ besides the regular past participle _set_ there appears
the form _sete_ twice in rhyme, vii. 2864, _forȝete_ : _sete_, and
viii. 244, _misgete_ (past partic.): _upsete_. This seems to be formed
after the analogy of _gete_. On the other hand we have _ferd_, i. 445,
&c., but also _fare(n)_, iii. 2692, v. 3797, &c. The past participle
of _se_ is _sen_, _sein_, _seie_, but most commonly _sene_. In a few
instances a final _e_ is given by the MSS. in weak past participles,
e.g. _herde_ for _herd_, v. 4231, _schope_ for _schop_, v. 4278,
_sette_ for _set_, vi. 10, _wiste_ for _wist_, viii. 37.
The cases of weak past participles with plural inflexion (e.g. Prol.
300, i. 3246, iv. 2343, v. 6789) have already been mentioned in dealing
with adjectives.
There is hardly any use of the prefix _y-_ (_i-_), but we have _ybore_,
ii. 499.
vi. DIALECT. Gower’s language is undoubtedly in the main the English
of the Court, and not a provincial dialect. Making allowance for the
influences of literary culture and for a rather marked conservatism
in orthography and grammatical inflexions, we can see that it agrees
on the whole with the London speech of the time, as evidenced by the
contemporary documents referred to by Prof. Morsbach. At the same time
its tendencies are Southern rather than Midland, and he seems to have
used Kentish forms rather more freely than Chaucer. This is shown
especially (1) in the more extensive use of the forms in which _e_
stands for O. E. _y̆_, as _senne_, _kesse_, _pet_, _hell_, &c.; (2) in
the frequent employment of _ie_, both in French and English words, to
represent _ẹ̄_, a practice which can hardly be without connexion with
the Kentish _cliene_, _diepe_, _diere_, _hier_, _hield_, _niede_, &c.;
(3) in the use of _-ende_ as the normal termination of the present
participle. (The _Ayenbite_ regularly has _-inde_.) Probably also
the preference shown by Gower for the close sound of _ē_, from O. E.
_ǣ_, may be to some extent due to Kentish influence. Other points of
resemblance between the language of Gower and that of the _Ayenbite_
(for example) are the free use of syncopated forms in the 3rd pers.
sing. of verbs and the regular employment of _ous_ for _us_.
vii. METRE, &c. The smoothness and regularity of Gower’s metre has
been to some extent recognized. Dr. Schipper in _Englische Metrik_,
vol. i. p. 279, remarks upon the skill with which the writer, while
preserving the syllabic rule, makes his verse flow always so smoothly
without doing violence to the natural accentuation of the words,
and giving throughout the effect of an accent verse, not one which
is formed by counting syllables. Judging by the extracts printed in
Morris and Skeat’s _Specimens_ (which are taken from MS. Harl. 3869,
and therefore give practically the text of Fairfax 3), he observes
that the five principal licences which he has noted generally in the
English verse of the period are almost entirely absent from Gower’s
octosyllabics, and in particular that he neither omits the first
unaccented syllable, as Chaucer so often does (e.g. ‘Be it rouned, red
or songe,’ _Hous of Fame_, ii. 214, ‘Any lettres for to rede,’ iii. 51,
‘Of this hill that northward lay,’ iii. 62), nor displaces the natural
accent (as ‘Of Decembre the tenthe day,’ _Hous of Fame_, i. 111,
‘Jupiter considereth wel this,’ ii. 134, ‘Rounede everych in otheres
ere,’ iii. 954), nor slurs over syllables.
To say that Gower never indulges in any of these licences would be an
exaggeration. Some displacement of the natural accent may be found
occasionally, even apart from the case of those French words whose
accent was unsettled, but it is present in a very slight degree, and
the rhythm produced does not at all resemble that of the lines cited
above from Chaucer: e.g. i. 2296, ‘Wher that he wolde make his chace,’
2348, ‘Under the grene thei begrave,’ 2551, ‘“Drink with thi fader,
Dame,” he seide.’ Such as it is, this licence is nearly confined to
the first foot of the verse, and is not so much a displacement of the
natural accent of the words as a trochaic commencement, after the
fashion which has established itself as an admitted variety in the
English iambic. We may, however, read long passages of the _Confessio
Amantis_ without finding any line in which the accent is displaced even
to this extent.
Again, as to slurring of syllables, this no doubt takes place, but on
regular principles and with certain words or combinations only. There
are hardly more than three or four lines in the whole of the _Confessio
Amantis_ where a superfluous syllable stands unaccounted for in the
body of the verse, as for example,
iv. 1131, ‘Som time in chambre, som time in halle,’
v. 447, ‘Of Jelousie, bot what it is,’
v. 2914, ‘And thus ful ofte aboute the hals,’
v. 5011, ‘It was fantosme, bot yit he herde.’
The writer seems to have no need of any licences. The narrative
flows on in natural language, and in sentences and periods which are
apparently not much affected by the exigencies of metre or rhyme, and
yet the verse is always smooth and the rhyme never fails to be correct.
If this is not evidence of the highest style of art, it shows at least
very considerable skill.
In Gower’s five-accent line, as exhibited in the Supplication of viii.
2217-2300 and in the poem _In Praise of Peace_, Schipper finds less
smoothness of metre, ‘owing perhaps to the greater unfamiliarity and
difficulty of the stanza and verse’ (_Englische Metrik_, i. 483 ff.).
His examples, however, are not conclusive on this point. Some of the
lines cited owe their irregularity to corruptions of text, and others
prove to be quite regularly in accordance with Gower’s usual metrical
principles.
For instance, in viii. 2220 the true text is
‘That wher so that I reste or I travaile,’
which is a metrically perfect line. Again, in the _Praise of Peace_, l.
79,
‘And to the heven it ledeth ek the weie,’
it is impossible, according to Gower’s usage, that ‘heven’ should stand
as a dissyllable. He wrote always ‘hevene,’ and the penultimate was
syncopated. So also ‘levere’ in l. 340, ‘evere,’ l. 376. Hence there is
no ‘epic caesura’ in any of these cases. Nor again in l. 164, ‘Crist
is the heved,’ can ‘heved’ be taken as a dissyllable in the verse: it
is always metrically equivalent to ‘hed.’ The only fair instance of a
superfluous syllable at the caesura is in l. 66,
‘For of bataile the final ende is pees.’
It seems that the trochee occurs more commonly here than in the short
line. Such examples as Schipper quotes, occurring at the beginning of
the line,
‘Axe of thi god, so schalt thou noght be werned,’
‘Pes is the chief of al the worldes welthe,’
are of the same character as those which we find in the octosyllabics.
Perhaps, however, a difference is afforded by the more frequent
occurrence of the same licence in other parts of the verse, as,
‘So that undir his swerd it myht obeie,’ 39.
The rhyming on words like ‘manhode,’ ‘axinge,’ &c., is in accordance
with the poet’s general usage.
On the whole, the combination of the syllabic and the accentual
system is effected in the five-accent line of these stanzas almost as
completely as in the short couplet; and in his command of the measure,
in the variety of his caesura, and the ease with which he passes
without pause from line to line and rounds off the stanza with the
matter, the author shows himself to be as fully master of his craft
upon this ground as in the more familiar measure of the _Confessio
Amantis_.
As regards the treatment of weak syllables in the metre, Gower’s
practice, in accordance with the strict syllabic system which he
adopted, is very different from Chaucer’s. The rules laid down by ten
Brink, _Chaucers Sprache_, § 260, as to the cases in which weak final
_e_ is never counted as a syllable in the verse, except in rhyme,
require some qualification even when applied to Chaucer (for example,
‘sone’ is certainly a dissyllable in _Cant. Tales_, A 1963, _Hous of
Fame_, i. 218), and they are almost wholly inapplicable to Gower,
as we shall see if we examine them. (α) Gower has the forms _hire_,
_oure_, _ȝoure_, all occasionally as dissyllables apart from special
emphasis or rhyme. (β) _these_, _some_, _whiche_ are all sometimes
dissyllables. (γ) The strong participles with short stems as _come_,
_drive_, _write_ as a rule have the final _e_ sounded. (δ) The _-e_ of
the 2nd pers. sing. of the strong preterite may be sounded, e.g. iii.
2629 (but ‘Were thou,’ iv. 600). (ε) The form _made_, both singular and
plural, regularly has _-e_ sounded, _were_ (pret.) usually, and _wite_
sometimes. (ζ) _sone_, _wone_, _schipe_ (dat.), and the French words in
_-ie_ (_ye_), &c., have _-e_ regularly counted in the metre: so also
_beste_, _entente_, _tempeste_. (η) _before_, _tofore_, _there_ are
used in both ways.
Gower’s usage with reference to this matter is as follows:
The personal and possessive pronouns _hire_, _oure_, _ȝoure_,
_here_ and _hise_ (as plural of _his_), written also _hir_,
_our_, &c., are as a rule treated as monosyllables. We have
however ‘Fro _hire_, which was naked al,’ i. 367, ‘And thenke
untoward _hire_ drawe,’ iv. 559, so v. 1178, 2757, vii. 1899,
&c., ‘In _oure_ tyme among ous hiere,’ Prol. 5 (but ‘_Oure_
king hath do this thing amis,’ i. 2062), ‘As ȝe be _ȝoure_
bokes knowe,’ iii. 1087, cp. v. 2951 (but ‘Bot, fader, of
_ȝoure_ lores wise,’ i. 2768). Add to these _alle_ (pl.) before
definite article.
In the following words also the final _e_ is sometimes
suppressed for the verse: _these_ (also _thes_), Prol. 900,
1037, i. 435, ii. 237, &c. (but _thesë_, v. 813, 1127, vii.
1005, &c.): _whiche_ plur. (also _which_), ii. 604, iv. 1496,
&c. (but _whichë_, i. 404, v. 1269, vii. 822, 1256, &c.):
_eche_ (also _ech_), v. 6883, according to F, cp. Prol.
516: _there_ (usually _ther_), viii. 2311, 2689 (but _therë_,
iii. 1233, &c., and often in rhyme): _were_ pret. ind. or
subj. (also _wer_), iii. 1600, iv. 600, 1657, 1689 (but more
usually _werë_, as Prol. 1072, iii. 762, v. 2569, vii. 4458):
_where_ (usually _wher_), v. 4355 (but _wherë_, v. 2720):
_more_ (also _mor_), ii. 26, v. 2239, 6207, vii. 3237 (but
_morë_, Prol. 55*, 640, iv. 2446, vii. 3287, &c.): _before_,
_tofore_ (also _befor_, _tofor_), i. 2054, 2864, iii. 2052
(but _beforë_, Prol. 848, and often in rhyme): _foure_, vii.
2371 (but _fourë_, ii. 1037, iv. 2464): _fare_ (wel), iii.
305, iv. 1378 (but _farëwel_, v. 4218): _sire_, i. 2878, ii.
2995 (but _sirë_, v. 3547, 5593): _wite_, ii. 455 (but _witë_,
v. 3150, 3445): _wole_ (also _wol_), v. 2891, 2911, &c.:
_bothe_, ii. 1966, 2154, iv. 2138, &c. (but _bothë_, Prol.
1068, i. 851, &c.): _wolde_ (also _wold_), v. 4413 (usually
_woldë_): _come_, ii. 789, iv. 2826 (but _comë_, pp. iv. 1283,
vi. 1493, vii. 4840, inf. viii. 1362): _some_, pl. subst.,
iii. 2112, v. 2252 (but _somë_, i. 2034 ff.): _have_, Prol.
708, i. 169, 2724, ii. 550, iv. 1600 (but _havë_, ii. 332, iv.
1598): _love_, subst. iv. 930, vi. 1261 (but _lovë_ much more
often, e.g. i. 103, 251, 760, &c.): _tuelve_ (also _tuelf_),
iv. 1983 (but _tuelvë_, vii. 1005): _trewe_ (also _trew_), v.
2877 (but _trewë_, pl., Prol. 184, def., iii. 2228): _mowe_,
inf. (also _mow_), iv. 38: _seie_, inf. and 1st s. pres. iii.
1737, iv. 672, v. 2616, 6428, &c. (but _seië_ often): _preie_,
1st s. pres. (also _prai_), v. 4531 (but _preië_, v. 3230):
_furthere_, _forthere_ (also _further_, _forther_), iii. 81,
885: _lengere_ (also _lenger_), i. 1516, ii. 2602: _rathere_
(also _rather_), ii. 503, vii. 4161, viii. 2141: _janglere_, v.
526: also some isolated cases, as _aboute_, v. 2914, _Take_,
v. 7169, _Minotaure_, v. 5327 (but _Minotaurë_, 5291, &c.),
_Theophile_, viii. 1500.
In iv. 1131, v. 447, 5011, which we have quoted above, the
superfluous syllable in each case may be connected with the
pause in the sentence, as in _Mirour de l’omme_, 10623, ‘L’un
ad franchise, l’autre ad servage.’
Syncope (so far as regards the metre) regularly takes place in
the following: _covere_ (_discovere_, &c.), _delivere_ (but not
_deliverance_, i. 1584, v. 1657), _evene_, _evere_, _fievere_,
_havene_, _hevene_, _levere_, _nevere_, _povere_, _sevene_ (also
_sefne_), _swevene_ (also _swefne_), and some other words of a similar
kind, to which add _heved_, _evel_, _devel_. In these cases a final _e_
is always pronounced unless elided, and in case of elision a word like
_hevene_, _nevere_ is reduced to a monosyllable, as
‘This world which evere is in balance.’
The following also are sometimes syncopated: _lovede_, _loveden_,
ii. 502, vi. 882, but without syncope ii. 2027, _beloved_, i. 1928,
_belovëd_, i. 1920 f., _behovely_, _behovelich_, iii. 1330, v. 4012,
vii. 1949 (but _unbehovëly_, viii. 2884), _leveful_, v. 7053, _Averil_,
vii. 1029, _soverein_, vii. 1776 (but usually three syllables, as Prol.
186, i. 1609, and _sovereinete_, five syllables, i. 1847), _amorous_,
iii. 745 (but usually three syllables, as i. 1414), _fader_, ii. 2387,
cp. _fadre_, ii. 2519 (but ordinarily a dissyllable), _unkendeli_,
ii. 3124 (but _unkindëly_, iii. 2065), _comelieste_, _comelihiede_,
v. 3048, 6734 (but _comëly_, ii. 441), _namely_, viii. 3041, also
_namly_, ii. 47 (but usually three syllables, as Prol. 144, iii.
63), _Termegis_, iv. 2408. We may note, however, that this kind of
syncope is less used by Gower than by Chaucer, and that _chivalerie_,
_chivalerous_, _foreward_, _foretokne_, _loveday_, _pilegrin_,
_surquiderie_, &c., are fully pronounced.
Unaccented _i_ before weak _e_ either final or in inflexions
has the force of a semi-vowel, and forms no syllable of itself:
so _studie_, _carie_, _tarie_, _chirie_, _merie_, _manye_, &c.
are equivalent to dissyllables, and are reduced by elision to
the value of monosyllables, as Prol. 323, ‘To _studie_ upon
the worldes lore,’ i. 452, ‘To _tarie_ with a mannes thoght,’
i. 3238, ‘And _manye_ it hielden for folie,’ ii. 2648, ‘Thei
_carie_ til thei come at Kaire’; and so also in the other parts
of the same words, e.g. i. 1645, ‘And thus he _tarieth_ long
and late,’ and in plurals like _bodies_, iv. 2463. Similarly
_Mercurie_ is made into a dissyllable by elision, ‘And ek the
god Mercurie also,’ i. 422. Akin to this in treatment is the
frequent combination _many a_, _many an_, counting as two
syllables (so ‘ful many untrewe,’ v. 2886), but _many on_,
_manion_ as three. We may note also the case of _statue_, Prol.
891, ‘As I tolde of the Statue above,’ which is reduced by
elision to a monosyllable.
Elision of weak final _e_ takes place regularly before a vowel or an
unaspirated _h_. We must observe that several classical proper names
ending originally in _ē_, as _Alceone_, _Daphne_, _Progne_, _Phebe_,
have weak _e_ and are subject to elision, and under this head it may be
noted that _Canace_ rhymes to _place_, whereas Chaucer (referring to
Gower’s story) gives the name as _Canacee_, in rhyme with _he_. Also
the combinations _byme_, _tome_, _tothe_, &c., have weak _-e_ and are
elided before a vowel.
An aspirated _h_ prevents elision as effectively as any other
consonant. We have ‘min holë herte,’ ‘gretë hornes,’ ‘Cadmë hyhte,’ ‘Mi
Sonë, herkne,’ ‘proprë hous,’ ‘fastë holde’ (and even ‘othrë herbes,’
iv. 3008); but there are some words in which _h_ is aspirated only when
they are emphatic in sense or position, as _have_, _hath_, _he_, _him_,
_hire_, _how_, &c. For example, elision takes place usually before
_have_, _he_, _how_, but not so as a rule in cases where they are used
in rhyme or with special emphasis, e.g. i. 2542, ‘Of such werk as it
scholde have,’ ii. 2479, cp. v. 7766, ‘Wenende that it were he,’ iv.
3604, ‘And al the cause hou it wente.’ On the other hand, the preterite
_hadde_ seems to have an aspirated _h_ even in unemphatic position, as
ii. 589, ‘The Sceptre hadde forto rihte’: compare vii. 2364, ‘Victoire
hadde upon his fo,’ with vii. 2392, ‘Thogh thou victoire have nou on
honde.’ Elision also takes place before _hierafter_, though not before
_hiere_.
There is one instance of hiatus, viii. 110, ‘That he his Sone Isaäc,’
and it may be noted that the same thing occurs with the same name in
the _Mirour_, 12241, ‘De Isaak auci je lis.’
The article _the_ regularly coalesces with a succeeding
word beginning with a vowel or mute _h_, as _thaffeccioun_,
_thalemans_, _thamende_, _thapostel_, _thastat_, _theffect_,
_themperour_, _thenvious_, _therbage_, _therthe_,
_thexperience_, _thonour_, _thother_, _thunsemlieste_, _thyle_,
&c. The exceptions, which are very few, are cases of special
emphasis, as i. 3251, ‘The Erthe it is.’ Similarly the negative
particle _ne_ with a succeeding verb beginning with a vowel, as
_nam_, _naproche_, _nis_ (but _ne have_), and also occasionally
with some words beginning with _w_, forming _nere_, _nost_,
_not_, _nyle_, _nyste_, &c. In some few instances _to_
coalesces with the gerund, as _tacompte_, _teschuie_.
There is diaeresis regularly in such proper names as _Theseüs_,
_Peleüs_, _Tereüs_, and also in _Saül_, _Isaäc_. We have _Moïses_
usually, but _Moises_ (dissyllable), iv. 648, _Thaise_ usually, but
_Thaïsis_ in the epitaph, viii. 1536. One example occurs affecting the
_-ee_ termination, viz. _Caldeë_, v. 781 (usually a dissyllable), so
_Judeë_, _Galileë_ in _Mirour_, 20067, 29239. This is an essentially
different case from that of _degreës_, which is found in Chaucer. The
termination _-ius_ is usually dissyllabic, but vii. 2967, ‘The god
Mercurius and no man.’ The endings _-ioun_, _-ious_, _-ien_, &c., are
always fully pronounced.
As regards accent, it has been already observed that the natural
accent of words is preserved far better in Gower’s verse than in
Chaucer’s. There are, however, a number of words of French origin, of
which the accent was unsettled, and also some instances of English
words in which a secondary syllable was capable of receiving the
principal accent, either in case of composition, as in _kingdom_,
_knihthode_, _treweliche_, or with a formative termination, as that
of the superlative, _fairéste_, &c., or the present participle, as
_wepénde_. In such cases the accent was often determined by the metre.
Many Romance words are quite freely treated in the matter of accent,
as for example _folie_, _fortune_, _mercy_, _mirour_, _nature_,
_parfit_, _preiere_, _resoun_, _science_, _sentence_, _tempeste_. The
terminations _-hode_, _-hede_, _-inge_, _-liche_, _-ly_, _-nesse_,
_-schipe_ are all capable of accent, and also the penultimate syllables
of _answere_ and _felawe_.
Nearly all that is important about rhyme has already been said under
the head of Phonology. We may here remark on some of the instances
in which the form of words is accommodated to the rhyme, these
being sometimes cases where variants are supplied by neighbouring
dialects. Thus we have _aise_ for _ese_, _ar_ for _er_, _hair_ for
_heir_, _naght_ once for _noght_, _fer_ once for _fyr_, _hade_,
with the original long vowel, for _hadde_, _geth_ (the originally
correct form) for _goth_, _fore_ for _for_; and alternatives such as
_moneie monoie_, _aweie awey away_, _seide saide_, _soverein
soverain_, are used in accordance with the rhyme, though it is
difficult to say for certain in all cases whether there was difference
of sound. Thus, while we have _away_ as rhyme to _day_, _awey_ is found
rhyming to _ey_, i. 2545, _said_, _saide_ rhyming with _paid_, _Maide_,
while _seide_ rhymes with _alleide_, _obeide_; we find _soverein_ :
_aȝein_, but _brayn_ : _soverain_. The form _yhe_ often varies to
_ÿe_ when in rhyme with _-ie_ termination, as _clergie_ : _ÿe_, Prol.
329 f., _ÿe_ : _agonie_, i. 967 f. (but also _yhe_ : _pourpartie_, i.
405 f., _yhe_ : _specefie_, i. 571 f.). Sometimes however the other
rhyme-word is modified to correspond to it, as _pryhe_ : _yhe_, v. 469
f., and there was probably no perceptible difference of pronunciation
in this case. So also the preterite _lowh_ is written _low_ when in
rhyme with _now_, Prol. 1071, and similarly _thou_ : _ynou_, vii.
2099 f. (but _bowe_ : _ynowhe_, ii. 3225 f.). We have already seen
that the use of such alternative forms as _sinne senne_, _wile
wole_, _lasse lesse_, _hedde hidde_, _-ende -inge_ is sometimes
determined by the rhyme.
Alliteration is used by Gower in a manner which is especially
characteristic of the new artistic style of poetry. It is sufficiently
frequent, both in formal combinations, such as ‘cares colde,’ ‘lusty
lif,’ ‘park and plowh,’ ‘swerd or spere,’ ‘lief and loth,’ ‘wel or wo,’
‘dike and delve,’ ‘slepe softe,’ ‘spille ... spede,’ and as an element
of the versification:
i. 886 f. ‘For so, thei seide, al stille and softe
God Anubus hire wolde awake.’
iv. 2590 ‘The lost is had, the lucre is lore.’
iv. 3384 f. ‘Which many a man hath mad to falle,
Wher that he mihte nevere arise.’
v. 3670 f. ‘And thanne he gan to sighe sore,
And sodeinliche abreide of slep.’
vii. 3468 f. ‘Sche hath hir oghne bodi feigned,
For feere as thogh sche wolde flee.’
But it is not introduced in accordance with any fixed rules, and it
often assists the flow of the verse without in the least attracting
the attention of the reader. We do not find any examples of the rather
exaggerated popular style which Chaucer sometimes adopts in passages
of violent action, e.g. _Cant. Tales_, A 2604 ff. The whole subject of
alliteration in Gower has been carefully dealt with by P. Höfer in his
dissertation, _Alliteration bei Gower_, 1890, where a very large number
of examples are cited and classified; and to this the reader may be
referred.
viii. TEXT AND MANUSCRIPTS. About forty manuscript copies of the
_Confessio Amantis_ are known to exist in public or private libraries
or in the hands of booksellers, and probably there may be a few more in
private possession, the existence of which has not yet been recorded.
As the broad lines for their classification are necessarily laid down
by the fact that the book was put forth by the author in several
different forms, it is necessary, before proceeding further, to say
something about this matter.
That the poem exists in at least two distinct forms, characterized
by obvious differences near the beginning and at the end, has been
matter of common knowledge. Even in Berthelette’s edition of 1532 the
difference at the beginning was noted, and though the printer did not
venture to deviate from the form of text which had been made current
by Caxton, yet he gave in his preface the beginning of the poem as he
found it in his manuscript. Dr. Pauli accordingly proceeded on the
assumption that there were two normal forms, one having a dedication
to Richard II at the beginning and a form of conclusion in which
mention is made of Chaucer, and the other with a dedication to Henry of
Lancaster and a conclusion in which Chaucer is not mentioned. Copies
which do not conform to these standards are for him simply irregular.
He is aware of the additional passages in Berthelette’s edition and
in the Stafford MS., and in one place he speaks of three classes of
MSS., but he does not know that there are any written copies except
the Stafford MS. which contain the additional passages. If he had had
personal knowledge of the manuscripts at Oxford and at Cambridge,
instead of being satisfied to gather scraps of information about the
former from Bodley’s Librarian and about the latter from Todd, he would
have found the passages in question also in MS. Bodley 294 at Oxford
and in the Trinity and Sidney MSS. at Cambridge.
There are then at least these three classes of manuscripts to be
recognized even by a superficial observer, and we shall find that the
more obvious differences which have been mentioned are accompanied by
a number of others of less importance. The first recension according
to our classification is that in which the conclusion of the poem
contains praises of Richard II as a just and beneficent ruler and
a presentation of the book for his acceptance[AB]. The second has
the additional passages of the fifth and seventh books, with a
rearrangement of the sixth book which has not hitherto been noticed,
while the conclusion of the poem has been rewritten so as to exclude
the praises of the king, and in some copies there is also a new preface
with dedication to Henry of Lancaster. The third exhibits a return
to the form of the first as regards the additional passages, but has
the rewritten preface and epilogue. Against this merely threefold
division some objections might fairly be made. It might be pointed out
that the so-called second recension includes at least two distinct
forms, and moreover that upon further examination we see reason to
divide the manuscripts of our first recension into two main groups,
one exhibiting an earlier and the other a later text, this last being
more in accordance generally with that of what we call the second and
third recensions than with the earlier form of the first. For practical
purposes, however, the division which has been laid down above may
fairly be adopted. As regards the order of time, from the political
tendency of the differences between them it is clear that what we call
the first recension logically precedes the third. The intermediate
position of the second is given chiefly by the fact that one of the
seven existing manuscripts gives the earlier form of preface, and this
may also have been the case with two others, which are defective at
the beginning[AC]. However, as has been said, the name is used for
convenience to cover a class of copies which, as regards the character
of their text, do not all belong to the same period, and they must
be looked upon as representing rather a concurrent variety of the
first or the third recension[AD] than as a type which is distinctly
intermediate in order of time. At the same time the smaller variations
of text exhibited by these seven MSS. in combination, as against all
others[AE], mark them as really a family apart, more closely related to
one another than to those that lie outside the group.
For the sake of clearness the manuscripts are in this edition
regularly grouped according to this classification, and in the critical
notes each class is cited by itself. At the same time it must not be
assumed that the manuscripts of each recension stand necessarily by
themselves, and that no connexion is traceable between one class and
another. On the contrary, we shall find that many errors in the text
of the first recension appear also in some copies of the second, and
even of the third. The process by which this was brought about is made
clearer to us by the fact that we have an example of a manuscript which
has passed from one group into another partly by erasure and partly
by substitution of leaves, apparently made under the direction of the
author. This is MS. Fairfax 3, which forms the basis of our text, and
the handwriting of some of the substituted pages is one which may be
recognized as belonging to the ‘scriptorium’ of the poet.
The example is a suggestive one and serves to explain several things.
It makes it easy to understand, for example, how the additional matter
introduced into the second recension came to be omitted in the third.
The author in this instance had before him a very fully revised and
corrected copy of his first edition, and this by a certain amount of
rewriting over erasure and by a substitution of leaves at the beginning
and end of the poem was converted into a copy of what we call the third
recension, which his scribes could use at once as an authoritative
exemplar. The introduction of the additional passages in the fifth
and seventh books could not have been effected without a process of
recopying the whole book, which would have called for much additional
labour of the nature of proof-reading on the part of the author, in
order to secure its correctness. This argument would apply to a book
which was intended to remain in the hands of the author, or rather of
the scribes whom he employed, and to be used as an archetype from which
copies were to be made. If a new book had to be specially prepared for
presentation, the case would be different, and it might then be worth
while to incorporate the additional passages with the fully revised and
re-dedicated text, as we find was done in the case of the so-called
Stafford MS.
Another matter which can evidently be explained in the same way is the
reappearance in some copies of the second recension of errors which
belong to the first. In producing the originals of such manuscripts as
these, partially revised copies of the first recension must have been
used as the basis, and such errors as had not yet received correction
appear in the new edition.
The assumption that a certain number of errors are original, that
is to say, go back either to the author’s own autograph or to the
transcript first made from it, is in itself probable: we know in fact
that some which appear in every copy, without exception, of the first
and second recensions at length receive correction by erasure in
Fairfax 3. So far as we can judge, the text of the _Confessio Amantis_
during its first years exhibited a steady tendency to rid itself of
error, and the process of corruption in the ordinary sense can hardly
be said to have set in until after the death of the author. There are
a large number of various readings in the case of which we find on the
one side the great majority of first recension MSS., and on the other a
small number of this same type together with practically the whole of
the second and third recensions, as, for example[AF]:
i. 2836 to H₁XERCLB₂ do AJMG, SAdBΔΛ, FWH₃
2847 be _om._ H₁XGERCLB₂ _ins._ AJM, SAdBΔ, FWH₃
2953 wele H ... B₂ weie AJM, SAd BΔ, FWH₃
3027 preieth H₁ ... B₂, W braieth, AJM, S ... ΔΛ, FH₃
3374 an Erl hier H₁ ... B₂, Λ mad a Pier AJM, SAdBΔ, FW (H₃
def.)
3381 place H₁ ... B₂, BΛ maide AJM, SAdΔ, FW (H₃ defective)
ii. 833 that diere H₁ ... B₂, B that other AJ(M), SAdΔΛ, FWH₃
iii. 12 euermore H₁ ... B₂ enemy AJM, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃
354 I may H₁ ... B₂ he may AJM, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃
iv. 109 day H₁ ... B₂, H₃ lay AJM, SBTΔ, FW (Ad def.)
v. 316 thanne (than) H₁ ... B₂, Δ hom AJM, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃
368 And for no drede now wol I wonde H₁ ... B₂, Λ In helle thou
schalt understonde AJM, S ... Δ, FWH₃ cp. 394, 424, 786, &c.
2694 Whan that sche was bot of ȝong age For good ERCLB₂ That
only for thilke avantage Of good AJMH₁XG, S ... ΔΛ, FWH₃
2771 nyh _om._ ERCLB₂ _ins._ AJMH₁XG, S ... Δ, FWH₃
3110 burned as the silver ERCLB₂ burned was as selver AJMH₁XG,
S ... ΔΛ, FWH₃ cp. 3032, 3246, &c.
We see in these examples, selected as fairly typical, that some of
the variants have evidently the character of errors, while in other
cases the difference of reading is due to an alternative version. The
circumstances, however, of these two cases are not distinguishable, the
errors are supported by as much authority as the rest, and it must be
supposed that both have the same origin. If then we assume that such
variations as we find (for example) in i. 3396, 3416, v. 30, 47, 82,
368, 2694, &c., are due to the author, as is almost certain, there can
be no doubt that the form of text which is given by the group AJM in
combination with the second and third recensions is the later of the
two: and if the group H₁ ... B₂ represents an earlier type as regards
this class of variation, it must surely do so also as regards the
errors, which, as we have seen, stand upon the same ground in respect
of manuscript authority. As we cannot help believing that the author
wrote originally ‘To holde hir whil my lif may laste,’ v. 82, and
‘The more he hath the more he greedeth,’ v. 394, so we may reasonably
suppose that errors such as ‘it’ for ‘hid,’ i. 1755, ‘that diere’ for
‘that other,’ ii. 833, ‘what’ for ‘war,’ iii. 1065, existed in the copy
which first served as an exemplar.
It may be observed here that in cases where revision seems to have
taken place, we can frequently see a definite reason for the change;
either the metre is made more smooth, as i. 1770, 2622, 3374, ii. 671,
751, 1763, iii. 765, 2042, 2556, iv. 234, v. 368, 1678, &c., or some
name is altered into a more correct form, as where ‘Element’ is changed
to ‘Clemenee,’ iv. 985, with a corresponding alteration of the rhyme,
or the expression and run of the sentence is improved, as i. 368, 3416,
v. 30, 1906, 6756, &c. In particular we note the tendency towards
increased smoothness of metre which is shown in dealing with weak _e_
terminations.
It is to be assumed on the principles which have been stated that the
group ERCLB₂ and the other manuscripts which agree with them represent
with more or less accuracy the first form of the author’s text, that
H₁YXG and a few more form a class in which correction and revision has
taken place to some extent, but partially and unsystematically, and
that AJM &c. give us the first recension text in a much more fully
revised and corrected form.
It has been already said that F was originally a manuscript of
the first recension. We shall find however that it did not exactly
correspond to any existing first recension manuscript. Setting aside
the small number of individual mistakes to be found in it, there are
perhaps about eighty instances (many of a very trifling character) in
which its text apparently differed originally from that of any first
recension copy which we have, and in about half of these the text of F
agrees with that of the second recension. The manuscript which comes
nearest to F in most respects is J (St. John’s Coll., Camb.), and there
is a considerable number of instances in which this MS. stands alone
among first recension copies in agreement with the Fairfax text. In
the sixth book, for example, if J be set aside, there are at least
twenty-three passages in which F gives an apparently genuine reading
unsupported by the first recension; but in sixteen of these cases J
is in agreement with F. It must be noted, however, that this state of
things is not equally observable in the earlier part of the poem, and
indeed does not become at all marked until the fifth book.
Besides variations of reading, there are in the Fairfax MS. a few
additions to the text which are not found in any first recension
copy. These are Prol. 495-498, 579-584 and i. 1403-1406, two passages
of four lines each and one of six, as well as some additions to the
Latin notes in the margin (at Prol. 195, i. 2705, and v. 7725), of
which the first two were evidently put in later than the accompanying
text. Finally, there are three other additions to the text which are
found in a single copy of the first recension, MS. Harl. 3490 (H₁).
These are i. 2267-2274, where four lines have been expanded into
eight, i. 2343-2358, an interesting addition of sixteen lines to the
tale of Narcissus, and i. 2369-2372. Thus in the matter of additions
to the text H₁ stands nearer to F than AJM &c., and in a few other
passages also it is found standing alone of its recension in company
with F, e.g. i. 2043, 2398, ii. 2247. This manuscript does not belong
to the ‘fully revised’ group, but it gives the revised readings more
frequently perhaps than any other outside that group.
Thus notwithstanding the differences between the first recension
copies, as we have them, and the Fairfax MS. as it originally stood,
we shall have no difficulty in regarding the latter as having been
originally a revised and corrected copy of that recension, exhibiting a
text to which tolerably near approaches are made by A, J, and H₁, each
in its own way, though no copy precisely corresponding to it is known
to exist.
Passing to the second recension, we must first repeat what has
already been said, that it did not supersede the first, but existed
and developed by its side, having its origin probably in the very
same year, or at latest in the next. Its characteristic point is the
presence of considerable additions in the fifth and seventh books,
together with a rearrangement of part of the sixth. There are seven
manuscripts known to me, of which three are defective at the beginning.
All these (except one, which is also defective at the end) have the
rewritten epilogue, one in combination with the Chaucer verses and the
others without them. Of the four which are perfect at the beginning,
one, namely B, has the earlier form of preface, and the other three,
ΛP₂ and S, the later. Of the others it is probable, but by no means
certain, that T agreed with B in this respect, and practically certain
that Δ agreed with S. A more satisfactory line of distinction, which
divides the manuscripts of this class into two groups, is given by the
general character of the text which they exhibit, and by the insertion
or omission of certain of the additional passages of which we have
spoken. While some of the passages, viz. v. 6395*-6438*, 7086*-7210*,
vii. 3207*-3360*, are common to all the copies, as are also the
transposition of vi. 665-964 and (except in case of Λ) the omission of
v. 7701-7746, three of them are found in AdBTΛP₂ only, and are omitted
in SΔ[AG], viz. v. 7015*-7036*, vii. 2329*-2340* and 3149*-3180*.
Then, as regards the text generally, the five MSS. first mentioned all
have connexions of various kinds with the unrevised form of the first
recension, while the last two represent a type which, except as regards
variants specially characteristic of the second recension, of which
there may be about sixty in all, nearly corresponds with that of the
Fairfax MS.[AH]
The relations of the group AdBTΛP₂ with the first recension and
with one another are difficult to clear up satisfactorily. Broadly,
it may be said that of these B represents an earlier type than the
rest in regard to correction and Λ in regard to revision: that is to
say, B retains a large number of first recension errors which do not
appear in the rest (sharing some, however, with Λ), while at the same
time, in cases where a line has been rewritten B almost regularly
has the altered form, though with some exceptions in the first two
books. On the other hand, though it often happens that Λ is free from
original errors which appear in B, yet in many places where B has
the revised form of text Λ gives us the original, in agreement with
the earlier first recension type, while in others Λ agrees with B in
giving the revised reading. Then again, there can be no doubt of the
close connexion between B and T, but the agreement between them is
not usually on those points in which B follows the first recension
in error. It is as if they had been derived from the same archetype,
but T (or a manuscript from which T was copied) sprang from it at a
later stage than the original of B, when many of the errors noted in
the first recension had been corrected, while the text of the book
generally was allowed to remain as it was[AI]. Finally, the text of Ad
approaches very near to a fully revised and corrected type. It very
occasionally reproduces the earlier first recension, as if by accident,
but seems never deliberately to give an ‘unrevised’ reading. It should
be observed that from a point towards the end of the fifth book (about
v. 6280) AdBT is a group which is very frequently found in special
agreement, whereas before that point we usually find BT (or BTΛ) with
Ad on the other side.
Passing now to the third recension, which has the preface and epilogue
as in Λ and S, but excludes the additional passages, we find it
represented by eight manuscripts, with Fairfax 3 at their head. We
have already seen that this manuscript was originally one of the first
recension, and was altered by the author so as to substitute the new
epilogue and the new preface. Besides these changes, fresh lines are in
several places written over erasures, as i. 2713 f., iv. 1321 f., 1361
f., &c., the marginal date is erased at Prol. 331, and additions have
been made to the marginal notes. All these alterations, as well as the
points previously noted, in which F originally differed from the other
copies of the first recension, are reproduced in the other MSS. of the
third recension.
Of these remaining MSS. one is directly copied from F, and another
seems to be certainly derived from the same source, though perhaps
not immediately. In the case of H₃ (MS. Harl. 7184) the question of
origin is not quite so simple. Its text generally seems to suggest
ultimate dependence on F, but it is very unequal as regards accuracy,
and in one part it regularly follows the early first recension readings
and seems to belong for the time to the ERCLB₂ group. In addition to
this it has a Latin marginal note at the beginning of the Prologue,
which is wanting in F. The problem is perhaps to be solved by means
of the Keswick MS. This is written in several hands, varying greatly
in accuracy, and exactly in that place where H₃ seems to follow a
first recension copy the Keswick MS. is defective, having lost several
leaves. It also contains the marginal note referred to above, and on
examination we find that a whole series of corruptions are common to
the two MSS. There seems to be very little doubt that K is the source
of H₃, the inequality of the latter MS. being to a great extent in
accordance with the change of hands in K, and the variation of H₃ in
a portion of the third book to a different type of text being exactly
coincident with the gap left in K by loss of leaves, a loss which must
apparently have taken place in the first forty or fifty years of its
existence[AJ]. As to the text of K itself, in the parts which are most
carefully written it reproduces that of F with scrupulous exactness,
giving every detail of orthography and punctuation, and for the most
part following it in such small errors as it has. It is impossible for
one who places these MSS. side by side, as I have been able to do,
to avoid the conviction that in some parts at least the exemplar for
K was the Fairfax MS. itself. On the other hand, the Latin marginal
note at the beginning was derived from some other copy, and setting
aside the many mistakes, which possibly are due to mere carelessness
on the part of some of the scribes, the Keswick MS. does undoubtedly
contain some readings which seem to be derived from a different source.
In form of text generally it corresponds exactly with F, reproducing
all the additions and corrections made by erasure or otherwise, and
containing the same Latin and French pieces in the same order at the
end, so far at least as it is perfect. The Magdalen College MS. must
be derived ultimately from the same source as H₃, and it has the same
lapse from the third recension to the first, coinciding with the gap
in the Keswick book. On the other hand W, though in form of text it
corresponds with these and with F, is quite independent of the group
above mentioned, and probably also of the Fairfax MS. It is late
and full of corruptions, but in several instances it assists in the
correction of errors which appear in F, and it is apparently based on
a copy which retained some of the variants of the earlier text still
uncorrected.
As for the remaining manuscript, which was formerly in the Phillipps
collection, but is now in the hands of a bookseller, I have had so
little opportunity for examining it that I ought not to attempt a
classification.
Reviewing the whole body of authorities, we can recognize readily
that two are pre-eminent as witnesses for the author’s final text,
that is to say, S and F, the Stafford and the Fairfax MSS. These
are practically identical in orthography, and, except as regards
the characteristic differences, which sufficiently guarantee their
independence, exhibit essentially the same text, and one which bears
the strongest marks of authenticity. Both are contemporary with the
author, and it is perhaps difficult to say which best represents his
final judgement as to the form of his work.
The Stafford MS. seems to be the earlier in time, that is to say,
it probably precedes the final conversion of the Fairfax copy. It
was evidently written for presentation to a member of the house of
Lancaster, perhaps to Henry himself before his accession to the throne.
It was doubtless for some such presentation copy that the preface was
rewritten in 1392-3, with the dedication to Henry introduced into the
English text, while most of the other copies issued during Richard’s
reign probably retained their original form. If we suppose that the new
forms of preface and epilogue were at first intended only for private
circulation, we can account for the very considerable preponderance of
the first recension in regard to the number of copies by which it is
represented, and also allow sufficient time for the gradual development
of the text, first into the type which we find in A or J, and finally
into that of F, as it originally stood, a process which can hardly
be satisfactorily understood if we suppose that from 1393 onwards
the Lancastrian dedication had its place in all copies put forth by
the author. It seems on the whole probable, for reasons to be stated
afterwards, that the final conversion of F (that is as regards the
preface) did not take place until after the deposition of Richard, and
it is reasonable enough to suppose that copies were usually issued in
the original form, until after that event occurred.
MANUSCRIPTS. The following account of the MSS. is given on my own
authority in every detail. I have been able to see them all, and I
wish here to express my thanks to the possessors of them, and to the
librarians who have them in their charge, for the readiness with which
they have given me the use of them. I am indebted especially to the
Councils of Trinity College and St. John’s College, Cambridge, and to
Corpus Christi, Wadham, Magdalen, and New College, Oxford, for allowing
their MSS. to be sent to the Bodleian Library for my use, and to remain
there for considerable periods. Except in the case of one or two, to
which my access was limited, I have examined every one carefully, so
that I am able to say (for example) to what extent, if at all, they are
imperfect. They are arranged as far as possible in accordance with the
classes and groups to which they belong, as follows:
1st Recension (_a_) AJMP₁ChN₂E₂ (_b_) H₁YXGOAd₂CathQ (_c_)
ECRLB₂SnDArHdAsh 2nd Recension (_a_) SΔ (_b_) AdTBΛP₂ 3rd Recension
FH₂NKH₃MagdWP₃ Hn
FIRST RECENSION.
(_a_) _Revised._
A. BODLEY 902, Bodleian Library (formerly Arch. D. 33, not in
Bernard’s Catalogue, 1697). Contains _Confessio Amantis_ followed by
‘Explicit iste liber’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere freta,’ and ‘Quia
vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 184, measuring 13⅜ × 9⅛ in., in
quires of 8 with catchwords. Well written in double column of 46 lines
in three different hands of early fifteenth cent., of which the first
extends to the end of the second quire (ff. 2-16), the second from
thence to the end of the tenth quire (ff. 17-80), and the third from
f. 81 to the end. The columns nearly correspond with those of the
Fairfax MS. up to f. 81, after which point some attempt is made to
save space by writing the Latin verses in the margin. Latin summaries
in the margin, except very occasionally, as on ff. 10 and 11 v^o.
Floreated half border in fairly good style at the beginning of each
book except the fifth, and one miniature on f. 8, of the Confession,
remarkable for the fact that the figure of the Lover is evidently
intended as a portrait of the author, being that of an old man and
with some resemblance in features to the effigy on Gower’s tomb. The
Confessor has a red stole, which with his right hand he is laying on
the penitent’s head, much as in the miniatures which we have in C and
L. The note for the miniaturist still stands in the margin, ‘Hic fiat
confessor sedens _et_ confes_sus_ cora_m_ se genuflectendo.’
The first leaf of the book is lost, and has been supplied in the
sixteenth cent. from Berthelette’s second edition. It should be noted
that this is not the form of commencement which belongs properly to
the MS., being that of the third recension, taken by Berthelette from
Caxton. The first line of f. 2 is Prol. 144.
As to former possessors, we find written on the last leaf ‘Anniballis
Admiralis dominicalis,’ on f. 80 ‘Be me Anne Russell’ (?), and on f.
115 ‘Elyzebeth Gardnar my troust ys in god,’ all apparently sixteenth
cent. The first name is evidently that of Claude d’Annebaut (also
called d’Hannybal), who was Admiral of France, and died in 1552. He
was in England about the year 1547. The book came to the Bodleian from
Gilbert Dolben, Esq., of Finedon, in Northamptonshire, in the year
1697, and not being in the Catalogue of 1697, it has to some extent
escaped notice.
The text is a very good one of the revised type. It should be
noted, however, that while in the earlier books AJM &c. stand
very frequently together on the side of F as against the rest
of the first recension, in the later, and especially in the
seventh and eighth, AM &c. have an increasing tendency to stand
with the first recension generally, leaving J alone in support
of the corrected text. In the earlier books A sometimes stands
alone in this manner, as i. 1960, ii. 961, 1356.
The orthography (especially that of the second hand) is nearly
that of F. As regards final _e_, the tendency is rather to
insert wrongly than to omit. Punctuation agrees generally with
that of F.
J. ST. JOHN’S COLL., CAMB. B 12. Contains the same as A. Parchment, ff.
214, 12 × 9½ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: double column of
39 lines, written in a very neat hand of the first quarter of fifteenth
century. Latin summaries usually omitted, but most of them inserted up
to f. 5 (Prol. 606), and a few here and there in the fifth and seventh
books.
The first page has a complete border, but there are no other
decorations except red and blue capitals. Old wooden binding.
The seventh leaf of quire 12 (v. 57-213) and the first of quire 14 (v.
1615-1770) are cut out, and a passage of 184 lines is omitted in the
first book (i. 631-814) without loss of leaf, which shows that the
manuscript from which it was copied, and which here must have lost a
leaf, had the normal number of 46 lines to the column.
Various names, as Thomas Browne, Nicolas Helifax, J. Baynorde, are
written in the book, and also ‘John Nicholas oweth this book,’ with
the date 1576. At the beginning we find ‘Tho. C. S.’, which stands for
‘Thomas Comes Southampton.’ The book was in fact bought with others by
Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, from William Crashaw, Fellow
of St. John’s College, and presented by him to the College Library in
the year 1635.
This MS. gives a text which is nearer to the type of F than
that of any other first recension copy. In the later books
especially it seems often to stand alone of its class in
agreement with F, as v. 649, 1112, 1339, 1578, 3340, 4351,
4643, 5242, 6059, 6461, 6771, vi. 162, 442, 784, 973, 2089,
vii. 445, 1027, 1666, 2424, 3235, 4336, 5348, viii. 13, 239,
747, 845, 1076, 1415, 1456 ff., 2195, 2220, 2228, 2442,
2670 ff., and it is noteworthy that this is the only first
recension copy which supplies the accidental omission of ‘eorum
disciplina--materia’ in the author’s Latin account of the
_Conf. Amantis_ at the end. As regards individual correctness
it is rather unequal. In some places it has many mistakes, as
vi. 1509 ff., while in others it is very correct. The spelling
is in most points like that of F, and it is usually good as
regards terminations; but the scribe has some peculiarities of
his own, which he introduces more or less freely, as ‘ho’ for
‘who,’ ‘heo’ for ‘sche’ (pretty regularly), ‘heor’ for ‘her,’
‘whech’ for ‘which.’ It must also be an individual fancy which
leads him regularly to substitute ‘som tyme’ for ‘whilom’
wherever it occurs. Punctuation usually agrees with that of F.
M. CAMB. UNIV. Mm. 2.21 (Bern. Cat. ii. 9648). Contains _Conf. Amantis_
only, without ‘Explicit,’ &c. (the last leaf being lost). Parchment,
ff. 183, 14 × 9½ in. Quires of eight with catchwords and signatures:
double columns of 46 lines: Latin summaries usually in margin, but
occasionally in the text, as in A. Several hands, as follows, (1) ff.
1-32, 41-64, 73-88, 97-136, 145-152, 161-176; (2) ff. 33-40, 89-96,
137-144; (3) ff. 65-72; (4) ff. 153-160; (5) ff. 177-183. Finally
another, different from all the above, adds sometimes a marginal note
which has been dropped, as on ff. 4, 32 v^o, 65, 72 v^o. The first
hand, in which more than two-thirds of the book is written, is fairly
neat: the third much rougher than the rest, and also more inaccurate.
Floreated half border in fairly good style at the beginning of each
book, except the third, fifth, and seventh, and two rather rudely
painted miniatures, viz. f. 4 v^o, Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (the king in
bed, crowned), and f. 8, the Confession, a curious little picture in
the margin. The priest is laying his stole on the head of the penitent,
whose features are evidently meant for a portrait. It is quite
different however from that which we have in A. Below this picture we
find the note, ‘Hic fiat Garn_imentum_.’
The last leaf is lost, containing no doubt the ‘Explicit,’ ‘Quam
cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ as in A.
The names Stanhope and Yelverton are written on f. 39 (sixteenth
cent.), and ‘Margareta Straunge’ on the first leaf (seventeenth cent.).
Later the book belonged to Bishop Moore of Norwich (No. 462 in his
library), and it passed with the rest of his books to the University of
Cambridge in 1715, as a gift from the king.
M is very closely connected with A, as is shown by very many
instances of special agreement, and some considerations suggest
that it may be actually derived from it, as for example the
writing of the Latin verses in the margin after f. 80, which
in A seems to be connected with a change of hand, whereas in
M it begins at the same point without any such reason. On
the other hand M has a good many readings which are clearly
independent, either correcting mistakes and omissions in A, as
Prol. 195 _marg._, 937, i. 673 _marg._, 924, 1336, 3445, ii.
951, iii. 2529, vi. 620, or giving an early reading where A has
a later, e.g. Prol. 869, i. 1118, 1755, ii. 961, 3516, iii.
1939, v. 3914, 5524, &c. In correctness of text and of spelling
M is much inferior to A, especially as regards final _e_: for
example, on f. 53 v^o,
Came neu_er_ ȝit to mannes ere Cam A
Tiding | ne to mannes siȝt Tidinge ... sihte A
Merueil whiche so sore aflihte Merueile which A
Aman_n_es herte as it þe dede þo A
To hym whoche in þe same stede him which A
P₁, formerly PHILLIPPS 2298, bought in June, 1899, by Mr. B. Quaritch,
who kindly allowed me to see it. Parchment, leaf measuring about 9 ×
6½ in., double column of 39 lines, in a fairly neat running hand,
with many contractions because of the small size of the leaf. Latin
summaries omitted. No decoration. Text agrees with AJM group, so far as
I have examined it.
Ch. CHETHAM’S LIBR., MANCHESTER, A. 6. 11 (Bern. Cat. ii. 7151).
Contains _Conf. Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (4 lines) and ‘Quam cinxere.’
Parchment, ff. 126, about 15¼ × 10¾ in., quires usually of 12 or
14 leaves. Rather irregularly written in double column of 47-61 lines,
late fifteenth century. No ornament. Marginal Latin almost entirely
omitted, but some English notes by way of summary occasionally in
margin, perhaps by later hand.
The first leaf is lost, the MS. beginning Prol. 193, and also two
leaves in the second quire (i. 1092-1491) and one in the tenth
(viii. 2111-2343); but besides these imperfections there are many
omissions, apparently because the copyist got tired of his work, e.g.
ii. 3155-3184, iii. 41-126, 817-842, 877-930, 1119-1196, iv. 17-72,
261-370, 569-704, 710-722, 915-968, 1117-1236, v. 72-112. There is also
a good deal of omission and confusion in v. 6101-7082. At the end in a
scroll is written ‘Notehurste,’ which indicates probably that the book
was copied for one of the Chethams of Nuthurst, perhaps Thomas Chetham,
who died 1504. The word ‘Notehurst’ also occurs at the end of the
Glasgow MS. of the ‘Destruction of Troy,’ which has in another place
the names of John and Thomas Chetham of ‘Notehurst’ as the owners of it.
In text it belongs to the AJM group, and sometimes, as iv. 208,
stands alone with J. There are many corruptions, however, and
the spelling is late and bad.
N₂. NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD, 326. Contains _Conf. Amantis_ only (no
‘Explicit’). Parchment, ff. 207 + 4 blanks, about 13¾ × 9½
in., in quires of 8 with catchwords; neatly written in double column
of 40 lines (or 39). No Latin summaries or verses. The handwriting
changes after f. 62 (at iii. 2164) and becomes rather larger and more
ornamental.
Two leaves lost after f. 35, containing ii. 1066-1377, and some of the
leaves of the MS. from which it was copied had been displaced, so that
iv. 2501-2684 comes after 2864, then follows 3049-3232, then 2865-3048,
and after these 3233 ff. (two leaves displaced in the original). Lines
omitted sometimes with blanks left, as i. 1044, 2527.
From the coats of arms which it contains the book would seem to have
been written for Thomas Mompesson of Bathampton, sheriff of Wilts in
1478 (K. Meyer, _John Gower’s Beziehungen_, &c.). It was given to John
Mompesson by Sir Giles Mompesson in 1650, and to New College by Thomas
Mompesson, Fellow, in 1705.
The text is a combination of two types. It has the Lancaster
dedication at the beginning, but the conclusion which belongs
to the first recension. On examination it proves that the
scribe who wrote the first eight quires followed a manuscript
not of the F, but of the SΔ class (agreeing for example with
S in i. 1881 f., 2017 ff., ii. 2387, iii. 168, 1241, and
differing from F in regard to i. 2267 ff., 2343 ff., &c.),
while the copyist of the remainder followed one of the revised
first recension. The spelling is poor.
E₂. BIBL. EGERTON 913, Brit. Museum. A fragment, containing _Conf.
Amantis_ from the beginning to i. 1701. Paper, ff. 47, 11½ × 8 in.,
in quires of 16 with catchwords: single column, 30-37 lines on page:
Latin summaries in margin. Three hands, (1) f. 1-26, 31-36; (2) 27-30;
(3) 37-47.
On f. 26 v^o. there is an omission of i. 387-570 (one leaf of 184 lines
lost in the copy). This is supplied by the insertion of four leaves
after f. 26, containing i. 375-580.
The text belongs to the revised group, as shown by Prol. 6, 7,
115, 659, 869, i. 162, 278, 368, 1262, &c.
(_b_) _Intermediate._
H₁. HARLEIAN 3490, Brit. Museum. Contains, ff. 1-6 St Edmund’s
_Speculum Religiosorum_, ff. 8-215 _Confessio Amantis_, left unfinished
on f. 215 v^o. Parchment, 215 leaves, 14½ × 10 in., in quires of
8 with catchwords: double column of 34-51 lines, small neat hand of
middle fifteenth cent., with some corrections, perhaps in the same
hand. Latin summaries in the text, underlined with red. Blank leaf cut
out after f. 6, and f. 7 left blank, so that Gower begins on the first
leaf of the second quire. The text is left unfinished at viii. 3062*,
part of the last page remaining blank.
Floreated pages at the beginning of the books and also at f. 11, with
various coats of arms painted.
The text given by this MS. is of an intermediate type.
Occasionally throughout it is found in agreement with AJM &c.
rather than with ERC &c., as Prol. 6, 7, i. 162, 630, 1755,
1768 ff., 1934, &c., and in a large portion of the fifth book
it passes over definitely in company with XG &c. to the revised
class, but it does not contain the distinctive readings of XG.
Sometimes it stands alone of the first recension in company
with F &c., as iv. 2414, vii. 1749, viii. 2098, and especially
in regard to the three passages, i. 2267 ff., 2343 ff., 2369
ff. In individual correctness of text and spelling the MS. does
not rank high, and it is especially bad as regards insertion
and omission of final _e_, as ‘Wherof him ouht welle to drede,’
‘Ayenste the poyntes of the beleue,’ ‘Of whome that he taketh
eny hede.’ It has _th_ regularly for þ and _y_ for ȝ.
Y. In the possession of the MARQUESS OF BUTE, by whose kindness I have
been allowed to examine it. Contains _Confessio Amantis_, imperfect at
beginning and end. Parchment, 15½ × 10¾ in., in quires of 8 with
catchwords on scrolls. Very well written in double column of 50 lines,
early fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red). Floreated page
finely illuminated at the beginning of each book, with good painting
of large initials, some with figures of animals, in a style that looks
earlier than the fifteenth cent. Spaces left on f. 2, apparently for
two miniatures, before and after the Latin lines following i. 202.
Begins in the last Latin summary of the Prologue, ‘Arion nuper
citharista,’ followed by Prol. 1053, ‘Bot wolde god,’ &c., having lost
six leaves. Again, after iv. 819 nine leaves are lost, up to iv. 2490,
and one leaf also which contained vi. 2367-vii. 88: the book ends with
viii. 2799, two or three leaves being lost here. The book belonged to
the first Marquess of Bute, who had his library at Luton. At present it
is at St. John’s Lodge, Regent’s Park.
This is a good manuscript, carefully written and finely
decorated. There are very few contractions, and in particular
the termination _-oun_ is generally written in full, as
‘confessioun,’ i. 202, ‘resoun,’ iii. 1111, ‘devocioun,’
‘contemplacioun,’ v. 7125 f. &c., and _th_ is written regularly
for þ. As regards individual accuracy and spelling it is very
fair, but the scribe adds _-e_ very freely at the end of words.
The type of text represented is evidently intermediate to some
extent, but I have not been able to examine it sufficiently to
determine its exact character. It supports the revised group
in a certain number of passages, e.g. i. 264, 630, 3374, 3396,
3416, ii. 31, 1328, 1758, &c., sometimes in company with H₁
and sometimes not. In particular we may note the passage i.
3374 ff., where in some lines it is revised as above mentioned,
and in others, as 3381, 3414, 3443, it keeps the earlier text.
Occasionally Y seems to have a tendency to group itself with B,
as i. 208, 604, and in other places we find YE or YEC forming a
group in agreement with B, as i. 161, iii. 633, v. 1946, 3879.
X. SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, 134. Contains, ff. 1-30 Lydgate’s _Life
of the Virgin_ (imperfect at beginning), f. 1 begins in cap. xiii.
‘Therefore quod pees,’ ff. 30-249 _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’
(six lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ ff. 250-283,
Hoccleve’s _Regement of Princes_, with ‘Explicit Thomas Occlef,’
ff. 283 v^o, metrical version of Boethius [by John Walton of Osney]
with leaves lost at the end, ends ‘Amonges hem þ_at_ dwelle_n_ nyȝe
present.’ Parchment, ff. 297, about 15 × 11 in., in quires of 8
without catchwords, in a good and regular hand. The _Conf. Amantis_
is in double column of 41 lines. Latin summaries in text (red).
Ornamental borders at the beginning of books and space for miniature of
Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream on f. 34 v^o. One leaf lost between ff. 134 and
135, containing v. 1159-1318.
The book belonged formerly to the Rev. Charles Lyttelton, LL.D., who
notes that it came originally from the Abbey of Hales Owen.
I owe thanks to the librarian of the Society of Antiquaries for
courteously giving me access to the manuscript.
The text is of the intermediate type, passing over in a part of
the fifth book with H₁ &c. to the revised group, but not giving
the revised readings much support on other occasions. It forms
however a distinct sub-group with GOAd₂, these manuscripts
having readings apparently peculiar to themselves in several
passages, e.g. v. 3688 and after v. 6848.
The spelling is not very good, and in particular final _e_
is thrown in very freely without justification: there are
also many _-is_, _-id_, _-ir_ terminations, as ‘servantis,’
‘goodis,’ ‘nedis,’ ‘ellis,’ ‘crokid,’ ‘clepid,’ ‘vsid,’
‘chambir,’ ‘aftir,’ and ȝ usually for _gh_ (_h_), as ‘hyȝe,’
‘nyȝe,’ ‘ouȝt,’ ‘lawȝe,’ ‘sleyȝtis,’ &c. The text however is
a fair one, and the use of it by Halliwell in his Dictionary
preserved him from some of the errors of the printed editions.
The scribe was apt to drop lines occasionally and insert them
at the bottom of the column, and some, as iii. 2343, are
dropped without being supplied.
G. GLASGOW, HUNTERIAN MUSEUM, S. i. 7. Contains _Confessio Amantis_,
imperfect at the end. Parchment, ff. 181 (numbered 179 by doubling
94 and 106) with two blanks at the beginning, 16½ × 10¾ in.,
in quires of 8 with catchwords: well and regularly written in double
column of 46 lines, early fifteenth century. Latin summaries in the
text (red). Floreated page at the beginning of each book, so far as
they remain, and illuminated capitals. Many catchwords lost by cutting
of the margin: it must once have been a very large book.
The manuscript has lost about sixteen leaves at the end, and eight
altogether in various other places. In every case except one, however,
the place of the lost leaf is supplied by a new leaf inserted, one of
which has the missing portion of the text copied out from an early
edition, while the rest are blank. The leaves lost are mostly such as
would probably have had miniatures or illuminations, including the
beginning of the first, second, sixth, seventh, and eighth books. The
losses are as follows: f. 4 (containing Prol. 504-657, probably with a
miniature), text supplied by later hand, f. 7 (Prol. 984-i. 30), f. 9
(i. 199-336, probably with a miniature), f. 28 (i. 3402-ii. 108), f.
129 (131) (v. 7718-vi. 40), f. 143 (145) (vi. 2343-vii. 60), a leaf
after f. 175 (177) (vii. 5399-viii. 126), f. 177 (179) (viii. 271-441),
and all after f. 179 (181), that is from viii. 783 to the end.
A former owner (seventeenth cent.) says, ‘This Book, as I was told by
the Gent: who presented it to me, did originally belong to the Abbey of
Bury in Suffolk.’ If so, the _Confessio Amantis_ was probably read in
this copy by Lydgate.
I am under great obligations to Dr. Young, Librarian of the Hunterian
Museum, for the trouble he has taken to give me access to this
excellent manuscript.
The Glasgow MS. is especially related to X (iv. 2773, v. 1486,
3582, 3688, 4110, 6848 ff., vi. 101, vii. 769, &c.), and
belongs more generally to the group H₁X &c., which passes over
to the revised class almost completely in a considerable part
of the fifth book. The text, however, is on the whole much
better than that of X, being both individually more correct and
more frequently found on the side of the corrected readings,
e.g. i. 2836, ii. 1441, 1867, v. 781, 1203, 2996, 4425, 5966,
6839, 7223, 7630, vi. 86, 746 (corrected), 1437, vii. 510,
1361, 1574, 2337, 3902, viii. 568. In at least one place, vii.
1574, it stands alone of the first recension, while in others,
as v. 4425, 5966, 7630, vi. 746, 1437, &c., it is accompanied
only by J. On the other hand in some passages, as v. 5802,
6019, 6257, vii. 1172 _marg._ &c., G has an earlier reading and
X the later, while there is also a whole series of passages
where G, sometimes in company with X, seems to show a special
connexion of some kind with B (BT), as ii. 1925, iii. 733, iv.
2295, 2508, v. 4, 536, 2508, 3964, 4072, 7048, vi. 1267, 1733,
vii. 3748, 4123, &c.
The book is carefully written, and corrected in the same hand,
e.g. v. 3145, 5011, vi. 430, 746, vii. 4233. The spelling is
pretty good, and in particular it is a contrast to X in the
matter of final _e_. This is seldom wrongly inserted, and when
it is omitted it is usually in places where the metre is not
affected by it. Punctuation often in the course of the line,
but not at the end.
O. STOWE 950, Brit. Museum. _Confessio Amantis_, imperfect at beginning
and end. Parchment, ff. 175 (177 by numbering leaves of another book
pasted to binding), 14¼ × 10 in., in eights with catchwords and
signatures, double column of 44-46 lines; written in a small, neat
hand. Latin summaries in text (red). No decorated pages.
Has lost seven leaves of the first quire, to i. 165 (incl.), and also
after f. 16 one leaf (i. 2641-2991), after f. 35 one (ii. 2486-2645),
after f. 44 two (iii. 673-998), after f. 97 one (v. 3714-3898), after
f. 108 two (v. 5832-6184), after f. 136 two (vii. 771-1111), and at
least four leaves at the end (after viii. 2549).
Formerly belonged to Lord Ashburnham.
In text this belongs to the XG group, agreeing with them, for
example, at v. 3688, 6848, and in general with H₁XG, where they
go together (so far as I have examined the book), e.g. in the
Latin verses after v. 2858 (‘Vltra testes falsos,’ ‘penitus’)
and in the readings of v. 1893, 1906, 2694, 3110, &c.
The handwriting is somewhat like that of H₁: the spelling
sometimes fairly good, but unequal; bad especially at the
beginning. The metre generally good.
Ad₂. ADDITIONAL 22139, Brit. Museum. _Confessio Amantis_, imperfect,
with the author’s account of his books, ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ at the end,
followed by Chaucer’s poems, ‘To you my purse,’ ‘The firste stok,’
‘Some time this worlde,’ ‘Fle fro the pres.’ Parchment, ff. 138, 13¾
× 10¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: regularly and closely
written in double column of 53 lines by two hands, the first (ff.
1-71) somewhat pointed, the second rounder and smaller. Date 1432 on
a shield, f. 1. Latin summaries in text (red). Illuminated borders
at beginning of books (except the eighth) and many gilt capitals: a
miniature cut out on f. 4 (before Prol. 595).
The first leaves are much damaged, f. 1 having only two lines left (f.
2 begins Prol. 177), f. 3 has lost Prol. 455-478 and 505-527, &c., f. 4
has a miniature cut out, with Prol. 716-726 on the other side, f. 6 has
lost Prol. 979-1061. After f. 7 there is a loss of seventeen leaves (i.
199-ii. 56), after f. 31 (originally 48) two quires (sixteen leaves)
are lost and f. 32 is damaged (iii. 1150-iv. 1517), after f. 81 one
leaf lost (v. 7807-vi. 154).
Bought by Brit. Museum from Thos. Kerslake of Bristol, 1857.
The text is closely connected with that of X, but not copied
from that manuscript itself (see ii. 1711, vii. 92, viii.
2650). There are corrections here and there in a somewhat later
hand, e.g. ii. 671, 1045, 1457, iii. 1052, iv. 2922, several
of which are cases of lines supplied, which had been dropped.
In v. 3688 the ordinary reading has been substituted doubtless
for that of X, and in some cases the alterations are wrong, as
vii. 2639, viii. 51. The manuscript has a good many individual
errors and the spelling is rather poor.
Cath. ST. CATHARINE’S COLL., CAMB. _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’
(six lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff.
188, 17¾ × 12¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: well
written in double column of 47 lines, afterwards 40, before the
middle of fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in text (red). Floreated
whole border at the beginning of each book: miniature on f. 4 v^o of
Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream, and f. 8 v^o the Confession (Priest on stool to
left of picture, laying hand but not stole on penitent’s head), fairly
well painted.
Leaves are missing which contained i. 3089-3276, ii. 3331-3518, v.
1182-1363, 6225-6388, vi. 107-460, vii. 984-1155, and viii. 2941-3114*,
and the last leaf containing ‘Explicit,’ &c., is placed now at the
beginning of the volume. There is a confusion of the text in the third
book, iii. 236-329 being repeated after 678 and 679-766 left out, also
a considerable omission in the fourth (iv. 2033-3148) without loss of
leaves in this MS. (The statement in the MS. that seven leaves are here
lost is a mistake.) In the passage vii. 1486-2678 several leaves have
been disarranged in the quire.
Given to the College in 1740 by Wm. Bohun of Beccles (Suffolk), to
whose great-grandfather, Baxter Bohun, it was given in 1652 by his
‘grandmother Lany.’
The text is of a rather irregular type, but often agrees with
the XGO group. It has many mistakes and the spelling is poor.
Q. Belonged to the late Mr. B. Quaritch, who kindly allowed me to
examine it slightly. Parchment, leaves measuring about 14 × 8¾ in.,
in double column of 49 lines, well written, early fifteenth cent. Ends
with the account of the author’s books, ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Floreated
pages at the beginning of books and a good miniature of the Confession
on f. 3, of a rather unusual type--the priest seated to the left of the
picture and the penitent at a little distance. Latin summaries in text
(red). Begins with Prol. 342, having lost two leaves here, and has lost
also Prol. 529-688, Prol. 842-i. 85, and perhaps more.
The book formerly belonged to a Marquess of Hastings.
This is a good manuscript, and the spelling is fairly correct.
I place it provisionally here, because its readings seem to
show a tendency towards the XG group.
(_c_) _Unrevised._
E. EGERTON 1991, Brit. Museum. _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’
(six lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ after which ‘Deo
Gracias. And þanne ho no more.’ Parchment, ff. 214, 15¼ × 10 in.,
in quires of 8 with catchwords: regularly written in a very good
large hand in double column of 42 lines, early fifteenth cent. Latin
summaries in text (red). Floreated pages at beginning of books, and a
finely painted miniature of the Confession on f. 7 v^o.
Two leaves lost, originally ff. 1 and 3, containing Prol. 1-134 and
454-594. The book has also suffered from damp, and parts of the first
and last leaves are so discoloured as to be illegible.
A seventeenth cent. note on f. 1 v^o tells us that the book was given
on April 5, 1609, ‘at Skarborough Castle’ to the lady Eliz. Dymoke by
her aunt the lady Catherine Burghe, daughter of Lord Clynton, who was
afterwards earl of Lincoln and Lord High Admiral, to whom it came by
her mother, the lady Eliz. Talboys. On f. 2 we find the register of
the birth of Master Harry Clinton, son and heir of Lord Clinton, born
at Canbery, June 6, 1542. The name Willoughby occurs also in the book
(sixteenth cent.), and on a flyleaf inserted at the beginning we find
‘John Brograve, 1682,’ with Latin lines in the form of an acrostic
about his family, signed ‘Thomas Tragiscus, Bohemus.’ Bought by the
Brit. Mus. August 6, 1865, at Lord Charlemont’s sale.
The text of this fine MS. belongs clearly to the unrevised
group. At the same time its original must have had some
corrections, and some also appear on the face of this MS. It
stands alone of the first recension in agreement with S, F in
a few passages, as v. 5438, vi. 1954, vii. 4318 _marg._, and
with J in ii. 2576, iii. 176, v. 4989 f., 7327, vii. 3484. It
has also some connexion with B (BTΛ), standing in this matter
either with C (or YC), as iii. 633, v. 3688, 3814, 5667, 6318,
or by itself, as Prol. 169, i. 2122, ii. 1353, iv. 3401, v.
3992, 6336, vii. 323, 978, viii. 1761, 2706.
The scribe seems to have had a good ear for metre, and seldom
goes wrong in any point of spelling which affects the verse,
though apt to omit final _e_ in case of elision. Sometimes,
however, he drops words, as ‘swerd,’ i. 433, ‘so,’ v. 122,
‘chaste,’ v. 6277. On the whole the text of E is probably the
best of its class.
C. CORPUS CHRISTI COLL., OXF. 67 (Bern. Cat. i. 2. 1534). _Confessio
Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia
vnusquisque,’ after which ‘Deo Gracias.’ Parchment, large folio, ff.
209, of which three blank, in quires of 8 with catchwords: written in
double column in a good hand of first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin
summaries in text (red). Pages with complete borders at beginning
of books (except Lib. i), and two very fair miniatures, f. 4 v^o
Nebuchadnezzar’s Image, f. 9 v^o the Confession (priest laying stole on
youthful penitent’s head). The book has lost four leaves, the second of
the first quire (Prol. 144-301), the last of the 22nd and first of the
23rd (vii. 3137-3416), and the first of the 26th (viii. 1569-1727).
We find on the last leaf in a hand perhaps as early as the fifteenth
cent. ‘Liber partinet Thomam Crispe Ciuem et Mercerium Londiniarum,’
and on the flyleaf at the beginning a device containing the same name,
and also A. Crispe, F. Crispe, W. Rawson, Anne Rawson. ‘Augusten Crispe
me Iure tenet’ is written on the first leaf of the text, and also
‘Liber Willelmi Rawson A^o. Dni 1580.’ Finally, ‘Liber C. C. C. Oxon.
1676.’ The device referred to above appears also in the decoration of
the book both at the beginning and the end, but the manuscript must
have been written much earlier than the time of Thomas Crispe.
This is a good copy of the unrevised group, having some
connexion, as we have seen above, with E, but less good
in spelling, especially as regards final _e_. For special
connexion with B, see i. 2234, iv. 359, &c. CL go specially
together apparently in some places, as Prol. 937 f., i.
94, 161, 165, 433, 916, but not throughout. There are some
corrections by erasure of final e, and a line supplied by a
different hand, vi. 1028. No punctuation.
R. REG. 18. C. xxii, Brit. Museum. _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’
(six lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff.
206, 14¼ × 3¾ in., in eights with catchwords: double column of
44 lines, well written, first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin in text
(red). Floreated border of first page with miniature of the Confession
in the initial O; also a miniature on f. 4 v^o of the Image of
Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (hill with stone to left of picture), and half
borders at beginning of books, except Lib. i.
Two blanks cut away at the end, from one of which is set off ‘This
boke appertayneth vnto the Right Honorable the Ladie Margaret Strange’
(presumably the same whose name appears in M). The binding has ‘Lady
Mary Strainge.’
A very fair MS. of its class and almost absolutely typical, but
gives distinctively revised readings in a few passages, as ii.
925, iv. 1342, v. 3145, viii. 1621. Omits vii. 2889-2916 and
some of the Latin summaries. The words ‘pope’ and ‘papacie’
are regularly erased, see especially f. 47. Spelling and metre
fairly good: no punctuation.
L. LAUD 609, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 754). _Confessio Amantis_
with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’
Parchment, ff. 170, 16 × 10¾ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords:
double column, first of 40 lines, then about 44, and after f. 16 of 51:
well written, first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin in the text (red).
Floreated border of first page and half borders at the beginning of
books, well executed. Two miniatures, on f. 5 v^o the Image of the
dream, and on f. 10 the Confession, both much like those in C and B₂,
but damaged.
After f. 109 one leaf is lost (v. 5550-5739), one after f. 111 (v.
6140-6325), and eight (quire 16) after f. 118 (v. 7676-vi. 1373).
The names Symon and Thomas Elrington (sixteenth cent.) occur in the
book, ff. 89, 170, and ‘Liber Guilielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuar. et
Cancellarii Vniuersitatis Oxon. 1633’ on f. 1.
In correctness of text and spelling the text is decidedly
inferior to the foregoing MSS. We may note apparently good
readings in the following passages, Prol. 159, i. 3023, v.
1072, vii. 374, 3040, 3639, viii. 358, 483.
B₂. BODLEY 693, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 2875). _Confessio Amantis_
with ‘Explicit’ (six lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’
Parchment (gilt edged), ff. 196, 15 × 10 in., in eights with
catchwords. Well written, first quarter fifteenth cent., in double
column of 46 lines. Latin in text (red). Floreated border of first
page and half borders at beginning of books (also on f. 8 v^o), well
executed: two small miniatures, f. 4 v^o the Image of the dream, f. 8
v^o (within an initial T) the Confession, like those in C and L, but
smaller.
At the end we have ‘ffrauncois Halle A^o MV^cVI’ (i.e. 1506), ‘Garde
le ffine.’ In the initial on f. 1 a coat of arms is painted surrounded
by the Garter and its motto. The arms are those of Charles Brandon duke
of Suffolk (Brandon with quartering of Bruyn and Rokeley, see Doyle,
_Official Baronage_, iii. 443), and on the same page is painted the
Brandon crest (lion’s head erased, crowned per pale gules and arg.,
langued az.). These must have been painted in later than the date of
the MS. The binding is deeply stamped with the arms of Great Britain
and Ireland in colours, and the letters I. R., showing that the book
belonged to James I. It was presented to the Bodleian by Dr. John King,
who was Dean of Ch. Ch. 1605-1611. We must suppose that James gave it
to Dr. King.
The fineness of the vellum and the general style of the book
seems to indicate that it was written for some distinguished
person. The text is very typical of its class. In correctness
and spelling it is less good than L, oftener dropping final _e_
and having less regard for the metre.
Sn. ARCH. SELD. B. II, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 3357). _Confessio
Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (four lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia
vnusquisque.’ Paper (with some leaves of parchment), ff. 169, 14½
× 10¾ in. Quires with varying number of leaves, usually 12 or 16,
signatures and catchwords. (No written leaves lost, but blanks cut away
in quires nine and ten.) Written in double column of 44-65 lines (no
ruling), in a small hand, middle fifteenth cent. Latin in text. Red and
blue initials, but no other decoration.
The book has the name ‘Edwarde Smythe’ (sixteenth cent.) as the owner.
It came into the Bodleian among John Selden’s books.
The text is a poor one with a good many corruptions, from the
first line of the Prologue (‘To hem’ for ‘Of hem’) onwards,
many of them absurd, as ‘who thoghte’ for ‘we the while’ (v.
6752), ‘homicides’ for ‘houndes’ (vii. 5256), and some arising
from confusion between _þ_, _ȝ_, and _y_. Thus the scribe (who
usually has _th_ for _þ_ and _y_ for _ȝ_) is capable of writing
‘aþen’ or ‘athen’ for ‘aȝein,’ ‘yer of’ for ‘þer of,’ ‘yeff’
for ‘þef,’ ‘biþete’ for ‘biȝete.’ There are many mistakes in
the coloured initials, e.g. ii. 2501, iii. 2033, 2439. Some
northern forms, as ‘gude,’ iii. 1073, ‘Qwhat,’ iii. 2439. Note
agreement with B in some places, as i. 365, 1479, iii. 1222, v.
2417, 6296, and a few more.
D. CAMB. UNIV. Dd. viii. 19 (Bern. Cat. ii. 9653). _Confessio Amantis_
(imperfect). Parchment, ff. 127, quires of 8 with catchwords: double
column of 48 (sometimes 50) lines, regularly written in a hand using
very thick strokes. Latin in text (red). Spaces left for miniatures, f.
4 v^o, f. 8 v^o (the latter marked ‘hic Imago’), and perhaps also f.
1. Many spaces left for illuminated capitals.
After f. 83 follows a quire of six with 5 v^o blank (after end of Lib.
iv.) and 6 lost: then a quire of eight with 5 and 6 (also part of 4)
blank, and 7, 8 lost: then, f. 94, ‘Incipit liber Sextus.’ So that
of Lib. v. we have only about four leaves (v. 1444-2149). The leaves
numbered 16, 17, 15 should stand last (in that order), and the text
ends (on f. 15) with vii. 3683, the line unfinished and the rest of the
page blank.
Successive owners in sixteenth cent., Magister Asshe, Thom. Carson (or
Cursson), Ambr. Belson, J. Barton. It was one of Bishop Moore’s books
(No. 467), and came to the University in 1715.
The text shows no leaning, so far as I know, to the revised
group. Perhaps somewhat akin to the MSS. which precede and
follow: see Prol. 331 _marg._, i. 110, 370.
Ar. ARUNDEL 45, College of Arms (Bern. Cat. ii. 5547). _Confessio
Amantis_ (imperfect). Paper, 168 leaves (numbered 167, but one dropped
in numbering after f. 42) + two parchment blank at beginning, 11½
× 8¼ in. Quires of 8 (usually), with catchwords, double column of
46-51 lines, small neat writing, middle fifteenth cent. Latin in text
(red): no illumination, but spaces left for initials.
One leaf lost after f. 7 (i. 63-216), two after f. 116 (v. 5229-5594),
and all after viii. 1102 (about twelve leaves gone at the end).
Former possessors, ‘Thomas Goodenston, Gerdeler of London,’ and (before
him probably) ‘Jhon Barthylmewe, Gerdyllarr and Marchant.’
Hd. At CASTLE HOWARD, the property of the Earl of Carlisle, who most
kindly sent it for my use. _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (four
lines), ‘Quam cinxere’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque.’ Parchment, ff. 111
(numbered as 110) 14 × 11 in., in quires of 8 (usually), marked iiii,
v, vi, &c. In double column of 60-74 lines, rather irregularly written
in a small, fairly clear hand, later fifteenth cent. Latin in text.
Some red and blue initials; no other decoration.
Seventeen leaves lost at the beginning, f. 1 begins at i. 3305, and
f. 8 is the first leaf of quire iiii: after f. 73 four leaves lost,
containing vi. 264-1306, and in the last quire one, containing viii.
2566-2833. The leaves in the latter half of the book, from f. 66, have
been much disarranged in the binding.
The name ‘Tho. Martin’ is written at the beginning, in the handwriting
of the well-known Thomas Martin of Palgrave. This of course is not the
book mentioned in Bern. Cat. ii. 611 as among the books collected by
Lord William Howard at Naworth Castle. There seems to be at present no
Gower MS. at Naworth.
Some readings seem to show a connexion of Hd with L, as iii.
1885, 2763, ‘Now herkne and I þe þo,’ iv. 1341, 3086, 3449,
3535, but it is not derived from it. Note also the readings
of ii. 1577 ‘Ne,’ 2825 ‘by,’ iii. 1173 ‘Iupartie,’ v. 3306
‘Oute.’ There are many corruptions in the text as well as some
deliberate alterations, as ‘cleped’ regularly to ‘called,’ and
words are often dropped or inserted to the injury of the metre.
Ash. ASHMOLE 35, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 6916). _Confessio
Amantis_ (imperfect). Paper, ff. 182, 13½ × 9½ in. Quires of 12
(usually), with catchwords, double column of 42-48 lines, fairly well
written: no Latin verses or summaries, but summaries in English written
in the text (red), mostly omitted in the last thirty leaves. Some
initials in red, spaces left for larger capitals.
Begins with Prol. 170, having lost two leaves (one blank) at the
beginning. After f. 2 one leaf is lost (Prol. 541-725), one after f.
4 (i. 1-169), one after f. 32 (ii. 1749-1927), one after f. 91 (v.
2199-2366), three after f. 181 (viii. 2505-2893), one after f. 182,
which ends with viii. 3082*. Half of f. 182 is torn away, but the
beginning of the Chaucer verses remain, as well as a whole column of
the early form of conclusion, in spite of the statement in the Ashmole
Catalogue. Even if the conclusion were really wanting, there would be
no difficulty in assigning the MS. to its proper class.
SECOND RECENSION.
(_a_) S. The STAFFORD MS., now in the possession of the Earl of
Ellesmere, by whose kind permission I have been allowed to make use of
it. Contains _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam
cinxere.’ Parchment, ff. 172 (the last three blank), 14 × 9¾ in.,
quires of 8 with catchwords and signatures (24 in all, the last of five
leaves): written in double column of 46 lines in a good square hand of
late fourteenth century type. Latin summaries in the margin. The first
page has a well-executed border of geometrical pattern and a rather
rudely painted miniature of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, in style resembling
that of F. This page has also three heraldic shields and a crest, of
which more hereafter. Floreated half borders at the beginning of books
and illuminated capitals throughout, well executed and with an unusual
amount of gold. On f. 56 a well painted grotesque figure of a man with
legs and tail of some animal, wearing a pointed headpiece and armed
with an axe. This is part of the initial decoration of Lib. iv.
The book has unfortunately lost in all seventeen leaves, as follows:
one after f. 1 (Prol. 147-320), one after f. 7 (Prol. 1055-i. 106),
three after f. 46 (iii. 573-1112), one after f. 68 (iv. 2351-2530), two
after f. 69 (iv. 2711-3078), one after f. 70 (iv. 3262-3442), two after
f. 71 (iv. 3627-v. 274), one after f. 107 (v. 6821-7000), one after f.
125 (vi. 2357-vii. 88), two after f. 139 (vii. 2641-3004), two after f.
153 (vii. 5417-viii. 336). In addition to this, one leaf, f. 50 (iii.
1665-1848), is written in a different and probably rather later hand,
and seems to have been inserted to supply the place of a leaf lost in
quite early times.
The question about the former owners of this fine manuscript is an
interesting one. As to the devices on the first page, the first shield
(within the initial O) is sable and gules per pale, a swan argent, the
second (in the lower margin) sable, three ostrich feathers (argent?)
set in three scrolls or, while in the right margin there is a crest of
a lion, collared with label of three points, standing on a chapeau, and
below is suspended a shield quartered az. and gules, with no device.
The crest is evidently meant for that of John of Gaunt, though it is
not quite correct, and the three ostrich feathers (properly ermine)
were used by him as a recognisance (see Sandford’s _Genealogical Hist._
p. 249), while the swan is the well-known badge of Henry his son, to
be seen suspended from Gower’s own collar of SS on his tomb and in
the miniature of the Fairfax MS. It seems probable then that the book
was prepared for presentation to a member of the house of Lancaster,
probably either John of Gaunt or Henry. If it be the fact that the swan
badge was not adopted by Henry until 1397, this would not be the actual
copy sent on the occasion of the dedication to him in 1392-93. On the
other hand the absence of all royal emblems indicates that the book was
prepared before Henry’s accession to the throne.
In the sixteenth cent. (Queen Elizabeth’s reign) the book belonged to
one William Downes, whose name is written more than once on f. 170. The
ornamental letters W. D. on f. 21 are probably his initials, and on f.
76 we have Phillipp Downes in a fifteenth-cent. hand. On f. 171 v^o
there is a note about ‘the parsonages of Gwend ... and Stythians in the
county of Cornewell, percell of the possessions of the late monastary
of Rewley,’ and also about the ‘personage of Croppreadin in the county
of Oxforde,’ granted for xxi years by Edward VI and paying lvi pounds
a year. ‘T. P. Goodwyn’ is another name (seventeenth cent.). When
Todd saw the MS. at the beginning of this century, it belonged to the
Marquess of Stafford.
S has the Lancaster dedication and the rewritten epilogue,
and with these the three additional passages, v. 6395*-6438*,
7086*-7210*, vii. 3207*-3360*, omitting v. 7701-7746, and
transposing vi. 665-964. In correctness it is inferior only
to F, and these two stand far above all others as primary
authorities. Their independence of one another is certain,
and the general agreement of their text gives it the highest
guarantee of authenticity. The spelling is practically the
same, as will be seen in those passages which are printed from
S in this edition, e.g. vii. 3207*-3360*, indeed in most places
the two texts are absolutely the same, letter for letter. As
regards f. 50, which is in a different hand, it should be
noted not only that it is far less correct than the rest, but
also that it is copied from a different original, a MS. of the
unrevised first recension, distinctive readings of which are
given in iii. 1686, 1763, 1800, 1806, while no trace of such
readings appears in any other part of S.
Δ. SIDNEY SUSSEX COLL., CAMB. Δ. 4. 1 (Bern. Cat. i. 3. 726). Contains
_Confessio Amantis_, with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere,’
(ff. 2-202 v^o), and then an English version of Cato’s _Disticha_.
Paper, ff. 211 (of which four blank), 11½ × 8½ in., in quires of
12 with catchwords and signatures. Written in double column of 41-48
lines in a fairly good hand, middle fifteenth century, with a good many
contractions. Latin summaries usually in text, sometimes in margin. No
decoration. The first leaf is lost, containing Prol. 1-140.
The book was left to the College by Samuel Ward, Master, 1643. One of
the blank leaves has the word ‘temsdytton’ (i.e. Thames Dytton) in an
early hand.
In regard to form of text this MS. agrees throughout with S,
and it must no doubt have had the Lancaster preface. It is
remarkable as containing the additional lines printed by Caxton
at the end of the Prologue (which may have been also in S),
and it has eleven Latin hexameters substituted for the prose
summaries at Prol. 591 and 617, beginning,
‘Dormitans statuam sublimem rex babilonis,’
and again four after the Latin prose at vii. 2891, beginning,
‘Sede sedens ista iudex inflexibilis sta.’
The text has many corruptions and the spelling is not very
good. Δ does not give the first recension readings on f. 50 of
S, which of itself is sufficient proof that it is not derived
from that manuscript, for the insertion of this leaf must be
much earlier than the date of Δ.
(_b_) Ad. ADDITIONAL 12043, British Museum. _Confessio Amantis_,
imperfect at beginning and end. Parchment, ff. 156 (the last blank),
13 × 9¼ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords: well written in double
column of 45-50 lines, beginning of fifteenth century. Latin summaries
in the margin up to f. 16 (ii. 382), after which they are omitted.
Floreated pages in good style at the beginning of each book.
More than twenty leaves are lost, viz. ten at the beginning, up to
and including i. 786, one after f. 45 (iv. 1-190), two after f. 47
(iv. 559-932), two after f. 86 (v. 4605-4983), one after f. 131 (vii.
3071-3269*), one after f. 151 (viii. 1440-1632), and five or more at
the end, after viii. 2403. There is also omitted without loss of leaf
iii. 1665-1848, no doubt owing to loss of leaf in the copy: see below.
‘Elizabeth Vernon’ (fifteenth century?) on blank leaf at the end. The
book belonged in the present century to Bp. Butler of Lichfield.
This MS. heads the group AdBTΛ, being nearer to the fully
revised type than any of the rest, and showing only very
occasional traces of the earlier readings (but iii. 254,
941, v. 6418, vii. 3298, viii. 856, 1076, &c.). It agrees
with the rest, as against SΔ, in giving v. 7015*-7034*, vii.
2329*-2340*, and 3149*-3180*, but does not seem fully to join
the group until the latter part of the fifth book. In connexion
with this we may note the curious fact that the omitted
passage, iii. 1665-1848, is precisely that contained in f. 50
of S, which apparently was supplied in place of a lost leaf. In
correctness and spelling the MS. is very fair, but not good in
regard to final _e_. Punctuation often where there is a pause
in the line.
T. TRIN. COLL., CAMB. R. iii. 2 (Bern. Cat. i. 3. 335). Contains, ff.
1-147, _Confessio Amantis_, imperfect at the beginning, with ‘Explicit’
(six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere,’ ff. 148-152 v^o the French _Traitié_,
with the Latin pieces ‘Quis sit vel qualis,’ ‘Est amor in glosa,’ and
‘Lex docet,’ f. 152 ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ f. 152 v^o-154 v^o the Latin
_Carmen super multiplici viciorum pestilencia_, ending with the ten
lines ‘Hoc ego bis deno.’ Parchment, ff. 154, 14¾ × 10 in., quires
of 8 with catchwords, double column of 46 lines. Latin summaries in
margin, but in some parts omitted. Well written in several hands, early
fifteenth century, of which the first wrote ff. 1-8, 50-57, 74-81, 84
v^o-89, 98-113 r^o, the second ff. 9-32, the third ff. 33-49, 58-65,
82, 83, 84 r^o, 90-97, the fourth ff. 66-73, 113-154. No decoration
except coloured or gilt capitals.
The book has lost five whole quires at the beginning, and begins at
present with ii. 2687. Also the second col. of f. 84 r^o is left blank
with omission of v. 7499-7544. A large part of f. 33 is blank, but
there is no omission.
Presented to the College by Thomas Nevile, Master.
A good MS., with form of text in v, vi, vii, like that of AdB,
and obviously having a special connexion in its readings with
B. T, however, is of a more fully corrected type than B, and
it must remain doubtful whether the preface of the poem in T
was of the earlier or the later form. In any case the original
of the two, if (as it seems) they had a common original, was
not made up earlier than 1397, for the resemblance of the
manuscripts extends to the French and Latin poems which follow
the _Conf. Amantis_, and the last of these is dated the 20th
year of king Richard.
The third and fourth hands are neater and better than the
other two. The first is rather less correct and less good in
spelling than the others, and also it omits the Latin marginal
notes. The parts written in this hand are ii. 2687-iii. 608, v.
1415-2874, 5805-7082, v. 7545-vi. 1040, vi. 2201-vii. 2532.
With regard to the connexions within the group AdBTΛ, attention
may be drawn especially to v. 659, where Ad has the usual
reading, T omits the line, leaving a blank, while B and Λ have
bad lines made up for the occasion, to v. 4020, where Ad again
has the usual text, TΛ omit, and B has a made-up line, and to
v. 7303, where AdBT omit two lines necessary to the sense which
Λ inserts. We may note the alteration by erasure in T of v.
5936, apparently from the reading of the unrevised text.
B. BODLEY 294, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 2449). Contents, as in T,
ff. 1-197 _Conf. Amantis_, &c., ff. 197-199 v^o _Traitié_, f. 199 v^o
‘Quia vnusquisque,’ ff. 199 v^o-201 _Carmen super multiplici_, &c.,
ending with the lines ‘Hoc ego bis deno.’ Parchment, ff. 201, 15½ ×
10¾ in., quires of 8 with catchwords. Well written in double column
of 42-47 lines, first quarter of fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in
text (red): ‘Confessor,’ ‘Amans,’ usually omitted. Complete border of
first page and at the beginning of each book except i and ii, painted
in good style. Two miniatures, f. 4 v^o Nebuchadnezzar’s dream (the
king in bed crowned), f. 9 the Confession, nearly as in E. No leaves
lost.
The name ‘Edwarde Fletewoode’ appears on f. 1, and the book was
probably given by him to the University in 1601.
Form of text in v, vi, vii the same as AdT. We have in this
MS. a combination of the early preface with the rewritten
conclusion, a form which we might reasonably expect to find,
and which may have been that of T, as it certainly was of the
MS. used by Berthelette. Something has already been said of
the text of this MS., and for the rest sufficient information
will be found in the critical apparatus. The spelling of B is
exemplified in the passages printed from it, Prol. 24*-92*, v.
7015*-7036*, vii. 2329*-2340*, 3149*-3180*. As in the case of
E, the copyist is careful of metre, and while omitting final
_e_ freely before a vowel, rarely does so where it affects
the metre, and seldom adds _-e_ unduly. There is hardly any
punctuation.
Λ. WOLLATON HALL, in the possession of Lord Middleton, who kindly
allowed me to examine it. Contents as B. Parchment, ff. 197, 15¼
× 10½ in., in quires of 8 with catchwords and signatures. Well
and regularly written in double column of 46 lines, early fifteenth
century. Latin summaries in text (red) as a rule, sometimes in
margin. Spaces left for miniatures at the beginning, and for initials
throughout, not painted. No leaves lost.
The text of this MS. is in many ways interesting. It has
Lancaster dedication, but in text it often seems to belong to
the unrevised first recension; for though many of the errors
of this group are found to be corrected in Λ, even in cases
where B retains them, as Prol. 7, 219, _Lat. Verses_ after 584,
812, 844, 937 f., i. 8, 54, 264, 278, &c., ii. 671, 833, &c.,
and though there are also many of the revised readings, as i.
368, ii. 1758 ff. (in both of which B is unrevised), iv. 517,
766, 985 f., 2954, 3153, v. 30, 47 f., 82, 2694 f., 3110, &c.,
yet in many other places the original readings stand in Λ, as
i. 3374 ff., iv. 2407, 2556, v. 274, 316, 394, 1893, 1906 f.,
&c., where BT are revised. The characteristic second recension
readings are almost regularly given by Λ, which agrees with
AdBT against SΔ in regard to the passages inserted; but there
are some important differences between this MS. and all others
of its class, viz. (1) after v. 6430* it has a combination of
first and second recensions. (2) v. 7701-7746 is inserted as in
the first and third recensions. (3) viii. 2941-2959 is inserted
as in the first recension (with the curious corruption ‘Cuther’
for ‘Chaucer’), the rewritten epilogue being carried on from
the line ‘Enclosed in a sterred skye.’
It will be observed that BTΛ often form a distinct group, as
(to take only a few examples) iv. 1567, 1996, 2034, 3132, 3138,
v. 654 ff., 4138, &c. We may note, however, v. 7303 f. which
are inserted by Λ, though omitted in AdBT, and the reading
‘she’ in iv. 2973.
P₂. PHILLIPPS 8192, at Thirlestaine House, Cheltenham. Same contents as
BTΛ. Parchment, ff. 193, large fol. Well written in double col. of 46
lines, early fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in margin. Illumination on
the first page and at the beginning of books, except i. and iii. On the
first page a miniature of Nebuchadnezzar’s Image, with a small figure
in the border, and also a figure painted in the initial O. Two leaves
missing and supplied in blank after f. 1 (Prol. 154-509), and one later
(vii. 3199-3382). On f. 1 v^o ‘Joh: Finch Comitis Winchilsea filius
1700.’
A fine MS. of an early type. It has the Lancaster dedication
in the Prologue and the later form of epilogue, and as regards
the additional passages it agrees with AdBTΛ. In text P₂ is
closely related to Λ, but it does not include v. 7701-7746 or
viii. 2941-2960, nor does it agree with Λ in v. 6431* ff. As
instances of their agreement we may cite Prol. 14, ‘It dwelleth
oft in,’ 115, ‘vneuened,’ 127, ‘ben nought diuided,’ &c. In the
marginal note of Prol. 22 P₂ has ‘sextodecimo,’ but the first
three letters are over an erasure.
THIRD RECENSION.
F. FAIRFAX 3, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 3883). Contains, ff.
2-186, _Confessio Amantis_, with ‘Explicit’ and ‘Quam cinxere,’ ff.
186 v^o-190 v^o _Traitié_, &c., ff. 190 v^o-194 _Carmen de multiplici
viciorum pestilencia_, ending with the lines ‘Hoc ego bis deno,’
&c., f. 194 ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ f. 194 v^o sixteen Latin lines by
‘a certain philosopher’ in praise of the author, beginning ‘Eneidos
Bucolis que Georgica,’ f. 195 a leaf of a Latin moral treatise from
the old binding. Parchment, ff. 195 (including one blank flyleaf at
the beginning and one of another book at the end), 13½ × 9¼
in., in quires of 8 with catchwords; the first quire begins at f. 2,
the twenty-fourth quire has six leaves and the twenty-fifth (last)
three. The leaves of the seventh quire are disarranged and should
be read in the following order, 50, 52, 53, 51, 56, 54, 55, 57. The
_Confessio Amantis_ is written in double column of 46 lines, in a very
good hand of the end of the fourteenth cent. Latin summaries in the
margin. Half borders, some with animal figures, at the beginning of
each book, and two miniatures, one at the beginning, rather large, of
Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, and the other on f. 8 of the Confession, in
which the priest is dressed in green and has a wreath of roses on his
head, while the penitent, whose features are damaged, wears a hood and
a collar of SS with a badge, probably a swan, dependent from it. This
was no doubt intended as a portrait of the author: the collar and badge
have somewhat the appearance of having been added after the original
painting was made. The size of the illuminated capitals indicates
precisely the nature of the various divisions of the work.
On f. 2 is written ‘The Ladie Isabell Fairfax daughter and hare of
Thwats hir bouk,’ on f. 8 ‘This boke belongeth to my lady farfax off
Steton,’ and on f. 1 ‘S^r Thomas fayrfax of Denton Knighte true owner
of this booke, 1588.’ This Lady Isabell Fairfax was the granddaughter
and heiress of John Thwaites of Denton, who died in 1511, and was
married to Sir William Fairfax of Steeton. Sir Thomas Fairfax of
Denton, whose name appears in the book, was her grandson. The book no
doubt came from the Thwaites family, and we are thus able to trace
it back as far as John Thwaites of Denton, who died in old age not
much more than a hundred years after the death of the author. It was
bequeathed with other MSS. to the University of Oxford by Sir Thomas
Fairfax the parliamentary general, grandson of the above Sir Thomas
Fairfax of Denton, and was placed in the Bodleian Library in 1675.
The first leaf of the text, up to Prol. 146, is written in a
second hand which has also written ff. 186-194, including the
last lines of the _Conf. Amantis_ from viii. 3147. A third hand
(with very different orthography) has written viii. 2938-3146,
being the last 29 lines of f. 41 v^o (over an erasure) and
the whole of f. 185, which is a leaf inserted in the place
of one cut away (the last of quire 23). At viii. 2938 there
is visible a note, ‘now haue, etc.,’ for the guidance of the
scribe after the erasure had been made. From the fact that two
hands have been employed in the transformation of the MS. at
the beginning and end it seems probable that the changes were
made at two separate times (as we also know by the dates that
the rewritten epilogue preceded the rewritten preface), and
that what I have called the third hand was really the second
in order of time, being employed to substitute the later
epilogue for the former, while the other hand, doing its work
probably after the accession of Henry IV, replaced the first
leaf by one containing the Lancaster dedication, which had
been in existence since 1392-3, but perhaps only in private
circulation, and added also the _Traitié_ and the Latin poems,
with the account of the author’s books, ‘Quia vnusquisque,’
in its revised form. I say after the accession of Henry IV,
because the reference in the third recension account of the
books to Richard’s fall, ‘ab alto corruens in foueam quam
fecit finaliter proiectus est,’ seems to require as late a
date as this. It should be noted that this hand is the same
as that which has made somewhat similar additions to the All
Souls and Glasgow MSS. of the _Vox Clamantis_. Other examples
of alteration of first recension readings by erasure in F are
Prol. 331 _marg._, 336, i. 2713 f., iv. 1321 f., 1361 f., _Lat.
Verses after_ vii. 1640, _Lat. Verses after_ vii. 1984.
As this edition prints the text of the Fairfax MS. and its
relations have already been discussed, little more need be
said here except as to the manner in which the text is dealt
with in the printing. It should be noted then that _i_ and
_j_, _u_ and _v_ are used in accordance with modern practice,
that no distinction is made between the two forms of _s_,
that _th_ is used for _þ_, and _y_ for _ȝ_ in _ȝe_, _ȝit_,
_ȝiue_, _aȝein_, _beȝete_, &c. (this last rather against my
judgement, for no good MS. has it). It should be observed also
that the Fairfax scribe frequently uses _v_ for _u_ at the
end of a word, as ‘nov,’ ‘hov’ (often ‘hou’), ‘þov’ (usually
‘þou’), ‘ȝov’ (also ‘ȝou’), ‘auov,’ ‘windov,’ ‘blev,’ ‘knev,’
&c., and sometimes in other positions, either for the sake
of distinction from _n_ or merely for ornament, as ‘comvne,’
‘retenve,’ ‘rvnne,’ ‘þvrgh,’ ‘havk,’ ‘fovl,’ ‘hovndes,’ ‘movþ,’
‘rovnede,’ ‘slovh,’ ‘trovþe,’ ‘ynovh,’ &c., beside ‘comune,’
‘runne,’ ‘þurgh,’ ‘hauk,’ ‘foul,’ &c. In all these cases _v_ is
given in the text as _u_. The termination ‘-o̅n̅’ is regularly
printed as ‘-oun.’ French words with this ending appear in F
with -o̅u̅ or -o̅n̅, usually the latter (but ‘resoun’ in full,
Prol. 151), and sometimes we have ‘to̅n̅’ for ‘toun,’ as vii.
5313, viii. 2523. So also ‘sto̅n̅de : wounde,’ i. 1425 f.,
‘gro̅n̅de’ for ‘grounde,’ i. 2051, ‘expo̅n̅de : founde,’ i. 2867
f., ‘bra̅n̅che : staunche,’ i. 2837 f., ‘cha̅n̅ce,’ i. 3203,
‘gra̅n̅teþ,’ ii. 1463, ‘suppla̅n̅te,’ ii. 2369, ‘skla̅n̅dre,’
v. 5536 (‘sclaundre,’ v. 712), ‘coma̅n̅de : launde,’ vii. 2159.
The contraction ꝑ as a separate word is in this edition almost
regularly given as ‘per.’ It is hardly ever written fully in F,
but we have ‘Per aunter,’ v. 3351, ‘Per cha_u_nce,’ v. 7816,
and J regularly gives ‘per chance,’ ‘per cas,’ &c., without
contraction. Other MSS., as A and B, incline rather to ‘par.’ F
has ‘perceive,’ ‘aperceive,’ but ‘parfit.’
With regard to the use of capitals, this edition in the main
follows the MS. Some letters, however, as _k_, _v_, _w_, _y_,
can hardly be said to have any difference of form, and others
are used rather rarely as capitals, while in the case of some,
and especially _s_, the capital form is used with excessive
freedom. It has seemed desirable therefore to introduce a
greater degree of consistency, while preserving the general
usage of the MS. Proper names are regularly given in this
edition with capitals (usually so in the MS., but not always),
and sentences are begun with capital letters after a full stop.
On the other hand the _I_ (or _J_), which is often used as
an initial, has frequently been suppressed, and occasionally
this has been done in the case of other letters. It may be
observed, however, that capital letters are on the whole used
very systematically in the MS., and other good MSS., especially
S, agree with F in the main principles. Certain substantives as
‘Ere,’ ‘Erthe,’ ‘Schip,’ ‘Sone,’ ‘Ston,’ are almost invariably
used with capitals, and names of animals, as ‘Cat,’ ‘Hare,’
‘Hound,’ ‘Leoun,’ ‘Mous,’ ‘Oxe,’ ‘Pie,’ ‘Ro,’ ‘Schep,’ ‘Tigre,’
of some parts of the body, as ‘Arm,’ ‘Hiele,’ ‘Lippes,’ ‘Nase,’
‘Pappes,’ ‘Skulle,’ and many other concrete substantives,
are apt to be written with capitals, sometimes apparently in
order to give them more importance. Capitals are seldom thus
used except in the case of substantives and some numerals, as
‘Nyne,’ ‘Seconde,’ ‘Sexte,’ ‘Tenthe,’ and in many cases it is
pretty evident that a distinction is intended, e.g. between
‘Sone’ and ‘sone’ (adv.), ‘Se’ (= sea) and ‘se’ (verb), ‘Dore’
and ‘dore’ (verb), see iv. 2825 f., ‘More’ and ‘more,’ ‘Pype’
and ‘pipe’ (verb), iv. 3342 f., ‘Myn’ and ‘myn’ (poss. pron.),
‘Mone’ and ‘mone’ (verb), but see v. 5804, 5808, ‘In’ and ‘in,’
vii. 4921 f., viii. 1169 f., 1285 f. That some importance was
attached to the matter is shown by the cases where careful
alterations of small letters into capitals have been made in
the MS., as Prol. 949, i. 1687, v. 1435, 3206, 4019, vii. 2785,
&c.
Many corrections were made by the first hand, and some of these
are noteworthy, especially the cases where a final _e_ seems to
be deliberately erased for the sake of the metre or before a
vowel, as i. 60 ‘get’ for ‘gete,’ iii. 2346 ‘trew’ for ‘trewe,’
vi. 1359 ‘I red’ for ‘I rede,’ vii. 1706 ‘ffyf’ for ‘ffyue,’
or where an _e_ has been added afterwards, as ii. 3399 ‘deþe,’
iii. 449 ‘bowe,’ v. 1269, 3726, 5265, ‘whiche.’
It remains only to speak of the punctuation of the MS., which
is evidently carried out carefully. The frequent stops at the
ends of lines are for the most part meaningless, but those
elsewhere are of importance and usually may be taken as a guide
to the sense. They are sometimes certainly wrong (e.g. i. 1102
Togedre· 1284 will· 2965 fro· ii. 1104 wille· 1397 name· 2354
astat· iii. 2638 be· iv. 497 grace· 1751 besinesse· 1985 hardi·
2502 alle· 3354 Slep· 3635 lif· v. 4 good· 231 herte· 444 wynd·
1342 See· 1630 only· 2318 bord· &c.), but the proportion of
error is small, and the punctuation of F generally must be
treated with respect. There is usually a stop wherever a marked
pause comes in the line, and this punctuation occurs on an
average about once in ten lines. The following record of the
punctuation of iv. 1301-1600 will serve as an illustration of
its nature and extent: 1303 loue· 1307 ladis· 1316 cloþed· 1369
seide· 1374 seiþ· 1376 loue· 1388 slow· 1409 wepe· 1412 Dame·
1415 loue· 1439 hirself· 1457 is· 1459 peine· 1461 haltres·
1466 told· 1470 p_ar_amours· 1471 lawe· 1474 ianglinge· 1489
take· 1490 loue· 1491 herte· 1492 mariage· 1496 children· 1497
mai· 1499 tarie· 1501 let· 1512 god· seide· 1532 oþre· 1534
ferste· 1535 dovht_er_· 1536 cloþes· 1547 Tohewe· 1560 seiþ·
1561 point· 1566 maidenhod· 1567 had· 1591 come· 1592 deþ·
H₂. HARLEIAN 3869, Brit. Museum. Contains the same as F, with some
religious poems in a different hand on blanks at the beginning and
end. Paper, except outer leaves of each quire, ff. 368 (including four
leaves at the beginning and two at the end with religious poems as
above mentioned), 11¼ × 7½ in., in quires of 16 (usually), with
signatures, first quire beginning f. 5 and having 14 leaves. Written
in single column of 38-50 lines, rather irregularly. Latin summaries
in margin (red). On f. 5 at the beginning of the _Confessio Amantis_
a large picture of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, like that in F, on f. 8 an
ill-painted picture of the Confession.
On f. 1 we find written ‘London y^e 28 Jan^y. 1628, George Cogiluy,’
and on f. 2 ‘Jan. 22. 1721 Oxford’ (i.e. Harley). On the same page is
the date, ‘1445 y^e 23 of May.’
This MS. appears to be copied directly from F, and gives an
excellent text, reproducing that of the Fairfax MS. with
considerable accuracy, and for the most part copying also its
mistakes and peculiarities, as Prol. 80 officie, 249 wich,
419 com, 588 sende, 592 befalle, 668 _marg._ diminuntur, 723
chiualrie, 1078 waxed, i. 120 wisshide, 160 scheo, 227 beleft,
234 sone sone, 335 whilon, 1626 vnsemylieste, 2511 Embroudred,
ii. 352 Ennvie, _Lat. after_ 382 infamen, 710 hiere, 949 þong,
1169 no, 1441 keste, 1539 _om._ the, and so on. Some obvious
mistakes are corrected, however, as Prol. 370, i. 1257, 2105,
3357, ii. 117.
N. NEW COLLEGE, OXF. 266 (Bern. Cat. i. 2. 1230). _Confessio Amantis_
with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and ‘Quam cinxere.’ Parchment, ff. 183
(originally 187), 13¼ × 9 in., quires of 8 (one of 10 and the last
9) with catchwords. Well written in double column of 46 lines usually,
sometimes more, first quarter fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in
margin. Many floreated pages (half borders) and illuminated capitals,
well executed. Also a large number of miniatures, of which some have
been cut out and others much damaged.
The first two leaves are damaged, and four leaves have been cut out,
viz. the original f. 7 (Prol. 1066-i. 106), f. 35 (ii. 1521-1704), f.
74 (iv. 2229-2397) and f. 113 (v. 5505-5662), also the outer half of f.
171 (viii. 271-318) and several miniatures with text at the back.
The name of John Cutt of Schenley, Hertfordshire, appears in the book
(late fifteenth cent.), and on the first leaf ‘Thomæ Martin Liber,’
perhaps the Thomas Martin who was Fellow of New College 1538-1553, and
died in 1584. The binding of old black leather has stamped upon it the
letters W. D., with a double-headed eagle crowned.
This book seems to be derived from F, though perhaps not
immediately. The orthography is like that of F, but differs
in some points, as ‘shal,’ ‘she,’ &c., for ‘schal,’ ‘sche,’
‘noht’ for ‘noght,’ besides being very uncertain about final
_e_, often to the destruction of the metre. As examples
of particular correspondence with F we may note Prol.
370 argumeten, 588 send, 592 befalle, 723 chiualrie, 957
mistormeth, i. 120 wisshide, 227 beleft, 234 sone sone, 1036 be
shrewed, 3357 seled, ii. 318 ff. fela, felaw, felawh (varying
as F), _after_ 382 infamen, &c., but sometimes F is corrected
in small matters, as Prol. 201 erthly, 249 which, 280 pacience,
i. 110 to fare, &c.
The feature of the book is the series of miniatures,
illustrating it throughout. In this respect it is unique, so
far as I know; though other copies similarly illustrated must
once have existed. The following is a complete list of the
subjects (leaves cited by original number): f. 15 (i. 1417)
Florent and the old woman, f. 18 (i. 2021) man blowing trumpet,
lord, wife, and five children looking out of a castle, f. 23
(i. 2785) _cut out_, f. 34 (i. 3067) _cut out and sewn in,
much damaged_, f. 30 (ii. 587) _cut out_, f. 44 (ii. 3187)
mothers bringing babies to Constantine, f. 56 (iii. 1885)
Clytemnestra torn by horses, two crowned persons conversing
in the foreground, f. 59 (iii. 2363) Pirate brought before
Alexander, f. 61 (iv. 1) Dido killing herself, Eneas riding
away, f. 68 (iv. 1245) lady with halters and red bridle
questioned by Rosiphelee, f. 71 (iv. 1815) _cut out_, f. 72
(iv. 2045) fight between Hercules and Achelous, f. 77 (iv.
2927) Alceone in bed dreaming, body of king in the water, f. 83
(v. 141) Midas at table, f. 93 (v. 2031) Crassus having gold
poured down his throat, f. 94 (v. 2273) king opening coffers,
f. 95 (v. 2391) _cut out_, f. 96 (v. 2643) _cut out_, f. 98 (v.
2961) _almost defaced_, f. 100 (v. 3247) _cut out_, f. 109 (v.
4937) Bardus pulling Adrian out of the pit, f. 111 (v. 5231)
Ariadne left sleeping, ship sailing away, f. 117 (v. 6225) a
procession of naked nymphs to bathe, f. 120 (v. 6807) _cut
out_, f. 133 (vi. 1391) Telegonus supporting his father’s head,
guards lying dead, f. 136 (vi. 1789) _cut out_, f. 150 (vii.
1783) _cut out_, f. 158 (vii. 3417) _cut out_, f. 159 (vii.
3627) Gideon and his men blowing trumpets, &c., enemy asleep in
a tent, f. 165 (vii. 4593) _cut out_, f. 171 (viii. 271 ff.)
half the page cut away, with probably three miniatures, for
only 52 lines are gone, whereas there was space for 92.
K. KESWICK HALL, near Norwich, in the possession of J. H. Gurney, Esq.,
who most kindly sent it to Oxford for my use. Contains the same as F,
but is slightly imperfect at the end. Parchment, ff. 189, 13 × 9¾
in., quires of 8 with catchwords. Well written in double column of 46
lines (corresponding column for column with F throughout), apparently
in six different hands, of which the first wrote quires 1, 2, 6, 8-11,
21, the second 3 and perhaps 7, the third 4, 5, 16, 17, the fourth
12-15, 19, the fifth 18, and the sixth 20, 22-24. Latin summaries in
the margin (sometimes omitted). Three leaves are lost in the seventh
quire (iii. 1087-1632), and one at the end, containing the last
thirteen lines of the Latin _Carmen de multiplici_, &c., with probably
the account of the books and the piece ‘Eneidos, Bucolis.’ A floreated
initial to each book, and space left for miniatures on ff. 1 and 7. Old
stamped leather binding.
Former possessors, Thomas Stone ‘of Bromsberrowe in the County of
Glouc.’, Henry Harman, William Mallowes (Q. Elizabeth’s reign?), John
Feynton.
The various hands differ very much from one another in
correctness. The first and the fourth give a text so closely
corresponding to that of F, that it is almost impossible not
to believe that it is copied from it. In the case of some
of the other hands this exact correspondence in details of
spelling and punctuation disappears, and a much less correct
text is given, but this seems chiefly due to carelessness (the
third hand, for example, is evidently inaccurate and much
neglects the metre). At the same time it must be noted that K
has the marginal note at the beginning of the Prologue, which
is wanting in F, ‘Hic in principio,’ &c., and there are some
readings which seem to be derived from another source, as iii.
778, 906, 921, 1732, 1832 (all in the seventh quire), where
there is agreement with AM. On the whole the question of the
dependence of K upon F must be left doubtful.
We can trace to this MS. a good many of the mistakes which
appear in H₃ and the Magdalen MS., and found their way
sometimes thus into printed editions, e.g. Prol. 160 bothe,
260 to make manhode, i. 3170 _om._ his, ii. 78 fader, 101 hem
wolde, 103 all hys cause, 126 he, 135 pore, 138 wich, 162 In
(_originally_ The). The cause of the great increase of error
about the beginning of the second book is the appearance on
the scene of the careless third hand, which on f. 40 (for
example) in its last ten lines has at least twenty variations
in spelling, &c., from the text of F, while the first hand
resuming has not a single one in its first eighteen lines.
Indeed, whole columns may be found in the parts copied by the
first or the fourth hand which do not differ from F in the
smallest particular, either of spelling or punctuation.
H₃. HARLEIAN 7184, Brit. Museum. _Confessio Amantis_, imperfect.
Parchment, ff. 134, 21½ × 14½ in., in quires of 12 with catchwords:
regularly written in double column of 49 lines, in a large pointed hand
of the middle fifteenth cent. Latin summaries in the text (red). Large
capitals finely illuminated and pages bordered at the beginning of the
books (the first page especially is richly decorated, but has suffered
damage), also illuminated titles, ‘Liber Primus,’ &c., at the head of
each page.
The book has lost more than fifty leaves, viz. one leaf after each of
the following, f. 25 (i. 3322-ii. 46), f. 55 (iii. 1908-2103), f. 61
(iv. 400-576), f. 78 (iv. 3701-v. 161), f. 110 (v. 6183-6360), and f.
118 (vi. _Latin Verses_ i. 4-182), twelve leaves after f. 126 (vi.
1571-vii. 1405), four after f. 131 (vii. 2354-3088), and thirty or more
after f. 134, from vii. 3594 to the end of the book.
On the first page ‘Oxford B. H.’
This is a very large and magnificent volume, written on fine
parchment, doubtless for some distinguished person. The text,
however, is late and not very good. It is almost certain that
it is derived ultimately from the Keswick MS. The evidence of
this is as follows: (1) Mistakes made in that MS. are nearly
regularly reproduced in H₃. Some instances have been referred
to in the account of K: we may add here that where K omits
the Latin summaries in a part of the seventh book, e.g. vii.
1641-1884, 1917-2765, H₃ does the same, and where variants
apparently from the AM group appear in K, as iii. 778, 906,
921, 1732, they are found also in H₃. (2) The inequality which
is to be observed in the text of H₃, some parts being much
less correct than others, corresponds in the main with the
difference of hands in K. Thus we find that a great crop of
error springs up in H₃ from the point where the third hand
of K begins, the preceding portion of the text being very
fairly correct, and so to some extent elsewhere. For example,
in v. 917-1017 (a part written in K by the first hand) there
are about eight metrical faults in a hundred lines, while in
vi. 183-283 (written in K by the third hand), there are at
least twenty-five. (3) In a certain part of the third book
H₃ suddenly ceases to follow the third recension text, and
almost regularly gives the readings of the ERCLB₂ group. This
appears first in iii. 1088 and ceases to be the case after iii.
1686, thus remarkably corresponding with the gap caused in K
by the loss of three leaves after iii. 1086. It is difficult
not to believe that this very marked change was caused by the
following of another MS. in a place where K was defective.
The spelling of H₃ is rather late: there is no use of _þ_, and
_y_ is used for _ȝ_ in ‘ye,’ ‘yiue,’ &c.
Magd. MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXF. 213 (Bern. Cat. i. 2. 2354). _Confessio
Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (six lines) and Table of Contents in English
(on two fly-leaves at the beginning and one at the end). Parchment,
ff. 180 + 3 (as above), 18¾ × 13¼ in., in quires of 8 with
catchwords: written in double column of 48 lines in a large hand of the
middle fifteenth cent, something like that of H₃. Table of contents
and columns 2, 3, 4 of f. 2 in a different hand. Latin summaries in
text (red). Fine coloured letters with floreated half borders at the
beginning of each book, and some neat drawing in connexion with the
scrolls of the catchwords.
The book has lost one leaf after f. 22 (ii. 409-586) and eight after f.
88 (v. 701-2163). On f. 155 v^o the MS. omits vii. 2519-2695 without
loss of leaf or blank.
Presented to the College by Marchadin Hunnis in 1620. A note by the
present Librarian states that he was elected a demy of the College in
1606, appointed second master of the College Grammar School in 1610,
and dismissed from that office as ‘insufficiens’ in Dec. 1611. The book
is reported missing in Coxe’s catalogue.
This MS. is in many points like H₃ in its text, and must
certainly have the same origin, both being perhaps derived from
a MS. dependent on K. It reproduces most of the corruptions
which we find in H₃, adding many others of its own, and it has
the same readings in the third book which we have already noted
in H₃.
A point of interest about this MS. is its apparent connexion
with Caxton’s edition. It seems evident that among the MSS.
from which Caxton worked (and he had three at least) was
either this very copy or one so like it as to be practically
undistinguishable. Of this we shall say more when we speak of
Caxton’s edition.
W. WADHAM COLL., OXF. 13. _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (six
lines) and ‘Quam cinxere,’ then the _Traitié_, slightly imperfect at
the end, ending ‘un amie soulain,’ xvii. 9. Paper, ff. 450, including
two original blanks at the beginning, 11½ × 8¼ in., in quires of
8 with catchwords: written in column of 30-48 lines (without ruling) in
two hands, of which the first wrote up to iv. 2132, and the other from
thence to the end. Latin summaries in margin, but sometimes omitted or
cut short. Some decoration of the first page of the text in black and
red; capitals, titles, &c. in red.
Three leaves are lost in the _Conf. Amantis_, containing Prol. 728-794,
iv. 2386-2473, and v. 1-78, and several also at the end of the volume.
There is great confusion in the text of the Prologue, which goes as
follows: 1-92, 499-860 (with loss as above), 93-144, 861-1044, 145-498,
and then 1045 ff. This is not produced by any disarrangement of leaves
in the present MS., but a considerable dislocation of quires has taken
place in a later part of the volume, seven quires of the fourth and
fifth books having been taken out of their proper place and bound up
between vi. 2132 and 2133.
This book was evidently written for one John Dedwood, since his name
and device, a piece of the trunk of a dead tree, occur as part of
the decorations of the first page. The two blanks at the beginning
are written over with a list of Mayors and Sheriffs for a series of
years, and these prove to be those of the city of Chester from the year
1469-1499 (see Ormerod’s _Hist. of Cheshire_, i. 211 f.). The name of
John Dedwood occurs among these as Sheriff in the year 1481 and as
Mayor in 1483 (but the record in the MS. is here damaged). He had also
been Mayor in 1468. We may therefore suppose that the MS. dates from
about 1470. The name Troutbecke occurs several times (with other names)
in the book, and later (1765) it belonged to Rich. Warner of Woodford
Row, Essex.
The first hand of this MS. is cramped and ugly, varying a good
deal in size, the second is neat and uniform. The text is late
and full of mistakes, and the spelling bad, even such forms
as ‘loves,’ ‘beres,’ ‘gos’ being quite common for ‘loveth,’
&c., and often _-et_ or _-ut_ as a participle termination,
‘despeyret,’ ‘resignet,’ ‘weddut,’ ‘cleput,’ &c. A certain
interest attaches to the MS. however from the fact that it
seems to be clearly independent of F as well as of the KH₃
group. While agreeing with F completely in form of text, and
supporting it also as a rule against the mistakes of KH₃, it
has a considerable number of readings which belong to the
first recension uncorrected type, and in other cases it agrees
specially with B. Instances of the former are to be found
in Prol. 159, i. 8, 1839, 2423, 2801, 3027, ii. 961, 1200,
1441, 3306, 3516, iii. 68, 626, 2056, v. 1698, 2500, 3376,
vi. 543, 1151, 1631, vii. 1490, _Latin verses after_ 1640 and
1984, 5104, viii. 510, 2342, 2925, &c. These, with others of
a similar kind, scattered through the whole book, seem to be
of the nature of accidental survivals, a first recension copy
(the remote ancestor of W) having been altered by collation
with one resembling F. W agrees with apparent mistakes of F and
the rest of the third recension in some passages, as iii. 446,
iv. 2867, 2973, vii. 5135, viii. 1069, 1999, but supports what
is apparently the true reading against them in Prol. 1078, i.
1068, ii. 2299, 2537, iii. 1605, v. 2906, &c. In most of these
last instances W merely remains in agreement with the first
recension, where F, &c. depart from it, therefore its testimony
may be of an accidental character.
The list of Mayors and Sheriffs of Chester on the first pages has
perhaps some local interest, as it is contemporary and probably
made by a responsible person. Comparing it with that given in
Ormerod’s _Hist. of Cheshire_, we find several differences, as
‘Ric. Sadler’ for ‘Rich. Smith’ as one of the Sheriffs of 1475,
‘John Monkesfelde, Rob. Pleche,’ Sheriffs for 1478, ‘Mathewe
Hewse’ for ‘Mathew Johnson,’ 1479, ‘Rychard Kir e’ for ‘Rich.
Barker,’ 1492. The same pages have some notes about current
historical events, as (under 1469), ‘The which yere were hedet
the lorde Wellybe and the lorde Well. his son for the grete
insurreccion and rysing of the Comyns of the Counte of Lyncolne.
Also the same yere entred our Souereyne and moste noble Prince
Kynge Edward now reynynge,’ &c. Under 1470 is a note of the
battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury, and at 1476 the record of a
visit to Chester of ‘our Souereigne lorde Prince,’ who stayed
there from Christmas to Easter.
P₃. Formerly PHILLIPPS 8942, bought in March, 1895, by Messrs. H. S.
Nichols & Co., and afterwards in the possession of Messrs. Maggs,
Booksellers. _Confessio Amantis_, imperfect, ending viii. 3119, ‘As
Tullius som tyme wrot.’ Parchment, rather roughly written, middle of
fifteenth century. From the Towneley Collection.
Hn. HATTON 51, Bodleian Library (Bern. Cat. 4099). _Confessio Amantis_,
imperfect. Parchment, ff. 206, 12 × 9 in., in quires first of 6 and
then usually of 8 (lettered); double column of 42-48 lines, untidy
writing. Has lost _k_ 4 (iii. 1314-1475), _n_ 2 (iv. 2118-2268), _s_ 2
(v. 5169-5333), _t_ 2 (v. 6774-6914), and five or six at the end (after
viii. 2408). Copied from Caxton’s edition, including the Table of
Contents and the confusion in leaf numbering.
Besides these, there are several MSS. which contain selections from the
_Confessio Amantis_, as
HARL. 7333, Brit. Museum, which, besides the _Canterbury Tales_ and
other things, has seven stories from the _Conf. Amantis_, viz. f. 120
Tereus (v. 5551 ff.), f. 122 Constance (ii. 587 ff.), f. 126 The Three
Questions (i. 3067 ff.), f. 127 v^o The Travellers and the Angel (ii.
291 ff.), f. 127 v^o Virgil’s Mirror, f. 128 v^o The Two Coffers, f.
129 The Beggars and the Pasties, &c. (v. 2031-2498). Parchment, large
folio, column of 66 lines, no Latin. These stories are in the same hand
as the _Cant. Tales_, which go before, and the _Parlement of Foules_,
which follows them. The text is that of the first recension unrevised;
a very poor copy.
CAMB. UNIV. Ee. ii. 15. Paper, ff. 95, end of fifteenth or beginning
of sixteenth cent., much mutilated. Contains ff. 30-32, a fragment of
The Three Questions (i. 3124-3315), and ff. 33-35, a fragment of the
Trump of Death (i. 2083 ff.).
CAMB. UNIV. Ff. i. 6. Paper, ff. 159, 8½ × 6 in., written in various
hands. Contains, ff. 3-5, part of the tale of Tereus (v. 5920-6052),
ff. 5-10, iv. 1114-1466 including the tale of Rosiphelee, ff. 45-51,
The Three Questions (i. 3067-3425), ff. 81-84, iv. 2746-2926, ff. 84
v^o-95, viii. 271-846. The text of iv. 1321 agrees with that of the
second recension.
BALL. COLL., OXF. 354. Paper, ff. 253, 11½ × 4¼ in. Contains
a miscellaneous collection of verse and prose, with memoranda &c.,
all, or nearly all, apparently in the hand of the owner of the book,
one Richard Hill of Langley, Herts, who has registered on f. 21 (25)
the birth of his seven children, from the year 1518 to 1526, and has
kept a short journal of public events which ends with the year 1536.
Among the extracts are several stories from the _Confessio Amantis_,
neatly written, about 54-60 lines to the page, with no Latin. These
extend over about 46 leaves of the book and are as follows (leaves
by old numbering): ff. 55-70 v^o Tale of Appolinus, viii. 271-2028,
ff. 70 v^o-81 v^o Tales of Constance and of Perseus, ii. 587-1865,
ff. 81 v^o-83 v^o Adrian and Bardus, v. 4937-5162, ff. 83 v^o-84 v^o,
vi. 485-595, ff. 84 v^o-86 v^o Dives and Lazarus &c., vi. 975-1238,
ff. 86 v^o-89 v^o Constantine, ii. 3187-3507, ff. 89 v^o-91 v^o
Nebuchadnezzar, i. 2785-3066, ff. 91 v^o-94 v^o Tales of Diogenes
and of Pyramus, iii. 1201-1502 and 1655-1672, ff. 94 v^o-96 Midas
(unfinished), v. 141-312, ff. 171 v^o-175, The Three Questions, i.
3067-3402. The text is copied not from Caxton’s edition but from a MS.
of the first recension (_b_) or (_c_). It is not very correct, and
short passages or couplets are omitted here and there, as i. 3051-3054,
viii. 1763-1766, 1945 f., &c.
RAWLINSON D. 82, Bodleian Library. Contains on ff. 25-33 _Conf.
Amantis_, viii. 2377-2970. Paper, written in single column of 33 lines,
no Latin. Copied from a MS. resembling B, but not apparently either
from B itself or from Berthelette’s MS.
PHILLIPPS 22914 is reported as a fragment (four leaves) containing
_Confessio Amantis_, v. 775-1542.
Nine good miniatures cut out of a MS. of the _Conf. Amantis_ are in
the possession of Mr. A. H. Frere, who kindly allowed me to see them.
They are as follows. (1) Tereus, (2) Codrus, (3) Socrates and his wife,
(4) Dives and Lazarus, (5) Roman Triumph, (6) Ulysses and Telegonus,
(7) The Three Questions, (8) Lycurgus taking an oath from the Athenians
(?), (9) King on a quay with bales and gold vessels, apparently landed
from a ship near, perhaps Apollonius landing at Tarsis. Several of
the pictures represent more than one scene of the story, as that of
Tereus, in which we have the king at meat presented with the head of
his son, while there are three birds in the background and the scene of
the outrage on Philomene on the left; and again in (4), where the rich
man and his wife are sitting at table and refusing food to the beggar,
while in the background on the right an angel is receiving the soul of
the dying Lazarus.
These miniatures are supposed to have belonged to Sir John Fenn, editor
of the Paston Letters. The MS. from which they were cut seems to have
been of the middle of the fifteenth cent.
Evidence is afforded of one other large and well written MS. of the
_Conf. Amantis_ by a fragment of parchment in the Shrewsbury School
Library, of which a photograph has most kindly been sent to me by Dr.
Calvert of Shrewsbury. It contains about 70 lines of the Prologue, viz.
189-195 (with the Latin), 224-244, 274-294, 323-343. The leaf to which
it belonged must have measured at least 15½ × 11½ in., and was
written in double column of 50 lines.
Three other MSS. are mentioned in the Catalogue of 1697 (vol. ii. pt.
1), viz. 611 ‘John Gower’s Old English Poems’ with ‘S. Anselmi Speculum
Religiosorum,’ at Naworth Castle, which I strongly suspect is identical
with Harl. 3490 (H₁), 4035, ‘Goweri Confessio Amantis, Fol. magn.,’
belonging to Ric. Brideoake, Esq., of Ledwell, Oxon., and 6974, ‘Jo.
Gower’s Poems, fol.,’ belonging to Sir Henry Langley of the County of
Salop (i.e. of the Abbey, Shrewsbury).
The average excellence of the Gower MSS. stands high, and there
is a surprisingly large proportion of well written and finely
decorated copies, which attain to more than a respectable standard of
correctness. Manuscripts such as L or B₂, which stand in the third rank
among copies of the _Confessio Amantis_, would take a very different
place among the authorities for any of Chaucer’s works, second only to
the Ellesmere MS. if they were copies of the _Canterbury Tales_, and
easily in the first place if it were a question of the _Legend of Good
Women_ or the _Hous of Fame_. It is evident not only that Gower was
careful about the text of his writings, but also that there was some
organized system of reproduction, which was wanting in the case of
Chaucer.
VERSION. It remains to say something of the Spanish prose version of
the _Confessio Amantis_, which exists in manuscript in the Library of
the Escorial (g. ii. 19). Information about this was first given me by
Mr. J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, and since then by the learned Librarian of
the Escorial, Fr. Guillermo Antolin, O.S.A., who most obligingly sent
me an account of it. The Catalogue (1858) thus describes the book:
‘Confision del amante, libro así intitulado compuesto por Juan Goer
natural del Reyno de Englaterra, e tornado en lengua Portuguesa por
Roberto Payn ó Payna canónigo de la ciudad de Lisboa, e despues fué
puesto en lenguaje castellano por Juan de Cuenca natural de Huete. Cod.
escrito en papel el año de 1400, fol. menor. pasta.’ The statement
about the author and the translators is taken from the beginning of the
translation itself. It seems to be rather implied that the Castilian
version made by Juan de Cuenca was based upon the Portuguese of Robert
Payn, no doubt an Englishman. The present Librarian adds that it is a
book of 411 leaves, and of the end of the fourteenth or beginning of
the fifteenth cent.
The translation was made from a copy of the first recension. So far
as I can judge by the extracts with which the Librarian has furnished
me, it is a tolerably close version. For example, Prol. 22 ff. ‘e
por que pocos escriven en lenguaje yngles yo entiendo de componer
en el un lybro a onrra del Rey rricardo cuyo sugebto yo so en todo
obedescimiento de mi coraçon, como dicho sugebto puede y deue a su
dicho señor,... asy fue que un tiempo acaescio como avía de ser que yo
yendo en un batel a rremos por el rrio de atenas que va a la cibdad
de noua troya ... y yo estonces falle por ventura a este mi señor e
luego como me vido mando que fuese a una barca en que el venia, y
entre otras cosas que me dixo,’ &c. And again viii. 2941 ff. (the
Chaucer greeting), ‘Saluda de mi parte a caucer mi disciplo e mi poeta,
quando con el topares, el qual por mi en la su mancibia fiso toda su
diligencia para componer y escreuir desyres e cantares de diversas
maneras de los quales toda la tierra es llena, por la qual cosa en
especial le soy mucho tenido mas que a ninguno de los otros. Por ende
dile que le enbio desir que tal esta en su postrimera hedad por dar fyn
a todas sus obras se travaje de faser su testamento de amor, asi como
tu has fecho agora en tu confision.’
EDITIONS. The _Confessio Amantis_ has been already six times printed,
viz. by Caxton, by Berthelette (twice), in Chalmers’ English Poets, by
Pauli, and by Prof. Henry Morley. All the later editions are dependent,
directly or indirectly, on Berthelette.
CAXTON printed the _Conf. Amantis_ in 1483. His text is a composite
one, taken from at least three MSS. At first he follows a copy of the
third recension, either the Magdalen MS. itself or one remarkably
like it, and he continues this for more than half the book, up to
about v. 4500. Then for a time he seems to follow a second recension
copy, either alone or in combination with the other, but from about
v. 6400 to the end he prints from a manuscript of the unrevised first
recension, inserting however the additional passages in the seventh
book and the conclusion (after the Chaucer greeting) from one of his
other MSS. The account of the books ‘Quia vnusquisque’ at the end is
from a first recension MS. The principle, no doubt, was to include as
much as possible, but two of the additional passages, v. 7015*-7036*
and 7086*-7210*, were omitted, probably by oversight, while a first
recension copy was being followed. The later form of epilogue was
perhaps printed rather than the other because it is longer. Caxton
prints the lines at the end of the Prologue, which are given only by
Δ, and there are some other indications that he had a MS. of this
type; but he had also one of the AdBT group, which alone contain vii.
2329*-2340* and 3149*-3180*.
On f. cxvi v^o Caxton still agrees with Magd. almost regularly,
e.g. v. 4450 And myn hap 4454 is not trouble 4465 But for that
4467 ne shall yeue and lene 4484 doo 4503 A good word, whereas
on f. cxvii he differs repeatedly, e.g. 4528, 4532, 4543, 4555,
4560, 4572, and seems never to be in full agreement after this.
That he is following a first recension copy after about v. 6400
is clear from the unbroken series of readings belonging to this
class which he exhibits. The text generally is very poor and
the metre extremely bad.
BERTHELETTE in 1532 printed the _Conf. Amantis_ from a MS. very closely
resembling B. He did not venture, however, to substitute the preface
which he found in his copy for that to which Caxton had given currency,
but merely expressed surprise that the printed copies should deviate so
much from the MSS., and printed separately that which his manuscript
gave. He also takes from Caxton the lines at the end of the Prologue,
the additional third recension passages, Prol. 495-498, 579-584, i.
1403-1406, 2267-2274, 2343-2358, 2369-2372[AK], and also the Chaucer
greeting, viii. 2941-2960*, but he has overlooked v. 7701-7746. He
inserts of course all the additional passages in v. and vii, as he
found them in his MS., loudly protesting against Caxton for omitting
‘lynes and columnes, ye and sometyme holle padges.’
Berthelette’s text is better than Caxton’s, but his manuscript must
have been decidedly inferior in correctness to B.
The second edition, 1554, is a reprint of the first, column for column,
in different type. A few mistakes are corrected, and the spelling is
somewhat changed, especially by substitution in many cases of _i_ for
_y_.
CHALMERS published the _Conf. Amantis_ in vol. ii. of the collection of
British Poets, 1810, taking the text from Berthelette’s edition of 1554.
PAULI professed to follow Berthelette’s first edition with collation
throughout of MSS. Harl. 7184 and 3869, and occasional reference to
Harl. 3490 and the Stafford MS. It is almost impossible that this full
collation can really have been made, for by it nearly all Berthelette’s
errors might have been corrected, whereas we find them as a matter of
fact on every page of Pauli’s edition. As to the critical judgement
of the editor, it is enough to say that he regarded Harl. 7184 as a
better authority for the text and spelling than either Harl. 3869
or the Stafford MS. (being attracted apparently by the external
magnificence of the volume), and that he actually pronounced it to
be of the fourteenth cent. His diligence may be measured by the fact
that because Harl. 3490 stops short at viii. 3062* (in the middle of
a sentence), being left unfinished by the scribe, therefore Pauli’s
edition omits the remainder of this conclusion, 3063*-3114*[AL], though
he had the MS. in the Royal Library (R) within his reach, by means of
which he might have completed his copy. He is also seriously inaccurate
in the statements which he makes about the Stafford MS. as regards the
additional passages.
A certain number of the errors in Berthelette’s edition are corrected,
but very many remain, and in some cases further corruption has been
introduced by the editor, either from Harl. 7184 or otherwise. The
orthography has been ‘restored,’ but hardly with success.
MORLEY (1889) followed Pauli’s text, with conjectural alterations of
his own, and a few corrections from Berthelette, as i. 773. Often
the changes are quite wrong, e.g. Prol. 82, 608, i. 777, 1675 f.,
2957 f., the most extraordinary perhaps being iv. 2408 f. The editor
professes to omit iii. 142-338 and a few lines here and there in other
places. The omissions, however, are much more extensive than this
seems to imply. In the fourth book alone they are as follows, 401-408,
428-436, 443-506, 516-523, 1467-1475, 1490-1594, 2131-2182, 2754-2770,
2858-2862, 2883-2888, 3181-3302, and in some cases it is impossible
even to conjecture on what principle they are made.
THE PRESENT EDITION. The text follows the Bodleian Fairfax MS.
and every deviation from this is noted. The critical apparatus is
constructed upon the following principles.
Three manuscripts have been collated throughout with the text of
F, viz. Bodley 902 (A), Corpus Christi Coll. 67 (C), and Bodley 294
(B). These are selected to represent respectively the first recension
revised, the first recension unrevised, and the second recension
texts. A is an excellent copy, the best of its class, C is a carefully
written MS., the best of the group to which it belongs, with the
exception of Egerton 1991, and B, besides being a good copy and almost
the only second recension MS. which is not imperfect, has perhaps
a special claim to attention because its text is of the type which
all the editions except that of Caxton have followed. In all cases
where variation has been found, except where it is merely of form and
spelling or of a very trifling and accidental kind, the readings of
at least fourteen other selected copies have been ascertained, and by
this procedure those variations which are merely individual have been
distinguished from those which are shared by a class or a group. The
result is given in the critical notes, all the variations of A and
B being there cited except those that are very trifling[AM], while
the readings of C are usually given only when shared by some other
manuscript.
It is important that it should be observed which the manuscripts are
which have thus been referred to and how their evidence is cited.
They are divided always according to their recension, first, second
or third, and they are cited in an unvarying order, as follows:
AJMH₁X(G)ERCLB₂, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃ (or K), so that A ... B₂ means the whole
series of the first class, and S ... Δ that of the second, while
H₁ ... B₂ stands for H₁X(G)ERCLB₂, and E ... B₂ for ERCLB₂. These
nineteen (or eighteen) manuscripts are present as witnesses throughout,
whether named or not; for when the manuscripts are named which give a
variation, it is to be assumed that the remainder have the reading of
the text. Thus the note
‘1295 wisdom] wordes H₁ ... B₂, H₃’
must be taken to imply that ‘wisdom’ is the reading of AJM, SAdBTΔ, FW
and ‘wordes’ of H₁XGERCLB₂, H₃:
‘1296 gostly B’
means that the reading of the text, ‘goodly,’ is given by every one of
the nineteen except B:
‘1318 How þer(e) H₁G ... B₂’
means that the reading of the text is that of AJMX, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃ and
that of the note belongs to H₁GERCLB₂:
‘1330 for to] þat þou SAdBTΔ’
indicates a reading of the second recension only:
‘3340 tho] þe AM ... B₂’
stands for the fact that all the first recension copies except J vary
from F, while the rest agree. Occasionally readings of other MSS. are
cited besides those mentioned above, as Y, Λ or Magd., but the absence
of such citation must not be taken to imply anything.
It must be observed, however, that in some cases a more limited
reference seemed desirable, especially on matters of form and spelling,
points about which it would be idle to adduce any evidence but that of
a few copies. Where selection of this kind is employed, the manuscripts
on both sides are cited: thus such notes as
‘3691 set AJ, S, F sette C, B,’
‘4307 all S, F alle AJ, B’
must not be taken to imply the reading of any copy except those
mentioned. In a few cases this form is used to avoid misunderstanding
in passages where the record of readings is for some reason incomplete,
as i. 2300, viii. 566, 1713, 1927.
In citing a variation as given by a class or group of MSS. no attempt
is made to give the spelling of each one separately. The form cited is
that given either by the majority or by a leading MS. with variations
sometimes added in parentheses.
Attention should be paid also to the following points: (1) It
was not found possible to complete the collation of the Glasgow
MS. (G) before the text was printed, and consequently its
readings must not be taken as implied, when not mentioned, any
further than v. 1970. The collation has since been completed
and some of the results are noted in the account of the MS.
(2) K takes the place of H₃ in vi. 1671-vii. 1405, and vii.
3594 to the end, where H₃ is defective. (3) Before assuming
the evidence of any MS. _ex silentio_ it is necessary that
the reader should assure himself that it is not defective
in the part concerned. The means of doing this are fully
afforded by the accounts given of the separate MSS., where
their imperfections are noted, and it must be remembered that
J and Ad are for the most part defective as regards the Latin
summaries, and that this is the case with T also in certain
parts. The readings of S on f. 50 are for the most part passed
over, as not originally belonging to that MS. (4) A few
abbreviated Latin terms are used in the critical notes, as _in
ras._ to indicate that the text is written over an erasure, or
_p.m._ to denote the reading of the first hand.
The lines are numbered in each book (for the first time), and the
numbers with an asterisk attached are those of the lines in other
recensions than that of the text. In addition to this it should be
observed that as nearly all references to Gower for the last forty
years have been made by Pauli’s edition, it has been thought advisable
to place in the margin of this text indications of the volumes and
pages of that edition: thus =P. 1. 153= stands for ‘Pauli, vol. i. p.
153.’
Setting aside matters of spelling, punctuation and grammatical form, we
may note that the material differences of reading between the text of
this edition and that of Pauli are in number about two thousand.
OTHER ENGLISH WORKS. With regard to the text of the poem _In Praise of
Peace_ all that need be said will be found in the notes upon it. The
Trentham MS., which contains it, has already been fully described in
the volume of ‘French Works.’
A poem in five seven-line stanzas, beginning ‘Passe forthe þou pilgryme
and bridel wele þy beste,’ occurs in (Shirley’s) MS. Ashmole 59, f.
17 v^o (Bodl. Libr.), with the title ‘Balade moral of gode counseyle
made by Gower.’ The same without the final stanza (owing to loss of a
leaf) occurs in MS. Rawlinson C. 86, but with no title or ascription
of authorship, and both texts have been printed (not quite correctly)
by Dr. Karl Meyer in his _John Gower’s Beziehungen_, &c., 1889. In
addition to these copies there is one in the British Museum MS. Addit.
29729, which has been published by Dr. Max Förster in the _Archiv für
das Studium der neueren Sprachen_, vol. 102, p. 50. In this MS. the
piece is ascribed to Benedict Burgh, and it is called ‘A leson to kepe
well the tonge.’
It is almost impossible that these verses can have been written by
Gower, but out of deference to Shirley’s authority (which is not very
weighty however), and in order that the reader may judge, it is printed
here, all deviations from the Ashmole text being noted, except in the
case of ‘th’ for ‘þ,’ and some readings of the Rawlinson copy (R) being
added in parentheses.
BALADE MORAL OF GODE COUNSEYLE MADE BY GOWER.
Passe forth, thou pilgryme, and bridel wel thy beeste;[1]
Loke not agein for thing that may betyde;[2]
Thenke what thou wilt, but speke ay with the leeste;
Avyse thee wel who stondeth thee besyde;[3]
Let not thyne herte beo with thy tonge bewryde;
Trust not to muche in fayre visayginge,
For peynted cheere shapeth efft to stynge.[4]
Byholde thy selff, or that thou other deme;
Ne beo not glad whane other done amyss;[5]
Sey never al that which wolde the sothe seme,[6] 10
Thou maist not wite what thy fortune is:[7]
For there is no wight on lyve iwyss[8]
That stondeth sure, ther fore I rede beware,[9]
And looke aboute for stumbling in the snare.
Reporte not muche on other mennes sawe;[10]
Be ay adrad to here a wicked fame;[11]
For man shal dye by dome of goddes lawe,
That here enpeyreth any mannes name.[12]
Avyse thee wel ther fore or thow attame[13]
Suche as thou mayst never revoke ageyn;[14] 20
A good name leste is leste for ay certain.[15]
Pley not with pecus ne ffawvel to thy feere;[16]
Chese thou hem never, yif thou do affter me;
The hande is hurt that bourdeth with the bere;[17]
Fawvel fareth even right as doth a bee;[18]
Hony mowthed, ful of swetnesse is she,[19]
But loke behinde and ware thee from hir stonge,[20]
Thow shalt have hurt yf thou play with hir longe.[21]
Dispreyse no wight but if effte thou may him preyse,
Ne preyse no firre but thou may discomende: 30
Weyghe thy wordes and hem by mesure peyse;
Thenke that the gilty may by grace amende,
And eke the gode may happen to offende:
Remember eke that what man doth amiss,[22]
Thou hast or art or may be suche as he is.[23]
This is full of lines that Gower would not have written, with
superfluous syllables in the metre, as ll. 1, 5, 10, 17, 29, 33, 35
(omitting those that might pass with amended spelling), accent on
weak syllables, as ll. 20, 25, 26, 31, defective rhyme, as ‘besyde’:
‘bewryde’ (participle), and ‘feere’ (companion): ‘bere,’ or suppression
of syllable at the beginning, as in l. 12. The form ‘mayst’ (maist) for
‘miht’ is not found in any respectable Gower MS. Moreover the style is
not that of Gower, but evidently imitated from Chaucer’s poem ‘Fle from
the pres.’
LINENOTES:
[1] 1 forþe wele
[2] 2 ageine
[3] 4 weele stondeþe
[4] 7 shapeþe (efft] her R)
[5] 9 gladde (glad R) amysse
[6] 10 þee
[7] 11 wit (witte R)
[8] 12 ewysse
[9] 13 stondeþe
[10] 15 mens (mennys R)
[11] 16 adradde
[12] 18 enpeyreþe mans (mannes R)
[13] 19 wele þowe
[14] 20 ageyne
[15] 21 gode (good R) certaine
[16] 22 (Playe not pecus R)
[17] 24 hurte bourdeþe (a brere R)
[18] 25 fareþe doþe
[19] 26 right ful (full R)
[20] 27 frome
[21] 28 þowe shalt kache hareme to pley w^t þeos beestis longe
(Thow shalt haue hurt yf þou play with her longe R)
[22] 34 Remembre doþe amisse
[23] 35 haste arte
CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA
p. 2, note on 24-92, _for_ Λ, _read_ ΛP₂, and for _Of these_ H₃ Magd.
_have_ read _Of these_ Magd. _has_
p. 13, note on 331, _for_ RSnDAr _read_ RSnDAr, Δ
p. 14, l. 349, _for_ new _read_ newe
p. 19, note on 543, _read_ scholde A, B, K schold S, F
p. 23, note on 668, _for_ hol] hole AC _read_ hol B, F hole AC
note on 683, _for_ A _read_ AM
p. 25, l. 747, _for_ for _read_ forto
p. 29, l. 871, _for_ form _read_ forme
p. 33, l. 1024, _for_ wist _read_ wiste
p. 57, l. 782, _for_ There _read_ Ther
p. 60, l. 914, _for_ She _read_ Sche _so also_ p. 244, l. 679
p. 64, l. 1052, _for_ righte _read_ rihte
p. 70, l. 1275, _for_ Commandeth _read_ Comandeth
p. 72, note on 1338, _for_ SΔ _read_ SAdΔ, H₃
p. 88, l. 1946, _for_ wenyinge _read_ wenynge
p. 96, l. 2248, _for_ well _read_ wel
p. 100, l. 2365, _for_ myght _read_ myht _so also_ p. 117, l. 2990
p. 107, l. 2630, _for_ discoevered _read_ descoevered
p. 109, l. 2710, _for_ all _read_ al _so also_ p. 156, l. 966, p. 238,
l. 447, p. 346, l. 1668
p. 112, l. 2822, _for_ bare _read_ bar
p. 113, l. 2838, _for_ But _read_ Bot
p. 133, below l. 96, a small space should be left
p. 138, l. 274, _for_ greveth _read_ grieveth
p. 150, l. 750, _for_ her _read_ hire
p. 170, l. 1498, _for_ Till _read_ Til
p. 182, note on 1916, _for_ RCLB₂, H₃ _read_ RCLB₂, Δ, H₃
p. 200, note on 2592, _for_ AdB _read_ SAdBΔ
p. 234, note on 313, _for_ H₁ ... B₂ _read_ H₁ ... B₂, Δ
p. 252, note on 983, _add_ pater Δ
p. 257, note on 1164, _for_ XRCLB₂ _read_ H₁XRCLB₂
p. 260, note on 1258, _for_ AdT _read_ AdTΔ
p. 262, note on 1336 (_margin_), add _om._ Δ
p. 265, note on 1448, _for_ X ... B₂, WH₃ _read_ X ... B₂, Δ, WH₃
p. 266, note on 1473, _for_ AdBT _read_ SAdBTΔ
p. 269, note on 1605, _for_ SBΛ _read_ BΛ _and for_ AdTΔ _read_ SAdTΔ
p. 280, note on 2023, _for_ Phoreus T _read_ Phoreus TΔ
p. 282, l. 2077, _for_ hounde _read_ hound
p. 284, note on 2166, _for_ W _read_ Δ, W
p. 289, l. 2357, _for_ pouere _read_ povere
p. 292, note on 2444, _for_ H₁ ... B₂ _read_ H₁ ... B₂, SΔ
p. 307, l. 225, _for_ distruid _read_ destruid
p. 314, l. 498, _for_ accordant _read_ acordant
p. 334, l. 1224 (_margin_), _add_ Confessor
p. 346, l. 1653, _for_ accompte _read_ acompte
p. 351, note on 1872, _for_ AC _read_ AC, S
p. 387, l. 3188, _for_ By _read_ Be
p. 396, l. 3507, _for_ thinge _read_ thing
p. 421, l. 716, _for_ harme _read_ harm
p. 464, note on 745 ff., _add_ The authority here followed is the
_Trésor_ of Brunetto Latini, pp. 84-88 (ed. 1863).
p. 468, note on 463 ff., _add_ The authority for this is perhaps the
_Trésor_, p. 191.
p. 473, l. 11, _for_ 7101), Spertachus for Cyrus (vii. 3418), &c.
_read_ 7101).
p. 489, note on 2459 ff., _for_ I am unable [to say where Gower found
this version of the story. The name Geta is quite unknown in the
classical] form of it. _read_ The name Geta was taken by Gower from the
_Geta_ of Vitalis Blesensis, a dramatic piece in Latin elegiacs founded
on Plautus, in which Geta takes the place of Sosia: see Wright’s _Early
Mysteries_, &c., pp. 79-90.
p. 509, note on 2606, for _on the ferst,_ read _on the ferste,_
AN ADDITIONAL MS. OF THE ‘CONFESSIO AMANTIS’
On June 12, 1902, a very valuable manuscript of the _Confessio
Amantis_, which had not hitherto been described, was offered for sale
by Messrs. Sotheby. By the kind assistance of Dr. Furnivall, who was
allowed by the auctioneers to examine the book before the sale, I am
able to give the following description of it.
FOUNTAINE MS. Contains _Confessio Amantis_ with ‘Explicit’ (six lines),
‘Quam cinxere,’ and ‘Quia vnusquisque,’ after which ‘Deo gracias.’
Then at the end an alphabetical index to the contents of the poem.
Parchment, ff. 213 (originally), 17½ × 12¼ in., neatly written
in double column of 46 lines to the column, Latin summaries in the
text, red: middle of the fifteenth century. Illustrated throughout with
well-painted miniatures, of which there were originally 108, including
pictures of the signs of the Zodiac and of the positions of the
principal stars. Of these miniatures nine are missing from the book,
but these have now been identified with the series of nine miniatures
in the possession of Mr. A. H. Frere, which are described on p. clxvi
of my Introduction. At the end of the text (f. 203) is written ‘And^w.
Fountaine, 1791. Æ. 20.’
This is a very large folio, giving a fair text of the first
recension. The interest of it depends upon the miniatures. In
describing the illustrated New College MS. 266 I remarked that
other similar copies must once have existed. In saying this I
was referring to the Frere miniatures, and it is a matter of
some interest to me to have been able to identify these with
the nine which are missing from the Fountaine MS. The subjects
of the Frere miniatures correspond duly with the places from
which pictures have been cut out, and the words which in some
cases have been cut away with the pictures fit in with those
that remain in the MS. For example, on f. 26 a miniature has
been cut out before i. 3067 (the tale of the Three Questions),
the text of the Latin summary above the missing picture being
cut off after the words ‘tocius perdicionis.’ The Frere
miniature which relates to this tale continues the sentence,
supplying the words ‘causam sua culpa ministrat’; and so also
with some of the others. In some respects we can now correct
our account of the Frere miniatures. The subjects of seven are
correctly given in the description, but the last two represent,
as we can now see, (8) Alexander and the Pirate, iii. 2363 ff.,
(9) Lycurgus departing with his goods from Athens, vii. 2917
ff. The book was bought by Mr. Quaritch for £1550, certainly
the highest price ever paid for a Gower manuscript.
G. C. M.
CONFESSIO AMANTIS[24a]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 1=]
i. _Torpor, ebes sensus, scola parua labor minimusque_
_Causant quo minimus ipse minora canam:_
_Qua tamen Engisti lingua canit Insula Bruti_
_Anglica Carmente metra iuuante loquar._
_Ossibus ergo carens que conterit ossa loquelis_
_Absit, et interpres stet procul oro malus._
Incipit Prologus
Of hem that writen ous tofore
The bokes duelle, and we therfore
Ben tawht of that was write tho:
Forthi good is that we also
In oure tyme among ous hiere[24]
Do wryte of newe som matiere,[25]
Essampled of these olde wyse[26]
So that it myhte in such a wyse,[27]
[Sidenote: [DESIGN OF THE BOOK.]]
Whan we ben dede and elleswhere,
Beleve to the worldes eere 10
In tyme comende after this.
Bot for men sein, and soth it is,
That who that al of wisdom writ
It dulleth ofte a mannes wit
[Sidenote: =P. i. 2=]
To him that schal it aldai rede,[28]
For thilke cause, if that ye rede,
I wolde go the middel weie
And wryte a bok betwen the tweie,
Somwhat of lust, somewhat of lore,
That of the lasse or of the more 20
Som man mai lyke of that I wryte:
And for that fewe men endite
[Sidenote: Hic in principio declarat qualiter in anno Regis
Ricardi secundi sexto decimo Iohannes Gower presentem libellum
composuit et finaliter compleuit, quem strenuissimo domino
suo domino Henrico de Lancastria tunc Derbeie Comiti cum omni
reuerencia specialiter destinauit.]
In oure englissh, I thenke make[29]
*A bok for Engelondes sake,[30]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 3=]
The yer sextenthe of kyng Richard.
What schal befalle hierafterward
God wot, for now upon this tyde
Men se the world on every syde[31]
In sondry wyse so diversed,[32]
That it welnyh stant al reversed, 30
As forto speke of tyme ago.
The cause whi it changeth so
It needeth nought to specifie,[33]
The thing so open is at ÿe
[Sidenote: =P. i. 4=]
That every man it mai beholde:
And natheles be daies olde,
Whan that the bokes weren levere,
Wrytinge was beloved evere[34]
Of hem that weren vertuous;
For hier in erthe amonges ous, 40
If noman write hou that it stode,[35]
The pris of hem that weren goode
Scholde, as who seith, a gret partie
Be lost: so for to magnifie
The worthi princes that tho were,
The bokes schewen hiere and there,[36]
Wherof the world ensampled is;[37]
And tho that deden thanne amis
[Sidenote: =P. i. 5=]
Thurgh tirannie and crualte,[38]
Right as thei stoden in degre, 50
So was the wrytinge of here werk.[39]
Thus I, which am a burel clerk,[40]
Purpose forto wryte a bok
After the world that whilom tok
Long tyme in olde daies passed:
Bot for men sein it is now lassed,
In worse plit than it was tho,
I thenke forto touche also
The world which neweth every dai,
So as I can, so as I mai. 60
Thogh I seknesse have upon honde
And longe have had, yit woll I fonde
To wryte and do my bisinesse,[41]
That in som part, so as I gesse,
The wyse man mai ben avised.
For this prologe is so assised
That it to wisdom al belongeth:
What wysman that it underfongeth,[42]
He schal drawe into remembrance
The fortune of this worldes chance, 70
The which noman in his persone[43]
Mai knowe, bot the god al one.[44]
Whan the prologe is so despended,
This bok schal afterward ben ended
Of love, which doth many a wonder[45]
And many a wys man hath put under.[46]
And in this wyse I thenke trete
Towardes hem that now be grete,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 6=]
Betwen the vertu and the vice
Which longeth unto this office.[47] 80
[Sidenote: [DEDICATION.]]
Bot for my wittes ben to smale
To tellen every man his tale,
This bok, upon amendment
To stonde at his commandement,
With whom myn herte is of accord,
I sende unto myn oghne lord,
Which of Lancastre is Henri named:
The hyhe god him hath proclamed
Ful of knyhthode and alle grace.
So woll I now this werk embrace 90
With hol trust and with hol believe;
God grante I mot it wel achieve.
* * * * *
*[48]A bok for king Richardes sake,[49]
To whom belongeth my ligeance[50]
With al myn hertes obeissance
In al that evere a liege man[51]
Unto his king may doon or can:
So ferforth I me recomande[52]
To him which al me may comande, 30*
Preyende unto the hihe regne[53]
Which causeth every king to regne,
That his corone longe stonde.
[Sidenote: Hic declarat in primis qualiter ob reuerenciam
serenissimi principis domini sui Regis Anglie Ricardi secundi[55]
totus suus humilis Iohannes Gower, licet graui infirmitate
a diu multipliciter fatigatus, huius opusculi labores
suscipere non recusauit, set[59] tanquam fauum ex variis floribus
recollectum, presentem libellum ex variis cronicis, historiis,[62]
poetarum philosophorumque dictis, quatenus sibi infirmitas
permisit, studiosissime compilauit.]
I thenke and have it understonde,
As it bifel upon a tyde,
As thing which scholde tho betyde,--[54]
Under the toun of newe Troye,
Which tok of Brut his ferste joye,[56]
In Temse whan it was flowende[57]
As I be bote cam rowende,[58] 40*
So as fortune hir tyme sette,
My liege lord par chaunce I mette;
And so befel,[60] as I cam nyh,[61]
Out of my bot, whan he me syh,
He bad me come in to his barge.
And whan I was with him at large,
Amonges othre thinges seid[63]
He hath this charge upon me leid,[64]
And bad me doo my besynesse[65]
That to his hihe worthinesse 50*
Som newe thing I scholde boke,[66]
That he himself it mihte loke[67]
After the forme of my writynge.[68]
And thus upon his comandynge
Myn herte is wel the more glad[69]
To write so as he me bad;
And eek my fere is wel the lasse
That non envye schal compasse
Withoute a resonable wite[70]
To feyne and blame that I write. 60*
A gentil herte his tunge stilleth,
That it malice non distilleth,[71]
But preyseth that is to be preised;
But he that hath his word unpeysed
And handleth every thing,[72]
I preye un to the hevene king[73]
Fro suche tunges he me schilde.
And natheles this world is wilde
Of such jangling, and what befalle,[74]
My kinges heste schal nought falle, 70*
That I, in hope to deserve
His thonk, ne schal his wil observe;
And elles were I nought excused,
For that thing may nought be refused
Which that a king himselve bit.[75]
Forthi the symplesce of my wit[76]
I thenke if that it myhte avayle[77]
In his service to travaile:[78]
Though I seknesse have upon honde,
And longe have had, yit wol I fonde,[79] 80*
So as I made my beheste,[80]
To make a bok after his heste,[81]
And write in such a maner wise,
Which may be wisdom to the wise
And pley to hem that lust to pleye.
But in proverbe I have herd seye
That who that wel his werk begynneth[82]
The rather a good ende he wynneth;
And thus the prologe of my bok[83]
After the world that whilom tok, 90*
And eek somdel after the newe,
I wol begynne[84] for to newe.[85]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: [THE FORMER TIME BETTER THAN THIS.]]
ii. _Tempus preteritum presens fortuna beatum_
_Linquit, et antiquas vertit in orbe vias._[86]
_Progenuit veterem concors dileccio pacem,_
_Dum facies hominis nuncia mentis erat:_
_Legibus vnicolor tunc temporis aura refulsit,_
_Iusticie plane tuncque fuere vie._[87]
_Nuncque latens odium vultum depingit amoris,_
_Paceque sub ficta tempus ad arma tegit;_[88]
_Instar et ex variis mutabile Cameliontis_
_Lex gerit, et regnis sunt noua iura nouis:_ (10)
[Sidenote: [TEMPORAL RULERS.]]
_Climata que fuerant solidissima sicque per orbem_
_Soluuntur, nec eo centra quietis habent._
If I schal drawe in to my mynde
[Sidenote: De statu regnorum, vt dicunt, secundum temporalia,
videlicet tempore regis Ricardi secundi anno regni sui sexto
decimo.[89]]
The tyme passed, thanne I fynde
The world stod thanne in al his welthe:
Tho was the lif of man in helthe,
Tho was plente, tho was richesse,
Tho was the fortune of prouesse,
Tho was knyhthode in pris be name,
Wherof the wyde worldes fame 100
[Sidenote: =P. i. 7=]
Write in Cronique is yit withholde;
Justice of lawe tho was holde,
The privilege of regalie
Was sauf, and al the baronie
Worschiped was in his astat;
The citees knewen no debat,
The poeple stod in obeissance
Under the reule of governance,
And pes, which ryhtwisnesse keste,[90]
With charite tho stod in reste: 110
Of mannes herte the corage
Was schewed thanne in the visage;
The word was lich to the conceite[91]
Withoute semblant of deceite:
Tho was ther unenvied love,[92]
Tho was the vertu sett above
And vice was put under fote.
Now stant the crop under the rote,
The world is changed overal,
And therof most in special 120
That love is falle into discord.
And that I take to record
Of every lond for his partie
The comun vois, which mai noght lie;[93]
Noght upon on, bot upon alle
It is that men now clepe and calle,
And sein the regnes ben divided,[94]
In stede of love is hate guided,
The werre wol no pes purchace,
And lawe hath take hire double face, 130
[Sidenote: =P. i. 8=]
So that justice out of the weie
With ryhtwisnesse is gon aweie:
And thus to loke on every halve,
Men sen the sor withoute salve,
Which al the world hath overtake.
Ther is no regne of alle outtake,
For every climat hath his diel
After the tornynge of the whiel,
Which blinde fortune overthroweth;
Wherof the certain noman knoweth: 140
The hevene wot what is to done,
Bot we that duelle under the mone
Stonde in this world upon a weer,[95]
And namely bot the pouer[96]
Of hem that ben the worldes guides
With good consail on alle sides
Be kept upriht in such a wyse,[97]
That hate breke noght thassise
Of love, which is al the chief[98]
To kepe a regne out of meschief. 150
For alle resoun wolde this,
[Sidenote: Apostolus. Regem honorificate.]
That unto him which the heved is
The membres buxom scholden bowe,
And he scholde ek her trowthe allowe,
With al his herte and make hem chiere,[99]
[Sidenote: Salomon. Omnia fac cum consilio.]
For good consail is good to hiere.
Althogh a man be wys himselve,[100]
Yit is the wisdom more of tuelve;
And if thei stoden bothe in on,[101]
To hope it were thanne anon 160
[Sidenote: =P. i. 9=]
That god his grace wolde sende
To make of thilke werre an ende,
Which every day now groweth newe:
And that is gretly forto rewe
In special for Cristes sake,
Which wolde his oghne lif forsake
Among the men to yeve pes.
But now men tellen natheles
That love is fro the world departed,[102]
So stant the pes unevene parted 170
With hem that liven now adaies.
Bot forto loke at alle assaies,
To him that wolde resoun seche
After the comun worldes speche
It is to wondre of thilke werre,
In which non wot who hath the werre;
For every lond himself deceyveth
And of desese his part receyveth,
And yet ne take men no kepe.
Bot thilke lord which al may kepe, 180
To whom no consail may ben hid,
Upon the world which is betid,
Amende that wherof men pleigne
With trewe hertes and with pleine,
And reconcile love ayeyn,
As he which is king sovereign
Of al the worldes governaunce,
And of his hyhe porveaunce
Afferme pes betwen the londes
And take her cause into hise hondes, 190
[Sidenote: =P. i. 10=]
So that the world may stonde appesed
And his godhede also be plesed.
[Sidenote: [THE CHURCH.]]
iii. _Quas coluit Moises vetus aut nouus ipse Iohannes,_
_Hesternas leges vix colit ista dies._
_Sic prius ecclesia bina virtute polita_
_Nunc magis inculta pallet vtraque via._
_Pacificam Petri vaginam mucro resumens_
_Horruit ad Cristi verba cruoris iter;_
_Nunc tamen assiduo gladium de sanguine tinctum_
_Vibrat auaricia, lege tepente sacra._[103]
_Sic lupus est pastor, pater hostis, mors miserator,_
_Predoque largitor, pax et in orbe timor._[104] (10)
To thenke upon the daies olde,
[Sidenote: De statu cleri, vt dicunt, secundum spiritualia,
videlicet tempore Roberti Gibbonensis, qui nomen Clementis sibi
sortitus est, tunc antipape.[105]]
The lif of clerkes to beholde,
Men sein how that thei weren tho
Ensample and reule of alle tho
Whiche of wisdom the vertu soughten.
Unto the god ferst thei besoughten
As to the substaunce of her Scole,
That thei ne scholden noght befole 200
Her wit upon none erthly werkes,[106]
Which were ayein thestat of clerkes,
And that thei myhten fle the vice
Which Simon hath in his office,
Wherof he takth the gold in honde.[107]
For thilke tyme I understonde
The Lumbard made non eschange
The bisschopriches forto change,
Ne yet a lettre for to sende
For dignite ne for Provende,[108] 210
Or cured or withoute cure.
The cherche keye in aventure
[Sidenote: =P. i. 11=]
Of armes and of brygantaille
Stod nothing thanne upon bataille;
To fyhte or for to make cheste[109]
It thoghte hem thanne noght honeste;
Bot of simplesce and pacience
Thei maden thanne no defence:
The Court of worldly regalie[110]
To hem was thanne no baillie; 220
The vein honour was noght desired,
Which hath the proude herte fyred;
Humilite was tho withholde,
And Pride was a vice holde.
Of holy cherche the largesse
Yaf thanne and dede gret almesse
To povere men that hadden nede:
Thei were ek chaste in word and dede,
Wherof the poeple ensample tok;
Her lust was al upon the bok, 230
Or forto preche or forto preie,
To wisse men the ryhte weie
Of suche as stode of trowthe unliered.
Lo, thus was Petres barge stiered[111]
Of hem that thilke tyme were,
And thus cam ferst to mannes Ere
The feith of Crist and alle goode
Thurgh hem that thanne weren goode
And sobre and chaste and large and wyse.
Bot now men sein is otherwise, 240
Simon the cause hath undertake,
The worldes swerd on honde is take;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 12=]
And that is wonder natheles,
Whan Crist him self hath bode pes
And set it in his testament,
How now that holy cherche is went,
Of that here lawe positif
Hath set to make werre and strif
For worldes good, which may noght laste.[112]
God wot the cause to the laste 250
Of every right and wrong also;
But whil the lawe is reuled so
That clerkes to the werre entende,
I not how that thei scholde amende
The woful world in othre thinges,
To make pes betwen the kynges
After the lawe of charite,
Which is the propre duete
Belongende unto the presthode.
Bot as it thenkth to the manhode,[113] 260
The hevene is ferr, the world is nyh,
And veine gloire is ek so slyh,
Which coveitise hath now withholde,
That thei non other thing beholde,
Bot only that thei myhten winne.
And thus the werres thei beginne,
Wherof the holi cherche is taxed,[114]
That in the point as it is axed
The disme goth to the bataille,
As thogh Crist myhte noght availe 270
To don hem riht be other weie.
In to the swerd the cherche keie
[Sidenote: =P. i. 13=]
Is torned, and the holy bede
Into cursinge, and every stede
Which scholde stonde upon the feith
And to this cause an Ere leyth,
Astoned is of the querele.
That scholde be the worldes hele
Is now, men sein, the pestilence
Which hath exiled pacience[115] 280
Fro the clergie in special:
And that is schewed overal,
In eny thing whan thei ben grieved.
Bot if Gregoire be believed,
As it is in the bokes write,
He doth ous somdel forto wite
The cause of thilke prelacie,
Wher god is noght of compaignie:
For every werk as it is founded
Schal stonde or elles be confounded; 290
Who that only for Cristes sake
Desireth cure forto take,
And noght for pride of thilke astat,
To bere a name of a prelat,
He schal be resoun do profit
In holy cherche upon the plit
That he hath set his conscience;
[Sidenote: Gregorius. Terrenis lucris inhiant, honore prelacie
gaudent, et non vt prosint, set vt presint, episcopatum
desiderant.]
Bot in the worldes reverence
Ther ben of suche manie glade,
Whan thei to thilke astat ben made, 300
Noght for the merite of the charge,
Bot for thei wolde hemself descharge
[Sidenote: =P. i. 14=]
Of poverte and become grete;
And thus for Pompe and for beyete
The Scribe and ek the Pharisee
Of Moïses upon the See
In the chaiere on hyh ben set;
Wherof the feith is ofte let,
Which is betaken hem to kepe.
In Cristes cause alday thei slepe, 310
Bot of the world is noght foryete;
For wel is him that now may gete
Office in Court to ben honoured.
The stronge coffre hath al devoured
Under the keye of avarice
The tresor of the benefice,
Wherof the povere schulden clothe[116]
And ete and drinke and house bothe;
The charite goth al unknowe,
For thei no grein of Pite sowe: 320
And slouthe kepeth the libraire[117]
Which longeth to the Saintuaire;
To studie upon the worldes lore
Sufficeth now withoute more;
Delicacie his swete toth
Hath fostred so that it fordoth
Of abstinence al that ther is.
And forto loken over this,
If Ethna brenne in the clergie,
Al openly to mannes ÿe 330
At Avynoun thexperience[118]
Therof hath yove an evidence,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 15=]
Of that men sen hem so divided.
And yit the cause is noght decided;
Bot it is seid and evere schal,
Betwen tuo Stoles lyth the fal,[119]
Whan that men wenen best to sitte:
In holy cherche of such a slitte[120]
Is for to rewe un to ous alle;
God grante it mote wel befalle 340
Towardes him which hath the trowthe.[121]
Bot ofte is sen that mochel slowthe,
Whan men ben drunken of the cuppe,
Doth mochel harm, whan fyr is uppe,
Bot if somwho the flamme stanche;
And so to speke upon this branche,
Which proud Envie hath mad to springe,[122]
Of Scisme, causeth forto bringe
This newe Secte of Lollardie,
And also many an heresie 350
Among the clerkes in hemselve.
It were betre dike and delve
And stonde upon the ryhte feith,
Than knowe al that the bible seith[123]
And erre as somme clerkes do.
Upon the hond to were a Schoo
And sette upon the fot a Glove
Acordeth noght to the behove
Of resonable mannes us:
If men behielden the vertus 360
That Crist in Erthe taghte here,
Thei scholden noght in such manere,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 16=]
Among hem that ben holden wise,
The Papacie so desguise
Upon diverse eleccioun,
Which stant after thaffeccioun
Of sondry londes al aboute:
Bot whan god wole, it schal were oute,
For trowthe mot stonde ate laste.
Bot yet thei argumenten faste[124] 370
Upon the Pope and his astat,
Wherof thei falle in gret debat;
This clerk seith yee, that other nay,[125]
And thus thei dryve forth the day,
And ech of hem himself amendeth
Of worldes good, bot non entendeth
To that which comun profit were.
Thei sein that god is myhti there,
And schal ordeine what he wile,
Ther make thei non other skile 380
Where is the peril of the feith,
Bot every clerk his herte leith
To kepe his world in special,
And of the cause general,
Which unto holy cherche longeth,
Is non of hem that underfongeth
To schapen eny resistence:
And thus the riht hath no defence,
Bot ther I love, ther I holde.
Lo, thus tobroke is Cristes folde, 390
Wherof the flock withoute guide
Devoured is on every side,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 17=]
In lacke of hem that ben unware
Schepherdes, whiche her wit beware
Upon the world in other halve.
The scharpe pricke in stede of salve[126]
Thei usen now, wherof the hele
Thei hurte of that thei scholden hele;
And what Schep that is full of wulle
Upon his back, thei toose and pulle, 400
Whil ther is eny thing to pile:
And thogh ther be non other skile
Bot only for thei wolden wynne,
Thei leve noght, whan thei begynne,
Upon her acte to procede,
Which is no good schepherdes dede.
And upon this also men sein,
That fro the leese which is plein
Into the breres thei forcacche[127]
Her Orf, for that thei wolden lacche[128] 410
With such duresce, and so bereve
That schal upon the thornes leve
Of wulle, which the brere hath tore;
Wherof the Schep ben al totore
Of that the hierdes make hem lese.
Lo, how thei feignen chalk for chese,
For though thei speke and teche wel,
Thei don hemself therof no del:
For if the wolf come in the weie,[129]
Her gostly Staf is thanne aweie, 420
Wherof thei scholde her flock defende;[130]
Bot if the povere Schep offende
[Sidenote: =P. i. 18=]
In eny thing, thogh it be lyte,
They ben al redy forto smyte;
And thus, how evere that thei tale,
The strokes falle upon the smale,
And upon othre that ben grete
Hem lacketh herte forto bete.
So that under the clerkes lawe
Men sen the Merel al mysdrawe, 430
I wol noght seie in general,
For ther ben somme in special
In whom that alle vertu duelleth,
[Sidenote: Qui vocatur a deo tanquam Aaron.]
And tho ben, as thapostel telleth,
That god of his eleccioun
Hath cleped to perfeccioun
In the manere as Aaron was:
Thei ben nothing in thilke cas
Of Simon, which the foldes gate
Hath lete, and goth in othergate, 440
Bot thei gon in the rihte weie.
Ther ben also somme, as men seie,
That folwen Simon ate hieles,
Whos carte goth upon the whieles
Of coveitise and worldes Pride,
And holy cherche goth beside,
Which scheweth outward a visage
Of that is noght in the corage.
For if men loke in holy cherche,
Betwen the word and that thei werche[131] 450
Ther is a full gret difference:
Thei prechen ous in audience
[Sidenote: =P. i. 19=]
That noman schal his soule empeire,[132]
For al is bot a chirie feire
This worldes good, so as thei telle;
Also thei sein ther is an helle,
Which unto mannes sinne is due,[133]
And bidden ous therfore eschue
That wikkid is, and do the goode.
Who that here wordes understode, 460
It thenkth thei wolden do the same;
Bot yet betwen ernest and game
Ful ofte it torneth other wise.
With holy tales thei devise
How meritoire is thilke dede
Of charite, to clothe and fede
The povere folk and forto parte
The worldes good, bot thei departe
Ne thenken noght fro that thei have.
Also thei sein, good is to save 470
With penance and with abstinence
Of chastite the continence;
Bot pleinly forto speke of that,
I not how thilke body fat,
Which thei with deynte metes kepe
And leyn it softe forto slepe,
Whan it hath elles al his wille,
With chastite schal stonde stille:
And natheles I can noght seie,
In aunter if that I misseye. 480
Touchende of this, how evere it stonde,
I here and wol noght understonde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 20=]
For therof have I noght to done:
Bot he that made ferst the Mone,
The hyhe god, of his goodnesse,
If ther be cause, he it redresce.[134]
Bot what as eny man accuse,[135]
This mai reson of trowthe excuse;
The vice of hem that ben ungoode
Is no reproef unto the goode: 490
For every man hise oghne werkes
Schal bere, and thus as of the clerkes
The goode men ben to comende,
And alle these othre god amende:
For thei ben to the worldes ÿe[136]
The Mirour of ensamplerie,
To reulen and to taken hiede
Betwen the men and the godhiede.
[Sidenote: [THE COMMONS.]]
iv. _Vulgaris populus regali lege subactus_
_Dum iacet, vt mitis agna subibit onus._
_Si caput extollat et lex sua frena relaxet,_
_Vt sibi velle iubet, Tigridis instar habet._
_Ignis, aqua dominans duo sunt pietate carentes,_
_Ira tamen plebis est violenta magis._
Now forto speke of the comune,
It is to drede of that fortune 500
[Sidenote: De statu plebis, vt dicunt, secundum accidencium
mutabilia.[137]]
Which hath befalle in sondri londes:
Bot often for defalte of bondes
Al sodeinliche, er it be wist,
A Tonne, whanne his lye arist,
Tobrekth and renneth al aboute,
Which elles scholde noght gon oute;
And ek fulofte a litel Skar
Upon a Banke, er men be war,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 21=]
Let in the Strem, which with gret peine,
If evere man it schal restreigne. [138] 510
Wher lawe lacketh, errour groweth,
He is noght wys who that ne troweth,
For it hath proeved ofte er this;
And thus the comun clamour is
In every lond wher poeple dwelleth,
And eche in his compleignte telleth
How that the world is al miswent,
And ther upon his jugement[139]
Yifth every man in sondry wise.
Bot what man wolde himself avise, 520
His conscience and noght misuse,
He may wel ate ferste excuse
His god, which evere stant in on:
In him ther is defalte non,
[Sidenote: [MAN THE CAUSE OF EVIL.]]
So moste it stonde upon ousselve
Nought only upon ten ne twelve,
Bot plenerliche upon ous alle,
For man is cause of that schal falle.
And natheles yet som men wryte
[Sidenote: Nota contra hoc, quod aliqui sortem fortune, aliqui
influenciam planetarum ponunt, per quod, vt dicitur, rerum
euentus necessario contingit. Set pocius dicendum est, quod
ea que nos prospera et aduersa in hoc mundo vocamus, secundum
merita et demerita hominum digno dei iudicio proveniunt.]
And sein that fortune is to wyte, 530
And som men holde oppinion
That it is constellacion,
Which causeth al that a man doth:
God wot of bothe which is soth.
The world as of his propre kynde
Was evere untrewe, and as the blynde
Improprelich he demeth fame,
He blameth that is noght to blame
[Sidenote: =P. i. 22=]
And preiseth that is noght to preise:
Thus whan he schal the thinges peise, 540
Ther is deceipte in his balance,
And al is that the variance
Of ous, that scholde ous betre avise;[140]
For after that we falle and rise,
The world arist and falth withal,
So that the man is overal
His oghne cause of wel and wo.
That we fortune clepe so
Out of the man himself it groweth;
And who that other wise troweth, 550
Behold the poeple of Irael:[141]
For evere whil thei deden wel,
Fortune was hem debonaire,
And whan thei deden the contraire,
Fortune was contrariende.
So that it proeveth wel at ende
Why that the world is wonderfull
And may no while stonde full,
Though that it seme wel besein;
For every worldes thing is vein, 560
And evere goth the whiel aboute,
And evere stant a man in doute,
Fortune stant no while stille,
So hath ther noman al his wille.
Als fer as evere a man may knowe,[142]
Ther lasteth nothing bot a throwe;
[Sidenote: Boicius. O quam dulcedo humane vite multa
amaritudine aspersa est!]
The world stant evere upon debat,
So may be seker non astat,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 23=]
Now hier now ther, now to now fro,
Now up now down, this world goth so, 570
And evere hath don and evere schal:
Wherof I finde in special
A tale writen in the Bible,
Which moste nedes be credible;
And that as in conclusioun
Seith that upon divisioun
Stant, why no worldes thing mai laste,
Til it be drive to the laste.
And fro the ferste regne of alle[143]
Into this day, hou so befalle, 580
Of that the regnes be muable
The man himself hath be coupable,
Which of his propre governance
Fortuneth al the worldes chance.
[Sidenote: [NEBUCHADNEZZAR’S DREAM.]]
v. _Prosper et aduersus obliquo tramite versus_
_Immundus mundus decipit omne genus._
_Mundus in euentu versatur vt alea casu,_[144]
_Quam celer in ludis iactat auara manus._[145]
_Sicut ymago viri variantur tempora mundi,_
_Statque nichil firmum preter amare deum._[146]
The hyhe almyhti pourveance,
In whos eterne remembrance
Fro ferst was every thing present,
He hath his prophecie sent,[147]
In such a wise as thou schalt hiere,
To Daniel of this matiere, 590
[Sidenote: Hic in prologo tractat de Statua illa, quam
Rex Nabugodonosor viderat in sompnis, cuius caput aureum,
pectus argenteum, venter eneus, tibie ferree, pedum vero quedam
pars ferrea, quedam fictilis videbatur, sub qua membrorum
diuersitate secundum Danielis exposicionem huius mundi variacio
figurabatur.]
Hou that this world schal torne and wende,
Till it be falle to his ende;[148]
Wherof the tale telle I schal,
In which it is betokned al.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 24=]
As Nabugodonosor slepte,
A swevene him tok, the which he kepte
Til on the morwe he was arise,
For he therof was sore agrise.
To Daniel his drem he tolde,
And preide him faire that he wolde 600
Arede what it tokne may;
And seide: ‘Abedde wher I lay,
Me thoghte I syh upon a Stage
Wher stod a wonder strange ymage.
His hed with al the necke also
Thei were of fin gold bothe tuo;
His brest, his schuldres and his armes
Were al of selver, bot the tharmes,[149]
The wombe and al doun to the kne,
Of bras thei were upon to se;[150] 610
The legges were al mad of Stiel,[151]
So were his feet also somdiel,
And somdiel part to hem was take
Of Erthe which men Pottes make;
[Sidenote: Hic narrat vlterius de quodam lapide grandi,[152]
qui, vt in dicto sompnio videbatur, ab excelso monte super
statuam corruens ipsam quasi in nichilum penitus contriuit.]
The fieble meynd was with the stronge,
So myhte it wel noght stonde longe.[153]
And tho me thoghte that I sih
A gret ston from an hull on hyh[154]
Fel doun of sodein aventure
Upon the feet of this figure, 620
With which Ston al tobroke was
Gold, Selver, Erthe, Stiel and Bras,
That al was in to pouldre broght,
And so forth torned into noght.’
[Sidenote: =P. i. 25=]
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de interpretacione sompnii, et primo
dicit[155] de significacione capitis aurei.]
This was the swevene which he hadde,
That Daniel anon aradde,
And seide him that figure strange
Betokneth how the world schal change
And waxe lasse worth and lasse,
Til it to noght al overpasse. 630
The necke and hed, that weren golde,
He seide how that betokne scholde
A worthi world, a noble, a riche,
To which non after schal be liche.
[Sidenote: De pectore argenteo.]
Of Selver that was overforth
Schal ben a world of lasse worth;
[Sidenote: De ventre eneo.]
And after that the wombe of Bras
Tokne of a werse world it was.
[Sidenote: De tibeis ferreis.]
The Stiel which he syh afterward
A world betokneth more hard: 640
[Sidenote: De significacione pedum, qui ex duabus materiis
discordantibus adinuicem diuisi extiterant.]
Bot yet the werste of everydel
Is last, whan that of Erthe and Stiel
He syh the feet departed so,
For that betokneth mochel wo.
Whan that the world divided is,
It moste algate fare amis,
For Erthe which is meynd with Stiel
Togedre may noght laste wiel,
Bot if that on that other waste;
So mot it nedes faile in haste. 650
[Sidenote: De lapidis statuam confringentis significacione.]
The Ston, which fro the hully Stage
He syh doun falle on that ymage,
And hath it into pouldre broke,
That swevene hath Daniel unloke,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 26=]
And seide how that is goddes myht,
Which whan men wene most upryht
To stonde, schal hem overcaste.
And that is of this world the laste,
And thanne a newe schal beginne,[156]
Fro which a man schal nevere twinne; 660
[Sidenote: [THE EMPIRES OF THE WORLD.]]
Or al to peine or al to pes
That world schal lasten endeles.
[Sidenote: Hic consequenter scribit qualiter huius seculi
regna variis mutacionibus, prout in dicta statua figurabatur,
secundum temporum distincciones sencibiliter hactenus
diminuuntur.[158m]]
Lo thus expondeth Daniel[157]
The kynges swevene faire and wel
In Babiloyne the Cite,
Wher that the wiseste of Caldee
Ne cowthen wite what it mente;
Bot he tolde al the hol entente,[158]
As in partie it is befalle.
[Sidenote: De seculo aureo, quod in capite statue designatum
est, a tempore ipsius Nabugodonosor Regis Caldee vsque in
regnum Ciri Regis Persarum.]
Of gold the ferste regne of alle 670
Was in that kinges time tho,
And laste manye daies so,
Therwhiles that the Monarchie
Of al the world in that partie
To Babiloyne was soubgit;
And hield him stille in such a plit,
Til that the world began diverse:
And that was whan the king of Perse,
Which Cirus hyhte, ayein the pes
Forth with his Sone Cambises 680
Of Babiloine al that Empire,[159]
Ryht as thei wolde hemself desire,
Put under in subjeccioun[160]
And tok it in possessioun,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 27=]
And slayn was Baltazar the king,
Which loste his regne and al his thing.
And thus whan thei it hadde wonne,
[Sidenote: De seculo argenteo, quod in pectore designatum
est, a tempore ipsius Regis Ciri vsque in regnum Alexandri
Regis Macedonie.]
The world of Selver was begonne
And that of gold was passed oute:
And in this wise it goth aboute 690
In to the Regne of Darius;
And thanne it fell to Perse thus,
That Alisaundre put hem under,
Which wroghte of armes many a wonder,
So that the Monarchie lefte
With Grecs, and here astat uplefte,
And Persiens gon under fote,
So soffre thei that nedes mote.[161]
[Sidenote: De seculo eneo, quod in ventre designatum est,
a tempore ipsius Alexandri vsque in regnum Iulii Romanorum
Imparatoris.]
And tho the world began of Bras,
And that of selver ended was; 700
Bot for the time thus it laste,
Til it befell that ate laste
This king, whan that his day was come,
With strengthe of deth was overcome.
And natheles yet er he dyde,[162]
He schop his Regnes to divide
To knyhtes whiche him hadde served,
And after that thei have deserved
Yaf the conquestes that he wan;
Wherof gret werre tho began 710
Among hem that the Regnes hadde,
Thurgh proud Envie which hem ladde,
Til it befell ayein hem thus:
The noble Cesar Julius,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 28=]
Which tho was king of Rome lond,
With gret bataille and with strong hond
Al Grece, Perse and ek Caldee
Wan and put under, so that he[163]
Noght al only of thorient
Bot al the Marche of thoccident[164] 720
Governeth under his empire,
As he that was hol lord and Sire,
And hield thurgh his chivalerie[165]
Of al this world the Monarchie,[166]
And was the ferste of that honour
Which tok the name of Emperour.
[Sidenote: De seculo ferreo, quod in tibeis designatum
est, a tempore Iulii vsque in[167] regnum Karoli magni Regis
Francorum.[168m]]
Wher Rome thanne wolde assaille,
Ther myhte nothing contrevaille,
Bot every contre moste obeie:
Tho goth the Regne of Bras aweie, 730
And comen is the world of Stiel,
And stod above upon the whiel.[168]
As Stiel is hardest in his kynde
Above alle othre that men finde
Of Metals, such was Rome tho
The myhtieste, and laste so
Long time amonges the Romeins
Til thei become so vileins,
That the fals Emperour Leo[169]
With Constantin his Sone also 740
The patrimoine and the richesse,
Which to Silvestre in pure almesse
The ferste Constantinus lefte,
Fro holy cherche thei berefte.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 29=]
Bot Adrian, which Pope was,[170]
And syh the meschief of this cas,
Goth in to France forto pleigne,
And preith the grete Charlemeine,
For Cristes sake and Soule hele
That he wol take the querele[171] 750
Of holy cherche in his defence.
And Charles for the reverence
Of god the cause hath undertake,
And with his host the weie take[172]
Over the Montz of Lombardie;
Of Rome and al the tirandie
With blodi swerd he overcom,
And the Cite with strengthe nom;
In such a wise and there he wroghte,
That holy cherche ayein he broghte 760
Into franchise, and doth restore
The Popes lost, and yaf him more:
And thus whan he his god hath served,
He tok, as he wel hath deserved,[173]
The Diademe and was coroned.
Of Rome and thus was abandoned
Thempire, which cam nevere ayein
Into the hond of no Romein;[174]
Bot a long time it stod so stille
Under the Frensche kynges wille, 770
Til that fortune hir whiel so ladde,
That afterward Lombardz it hadde,
Noght be the swerd, bot be soffrance
Of him that tho was kyng of France,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 30=]
Which Karle Calvus cleped was;
And he resigneth in this cas
Thempire of Rome unto Lowis
His Cousin, which a Lombard is.
[Sidenote: De seculo nouissimis iam temporibus ad
similitudinem pedum in discordiam lapso et diuiso, quod
post decessum ipsius Karoli, cum imperium Romanorum in
manus Longobardorum peruenerat,[175] tempore Alberti et
Berengarii incepit: nam ob eorum diuisionem contigit,
vt Almanni imperatoriam adepti sunt maiestatem. In
cuius solium quendam principem theotonicum Othonera
nomine sublimari primitus constituerunt. Et ab illo
regno incipiente diuisio per vniuersum orbem in posteros
concreuit, vnde nos ad alterutrum diuisi huius seculi
consummacionem iam vltimi expectamus.]
And so hit laste into the yeer
Of Albert and of Berenger; 780
Bot thanne upon dissencioun
Thei felle, and in divisioun
Among hemself that were grete,
So that thei loste the beyete
Of worschipe and of worldes pes.
Bot in proverbe natheles
Men sein, ful selden is that welthe
Can soffre his oghne astat in helthe;
And that was on the Lombardz sene,
Such comun strif was hem betwene 790
Thurgh coveitise and thurgh Envie,
That every man drowh his partie,
Which myhte leden eny route,
Withinne Burgh and ek withoute:
The comun ryht hath no felawe,
So that the governance of lawe
Was lost, and for necessite,
Of that thei stode in such degre
Al only thurgh divisioun,
Hem nedeth in conclusioun 800
Of strange londes help beside.
And thus for thei hemself divide
And stonden out of reule unevene,
Of Alemaine Princes sevene[176]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 31=]
Thei chose in this condicioun,
That upon here eleccioun
Thempire of Rome scholde stonde.
And thus thei lefte it out of honde
For lacke of grace, and it forsoke,
That Alemans upon hem toke: 810
And to confermen here astat,
Of that thei founden in debat[177]
Thei token the possessioun
After the composicioun
Among hemself, and therupon
Thei made an Emperour anon,
Whos name as the Cronique telleth
Was Othes; and so forth it duelleth,
Fro thilke day yit unto this
Thempire of Rome hath ben and is 820
[Sidenote: [THE LATEST TIME.]]
To thalemans. And in this wise,[178]
As ye tofore have herd divise
How Daniel the swevene expondeth[179]
Of that ymage, on whom he foundeth
The world which after scholde falle,
Come is the laste tokne of alle;
Upon the feet of Erthe and Stiel
So stant this world now everydiel
Departed; which began riht tho,
Whan Rome was divided so: 830
And that is forto rewe sore,
For alway siththe more and more
The world empeireth every day.
Wherof the sothe schewe may,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 32=]
At Rome ferst if we beginne:
The wall and al the Cit withinne[180]
Stant in ruine and in decas,[181]
The feld is wher the Paleis was,[182]
The toun is wast; and overthat,
If we beholde thilke astat 840
Which whilom was of the Romeins,
Of knyhthode and of Citezeins,
To peise now with that beforn,
The chaf is take for the corn,[183]
As forto speke of Romes myht:[184]
Unethes stant ther oght upryht
Of worschipe or of worldes good,
As it before tyme stod.
And why the worschipe is aweie,
If that a man the sothe seie,[185] 850
[Sidenote: [DIVISION THE CAUSE OF EVIL.]]
The cause hath ben divisioun,
Which moder of confusioun
Is wher sche cometh overal,
Noght only of the temporal
Bot of the spirital also.
The dede proeveth it is so,
And hath do many day er this,
Thurgh venym which that medled is
In holy cherche of erthly thing:
For Crist himself makth knowleching 860
That noman may togedre serve
God and the world, bot if he swerve
Froward that on and stonde unstable;
And Cristes word may noght be fable.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 33=]
The thing so open is at ÿe,[186]
It nedeth noght to specefie
Or speke oght more in this matiere;
Bot in this wise a man mai lere
Hou that the world is gon aboute,[187]
The which welnyh is wered oute, 870
After the forme of that figure
Which Daniel in his scripture
Expondeth, as tofore is told.[188]
Of Bras, of Selver and of Gold
The world is passed and agon,
And now upon his olde ton
It stant of brutel Erthe and Stiel,
The whiche acorden nevere a diel;
So mot it nedes swerve aside
As thing the which men sen divide. 880
[Sidenote: Hic dicit secundum apostolum, quod nos sumus in
quos fines seculi deuenerunt.]
Thapostel writ unto ous alle
And seith that upon ous is falle
Thende of the world; so may we knowe,
This ymage is nyh overthrowe,
Be which this world was signified,
That whilom was so magnefied,
And now is old and fieble and vil,
Full of meschief and of peril,
And stant divided ek also
Lich to the feet that were so, 890
As I tolde of the Statue above.
And this men sen, thurgh lacke of love[189]
Where as the lond divided is,
It mot algate fare amis:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 34=]
And now to loke on every side,
A man may se the world divide,
The werres ben so general
Among the cristene overal,
That every man now secheth wreche,
And yet these clerkes alday preche[190] 900
And sein, good dede may non be
Which stant noght upon charite:
I not hou charite may stonde,
Wher dedly werre is take on honde.
Bot al this wo is cause of man,
The which that wit and reson can,
And that in tokne and in witnesse
That ilke ymage bar liknesse
Of man and of non other beste.
For ferst unto the mannes heste 910
Was every creature ordeined,
Bot afterward it was restreigned:[191]
Whan that he fell, thei fellen eke,
Whan he wax sek, thei woxen seke;
For as the man hath passioun
Of seknesse, in comparisoun
So soffren othre creatures.
[Sidenote: Hic scribit quod ex diuisionis passione singula
creata detrimentum corruptibile paciuntur.]
Lo, ferst the hevenly figures,
The Sonne and Mone eclipsen bothe,
And ben with mannes senne wrothe; 920
The purest Eir for Senne alofte
Hath ben and is corrupt fulofte,
Right now the hyhe wyndes blowe,[192]
And anon after thei ben lowe,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 35=]
Now clowdy and now clier it is:
So may it proeven wel be this,
A mannes Senne is forto hate,
Which makth the welkne to debate.
And forto se the proprete
Of every thyng in his degree, 930
Benethe forth among ous hiere
Al stant aliche in this matiere:
The See now ebbeth, now it floweth,
The lond now welketh, now it groweth,[193]
Now be the Trees with leves grene,
Now thei be bare and nothing sene,
Now be the lusti somer floures,[194]
Now be the stormy wynter shoures,
Now be the daies, now the nyhtes,[195]
So stant ther nothing al upryhtes, 940
Now it is lyht, now it is derk;
And thus stant al the worldes werk
After the disposicioun
Of man and his condicioun.
Forthi Gregoire in his Moral
Seith that a man in special[196]
The lasse world is properly:
And that he proeveth redely;
For man of Soule resonable
Is to an Angel resemblable,[197] 950
And lich to beste he hath fielinge,
And lich to Trees he hath growinge;
The Stones ben and so is he:
Thus of his propre qualite
[Sidenote: =P. i. 36=]
The man, as telleth the clergie,
Is as a world in his partie,
And whan this litel world mistorneth,[198]
The grete world al overtorneth.
The Lond, the See, the firmament,
Thei axen alle jugement 960
Ayein the man and make him werre:
Therwhile himself stant out of herre,
The remenant wol noght acorde:[199]
And in this wise, as I recorde,
The man is cause of alle wo,
Why this world is divided so.[200]
[Sidenote: Hic dicit secundum euangelium, quod omne
regnum in se diuisum desolabitur.]
Division, the gospell seith,[201]
On hous upon another leith,
Til that the Regne al overthrowe:
And thus may every man wel knowe, 970
Division aboven alle
Is thing which makth the world to falle,
And evere hath do sith it began.
[Sidenote: Quod ex sue complexionis materia diuisus homo
mortalis existat.[202]]
It may ferst proeve upon a man;
The which, for his complexioun
Is mad upon divisioun
Of cold, of hot, of moist, of drye,
He mot be verray kynde dye:
For the contraire of his astat
Stant evermore in such debat, 980
Til that o part be overcome,
Ther may no final pes be nome.[203]
Bot other wise, if a man were
Mad al togedre of o matiere
[Sidenote: =P. i. 37=]
Withouten interrupcioun,
Ther scholde no corrupcioun
Engendre upon that unite:
Bot for ther is diversite
Withinne himself, he may noght laste,
That he ne deieth ate laste. 990
[Sidenote: Quod homo ex corporis et anime condicione
diuisus, sicut saluacionis ita et dampnacionis aptitudinem
ingreditur.]
Bot in a man yit over this
Full gret divisioun ther is,
Thurgh which that he is evere in strif,
Whil that him lasteth eny lif:
The bodi and the Soule also
Among hem ben divided so,
That what thing that the body hateth
The soule loveth and debateth;
Bot natheles fulofte is sene
Of werre which is hem betwene 1000
The fieble hath wonne the victoire.
[Sidenote: Qualiter Adam a statu innocencie diuisus a
paradiso voluptatis in terram laboris peccator proiectus
est.]
And who so drawth into memoire
What hath befalle of old and newe,
He may that werre sore rewe,
Which ferst began in Paradis:
For ther was proeved what it is,
And what desese there it wroghte;
For thilke werre tho forth broghte
The vice of alle dedly Sinne,
Thurgh which division cam inne 1010
[Sidenote: Qualiter populi per vniuersum orbem a cultura
dei diuisi, Noe cum sua sequela dumtaxat exceptis, diluuio
interierunt.]
Among the men in erthe hiere,
And was the cause and the matiere
Why god the grete flodes sende,
Of al the world and made an ende
[Sidenote: =P. i. 38=]
Bot Noë with his felaschipe,
Which only weren saulf be Schipe.
And over that thurgh Senne it com
[Sidenote: Qualiter in edificacione turris Babel, quam in
dei contemptum Nembrot erexit, lingua prius hebraica in
varias linguas celica vindicta diuidebatur.]
That Nembrot such emprise nom,[204]
Whan he the Tour Babel on heihte[205]
Let make, as he that wolde feihte 1020
Ayein the hihe goddes myht,
Wherof divided anon ryht
Was the langage in such entente,
Ther wiste non what other mente,
So that thei myhten noght procede.
And thus it stant of every dede,
Wher Senne takth the cause on honde,
It may upriht noght longe stonde;
For Senne of his condicioun[206]
Is moder of divisioun 1030
[Sidenote: Qualiter mundus, qui in statu diuisionis
quasi cotidianis presenti tempore vexatur[207] flagellis, a
lapide superueniente, id est a diuina potencia vsque ad
resolucionem omnis carnis subito conteretur.]
And tokne whan the world schal faile.
For so seith Crist withoute faile,
That nyh upon the worldes ende
Pes and acord awey schol wende
And alle charite schal cesse,
Among the men and hate encresce;
And whan these toknes ben befalle,
Al sodeinly the Ston schal falle,[208]
As Daniel it hath beknowe,
Which al this world schal overthrowe, 1040
And every man schal thanne arise
To Joie or elles to Juise,
Wher that he schal for evere dwelle,
Or straght to hevene or straght to helle.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 39=]
In hevene is pes and al acord,
Bot helle is full of such descord
That ther may be no loveday:
Forthi good is, whil a man may,
Echon to sette pes with other
And loven as his oghne brother; 1050
So may he winne worldes welthe
And afterward his soule helthe.
[Sidenote: Hic narrat exemplum de concordia et vnitate
inter homines prouocanda; et dicit qualiter quidam Arion
nuper Citharista ex sui cantus cithareque consona melodia
tante virtutis extiterat, vt ipse non solum virum cum viro,
set eciam leonem cum cerua, lupum cum agna, canem cum
lepore, ipsum audientes vnanimiter absque vlla discordia
adinuicem pacificauit.]
Bot wolde god that now were on
An other such as Arion,[209]
Which hadde an harpe of such temprure,
And therto of so good mesure
He song, that he the bestes wilde
Made of his note tame and milde,
The Hinde in pes with the Leoun,
The Wolf in pes with the Moltoun, 1060
The Hare in pees stod with the Hound;
And every man upon this ground
Which Arion that time herde,
Als wel the lord as the schepherde,
He broghte hem alle in good acord;
So that the comun with the lord,
And lord with the comun also,
He sette in love bothe tuo
And putte awey malencolie.
That was a lusti melodie, 1070
Whan every man with other low;
And if ther were such on now,
Which cowthe harpe as he tho dede,
He myhte availe in many a stede
[Sidenote: =P. i. 40=]
To make pes wher now is hate;
For whan men thenken to debate,
I not what other thing is good.
Bot wher that wisdom waxeth wod,[210]
And reson torneth into rage,
So that mesure upon oultrage 1080
Hath set his world, it is to drede;
For that bringth in the comun drede,
Which stant at every mannes Dore:
Bot whan the scharpnesse of the spore
The horse side smit to sore,
It grieveth ofte. And now nomore,
As forto speke of this matiere,[211]
Which non bot only god may stiere.[212]
=Explicit Prologus=
LINENOTES:
[24a] _The text is that of_ F (_Fairfax_ 3). _The_ MSS. _most
commonly cited are the following:--_
_Of the first recension_, A (_Bodley_ 902), J (_St. John’s
Coll. Camb._ B 12), M (_Camb. Univ._ Mm. 2. 21), E₂ (_Egerton_
913), H₁ (_Harleian_ 3490), Y (_Marquess of Bute’s_), X (_Soc.
of Antiquaries_ 134), G (_Glasgow, Hunterian Mus._ S i. 7), E
(_Egerton_ 1991), R (_Reg._ 18 C xxii.), C (_Corpus Christi Coll.
Oxf._ 67), L (_Laud_ 609), B₂ (_Bodley_ 693).
_Of the second_, S (_Stafford_), Ad. (_Brit. Mus. Addit._ 12043),
B (_Bodley_ 294), T (_Trin. Coll. Camb._ R 3. 2), Δ (_Sidney
Coll. Camb._ Δ 4. 1).
_Of the third_, F (_Fairfax_ 3), W (_Wadham Coll._ 13), K
(_Keswick Hall_), H₃ (_Harl._ 7184), Magd. (_Magdalen Coll. Oxf._
213).
[24] 5 ff. time, write, wise, &c., S
[25] 6 Do ME₂H₁, SΛ, FWKH₃ So JXGRB₂, B To CL
[26] 7 Essampled (Ensampled) JME₂H₁, SΛ, FWKH₃ Ensamples X ...
B₂ &c., B
[27] 8 awyse F a wise S
[28] 15 rede _om_ B
[29] 23 Englisch S
[30] 24-92 _These lines are found in copies of the third recension_
(FH₂NKH₃Magd.W &c.) _and also in_ SΛP₂. _The rest have_ 24*-92*. _The
marginal note_, ‘Hic in principio--destinauit,’ _is found only in_
Λ, KH₃Magd. _Of these_, Magd. _has_ in principio libri _for_ in
principio, _and_ Λ _gives_ quarto _for_ sexto.
[31] 28 on] in S
[32] 29, 30 _Two lines omitted in_ S
[33] 33 nouȝt S, F
[34] 38 Writing ... belouyd S
[35] 41 no man S
[36] 46 schiewe S
[37] 47 essampled S
[38] 49 tirantie S
[39] 51 is þe writing S
[40] 52 bural S
[41] 63 Tho write S
[42] 68 wise man S
[43] 71 no man S
[44] 72 allone S
[45] 75 awonder F
[46] 76 awys man F a wise man S
[47] 80 officie F
[48] 24*-92* _All variations from_ B _are noted_.
[49] 24* book B
[50] 25* bilongeþ B
[51] 27* euer B
[52] 29* f. recomaunde ... comaunde B
[53] 31* Prayend B
[54] 36* bityde B
[55] 37* _margin_ Regis Anglie Ricardi secundi _erased in_ B
_leaving blank_
[56] 38* took B
[57] 39* Themese G Themse R
[58] 40* by B
[59] 42* _margin_ sed B
[60] 43* bifel B
[61] 43* f. neigh ... seigh B
[62] 45* _margin_ Cronicarum historiis XG
[63] 47* seyde B
[64] 48* leyde B
[65] 49* busynesse B
[66] 51* booke B
[67] 52* mighte looke B
[68] 53* f. writyng ... comaundyng B
[69] 55* hert B
[70] 59* Wiþout B
[71] 62* noon B
[72] 65* handeleþ B onkrong euery H₁ outkrong euery JME₂XGRCL
outkroud euery B₂ outtrong euery Ar outkrong eny B out wronge
ony Cath.
[73] 66* pray B heuene GR heuen B
[74] 69* bifalle B
[75] 75* Which JME₂XGCL What H₁RB₂, B byt B
[76] 76* ffor þy B
[77] 77* it might (it myht) JME₂CL it may GRB₂, B I may H₁ Sn
it XCath.
[78] 78* to do trauayle G
[79] 80* long B
[80] 81* byheste B
[81] 82* book B
[82] 87* bygyn_n_eþ B
[83] 89* f. book ... took B
[84] 92* bygynne B
[85] 92* for to newe JME₂H₁XGR, B for the newe D Ar. for to
schewe CLB₂
[86] _Latin Verses_ ii. 2 antūnas ... vrbe S
[87] 6 ff. tunc que ... Nunc que ... Pace que ... sic que F
[88] 8 subficta S
[89] 96 _margin_ videlicet--sexto decimo _inserted only in_ MSS. _of
the third recension_, FWKH₃ &c. S _has instead of it_ (_after space of
one line_), Nota quod tempore creacionis huius libri fuerunt guerre
et opiniones guerrarum tam in sancta Cristi ecclesia quam per singula
mundi regna quasi vniuersaliter diuulgate. Quapropter in hoc presenti
prologo euentus tam graues scriptor per singulos gradus specialiter
deplangit. _So_ Λ _without space and with_ dei _for_ Cristi
[90] 109 which JME₂CL, FKH₃ wiþ H₁XGRB₂, SBΛ, W
[91] 113 word JME₂B₂, Λ, FWK &c. world H₁XGRCL &c., SB
[92] 115 vnenuied JME₂, S, FWK &c. vneuened Λ noon enuyed (non
enuied) H₁ ... B₂, B
[93] 124 comun GC, S comune B, F
[94] 127 the] þat H₁RB₂, B
[95] 143 a weer S a wer B aweer F
[96] 144 A _begins here_
[97] 147 S _has lost a leaf_, ll. 147-320
[98] 149 which A, B whiche F
[99] 155 his _om._ B
[100] 157 aman F
[101] 159 stoden AJME₂L, Δ, FKH₃ stonden H₁ ... RB₂ &c., BΛ, W
[102] 169 loue AJME₂XL, FWKH₃ it E, B _om._ H₁RB₂Sn
[103] _Latin Verses_ iii. 8 tepente JE₂, ΔΛ, FWKH₃ repente AMH₁
... B₂ B, Magd.
[104] 10 Predo que F
[105] 194 ff. _margin_ De statu--antipape _om._ AE₂
videlicet--antipape _inserted in third recension only_
(_different hand in_ F)
[106] 201 ertly F
[107] 205 an honde R, B anhonde H₁B₂
[108] 210 prebende A, Λ
[109] 215 for _om._ XGLB₂, WH₃
[110] 219 worþy(-i) H₁ERLB₂, B worlde W
[111] 234 Petrus H₁E ... B₂, W Petris XG
[112] 249 wich F
[113] 260 to þe manhod(e) AJME₂, ΔΛ, FW to m. H₁ ... B₂, B to
make m. KH₃
[114] 267 þe FKH₃Magd. þat A ... B₂ &c., BΔΛ _om._ W
[115] 280 paciencie F
[116] 317 povere] pore þei (þai) CL, W (pou_er_e þey)
[117] 321 S _resumes_
[118] 331 _Copies of first and second recensions have here in
margin_ Anno domini Millesimo CCC^o Nonagesimo. S _gives this
with the addition_ quia tunc erat ecclesia diuisa _and so also_
RSnDAr, Δ F _has an erasure in the margin_.
[119] 336 lyþ F (_in ras._) KH₃Magd. is A ... B₂ &c., SBΔΛ
[120] 338 flitte AXGCL
[121] 341 whiche F
[122] 347 proud A, SB proude C, F
[123] 354 that] what EB₂, B
[124] 370 argumeten F
[125] 373 This ... þat AJM, SΛ, F &c. This ... þis E₂X ... B₂,
B The ... this H₁
[126] 396 pricke _om._ A
[127] 409 forcacche AME₂, SΔΛ, FWKH₃ forþ cacche H₁ ... B₂, B
for tacche (?) J
[128] 410 Her Orf] Herof (Here of) RCSn, Δ Wheorof H₁ Therof Λ
[129] 419 com FK
[130] 421 folk EC, W
[131] 450 thei] men B
[132] 453 apeyre AM
[133] 457 vnto mannes soule is AME₂ is to mannes synne B
[134] 486 he _om._ AM
[135] 487 as AJME₂, SΔ, FKH₃ þat H₁ ... B₂, B is W
[136] 495-498 _Four lines found only in third recension copies_
FWKH₃ &c.
[137] 501 _margin_ mutabilia accidencium H₁RB₂, B accidencia
mutabilia X
[138] 510 euere (euer) AME₂X, SΔΛ, FKH₃ euery JH₁RB₂, W eny CL,
B
[139] 518 argument B
[140] 543 scholde A, B, K schold S, F
[141] 551 Irael JM, S, FH₂N: _the rest_ Israel
[142] 565 aman F
[143] 579-584 _Six lines found only in third recension: cp._ 495
[144] _Latin Verses_ v. 3 vesatur vt H₁RB₂, B vesatur et CL
[145] 4 ictat H₁R, B
[146] 6 _line om._ H₁RB₂Sn, B
[147] 588 send F
[148] 592 befalle F
[149] 608 the tharmes] þe armes M, Δ tharmes B₂, H₃Magd.
[150] 610 weren on AX
[151] 611 made al AMH₁
[152] 618 _margin_ grandi] gracia dei (grā dī) RB₂Sn
[153] 616 nought wel KH₃ nought (_om._ wel) AM, W (nat)
[154] 618 on] an B
[155] 627 _margin_ dicit _om._ B
[156] 659 schal a newe H₁ ... B₂, B
[157] 663 expondeþ S, FK _al._ expoundeþ
[158] 668 al _om._ H₁RB₂, B hol B, F hole AC
[158m]668 _margin_ diminuntur F
[159] 681 al] of AMERB₂, B _om._ H₁
[160] 683 in _om._ AM
[161] 698 nedes] soffre (suffre) ME, B
[162] 705 or B
[163] 718 putte A
[164] 720 of Occident XE, B
[165] 723 chiualrie F
[166] 724 this] þe H₁XGCL, W
[167] 730 _margin_ vsque ad H₁ ... B₂, B
[168] 732 stant H₁ ... B₂, B
[168m] 732 _margin_ Francie H₁ ... B₂, B
[169] 739 þe fals Emperour AJMXGCL, SΔ, FKH₃ þe Emp. fals
H₁ERB₂ þe emperour B
[170] 745 Bot] Good (God) GCL And H₁
[171] 750 wolde MH₁XGCL, Δ
[172] 754 haþ take B did take Δ
[173] 764 as he haþ wel ERB₂, SBΔΛ wel as he hath H₁
[174] 768 the _om._ B
[175] 785 _margin_ peruenerit H₁ ... RLB₂, B peruenit C
[176] 804 Almanie A
[177] 812 founden AJME₂, SΔΛ, FWH₃ stonden X ... R, B stoden
H₁CLB₂
[178] 821 To þe almains X ... B₂, BΔ To Almayns H₁
[179] 823 expondeþ S, FKH₃ _al._ expoundeþ
[180] 836 al þe Cit S, F al þe cite (citee) A ... B₂, BΔΛ, KH₃
the cite W Magd. al the toune H₁
[181] 837 f. deces ... wes ECL, B deues ... was H₁Sn deues ...
wes RB₂
[182] 838 wher] þer AME₂H₁
[183] 844 fro (from) H₁ERB₂, B, W Magd.
[184] 845 And for to Λ, Magd. And so to H₁EB₂, B And so R As to
L
[185] 850 soþe XGSn, FWKH₃ soþ schal AJMH₁ERCLB₂, SBΔΛ
[186] 865 _line om._ B
[187] 869 þis world MH₁ ... B₂, B
[188] 873 Expondeþ S, FK
[189] 892 this] þus AMH₁X, H₃
[190] 900 these] þis AM ... E, B, W
[191] 912 Bot] ffor H₁ERB₂, B
[192] 923 hyhe] while H₁ERB₂, B
[193] 934 welweþ AJM, W (weloweth)
[194] 937 f. the ... the] þei ... þei (þay ... þay) AH₁ERB₂, B
þer ... þer CL þese ... þey X þe ... þey G
[195] 939 þei (þay) daies H₁ ... R, B now the nyhtes] now be þe
n. MCB₂, Δ now be þey (thei) n. H₁XG
[196] 946 aman F
[197] 950 Is to an] It is an H₁ERB₂, B
[198] 957 mistormeþ FKH₃
[199] 963 stant out of acord(e) H₁ERB₂, B
[200] 966 Why] Wiþ RCLB₂
[201] 967 as þe g. s. AG, W
[202] 976 _margin_ existit A
[203] 982 be nome] benome FKH₃
[204] 1018 suche prise H₁ERB₂, B
[205] 1019 he _om._ RLB₂, B, W that H₁
[206] 1029 condicion F
[207] 1033 _margin_ vexat H₁ERB₂, B
[208] 1038 And A
[209] 1055 S _has lost a leaf_ (1055--i. 106)
[210] 1078 waxed FK
[211] 1087 As] And YERSn, B _om._ B₂
[212] 1088 god only may H₁ER, B god may only B₂
Incipit Liber Primus
[Sidenote: [LOVE RULES THE WORLD.]]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 41=]
i. _Naturatus amor nature legibus orbem_
_Subdit, et vnanimes concitat esse feras:_
_Huius enim mundi Princeps amor esse videtur,_
_Cuius eget diues, pauper et omnis ope._
_Sunt in agone pares amor et fortuna, que cecas_
_Plebis ad insidias vertit vterque rotas._
_Est amor egra salus, vexata quies, pius error,_
_Bellica pax, vulnus dulce, suaue malum._
I may noght strecche up to the hevene[213]
Min hand, ne setten al in evene
This world, which evere is in balance:
It stant noght in my sufficance
So grete thinges to compasse,
Bot I mot lete it overpasse
And treten upon othre thinges.
Forthi the Stile of my writinges[214]
[Sidenote: Postquam in Prologo tractatum hactenus existit,
qualiter hodierne condicionis diuisio caritatis dileccionem
superauit, intendit[216] auctor ad presens suum libellum, cuius
nomen Confessio Amantis nuncupatur, componere de illo
amore, a quo non solum humanum genus, sed eciam cuncta
animancia naturaliter subiciuntur. Et quia non nulli
amantes ultra quam expedit desiderii passionibus crebro[217]
stimulantur, materia libri per totum super hiis specialius
diffunditur.[218]]
Fro this day forth I thenke change
And speke of thing is noght so strange,[215] 10
[Sidenote: =P. i. 42=]
Which every kinde hath upon honde,
And wherupon the world mot stonde,
And hath don sithen it began,
And schal whil ther is any man;
And that is love, of which I mene
To trete, as after schal be sene.
In which ther can noman him reule,
For loves lawe is out of reule,
That of tomoche or of tolite
Welnyh is every man to wyte, 20
And natheles ther is noman
In al this world so wys, that can
Of love tempre the mesure,
Bot as it falth in aventure:
For wit ne strengthe may noght helpe,
And he which elles wolde him yelpe
Is rathest throwen under fote,
Ther can no wiht therof do bote.
For yet was nevere such covine,
That couthe ordeine a medicine 30
To thing which god in lawe of kinde
Hath set, for ther may noman finde
The rihte salve of such a Sor.
It hath and schal ben everemor
That love is maister wher he wile,
Ther can no lif make other skile;
For wher as evere him lest to sette,[219]
Ther is no myht which him may lette.
Bot what schal fallen ate laste,
The sothe can no wisdom caste, 40
[Sidenote: =P. i. 43=]
Bot as it falleth upon chance;
For if ther evere was balance
Which of fortune stant governed,
I may wel lieve as I am lerned
That love hath that balance on honde,
Which wol no reson understonde.
For love is blind and may noght se,
Forthi may no certeinete
Be set upon his jugement,
Bot as the whiel aboute went[220] 50
He yifth his graces undeserved,[221]
And fro that man which hath him served
Fulofte he takth aweye his fees,
As he that pleieth ate Dees,[222]
And therupon what schal befalle
He not, til that the chance falle,
Wher he schal lese or he schal winne.
[Sidenote: [EXAMPLE OF THE AUTHOR.]]
[Sidenote: Hic quasi in persona aliorum, quos amor alligat,
fingens se auctor esse Amantem, varias eorum passiones
variis huius libri distinccionibus per singula scribere
proponit.]
And thus fulofte men beginne,
That if thei wisten what it mente,
Thei wolde change al here entente. 60
And forto proven it is so,
I am miselven on of tho,
Which to this Scole am underfonge.
For it is siththe go noght longe,
As forto speke of this matiere,
I may you telle, if ye woll hiere,
A wonder hap which me befell,
That was to me bothe hard and fell,
Touchende of love and his fortune,
The which me liketh to comune 70
[Sidenote: =P. i. 44=]
And pleinly forto telle it oute.
To hem that ben lovers aboute
Fro point to point I wol declare
And wryten of my woful care,
Mi wofull day, my wofull chance,
That men mowe take remembrance[223]
Of that thei schall hierafter rede:
For in good feith this wolde I rede,
That every man ensample take
Of wisdom which him is betake,[224] 80
And that he wot of good aprise
To teche it forth, for such emprise
Is forto preise; and therfore I
Woll wryte and schewe al openly
How love and I togedre mette,
Wherof the world ensample fette
Mai after this, whan I am go,
Of thilke unsely jolif wo,
Whos reule stant out of the weie,
Nou glad and nou gladnesse aweie, 90
And yet it may noght be withstonde
For oght that men may understonde.
[Sidenote: [HIS WOFUL CASE.]]
ii. _Non ego Sampsonis vires, non Herculis arma_
_Vinco, sum sed vt hii victus amore pari._
_Vt discant alii, docet experiencia facti,_
_Rebus in ambiguis que sit habenda via._
_Deuius ordo ducis temptata pericla sequentem_[225]
_Instruit a tergo, ne simul ille cadat._
_Me quibus ergo Venus, casus, laqueauit amantem,_[226]
_Orbis in exemplum scribere tendo palam._
Upon the point that is befalle
Of love, in which that I am falle,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 45=]
I thenke telle my matiere:
Now herkne, who that wol it hiere,
Of my fortune how that it ferde.
[Sidenote: Hic declarat materiam, dicens qualiter Cupido
quodam ignito iaculo sui cordis memoriam graui vlcere
perforauit, quod Venus percipiens ipsum, vt dicit, quasi
in mortis articulo spasmatum, ad confitendum se Genio
sacerdoti super amoris causa sic semiuiuum specialiter
commendauit.]
This enderday, as I forthferde
To walke, as I yow telle may,--
And that was in the Monthe of Maii, 100
Whan every brid hath chose his make
And thenkth his merthes forto make[227]
Of love that he hath achieved;
Bot so was I nothing relieved,
For I was further fro my love
Than Erthe is fro the hevene above,
As forto speke of eny sped:[228]
So wiste I me non other red,
Bot as it were a man forfare[229]
Unto the wode I gan to fare,[230] 110
Noght forto singe with the briddes,
For whanne I was the wode amiddes,
I fond a swote grene pleine,
And ther I gan my wo compleigne
Wisshinge and wepinge al myn one,
For other merthes made I none.[231]
So hard me was that ilke throwe,
That ofte sithes overthrowe
To grounde I was withoute breth;
And evere I wisshide after deth,[232] 120
Whanne I out of my peine awok,
[Sidenote: [HIS COMPLAINT TO CUPID AND VENUS.]]
And caste up many a pitous lok
Unto the hevene, and seide thus:
‘O thou Cupide, O thou Venus,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 46=]
Thou god of love and thou goddesse,
Wher is pite? wher is meknesse?
Now doth me pleinly live or dye,
For certes such a maladie
As I now have and longe have hadd,
It myhte make a wisman madd,[233] 130
If that it scholde longe endure.
O Venus, queene of loves cure,
Thou lif, thou lust, thou mannes hele,
Behold my cause and my querele,
And yif me som part of thi grace,
So that I may finde in this place
If thou be gracious or non.’
And with that word I sawh anon
The kyng of love and qweene bothe;
Bot he that kyng with yhen wrothe 140
His chiere aweiward fro me caste,
And forth he passede ate laste.
[Sidenote: [THE FIERY DART.]]
Bot natheles er he forth wente
A firy Dart me thoghte he hente
And threw it thurgh myn herte rote:
In him fond I non other bote,
For lenger list him noght to duelle.
[Sidenote: [VENUS QUEEN OF LOVE.]]
Bot sche that is the Source and Welle
Of wel or wo, that schal betide
To hem that loven, at that tide 150
Abod, bot forto tellen hiere
Sche cast on me no goodly chiere:
Thus natheles to me sche seide,
‘What art thou, Sone?’ and I abreide
[Sidenote: =P. i. 47=]
Riht as a man doth out of slep,
And therof tok sche riht good kep
And bad me nothing ben adrad:
Bot for al that I was noght glad,
For I ne sawh no cause why.
And eft scheo asketh, what was I:[234] 160
I seide, ‘A Caitif that lith hiere:[235]
What wolde ye, my Ladi diere?[236]
Schal I ben hol or elles dye?’[237]
Sche seide, ‘Tell thi maladie:[238]
What is thi Sor of which thou pleignest?[239]
Ne hyd it noght, for if thou feignest,
I can do the no medicine.’
‘Ma dame, I am a man of thyne,
That in thi Court have longe served,
And aske that I have deserved, 170
Som wele after my longe wo.’
And sche began to loure tho,
And seide, ‘Ther is manye of yow
Faitours, and so may be that thow
Art riht such on, and be feintise
Seist that thou hast me do servise.’
And natheles sche wiste wel,
Mi world stod on an other whiel
Withouten eny faiterie:
Bot algate of my maladie 180
Sche bad me telle and seie hir trowthe.
‘Ma dame, if ye wolde have rowthe,’
Quod I, ‘than wolde I telle yow.’[240]
‘Sey forth,’ quod sche, ‘and tell me how;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 48=]
Schew me thi seknesse everydiel.’
‘Ma dame, that can I do wel,
Be so my lif therto wol laste.’
With that hir lok on me sche caste,
And seide: ‘In aunter if thou live,
Mi will is ferst that thou be schrive; 190
And natheles how that it is
I wot miself, bot for al this
[Sidenote: [GENIUS, THE PRIEST OF LOVE.]]
Unto my prest, which comth anon,
I woll thou telle it on and on,
Bothe all thi thoght and al thi werk.
O Genius myn oghne Clerk,
Com forth and hier this mannes schrifte,’
Quod Venus tho; and I uplifte
Min hefd with that, and gan beholde
The selve Prest, which as sche wolde[241] 200
Was redy there and sette him doun
To hiere my confessioun.
iii. _Confessus Genio si sit medicina salutis_
_Experiar morbis, quos tulit ipsa Venus._
_Lesa quidem ferro medicantur membra saluti,_
_Raro tamen medicum vulnus amoris habet._
[Sidenote: [THE LOVER’S SHRIFT.]]
This worthi Prest, this holy man
To me spekende thus began,
And seide: ‘Benedicite,
Mi Sone, of the felicite
Of love and ek of all the wo
Thou schalt thee schrive of bothe tuo.[242]
[Sidenote: Hic dicit qualiter Genio pro Confessore
sedenti prouolutus Amans ad confitendum se flexis
genibus incuruatur, supplicans tamen, vt ad sui sensus
informacionem confessor ille in dicendis opponere sibi
benignius dignaretur.]
What thou er this for loves sake
Hast felt, let nothing be forsake, 210
[Sidenote: =P. i. 49=]
Tell pleinliche as it is befalle.’
And with that word I gan doun falle
On knees, and with devocioun[243]
And with full gret contricioun
I seide thanne: ‘Dominus,
Min holi fader Genius,
So as thou hast experience
Of love, for whos reverence
Thou schalt me schriven at this time,
I prai the let me noght mistime 220
Mi schrifte, for I am destourbed
In al myn herte, and so contourbed,
That I ne may my wittes gete,
So schal I moche thing foryete:[244]
Bot if thou wolt my schrifte oppose
Fro point to point, thanne I suppose,
Ther schal nothing be left behinde.[245]
Bot now my wittes ben so blinde,
That I ne can miselven teche.’
Tho he began anon to preche, 230
And with his wordes debonaire
He seide tome softe and faire:[246]
‘Thi schrifte to oppose and hiere,
[Sidenote: Sermo Genii sacerdotis[247] super confessione ad
Amantem.]
My Sone, I am assigned hiere
Be Venus the godesse above,
Whos Prest I am touchende of love.
Bot natheles for certein skile
I mot algate and nedes wile
Noght only make my spekynges
Of love, bot of othre thinges, 240
[Sidenote: =P. i. 50=]
That touchen to the cause of vice.
For that belongeth to thoffice
Of Prest, whos ordre that I bere,
So that I wol nothing forbere,
That I the vices on and on
Ne schal thee schewen everychon;
Wherof thou myht take evidence
To reule with thi conscience.
Bot of conclusion final
Conclude I wol in special 250
For love, whos servant I am,
And why the cause is that I cam.
So thenke I to don bothe tuo,
Ferst that myn ordre longeth to,
The vices forto telle arewe,
Bot next above alle othre schewe
Of love I wol the propretes,
How that thei stonde be degrees
After the disposicioun
Of Venus, whos condicioun 260
I moste folwe, as I am holde.
For I with love am al withholde,
So that the lasse I am to wyte,
Thogh I ne conne bot a lyte[248]
Of othre thinges that ben wise:
I am noght tawht in such a wise;[249]
For it is noght my comun us
To speke of vices and vertus,
Bot al of love and of his lore,
For Venus bokes of nomore 270
[Sidenote: =P. i. 51=]
Me techen nowther text ne glose.
Bot for als moche as I suppose
It sit a prest to be wel thewed,
And schame it is if he be lewed,
Of my Presthode after the forme
I wol thi schrifte so enforme,
That ate leste thou schalt hiere[250]
The vices, and to thi matiere[251]
Of love I schal hem so remene,
That thou schalt knowe what thei mene. 280
For what a man schal axe or sein[252]
Touchende of schrifte, it mot be plein,
It nedeth noght to make it queinte,
For trowthe hise wordes wol noght peinte:
That I wole axe of the forthi,
My Sone, it schal be so pleinly,
That thou schalt knowe and understonde
The pointz of schrifte how that thei stonde.’[253]
[Sidenote: [THE FIVE SENSES.]]
iv. _Visus et auditus fragilis sunt ostia mentis,_
_Que viciosa manus claudere nulla potest._
_Est ibi larga via, graditur qua cordis ad antrum_
_Hostis, et ingrediens fossa talenta rapit._
_Hec michi confessor Genius primordia profert,_
_Dum sit in extremis vita remorsa malis._
_Nunc tamen vt poterit semiviua loquela fateri,_
_Verba per os timide conscia mentis agam._
Betwen the lif and deth I herde
This Prestes tale er I answerde, 290
And thanne I preide him forto seie
His will, and I it wolde obeie
After the forme of his apprise.[254]
[Sidenote: Hic incipit confessio Amantis, cui de duobus
precipue quinque sensuum, hoc est de visu et auditu,
confessor pre ceteris opponit.]
Tho spak he tome in such a wise,[255]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 52=]
And bad me that I scholde schrive[256]
As touchende of my wittes fyve,
And schape that thei were amended
Of that I hadde hem misdispended.[257]
For tho be proprely the gates,
Thurgh whiche as to the herte algates 300
Comth alle thing unto the feire,
Which may the mannes Soule empeire.
And now this matiere is broght inne,
Mi Sone, I thenke ferst beginne
To wite how that thin yhe hath stonde,
[Sidenote: [SEEING.]]
The which is, as I understonde,
The moste principal of alle,
Thurgh whom that peril mai befalle.
And forto speke in loves kinde,
Ful manye suche a man mai finde,[258] 310
Whiche evere caste aboute here yhe,
To loke if that thei myhte aspie
Fulofte thing which hem ne toucheth,
Bot only that here herte soucheth
In hindringe of an other wiht;
And thus ful many a worthi knyht
And many a lusti lady bothe
Have be fulofte sythe wrothe.[259]
So that an yhe is as a thief
To love, and doth ful gret meschief; 320
And also for his oghne part
Fulofte thilke firy Dart
Of love, which that evere brenneth,
Thurgh him into the herte renneth:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 53=]
And thus a mannes yhe ferst
Himselve grieveth alther werst,
And many a time that he knoweth
Unto his oghne harm it groweth.
Mi Sone, herkne now forthi
A tale, to be war therby 330
Thin yhe forto kepe and warde,
So that it passe noght his warde.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF ACTEON.]]
[Sidenote: Hic narrat Confessor exemplum[260] de visu ab
illicitis preseruando, dicens qualiter Acteon Cadmi Regis
Thebarum nepos, dum in quadam Foresta venacionis causa
spaciaretur,[262m] accidit vt ipse quendam fontem nemorosa
arborum pulcritudine circumuentum superueniens, vidit
ibi Dianam cum suis Nimphis nudam in flumine balneantem;
quam diligencius intuens oculos suos a muliebri nuditate
nullatenus auertere volebat. Vnde indignata Diana ipsum
in cerui figuram transformauit; quem canes proprii
apprehendentes mortiferis dentibus penitus dilaniarunt.]
Ovide telleth in his bok
Ensample touchende of mislok,
And seith hou whilom ther was on,[261]
A worthi lord, which Acteon
Was hote, and he was cousin nyh
To him that Thebes ferst on hyh
Up sette, which king Cadme hyhte.[262]
This Acteon, as he wel myhte, 340
Above alle othre caste his chiere,
And used it fro yer to yere,
With Houndes and with grete Hornes
Among the wodes and the thornes
To make his hunting and his chace:
Where him best thoghte in every place
To finde gamen in his weie,
Ther rod he forto hunte and pleie.
So him befell upon a tide[263]
On his hunting as he cam ride, 350
In a Forest al one he was:
He syh upon the grene gras
The faire freisshe floures springe,[264]
He herde among the leves singe
[Sidenote: =P. i. 54=]
The Throstle with the nyhtingale:[265]
Thus er he wiste into a Dale
He cam, wher was a litel plein,[266]
All round aboute wel besein
With buisshes grene and Cedres hyhe;
And ther withinne he caste his yhe. 360
Amidd the plein he syh a welle,
So fair ther myhte noman telle,
In which Diana naked stod
To bathe and pleie hire in the flod
With many a Nimphe, which hire serveth.[267]
Bot he his yhe awey ne swerveth
Fro hire, which was naked al,
And sche was wonder wroth withal,[268]
And him, as sche which was godesse,
Forschop anon, and the liknesse[269] 370
Sche made him taken of an Hert,[270]
Which was tofore hise houndes stert,
That ronne besiliche aboute
With many an horn and many a route,[271]
That maden mochel noise and cry:
And ate laste unhappely
This Hert his oghne houndes slowhe[272]
And him for vengance al todrowhe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo now, my Sone, what it is
A man to caste his yhe amis, 380
Which Acteon hath dere aboght;
Be war forthi and do it noght.
For ofte, who that hiede toke,
Betre is to winke than to loke.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 55=]
And forto proven it is so,
Ovide the Poete also
A tale which to this matiere
Acordeth seith, as thou schalt hiere.[273]
[Sidenote: [TALE OF MEDUSA.]]
[Sidenote: Hic ponit aliud exemplum de eodem, vbi dicit
quod quidam princeps nomine Phorceus tres progenuit
filias, Gorgones a vulgo nuncupatas, que uno partu
exorte deformitatem Monstrorum serpentinam obtinuerunt;
quibus, cum in etatem peruenerant, talis destinata fuerat
natura, quod quicumque in eas aspiceret in lapidem subito
mutabatur. Et sic quam plures incaute respicientes visis
illis perierunt. Set Perseus miles clipeo Palladis
gladioque Mercurii munitus eas extra montem Athlantis
cohabitantes animo audaci absque sui periculo interfecit.]
In Metamor it telleth thus,
How that a lord which Phorceüs 390
Was hote, hadde dowhtres thre.[274]
Bot upon here nativite
Such was the constellacion,
That out of mannes nacion
Fro kynde thei be so miswent,
That to the liknesse of Serpent
Thei were bore, and so that on[275]
Of hem was cleped Stellibon,
That other soster Suriale,
The thridde, as telleth in the tale, 400
Medusa hihte, and natheles
Of comun name Gorgones
In every contre ther aboute,
As Monstres whiche that men doute,
Men clepen hem; and bot on yhe
Among hem thre in pourpartie
Thei hadde, of which thei myhte se,
Now hath it this, now hath it sche;
After that cause and nede it ladde,
Be throwes ech of hem it hadde. 410
A wonder thing yet more amis
Ther was, wherof I telle al this:
What man on hem his chiere caste
And hem behield, he was als faste
[Sidenote: =P. i. 56=]
Out of a man into a Ston
Forschape, and thus ful manyon
Deceived were, of that thei wolde
Misloke, wher that thei ne scholde.
Bot Perseüs that worthi knyht,
Whom Pallas of hir grete myht 420
Halp, and tok him a Schield therto,
And ek the god Mercurie also
Lente him a swerd, he, as it fell,[276]
Beyende Athlans the hihe hell
These Monstres soghte, and there he fond[277]
Diverse men of thilke lond
Thurgh sihte of hem mistorned were,
Stondende as Stones hiere and there.
Bot he, which wisdom and prouesse
Hadde of the god and the godesse,[278] 430
The Schield of Pallas gan enbrace,
With which he covereth sauf his face,
Mercuries Swerd and out he drowh,
And so he bar him that he slowh
These dredful Monstres alle thre.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo now, my Sone, avise the,
That thou thi sihte noght misuse:
Cast noght thin yhe upon Meduse,
That thou be torned into Ston:
For so wys man was nevere non, 440
Bot if he wel his yhe kepe[279]
And take of fol delit no kepe,
That he with lust nys ofte nome,
Thurgh strengthe of love and overcome.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 57=]
Of mislokynge how it hath ferd,
As I have told, now hast thou herd,
My goode Sone, and tak good hiede.[280]
[Sidenote: [HEARING.]]
And overthis yet I thee rede
That thou be war of thin heringe,
Which to the Herte the tidinge 450
Of many a vanite hath broght,
To tarie with a mannes thoght.
And natheles good is to hiere
Such thing wherof a man may lere[281]
That to vertu is acordant,
And toward al the remenant
Good is to torne his Ere fro;
For elles, bot a man do so,
Him may fulofte mysbefalle.
I rede ensample amonges alle, 460
Wherof to kepe wel an Ere
It oghte pute a man in fere.
[Sidenote: [THE PRUDENCE OF THE SERPENT.]]
[Sidenote: Hic narrat Confessor exemplum, vt non ab
auris exaudicione fatua animus deceptus inuoluatur.
Et dicit qualiter ille serpens, qui aspis[282] vocatur,
quendam preciosissimum lapidem nomine Carbunculum in sue
frontis medio gestans, contra verba incantantis aurem
vnam terre affigendo premit, et aliam sue caude stimulo
firmissime[283] obturat.]
A Serpent, which that Aspidis
Is cleped, of his kynde hath this,
That he the Ston noblest of alle,
The which that men Carbuncle calle,
Berth in his hed above on heihte.
For which whan that a man be sleyhte,
The Ston to winne and him to daunte,
With his carecte him wolde enchaunte, 470
Anon as he perceiveth that,
He leith doun his on Ere al plat
Unto the ground, and halt it faste,
And ek that other Ere als faste
[Sidenote: =P. i. 58=]
He stoppeth with his tail so sore,
That he the wordes lasse or more
Of his enchantement ne hiereth;
And in this wise himself he skiereth,
So that he hath the wordes weyved
And thurgh his Ere is noght deceived. 480
[Sidenote: [TALE OF THE SIRENS.]]
[Sidenote: Aliud exemplum super eodem, qualiter rex Vluxes
cum a bello Troiano versus Greciam nauigio remearet, et
prope illa Monstra marina, Sirenes nuncupata, angelica voce
canoras, ipsum ventorum aduersitate nauigare oporteret,
omnium nautarum suorum aures obturari coegit. Et sic
salutari prouidencia prefultus absque periculo saluus cum
sua classe Vluxes pertransiuit.]
An othre thing, who that recordeth,[284]
Lich unto this ensample acordeth,
Which in the tale of Troie I finde.
Sirenes of a wonder kynde
Ben Monstres, as the bokes tellen,
And in the grete Se thei duellen:
Of body bothe and of visage
Lik unto wommen of yong age[285]
Up fro the Navele on hih thei be,
And doun benethe, as men mai se, 490
Thei bere of fisshes the figure.[286]
And overthis of such nature
Thei ben, that with so swete a stevene
Lik to the melodie of hevene
In wommanysshe vois thei singe,
With notes of so gret likinge,
Of such mesure, of such musike,
Wherof the Schipes thei beswike
That passen be the costes there.
For whan the Schipmen leie an Ere 500
Unto the vois, in here avys
Thei wene it be a Paradys,
Which after is to hem an helle.
For reson may noght with hem duelle,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 59=]
Whan thei tho grete lustes hiere;[287]
Thei conne noght here Schipes stiere,
So besiliche upon the note
Thei herkne, and in such wise assote,
That thei here rihte cours and weie
Foryete, and to here Ere obeie, 510
And seilen til it so befalle
That thei into the peril falle,
Where as the Schipes be todrawe,
And thei ben with the Monstres slawe.
Bot fro this peril natheles
With his wisdom king Uluxes
Ascapeth and it overpasseth;
For he tofor the hond compasseth
That noman of his compaignie
Hath pouer unto that folie 520
His Ere for no lust to caste;
For he hem stoppede alle faste,[288]
That non of hem mai hiere hem singe.
So whan they comen forth seilinge,
Ther was such governance on honde,
That thei the Monstres have withstonde
And slain of hem a gret partie.
Thus was he sauf with his navie,
This wise king, thurgh governance.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
[Sidenote: [THE SINS OF THE EYE AND THE EAR.]]
Wherof, my Sone, in remembrance 530
Thou myht ensample taken hiere,[289]
As I have told, and what thou hiere
Be wel war, and yif no credence,
Bot if thou se more evidence.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 60=]
For if thou woldest take kepe
And wisly cowthest warde and kepe
Thin yhe and Ere, as I have spoke,
Than haddest thou the gates stoke
Fro such Sotie as comth to winne
Thin hertes wit, which is withinne, 540
Wherof that now thi love excedeth
Mesure, and many a peine bredeth.
Bot if thou cowthest sette in reule
Tho tuo, the thre were eth to reule:
Forthi as of thi wittes five
I wole as now nomore schryve,
Bot only of these ilke tuo.
Tell me therfore if it be so,
Hast thou thin yhen oght misthrowe?[290]
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, ye, I am beknowe, 550
I have hem cast upon Meduse,
Therof I may me noght excuse:
Min herte is growen into Ston,
So that my lady therupon
Hath such a priente of love grave,
That I can noght miselve save.
[Sidenote: Opponit Confessor.]
What seist thou, Sone, as of thin Ere?
[Sidenote: Respondet Amans.]
Mi fader, I am gultyf there;
For whanne I may my lady hiere,
Mi wit with that hath lost his Stiere: 560
I do noght as Uluxes dede,
Bot falle anon upon the stede,
Wher as I se my lady stonde;
And there, I do yow understonde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 61=]
I am topulled in my thoght,
So that of reson leveth noght,
Wherof that I me mai defende.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
My goode Sone, god thamende:
For as me thenketh be thi speche
Thi wittes ben riht feer to seche. 570
As of thin Ere and of thin yhe
I woll nomore specefie,
Bot I woll axen overthis
Of othre thing how that it is.
[Sidenote: [THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS. PRIDE.]]
v. _Celsior est Aquila que Leone ferocior ille,_[291]
_Quem tumor elati cordis ad alta mouet._
_Sunt species quinque, quibus esse Superbia ductrix_
_Clamat, et in multis mundus adheret eis._
_Laruando faciem ficto pallore subornat_
_Fraudibus Ypocrisis mellea verba suis._
_Sicque pios animos quamsepe ruit muliebres_
_Ex humili verbo sub latitante dolo._[292]
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur quod septem sunt peccata mortalia,
quorum caput Superbia varias species habet, et earum prima
Ypocrisis dicitur, cuius proprietatem secundum vicium
simpliciter Confessor Amanti declarat.[293]]
Mi Sone, as I thee schal enforme,
Ther ben yet of an other forme
Of dedly vices sevene applied,
Wherof the herte is ofte plied
To thing which after schal him grieve.
The ferste of hem thou schalt believe[294] 580
Is Pride, which is principal,
And hath with him in special
Ministres five ful diverse,
Of whiche, as I the schal reherse,[295]
[Sidenote: [FIVE MINISTERS OF PRIDE. i. HYPOCRISY.]]
The ferste is seid Ypocrisie.
If thou art of his compaignie,
Tell forth, my Sone, and schrif the clene.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
I wot noght, fader, what ye mene:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 62=]
Bot this I wolde you beseche,
That ye me be som weie teche 590
What is to ben an ypocrite;
And thanne if I be forto wyte,
I wol beknowen, as it is.[296]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, an ypocrite is this,--
A man which feigneth conscience,
As thogh it were al innocence,
Withoute, and is noght so withinne;
And doth so for he wolde winne
Of his desir the vein astat.
And whanne he comth anon therat, 600
He scheweth thanne what he was,
The corn is torned into gras,
That was a Rose is thanne a thorn,
And he that was a Lomb beforn[297]
Is thanne a Wolf, and thus malice
Under the colour of justice
Is hid; and as the poeple telleth,
[Sidenote: Ipocrisis Religiosa.[298]]
These ordres witen where he duelleth,
As he that of here conseil is,
And thilke world which thei er this[299] 610
Forsoken, he drawth in ayein:
He clotheth richesse, as men sein,
Under the simplesce of poverte,
And doth to seme of gret decerte
Thing which is litel worth withinne:
He seith in open, fy! to Sinne,
And in secre ther is no vice
Of which that he nis a Norrice:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 63=]
And evere his chiere is sobre and softe,
And where he goth he blesseth ofte, 620
Wherof the blinde world he dreccheth.
Bot yet al only he ne streccheth
His reule upon religioun,
Bot next to that condicioun
In suche as clepe hem holy cherche
[Sidenote: Ipocrisis ecclesiastica.[300]]
It scheweth ek how he can werche[301]
Among tho wyde furred hodes,[302]
To geten hem the worldes goodes.
And thei hemself ben thilke same
That setten most the world in blame,[303] 630
Bot yet in contraire of her lore
Ther is nothing thei loven more;
So that semende of liht thei werke
The dedes whiche are inward derke.
And thus this double Ypocrisie
With his devolte apparantie
A viser set upon his face,
Wherof toward this worldes grace
He semeth to be riht wel thewed,
And yit his herte is al beschrewed. 640
Bot natheles he stant believed,
And hath his pourpos ofte achieved
Of worschipe and of worldes welthe,
And takth it, as who seith, be stelthe
Thurgh coverture of his fallas.
And riht so in semblable cas
This vice hath ek his officers
[Sidenote: Ipocrisis secularis.]
Among these othre seculers
[Sidenote: =P. i. 64=]
Of grete men, for of the smale
As for tacompte he set no tale, 650
Bot thei that passen the comune
With suche him liketh to comune,
And where he seith he wol socoure
The poeple, there he woll devoure;
For now aday is manyon
Which spekth of Peter and of John[304]
And thenketh Judas in his herte.
Ther schal no worldes good asterte
His hond, and yit he yifth almesse
And fasteth ofte and hiereth Messe: 660
With _mea culpa_, which he seith,
Upon his brest fullofte he leith
His hond, and cast upward his yhe,
As thogh he Cristes face syhe;
So that it seemeth ate syhte,
As he al one alle othre myhte
Rescoue with his holy bede.
Bot yet his herte in other stede
Among hise bedes most devoute
Goth in the worldes cause aboute, 670
How that he myhte his warisoun
Encresce.
[Sidenote: [HYPOCRISY OF LOVERS.]]
[Sidenote:[305]Hic tractat Confessor cum Amante super illa
presertim Ipocrisia, que sub amoris facie fraudulenter
latitando mulieres ipsius ficticiis credulas sepissime
decipit innocentes.]
And in comparisoun
Ther ben lovers of such a sort,
That feignen hem an humble port,
And al is bot Ypocrisie,
Which with deceipte and flaterie
Hath many a worthi wif beguiled.
For whanne he hath his tunge affiled,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 65=]
With softe speche and with lesinge,
Forth with his fals pitous lokynge, 680
He wolde make a womman wene
To gon upon the faire grene,
Whan that sche falleth in the Mir.
For if he may have his desir,
How so falle of the remenant,
He halt no word of covenant;
Bot er the time that he spede,
Ther is no sleihte at thilke nede,
Which eny loves faitour mai,
That he ne put it in assai, 690
As him belongeth forto done.
The colour of the reyni Mone
With medicine upon his face
He set, and thanne he axeth grace,
As he which hath sieknesse feigned.
Whan his visage is so desteigned,
With yhe upcast on hire he siketh,
And many a contenance he piketh,
To bringen hire in to believe
Of thing which that he wolde achieve, 700
Wherof he berth the pale hewe;
And for he wolde seme trewe,
He makth him siek, whan he is heil.
Bot whanne he berth lowest the Seil,[306]
Thanne is he swiftest to beguile
The womman, which that ilke while
Set upon him feith or credence.
[Sidenote: Opponit Confessor.]
Mi Sone, if thou thi conscience
[Sidenote: =P. i. 66=]
Entamed hast in such a wise,
In schrifte thou thee myht avise 710
And telle it me, if it be so.
[Sidenote: Respondet Amans.]
Min holy fader, certes no.
As forto feigne such sieknesse
It nedeth noght, for this witnesse
I take of god, that my corage
Hath ben mor siek than my visage.
And ek this mai I wel avowe,
So lowe cowthe I nevere bowe
To feigne humilite withoute,
That me ne leste betre loute 720
With alle the thoghtes of myn herte;
For that thing schal me nevere asterte,
I speke as to my lady diere,[307]
To make hire eny feigned chiere.
God wot wel there I lye noght,
Mi chiere hath be such as my thoght;
For in good feith, this lieveth wel,
Mi will was betre a thousendel
Than eny chiere that I cowthe.
Bot, Sire, if I have in my yowthe 730
Don other wise in other place,
I put me therof in your grace:[308]
For this excusen I ne schal,
That I have elles overal
To love and to his compaignie
Be plein withoute Ypocrisie;
Bot ther is on the which I serve,
Althogh I may no thonk deserve,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 67=]
To whom yet nevere into this day
I seide onlyche or ye or nay, 740
Bot if it so were in my thoght.
As touchende othre seie I noght
That I nam somdel forto wyte
Of that ye clepe an ypocrite.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, it sit wel every wiht
To kepe his word in trowthe upryht
Towardes love in alle wise.
For who that wolde him wel avise
What hath befalle in this matiere,
He scholde noght with feigned chiere 750
Deceive Love in no degre.
To love is every herte fre,
Bot in deceipte if that thou feignest
And therupon thi lust atteignest,
That thow hast wonne with thi wyle,
Thogh it thee like for a whyle,[309]
Thou schalt it afterward repente.
And forto prove myn entente,
I finde ensample in a Croniqe
Of hem that love so beswike. 760
[Sidenote: [TALE OF MUNDUS AND PAULINA.]]
[Sidenote: Quod Ipocrisia sit in amore periculosa, narrat
exemplum qualiter sub regno Tiberii Imperatoris quidam
miles nomine Mundus, qui Romanorum dux milicie tunc
prefuit, dominam Paulinam pulcherrimam castitatisque
famosissimam mediantibus duobus falsis presbiteris in
templo Ysis deum se esse fingens[310] sub ficte sanctitatis
ypocrisi nocturno tempore viciauit. Vnde idem dux in
exilium, presbiteri in mortem ob sui criminis enormitatem
dampnati extiterant, ymagoque dee Ysis a templo euulsa
vniuerso conclamante populo in flumen Tiberiadis proiecta
mergebatur.]
It fell be olde daies thus,
Whil themperour Tiberius
The Monarchie of Rome ladde,
Ther was a worthi Romein hadde
A wif, and sche Pauline hihte,
Which was to every mannes sihte
Of al the Cite the faireste,
And as men seiden, ek the beste.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 68=]
It is and hath ben evere yit,
That so strong is no mannes wit, 770
Which thurgh beaute ne mai be drawe
To love, and stonde under the lawe
Of thilke bore frele kinde,
Which makth the hertes yhen blinde,
Wher no reson mai be comuned:[311]
And in this wise stod fortuned[312]
This tale, of which I wolde mene;
This wif, which in hire lustes grene
Was fair and freissh and tendre of age,
Sche may noght lette the corage 780
Of him that wole on hire assote.
Ther was a Duck, and he was hote[313]
Mundus, which hadde in his baillie
To lede the chivalerie
Of Rome, and was a worthi knyht;
Bot yet he was noght of such myht
The strengthe of love to withstonde,
That he ne was so broght to honde,
That malgre wher he wole or no,
This yonge wif he loveth so, 790
That he hath put al his assay
To wynne thing which he ne may
Gete of hire graunt in no manere,
Be yifte of gold ne be preiere.
And whanne he syh that be no mede
Toward hir love he myhte spede,
Be sleyhte feigned thanne he wroghte;
And therupon he him bethoghte
[Sidenote: =P. i. 69=]
How that ther was in the Cite
A temple of such auctorite, 800
To which with gret Devocioun
The noble wommen of the toun
Most comunliche a pelrinage
Gon forto preie thilke ymage
Which the godesse of childinge is,
And cleped was be name Ysis:
And in hire temple thanne were,
To reule and to ministre there
After the lawe which was tho,
Above alle othre Prestes tuo. 810
This Duck, which thoghte his love gete,
Upon a day hem tuo to mete
Hath bede, and thei come at his heste;
Wher that thei hadde a riche feste,
And after mete in prive place
This lord, which wolde his thonk pourchace,
To ech of hem yaf thanne a yifte,
And spak so that be weie of schrifte
He drowh hem unto his covine,
To helpe and schape how he Pauline[314] 820
After his lust deceive myhte.
And thei here trowthes bothe plyhte,
That thei be nyhte hire scholden wynne
Into the temple, and he therinne
Schal have of hire al his entente:
And thus acorded forth thei wente.
Now lest thurgh which ypocrisie
Ordeigned was the tricherie,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 70=]
Wherof this ladi was deceived.
These Prestes hadden wel conceived 830
That sche was of gret holinesse;
And with a contrefet simplesse,
Which hid was in a fals corage,
Feignende an hevenely message[315]
Thei come and seide unto hir thus:
‘Pauline, the god Anubus
Hath sent ous bothe Prestes hiere,[316]
And seith he woll to thee appiere
Be nyhtes time himself alone,
For love he hath to thi persone: 840
And therupon he hath ous bede,
That we in Ysis temple a stede
Honestely for thee pourveie,
Wher thou be nyhte, as we thee seie,
Of him schalt take avisioun.
For upon thi condicioun,
The which is chaste and ful of feith,
Such pris, as he ous tolde, he leith,
That he wol stonde of thin acord;
And forto bere hierof record 850
He sende ous hider bothe tuo.’
Glad was hire innocence tho
Of suche wordes as sche herde,
With humble chiere and thus answerde,
And seide that the goddes wille
Sche was al redy to fulfille,
That be hire housebondes leve
Sche wolde in Ysis temple at eve
[Sidenote: =P. i. 71=]
Upon hire goddes grace abide,
To serven him the nyhtes tide. 860
The Prestes tho gon hom ayein,
And sche goth to hire sovereign,
Of goddes wille and as it was
Sche tolde him al the pleine cas,
Wherof he was deceived eke,
And bad that sche hire scholde meke
Al hol unto the goddes heste.
And thus sche, which was al honeste
To godward after hire entente,
At nyht unto the temple wente, 870
Wher that the false Prestes were;
And thei receiven hire there
With such a tokne of holinesse,
As thogh thei syhen a godesse,
And al withinne in prive place
A softe bedd of large space[317]
Thei hadde mad and encourtined,
Wher sche was afterward engined.
Bot sche, which al honour supposeth,
The false Prestes thanne opposeth, 880
And axeth be what observance
Sche myhte most to the plesance
Of godd that nyhtes reule kepe:
And thei hire bidden forto slepe[318]
Liggende upon the bedd alofte,
For so, thei seide, al stille and softe[319]
God Anubus hire wolde awake.
The conseil in this wise take,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 72=]
The Prestes fro this lady gon;
And sche, that wiste of guile non, 890
In the manere as it was seid
To slepe upon the bedd is leid,
In hope that sche scholde achieve[320]
Thing which stod thanne upon bilieve,
Fulfild of alle holinesse.
Bot sche hath failed, as I gesse,[321]
For in a closet faste by
The Duck was hid so prively
That sche him myhte noght perceive;
And he, that thoghte to deceive, 900
Hath such arrai upon him nome,
That whanne he wolde unto hir come,
It scholde semen at hire yhe[322]
As thogh sche verrailiche syhe
God Anubus, and in such wise
This ypocrite of his queintise
Awaiteth evere til sche slepte.
And thanne out of his place he crepte
So stille that sche nothing herde,
And to the bedd stalkende he ferde, 910
And sodeinly, er sche it wiste,
Beclipt in armes he hire kiste:
Wherof in wommanysshe drede
Sche wok and nyste what to rede;
Bot he with softe wordes milde
Conforteth hire and seith, with childe
He wolde hire make in such a kynde
That al the world schal have in mynde
[Sidenote: =P. i. 73=]
The worschipe of that ilke Sone;
For he schal with the goddes wone, 920
And ben himself a godd also.
With suche wordes and with mo,
The whiche he feigneth in his speche,
This lady wit was al to seche,[323]
As sche which alle trowthe weneth:
Bot he, that alle untrowthe meneth,
With blinde tales so hire ladde,
That all his wille of hire he hadde.
And whan him thoghte it was ynowh,
Ayein the day he him withdrowh 930
So prively that sche ne wiste
Wher he becom, bot as him liste
Out of the temple he goth his weie.
And sche began to bidde and preie
Upon the bare ground knelende,
And after that made hire offrende,
And to the Prestes yiftes grete
Sche yaf, and homward be the Strete.
The Duck hire mette and seide thus:
‘The myhti godd which Anubus 940
Is hote, he save the, Pauline,
For thou art of his discipline
So holy, that no mannes myht
Mai do that he hath do to nyht
Of thing which thou hast evere eschuied.
Bot I his grace have so poursuied,
That I was mad his lieutenant:
Forthi be weie of covenant
[Sidenote: =P. i. 74=]
Fro this day forth I am al thin,
And if thee like to be myn, 950
That stant upon thin oghne wille.’
Sche herde his tale and bar it stille,
And hom sche wente, as it befell,
Into hir chambre, and ther sche fell
Upon hire bedd to wepe and crie,
And seide: ‘O derke ypocrisie,
Thurgh whos dissimilacion
Of fals ymaginacion
I am thus wickedly deceived!
Bot that I have it aperceived 960
I thonke unto the goddes alle;
For thogh it ones be befalle,
It schal nevere eft whil that I live,
And thilke avou to godd I yive.’
And thus wepende sche compleigneth,
Hire faire face and al desteigneth
With wofull teres of hire ÿe,
So that upon this agonie
Hire housebonde is inne come,
And syh how sche was overcome 970
With sorwe, and axeth what hire eileth.
And sche with that hirself beweileth
Welmore than sche dede afore,
And seide, ‘Helas, wifhode is lore
In me, which whilom was honeste,[324]
I am non other than a beste,
Now I defouled am of tuo.’
And as sche myhte speke tho,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 75=]
Aschamed with a pitous onde
Sche tolde unto hir housebonde 980
The sothe of al the hole tale,
And in hire speche ded and pale
Sche swouneth welnyh to the laste.
And he hire in hise armes faste
Uphield, and ofte swor his oth
That he with hire is nothing wroth,
For wel he wot sche may ther noght:
Bot natheles withinne his thoght
His herte stod in sori plit,
And seide he wolde of that despit 990
Be venged, how so evere it falle,
And sende unto hise frendes alle.
And whan thei weren come in fere,
He tolde hem upon this matiere,
And axeth hem what was to done:
And thei avised were sone,
And seide it thoghte hem for the beste
To sette ferst his wif in reste,
And after pleigne to the king
Upon the matiere of this thing. 1000
Tho was this wofull wif conforted
Be alle weies and desported,
Til that sche was somdiel amended;
And thus a day or tuo despended,
The thridde day sche goth to pleigne
With many a worthi Citezeine,
And he with many a Citezein.
Whan themperour it herde sein,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 76=]
And knew the falshed of the vice,
He seide he wolde do justice: 1010
And ferst he let the Prestes take,
And for thei scholde it noght forsake,
He put hem into questioun;[325]
Bot thei of the suggestioun
Ne couthen noght a word refuse,[326]
Bot for thei wolde hemself excuse,
The blame upon the Duck thei leide.
Bot therayein the conseil seide
That thei be noght excused so,
For he is on and thei ben tuo, 1020
And tuo han more wit then on,
So thilke excusement was non.
And over that was seid hem eke,[327]
That whan men wolden vertu seke,
Men scholde it in the Prestes finde;
Here ordre is of so hyh a kinde,
That thei be Duistres of the weie:[328]
Forthi, if eny man forsueie
Thurgh hem, thei be noght excusable.
And thus be lawe resonable 1030
Among the wise jugges there
The Prestes bothe dampned were,
So that the prive tricherie
Hid under fals Ipocrisie
Was thanne al openliche schewed,
That many a man hem hath beschrewed.[329]
And whan the Prestes weren dede,
The temple of thilke horrible dede
[Sidenote: =P. i. 77=]
Thei thoghten purge, and thilke ymage,
Whos cause was the pelrinage, 1040
Thei drowen out and als so faste
Fer into Tibre thei it caste,
Wher the Rivere it hath defied:
And thus the temple purified
Thei have of thilke horrible Sinne,
Which was that time do therinne.
Of this point such was the juise,
Bot of the Duck was other wise:
For he with love was bestad,
His dom was noght so harde lad; 1050
For Love put reson aweie
And can noght se the rihte weie.
And be this cause he was respited,
So that the deth him was acquited,
Bot for al that he was exiled,
For he his love hath so beguiled,
That he schal nevere come ayein:
For who that is to trowthe unplein,
He may noght failen of vengance.[330]
And ek to take remembrance 1060
Of that Ypocrisie hath wroght
On other half, men scholde noght
To lihtly lieve al that thei hiere,
Bot thanne scholde a wisman stiere
The Schip, whan suche wyndes blowe:
For ferst thogh thei beginne lowe,
At ende thei be noght menable,[331]
Bot al tobreken Mast and Cable,[332]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 78=]
So that the Schip with sodein blast,
Whan men lest wene, is overcast; 1070
As now fulofte a man mai se:
And of old time how it hath be
I finde a gret experience,
Wherof to take an evidence
Good is, and to be war also
Of the peril, er him be wo.
[Sidenote: [THE TROJAN HORSE.]]
Of hem that ben so derk withinne,
At Troie also if we beginne,
Ipocrisie it hath betraied:[333]
For whan the Greks hadde al assaied, 1080
[Sidenote: Hic vlterius ponit exemplum de illa
eciam Ypocrisia, que inter virum[334] et virum decipiens
periculosissima consistit. Et narrat, qualiter Greci in
obsidione ciuitatis Troie, cum ipsam vi comprehendere
nullatenus potuerunt, fallaci animo cum Troianis pacem vt
dicunt pro perpetuo statuebant: et super hoc[335] quendam equum
mire grossitudinis de ere fabricatum ad sacrificandum in
templo[336] Minerue confingentes, sub tali sanctitatis ypocrisi
dictam Ciuitatem intrarunt, et ipsam cum inhabitantibus
gladio et igne comminuentes pro perpetuo penitus
deuastarunt.[337]]
And founde that be no bataille
Ne be no Siege it myhte availe
The toun to winne thurgh prouesse,
This vice feigned of simplesce
Thurgh sleyhte of Calcas and of Crise
It wan be such a maner wise.
An Hors of Bras thei let do forge
Of such entaile, of such a forge,
That in this world was nevere man
That such an other werk began. 1090
The crafti werkman Epius
It made, and forto telle thus,
The Greks, that thoghten to beguile
The kyng of Troie, in thilke while
With Anthenor and with Enee,
That were bothe of the Cite
And of the conseil the wiseste,
The richeste and the myhtieste,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 79=]
In prive place so thei trete
With fair beheste and yiftes grete 1100
Of gold, that thei hem have engined;
Togedre and whan thei be covined,
Thei feignen forto make a pes,
And under that yit natheles
Thei schopen the destruccioun
Bothe of the kyng and of the toun.
And thus the false pees was take
Of hem of Grece and undertake,
And therupon thei founde a weie,
Wher strengthe myhte noght aweie, 1110
That sleihte scholde helpe thanne;
And of an ynche a large spanne
Be colour of the pees thei made,
And tolden how thei weren glade
Of that thei stoden in acord;[338]
And for it schal ben of record,
Unto the kyng the Gregois seiden,
Be weie of love and this thei preiden,[339]
As thei that wolde his thonk deserve,
A Sacrifice unto Minerve, 1120
The pes to kepe in good entente,
Thei mosten offre er that thei wente.
The kyng conseiled in this cas
Be Anthenor and Eneas
Therto hath yoven his assent:[340]
So was the pleine trowthe blent
Thurgh contrefet Ipocrisie
Of that thei scholden sacrifie.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 80=]
The Greks under the holinesse
Anon with alle besinesse 1130
Here Hors of Bras let faire dihte,
Which was to sen a wonder sihte;
For it was trapped of himselve,
And hadde of smale whieles twelve,
Upon the whiche men ynowe
With craft toward the toun it drowe,
And goth glistrende ayein the Sunne.
Tho was ther joie ynowh begunne,
For Troie in gret devocioun
Cam also with processioun 1140
Ayein this noble Sacrifise
With gret honour, and in this wise
Unto the gates thei it broghte.
Bot of here entre whan thei soghte,
The gates weren al to smale;[341]
And therupon was many a tale,
Bot for the worschipe of Minerve,
To whom thei comen forto serve,
Thei of the toun, whiche understode
That al this thing was do for goode, 1150
For pes, wherof that thei ben glade,
The gates that Neptunus made
A thousend wynter ther tofore,
Thei have anon tobroke and tore;
The stronge walles doun thei bete,
So that in to the large strete
This Hors with gret solempnite
Was broght withinne the Cite,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 81=]
And offred with gret reverence,
Which was to Troie an evidence 1160
Of love and pes for everemo.
The Gregois token leve tho[342]
With al the hole felaschipe,
And forth thei wenten into Schipe
And crossen seil and made hem yare,[343]
Anon as thogh thei wolden fare:
Bot whan the blake wynter nyht
Withoute Mone or Sterre lyht
Bederked hath the water Stronde,
Al prively thei gon to londe 1170
Ful armed out of the navie.
Synon, which mad was here aspie[344]
Withinne Troie, as was conspired,
Whan time was a tokne hath fired;
And thei with that here weie holden,
And comen in riht as thei wolden,
Ther as the gate was tobroke.
The pourpos was full take and spoke:
Er eny man may take kepe,
Whil that the Cite was aslepe, 1180
Thei slowen al that was withinne,
And token what thei myhten wynne
Of such good as was sufficant,
And brenden up the remenant.
And thus cam out the tricherie,
Which under fals Ypocrisie
Was hid, and thei that wende pees
Tho myhten finde no reles
[Sidenote: =P. i. 82=]
Of thilke swerd which al devoureth.
[Sidenote: [HYPOCRISY IN LOVE.]]
Fulofte and thus the swete soureth, 1190
Whan it is knowe to the tast:
He spilleth many a word in wast
That schal with such a poeple trete;
For whan he weneth most beyete,
Thanne is he schape most to lese.
And riht so if a womman chese
Upon the wordes that sche hiereth[345]
Som man, whan he most trewe appiereth,
Thanne is he forthest fro the trowthe:
Bot yit fulofte, and that is rowthe, 1200
Thei speden that ben most untrewe
And loven every day a newe,
Wherof the lief is after loth
And love hath cause to be wroth.
Bot what man that his lust desireth
Of love, and therupon conspireth
With wordes feigned to deceive,
He schal noght faile to receive
His peine, as it is ofte sene.
[Sidenote: Confessor.[346]]
Forthi, my Sone, as I thee mene, 1210
It sit the wel to taken hiede
That thou eschuie of thi manhiede
Ipocrisie and his semblant,
That thou ne be noght deceivant,
To make a womman to believe
Thing which is noght in thi bilieve:[347]
For in such feint Ipocrisie
Of love is al the tricherie,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 83=]
Thurgh which love is deceived ofte;
For feigned semblant is so softe, 1220
Unethes love may be war.
Forthi, my Sone, as I wel dar,
I charge thee to fle that vice,
That many a womman hath mad nice;
Bot lok thou dele noght withal.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Iwiss, fader, nomor I schal.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now, Sone, kep that thou hast swore:
For this that thou hast herd before
Is seid the ferste point of Pride:
And next upon that other side, 1230
To schryve and speken overthis
Touchende of Pride, yit ther is
The point seconde, I thee behote,
Which Inobedience is hote.
[Sidenote: [ii. INOBEDIENCE.]]
vi. _Flectere quam frangi melius reputatur, et olle_
_Fictilis ad cacabum pugna valere nequit._
_Quem neque lex hominum, neque lex diuina valebit_
_Flectere, multociens corde reflectit amor._[348]
_Quem non flectit amor, non est flectendus ab vllo,_
_Set rigor illius plus Elephante riget._
_Dedignatur amor poterit quos scire rebelles,_
_Et rudibus sortem prestat habere rudem;_
_Set qui sponte sui subicit se cordis amore,_
_Frangit in aduersis omnia fata pius._ (10)
This vice of Inobedience
Ayein the reule of conscience
Al that is humble he desalloweth,
That he toward his god ne boweth
After the lawes of his heste.
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de secunda specie Superbie, que
Inobediencia dicitur: et primo illius vicii naturam
simpliciter declarat, et tractat consequenter super illa
precipue Inobediencia, que in curia Cupidinis exosa amoris
causam ex sua imbecillitate sepissime retardat. In cuius
materia Confessor Amanti specialius opponit.]
Noght as a man bot as a beste, 1240
[Sidenote: =P. i. 84=]
Which goth upon his lustes wilde,
So goth this proude vice unmylde,
That he desdeigneth alle lawe:
He not what is to be felawe,
And serve may he noght for pride;
So is he badde on every side,
And is that selve of whom men speke,
Which wol noght bowe er that he breke.
I not if love him myhte plie,
For elles forto justefie 1250
His herte, I not what mihte availe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.[349]]
Forthi, my Sone, of such entaile
If that thin herte be disposed,
Tell out and let it noght be glosed:
For if that thou unbuxom be
To love, I not in what degree
Thou schalt thi goode world achieve.[350]
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, ye schul wel believe,
The yonge whelp which is affaited
Hath noght his Maister betre awaited, 1260
To couche, whan he seith ‘Go lowe,’
That I, anon as I may knowe
Mi ladi will, ne bowe more.[351]
Bot other while I grucche sore
Of some thinges that sche doth,
Wherof that I woll telle soth:
For of tuo pointz I am bethoght,
That, thogh I wolde, I myhte noght
Obeie unto my ladi heste;
Bot I dar make this beheste, 1270
[Sidenote: =P. i. 85=]
Save only of that ilke tuo
I am unbuxom of no mo.
[Sidenote: Opponit Confessor.]
What ben tho tuo? tell on, quod he.
[Sidenote: Respondet Amans.[352]]
Mi fader, this is on, that sche
Comandeth me my mowth to close,
And that I scholde hir noght oppose
In love, of which I ofte preche,
Bot plenerliche of such a speche
Forbere, and soffren hire in pes.
Bot that ne myhte I natheles[353] 1280
For al this world obeie ywiss;
For whanne I am ther as sche is,
Though sche my tales noght alowe,
Ayein hir will yit mot I bowe,
To seche if that I myhte have grace:
Bot that thing may I noght enbrace[354]
For ought that I can speke or do;
And yit fulofte I speke so,
That sche is wroth and seith, ‘Be stille.’
If I that heste schal fulfille 1290
And therto ben obedient,
Thanne is my cause fully schent,
For specheles may noman spede.
So wot I noght what is to rede;
Bot certes I may noght obeie,
That I ne mot algate seie
Somwhat of that I wolde mene;
For evere it is aliche grene,
The grete love which I have,
Wherof I can noght bothe save 1300
[Sidenote: =P. i. 86=]
My speche and this obedience:
And thus fulofte my silence
I breke, and is the ferste point[355]
Wherof that I am out of point[356]
In this, and yit it is no pride.
Now thanne upon that other side
To telle my desobeissance,
Ful sore it stant to my grevance
And may noght sinke into my wit;
For ofte time sche me bit[357] 1310
To leven hire and chese a newe,
And seith, if I the sothe knewe
How ferr I stonde from hir grace,
I scholde love in other place.[358]
Bot therof woll I desobeie;
For also wel sche myhte seie,
‘Go tak the Mone ther it sit,’
As bringe that into my wit:
For ther was nevere rooted tre,
That stod so faste in his degre, 1320
That I ne stonde more faste
Upon hire love, and mai noght caste
Min herte awey, althogh I wolde.
For god wot, thogh I nevere scholde
Sen hir with yhe after this day,
Yit stant it so that I ne may
Hir love out of my brest remue.
This is a wonder retenue,
That malgre wher sche wole or non
Min herte is everemore in on, 1330
[Sidenote: =P. i. 87=]
So that I can non other chese,
Bot whether that I winne or lese,
I moste hire loven til I deie;
And thus I breke as be that weie
Hire hestes and hir comandinges,
Bot trewliche in non othre thinges.[359]
Forthi, my fader, what is more
Touchende to this ilke lore[360]
I you beseche, after the forme
That ye pleinly me wolde enforme, 1340
So that I may myn herte reule
In loves cause after the reule.
[Sidenote: [MURMUR AND COMPLAINT.]]
vii. _Murmur in aduersis ita concipit ille superbus,_
_Pena quod ex bina sorte perurget eum._
_Obuia fortune cum spes in amore resistit,_
_Non sine mentali murmure plangit amans._[361]
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de Murmure et Planctu, qui super
omnes alios Inobediencie secreciores vt ministri illi
deseruiunt.[363]]
Toward this vice of which we trete
Ther ben yit tweie of thilke estrete,
Here name is Murmur and Compleignte:[362]
Ther can noman here chiere peinte,
To sette a glad semblant therinne,
For thogh fortune make hem wynne,
Yit grucchen thei, and if thei lese,
Ther is no weie forto chese, 1350
Wherof thei myhten stonde appesed.
So ben thei comunly desesed;
Ther may no welthe ne poverte
Attempren hem to the decerte
Of buxomnesse be no wise:
For ofte time thei despise
[Sidenote: =P. i. 88=]
The goode fortune as the badde,
As thei no mannes reson hadde,
Thurgh pride, wherof thei be blinde.
And ryht of such a maner kinde 1360
Ther be lovers, that thogh thei have
Of love al that thei wolde crave,
Yit wol thei grucche be som weie,
That thei wol noght to love obeie
Upon the trowthe, as thei do scholde;
And if hem lacketh that thei wolde,
Anon thei falle in such a peine,
That evere unbuxomly thei pleigne
Upon fortune, and curse and crie,
That thei wol noght here hertes plie 1370
To soffre til it betre falle.
Forthi if thou amonges alle
Hast used this condicioun,
Mi Sone, in thi Confessioun
Now tell me pleinly what thou art.
[Sidenote: Amans.[364]]
Mi fader, I beknowe a part,
So as ye tolden hier above
Of Murmur and Compleignte of love,[365]
That for I se no sped comende,
Ayein fortune compleignende 1380
I am, as who seith, everemo:
And ek fulofte tyme also,
Whan so is that I se and hiere
Or hevy word or hevy chiere[366]
Of my lady, I grucche anon;
Bot wordes dar I speke non,
Wherof sche myhte be desplesed,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 89=]
Bot in myn herte I am desesed:
With many a Murmur, god it wot,
Thus drinke I in myn oghne swot, 1390
And thogh I make no semblant,
Min herte is al desobeissant;
And in this wise I me confesse
Of that ye clepe unbuxomnesse.
Now telleth what youre conseil is.
[Sidenote: Confessor.[367]]
Mi Sone, and I thee rede this,[368]
What so befalle of other weie,
That thou to loves heste obeie
Als ferr as thou it myht suffise:
For ofte sithe in such a wise 1400
Obedience in love availeth,
Wher al a mannes strengthe faileth;
Wherof, if that the list to wite[369]
In a Cronique as it is write,
A gret ensample thou myht fynde,
Which now is come to my mynde.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF FLORENT.]]
[Sidenote: Hic contra amori inobedientes ad commendacionem
Obediencie Confessor super eodem exemplum ponit; vbi dicit
quod, cum quedam Regis Cizilie filia in sue iuuentutis
floribus pulcherrima ex eius Nouerce incantacionibus in
vetulam turpissimam transformata extitit, Florencius tunc
Imparatoris Claudi Nepos, miles in armis strenuissimus
amorosisque[372] legibus intendens, ipsam ex sua obediencia in
pulcritudinem pristinam mirabiliter reformauit.[373]]
Ther was whilom be daies olde
A worthi knyht, and as men tolde[370]
He was Nevoeu to themperour
And of his Court a Courteour: 1410
Wifles he was, Florent he hihte,
He was a man that mochel myhte,
Of armes he was desirous,
Chivalerous and amorous,
And for the fame of worldes speche,
Strange aventures forto seche,[371]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 90=]
He rod the Marches al aboute.
And fell a time, as he was oute,
Fortune, which may every thred
Tobreke and knette of mannes sped, 1420
Schop, as this knyht rod in a pas,
That he be strengthe take was,
And to a Castell thei him ladde,
Wher that he fewe frendes hadde:
For so it fell that ilke stounde
That he hath with a dedly wounde
Feihtende his oghne hondes slain
Branchus, which to the Capitain
Was Sone and Heir, wherof ben wrothe
The fader and the moder bothe. 1430
That knyht Branchus was of his hond
The worthieste of al his lond,
And fain thei wolden do vengance
Upon Florent, bot remembrance
That thei toke of his worthinesse
Of knyhthod and of gentilesse,
And how he stod of cousinage
To themperour, made hem assuage,
And dorsten noght slen him for fere:
In gret desputeisoun thei were[374] 1440
Among hemself, what was the beste.
Ther was a lady, the slyheste
Of alle that men knewe tho,
So old sche myhte unethes go,
And was grantdame unto the dede:
And sche with that began to rede,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 91=]
And seide how sche wol bringe him inne,
That sche schal him to dethe winne
Al only of his oghne grant,
Thurgh strengthe of verray covenant 1450
Withoute blame of eny wiht.
Anon sche sende for this kniht,
And of hire Sone sche alleide
The deth, and thus to him sche seide:
‘Florent, how so thou be to wyte
Of Branchus deth, men schal respite
As now to take vengement,
Be so thou stonde in juggement
Upon certein condicioun,
That thou unto a questioun 1460
Which I schal axe schalt ansuere;
And over this thou schalt ek swere,
That if thou of the sothe faile,
Ther schal non other thing availe,[375]
That thou ne schalt thi deth receive.
And for men schal thee noght deceive,
That thou therof myht ben avised,
Thou schalt have day and tyme assised
And leve saufly forto wende,
Be so that at thi daies ende 1470
Thou come ayein with thin avys.
This knyht, which worthi was and wys,
This lady preith that he may wite,
And have it under Seales write,
What questioun it scholde be
For which he schal in that degree
[Sidenote: =P. i. 92=]
Stonde of his lif in jeupartie.
With that sche feigneth compaignie,
And seith: ‘Florent, on love it hongeth[376]
Al that to myn axinge longeth: 1480
What alle wommen most desire
This wole I axe, and in thempire
Wher as thou hast most knowlechinge
Tak conseil upon this axinge.’[377]
Florent this thing hath undertake,
The day was set, the time take,
Under his seal he wrot his oth,
In such a wise and forth he goth
Hom to his Emes court ayein;
To whom his aventure plein 1490
He tolde, of that him is befalle.
And upon that thei weren alle[378]
The wiseste of the lond asent,
Bot natheles of on assent
Thei myhte noght acorde plat,
On seide this, an othre that.
After the disposicioun
Of naturel complexioun
To som womman it is plesance,
That to an other is grevance;[379] 1500
Bot such a thing in special,
Which to hem alle in general
Is most plesant, and most desired
Above alle othre and most conspired,
Such o thing conne thei noght finde[380]
Be Constellation ne kinde:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 93=]
And thus Florent withoute cure
Mot stonde upon his aventure,
And is al schape unto the lere,[381]
As in defalte of his answere. 1510
This knyht hath levere forto dye
Than breke his trowthe and forto lye
In place ther as he was swore,
And schapth him gon ayein therfore.
Whan time cam he tok his leve,
That lengere wolde he noght beleve,
And preith his Em he be noght wroth,
For that is a point of his oth,
He seith, that noman schal him wreke,
Thogh afterward men hiere speke 1520
That he par aventure deie.
And thus he wente forth his weie
Alone as knyht aventurous,
And in his thoght was curious
To wite what was best to do:
And as he rod al one so,
And cam nyh ther he wolde be,
In a forest under a tre
He syh wher sat a creature,
A lothly wommannysch figure, 1530
That forto speke of fleisch and bon
So foul yit syh he nevere non.
This knyht behield hir redely,
And as he wolde have passed by,
Sche cleped him and bad abide;
And he his horse heved aside
[Sidenote: =P. i. 94=]
Tho torneth, and to hire he rod,
And there he hoveth and abod,
To wite what sche wolde mene.
And sche began him to bemene, 1540
And seide: ‘Florent be thi name,
Thou hast on honde such a game,
That bot thou be the betre avised,
Thi deth is schapen and devised,
That al the world ne mai the save,
Bot if that thou my conseil have.’
Florent, whan he this tale herde,
Unto this olde wyht answerde
And of hir conseil he hir preide.
And sche ayein to him thus seide: 1550
‘Florent, if I for the so schape,
That thou thurgh me thi deth ascape
And take worschipe of thi dede,
What schal I have to my mede?’
‘What thing,’ quod he, ‘that thou wolt axe.’[382]
‘I bidde nevere a betre taxe,’
Quod sche, ‘bot ferst, er thou be sped,
Thou schalt me leve such a wedd,
That I wol have thi trowthe in honde
That thou schalt be myn housebonde.’ 1560
‘Nay,’ seith Florent, ‘that may noght be.’
‘Ryd thanne forth thi wey,’ quod sche,
‘And if thou go withoute red,
Thou schalt be sekerliche ded.’
Florent behihte hire good ynowh
Of lond, of rente, of park, of plowh,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 95=]
Bot al that compteth sche at noght.
Tho fell this knyht in mochel thoght,
Now goth he forth, now comth ayein,
He wot noght what is best to sein, 1570
And thoghte, as he rod to and fro,
That chese he mot on of the tuo,
Or forto take hire to his wif[383]
Or elles forto lese his lif.
And thanne he caste his avantage,
That sche was of so gret an age,
That sche mai live bot a while,
And thoghte put hire in an Ile,[384]
Wher that noman hire scholde knowe,
Til sche with deth were overthrowe. 1580
And thus this yonge lusti knyht
Unto this olde lothly wiht
Tho seide: ‘If that non other chance
Mai make my deliverance,
Bot only thilke same speche
Which, as thou seist, thou schalt me teche,
Have hier myn hond, I schal thee wedde.’
And thus his trowthe he leith to wedde.
With that sche frounceth up the browe:
‘This covenant I wol allowe,’ 1590
Sche seith: ‘if eny other thing
Bot that thou hast of my techyng
Fro deth thi body mai respite,
I woll thee of thi trowthe acquite,
And elles be non other weie.
Now herkne me what I schal seie.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 96=]
Whan thou art come into the place,
Wher now thei maken gret manace
And upon thi comynge abyde,
Thei wole anon the same tide 1600
Oppose thee of thin answere.
I wot thou wolt nothing forbere
Of that thou wenest be thi beste,
And if thou myht so finde reste,
Wel is, for thanne is ther nomore.
And elles this schal be my lore,
That thou schalt seie, upon this Molde
That alle wommen lievest wolde
Be soverein of mannes love:
For what womman is so above, 1610
Sche hath, as who seith, al hire wille;
And elles may sche noght fulfille
What thing hir were lievest have.
With this answere thou schalt save
Thiself, and other wise noght.
And whan thou hast thin ende wroght,
Com hier ayein, thou schalt me finde,
And let nothing out of thi minde.’
He goth him forth with hevy chiere,
As he that not in what manere 1620
He mai this worldes joie atteigne:
For if he deie, he hath a peine,
And if he live, he mot him binde
To such on which of alle kinde
Of wommen is thunsemlieste:
Thus wot he noght what is the beste:[385]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 97=]
Bot be him lief or be him loth,
Unto the Castell forth he goth
His full answere forto yive,
Or forto deie or forto live. 1630
Forth with his conseil cam the lord,
The thinges stoden of record,[386]
He sende up for the lady sone,
And forth sche cam, that olde Mone.
In presence of the remenant
The strengthe of al the covenant
Tho was reherced openly,
And to Florent sche bad forthi
That he schal tellen his avis,
As he that woot what is the pris. 1640
Florent seith al that evere he couthe,
Bot such word cam ther non to mowthe,
That he for yifte or for beheste
Mihte eny wise his deth areste.
And thus he tarieth longe and late,
Til that this lady bad algate
That he schal for the dom final
Yive his answere in special[387]
Of that sche hadde him ferst opposed:
And thanne he hath trewly supposed 1650
That he him may of nothing yelpe,
Bot if so be tho wordes helpe,[388]
Whiche as the womman hath him tawht;
Wherof he hath an hope cawht
That he schal ben excused so,
And tolde out plein his wille tho.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 98=]
And whan that this Matrone herde
The manere how this knyht ansuerde,
Sche seide: ‘Ha treson, wo thee be,
That hast thus told the privite, 1660
Which alle wommen most desire!
I wolde that thou were afire.’
Bot natheles in such a plit
Florent of his answere is quit:
And tho began his sorwe newe,
For he mot gon, or ben untrewe,
To hire which his trowthe hadde.
Bot he, which alle schame dradde,
Goth forth in stede of his penance,
And takth the fortune of his chance, 1670
As he that was with trowthe affaited.
This olde wyht him hath awaited
In place wher as he hire lefte:
Florent his wofull heved uplefte
And syh this vecke wher sche sat,
Which was the lothlieste what
That evere man caste on his yhe:
Hire Nase bass, hire browes hyhe,
Hire yhen smale and depe set,
Hire chekes ben with teres wet, 1680
And rivelen as an emty skyn
Hangende doun unto the chin,
Hire Lippes schrunken ben for age,
Ther was no grace in the visage,
Hir front was nargh, hir lockes hore,
Sche loketh forth as doth a More,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 99=]
Hire Necke is schort, hir schuldres courbe,
That myhte a mannes lust destourbe,
Hire body gret and nothing smal,
And schortly to descrive hire al, 1690
Sche hath no lith withoute a lak;
Bot lich unto the wollesak
Sche proferth hire unto this knyht,[389]
And bad him, as he hath behyht,
So as sche hath ben his warant,
That he hire holde covenant,
And be the bridel sche him seseth.
Bot godd wot how that sche him pleseth
Of suche wordes as sche spekth:
Him thenkth welnyh his herte brekth 1700
For sorwe that he may noght fle,
Bot if he wolde untrewe be.
Loke, how a sek man for his hele
Takth baldemoine with Canele,[390]
And with the Mirre takth the Sucre,
Ryht upon such a maner lucre
Stant Florent, as in this diete:
He drinkth the bitre with the swete,
He medleth sorwe with likynge,
And liveth, as who seith, deyinge; 1710
His youthe schal be cast aweie
Upon such on which as the weie
Is old and lothly overal.
Bot nede he mot that nede schal:
He wolde algate his trowthe holde,
As every knyht therto is holde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 100=]
What happ so evere him is befalle:
Thogh sche be the fouleste of alle,
Yet to thonour of wommanhiede
Him thoghte he scholde taken hiede; 1720
So that for pure gentilesse,
As he hire couthe best adresce,
In ragges, as sche was totore,
He set hire on his hors tofore
And forth he takth his weie softe;
No wonder thogh he siketh ofte.
Bot as an oule fleth be nyhte
Out of alle othre briddes syhte,
Riht so this knyht on daies brode
In clos him hield, and schop his rode 1730
On nyhtes time, til the tyde
That he cam there he wolde abide;
And prively withoute noise
He bringth this foule grete Coise
To his Castell in such a wise
That noman myhte hire schappe avise,
Til sche into the chambre cam:
Wher he his prive conseil nam
Of suche men as he most troste,
And tolde hem that he nedes moste 1740
This beste wedde to his wif,
For elles hadde he lost his lif.
The prive wommen were asent,
That scholden ben of his assent:
Hire ragges thei anon of drawe,
And, as it was that time lawe,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 101=]
She hadde bath, sche hadde reste,
And was arraied to the beste.
Bot with no craft of combes brode
Thei myhte hire hore lockes schode, 1750
And sche ne wolde noght be schore
For no conseil, and thei therfore,
With such atyr as tho was used,
Ordeinen that it was excused,
And hid so crafteliche aboute,[391]
That noman myhte sen hem oute.
Bot when sche was fulliche arraied
And hire atyr was al assaied,
Tho was sche foulere on to se:
Bot yit it may non other be, 1760
Thei were wedded in the nyht;
So wo begon was nevere knyht
As he was thanne of mariage.
And sche began to pleie and rage,
As who seith, I am wel ynowh;
Bot he therof nothing ne lowh,
For sche tok thanne chiere on honde
And clepeth him hire housebonde,[392]
And seith, ‘My lord, go we to bedde,
For I to that entente wedde,[393] 1770
That thou schalt be my worldes blisse:’
And profreth him with that to kisse,
As sche a lusti Lady were.
His body myhte wel be there,
Bot as of thoght and of memoire
His herte was in purgatoire.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 102=]
Bot yit for strengthe of matrimoine
He myhte make non essoine,
That he ne mot algates plie
To gon to bedde of compaignie: 1780
And whan thei were abedde naked,
Withoute slep he was awaked;
He torneth on that other side,
For that he wolde hise yhen hyde
Fro lokynge on that foule wyht.[394]
The chambre was al full of lyht,
The courtins were of cendal thinne,
This newe bryd which lay withinne,
Thogh it be noght with his acord,
In armes sche beclipte hire lord, 1790
And preide, as he was torned fro,
He wolde him torne ayeinward tho;
‘For now,’ sche seith, ‘we ben bothe on.’[395]
And he lay stille as eny ston,
Bot evere in on sche spak and preide,
And bad him thenke on that he seide,
Whan that he tok hire be the hond.
He herde and understod the bond,
How he was set to his penance,
And as it were a man in trance 1800
He torneth him al sodeinly,
And syh a lady lay him by
Of eyhtetiene wynter age,
Which was the faireste of visage
That evere in al this world he syh:
And as he wolde have take hire nyh,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 103]
Sche put hire hand and be his leve
Besoghte him that he wolde leve,
And seith that forto wynne or lese[396]
He mot on of tuo thinges chese, 1810
Wher he wol have hire such on nyht,
Or elles upon daies lyht,
For he schal noght have bothe tuo.
And he began to sorwe tho,
In many a wise and caste his thoght,
Bot for al that yit cowthe he noght
Devise himself which was the beste.
And sche, that wolde his hertes reste,
Preith that he scholde chese algate,
Til ate laste longe and late 1820
He seide: ‘O ye, my lyves hele,
Sey what you list in my querele,[397]
I not what ansuere I schal yive:
Bot evere whil that I may live,
I wol that ye be my maistresse,
For I can noght miselve gesse
Which is the beste unto my chois.
Thus grante I yow myn hole vois,
Ches for ous bothen, I you preie;
And what as evere that ye seie, 1830
Riht as ye wole so wol I.’
‘Mi lord,’ sche seide, ‘grant merci,
For of this word that ye now sein,
That ye have mad me soverein,
Mi destine is overpassed,
That nevere hierafter schal be lassed
[Sidenote: =P. i. 104=]
Mi beaute, which that I now have,
Til I be take into my grave;
Bot nyht and day as I am now[398]
I schal alwey be such to yow. 1840
The kinges dowhter of Cizile
I am, and fell bot siththe awhile,
As I was with my fader late,
That my Stepmoder for an hate,
Which toward me sche hath begonne,
Forschop me, til I hadde wonne
The love and sovereinete
Of what knyht that in his degre
Alle othre passeth of good name:
And, as men sein, ye ben the same, 1850
The dede proeveth it is so;
Thus am I youres evermo.’
Tho was plesance and joye ynowh,
Echon with other pleide and lowh;
Thei live longe and wel thei ferde,
And clerkes that this chance herde
Thei writen it in evidence,
To teche how that obedience
Mai wel fortune a man to love
And sette him in his lust above, 1860
As it befell unto this knyht.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my Sone, if thou do ryht,
Thou schalt unto thi love obeie,
And folwe hir will be alle weie.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Min holy fader, so I wile:
For ye have told me such a skile
[Sidenote: =P. i. 105=]
Of this ensample now tofore,
That I schal evermo therfore
Hierafterward myn observance
To love and to his obeissance 1870
The betre kepe: and over this
Of pride if ther oght elles is,
Wherof that I me schryve schal,
What thing it is in special,
Mi fader, axeth, I you preie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now lest, my Sone, and I schal seie:
For yit ther is Surquiderie,
Which stant with Pride of compaignie;
Wherof that thou schalt hiere anon,
To knowe if thou have gult or non 1880
Upon the forme as thou schalt hiere:[399]
Now understond wel the matiere.
[Sidenote: [iii. SURQUIDRY OR PRESUMPTION.]]
viii. _Omnia scire putat, set se Presumpcio nescit,_
_Nec sibi consimilem quem putat esse parem._
_Qui magis astutus reputat se vincere bellum,_
_In laqueos Veneris forcius ipse cadit._
_Sepe Cupido virum sibi qui presumit amantem_
_Fallit, et in vacuas spes redit ipsa vias._
Surquiderie is thilke vice
Of Pride, which the thridde office
Hath in his Court, and wol noght knowe
The trowthe til it overthrowe.
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de tercia specie Superbie, que
Presumpcio dicitur, cuius naturam primo secundum vicium
Confessor simpliciter declarat.]
Upon his fortune and his grace
Comth ‘Hadde I wist’ fulofte aplace;
For he doth al his thing be gesse,[400]
And voideth alle sikernesse. 1890
Non other conseil good him siemeth[401]
Bot such as he himselve diemeth;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 106=]
For in such wise as he compasseth,
His wit al one alle othre passeth;
And is with pride so thurghsoght,[402]
That he alle othre set at noght,
And weneth of himselven so,
That such as he ther be nomo,
So fair, so semly, ne so wis;
And thus he wolde bere a pris 1900
Above alle othre, and noght forthi
He seith noght ones ‘grant mercy’
To godd, which alle grace sendeth,
So that his wittes he despendeth
Upon himself, as thogh ther were
No godd which myhte availe there:[403]
Bot al upon his oghne witt
He stant, til he falle in the pitt
So ferr that he mai noght arise.
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor cum Amante super illa
saltem presumpcione, ex cuius superbia quam plures fatui
amantes, cum maioris certitudinis in amore spem sibi
promittunt inexpediti cicius destituuntur.]
And riht thus in the same wise 1910
This vice upon the cause of love
So proudly set the herte above,
And doth him pleinly forto wene
That he to loven eny qwene
Hath worthinesse and sufficance;
And so withoute pourveance
Fulofte he heweth up so hihe,
That chippes fallen in his yhe;
And ek ful ofte he weneth this,
Ther as he noght beloved is, 1920
To be beloved alther best.
Now, Sone, tell what so thee lest
[Sidenote: =P. i. 107=]
Of this that I have told thee hier.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Ha, fader, be noght in a wer:
I trowe ther be noman lesse,
Of eny maner worthinesse,
That halt him lasse worth thanne I
To be beloved; and noght forthi
I seie in excusinge of me,
To alle men that love is fre. 1930
And certes that mai noman werne;[404]
For love is of himself so derne,
It luteth in a mannes herte:
Bot that ne schal me noght asterte,[405]
To wene forto be worthi
To loven, bot in hir mercy.
Bot, Sire, of that ye wolden mene,
That I scholde otherwise wene
To be beloved thanne I was,
I am beknowe as in that cas.[406] 1940
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi goode Sone, tell me how.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Now lest, and I wol telle yow,
Mi goode fader, how it is.
Fulofte it hath befalle or this
Thurgh hope that was noght certein,
Mi wenynge hath be set in vein
To triste in thing that halp me noght,
Bot onliche of myn oughne thoght.
For as it semeth that a belle
Lik to the wordes that men telle 1950
Answerth, riht so ne mor ne lesse,
To yow, my fader, I confesse,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 108=]
Such will my wit hath overset,
That what so hope me behet,
Ful many a time I wene it soth,
Bot finali no spied it doth.
Thus may I tellen, as I can,
Wenyng beguileth many a man;[407]
So hath it me, riht wel I wot:
For if a man wole in a Bot[408] 1960
Which is withoute botme rowe,
He moste nedes overthrowe.
Riht so wenyng hath ferd be me:
For whanne I wende next have be,
As I be my wenynge caste,
Thanne was I furthest ate laste,[409]
And as a foll my bowe unbende,
Whan al was failed that I wende.
Forthi, my fader, as of this,
That my wenynge hath gon amis 1970
Touchende to Surquiderie,
Yif me my penance er I die.
Bot if ye wolde in eny forme
Of this matiere a tale enforme,
Which were ayein this vice set,
I scholde fare wel the bet.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF CAPANEUS.]]
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos,
qui de suis viribus presumentes debiliores efficiuntur.
Et narrat qualiter ille Capaneus, miles in armis
probatissimus, de sua presumens audacia inuocacionem ad
superos tempore necessitatis ex vecordia tantum et non
aliter primitus prouenisse asseruit. Vnde in obsidione
Ciuitatis Thebarum, cum ipse quodam die coram suis
hostibus ad debellandum se obtulit, ignis de celo subito
superveniens ipsum armatum totaliter in cineres combussit.]
Mi Sone, in alle maner wise
Surquiderie is to despise,
Wherof I finde write thus.
The proude knyht Capaneüs 1980
He was of such Surquiderie,
That he thurgh his chivalerie
[Sidenote: =P. i. 109=]
Upon himself so mochel triste,
That to the goddes him ne liste
In no querele to beseche,
Bot seide it was an ydel speche,
Which caused was of pure drede,
For lack of herte and for no nede.
And upon such presumpcioun
He hield this proude opinioun, 1990
Til ate laste upon a dai,
Aboute Thebes wher he lay,
Whan it of Siege was belein,
This knyht, as the Croniqes sein,
In alle mennes sihte there,
Whan he was proudest in his gere,
And thoghte how nothing myhte him dere,
Ful armed with his schield and spere
As he the Cite wolde assaile,
Godd tok himselve the bataille 2000
Ayein his Pride, and fro the sky
A firy thonder sodeinly
He sende, and him to pouldre smot.
And thus the Pride which was hot,
Whan he most in his strengthe wende,[410]
Was brent and lost withouten ende:
So that it proeveth wel therfore,
The strengthe of man is sone lore,
Bot if that he it wel governe.[411]
And over this a man mai lerne 2010
That ek fulofte time it grieveth,
Whan that a man himself believeth,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 110=]
As thogh it scholde him wel beseme
That he alle othre men can deme,
And hath foryete his oghne vice.
A tale of hem that ben so nyce,
And feigne hemself to be so wise,[412]
I schal thee telle in such a wise,
Wherof thou schalt ensample take
That thou no such thing undertake. 2020
I finde upon Surquiderie,
How that whilom of Hungarie
Be olde daies was a King
Wys and honeste in alle thing:
And so befell upon a dai,
And that was in the Monthe of Maii,[413]
[Sidenote: [THE TRUMP OF DEATH.]]
As thilke time it was usance,
This kyng with noble pourveance
Hath for himself his Charr araied,
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur Confessor contra illos, qui de
sua sciencia presumentes aliorum condiciones diiudicantes
indiscrete redarguunt. Et narrat exemplum de quodam
principe Regis Hungarie germano, qui cum fratrem suum
pauperibus in publico vidit humiliatum, ipsum redarguendo
in contrarium edocere presumebat: set Rex omni sapiencia
prepollens ipsum sic incaute presumentem ad humilitatis
memoriam terribili prouidencia micius castigauit.]
Wher inne he wolde ride amaied 2030
Out of the Cite forto pleie,
With lordes and with gret nobleie
Of lusti folk that were yonge:
Wher some pleide and some songe,
And some gon and some ryde,
And some prike here hors aside
And bridlen hem now in now oute.
The kyng his yhe caste aboute,
Til he was ate laste war
And syh comende ayein his char 2040
Two pilegrins of so gret age,[414]
That lich unto a dreie ymage
[Sidenote: =P. i. 111=]
Thei weren pale and fade hewed,[415]
And as a bussh which is besnewed,
Here berdes weren hore and whyte;
Ther was of kinde bot a lite,
That thei ne semen fulli dede.
Thei comen to the kyng and bede
Som of his good par charite;[416]
And he with gret humilite 2050
Out of his Char to grounde lepte,
And hem in bothe hise armes kepte
And keste hem bothe fot and hond
Before the lordes of his lond,[417]
And yaf hem of his good therto:
And whanne he hath this dede do,
He goth into his char ayein.
Tho was Murmur, tho was desdeign,
Tho was compleignte on every side,
Thei seiden of here oghne Pride 2060
Eche until othre: ‘What is this?
Oure king hath do this thing amis,
So to abesse his realte
That every man it myhte se,
And humbled him in such a wise
To hem that were of non emprise.’
Thus was it spoken to and fro
Of hem that were with him tho
Al prively behinde his bak;
Bot to himselven noman spak. 2070
The kinges brother in presence
Was thilke time, and gret offence
[Sidenote: =P. i. 112=]
He tok therof, and was the same
Above alle othre which most blame
Upon his liege lord hath leid,
And hath unto the lordes seid,
Anon as he mai time finde,
Ther schal nothing be left behinde,[418]
That he wol speke unto the king.
Now lest what fell upon this thing. 2080
The day was merie and fair ynowh,
Echon with othre pleide and lowh,
And fellen into tales newe,
How that the freisshe floures grewe,
And how the grene leves spronge,
And how that love among the yonge
Began the hertes thanne awake,
And every bridd hath chose hire make:[419]
And thus the Maies day to thende
Thei lede, and hom ayein thei wende. 2090
The king was noght so sone come,
That whanne he hadde his chambre nome,
His brother ne was redi there,
And broghte a tale unto his Ere
Of that he dede such a schame
In hindringe of his oghne name,
Whan he himself so wolde drecche,
That to so vil a povere wrecche
Him deigneth schewe such simplesce
Ayein thastat of his noblesce: 2100
And seith he schal it nomor use,
And that he mot himself excuse
[Sidenote: =P. i. 113=]
Toward hise lordes everychon.
The king stod stille as eny ston,
And to his tale an Ere he leide,[420]
And thoghte more than he seide:
Bot natheles to that he herde
Wel cortaisly the king answerde,
And tolde it scholde be amended.
And thus whan that her tale is ended, 2110
Al redy was the bord and cloth,
The king unto his Souper goth
Among the lordes to the halle;
And whan thei hadden souped alle,
Thei token leve and forth thei go.
The king bethoghte himselve tho
How he his brother mai chastie,
That he thurgh his Surquiderie
Tok upon honde to despreise
Humilite, which is to preise, 2120
And therupon yaf such conseil
Toward his king that was noght heil;[421]
Wherof to be the betre lered,
He thenkth to maken him afered.
It fell so that in thilke dawe
Ther was ordeined be the lawe
A trompe with a sterne breth,
Which cleped was the Trompe of deth:
And in the Court wher the king was
A certein man this Trompe of bras 2130
Hath in kepinge, and therof serveth,
That whan a lord his deth deserveth,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 114=]
He schal this dredful trompe blowe
Tofore his gate, and make it knowe
How that the jugement is yove
Of deth, which schal noght be foryove.
The king, whan it was nyht, anon
This man asente and bad him gon
To trompen at his brother gate;
And he, which mot so don algate, 2140
Goth forth and doth the kynges heste.
This lord, which herde of this tempeste
That he tofore his gate blew,
Tho wiste he be the lawe and knew
That he was sikerliche ded:
And as of help he wot no red,
Bot sende for hise frendes alle
And tolde hem how it is befalle.
And thei him axe cause why;
Bot he the sothe noght forthi 2150
Ne wiste, and ther was sorwe tho:
For it stod thilke tyme so,
This trompe was of such sentence,
That therayein no resistence
Thei couthe ordeine be no weie,
That he ne mot algate deie,
Bot if so that he may pourchace
To gete his liege lordes grace.
Here wittes therupon thei caste,[422]
And ben apointed ate laste. 2160
This lord a worthi ladi hadde
Unto his wif, which also dradde
[Sidenote: =P. i. 115=]
Hire lordes deth, and children five
Betwen hem two thei hadde alyve,
That weren yonge and tendre of age,
And of stature and of visage
Riht faire and lusty on to se.
Tho casten thei that he and sche
Forth with here children on the morwe,
As thei that were full of sorwe, 2170
Al naked bot of smok and scherte,[423]
To tendre with the kynges herte,
His grace scholden go to seche[424]
And pardoun of the deth beseche.
Thus passen thei that wofull nyht,
And erly, whan thei sihe it lyht,
Thei gon hem forth in such a wise
As thou tofore hast herd devise,
Al naked bot here schortes one.[425]
Thei wepte and made mochel mone, 2180
Here Her hangende aboute here Eres;[426]
With sobbinge and with sory teres
This lord goth thanne an humble pas,
That whilom proud and noble was;
Wherof the Cite sore afflyhte,
Of hem that sihen thilke syhte:
And natheles al openly
With such wepinge and with such cri
Forth with hise children and his wif
He goth to preie for his lif. 2190
Unto the court whan thei be come,[427]
And men therinne have hiede nome,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 116=]
Ther was no wiht, if he hem syhe,
Fro water mihte kepe his yhe
For sorwe which thei maden tho.
The king supposeth of this wo,
And feigneth as he noght ne wiste;
Bot natheles at his upriste
Men tolden him how that it ferde:
And whan that he this wonder herde, 2200
In haste he goth into the halle,
And alle at ones doun thei falle,
If eny pite may be founde.
The king, which seth hem go to grounde,
Hath axed hem what is the fere,
Why thei be so despuiled there.
His brother seide: ‘Ha lord, mercy!
I wot non other cause why,[428]
Bot only that this nyht ful late
The trompe of deth was at my gate 2210
In tokne that I scholde deie;
Thus be we come forto preie
That ye mi worldes deth respite.’
‘Ha fol, how thou art forto wyte,’
The king unto his brother seith,
‘That thou art of so litel feith,
That only for a trompes soun
Hast gon despuiled thurgh the toun,
Thou and thi wif in such manere
Forth with thi children that ben here, 2220
In sihte of alle men aboute,
For that thou seist thou art in doute
[Sidenote: =P. i. 117=]
Of deth, which stant under the lawe
Of man, and man it mai withdrawe,[429]
So that it mai par chance faile.
Now schalt thou noght forthi mervaile
That I doun fro my Charr alihte,
Whanne I behield tofore my sihte
In hem that were of so gret age
Min oghne deth thurgh here ymage, 2230
Which god hath set be lawe of kynde,
Wherof I mai no bote finde:
For wel I wot, such as thei be,
Riht such am I in my degree,[430]
Of fleissh and blod, and so schal deie.
And thus, thogh I that lawe obeie
Of which the kinges ben put under,
It oghte ben wel lasse wonder
Than thou, which art withoute nede
For lawe of londe in such a drede, 2240
Which for tacompte is bot a jape,
As thing which thou miht overscape.
Forthi, mi brother, after this
I rede, sithen that so is
That thou canst drede a man so sore,
Dred god with al thin herte more:
For al schal deie and al schal passe,
Als wel a Leoun as an asse,
Als wel a beggere as a lord,
Towardes deth in on acord 2250
Thei schullen stonde.’ And in this wise[431]
The king hath with hise wordes wise
[Sidenote: =P. i. 118=]
His brother tawht and al foryive.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, mi Sone, if thou wolt live
In vertu, thou most vice eschuie,
And with low herte humblesce suie,
So that thou be noght surquidous.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, I am amorous,
Wherof I wolde you beseche
That ye me som ensample teche,[432] 2260
Which mihte in loves cause stonde.[433]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, thou schalt understonde,
In love and othre thinges alle
If that Surquiderie falle,
It may to him noght wel betide[434]
Which useth thilke vice of Pride,
Which torneth wisdom to wenynge[435]
And Sothfastnesse into lesynge
Thurgh fol ymaginacion.
And for thin enformacion, 2270
That thou this vice as I the rede
Eschuie schalt, a tale I rede,
Which fell whilom be daies olde,
So as the clerk Ovide tolde.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF NARCISSUS.]]
Ther was whilom a lordes Sone,
Which of his Pride a nyce wone
Hath cawht, that worthi to his liche,
To sechen al the worldes riche,
[Sidenote: Hic in speciali tractat Confessor cum Amante
contra illos, qui de propria formositate presumentes amorem
mulieris dedignantur. Et narrat exemplum, qualiter cuiusdam
Principis filius nomine Narcizus estiuo tempore, cum ipse
venacionis causa quendam ceruum solus cum suis canibus
exagitaret, in grauem sitim incurrens necessitate compulsus
ad bibendum de quodam fonte pronus[436] se inclinauit;
vbi ipse faciem suam pulcherrimam in aqua percipiens,
putabat se per hoc illam Nimpham, quam Poete Ekko vocant,
in flumine coram suis oculis pocius conspexisse; de
cuius amore confestim laqueatus, vt ipsam ad se de fonte
extraheret, pluribus blandiciis adulabatur. Set cum illud
perficere nullatenus potuit,[440] pre nimio languore deficiens
contra lapides ibidem adiacentes caput exuerberans cerebrum
effudit. Et sic de propria pulcritudine qui fuerat
presumptuosus, de propria pulcritudine fatuatus interiit.]
Ther was no womman forto love.
So hihe he sette himselve above 2280
Of stature and of beaute bothe,
That him thoghte alle wommen lothe:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 119=]
So was ther no comparisoun
As toward his condicioun.
This yonge lord Narcizus hihte:
No strengthe of love bowe mihte
His herte, which is unaffiled;
Bot ate laste he was beguiled:
For of the goddes pourveance
It fell him on a dai par chance, 2290
That he in all his proude fare
Unto the forest gan to fare,
Amonges othre that ther were
To hunte and to desporte him there.[437]
And whanne he cam into the place
Wher that he wolde make his chace,
The houndes weren in a throwe
Uncoupled and the hornes blowe:
The grete hert anon was founde,[438]
Which swifte feet sette upon grounde,[439] 2300
And he with spore in horse side
Him hasteth faste forto ride,
Til alle men be left behinde.
And as he rod, under a linde
Beside a roche, as I thee telle,
He syh wher sprong a lusty welle:
The day was wonder hot withalle,
And such a thurst was on him falle,
That he moste owther deie or drinke;
And doun he lihte and be the brinke 2310
He teide his Hors unto a braunche,
And leide him lowe forto staunche
[Sidenote: =P. i. 120=]
His thurst: and as he caste his lok
Into the welle and hiede tok,
He sih the like of his visage,
And wende ther were an ymage
Of such a Nimphe as tho was faie,
Wherof that love his herte assaie
Began, as it was after sene,
Of his sotie and made him wene 2320
It were a womman that he syh.
The more he cam the welle nyh,
The nerr cam sche to him ayein;
So wiste he nevere what to sein;
For whanne he wepte, he sih hire wepe,
And whanne he cride, he tok good kepe,
The same word sche cride also:
And thus began the newe wo,
That whilom was to him so strange;
Tho made him love an hard eschange, 2330
To sette his herte and to beginne
Thing which he mihte nevere winne.[441]
And evere among he gan to loute,
And preith that sche to him come oute;
And otherwhile he goth a ferr,[442]
And otherwhile he draweth nerr,
And evere he fond hire in o place.
He wepth, he crith, he axeth grace,
There as he mihte gete non;
So that ayein a Roche of Ston, 2340
As he that knew non other red,
He smot himself til he was ded.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 121=]
Wherof the Nimphes of the welles,[443]
And othre that ther weren elles
Unto the wodes belongende,
The body, which was ded ligende,
For pure pite that thei have
Under the grene thei begrave.
And thanne out of his sepulture
Ther sprong anon par aventure 2350
Of floures such a wonder syhte,
That men ensample take myhte
Upon the dedes whiche he dede,
As tho was sene in thilke stede;
For in the wynter freysshe and faire
The floures ben, which is contraire
To kynde, and so was the folie
Which fell of his Surquiderie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Thus he, which love hadde in desdeign,
[Sidenote: [PRESUMPTION OF LOVERS.]]
Worste of all othre was besein, 2360
And as he sette his pris most hyhe,
He was lest worth in loves yhe
And most bejaped in his wit:
Wherof the remembrance is yit,
So that thou myht ensample take,
And ek alle othre for his sake.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, as touchende of me,
This vice I thenke forto fle,
Which of his wenynge overtroweth;[444]
And nameliche of thing which groweth 2370
In loves cause or wel or wo
Yit pryded I me nevere so.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 122=]
Bot wolde god that grace sende,
That toward me my lady wende
As I towardes hire wene!
Mi love scholde so be sene,
Ther scholde go no pride a place.
Bot I am ferr fro thilke grace,
As forto speke of tyme now;[445]
So mot I soffre, and preie yow[446] 2380
That ye wole axe on other side
If ther be eny point of Pride,
Wherof it nedeth to be schrive.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, godd it thee foryive,
If thou have eny thing misdo
Touchende of this, bot overmo[447]
Ther is an other yit of Pride,
Which nevere cowthe hise wordes hide,
That he ne wole himself avaunte;
Ther mai nothing his tunge daunte, 2390
That he ne clappeth as a Belle:
Wherof if thou wolt that I telle,
It is behovely forto hiere,
So that thou myht thi tunge stiere,
Toward the world and stonde in grace,
Which lacketh ofte in many place[448]
To him that can noght sitte stille,
Which elles scholde have al his wille.[449]
[Sidenote: [iv. AVANTANCE OR BOASTING.]]
ix. _Magniloque propriam minuit iactancia lingue_
_Famam, quam stabilem firmat honore cilens._
_Ipse sui laudem meriti non percipit, vnde_
_Se sua per verba iactat in orbe palam._
_Estque viri culpa iactancia, que rubefactas_
_In muliere reas causat habere genas._
[Sidenote: =P. i. 123=]
The vice cleped Avantance
With Pride hath take his aqueintance, 2400
So that his oghne pris he lasseth,
When he such mesure overpasseth
That he his oghne Herald is.
That ferst was wel is thanne mis,
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de quarta specie Superbie, que
Iactancia dicitur, ex cuius natura causatur, vt homo de
seipso testimonium perhibens suarum virtutum merita de
laude in culpam transfert, et suam famam cum ipse extollere
vellet, illam proprio ore subvertit. Set et Venus in amoris
causa de isto vicio maculatos a sua Curia super omnes
alios abhorrens expellit, et eorum multiloquium verecunda[451]
detestatur. Vnde Confessor Amanti opponens materiam plenius
declarat.]
That was thankworth is thanne blame,
And thus the worschipe of his name
Thurgh pride of his avantarie
He torneth into vilenie.
I rede how that this proude vice
Hath thilke wynd in his office,[450] 2410
Which thurgh the blastes that he bloweth
The mannes fame he overthroweth
Of vertu, which scholde elles springe
Into the worldes knowlechinge;
Bot he fordoth it alto sore.
And riht of such a maner lore
Ther ben lovers: forthi if thow
Art on of hem, tell and sei how.
Whan thou hast taken eny thing
Of loves yifte, or Nouche or ring, 2420
Or tok upon thee for the cold[452]
Som goodly word that thee was told,
Or frendly chiere or tokne or lettre,[453]
Wherof thin herte was the bettre,
Or that sche sende the grietinge,
Hast thou for Pride of thi likinge
Mad thin avant wher as the liste?
[Sidenote: Amans.]
I wolde, fader, that ye wiste,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 124=]
Mi conscience lith noght hiere:
Yit hadde I nevere such matiere, 2430
Wherof min herte myhte amende,
Noght of so mochel that sche sende
Be mowthe and seide, ‘Griet him wel:’
And thus for that ther is no diel
Wherof to make myn avant,
It is to reson acordant
That I mai nevere, bot I lye,
Of love make avanterie.
I wot noght what I scholde have do,
If that I hadde encheson so, 2440
As ye have seid hier manyon;
Bot I fond cause nevere non:
Bot daunger, which welnyh me slowh,
Therof I cowthe telle ynowh,
And of non other Avantance:
Thus nedeth me no repentance.
Now axeth furthere of my lif,
For hierof am I noght gultif.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, I am wel paid withal;
For wite it wel in special 2450
That love of his verrai justice
Above alle othre ayein this vice
At alle times most debateth,
With al his herte and most it hateth.
And ek in alle maner wise
Avantarie is to despise,
As be ensample thou myht wite,[454]
Which I finde in the bokes write.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF ALBINUS AND ROSEMUND.]]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 125=]
Of hem that we Lombars now calle
Albinus was the ferste of alle[455] 2460
Which bar corone of Lombardie,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos,
qui vel de sua in armis probitate, vel de suo in amoris
causa desiderio completo se iactant. Et narrat qualiter
Albinus primus Rex Longobardorum, cum ipse quendam alium
Regem nomine Gurmundum in bello morientem triumphasset,
testam[456] capitis defuncti auferens ciphum ex ea gemmis
et auro circumligatum in sue victorie memoriam fabricari
constituit: insuper et ipsius Gurmundi filiam Rosemundam
rapiens, maritali thoro in coniugem sibi copulauit. Vnde
ipso Albino postea coram sui Regni nobilibus in suo regali
conuiuio sedente, dicti Gurmundi ciphum infuso vino ad
se inter epulas afferri iussit; quem sumptum vxori sue
Regine porrexit dicens, ‘Bibe cum patre tuo.’ Quod et
ipsa huiusmodi operis ignara fecit. Quo facto Rex statim[458]
super hiis que per prius gesta fuerant cunctis audientibus
per singula se iactauit. Regina vero cum talia audisset,
celato animo factum abhorrens in mortem domini sui Regis
circumspecta industria conspirauit; ipsumque auxiliantibus
Glodesida et Helmege breui subsecuto tempore interfecit;
cuius mortem Dux Rauennensis tam in corpus dicte Regine
quam suorum fautorum postea vindicauit. Set et huius tocius
infortunii sola superbie iactancia fomitem ministrabat.]
And was of gret chivalerie
In werre ayein diverse kinges.
So fell amonges othre thinges,
That he that time a werre hadde
With Gurmond, which the Geptes ladde,
And was a myhti kyng also:
Bot natheles it fell him so,
Albinus slowh him in the feld,
Ther halp him nowther swerd ne scheld, 2470
That he ne smot his hed of thanne,
Wherof he tok awey the Panne,
Of which he seide he wolde make
A Cuppe for Gurmoundes sake,
To kepe and drawe into memoire
Of his bataille the victoire.
And thus whan he the feld hath wonne,
The lond anon was overronne
And sesed in his oghne hond,
Wher he Gurmondes dowhter fond, 2480
Which Maide Rosemounde hihte,
And was in every mannes sihte
A fair, a freissh, a lusti on.
His herte fell to hire anon,
And such a love on hire he caste,
That he hire weddeth ate laste;
And after that long time in reste
With hire he duelte, and to the beste[457]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 126=]
Thei love ech other wonder wel.
Bot sche which kepth the blinde whel, 2490
Venus, whan thei be most above,
In al the hoteste of here love,
Hire whiel sche torneth, and thei felle
In the manere as I schal telle.
This king, which stod in al his welthe
Of pes, of worschipe and of helthe,
And felte him on no side grieved,[459]
As he that hath his world achieved,
Tho thoghte he wolde a feste make;
And that was for his wyves sake, 2500
That sche the lordes ate feste,[460]
That were obeissant to his heste,
Mai knowe: and so forth therupon
He let ordeine, and sende anon
Be lettres and be messagiers,
And warnede alle hise officiers
That every thing be wel arraied:
The grete Stiedes were assaied
For joustinge and for tornement,
And many a perled garnement 2510
Embroudred was ayein the dai.[461]
The lordes in here beste arrai
Be comen ate time set,
On jousteth wel, an other bet,
And otherwhile thei torneie,
And thus thei casten care aweie
And token lustes upon honde.
And after, thou schalt understonde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 127=]
To mete into the kinges halle
Thei come, as thei be beden alle: 2520
And whan thei were set and served,
Thanne after, as it was deserved,
To hem that worthi knyhtes were,
So as thei seten hiere and there,
The pris was yove and spoken oute
Among the heraldz al aboute.
And thus benethe and ek above
Al was of armes and of love,
Wherof abouten ate bordes
Men hadde manye sondri wordes, 2530
That of the merthe which thei made
The king himself began to glade
Withinne his herte and tok a pride,
And sih the Cuppe stonde aside,
Which mad was of Gurmoundes hed,
As ye have herd, whan he was ded,
And was with gold and riche Stones
Beset and bounde for the nones,
And stod upon a fot on heihte
Of burned gold, and with gret sleihte 2540
Of werkmanschipe it was begrave
Of such werk as it scholde have,
And was policed ek so clene
That no signe of the Skulle is sene,[462]
Bot as it were a Gripes Ey.
The king bad bere his Cuppe awey,
Which stod tofore him on the bord,
And fette thilke. Upon his word
[Sidenote: =P. i. 128=]
This Skulle is fet and wyn therinne,
Wherof he bad his wif beginne: 2550
‘Drink with thi fader, Dame,’ he seide.
And sche to his biddinge obeide,
And tok the Skulle, and what hire liste
Sche drank, as sche which nothing wiste
What Cuppe it was: and thanne al oute
The kyng in audience aboute
Hath told it was hire fader Skulle,
So that the lordes knowe schulle
Of his bataille a soth witnesse,
And made avant thurgh what prouesse 2560
He hath his wyves love wonne,
Which of the Skulle hath so begonne.
Tho was ther mochel Pride alofte,
Thei speken alle, and sche was softe,
Thenkende on thilke unkynde Pride,
Of that hire lord so nyh hire side
Avanteth him that he hath slain
And piked out hire fader brain,
And of the Skulle had mad a Cuppe.[463]
Sche soffreth al til thei were uppe, 2570
And tho sche hath seknesse feigned,
And goth to chambre and hath compleigned
Unto a Maide which sche triste,
So that non other wyht it wiste.
This Mayde Glodeside is hote,
To whom this lady hath behote
Of ladischipe al that sche can,
To vengen hire upon this man,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 129=]
Which dede hire drinke in such a plit
Among hem alle for despit 2580
Of hire and of hire fader bothe;
Wherof hire thoghtes ben so wrothe,
Sche seith, that sche schal noght be glad,
Til that sche se him so bestad
That he nomore make avant.
And thus thei felle in covenant,
That thei acorden ate laste,
With suche wiles as thei caste
That thei wol gete of here acord
Som orped knyht to sle this lord: 2590
And with this sleihte thei beginne,
How thei Helmege myhten winne,
Which was the kinges Boteler,
A proud a lusti Bacheler,
And Glodeside he loveth hote.
And sche, to make him more assote,
Hire love granteth, and be nyhte
Thei schape how thei togedre myhte
Abedde meete: and don it was
This same nyht; and in this cas 2600
The qwene hirself the nyht secounde
Wente in hire stede, and there hath founde
A chambre derk withoute liht,
And goth to bedde to this knyht.
And he, to kepe his observance,
To love doth his obeissance,
And weneth it be Glodeside;
And sche thanne after lay aside,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 130=]
And axeth him what he hath do,
And who sche was sche tolde him tho, 2610
And seide: ‘Helmege, I am thi qwene,[464]
Now schal thi love wel be sene
Of that thou hast thi wille wroght:
Or it schal sore ben aboght,
Or thou schalt worche as I thee seie.
And if thou wolt be such a weie
Do my plesance and holde it stille,
For evere I schal ben at thi wille,
Bothe I and al myn heritage.’
Anon the wylde loves rage, 2620
In which noman him can governe,
Hath mad him that he can noght werne,[465]
Bot fell al hol to hire assent:
And thus the whiel is al miswent,
The which fortune hath upon honde;
For how that evere it after stonde,
Thei schope among hem such a wyle,
The king was ded withinne a whyle.
So slihly cam it noght aboute
That thei ne ben descoevered oute, 2630
So that it thoghte hem for the beste
To fle, for there was no reste:
And thus the tresor of the king
Thei trusse and mochel other thing,
And with a certein felaschipe
Thei fledde and wente awey be schipe,
And hielde here rihte cours fro thenne,
Til that thei come to Ravenne,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 131=]
Wher thei the Dukes helpe soghte.
And he, so as thei him besoghte, 2640
A place granteth forto duelle;
Bot after, whan he herde telle
Of the manere how thei have do,
This Duk let schape for hem so,
That of a puison which thei drunke
Thei hadden that thei have beswunke.
And al this made avant of Pride:
Good is therfore a man to hide
His oghne pris, for if he speke,
He mai lihtliche his thonk tobreke. 2650
In armes lith non avantance
To him which thenkth his name avance
And be renomed of his dede:
And also who that thenkth to spede
Of love, he mai him noght avaunte;
For what man thilke vice haunte,
His pourpos schal fulofte faile.
In armes he that wol travaile[466]
[Sidenote: [AVANTANCE.]]
Or elles loves grace atteigne,
His lose tunge he mot restreigne, 2660
Which berth of his honour the keie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my Sone, in alle weie
Tak riht good hiede of this matiere.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
I thonke you, my fader diere,
This scole is of a gentil lore;
And if ther be oght elles more
Of Pride, which I schal eschuie,
Now axeth forth, and I wol suie
[Sidenote: =P. i. 132=]
What thing that ye me wole enforme.[467]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, yit in other forme 2670
Ther is a vice of Prides lore,
Which lich an hauk whan he wol sore,
Fleith upon heihte in his delices
After the likynge of his vices,
And wol no mannes resoun knowe,
Till he doun falle and overthrowe.
This vice veine gloire is hote,
Wherof, my Sone, I thee behote
To trete and speke in such a wise,
That thou thee myht the betre avise. 2680
[Sidenote: [v. VAIN-GLORY.]]
x. _Gloria perpetuos pregnat mundana dolores,_
_Qui tamen est vanus gaudia vana cupit._
_Eius amiciciam, quem gloria tollit inanis,_
_Non sine blandiciis planus habebit homo:_
_Verbis compositis qui scit strigilare fauellum,_
_Scandere sellata iura valebit eques._
_Sic in amore magis qui blanda subornat in ore_
_Verba, per hoc brauium quod nequit alter habet._
_Et tamen ornatos cantus variosque paratus_
_Letaque corda suis legibus optat amor._ (10)
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de quinta specie superbie, que
Inanis gloria vocatur, et eiusdem vicii naturam primo
describens super eodem in amoris causa Confessor Amanti
consequenter opponit.]
The proude vice of veine gloire
Remembreth noght of purgatoire,
Hise worldes joyes ben so grete,
Him thenkth of hevene no beyete;
This lives Pompe is al his pes:
Yit schal he deie natheles,
And therof thenkth he bot a lite,[468]
For al his lust is to delite
In newe thinges, proude and veine,
Als ferforth as he mai atteigne. 2690
[Sidenote: =P. i. 133=]
I trowe, if that he myhte make
His body newe, he wolde take
A newe forme and leve his olde:
For what thing that he mai beholde,
The which to comun us is strange,
Anon his olde guise change
He wole and falle therupon,
Lich unto the Camelion,
Which upon every sondri hewe
That he beholt he moste newe 2700
His colour, and thus unavised
Fulofte time he stant desguised.
Mor jolif than the brid in Maii
He makth him evere freissh and gay,
[Sidenote: Salomon. Amictus eius[469] annunciat de eo.]
And doth al his array desguise,
So that of him the newe guise
Of lusti folk alle othre take;
And ek he can carolles make,
Rondeal, balade and virelai.
And with al this, if that he may 2710
Of love gete him avantage,
Anon he wext of his corage
So overglad, that of his ende[470]
Him thenkth ther is no deth comende:
For he hath thanne at alle tide
Of love such a maner pride,
Him thenkth his joie is endeles.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now schrif thee, Sone, in godes pes,
And of thi love tell me plein
If that thi gloire hath be so vein. 2720
[Sidenote: =P. i. 134=]
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, as touchinge of al
[Sidenote: [THE LOVER’S CONFESSION.]]
I may noght wel ne noght ne schal
Of veine gloire excuse me,
That I ne have for love be
The betre adresced and arraied;
And also I have ofte assaied
Rondeal, balade and virelai
For hire on whom myn herte lai
To make, and also forto peinte
Caroles with my wordes qweinte, 2730
To sette my pourpos alofte;
And thus I sang hem forth fulofte
In halle and ek in chambre aboute,
And made merie among the route,
Bot yit ne ferde I noght the bet.
Thus was my gloire in vein beset
Of al the joie that I made;
For whanne I wolde with hire glade,
And of hire love songes make,
Sche saide it was noght for hir sake, 2740
And liste noght my songes hiere
Ne witen what the wordes were.
So forto speke of myn arrai,
Yit couthe I nevere be so gay
Ne so wel make a songe of love,
Wherof I myhte ben above
And have encheson to be glad;
Bot rathere I am ofte adrad
For sorwe that sche seith me nay.
And natheles I wol noght say, 2750
[Sidenote: =P. i. 135=]
That I nam glad on other side;[471]
For fame, that can nothing hide,
Alday wol bringe unto myn Ere
Of that men speken hier and there,
How that my ladi berth the pris,
How sche is fair, how sche is wis,
How sche is wommanlich of chiere;
Of al this thing whanne I mai hiere,
What wonder is thogh I be fain?
And ek whanne I may hiere sain 2760
Tidinges of my ladi hele,
Althogh I may noght with hir dele,
Yit am I wonder glad of that;
For whanne I wot hire good astat,
As for that time I dar wel swere,
Non other sorwe mai me dere,
Thus am I gladed in this wise.
Bot, fader, of youre lores wise,
Of whiche ye be fully tawht,
Now tell me if yow thenketh awht[472] 2770
That I therof am forto wyte.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Of that ther is I thee acquite,
Mi sone, he seide, and for thi goode
I wolde that thou understode:
For I thenke upon this matiere
To telle a tale, as thou schalt hiere,
How that ayein this proude vice
The hihe god of his justice
Is wroth and gret vengance doth.
Now herkne a tale that is soth: 2780
[Sidenote: =P. i. 136=]
Thogh it be noght of loves kinde,
A gret ensample thou schalt finde
This veine gloire forto fle,
Which is so full of vanite.
[Sidenote: [NEBUCHADNEZZAR’S PUNISHMENT.]]
xi. _Humani generis cum sit sibi gloria maior,_
_Sepe subesse solet proximus ille dolor:_
_Mens elata graues descensus sepe subibit,_
_Mens humilis stabile molleque firmat iter._
_Motibus innumeris volutat fortuna per orbem;_[473]
_Cum magis alta petis, inferiora time._
Ther was a king that mochel myhte,
Which Nabugodonosor hihte,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra vicium
inanis glorie, narrans qualiter Nabugodonosor Rex
Caldeorum, cum ipse in omni sue maiestatis gloria
celsior extitisset, deus eius superbiam castigare volens
ipsum extra formam hominis in bestiam fenum comedentem
transmutauit.[475] Et sic per septennium penitens, cum ipse
potenciorem se agnouit, misertus deus ipsum in sui regni
solium restituta sanitate emendatum graciosius collocauit.]
Of whom that I spak hier tofore.
Yit in the bible his name is bore,
For al the world in Orient[474]
Was hol at his comandement: 2790
As thanne of kinges to his liche
Was non so myhty ne so riche;
To his Empire and to his lawes,
As who seith, alle in thilke dawes
Were obeissant and tribut bere,
As thogh he godd of Erthe were.
With strengthe he putte kinges under,
And wroghte of Pride many a wonder;
He was so full of veine gloire,
That he ne hadde no memoire 2800
That ther was eny good bot he,[476]
For pride of his prosperite;
Til that the hihe king of kinges,
Which seth and knoweth alle thinges,
Whos yhe mai nothing asterte,--
The privetes of mannes herte
[Sidenote: =P. i. 137=]
Thei speke and sounen in his Ere
As thogh thei lowde wyndes were,--
He tok vengance upon this pride.
Bot for he wolde awhile abide 2810
To loke if he him wolde amende,
To him a foretokne he sende,[477]
And that was in his slep be nyhte.
This proude kyng a wonder syhte
Hadde in his swevene, ther he lay:
Him thoghte, upon a merie day
As he behield the world aboute,
A tree fulgrowe he syh theroute,
Which stod the world amiddes evene,
Whos heihte straghte up to the hevene; 2820
The leves weren faire and large,
Of fruit it bar so ripe a charge,
That alle men it myhte fede:
He sih also the bowes spriede
Above al Erthe, in whiche were
The kinde of alle briddes there;
And eke him thoghte he syh also
The kinde of alle bestes go
Under this tre aboute round
And fedden hem upon the ground. 2830
As he this wonder stod and syh,
Him thoghte he herde a vois on hih
Criende, and seide aboven alle:
‘Hew doun this tree and lett it falle,
The leves let defoule in haste[478]
And do the fruit destruie and waste,[479]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 138=]
And let of schreden every braunche,
Bot ate Rote let it staunche.
Whan al his Pride is cast to grounde,[480]
The rote schal be faste bounde, 2840
And schal no mannes herte bere,
Bot every lust he schal forbere
Of man, and lich an Oxe his mete
Of gras he schal pourchace and ete,
Til that the water of the hevene
Have waisshen him be times sevene,
So that he be thurghknowe ariht[481]
What is the heveneliche myht,
And be mad humble to the wille
Of him which al mai save and spille.’ 2850
This king out of his swefne abreide,
And he upon the morwe it seide
Unto the clerkes whiche he hadde:
Bot non of hem the sothe aradde,
Was non his swevene cowthe undo.
And it stod thilke time so,
This king hadde in subjeccioun
Judee, and of affeccioun
Above alle othre on Daniel
He loveth, for he cowthe wel 2860
Divine that non other cowthe:
To him were alle thinges cowthe,
As he it hadde of goddes grace.[482]
He was before the kinges face
Asent, and bode that he scholde
Upon the point the king of tolde
[Sidenote: =P. i. 139=]
The fortune of his swevene expounde,
As it scholde afterward be founde.
Whan Daniel this swevene herde,[483]
He stod long time er he ansuerde, 2870
And made a wonder hevy chiere.
The king tok hiede of his manere,
And bad him telle that he wiste,
As he to whom he mochel triste,[484]
And seide he wolde noght be wroth.
Bot Daniel was wonder loth,
And seide: ‘Upon thi fomen alle,
Sire king, thi swevene mote falle;
And natheles touchende of this
I wol the tellen how it is, 2880
And what desese is to thee schape:
God wot if thou it schalt ascape.
The hihe tree, which thou hast sein
With lef and fruit so wel besein,
The which stod in the world amiddes,[485]
So that the bestes and the briddes
Governed were of him al one,
Sire king, betokneth thi persone,
Which stant above all erthli thinges.
Thus regnen under the the kinges, 2890
And al the poeple unto thee louteth,[486]
And al the world thi pouer doubteth,
So that with vein honour deceived
Thou hast the reverence weyved
Fro him which is thi king above,
That thou for drede ne for love
[Sidenote: =P. i. 140=]
Wolt nothing knowen of thi godd;
Which now for thee hath mad a rodd,[487]
Thi veine gloire and thi folie
With grete peines to chastie. 2900
And of the vois thou herdest speke,
Which bad the bowes forto breke
And hewe and felle doun the tree,[488]
That word belongeth unto thee;
Thi regne schal ben overthrowe,[489]
And thou despuiled for a throwe:
Bot that the Rote scholde stonde,
Be that thou schalt wel understonde,
Ther schal abyden of thi regne
A time ayein whan thou schalt regne. 2910
And ek of that thou herdest seie,
To take a mannes herte aweie
And sette there a bestial,
So that he lich an Oxe schal
Pasture, and that he be bereined
Be times sefne and sore peined,
Til that he knowe his goddes mihtes,
Than scholde he stonde ayein uprihtes,--
Al this betokneth thin astat,
Which now with god is in debat: 2920
Thi mannes forme schal be lassed,
Til sevene yer ben overpassed,
And in the liknesse of a beste
Of gras schal be thi real feste,
The weder schal upon thee reine.
And understond that al this peine,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 141=]
Which thou schalt soffre thilke tide,
Is schape al only for thi pride
Of veine gloire, and of the sinne
Which thou hast longe stonden inne. 2930
So upon this condicioun
Thi swevene hath exposicioun.
Bot er this thing befalle in dede,
Amende thee, this wolde I rede:
Yif and departe thin almesse,
Do mercy forth with rihtwisnesse,
Besech and prei the hihe grace,
For so thou myht thi pes pourchace
With godd, and stonde in good acord.’
Bot Pride is loth to leve his lord, 2940
And wol noght soffre humilite
With him to stonde in no degree;
And whan a schip hath lost his stiere,
Is non so wys that mai him stiere
Ayein the wawes in a rage.
This proude king in his corage
Humilite hath so forlore,
That for no swevene he sih tofore,
Ne yit for al that Daniel
Him hath conseiled everydel, 2950
He let it passe out of his mynde,
Thurgh veine gloire, and as the blinde,
He seth no weie, er him be wo.[490]
And fell withinne a time so,
As he in Babiloine wente,
The vanite of Pride him hente;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 142=]
His herte aros of veine gloire,
So that he drowh into memoire
His lordschipe and his regalie
With wordes of Surquiderie. 2960
And whan that he him most avaunteth,
That lord which veine gloire daunteth,
Al sodeinliche, as who seith treis,
Wher that he stod in his Paleis,
He tok him fro the mennes sihte:
Was non of hem so war that mihte
Sette yhe wher that he becom.
And thus was he from his kingdom
Into the wilde Forest drawe,
Wher that the myhti goddes lawe 2970
Thurgh his pouer dede him transforme
Fro man into a bestes forme;
And lich an Oxe under the fot
He graseth, as he nedes mot,
To geten him his lives fode.
Tho thoghte him colde grases goode,
That whilom eet the hote spices,
Thus was he torned fro delices:
The wyn which he was wont to drinke
He tok thanne of the welles brinke 2980
Or of the pet or of the slowh,
It thoghte him thanne good ynowh:
In stede of chambres wel arraied
He was thanne of a buissh wel paied,
The harde ground he lay upon,
For othre pilwes hath he non;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 143=]
The stormes and the Reines falle,
The wyndes blowe upon him alle,[491]
He was tormented day and nyht,
Such was the hihe goddes myght,[492] 2990
Til sevene yer an ende toke.
Upon himself tho gan he loke;
In stede of mete gras and stres,
In stede of handes longe cles,
In stede of man a bestes lyke
He syh; and thanne he gan to syke
For cloth of gold and for perrie,[493]
Which him was wont to magnefie.
Whan he behield his Cote of heres,
He wepte and with fulwoful teres[494] 3000
Up to the hevene he caste his chiere
Wepende, and thoghte in this manere;
Thogh he no wordes myhte winne,
Thus seide his herte and spak withinne:
‘O mihti godd, that al hast wroght
And al myht bringe ayein to noght,
Now knowe I wel, bot al of thee,
This world hath no prosperite:
In thin aspect ben alle liche,
The povere man and ek the riche,[495] 3010
Withoute thee ther mai no wight,[496]
And thou above alle othre miht.
O mihti lord, toward my vice
Thi merci medle with justice;
And I woll make a covenant,
That of my lif the remenant
[Sidenote: =P. i. 144=]
I schal it be thi grace amende,
And in thi lawe so despende
That veine gloire I schal eschuie,
And bowe unto thin heste and suie 3020
Humilite, and that I vowe.’
And so thenkende he gan doun bowe,
And thogh him lacke vois and speche,[497]
He gan up with his feet areche,
And wailende in his bestly stevene
He made his pleignte onto the hevene.
He kneleth in his wise and braieth,[498]
To seche merci and assaieth
His god, which made him nothing strange,
Whan that he sih his pride change. 3030
Anon as he was humble and tame,
He fond toward his god the same,
And in a twinklinge of a lok
His mannes forme ayein he tok,
And was reformed to the regne
In which that he was wont to regne;
So that the Pride of veine gloire
Evere afterward out of memoire
He let it passe. And thus is schewed
What is to ben of Pride unthewed 3040
Ayein the hihe goddes lawe,
To whom noman mai be felawe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my Sone, tak good hiede
So forto lede thi manhiede,
That thou ne be noght lich a beste.
Bot if thi lif schal ben honeste,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 145=]
Thou most humblesce take on honde,
For thanne myht thou siker stonde:
And forto speke it otherwise,
A proud man can no love assise; 3050
For thogh a womman wolde him plese,
His Pride can noght ben at ese.
[Sidenote: [HUMILITY.]]
Ther mai noman to mochel blame
A vice which is forto blame;
Forthi men scholde nothing hide
That mihte falle in blame of Pride,
Which is the werste vice of alle:
Wherof, so as it was befalle,
The tale I thenke of a Cronique
To telle, if that it mai thee like, 3060
So that thou myht humblesce suie
And ek the vice of Pride eschuie,
Wherof the gloire is fals and vein;
Which god himself hath in desdeign,
That thogh it mounte for a throwe,
It schal doun falle and overthrowe.
xii. _Est virtus humilis, per quam deus altus ad yma_
_Se tulit et nostre viscera carnis habet._
_Sic humilis superest, et amor sibi subditur omnis,_
_Cuius habet nulla sorte superbus opem:_
_Odit eum terra, celum deiecit et ipsum,_[499]
_Sedibus inferni statque receptus ibi._
[Sidenote: [TALE OF THE THREE QUESTIONS.]]
A king whilom was yong and wys,
The which sette of his wit gret pris.
[Sidenote: Hic narrat Confessor exemplum simpliciter
contra Superbiam; et dicit quod nuper quidam Rex famose
prudencie cuidam militi suo super tribus questionibus, vt
inde certitudinis responsionem daret, sub pena capitalis
sentencie terminum prefixit. Primo, quid minoris indigencie
ab inhabitantibus[500] orbem auxilium maius obtinuit.
Secundo, quid maioris valencie meritum[501] continens
minoris expense reprisas exiguit. Tercio, quid omnia
bona diminuens ex sui proprietate nichil penitus valuit.
Quarum vero questionum quedam virgo dicti militis filia
sapientissima nomine patris sui solucionem aggrediens
taliter Regi respondit. Ad primam dixit, quod terra nullius
indiget, quam tamen adiuuare cotidianis laboribus omnes
intendunt. Ad secundam dixit, quod humilitas omnibus
virtutibus prevalet, que tamen nullius prodegalitatis
expensis mensuram excedit. Ad terciam dixit, quod superbia
omnia tam corporis quam anime bona deuastans maiores
expensarum excessus inducit. Et tamen nullius valoris, ymmo
tocius perdicionis, causam sua culpa ministrat.]
Of depe ymaginaciouns
And strange interpretaciouns, 3070
[Sidenote: =P. i. 146=]
Problemes and demandes eke,
His wisdom was to finde and seke;
Wherof he wolde in sondri wise
Opposen hem that weren wise.
Bot non of hem it myhte bere
Upon his word to yeve answere,
Outaken on, which was a knyht;
To him was every thing so liht,
That also sone as he hem herde,
The kinges wordes he answerde; 3080
What thing the king him axe wolde,
Therof anon the trowthe he tolde.
The king somdiel hadde an Envie,
And thoghte he wolde his wittes plie
To sette som conclusioun,
Which scholde be confusioun
Unto this knyht, so that the name
And of wisdom the hihe fame
Toward himself he wolde winne.
And thus of al his wit withinne 3090
This king began to studie and muse,
What strange matiere he myhte use
The knyhtes wittes to confounde;
And ate laste he hath it founde,
And for the knyht anon he sente,
That he schal telle what he mente.
Upon thre pointz stod the matiere
Of questions, as thou schalt hiere.
[Sidenote: i^a questio.]
The ferste point of alle thre
Was this: ‘What thing in his degre 3100
[Sidenote: =P. i. 147=]
Of al this world hath nede lest,
And yet men helpe it althermest?’
[Sidenote: ii^a questio.]
The secounde is: ‘What most is worth,
And of costage is lest put forth?’
[Sidenote: iii^a questio.]
The thridde is: ‘Which is of most cost,
And lest is worth and goth to lost?’
The king thes thre demandes axeth,
And to the knyht this lawe he taxeth,[502]
That he schal gon and come ayein
The thridde weke, and telle him plein 3110
To every point, what it amonteth.
And if so be that he misconteth,
To make in his answere a faile,
Ther schal non other thing availe,
The king seith, bot he schal be ded
And lese hise goodes and his hed.
The knyht was sori of this thing
And wolde excuse him to the king,
Bot he ne wolde him noght forbere,
And thus the knyht of his ansuere[503] 3120
Goth hom to take avisement:
Bot after his entendement
The more he caste his wit aboute,
The more he stant therof in doute.
Tho wiste he wel the kinges herte,
That he the deth ne scholde asterte,[504]
And such a sorwe hath to him take,
That gladschipe he hath al forsake.
He thoghte ferst upon his lif,
And after that upon his wif, 3130
[Sidenote: =P. i. 148=]
Upon his children ek also,
Of whiche he hadde dowhtres tuo;
The yongest of hem hadde of age
Fourtiene yer, and of visage
Sche was riht fair, and of stature
Lich to an hevenely figure,
And of manere and goodli speche,
Thogh men wolde alle Londes seche,
Thei scholden noght have founde hir like.
Sche sih hire fader sorwe and sike, 3140
And wiste noght the cause why;
So cam sche to him prively,
And that was where he made his mone
Withinne a Gardin al him one;
Upon hire knes sche gan doun falle
With humble herte and to him calle,
And seide: ‘O goode fader diere,
Why make ye thus hevy chiere,
And I wot nothing how it is?
And wel ye knowen, fader, this, 3150
What aventure that you felle
Ye myhte it saufly to me telle,
For I have ofte herd you seid,
That ye such trust have on me leid,
That to my soster ne my brother,[505]
In al this world ne to non other,
Ye dorste telle a privite
So wel, my fader, as to me.
Forthi, my fader, I you preie,
Ne casteth noght that herte aweie, 3160
[Sidenote: =P. i. 149=]
For I am sche that wolde kepe
Youre honour.’ And with that to wepe
Hire yhe mai noght be forbore,
Sche wissheth forto ben unbore,
Er that hire fader so mistriste
To tellen hire of that he wiste:
And evere among merci sche cride,
That he ne scholde his conseil hide
From hire that so wolde him good
And was so nyh his fleissh and blod. 3170
So that with wepinge ate laste
His chiere upon his child he caste,
And sorwfulli to that sche preide
He tolde his tale and thus he seide:
‘The sorwe, dowhter, which I make
Is noght al only for my sake,
Bot for thee bothe and for you alle:
For such a chance is me befalle,
That I schal er this thridde day
Lese al that evere I lese may, 3180
Mi lif and al my good therto:
Therfore it is I sorwe so.’
‘What is the cause, helas!’ quod sche,[506]
‘Mi fader, that ye scholden be
Ded and destruid in such a wise?’[507]
And he began the pointz devise,
Whiche as the king told him be mowthe,[508]
And seid hir pleinly that he cowthe[509]
Ansuere unto no point of this.
And sche, that hiereth how it is, 3190
[Sidenote: =P. i. 150=]
Hire conseil yaf and seide tho:
‘Mi fader, sithen it is so,
That ye can se non other weie,
Bot that ye moste nedes deie,
I wolde preie of you a thing:[510]
Let me go with you to the king,
And ye schull make him understonde
How ye, my wittes forto fonde,
Have leid your ansuere upon me;
And telleth him, in such degre 3200
Upon my word ye wole abide[511]
To lif or deth, what so betide.
For yit par chaunce I may pourchace
With som good word the kinges grace,
Your lif and ek your good to save;
For ofte schal a womman have
Thing which a man mai noght areche.’
The fader herde his dowhter speche,
And thoghte ther was resoun inne,[512]
And sih his oghne lif to winne 3210
He cowthe don himself no cure;
So betre him thoghte in aventure
To put his lif and al his good,
Than in the maner as it stod
His lif in certein forto lese.
And thus thenkende he gan to chese
To do the conseil of this Maide,
And tok the pourpos which sche saide.
The dai was come and forth thei gon,
Unto the Court thei come anon, 3220
[Sidenote: =P. i. 151=]
Wher as the king in juggement
Was set and hath this knyht assent.
Arraied in hire beste wise
This Maiden with hire wordes wise
Hire fader ladde be the hond
Into the place, wher he fond
The king with othre whiche he wolde,
And to the king knelende he tolde
As he enformed was tofore,
And preith the king that he therfore 3230
His dowhtres wordes wolde take,
And seith that he wol undertake
Upon hire wordes forto stonde.
Tho was ther gret merveile on honde,
That he, which was so wys a knyht,
His lif upon so yong a wyht
Besette wolde in jeupartie,
And manye it hielden for folie:
Bot ate laste natheles
The king comandeth ben in pes, 3240
And to this Maide he caste his chiere,
And seide he wolde hire tale hiere,
He bad hire speke, and sche began:
‘Mi liege lord, so as I can,’
Quod sche, ‘the pointz of whiche I herde,[513]
Thei schul of reson ben ansuerde.
The ferste I understonde is this,
What thing of al the world it is,
Which men most helpe and hath lest nede.[514]
Mi liege lord, this wolde I rede: 3250
[Sidenote: =P. i. 152=]
The Erthe it is, which everemo
With mannes labour is bego;
Als wel in wynter as in Maii
The mannes hond doth what he mai
To helpe it forth and make it riche,
And forthi men it delve and dyche
And eren it with strengthe of plowh,
Wher it hath of himself ynowh,
So that his nede is ate leste.
For every man and bridd and beste, 3260
And flour and gras and rote and rinde,[515]
And every thing be weie of kynde
Schal sterve, and Erthe it schal become;
As it was out of Erthe nome,[516]
It schal to therthe torne ayein:
And thus I mai be resoun sein
That Erthe is the most nedeles,
And most men helpe it natheles.
So that, my lord, touchende of this
I have ansuerd hou that it is. 3270
That other point I understod,
Which most is worth and most is good,
And costeth lest a man to kepe:
Mi lord, if ye woll take kepe,
I seie it is Humilite,
Thurgh which the hihe trinite
As for decerte of pure love
Unto Marie from above,
Of that he knew hire humble entente,
His oghne Sone adoun he sente, 3280
[Sidenote: =P. i. 153=]
Above alle othre and hire he ches
For that vertu which bodeth pes:
So that I may be resoun calle
Humilite most worth of alle.
And lest it costeth to maintiene,[517]
In al the world as it is sene;
For who that hath humblesce on honde,
He bringth no werres into londe,
For he desireth for the beste
To setten every man in reste. 3290
Thus with your hihe reverence
Me thenketh that this evidence
As to this point is sufficant.
And touchende of the remenant,
Which is the thridde of youre axinges,
What leste is worth of alle thinges,
And costeth most, I telle it, Pride;
Which mai noght in the hevene abide,
For Lucifer with hem that felle
Bar Pride with him into helle.[518] 3300
Ther was Pride of to gret a cost,[519]
Whan he for Pride hath hevene lost;
And after that in Paradis
Adam for Pride loste his pris:
In Midelerthe and ek also
Pride is the cause of alle wo,
That al the world ne may suffise
To stanche of Pride the reprise:
Pride is the heved of alle Sinne,
Which wasteth al and mai noght winne; 3310
[Sidenote: =P. i. 154=]
Pride is of every mis the pricke,
Pride is the werste of alle wicke,
And costneth most and lest is worth[520]
In place where he hath his forth.
Thus have I seid that I wol seie
Of myn answere, and to you preie,
Mi liege lord, of youre office
That ye such grace and such justice
Ordeigne for mi fader hiere,
That after this, whan men it hiere, 3320
The world therof mai speke good.’
The king, which reson understod
And hath al herd how sche hath said,
Was inly glad and so wel paid
That al his wraththe is overgo:
And he began to loke tho
Upon this Maiden in the face,
In which he fond so mochel grace,
That al his pris on hire he leide,
In audience and thus he seide: 3330
‘Mi faire Maide, wel thee be!
Of thin ansuere and ek of thee
Me liketh wel, and as thou wilt,
Foryive be thi fader gilt.
And if thou were of such lignage,
That thou to me were of parage,
And that thi fader were a Pier,
As he is now a Bachilier,
So seker as I have a lif,
Thou scholdest thanne be my wif. 3340
[Sidenote: =P. i. 155=]
Bot this I seie natheles,
That I wol schape thin encress;
What worldes good that thou wolt crave,
Axe of my yifte and thou schalt have.’
And sche the king with wordes wise
Knelende thonketh in this wise:
‘Mi liege lord, god mot you quite!
Mi fader hier hath bot a lite
Of warison, and that he wende
Hadde al be lost; bot now amende 3350
He mai wel thurgh your noble grace.’
With that the king riht in his place
Anon forth in that freisshe hete
An Erldom, which thanne of eschete
Was late falle into his hond,
Unto this knyht with rente and lond
Hath yove and with his chartre sesed;[521]
And thus was all the noise appesed.
This Maiden, which sat on hire knes
Tofore the king, hise charitees 3360
Comendeth, and seide overmore:[522]
‘Mi liege lord, riht now tofore
Ye seide, as it is of record,[523]
That if my fader were a lord
And Pier unto these othre grete,
Ye wolden for noght elles lete,
That I ne scholde be your wif;
And this wot every worthi lif,
A kinges word it mot ben holde.[524]
Forthi, my lord, if that ye wolde 3370
[Sidenote: =P. i. 156=]
So gret a charite fulfille,
God wot it were wel my wille:
For he which was a Bacheler,
Mi fader, is now mad a Pier;[525]
So whenne as evere that I cam,
An Erles dowhter now I am.’
This yonge king, which peised al,
Hire beaute and hir wit withal,
As he that was with love hent,[526]
Anon therto yaf his assent. 3380
He myhte noght the maide asterte,[527]
That sche nis ladi of his herte;
So that he tok hire to his wif,
To holde whyl that he hath lif:
And thus the king toward his knyht
Acordeth him, as it is riht.
And over this good is to wite,
In the Cronique as it is write,
This noble king of whom I tolde
Of Spaine be tho daies olde 3390
The kingdom hadde in governance,
And as the bok makth remembrance,
Alphonse was his propre name:
The knyht also, if I schal name,
Danz Petro hihte, and as men telle,
His dowhter wyse Peronelle[528]
Was cleped, which was full of grace:
And that was sene in thilke place,[529]
Wher sche hir fader out of teene
Hath broght and mad hirself a qweene, 3400
[Sidenote: =P. i. 157=]
Of that sche hath so wel desclosed
[Sidenote: [HUMILITY.]]
The pointz wherof sche was opposed.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo now, my Sone, as thou myht hiere,[530]
Of al this thing to my matiere
Bot on I take, and that is Pride,
To whom no grace mai betide:
In hevene he fell out of his stede,
And Paradis him was forbede,
The goode men in Erthe him hate,
So that to helle he mot algate, 3410
Where every vertu schal be weyved
And every vice be received.[531]
Bot Humblesce is al otherwise,
Which most is worth, and no reprise[532]
It takth ayein, hot softe and faire,
If eny thing stond in contraire,[533]
With humble speche it is redresced:
Thus was this yonge Maiden blessed,
The which I spak of now tofore,
Hire fader lif sche gat therfore, 3420
And wan with al the kinges love.
Forthi, my Sone, if thou wolt love,
It sit thee wel to leve Pride
And take Humblesce upon thi side;
The more of grace thou schalt gete.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, I woll noght foryete
Of this that ye have told me hiere,
And if that eny such manere
Of humble port mai love appaie,
Hierafterward I thenke assaie: 3430
[Sidenote: =P. i. 158=]
Bot now forth over I beseche
That ye more of my schrifte seche.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi goode Sone, it schal be do:
Now herkne and ley an Ere to;
For as touchende of Prides fare,
Als ferforth as I can declare
In cause of vice, in cause of love,
That hast thou pleinly herd above,
So that ther is nomor to seie
Touchende of that; bot other weie 3440
Touchende Envie I thenke telle,
Which hath the propre kinde of helle,
Withoute cause to misdo[534]
Toward himself and othre also,
Hierafterward as understonde[535]
Thou schalt the spieces, as thei stonde.
=Explicit Liber Primus=
LINENOTES:
[213] 1 strecchen vp to h. EC, Δ strecche vp to h. XB₂ (vt)
[214] 8 fforþi (ffor þy) AJME₂E, ΔΛ, FKH₃ ffor H₁YXR ... B₂, B,
W
[215] 10 thing is] þinges E₂H₁Y ... B₂, B noght so] more YX
[216] 13 _margin_ intendit] intendit eciam ERCL intendit et H₁B₂
[217] 23 _margin_ crebre H₁E ... B₂
[218] 26 _margin_ diffundetur B
[219] 37 evere him lest] himself lest (list) H₁YERB₂, B (lust)
[220] 50 aboute is went ACL is aboute went Δ
[221] 51 grace H₁XGERB₂, BΔ
[222] 54 And H₁YERB₂, B
[223] 76 now B.
[224] 80 is him AG
[225] _Latin Verses_ ii. 5 Deuius AJME₂, ΔΛ, FKH₃ Denuus (?)
H₁Y Demum XGEC, B Deinq_ue_ L Deui B₂Sn Veni R
[226] 7 Me] Aere H₁Y_p.m._ERB₂, B
[227] 102 take CL, B
[228] 107 S _resumes_
[229] 109 forsake B
[230] 110 Vnto ... I gan tofare F And to ... forth is he fare
CL And to ... gan I to fare Y To ... I gan fare R To ... I made
me ȝare B₂ Vnto ... my way gan take B _line om._ SnD
[231] 116 oþere A
[232] 120 wisshide FK wisschide S wisshid H₃ _al._ wissched
[233] 130 wismam FK
[234] 160 scheo FK _al._ sche
[235] 161 Ma dame I sayde Iohn Gowere E, B And I answerde wiþ
drery chiere C And I answerd wiþ ful myld chere L _line om._
RB₂SnD
[236] 162 What wolde ȝe wiþ me my l. d. ERLB₂ What wolde ȝe wiþ
me l. d. XGC, B
[237] 163 or elles] or schal I C or L
[238] 164 tell (telle) me H₁YE ... B₂, BΛ, W
[239] 165 of which] which þat CL where of W
[240] 183 þan wolde C þan wold A, B þanne wold S, FK
[241] 200 Prest _om._ B
[242] 208 thee] be Y, B, Magd.
[243] 213 and with] wiþ good B wiþ XC as wiþ Λ
[244] 224 schal] þat A
[245] 227 beleft FK
[246] 232 tome F _al._ to me
[247] 234 sone sone F am _om._ B
[248] 264 I ne conne] I now can (conne) ECLB₂, B I ne now can
XR ne can nowe H₁
[249] 266 awise FK
[250] 277 laste (last) JYRCL, BΔΛ
[251] 278 vice H₁ ... B₂, B
[252] 281 aman F
[253] 288 The] þo B
[254] 293 the] þer F
[255] 294 tome FK _al._ to me awise F wise AEC, B
[256] 295 scholde (schuld) me H₁ ... B₂, B
[257] 298 mispended XR, FWKH₃ so myspended B₂
[258] 310 manye suche S manye such F many suche AC
[259] 318 Haþ M ... RLB₂, B
[260] 334 _margin_ exemplum _om._ AM
[261] 335 whilon FK
[262] 339 Vp sette S, F Vpsette AC, B
[262m] 339 _margin_ spaciaret B
[263] 349 atide FK
[264] 353 floures freische H₁ ... B₂, B
[265] 355 Trostle FK
[266] 357 wher was] in to (into) H₁ ... B₂, B
[267] 365 many nimphes Sn, B many Nimphe YEC many simphe RLB₂
mani a maiden Δ
[268] 368 for anger þerof swal(l) H₁EXG, B for anger þerfor
swal YR for anger þerof schall CLB₂ therefore for anger schall
DAr
[269] 370 and the] in to CL in þe B₂
[270] 371 taken] in fourme L _om._ B₂
[271] 374 aroute F
[272] 377 hondes FK
[273] 388 and seiþ RCLB₂ and says W
[274] 391 and hadde CLB₂, W
[275] 397 bore] boþe FWKH₃Magd.
[276] 423 he, as it fell] as it befel (_om._ he) C as it fel L,
W
[277] 425 These] þis A
[278] 430 Haþ B, W
[279] 441 wel AJE₂C, S, FKH₃ wil (wille) YXGERLB₂, BΔ, W wol(e)
MH₁, Magd.
[280] 447 and _om._ B.
[281] 454, 458 aman FK
[282] 470 _margin_ aspidis B
[283] 476 _margin_ firmissimo H₁GRCLB₂
[284] 481 oþre SB, F _rest_ oþer
[285] 488 womman A a wom_m_an MXGCLB₂
[286] 491 bereþ XRCLB₂, B
[287] 505 tho] þe JE₂H₁ ... B₂, B, W H₃Magd. so ΔΛ
[288] 522 atte (at) laste XEC, B
[289] 531 myht S might AC, B myhte F
[290] 549 yhe B
[291] _Latin Verses_ v. 1 Aquilaq_ue_ F
[292] 8 sub latitante J, S, F sublatitante AC, B
[293] 582 _margin_ primitus declarat A ... B₂, S ... Δ
[294] 580 ferste C, S ferst A, F first B
[295] 584 I _om._ FKH₃
[296] 593 be knowen FK
[297] 604 toforn Y, B, W
[298] 608 _margin_ Ipocrisis Relig. _om._ AM, B
[299] 610 word L, B
[300] 610 _margin_ Ipocr. eccles. _om._ A
[301] 626 gan AM schal R
[302] 627 þe JE₂H₁ ... B₂, B, W
[303] 630 That] þay (þai) X ... B₂, B
[304] 656 and of] and AM and seynt H₁
[305] 674 _margin_ Hic tractat--innocentes _om._ A.
[306] 704 bereþ (berþ) lowest seil AH₁ ... B₂, B, Magd.
[307] 723 tomy F
[308] 732 put A, SB, F putte C
[309] 756 the hit like W it be like H₁L it be liking C
[310] 773 _margin_ do_min_i se esse fingens ME₂ do_min_i se
esse fingentes A
[311] 775 Ther(e) AM
[312] 776 stonde RCLB₂ stant H₁GE
[313] 782 Duck A, F Duk (duk) SB Duke C
[314] 820 he] the B, W that H₁
[315] 834 ffeigned AMH₁XLB₂, W (ffeignet) þey feigned C
[316] 837 seyt vs B _p.m._ Prestes] present B
[317] 876 lofte H₁ ... B₂
[318] 884 biddeþ B
[319] 886 al _om._ B
[320] 893 wolde AM
[321] 896 hath] þat B
[322] 903 to H₁ ... L vnto B₂
[323] 924 al to] for to A
[324] 975 me _om._ B
[325] 1013 put SB, F putte AC
[326] 1015 a] o C, B
[327] 1023 seid A, S seyd B seide F
[328] 1027 diustres A
[329] 1036 haþ hem AME₂H₁L, W (has hem) be schrewed FK
[330] 1059 veniance XRCLB₂
[331] 1067 menable AJYXG, SAdΔ, F meuable (moeuable) ELB₂, B,
WH₃ _doubtful_ MH₁RC, Magd.
[332] 1068 al tobroken (al to broke &c.) AMERCB₂, Ad, FH₃Magd.
alto brosten E₂L
[333] 1079 it] hem H₁ ... ECLB₂, B he R
[334] 1083 _margin_ inter virum et virum] inter virum H₁E ...
B₂ inter viros XG
[335] 1090 _margin_ hoc _om._ AM
[336] 1093 _margin_ in templo _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[337] 1099 _margin_ deuastarunt] demonstrarunt A
[338] 1115 stood in a cord B
[339] 1118 þus M ... R, BAd, WH₃Magd.
[340] 1125 ȝiuen A
[341] 1145 tosmale F
[342] 1162 token] toke(n) her(e) CLB₂
[343] 1165 trossen ECL trussen H₁R tuossen B₂
[344] 1172 Symon H₁CLB₂, FWH₃Magd. mad _om._ AM
[345] 1197 the wordes that] þe which B
[346] 1210 _margin_ Confessor _om._ A
[347] 1216 thi] þe XR, B
[348] _Latin Verses_ vi. 4 reflectat H₁ ... CB₂ ne flectat L
[349] 1252 _margin_ Confessor _om._ S, F
[350] 1257 schat F
[351] 1263 ne] me H₁ ... B₂, BΛ (l. 1263 _om._ Ad)
[352] 1273 f. _margin_ Opp. Conf. Resp. Am. _om._ A
[353] 1280 myhte A myht S, F
[354] 1286 pourchace A
[355] 1303 is] þis AME₂, þis is Δ, W
[356] 1304 point] ioint GCLB₂, W
[357] 1310 For ofte] fful ofte (ffulofte) H₁ ... B₂, B
[358] 1314 other] anoþer (an oþer) H₁XRLB₂, BΔ
[359] 1336 treweliche in oþre A
[360] 1338 Touchend vnto H₁ ... B₂, B Touchende of (Touchand
of) SAdΔ,H₃
[361] _Latin Verses_ vii. 4 munere B
[362] 1345 compleingte F
[363] 1347 _margin_ deseruiunt A, SB deseruiant FK
[364] 1376 _margin_ Amans _om._ A
[365] 1378 Compleingte F
[366] 1384 Of ... of YXE ... L, B Of ... or GB₂ ... and (_om._
Or) H₁
[367] 1396 _margin_ Confessor _om._ A
[368] 1396 and] as B
[369] 1403-6 _These four lines in third recension only: the
others have two, given thus in_ A,
And in ensample of þis matiere
A tale I fynde, as þou schalt hiere.
_Below this in_ A, Exemplum super eodem.
[370] 1408 knyht _om._ A
[371] 1416 for to] wold he B
[372] 1417 _margin_ amoris q_ue_ A ... B₂, Λ
[373] 1420 _margin_ t_ra_nsformauit A
[374] 1440 despitesoun A
[375] 1464 _line om._ B
[376] 1479 in loue Sn, B of loue W
[377] 1483 Wher as] þer as AME₂XG
[378] 1492 thei _om._ AM
[379] 1500 an oþre S, F
[380] 1505 Such o þing ME₂, S, FH₃ Suiche one þi_n_g Δ Such a
þing AJH₁ ... B₂, BAd, W
[381] 1509 in to E ... B₂, B to H₃
[382] 1555 That AM
[383] 1573 haue A
[384] 1578 put SB, F putte AC
[385] 1626 þunsemylieste FK þunsemelieste B
[386] 1632 acord B
[387] 1648 Ȝiue AC, B Ȝif F
[388] 1652 þe AMH₁, Ad, H₃
[389] 1693 proferþ H₁, Ad, F p_ro_furt W _rest_ profreþ,
profereþ
[390] 1704 Canele] þe Canele YG ... B₂, B
[391] 1755 hid] it MYX ... CB₂, B diȝt L
[392] 1768 cleped X ... B₂, B cleput W
[393] 1770 entent(e) þe wedde X ... CB₂, BΛ entent was wedde I,
Δ, W
[394] 1785 on] of X ... B₂, BΛ fole F
[395] 1793 ben] beþ RCLB₂ buþ AM
[396] 1809 seide (sayde) for to X ... B₂, B saide þat for to W
[397] 1822 ȝe lust AM thu liste H₁ þou list Δ ȝe wyl Sn, W
(wille)
[398] 1839 Bot] Boþ(e) H₁ ... B₂, BΔΛ, W
[399] 1881 f. _om._ SAdΔΛ
[400] 1889 alle þing B, W al þis þing M
[401] 1891 him] it AM
[402] 1895 þurghsoght S þurgh-soght F
[403] 1906 good YXERCB₂, H₃
[404] 1931 noman] no wom_m_an YXGERB₂, B
[405] 1934 me noght] not (nouȝt) me X ... B₂, BΔ
[406] 1940 þis cas B
[407] 1958 a _om._ MGERCB₂, B
[408] 1960 For] But B wold(e) JX ... B₂, B
[409] 1966 Than_n_e F Than AC, B
[410] 2005 strengthe] triste (truste) X ... B₂, B
[411] 2009 wil B
[412] 2017-20 _For these four lines_ SAdΔ _have two_,--
Wherof þou miht þiselue lere,
I þenke telle, as þou schalt hiere.
[413] 2026 moone (mone) XGR, B
[414] 2041 pilgrimis (pilgrims &c.) AJMXRLB₂ peregrins B
pilgrins H₁
[415] 2043 Thei] That H₁, FWKH₃Magd.
[416] 2049 pur charite MX ... B₂, BΔ, W
[417] 2054 his lordes XGECB₂, B
[418] 2078 beleft FK belefte A
[419] 2088 hire] his H₁ ... B₂, B, W
[420] 2105 An F
[421] 2122 which was E, B which is G and was L
[422] 2159 Hire FK
[423] 2171 Sherte F
[424] 2173 go biseche B
[425] 2179 schortes M, FK _rest_ schertes (shirtes &c.)
[426] 2181 hanged(e) AMH₁, Δ, W (honget)
[427] 2191 become FK
[428] 2208 wot] not AM
[429] 2224 mai] haþ B
[430] 2234 am I] a man C, B
[431] 2251 And] as B
[432] 2260 som ensample] by som weie B
[433] 2261 in _om._ XE ... B₂
[434] 2265 f.
To man in any maner side
He may wel nowher þan abide R
To man in eny maner side
It may to him nouȝt wel betide B₂
CL _combine the above with the reading of the text_.
[435] 2267-74 _Eight lines found thus in copies of the third
recension_, FWKH₃ &c., _and also in_ H₁. _The rest have four,
given as follows by_ S,
fforþi eschuie it I þe rede
ffor in Ouide a tale I rede
How þat a man was ouertake
Wherof þou myht ensample take.
[436] 2293 _margin_ pronus] proulis XE ... B₂
[437] 2294 to _om._ B, W
[438] 2299 The grete] A grete AM, W
[439] 2300 vpon AJ, Ad, FH₃ on þe XERC, B vpon the H₁
[440] 2302 _margin_ poterat B
[441] 2332 neuer mighte B
[442] 2335 a ferr J, SB, F aferr A
[443] 2343-58 _Sixteen lines found only in third recension
copies_, FWKH₃ &c., _and in_ H₁
[444] 2369-72 _third recension and_ H₁ _only_
[445] 2379 And X ... B₂, B
[446] 2380 and preie] I preie (prey) XGECLB₂, B I seigh R
[447] 2386 euermo JMH₁XGRLB₂, BΔ, W
[448] 2396 aplace AM
[449] 2398 al _om._ H₁, FH₃
[450] 2410 wynd] hunt(e) H₁YX ... L, B haunt B₂
[451] 2416 _margin_ verecundia M ... B₂, Ad vecundia W
[452] 2421 tok (took) J, B, F toke AC
[453] 2423 Of JX ... B₂, B, W
[454] 2457 myht (might) JC, B myhte A, S, F
[455] 2460 ferste S ferst A, B, F
[456] 2473 _margin_ testum H₁ ... B₂ (E _corr._ testam)
[457] 2488 dwelled JMEB₂, Δ, W (dwellet) duelleþ XGRCL
[458] 2489 _margin_ statim] statum G statutum XE ... B₂
[459] 2497 agrieued B
[460] 2501 ate] of þe B
[461] 2511 Embroudred F _rest_ Embrowded (Embroudid &c.)
[462] 2544 is] was H₁ ... B₂, B
[463] 2569 had C, SB, F hadde A haþ J
[464] 2611 thi] þe JH₁ ... B₂, BΛ
[465] 2622 Hath mad] Made H₁ ... B₂, B
[466] 2658 he] who AM
[467] 2669 ȝe me wole] ȝe wol (wil) me L, Δ ȝe wol(e) AM me wol
H₃
[468] 2687 þerfor AM, W þer on Ad alite A, SB, F, &c.
[469] 2705 _margin_ Salomon. Amictus--eo _in third recension
only_.
[470] 2713 f. _This text only in copies of third recension_,
F(_in ras._)WKH₃ &c. _The rest have_,
So ouerglad þat purgatoire
Ne myhte abregge his veine gloire
[471] 2751 nam] am H₁ ... B₂, W on] an AJ
[472] 2770 þou þenkeþ (þenkþ) AXRCLB₂ þou þenke M ȝe þenke
(þinke) H₁Sn, Δ ȝe thenketh (ye þinketh) Ad, W
[473] _Latin Verses_ xi. 5 immunis H₁XGECLB₂, B
[474] 2789 in the orient Δ, WH₃
[475] 2796 _margin_ subito transmutauit A ... B₂, S ... Δ
[476] 2801 good FKH₃ godd (god) A ... B₂, S ... Δ, W
[477] 2812 a foretokene K a fortoken W aforetokne S, F
afortokene R a fore tokne (token) JXEC, H₃ afore tokne (-en)
AMH₁GLB₂, BAdΔ
[478] 2835 defoule] do foule X ... B₂ doune falle H₁
[479] 2836 do] to H₁XE ... B₂
[480] 2839 his Pride] þis pride H₁ ... CB₂ þis tre L
[481] 2847 be _om._ H₁ ... B₂, H₃ þurghknowe A, F þurgh knowe
J, SB
[482] 2863 it _om._ H₁XERCB₂ that L, W
[483] 2869 his B þe MX
[484] 2874 As] And H₁ ... L
[485] 2885 wode B
[486] 2891 al] of H₁ ... B₂ (ofte R)
[487] 2898 a rodd AJ, B arodd S, FK
[488] 2903 falle H₁ ... B₂, W
[489] 2905 The A
[490] 2953 weie] wele H₁ ... B₂
[491] 2988 blew(e) M, B
[492] 2990 Such] Which H₁ ... B₂
[493] 2997 for] þe H₁ ... B₂ of KH₃ _om._ W
[494] 3000 fulwoful A, F ful woful J, B
[495] 3010 the riche _om._ B
[496] 3011 wight B, F wiht AJ, S
[497] 3023 and speche JH₁L, FWH₃ of speche AM ... CB₂, S ... Δ
[498] 3027 braieth] preieþ (prayeþ) H₁ ... B₂, W
[499] _Latin Verses_ xii. 5 eum] eni_m_ B
[500] 3078 _margin_ habitantibus H₁ ... B₂, BΛ
[501] 3080 _margin_ valencie meritum] meriti H₁ ... B₂, BΛ
[502] 3108 he _om._ KH₃
[503] 3120 his] þis X ... B₂
[504] 3126 schal AM
[505] 3155 ne my] ne to my GRB₂, AdΔΛ, W (nor to my) and my H₁
[506] 3183 helas A, S, F A las J allas B &c.
[507] 3185 a _om._ E, B
[508] 3187 told SB, F tolde AJ
[509] 3188 seid (seyd) B, F seide AJ he ne cowþe H₁XGRCLB₂
[510] 3195 pray yow of BΔ o þing B
[511] 3201 I wole XERCB₂
[512] 3209 þought þat þer was XGRCLB₂
[513] 3245 pointes (pointz) which(e) H₁ ... B₂, B, WKH₃
(pointes which as L)
[514] 3249 hath lest nede] haþ most nede R han most nede XEC
han lest nede B₂
[515] 3261 And] Of H₁ ... B₂, B
[516] 3264 of þe erþe AMB₂, Δ
[517] 3285 to] in AM
[518] 3300 into] to AM
[519] 3301 grete (gret) cost MH₁G, B
[520] 3313 costeþ H₁XLB₂, BΔ, H₃ costs W
[521] 3357 seled F
[522] 3361 euermore MX ... B₂, B, W
[523] 3363 as] and H₁ ... B₂, B
[524] 3369 it mot ben] mot (mote) nede be H₁ ... B₂, BΛ
[525] 3374 mad a Pier] an Erl(e) hier H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[526] 3379 that] which H₁ ... B₂, B
[527] 3381 maide] place H₁ ... B₂, BΛ
[528] 3396 His doughtres (doghter) name Peronelle H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[529] 3398 sene (seene) A, B scene S, F schene (_om._ was) J
[530] 3403 myht] may H₁ ... B₂
[531] 3412 be] schal be H₁ ... B₂
[532] 3414 worþy and no prise X ... CB₂ worth and no prise H₁
worþy and of no prise LSn, Λ worth and of no reprise W
[533] 3416 And it is alway debonaire H₁ ... B₂, Λ stond J, S, F
stonde A, B
[534] 3443 to misdo] of þing misdo H₁ ... CB₂ of nothing mysdo L
[535] 3445 as] as I AJL, Λ, W
[Sidenote: =P. i. 159=]
Incipit Liber Secundus.
[Sidenote: [ENVY.]]
i. _Inuidie culpa magis est attrita dolore,_
_Nam sua mens nullo tempore leta manet:_
_Quo gaudent alii, dolet ille, nec vnus amicus_
_Est, cui de puro comoda velle facit._
_Proximitatis honor sua corda veretur, et omnis_
_Est sibi leticia sic aliena dolor._
_Hoc etenim vicium quam sepe repugnat amanti,_
_Non sibi, set reliquis, dum fauet ipsa Venus._
_Est amor ex proprio motu fantasticus, et que_
_Gaudia fert alius, credit obesse sibi._[536] (10)
Now after Pride the secounde
Ther is, which many a woful stounde
[Sidenote: Hic in secundo libro tractat de Inuidia et eius
speciebus, quarum dolor alterius gaudii prima nuncupatur,
cuius condicionem secundum vicium Confessor primitus
describens, Amanti, quatenus amorem concernit, super eodem
consequenter opponit.]
Towardes othre berth aboute
Withinne himself and noght withoute;
For in his thoght he brenneth evere,
Whan that he wot an other levere
Or more vertuous than he,
Which passeth him in his degre;
Therof he takth his maladie:
That vice is cleped hot Envie. 10
Forthi, my Sone, if it be so
Thou art or hast ben on of tho,
As forto speke in loves cas,
[Sidenote: [i. SORROW FOR ANOTHER MAN’S JOY.]]
If evere yit thin herte was
[Sidenote: =P. i. 160=]
Sek of an other mannes hele?
So god avance my querele,
Mi fader, ye, a thousend sithe:
Whanne I have sen an other blithe
Of love, and hadde a goodly chiere,
Ethna, which brenneth yer be yere, 20
Was thanne noght so hot as I
Of thilke Sor which prively
Min hertes thoght withinne brenneth.
The Schip which on the wawes renneth,
And is forstormed and forblowe,
Is noght more peined for a throwe
Than I am thanne, whanne I se
An other which that passeth me
In that fortune of loves yifte.
Bot, fader, this I telle in schrifte, 30
That is nowher bot in o place;[537]
For who that lese or finde grace
In other stede, it mai noght grieve:
Bot this ye mai riht wel believe,
Toward mi ladi that I serve,
Thogh that I wiste forto sterve,
Min herte is full of such sotie,
That I myself mai noght chastie.
Whan I the Court se of Cupide
Aproche unto my ladi side 40
Of hem that lusti ben and freisshe,--
Thogh it availe hem noght a reisshe,
Bot only that thei ben in speche,--
My sorwe is thanne noght to seche:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 161=]
Bot whan thei rounen in hire Ere,
Than groweth al my moste fere,
And namly whan thei talen longe;
My sorwes thanne be so stronge
Of that I se hem wel at ese,
I can noght telle my desese. 50
Bot, Sire, as of my ladi selve,
Thogh sche have wowers ten or twelve,
For no mistrust I have of hire
Me grieveth noght, for certes, Sire,
I trowe, in al this world to seche,
Nis womman that in dede and speche
Woll betre avise hire what sche doth,
Ne betre, forto seie a soth,
Kepe hire honour ate alle tide,[538]
And yit get hire a thank beside.[539] 60
Bot natheles I am beknowe,
That whanne I se at eny throwe,
Or elles if I mai it hiere,
That sche make eny man good chiere,
Thogh I therof have noght to done,
Mi thought wol entermette him sone.
For thogh I be miselve strange,
Envie makth myn herte change,
That I am sorghfully bestad
Of that I se an other glad 70
With hire; bot of other alle,[540]
Of love what so mai befalle,
Or that he faile or that he spede,
Therof take I bot litel heede.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 162=]
Now have I seid, my fader, al
As of this point in special,
Als ferforthli as I have wist.
Now axeth further what you list.[541]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, er I axe eny more,
I thenke somdiel for thi lore 80
Telle an ensample of this matiere
Touchende Envie, as thou schalt hiere.
Write in Civile this I finde:
Thogh it be noght the houndes kinde
To ete chaf, yit wol he werne
An Oxe which comth to the berne,
Therof to taken eny fode.
And thus, who that it understode,
It stant of love in many place:
Who that is out of loves grace 90
And mai himselven noght availe,
He wolde an other scholde faile;[542]
And if he may put eny lette,
He doth al that he mai to lette.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF ACIS AND GALATEA.]]
Wherof I finde, as thou schalt wite,
To this pourpos a tale write.[543]
Ther ben of suche mo than twelve,
That ben noght able as of hemselve
To gete love, and for Envie
Upon alle othre thei aspie; 100
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum saltem contra istos
qui in amoris causa aliorum gaudiis inuidentes nequaquam
per hoc sibi ipsis proficiunt. Et narrat, qualiter quidam
iuuenis miles nomine Acis, quem Galathea Nimpha pulcherrima
toto corde peramauit, cum ipsi sub quadam rupe iuxta litus
maris colloquium adinuicem habuerunt, Poliphemus Gigas
concussa rupe magnam inde partem super caput Acis ab alto
proiciens ipsum per inuidiam interfecit. Et cum ipse super
hoc dictam Galatheam rapere[544] voluisset, Neptunus Giganti
obsistens ipsam inuiolatam salua custodia preseruauit.
Set et[546] dii miserti corpus Acis defuncti in fontem aque
dulcissime subito transmutarunt.]
And for hem lacketh that thei wolde,
Thei kepte that non other scholde
Touchende of love his cause spede:
Wherof a gret ensample I rede,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 163=]
Which unto this matiere acordeth,
As Ovide in his bok recordeth,
How Poliphemus whilom wroghte,
Whan that he Galathee besoghte
Of love, which he mai noght lacche.
That made him forto waite and wacche 110
Be alle weies how it ferde,
Til ate laste he knew and herde
How that an other hadde leve
To love there as he mot leve,
As forto speke of eny sped:
So that he knew non other red,
Bot forto wayten upon alle,[545]
Til he may se the chance falle
That he hire love myhte grieve,
Which he himself mai noght achieve. 120
This Galathee, seith the Poete,
Above alle othre was unmete
Of beaute, that men thanne knewe,[547]
And hadde a lusti love and trewe,
A Bacheler in his degree,
Riht such an other as was sche,
On whom sche hath hire herte set,
So that it myhte noght be let
For yifte ne for no beheste,[548]
That sche ne was al at his heste. 130
This yonge knyht Acis was hote,
Which hire ayeinward als so hote
Al only loveth and nomo.
Hierof was Poliphemus wo
[Sidenote: =P. i. 164=]
Thurgh pure Envie, and evere aspide,
And waiteth upon every side,[549]
Whan he togedre myhte se
This yonge Acis with Galathe.
So longe he waiteth to and fro,
Til ate laste he fond hem tuo, 140
In prive place wher thei stode
To speke and have here wordes goode.
The place wher as he hem syh,
It was under a banke nyh
The grete See, and he above
Stod and behield the lusti love
Which ech of hem to other made
With goodly chiere and wordes glade,
That al his herte hath set afyre[550]
Of pure Envie: and as a fyre[551] 150
Which fleth out of a myhti bowe,
Aweie he fledde for a throwe,
As he that was for love wod,
Whan that he sih how that it stod.
This Polipheme a Geant was;
And whan he sih the sothe cas,
How Galathee him hath forsake
And Acis to hire love take,
His herte mai it noght forbere
That he ne roreth lich a Bere;[552] 160
And as it were a wilde beste,
The whom no reson mihte areste,[553]
He ran Ethna the hell aboute,
Wher nevere yit the fyr was oute,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 165=]
Fulfild of sorghe and gret desese,
That he syh Acis wel at ese.
Til ate laste he him bethoghte,
As he which al Envie soghte,
And torneth to the banke ayein,
Wher he with Galathee hath seyn 170
Acis, whom that he thoghte grieve,
Thogh he himself mai noght relieve.
This Geant with his ruide myht
Part of the banke he schof doun riht,
The which evene upon Acis fell,
So that with fallinge of this hell[554]
This Poliphemus Acis slowh,
Wherof sche made sorwe ynowh.
And as sche fledde fro the londe,
Neptunus tok hire into honde 180
And kept hire in so sauf a place[555]
Fro Polipheme and his manace,
That he with al his false Envie
Ne mihte atteigne hir compaignie.
This Galathee of whom I speke,
That of hirself mai noght be wreke,
Withouten eny semblant feigned
Sche hath hire loves deth compleigned,
And with hire sorwe and with hire wo
Sche hath the goddes moeved so, 190
That thei of pite and of grace
Have Acis in the same place,
Ther he lai ded, into a welle[556]
Transformed, as the bokes telle,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 166=]
With freisshe stremes and with cliere,
As he whilom with lusti chiere
Was freissh his love forto qweme.
And with this ruide Polipheme
For his Envie and for his hate
Thei were wrothe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
And thus algate, 200
Mi Sone, thou myht understonde,
That if thou wolt in grace stonde
With love, thou most leve Envie:
And as thou wolt for thi partie
Toward thi love stonde fre,
So most thou soffre an other be,
What so befalle upon the chaunce:
For it is an unwys vengance,
Which to non other man is lief,
And is unto himselve grief. 210
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, this ensample is good;
Bot how so evere that it stod
With Poliphemes love as tho,
It schal noght stonde with me so,
To worchen eny felonie
In love for no such Envie.
Forthi if ther oght elles be,
Now axeth forth, in what degre
It is, and I me schal confesse
With schrifte unto youre holinesse. 220
[Sidenote: [ii. JOY FOR ANOTHER MAN’S GRIEF.]]
ii. _Orta sibi solito mentalia gaudia liuor_[557]
_Dum videt alterius, dampna doloris agit._
_Inuidus obridet hodie fletus aliorum,_
_Fletus cui proprios crastina fata parant._
[Sidenote: =P. i. 167=]
_Sic in amore pari stat sorte iocosus, amantes_[558]
_Cum videt illusos, inuidus ille quasi._
_Sit licet in vacuum, sperat tamen ipse leuamen_
_Alterius casu, lapsus et ipse simul._
Mi goode Sone, yit ther is
A vice revers unto this,
Which envious takth his gladnesse
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur Confessor de secunda specie
Inuidie, que gaudium alterius doloris dicitur, et primo
eiusdem vicii materiam tractans amantis conscienciam super
eodem vlterius inuestigat.]
Of that he seth the hevinesse
Of othre men: for his welfare
Is whanne he wot an other care:
Of that an other hath a fall,
He thenkth himself arist withal.[559]
Such is the gladschipe of Envie
In worldes thing, and in partie 230
Fulofte times ek also
In loves cause it stant riht so.
If thou, my Sone, hast joie had,
Whan thou an other sihe unglad,
Schrif the therof.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, yis:
I am beknowe unto you this.
Of these lovers that loven streyte,
And for that point which thei coveite
Ben poursuiantz fro yeer to yere
In loves Court, whan I may hiere 240
How that thei clymbe upon the whel,
And whan thei wene al schal be wel,
Thei ben doun throwen ate laste,
Thanne am I fedd of that thei faste,
And lawhe of that I se hem loure;
And thus of that thei brewe soure
[Sidenote: =P. i. 168=]
I drinke swete, and am wel esed
Of that I wot thei ben desesed.
Bot this which I you telle hiere
Is only for my lady diere; 250
That for non other that I knowe
Me reccheth noght who overthrowe,
Ne who that stonde in love upriht:
Bot be he squier, be he knyht,
Which to my ladiward poursuieth,
The more he lest of that he suieth,
The mor me thenketh that I winne,
And am the more glad withinne
Of that I wot him sorwe endure.
For evere upon such aventure 260
It is a confort, as men sein,
[Sidenote: Boicius. Consolacio miserorum est habere
consortem in pena.]
To him the which is wo besein
To sen an other in his peine,
So that thei bothe mai compleigne.
Wher I miself mai noght availe
To sen an other man travaile,
I am riht glad if he be let;
And thogh I fare noght the bet,
His sorwe is to myn herte a game:
Whan that I knowe it is the same 270
Which to mi ladi stant enclined,
And hath his love noght termined,
I am riht joifull in my thoght.
If such Envie grieveth oght,
As I beknowe me coupable,
Ye that be wys and resonable,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 169=]
Mi fader, telleth youre avis.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, Envie into no pris
Of such a forme, I understonde,
Ne mihte be no resoun stonde 280
For this Envie hath such a kinde,
That he wole sette himself behinde
To hindre with an othre wyht,
And gladly lese his oghne riht
To make an other lesen his.
And forto knowe how it so is,
A tale lich to this matiere
I thenke telle, if thou wolt hiere,
To schewe proprely the vice
Of this Envie and the malice. 290
[Sidenote: [THE TRAVELLERS AND THE ANGEL.]]
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum presertim contra
illum, qui sponte sui ipsius detrimentum in alterius penam
maiorem patitur. Et narrat quod, cum Iupiter angelum suum
in forma hominis, vt hominum condiciones exploraret,
ab excelso in terram misit, contigit quod ipse angelus
duos homines, quorum vnus cupidus, alter inuidus erat,
itinerando spacio quasi vnius diei comitabatur. Et cum
sero factum esset, angelus eorum noticie seipsum tunc
manifestans dixit, quod quicquid alter eorum ab ipso
donari sibi pecierit, illud statim obtinebit, quod et
socio suo secum comitanti affirmat duplicandum. Super quo
cupidus impeditus auaricia, sperans sibi diuicias carpere[562]
duplicatas, primo petere recusauit. Quod cum inuidus
animaduerteret, naturam sui vicii concernens, ita vt
socius suus vtroque lumine priuaretur, seipsum monoculum
fieri constanter primus ab angelo postulabat. Et sic vnius
inuidia alterius auariciam maculauit.]
Of Jupiter this finde I write,
How whilom that he wolde wite
Upon the pleigntes whiche he herde,
Among the men how that it ferde,
As of here wrong condicion
To do justificacion:
And for that cause doun he sente
An Angel, which aboute wente,[560]
That he the sothe knowe mai.
So it befell upon a dai 300
This Angel, which him scholde enforme,
Was clothed in a mannes forme,
And overtok, I understonde,
Tuo men that wenten over londe,
Thurgh whiche he thoghte to aspie
His cause, and goth in compaignie.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 170=]
This Angel with hise wordes wise
Opposeth hem in sondri wise,
Now lowde wordes and now softe,
That mad hem to desputen ofte,[561] 310
And ech of hem his reson hadde.
And thus with tales he hem ladde
With good examinacioun,
Til he knew the condicioun,
What men thei were bothe tuo;
And sih wel ate laste tho,
That on of hem was coveitous,
And his fela was envious.
And thus, whan he hath knowlechinge,
Anon he feigneth departinge, 320
And seide he mot algate wende.
Bot herkne now what fell at ende:
For thanne he made hem understonde
That he was there of goddes sonde,
And seide hem, for the kindeschipe
That thei have don him felaschipe,
He wole hem do som grace ayein,
And bad that on of hem schal sein
What thing him is lievest to crave,
And he it schal of yifte have; 330
And over that ek forth withal
He seith that other have schal
The double of that his felaw axeth;
And thus to hem his grace he taxeth.
The coveitous was wonder glad,
And to that other man he bad
[Sidenote: =P. i. 171=]
And seith that he ferst axe scholde:
For he supposeth that he wolde
Make his axinge of worldes good;
For thanne he knew wel how it stod, 340
That he himself be double weyhte
Schal after take, and thus be sleyhte,
Be cause that he wolde winne,
He bad his fela ferst beginne.
This Envious, thogh it be late,
Whan that he syh he mot algate.[563]
Make his axinge ferst, he thoghte,
If he worschipe or profit soghte,
It schal be doubled to his fiere:
That wolde he chese in no manere. 350
Bot thanne he scheweth what he was
Toward Envie, and in this cas[564]
Unto this Angel thus he seide
And for his yifte this he preide,[565]
To make him blind of his on yhe,
So that his fela nothing syhe.
This word was noght so sone spoke,
That his on yhe anon was loke,
And his felawh forthwith also
Was blind of bothe his yhen tuo. 360
Tho was that other glad ynowh,
That on wepte, and that other lowh,
He sette his on yhe at no cost,
Wherof that other two hath lost.
Of thilke ensample which fell tho,[566]
Men tellen now fulofte so,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 172=]
The world empeireth comunly:
And yit wot non the cause why;
For it acordeth noght to kinde
Min oghne harm to seche and finde 370
Of that I schal my brother grieve;
It myhte nevere wel achieve.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
What seist thou, Sone, of this folie?
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, bot I scholde lie,
Upon the point which ye have seid
Yit was myn herte nevere leid,
Bot in the wise as I you tolde.[567]
Bot overmore, if that ye wolde[568]
Oght elles to my schrifte seie
Touchende Envie, I wolde preie. 380
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, that schal wel be do:
Now herkne and ley thin Ere to.
[Sidenote: [iii. DETRACTION.]]
iii. _Inuidie pars est detraccio pessima, pestem_
_Que magis infamem flatibus oris agit._[569]
_Lingua venenato sermone repercutit auras,_
_Sic ut in alterius scandala fama volat._
_Morsibus a tergo quos inficit ipsa fideles,_
_Vulneris ignoti sepe salute carent._
_Set generosus amor linguam conseruat, vt eius_
_Verbum quod loquitur nulla sinistra gerat._
Touchende as of Envious brod
I wot noght on of alle good;
Bot natheles, suche as thei be,
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor de tercia specie Inuidie,
que Detraccio dicitur, cuius morsus vipereos lesa quamsepe
fama deplangit.]
Yit is ther on, and that is he
Which cleped is Detraccioun.
And to conferme his accioun,
He hath withholde Malebouche,
Whos tunge neither pyl ne crouche 390
[Sidenote: =P. i. 173=]
Mai hyre, so that he pronounce
A plein good word withoute frounce
Awher behinde a mannes bak.
For thogh he preise, he fint som lak,
Which of his tale is ay the laste,
That al the pris schal overcaste:
And thogh ther be no cause why,
Yit wole he jangle noght forthi,
As he which hath the heraldie
Of hem that usen forto lye. 400
For as the Netle which up renneth[570]
The freisshe rede Roses brenneth
And makth hem fade and pale of hewe,
Riht so this fals Envious hewe,
In every place wher he duelleth,
With false wordes whiche he telleth
He torneth preisinge into blame
And worschipe into worldes schame.
Of such lesinge as he compasseth,[571]
Is non so good that he ne passeth 410
Betwen his teeth and is bacbited,
And thurgh his false tunge endited:
Lich to the Scharnebudes kinde,
Of whos nature this I finde,
That in the hoteste of the dai,
Whan comen is the merie Maii,
He sprat his wynge and up he fleth:
And under al aboute he seth
The faire lusti floures springe,
Bot therof hath he no likinge; 420
[Sidenote: =P. i. 174=]
Bot where he seth of eny beste
The felthe, ther he makth his feste,
And therupon he wole alyhte,
Ther liketh him non other sihte.
Riht so this janglere Envious,
Thogh he a man se vertuous
And full of good condicioun,
Therof makth he no mencioun:
Bot elles, be it noght so lyte,
Wherof that he mai sette a wyte, 430
Ther renneth he with open mouth,
Behinde a man and makth it couth.
Bot al the vertu which he can,
That wole he hide of every man,
And openly the vice telle,
As he which of the Scole of helle
Is tawht, and fostred with Envie
Of houshold and of compaignie,
Wher that he hath his propre office
To sette on every man a vice. 440
How so his mouth be comely,
His word sit evermore awry
And seith the worste that he may.
[Sidenote: [DETRACTION OF LOVERS.]]
And in this wise now a day
In loves Court a man mai hiere
Fulofte pleigne of this matiere,
That many envious tale is stered,
Wher that it mai noght ben ansuered;
Bot yit fulofte it is believed,
And many a worthi love is grieved 450
[Sidenote: =P. i. 175=]
Thurgh bacbitinge of fals Envie.
If thou have mad such janglerie
In loves Court, mi Sone, er this,
Schrif thee therof.
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa huius vicii crimen ad
memoriam reducens Confessor Amanti super eodem plenius
opponit.]
Mi fader, yis:
Bot wite ye how? noght openly,
Bot otherwhile prively,
Whan I my diere ladi mete,
And thenke how that I am noght mete
Unto hire hihe worthinesse,
And ek I se the besinesse 460
Of al this yonge lusty route,
Whiche alday pressen hire aboute,
And ech of hem his time awaiteth,
And ech of hem his tale affaiteth,
Al to deceive an innocent,
Which woll noght ben of here assent;
And for men sein unknowe unkest,[572]
Hire thombe sche holt in hire fest
So clos withinne hire oghne hond,
That there winneth noman lond; 470
Sche lieveth noght al that sche hiereth,
And thus fulofte hirself sche skiereth
And is al war of ‘hadde I wist’:--[573]
Bot for al that myn herte arist,
Whanne I thes comun lovers se,
That woll noght holden hem to thre,
Bot welnyh loven overal,
Min herte is Envious withal,
And evere I am adrad of guile,
In aunter if with eny wyle 480
[Sidenote: =P. i. 176=]
Thei mihte hire innocence enchaunte.
Forthi my wordes ofte I haunte
Behynden hem, so as I dar,
Wherof my ladi may be war:
I sai what evere comth to mowthe,
And worse I wolde, if that I cowthe;
For whanne I come unto hir speche,
Al that I may enquere and seche
Of such deceipte, I telle it al,
And ay the werste in special. 490
So fayn I wolde that sche wiste
How litel thei ben forto triste,
And what thei wolde and what thei mente,
So as thei be of double entente:
Thus toward hem that wicke mene
My wicked word was evere grene.
And natheles, the soth to telle,
In certain if it so befelle
That althertrewest man ybore,
To chese among a thousend score, 500
Which were alfulli forto triste,
Mi ladi lovede, and I it wiste,
Yit rathere thanne he scholde spede,
I wolde swiche tales sprede
To my ladi, if that I myhte,
That I scholde al his love unrihte,
And therto wolde I do mi peine.
For certes thogh I scholde feigne,
And telle that was nevere thoght,
For al this world I myhte noght 510
[Sidenote: =P. i. 177=]
To soffre an othre fully winne,
Ther as I am yit to beginne.
For be thei goode, or be thei badde,
I wolde non my ladi hadde;
And that me makth fulofte aspie
And usen wordes of Envie,
Al forto make hem bere a blame.[574]
And that is bot of thilke same,
The whiche unto my ladi drawe,
For evere on hem I rounge and gknawe 520
And hindre hem al that evere I mai;
And that is, sothly forto say,
Bot only to my lady selve:
I telle it noght to ten ne tuelve,
Therof I wol me wel avise,
To speke or jangle in eny wise
That toucheth to my ladi name,
The which in ernest and in game
I wolde save into my deth;
For me were levere lacke breth 530
Than speken of hire name amis.
Now have ye herd touchende of this,
Mi fader, in confessioun:
And therfor of Detraccioun
In love, of that I have mispoke,
Tel how ye wole it schal be wroke.
I am al redy forto bere
Mi peine, and also to forbere
What thing that ye wol noght allowe;
For who is bounden, he mot bowe. 540
[Sidenote: =P. i. 178=]
So wol I bowe unto youre heste,
For I dar make this beheste,
That I to yow have nothing hid,
Bot told riht as it is betid;
And otherwise of no mispeche,
Mi conscience forto seche,
I can noght of Envie finde,
That I mispoke have oght behinde
Wherof love owhte be mispaid.
Now have ye herd and I have said; 550
What wol ye, fader, that I do?
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, do nomore so,
Bot evere kep thi tunge stille,
Thou miht the more have of thi wille.[575]
For as thou saist thiselven here,
Thi ladi is of such manere,
So wys, so war in alle thinge,
It nedeth of no bakbitinge
That thou thi ladi mis enforme:
For whan sche knoweth al the forme, 560
How that thiself art envious,
Thou schalt noght be so gracious
As thou peraunter scholdest elles.
Ther wol noman drinke of tho welles
Whiche as he wot is puyson inne;
And ofte swich as men beginne
Towardes othre, swich thei finde,
That set hem ofte fer behinde,
Whan that thei wene be before.
Mi goode Sone, and thou therfore 570
[Sidenote: =P. i. 179=]
Bewar and lef thi wicke speche,[576]
Wherof hath fallen ofte wreche
To many a man befor this time.
For who so wole his handes lime,
Thei mosten be the more unclene;
For many a mote schal be sene,
That wolde noght cleve elles there;
And that schold every wys man fere:[577]
For who so wol an other blame,
He secheth ofte his oghne schame, 580
Which elles myhte be riht stille.
Forthi if that it be thi wille
To stonde upon amendement,
A tale of gret entendement
I thenke telle for thi sake,
Wherof thou miht ensample take.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF CONSTANCE.]]
A worthi kniht in Cristes lawe
Of grete Rome, as is the sawe,
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur Confessor contra istos in amoris
causa detrahentes, qui suis obloquiis aliena solacia
perturbant. Et narrat exemplum de Constancia Tiberii
Rome Imparatoris filia, omnium virtutum famosissima,
ob cuius amorem Soldanus tunc Persie, vt eam in vxorem
ducere posset, Cristianum se fieri promisit; cuius accepta
caucione consilio Pelagii tunc pape dicta filia vna cum
duobus Cardinalibus aliisque Rome proceribus in Persiam
maritagii causa nauigio honorifice destinata fuit:[578] que
tamen obloquencium postea detraccionibus variis modis,
prout inferius articulatur, absque sui culpa dolorosa fata
multipliciter passa est.]
The Sceptre hadde forto rihte;
Tiberie Constantin he hihte, 590
Whos wif was cleped Ytalie:
Bot thei togedre of progenie
No children hadde bot a Maide;
And sche the god so wel apaide,
That al the wide worldes fame
Spak worschipe of hire goode name.
Constance, as the Cronique seith,
Sche hihte, and was so ful of feith,
That the greteste of Barbarie,
Of hem whiche usen marchandie, 600
[Sidenote: =P. i. 180=]
Sche hath converted, as thei come
To hire upon a time in Rome,
To schewen such thing as thei broghte;
Whiche worthili of hem sche boghte,
And over that in such a wise
Sche hath hem with hire wordes wise
Of Cristes feith so full enformed,
That thei therto ben all conformed,
So that baptesme thei receiven
And alle here false goddes weyven. 610
Whan thei ben of the feith certein,
Thei gon to Barbarie ayein,
And ther the Souldan for hem sente
And axeth hem to what entente
Thei have here ferste feith forsake.
And thei, whiche hadden undertake
The rihte feith to kepe and holde,
The matiere of here tale tolde
With al the hole circumstance.
And whan the Souldan of Constance 620
Upon the point that thei ansuerde
The beaute and the grace herde,
As he which thanne was to wedde,
In alle haste his cause spedde
To sende for the mariage.
And furthermor with good corage
He seith, be so he mai hire have,
That Crist, which cam this world to save,
He woll believe: and this recorded,
Thei ben on either side acorded, 630
[Sidenote: =P. i. 181=]
And therupon to make an ende
The Souldan hise hostages sende
To Rome, of Princes Sones tuelve:
Wherof the fader in himselve
Was glad, and with the Pope avised
Tuo Cardinals he hath assissed
With othre lordes many mo,
That with his doghter scholden go,
To se the Souldan be converted.
Bot that which nevere was wel herted,
Envie, tho began travaile 640
[Sidenote: Qualiter adueniente Constancia in Barbariam
Mater Soldani, huiusmodi nupcias perturbare volens, filium
suum vna cum dicta Constancia Cardinalibusque et aliis
Romanis primo die ad conuiuium inuitauit; et conuescentibus
illis in mensa ipsum Soldanum omnesque ibidem preter
Constanciam Romanos ab insidiis latitantibus subdola
detraccione interfici procurauit. Ipsamque Constanciam
in quadam naui absque gubernaculo positam per altum mare
ventorum flatibus agitandam in exilium[580] dirigi solam
constituit.]
In destourbance of this spousaile
So prively that non was war.
The Moder which this Souldan bar
Was thanne alyve, and thoghte this
Unto hirself: ‘If it so is
Mi Sone him wedde in this manere,
Than have I lost my joies hiere,
For myn astat schal so be lassed.’[579]
Thenkende thus sche hath compassed 650
Be sleihte how that sche may beguile
Hire Sone; and fell withinne a while,
Betwen hem two whan that thei were,
Sche feigneth wordes in his Ere,
And in this wise gan to seie:
‘Mi Sone, I am be double weie
With al myn herte glad and blithe,
For that miself have ofte sithe
Desired thou wolt, as men seith,
Receive and take a newe feith, 660
[Sidenote: =P. i. 182=]
Which schal be forthringe of thi lif:
And ek so worschipful a wif,
The doughter of an Emperour,
To wedde it schal be gret honour.
Forthi, mi Sone, I you beseche
That I such grace mihte areche,
Whan that my doughter come schal,
That I mai thanne in special,
So as me thenkth it is honeste,
Be thilke which the ferste feste 670
Schal make unto hire welcominge.’[581]
The Souldan granteth hire axinge,
And sche therof was glad ynowh:
For under that anon she drowh
With false wordes that sche spak
Covine of deth behinde his bak.
And therupon hire ordinance
She made so, that whan Constance
Was come forth with the Romeins,
Of clerkes and of Citezeins, 680
A riche feste sche hem made:
And most whan that thei weren glade,
With fals covine which sche hadde
Hire clos Envie tho sche spradde,
And alle tho that hadden be
Or in apert or in prive
Of conseil to the manage,
Sche slowh hem in a sodein rage
Endlong the bord as thei be set,
So that it myhte noght be let; 690
[Sidenote: =P. i. 183=]
Hire oghne Sone was noght quit,
Bot deide upon the same plit.
Bot what the hihe god wol spare
It mai for no peril misfare:
This worthi Maiden which was there
Stod thanne, as who seith, ded for feere,
To se the feste how that it stod,
Which al was torned into blod:
The Dissh forthwith the Coppe and al
Bebled thei weren overal; 700
Sche sih hem deie on every side;
No wonder thogh sche wepte and cride
Makende many a wofull mone.
Whan al was slain bot sche al one,
This olde fend, this Sarazine,
Let take anon this Constantine
With al the good sche thider broghte,
And hath ordeined, as sche thoghte,
A nakid Schip withoute stiere,
In which the good and hire in fiere,[582] 710
Vitailed full for yeres fyve,
Wher that the wynd it wolde dryve,
Sche putte upon the wawes wilde.
Bot he which alle thing mai schilde,
[Sidenote: Qualiter nauis cum Constancia in partes[583]
Anglie, que tunc pagana fuit, prope Humber sub quodam
castello Regis, qui tunc Allee vocabatur, post triennium
applicuit, quam quidam miles nomine Elda, dicti castelli
tunc custos, e naui lete suscipiens vxori sue Hermynghelde
in custodiam honorifice commendauit.]
Thre yer, til that sche cam to londe,
Hire Schip to stiere hath take in honde,
And in Northumberlond aryveth;
And happeth thanne that sche dryveth
Under a Castel with the flod,
Which upon Humber banke stod 720
[Sidenote: =P. i. 184=]
And was the kynges oghne also,
The which Allee was cleped tho,
A Saxon and a worthi knyht,
Bot he believeth noght ariht.
Of this Castell was Chastellein
Elda the kinges Chamberlein,
A knyhtly man after his lawe;
And whan he sih upon the wawe
The Schip drivende al one so,
He bad anon men scholden go 730
To se what it betokne mai.
This was upon a Somer dai,
The Schip was loked and sche founde;
Elda withinne a litel stounde
It wiste, and with his wif anon
Toward this yonge ladi gon,
Wher that thei founden gret richesse;
Bot sche hire wolde noght confesse,
Whan thei hire axen what sche was.
And natheles upon the cas 740
Out of the Schip with gret worschipe
Thei toke hire into felaschipe,
As thei that weren of hir glade:
Bot sche no maner joie made,
Bot sorweth sore of that sche fond
No cristendom in thilke lond;
Bot elles sche hath al hire wille,
And thus with hem sche duelleth stille.
Dame Hermyngheld, which was the wif
Of Elda, lich hire oghne lif 750
[Sidenote: Qualiter Constancia[584] Eldam[585] cum vxore
sua Hermynghelda, qui antea Cristiani non extiterant, ad
fidem Cristi miraculose conuertit.]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 185=]
Constance loveth; and fell so,
Spekende alday betwen hem two,
Thurgh grace of goddes pourveance
This maiden tawhte the creance
Unto this wif so parfitly,
Upon a dai that faste by
In presence of hire housebonde,
Wher thei go walkende on the Stronde,
A blind man, which cam there lad,
Unto this wif criende he bad, 760
With bothe hise hondes up and preide
To hire, and in this wise he seide:
‘O Hermyngeld, which Cristes feith,
Enformed as Constance seith,
Received hast, yif me my sihte.’
Upon his word hire herte afflihte
Thenkende what was best to done,
Bot natheles sche herde his bone
And seide, ‘In trust of Cristes lawe,
Which don was on the crois and slawe, 770
Thou bysne man, behold and se.’
With that to god upon his kne
Thonkende he tok his sihte anon,
Wherof thei merveile everychon,
Bot Elda wondreth most of alle:
This open thing which is befalle
Concludeth him be such a weie,
That he the feith mot nede obeie.
Now lest what fell upon this thing.
[Sidenote: Qualiter quidam miles iuuenis in amorem
Constancie exardescens, pro eo quod ipsa assentire[586]
noluit, eam de morte Hermynghelde, quam ipsemet noctanter
interfecit, verbis detractoriis accusauit. Set Angelus
domini ipsum sic detrahentem in maxilla subito percuciens
non solum pro mendace comprobauit, set ictu mortali post
ipsius confessionem penitus interfecit.]
This Elda forth unto the king 780
[Sidenote: =P. i. 186=]
A morwe tok his weie and rod,
And Hermyngeld at home abod
Forth with Constance wel at ese.
Elda, which thoghte his king to plese,
As he that thanne unwedded was,
Of Constance al the pleine cas
Als goodliche as he cowthe tolde.
The king was glad and seide he wolde
Come thider upon such a wise
That he him mihte of hire avise, 790
The time apointed forth withal.
This Elda triste in special
Upon a knyht, whom fro childhode
He hadde updrawe into manhode:
To him he tolde al that he thoghte,
Wherof that after him forthoghte;
And natheles at thilke tide
Unto his wif he bad him ride
To make redi alle thing
Ayein the cominge of the king, 800
And seith that he himself tofore
Thenkth forto come, and bad therfore
That he him kepe, and told him whanne.[587]
This knyht rod forth his weie thanne;
And soth was that of time passed
He hadde in al his wit compassed
How he Constance myhte winne;
Bot he sih tho no sped therinne,
Wherof his lust began tabate,
And that was love is thanne hate; 810
[Sidenote: =P. i. 187=]
Of hire honour he hadde Envie,
So that upon his tricherie
A lesinge in his herte he caste.
Til he cam home he hieth faste,
And doth his ladi tunderstonde[588]
The Message of hire housebonde:
And therupon the longe dai
Thei setten thinges in arrai,
That al was as it scholde be
Of every thing in his degree; 820
And whan it cam into the nyht,
This wif hire hath to bedde dyht,
Wher that this Maiden with hire lay.
This false knyht upon delay
Hath taried til thei were aslepe,
As he that wolde his time kepe
His dedly werkes to fulfille;
And to the bed he stalketh stille,
Wher that he wiste was the wif,
And in his hond a rasour knif 830
He bar, with which hire throte he cutte,
And prively the knif he putte
Under that other beddes side,[589]
Wher that Constance lai beside.
Elda cam hom the same nyht,
And stille with a prive lyht,
As he that wolde noght awake
His wif, he hath his weie take
Into the chambre, and ther liggende
He fond his dede wif bledende, 840
[Sidenote: =P. i. 188=]
Wher that Constance faste by
Was falle aslepe; and sodeinly
He cride alowd, and sche awok,
And forth withal sche caste a lok[590]
And sih this ladi blede there,
Wherof swounende ded for fere
Sche was, and stille as eny Ston
She lay, and Elda therupon
Into the Castell clepeth oute,
And up sterte every man aboute, 850
Into the chambre and forth thei wente.
Bot he, which alle untrouthe mente,
This false knyht, among hem alle
Upon this thing which is befalle
Seith that Constance hath don this dede;
And to the bed with that he yede
After the falshed of his speche,
And made him there forto seche,
And fond the knif, wher he it leide,
And thanne he cride and thanne he seide,[591] 860
‘Lo, seth the knif al blody hiere!
What nedeth more in this matiere
To axe?’ And thus hire innocence
He sclaundreth there in audience
With false wordes whiche he feigneth.
Bot yit for al that evere he pleigneth,
Elda no full credence tok:
And happeth that ther lay a bok,
Upon the which, whan he it sih,
This knyht hath swore and seid on hih, 870
[Sidenote: =P. i. 189=]
That alle men it mihte wite,
‘Now be this bok, which hier is write,
Constance is gultif, wel I wot.’
With that the hond of hevene him smot
In tokne of that he was forswore,
That he hath bothe hise yhen lore,
Out of his hed the same stounde
Thei sterte, and so thei weren founde.
A vois was herd, whan that they felle,
Which seide, ‘O dampned man to helle, 880
Lo, thus hath god the sclaundre wroke
That thou ayein Constance hast spoke:[592]
Beknow the sothe er that thou dye.’
And he told out his felonie,[593]
And starf forth with his tale anon.
Into the ground, wher alle gon,
This dede lady was begrave:
Elda, which thoghte his honour save,
Al that he mai restreigneth sorwe.
For the seconde day a morwe 890
[Sidenote: Qualiter Rex Allee ad fidem Cristi conuersus
baptismum recepit et Constanciam super hoc leto animo
desponsauit; que tamen qualis vel vnde fuit alicui nullo
modo fatebatur. Et cum infra breue postea a domino suo
impregnata fuisset, ipse ad debellandum cum Scotis iter
arripuit, et ibidem super guerras aliquamdiu permansit.]
The king cam, as thei were acorded;
And whan it was to him recorded
What god hath wroght upon this chaunce,
He tok it into remembrance
And thoghte more than he seide.
For al his hole herte he leide
Upon Constance, and seide he scholde
For love of hire, if that sche wolde,
Baptesme take and Cristes feith
Believe, and over that he seith 900
[Sidenote: =P. i. 190=]
He wol hire wedde, and upon this
Asseured ech til other is.
And forto make schorte tales,
Ther cam a Bisschop out of Wales
Fro Bangor, and Lucie he hihte,
Which thurgh the grace of god almihte
The king with many an other mo
Hath cristned, and betwen hem tuo
He hath fulfild the mariage.
Bot for no lust ne for no rage 910
Sche tolde hem nevere what sche was;
And natheles upon the cas[594]
The king was glad, how so it stod,
For wel he wiste and understod
Sche was a noble creature.
The hihe makere of nature
Hire hath visited in a throwe,
That it was openliche knowe
Sche was with childe be the king,
Wherof above al other thing 920
He thonketh god and was riht glad.
And fell that time he was bestad
Upon a werre and moste ride;
And whil he scholde there abide,
He lefte at hom to kepe his wif[595]
Suche as he knew of holi lif,
Elda forth with the Bisschop eke;
And he with pouer goth to seke
Ayein the Scottes forto fonde
The werre which he tok on honde. 930
[Sidenote: =P. i. 191=]
The time set of kinde is come,
[Sidenote: Qualiter Regina Constancia infantem masculum,
quem in baptismo Mauricium vocant, Rege absente enixa
est. Set inuida Regis mater Domilda super isto facto
condolens litteris mendacibus Regi certificauit quod[596] vxor
sua demoniaci et non[597] humani generis quoddam monstrosum
fantasma loco geniture ad ortum produxit; huiusmodique
detraccionibus aduersus Constanciam in tanto procurauit,
quod ipsa in nauim, qua prius venerat, iterum ad exilium
vna cum suo partu remissa desolabatur.[598]]
This lady hath hire chambre nome,
And of a Sone bore full,
Wherof that sche was joiefull,
Sche was delivered sauf and sone.
The bisshop, as it was to done,
Yaf him baptesme and Moris calleth;
And therupon, as it befalleth,
With lettres writen of record
Thei sende unto here liege lord, 940
That kepers weren of the qweene:
And he that scholde go betwene,
The Messager, to Knaresburgh,
Which toun he scholde passe thurgh,
Ridende cam the ferste day.
The kinges Moder there lay,
Whos rihte name was Domilde,
Which after al the cause spilde:
For he, which thonk deserve wolde,[599]
Unto this ladi goth and tolde 950
Of his Message al how it ferde.[600]
And sche with feigned joie it herde
And yaf him yiftes largely,
Bot in the nyht al prively
Sche tok the lettres whiche he hadde,
Fro point to point and overradde,
As sche that was thurghout untrewe,[601]
And let do wryten othre newe
In stede of hem, and thus thei spieke:
[Sidenote: Prima littera in commendacionem Constancie ab
Episcopo Regi missa per Domildam in contrarium falsata.]
‘Oure liege lord, we thee beseke 960
[Sidenote: =P. i. 192=]
That thou with ous ne be noght wroth,[602]
Though we such thing as is thee loth[603]
Upon oure trowthe certefie.
Thi wif, which is of faierie,
Of such a child delivered is
Fro kinde which stant al amis:
Bot for it scholde noght be seie,
We have it kept out of the weie
For drede of pure worldes schame,
A povere child and in the name 970
Of thilke which is so misbore
We toke, and therto we be swore,
That non bot only thou and we
Schal knowen of this privete:
Moris it hatte, and thus men wene
That it was boren of the qweene
And of thin oghne bodi gete.
Bot this thing mai noght be foryete,
That thou ne sende ous word anon
What is thi wille therupon.’ 980
This lettre, as thou hast herd devise,
Was contrefet in such a wise
That noman scholde it aperceive:
And sche, which thoghte to deceive,
It leith wher sche that other tok.
This Messager, whan he awok,
And wiste nothing how it was,
Aros and rod the grete pas
And tok this lettre to the king.
And whan he sih this wonder thing, 990
[Sidenote: =P. i. 193=]
He makth the Messager no chiere,
Bot natheles in wys manere
He wrot ayein, and yaf hem charge[604]
That thei ne soffre noght at large
His wif to go, bot kepe hire stille,
Til thei have herd mor of his wille.
This Messager was yifteles,
Bot with this lettre natheles,
Or be him lief or be him loth,
In alle haste ayein he goth 1000
Be Knaresburgh, and as he wente,
Unto the Moder his entente
Of that he fond toward the king
He tolde; and sche upon this thing
Seith that he scholde abide al nyht
And made him feste and chiere ariht,
Feignende as thogh sche cowthe him thonk.
Bot he with strong wyn which he dronk
Forth with the travail of the day[605]
Was drunke, aslepe and while he lay, 1010
Sche hath hise lettres overseie
And formed in an other weie.
Ther was a newe lettre write,
[Sidenote: Secunda littera per Regem Episcopo remissa a
Domilda iterum falsata.]
Which seith: ‘I do you forto wite,
That thurgh the conseil of you tuo
I stonde in point to ben undo,
As he which is a king deposed.
For every man it hath supposed,
How that my wif Constance is faie;
And if that I, thei sein, delaie[606] 1020
[Sidenote: =P. i. 194=]
To put hire out of compaignie,[607]
The worschipe of my Regalie
Is lore; and over this thei telle,
Hire child schal noght among hem duelle,
To cleymen eny heritage.
So can I se non avantage,
Bot al is lost, if sche abide:
Forthi to loke on every side
Toward the meschief as it is,
I charge you and bidde this, 1030
That ye the same Schip vitaile,
In which that sche tok arivaile,
Therinne and putteth bothe tuo,
Hireself forthwith hire child also,
And so forth broght unto the depe
Betaketh hire the See to kepe.
Of foure daies time I sette,
That ye this thing no longer lette,
So that your lif be noght forsfet.’
And thus this lettre contrefet 1040
The Messager, which was unwar,
Upon the kingeshalve bar,
And where he scholde it hath betake.
Bot whan that thei have hiede take,
And rad that writen is withinne,[608]
So gret a sorwe thei beginne,
As thei here oghne Moder sihen
Brent in a fyr before here yhen:[609]
Ther was wepinge and ther was wo,
Bot finaly the thing is do. 1050
[Sidenote: =P. i. 195=]
Upon the See thei have hire broght,
Bot sche the cause wiste noght,
And thus upon the flod thei wone,
This ladi with hire yonge Sone:
And thanne hire handes to the hevene
Sche strawhte, and with a milde stevene
Knelende upon hire bare kne
Sche seide, ‘O hihe mageste,
Which sest the point of every trowthe,
Tak of thi wofull womman rowthe 1060
And of this child that I schal kepe.’
And with that word sche gan to wepe,
Swounende as ded, and ther sche lay;[610]
Bot he which alle thinges may
Conforteth hire, and ate laste
Sche loketh and hire yhen caste[611]
Upon hire child and seide this:
‘Of me no maner charge it is
What sorwe I soffre, bot of thee
Me thenkth it is a gret pite,[612] 1070
For if I sterve thou schalt deie:[613]
So mot I nedes be that weie
For Moderhed and for tendresse
With al myn hole besinesse
Ordeigne me for thilke office,
As sche which schal be thi Norrice.’
Thus was sche strengthed forto stonde;
And tho sche tok hire child in honde
And yaf it sowke, and evere among
Sche wepte, and otherwhile song 1080
[Sidenote: =P. i. 196=]
To rocke with hire child aslepe:
And thus hire oghne child to kepe
Sche hath under the goddes cure.
And so fell upon aventure,
[Sidenote: Qualiter Nauis Constancie post biennium in
partes Hispanie superioris inter Sarazenos iactabatur,
a quorum manibus deus ipsam conseruans graciosissime
liberauit.[614]]
Whan thilke yer hath mad his ende,
Hire Schip, so as it moste wende
Thurgh strengthe of wynd which god hath yive,
Estward was into Spaigne drive
Riht faste under a Castell wall,
Wher that an hethen Amirall 1090
Was lord, and he a Stieward hadde,
Oon Theloüs, which al was badde,
A fals knyht and a renegat.
He goth to loke in what astat
The Schip was come, and there he fond
Forth with a child upon hire hond
This lady, wher sche was al one.
He tok good hiede of the persone,
And sih sche was a worthi wiht,
And thoghte he wolde upon the nyht 1100
Demene hire at his oghne wille,[615]
And let hire be therinne stille,
That mo men sih sche noght that dai.[616]
At goddes wille and thus sche lai,
Unknowe what hire schal betide;
And fell so that be nyhtes tide
This knyht withoute felaschipe
Hath take a bot and cam to Schipe,
And thoghte of hire his lust to take,
And swor, if sche him daunger make, 1110
[Sidenote: =P. i. 197=]
That certeinly sche scholde deie.
Sche sih ther was non other weie,
And seide he scholde hire wel conforte,
That he ferst loke out ate porte,
That noman were nyh the stede,
Which myhte knowe what thei dede,
And thanne he mai do what he wolde.
He was riht glad that sche so tolde,
And to the porte anon he ferde:
Sche preide god, and he hire herde,[617] 1120
And sodeinliche he was out throwe
And dreynt, and tho began to blowe
A wynd menable fro the lond,[618]
And thus the myhti goddes hond
Hire hath conveied and defended.
And whan thre yer be full despended,
[Sidenote: Qualiter nauicula Constancie quodam die per
altum mare vagans[619] inter copiosam Nauium multitudinem
dilapsa est, quarum Arcennus Romanorum Consul, Dux et
Capitaneus ipsam ignotam suscipiens vsque ad Romam secum
perduxit; vbi equalem vxori sue Helene permansuram
reuerenter associauit, necnon et eiusdem filium Mauricium
in omni habundancia quasi proprium educauit.[620]]
Hire Schip was drive upon a dai,
Wher that a gret Navye lay
Of Schipes, al the world at ones:
And as god wolde for the nones, 1130
Hire Schip goth in among hem alle,
And stinte noght, er it be falle[621]
And hath the vessell undergete,[622]
Which Maister was of al the Flete,
Bot there it resteth and abod.
This grete Schip on Anker rod;
The Lord cam forth, and whan he sih
That other ligge abord so nyh,
He wondreth what it myhte be,
And bad men to gon in and se.[623] 1140
[Sidenote: =P. i. 198=]
This ladi tho was crope aside,
As sche that wolde hireselven hide,
For sche ne wiste what thei were:
Thei soghte aboute and founde hir there
And broghten up hire child and hire;
And therupon this lord to spire
Began, fro whenne that sche cam,
And what sche was. Quod sche, ‘I am
A womman wofully bestad.
I hadde a lord, and thus he bad, 1150
That I forth with my litel Sone[624]
Upon the wawes scholden wone,
Bot why the cause was, I not:
Bot he which alle thinges wot
Yit hath, I thonke him, of his miht
Mi child and me so kept upriht,
That we be save bothe tuo.’
This lord hire axeth overmo[625]
How sche believeth, and sche seith,
‘I lieve and triste in Cristes feith, 1160
Which deide upon the Rode tree.’
‘What is thi name?’ tho quod he.
‘Mi name is Couste,’ sche him seide:
Bot forthermor for noght he preide
Of hire astat to knowe plein,
Sche wolde him nothing elles sein
Bot of hir name, which sche feigneth;
Alle othre thinges sche restreigneth,
That a word more sche ne tolde.[626]
This lord thanne axeth if sche wolde 1170
[Sidenote: =P. i. 199=]
With him abide in compaignie,
And seide he cam fro Barbarie
To Romeward, and hom he wente.
Tho sche supposeth what it mente,
And seith sche wolde with him wende
And duelle unto hire lyves ende,
Be so it be to his plesance.
And thus upon here aqueintance[627]
He tolde hire pleinly as it stod,
Of Rome how that the gentil blod 1180
In Barbarie was betraied,
And therupon he hath assaied
Be werre, and taken such vengance,
That non of al thilke alliance,[628]
Be whom the tresoun was compassed,
Is from the swerd alyve passed;
Bot of Constance hou it was,
That cowthe he knowe be no cas,
Wher sche becam, so as he seide.[629]
Hire Ere unto his word sche leide, 1190
Bot forther made sche no chiere.[630]
And natheles in this matiere
It happeth thilke time so:[631]
This Lord, with whom sche scholde go,
Of Rome was the Senatour,
And of hir fader themperour
His brother doughter hath to wyve,
Which hath hir fader ek alyve,
And was Salustes cleped tho;
This wif Heleine hihte also,[632] 1200
[Sidenote: =P. i. 200=]
To whom Constance was Cousine.
Thus to the sike a medicine
Hath god ordeined of his grace,
That forthwith in the same place
This Senatour his trowthe plihte,
For evere, whil he live mihte,
To kepe in worschipe and in welthe,
Be so that god wol yive hire helthe,
This ladi, which fortune him sende.
And thus be Schipe forth sailende 1210
Hire and hir child to Rome he broghte,
And to his wif tho he besoghte
To take hire into compaignie:
And sche, which cowthe of courtesie
Al that a good wif scholde konne,
Was inly glad that sche hath wonne
The felaschip of so good on.[633]
Til tuelve yeres were agon,
This Emperoures dowhter Custe
Forth with the dowhter of Saluste 1220
Was kept, bot noman redily
Knew what sche was, and noght forthi
Thei thoghten wel sche hadde be
In hire astat of hih degre,
And every lif hire loveth wel.
Now herke how thilke unstable whel,[634]
[Sidenote: Qualiter Rex Allee inita pace cum Scotis a
guerris rediens et non inuenta vxore sua causam exilii
diligencius perscrutans, cum Matrem suam Domildam inde
culpabilem sciuisset, ipsam in igne proiciens comburi
fecit.]
Which evere torneth, wente aboute.
The king Allee, whil he was oute,
As thou tofore hast herd this cas,
Deceived thurgh his Moder was: 1230
Bot whan that he cam hom ayein,
He axeth of his Chamberlein
[Sidenote: =P. i. 201=]
And of the Bisschop ek also,
Wher thei the qweene hadden do.
And thei answerde, there he bad,
And have him thilke lettre rad,
Which he hem sende for warant,[635]
And tolde him pleinli as it stant,
And sein, it thoghte hem gret pite
To se so worthi on as sche, 1240
With such a child as ther was bore,
So sodeinly to be forlore.
He axeth hem what child that were;
And thei him seiden, that naghere,
In al the world thogh men it soghte,[636]
Was nevere womman that forth broghte
A fairer child than it was on.
And thanne he axede hem anon,
Whi thei ne hadden write so:
Thei tolden, so thei hadden do. 1250
He seide, ‘Nay.’ Thei seiden, ‘Yis.’
The lettre schewed rad it is,
Which thei forsoken everidel.
Tho was it understonde wel
That ther is tresoun in the thing:
The Messager tofore the king
Was broght and sodeinliche opposed;
And he, which nothing hath supposed[637]
Bot alle wel, began to seie
That he nagher upon the weie 1260
Abod, bot only in a stede;
And cause why that he so dede
[Sidenote: =P. i. 202=]
Was, as he wente to and fro,
At Knaresburgh be nyhtes tuo
The kinges Moder made him duelle.
And whan the king it herde telle,
Withinne his herte he wiste als faste
The treson which his Moder caste;
And thoghte he wolde noght abide,
Bot forth riht in the same tide 1270
He tok his hors and rod anon.
With him ther riden manion,
To Knaresburgh and forth thei wente,
And lich the fyr which tunder hente,
In such a rage, as seith the bok,
His Moder sodeinliche he tok
And seide unto hir in this wise:
‘O beste of helle, in what juise
Hast thou deserved forto deie,
That hast so falsly put aweie 1280
With tresoun of thi bacbitinge
The treweste at my knowlechinge
Of wyves and the most honeste?
Bot I wol make this beheste,
I schal be venged er I go.’[638]
And let a fyr do make tho,
And bad men forto caste hire inne:
Bot ferst sche tolde out al the sinne,
And dede hem alle forto wite
How sche the lettres hadde write, 1290
Fro point to point as it was wroght.
And tho sche was to dethe broght
[Sidenote: =P. i. 203=]
And brent tofore hire Sones yhe:
Wherof these othre, whiche it sihe
And herden how the cause stod,
Sein that the juggement is good,
Of that hir Sone hire hath so served;
For sche it hadde wel deserved
Thurgh tresoun of hire false tunge,
Which thurgh the loud was after sunge, 1300
Constance and every wiht compleigneth.
Bot he, whom alle we distreigneth,
This sorghfull king, was so bestad,[639]
That he schal nevermor be glad,
He seith, eftsone forto wedde,
Til that he wiste how that sche spedde,
Which hadde ben his ferste wif:
And thus his yonge unlusti lif
He dryveth forth so as he mai.
Til it befell upon a dai, 1310
[Sidenote: Qualiter post lapsum xii. annorum Rex Allee
absolucionis causa Romam proficiscens vxorem suam
Constanciam vna cum filio suo diuina prouidencia ibidem
letus inuenit.]
Whan he hise werres hadde achieved,
And thoghte he wolde be relieved
Of Soule hele upon the feith
Which he hath take, thanne he seith
That he to Rome in pelrinage
Wol go, wher Pope was Pelage,
To take his absolucioun.
And upon this condicioun
He made Edwyn his lieutenant,
Which heir to him was apparant, 1320
That he the lond in his absence
Schal reule: and thus be providence
[Sidenote: =P. i. 204=]
Of alle thinges wel begon
He tok his leve and forth is gon.
Elda, which tho was with him there,
Er thei fulliche at Rome were,
Was sent tofore to pourveie;
And he his guide upon the weie,[640]
In help to ben his herbergour,
Hath axed who was Senatour, 1330
That he his name myhte kenne.
Of Capadoce, he seide, Arcenne
He hihte, and was a worthi kniht.
To him goth Elda tho forth riht
And tolde him of his lord tidinge,
And preide that for his comynge
He wolde assigne him herbergage;
And he so dede of good corage.
Whan al is do that was to done,
The king himself cam after sone. 1340
This Senatour, whan that he com,
To Couste and to his wif at hom
Hath told how such a king Allee[641]
Of gret array to the Citee
Was come, and Couste upon his tale
With herte clos and colour pale
Aswoune fell, and he merveileth
So sodeinly what thing hire eyleth,
And cawhte hire up, and whan sche wok,
Sche syketh with a pitous lok 1350
And feigneth seknesse of the See;
Bot it was for the king Allee,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 205=]
For joie which fell in hire thoght[642]
That god him hath to toune broght.
This king hath spoke with the Pope
And told al that he cowthe agrope,[643]
What grieveth in his conscience;
And thanne he thoghte in reverence
Of his astat, er that he wente,
To make a feste, and thus he sente 1360
Unto the Senatour to come
Upon the morwe and othre some,
To sitte with him at the mete.[644]
This tale hath Couste noght foryete,
Bot to Moris hire Sone tolde
That he upon the morwe scholde
In al that evere he cowthe and mihte
Be present in the kinges sihte,
So that the king him ofte sihe.
Moris tofore the kinges yhe 1370
Upon the morwe, wher he sat,
Fulofte stod, and upon that
The king his chiere upon him caste,
And in his face him thoghte als faste
He sih his oghne wif Constance;
For nature as in resemblance
Of face hem liketh so to clothe,
That thei were of a suite bothe.[645]
The king was moeved in his thoght
Of that he seth, and knoweth it noght; 1380
This child he loveth kindely,
And yit he wot no cause why.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 206=]
Bot wel he sih and understod
That he toward Arcenne stod,
And axeth him anon riht there,
If that this child his Sone were.
He seide, ‘Yee, so I him calle,
And wolde it were so befalle,
Bot it is al in other wise.’
And tho began he to devise 1390
How he the childes Moder fond
Upon the See from every lond
Withinne a Schip was stiereles,
And how this ladi helpeles
Forth with hir child he hath forthdrawe.
The king hath understonde his sawe,
The childes name and axeth tho,
And what the Moder hihte also
That he him wolde telle he preide.
‘Moris this child is hote,’ he seide, 1400
‘His Moder hatte Couste, and this
I not what maner name it is.’
But Allee wiste wel ynowh,
Wherof somdiel smylende he lowh;
For Couste in Saxoun is to sein
Constance upon the word Romein.
Bot who that cowthe specefie
What tho fell in his fantasie,
And how his wit aboute renneth
Upon the love in which he brenneth, 1410
It were a wonder forto hiere:
For he was nouther ther ne hiere,[646]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 207=]
Bot clene out of himself aweie,
That he not what to thenke or seie,
So fain he wolde it were sche.
Wherof his hertes privete
Began the werre of yee and nay,
The which in such balance lay,
That contenance for a throwe
He loste, til he mihte knowe 1420
The sothe: bot in his memoire
The man which lith in purgatoire
Desireth noght the hevene more,
That he ne longeth al so sore
To wite what him schal betide.
And whan the bordes were aside
And every man was rise aboute,
The king hath weyved al the route,
And with the Senatour al one
He spak and preide him of a bone, 1430
To se this Couste, wher sche duelleth
At hom with him, so as he telleth.
The Senatour was wel appaied,
This thing no lengere is delaied,[647]
To se this Couste goth the king;
And sche was warned of the thing,
And with Heleine forth sche cam
Ayein the king, and he tho nam
Good hiede, and whan he sih his wif,
Anon with al his hertes lif 1440
He cawhte hire in his arm and kiste.[648]
Was nevere wiht that sih ne wiste
[Sidenote: =P. i. 208=]
A man that more joie made,
Wherof thei weren alle glade
Whiche herde tellen of this chance.[649]
This king tho with his wif Constance,
Which hadde a gret part of his wille,[650]
In Rome for a time stille
Abod and made him wel at ese:
Bot so yit cowthe he nevere plese 1450
His wif, that sche him wolde sein
Of hire astat the trowthe plein,
Of what contre that sche was bore,
Ne what sche was, and yit therfore
With al his wit he hath don sieke.
Thus as they lihe abedde and spieke,
Sche preide him and conseileth bothe,
That for the worschipe of hem bothe,[651]
So as hire thoghte it were honeste,[652]
He wolde an honourable feste 1460
Make, er he wente, in the Cite,[653]
Wher themperour himself schal be:
He graunteth al that sche him preide.
Bot as men in that time seide,
This Emperour fro thilke day
That ferst his dowhter wente away
He was thanne after nevere glad;
Bot what that eny man him bad[654]
Of grace for his dowhter sake,
That grace wolde he noght forsake; 1470
And thus ful gret almesse he dede,
Wherof sche hadde many a bede.[655]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 209=]
This Emperour out of the toun
[Sidenote: Qualiter Constancia, que antea per totum tempus
exilii sui penes omnes incognitam se celauit, tunc demum
patri suo Imperatori seipsam per omnia manifestauit:
quod cum Rex Allee sciuisset, vna cum vniuersa Romanorum
multitudine inestimabili gaudio admirantes cunctipotentem
laudarunt.]
Withinne a ten mile enviroun,
Where as it thoghte him for the beste,
Hath sondry places forto reste;
And as fortune wolde tho,
He was duellende at on of tho.
The king Allee forth with thassent[656]
Of Couste his wif hath thider sent 1480
Moris his Sone, as he was taght,
To themperour and he goth straght,
And in his fader half besoghte,[657]
As he which his lordschipe soghte,[658]
That of his hihe worthinesse
He wolde do so gret meknesse,
His oghne toun to come and se,
And yive a time in the cite,
So that his fader mihte him gete
That he wolde ones with him ete. 1490
This lord hath granted his requeste;
And whan the dai was of the feste,
In worschipe of here Emperour
The king and ek the Senatour
Forth with here wyves bothe tuo,[659]
With many a lord and lady mo,
On horse riden him ayein;
Til it befell, upon a plein
Thei sihen wher he was comende.
With that Constance anon preiende 1500
Spak to hir lord that he abyde,
So that sche mai tofore ryde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 210=]
To ben upon his bienvenue
The ferste which schal him salue;
And thus after hire lordes graunt
Upon a Mule whyt amblaunt
Forth with a fewe rod this qweene.
Thei wondren what sche wolde mene,
And riden after softe pas;
Bot whan this ladi come was 1510
To themperour, in his presence
Sche seide alowd in audience,
‘Mi lord, mi fader, wel you be!
And of this time that I se
Youre honour and your goode hele,
Which is the helpe of my querele,
I thonke unto the goddes myht.’
For joie his herte was affliht
Of that sche tolde in remembrance;
And whanne he wiste it was Constance, 1520
Was nevere fader half so blithe.
Wepende he keste hire ofte sithe,
So was his herte al overcome;
For thogh his Moder were come
Fro deth to lyve out of the grave,
He mihte nomor wonder have
Than he hath whan that he hire sih.
With that hire oghne lord cam nyh
And is to themperour obeied;
Bot whan the fortune is bewreied, 1530
How that Constance is come aboute,
So hard an herte was non oute,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 211=]
That he for pite tho ne wepte.
Arcennus, which hire fond and kepte,
Was thanne glad of that is falle,
So that with joie among hem alle
Thei riden in at Rome gate.
This Emperour thoghte al to late,
Til that the Pope were come,[660]
And of the lordes sende some 1540
To preie him that he wolde haste:
And he cam forth in alle haste,
And whan that he the tale herde,[661]
How wonderly this chance ferde,
He thonketh god of his miracle,
To whos miht mai be non obstacle:
The king a noble feste hem made,
And thus thei weren alle glade.
A parlement, er that thei wente,
Thei setten unto this entente, 1550
To puten Rome in full espeir
That Moris was apparant heir
And scholde abide with hem stille,
For such was al the londes wille.
Whan every thing was fulli spoke,
[Sidenote: Qualiter Mauricius cum Imperatore vt heres
Imperii remansit, et Rex Allee cum Constancia in Angliam
regressi sunt.]
Of sorwe and queint was al the smoke,
Tho tok his leve Allee the king,
And with full many a riche thing,
Which themperour him hadde yive,
He goth a glad lif forto live; 1560
For he Constance hath in his hond,
Which was the confort of his lond.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 212=]
For whan that he cam hom ayein,
Ther is no tunge it mihte sein
What joie was that ilke stounde
Of that he hath his qweene founde,
Which ferst was sent of goddes sonde,
Whan sche was drive upon the Stronde,[662]
Be whom the misbelieve of Sinne
Was left, and Cristes feith cam inne 1570
To hem that whilom were blinde.
Bot he which hindreth every kinde
[Sidenote: Qualiter Rex Allee post biennium in Anglia
humane carnis resolucionem subiens nature debitum
persoluit, post cuius obitum Constancia cum patre suo Rome
se transtulit moraturam.]
And for no gold mai be forboght,
The deth comende er he be soght,[663]
Tok with this king such aqueintance,
That he with al his retenance
Ne mihte noght defende his lif;[664]
And thus he parteth from his wif,
Which thanne made sorwe ynowh.
And therupon hire herte drowh 1580
To leven Engelond for evere
And go wher that sche hadde levere,[665]
To Rome, whenne that sche cam:
And thus of al the lond sche nam
Hir leve, and goth to Rome ayein.
And after that the bokes sein,
She was noght there bot a throwe,
Whan deth of kinde hath overthrowe
[Sidenote: De morte Imperatoris.]
Hir worthi fader, which men seide
That he betwen hire armes deide. 1590
And afterward the yer suiende
[Sidenote: De morte Constancie.]
The god hath mad of hire an ende,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 213=]
And fro this worldes faierie
Hath take hire into compaignie.
[Sidenote: De coronacione Mauricii, qui adhuc in Cronicis
Mauricius Imperator Cristianissimus nuncupatus est.]
Moris hir Sone was corouned,
Which so ferforth was abandouned
To Cristes feith, that men him calle
Moris the cristeneste of alle.
And thus the wel meninge of love[666]
Was ate laste set above; 1600
And so as thou hast herd tofore,
The false tunges weren lore,
Whiche upon love wolden lie.
Forthi touchende of this Envie
Which longeth unto bacbitinge,
Be war thou make no lesinge
In hindringe of an other wiht:
And if thou wolt be tawht ariht
What meschief bakbitinge doth
Be other weie, a tale soth 1610
Now miht thou hiere next suiende,
Which to this vice is acordende.
[Sidenote: [DEMETRIUS AND PERSEUS.]]
In a Cronique, as thou schalt wite,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos
detractores, qui in alterius vituperium mendacia
confingentes diffamacionem fieri procurant. Et narrat
qualiter Perseus, Philippi Regis Macedonie filius,
Demetrio fratri suo ob eius probitatem inuidens, composito
detraccionis mendacio ipsum apud patrem suum mortaliter
accusauit, dicens quod ipse non solum patrem set et totum
Macedonie regnum Romanis hostibus proditorie vendidisset:
quem super hoc in iudicium producens, testibus que
iudicibus auro subornatis, quamuis falsissime morte
condempnatum euicit: quo defuncto eciam et pater infra
breue postea mortuus est. Et sic Perseo successiue
regnante deus huiusmodi detraccionis inuidiam abhorrens
ipsum cum vniuersa suorum pugnatorum multitudine extra
Danubii fluuium ab Emilio tunc Romanorum Consule euentu
bellico interfici fortunauit. Ita quod ab illo die
Macedonie potestas penitus destructa Romano Imperio
subiugata deseruiuit, et eius detraccio, quam contra alium
conspirauerat, in sui ipsius diffamacionem pro perpetuo
diuulgata consistit.]
A gret ensample I finde write,
Which I schal telle upon this thing.
Philippe of Macedoyne kyng
Two Sones hadde be his wif,
Whos fame is yit in Grece rif:[667]
Demetrius the ferste brother
Was hote, and Perseüs that other. 1620
Demetrius men seiden tho
The betre knyht was of the tuo,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 214=]
To whom the lond was entendant,[668]
As he which heir was apparant
To regne after his fader dai:
Bot that thing which no water mai
Quenche in this world, bot evere brenneth,
Into his brother herte it renneth,
The proude Envie of that he sih
His brother scholde clymbe on hih, 1630
And he to him mot thanne obeie:[669]
That may he soffre be no weie.
With strengthe dorst he nothing fonde,
So tok he lesinge upon honde,
Whan he sih time and spak therto.
For it befell that time so,
His fader grete werres hadde
With Rome, whiche he streite ladde
Thurgh mihty hond of his manhode,
As he which hath ynowh knihthode,[670] 1640
And ofte hem hadde sore grieved.
Bot er the werre were achieved,
As he was upon ordinance
At hom in Grece, it fell per chance,[671]
Demetrius, which ofte aboute
Ridende was, stod that time oute,
So that this Perse in his absence,
Which bar the tunge of pestilence,
With false wordes whiche he feigneth
Upon his oghne brother pleigneth 1650
In privete behinde his bak,
And to his fader thus he spak:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 215=]
‘Mi diere fader, I am holde
Be weie of kinde, as resoun wolde,
That I fro yow schal nothing hide,
Which mihte torne in eny side
Of youre astat into grevance:
Forthi myn hertes obeissance
Towardes you I thenke kepe;
For it is good ye take kepe 1660
Upon a thing which is me told.
Mi brother hath ous alle sold
To hem of Rome, and you also;
For thanne they behote him so,
That he with hem schal regne in pes.
Thus hath he cast for his encress
That youre astat schal go to noght;
And this to proeve schal be broght
So ferforth, that I undertake[672]
It schal noght wel mow be forsake.’ 1670
The king upon this tale ansuerde
And seide, if this thing which he herde
Be soth and mai be broght to prove,
‘It schal noght be to his behove,
Which so hath schapen ous the werste,[673]
For he himself schal be the ferste
That schal be ded, if that I mai.’
Thus afterward upon a dai,[674]
Whan that Demetrius was come,
Anon his fader hath him nome, 1680
And bad unto his brother Perse
That he his tale schal reherse
[Sidenote: =P. i. 216=]
Of thilke tresoun which he tolde.
And he, which al untrowthe wolde,
Conseileth that so hih a nede
Be treted wher as it mai spede,
In comun place of juggement.
The king therto yaf his assent,
Demetrius was put in hold,
Wherof that Perseüs was bold. 1690
Thus stod the trowthe under the charge,
And the falshede goth at large,
Which thurgh beheste hath overcome
The greteste of the lordes some,
That privelich of his acord
Thei stonde as witnesse of record:
The jugge was mad favorable:
Thus was the lawe deceivable
So ferforth that the trowthe fond
Rescousse non, and thus the lond 1700
Forth with the king deceived were.
The gulteles was dampned there
And deide upon accusement:
Bot such a fals conspirement,
Thogh it be prive for a throwe,
Godd wolde noght it were unknowe;[675]
And that was afterward wel proved[676]
In him which hath the deth controved.
Of that his brother was so slain
This Perseüs was wonder fain, 1710
As he that tho was apparant,[677]
Upon the Regne and expectant;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 217=]
Wherof he wax so proud and vein,
That he his fader in desdeign
Hath take and set of non acompte,
As he which thoghte him to surmonte;
That wher he was ferst debonaire,
He was tho rebell and contraire,
And noght as heir bot as a king
He tok upon him alle thing 1720
Of malice and of tirannie
In contempt of the Regalie,
Livende his fader, and so wroghte,
That whan the fader him bethoghte
And sih to whether side it drowh,
Anon he wiste well ynowh
How Perse after his false tunge
Hath so thenvious belle runge,[678]
That he hath slain his oghne brother.
Wherof as thanne he knew non other, 1730
Bot sodeinly the jugge he nom,
Which corrupt sat upon the dom,
In such a wise and hath him pressed,
That he the sothe him hath confessed
Of al that hath be spoke and do.
Mor sori than the king was tho
Was nevere man upon this Molde,
And thoghte in certein that he wolde
Vengance take upon this wrong.
Bot thother parti was so strong, 1740
That for the lawe of no statut
Ther mai no riht ben execut;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 218=]
And upon this division[679]
The lond was torned up so doun:
Wherof his herte is so distraght,
That he for pure sorwe hath caght
The maladie of which nature
Is queint in every creature.
And whan this king was passed thus,
This false tunged Perseüs 1750
The regiment hath underfonge.
Bot ther mai nothing stonde longe
Which is noght upon trowthe grounded;
For god, which alle thing hath bounded
And sih the falshod of his guile,
Hath set him bot a litel while,
That he schal regne upon depos;
For sodeinliche as he aros[680]
So sodeinliche doun he fell.
In thilke time it so befell, 1760
This newe king of newe Pride
With strengthe schop him forto ride,
And seide he wolde Rome waste,[681]
Wherof he made a besi haste,
And hath assembled him an host
In al that evere he mihte most:
What man that mihte wepne here
Of alle he wolde non forbere;
So that it mihte noght be nombred,
The folk which after was encombred[682] 1770
Thurgh him, that god wolde overthrowe.
Anon it was at Rome knowe,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 219=]
The pompe which that Perse ladde;
And the Romeins that time hadde
A Consul, which was cleped thus
Be name, Paul Emilius,
A noble, a worthi kniht withalle;
And he, which chief was of hem alle,[683]
This werre on honde hath undertake.
And whanne he scholde his leve take[684] 1780
Of a yong dowhter which was his,
Sche wepte, and he what cause it is
Hire axeth, and sche him ansuerde
That Perse is ded; and he it herde,
And wondreth what sche meene wolde:
And sche upon childhode him tolde
That Perse hir litel hound is ded.
With that he pulleth up his hed[685]
And made riht a glad visage,
And seide how that was a presage 1790
Touchende unto that other Perse,
Of that fortune him scholde adverse,
He seith, for such a prenostik
Most of an hound was to him lik:
For as it is an houndes kinde
To berke upon a man behinde,
Riht so behinde his brother bak
With false wordes whiche he spak
He hath do slain, and that is rowthe.
‘Bot he which hateth alle untrowthe, 1800
The hihe god, it schal redresse;
For so my dowhter prophetesse
[Sidenote: =P. i. 220=]
Forth with hir litel houndes deth[686]
Betokneth.’ And thus forth he geth[687]
Conforted of this evidence,
With the Romeins in his defence
Ayein the Greks that ben comende.
This Perseüs, as noght seende[688]
This meschief which that him abod,[689]
With al his multitude rod, 1810
And prided him upon the thing,[690]
Of that he was become a king,
And how he hadde his regne gete;
Bot he hath al the riht foryete
Which longeth unto governance.
Wherof thurgh goddes ordinance
It fell, upon the wynter tide
That with his host he scholde ride
Over Danubie thilke flod,
Which al befrose thanne stod 1820
So harde, that he wende wel
To passe: bot the blinde whiel,
Which torneth ofte er men be war,
Thilke ys which that the horsmen bar
Tobrak, so that a gret partie
Was dreint; of the chivalerie
The rerewarde it tok aweie,
Cam non of hem to londe dreie.
Paulus the worthi kniht Romein[691]
Be his aspie it herde sein, 1830
And hasteth him al that he may,
So that upon that other day
[Sidenote: =P. i. 221=]
He cam wher he this host beheld,
And that was in a large feld,
Wher the Baneres ben desplaied.
He hath anon hise men arraied,
And whan that he was embatailled,
He goth and hath the feld assailed,
And slowh and tok al that he fond;
Wherof the Macedoyne lond, 1840
Which thurgh king Alisandre honoured
Long time stod, was tho devoured.
To Perse and al that infortune
Thei wyte, so that the comune
Of al the lond his heir exile;
And he despeired for the while
Desguised in a povere wede
To Rome goth, and ther for nede
The craft which thilke time was,
To worche in latoun and in bras, 1850
He lerneth for his sustienance.
Such was the Sones pourveance,
And of his fader it is seid,
In strong prisoun that he was leid
In Albe, wher that he was ded
For hunger and defalte of bred.[692]
The hound was tokne and prophecie
That lich an hound he scholde die,
Which lich was of condicioun,
Whan he with his detraccioun 1860
Bark on his brother so behinde.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo, what profit a man mai finde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 222=]
Which hindre wole an other wiht.
Forthi with al thin hole miht,
Mi Sone, eschuie thilke vice.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, elles were I nyce:
For ye therof so wel have spoke,[693]
That it is in myn herte loke
And evere schal: bot of Envie,[694]
If ther be more in his baillie 1870
Towardes love, sai me what.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, as guile under the hat
With sleyhtes of a tregetour
Is hidd, Envie of such colour
Hath yit the ferthe deceivant,
The which is cleped Falssemblant,
Wherof the matiere and the forme
Now herkne and I thee schal enforme.
[Sidenote: [iv. FALSE-SEMBLANT.]]
iv. _Nil bilinguis aget, nisi duplo concinat ore,_
_Dumque diem loquitur, nox sua vota tegit._
_Vultus habet lucem, tenebras mens, sermo salutem,_
_Actus set morbum dat suus esse grauem._
_Pax tibi quam spondet, magis est prenostica guerre;_
_Comoda si dederit, disce subesse dolum._
_Quod patet esse fides in eo fraus est, que politi_
_Principium pacti finis habere negat._
_O quam condicio talis deformat amantem,_
_Qui magis apparens est in amore nichil._ 10
Of Falssemblant if I schal telle,
Above alle othre it is the welle 1880
Out of the which deceipte floweth.
Ther is noman so wys that knoweth
Of thilke flod which is the tyde,
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor super quarta specie
Inuidie, que dissimilacio dicitur, cuius vultus quanto
maioris amicicie apparenciam ostendit, tanto subtilioris
doli fallacias ad decipiendum mens ymaginatur.]
Ne how he scholde himselven guide
[Sidenote: =P. i. 223=]
To take sauf passage there.
And yit the wynd to mannes Ere
Is softe, and as it semeth oute
It makth clier weder al aboute;
Bot thogh it seme, it is noght so.
For Falssemblant hath everemo 1890
Of his conseil in compaignie
The derke untrewe Ypocrisie,
Whos word descordeth to his thoght:
Forthi thei ben togedre broght
Of o covine, of on houshold,[695]
As it schal after this be told.[696]
Of Falssemblant it nedeth noght
To telle of olde ensamples oght;
For al dai in experience
A man mai se thilke evidence 1900
Of faire wordes whiche he hiereth;
Bot yit the barge Envie stiereth[697]
And halt it evere fro the londe,
Wher Falssemblant with Ore on honde
It roweth, and wol noght arive,
Bot let it on the wawes dryve
In gret tempeste and gret debat,[698]
Wherof that love and his astat
Empeireth. And therfore I rede,
Mi Sone, that thou fle and drede 1910
This vice, and what that othre sein,
Let thi Semblant be trewe and plein.
For Falssemblant is thilke vice,
Which nevere was withoute office:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 224=]
Wher that Envie thenkth to guile,
He schal be for that ilke while[699]
Of prive conseil Messagier.
For whan his semblant is most clier,
Thanne is he most derk in his thoght,
Thogh men him se, thei knowe him noght; 1920
Bot as it scheweth in the glas
Thing which therinne nevere was,
So scheweth it in his visage
That nevere was in his corage:
Thus doth he al his thing with sleyhte.[700]
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa Confessor super isto vicio
Amanti opponit.]
Now ley thi conscience in weyhte,
Mi goode Sone, and schrif the hier,
If thou were evere Custummer
To Falssemblant in eny wise.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
For ought I can me yit avise, 1930
Mi goode fader, certes no.
If I for love have oght do so,
Now asketh, I wol praie yow:
For elles I wot nevere how
Of Falssemblant that I have gilt.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, and sithen that thou wilt
That I schal axe, gabbe noght,
Bot tell if evere was thi thoght
With Falssemblant and coverture
To wite of eny creature 1940
How that he was with love lad;
So were he sori, were he glad,
Whan that thou wistest how it were,
Al that he rounede in thin Ere[701]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 225=]
Thou toldest forth in other place,
To setten him fro loves grace
Of what womman that thee best liste,
Ther as noman his conseil wiste
Bot thou, be whom he was deceived
Of love, and from his pourpos weyved; 1950
And thoghtest that his destourbance
Thin oghne cause scholde avance,
As who saith, ‘I am so celee,
Ther mai no mannes privete
Be heled half so wel as myn.’
Art thou, mi Sone, of such engin?
Tell on.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi goode fader, nay
As for the more part I say;
Bot of somdiel I am beknowe,
That I mai stonde in thilke rowe[702] 1960
Amonges hem that Saundres use.
I wol me noght therof excuse,
That I with such colour ne steyne,
Whan I my beste Semblant feigne
To my felawh, til that I wot
Al his conseil bothe cold and hot:
For be that cause I make him chiere,
Til I his love knowe and hiere;
And if so be myn herte soucheth
That oght unto my ladi toucheth 1970
Of love that he wol me telle,[703]
Anon I renne unto the welle
And caste water in the fyr,
So that his carte amidd the Myr,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 226=]
Be that I have his conseil knowe,
Fulofte sithe I overthrowe,
Whan that he weneth best to stonde.
Bot this I do you understonde,
If that a man love elles where,
So that my ladi be noght there, 1980
And he me telle, I wole it hide,
Ther schal no word ascape aside,
For with deceipte of no semblant
To him breke I no covenant;
Me liketh noght in other place
To lette noman of his grace,
Ne forto ben inquisitif
To knowe an other mannes lif:
Wher that he love or love noght,
That toucheth nothing to my thoght,[704] 1990
Bot al it passeth thurgh myn Ere
Riht as a thing that nevere were,
And is foryete and leid beside.
Bot if it touche on eny side
Mi ladi, as I have er spoken,
Myn Eres ben noght thanne loken;
For certes, whanne that betitt,
My will, myn herte and al my witt
Ben fully set to herkne and spire
What eny man wol speke of hire. 2000
Thus have I feigned compaignie
Fulofte, for I wolde aspie
What thing it is that eny man[705]
Telle of mi worthi lady can:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 227=]
And for tuo causes I do this,
The ferste cause wherof is,--
If that I myhte ofherkne and seke
That eny man of hire mispeke,
I wolde excuse hire so fully,
That whan sche wist it inderly,[706] 2010
Min hope scholde be the more
To have hir thank for everemore.
That other cause, I you assure,
Is, why that I be coverture
Have feigned semblant ofte time
To hem that passen alday byme
And ben lovers als wel as I,
For this I weene trewely,
That ther is of hem alle non,
That thei ne loven everich on 2020
Mi ladi: for sothliche I lieve
And durste setten it in prieve,
Is non so wys that scholde asterte,
Bot he were lustles in his herte,
Forwhy and he my ladi sihe,
Hir visage and hir goodlych yhe,
Bot he hire lovede, er he wente.
And for that such is myn entente,
That is the cause of myn aspie,
Why that I feigne compaignie 2030
And make felawe overal;
For gladly wolde I knowen al
And holde me covert alway,
That I fulofte ye or nay
[Sidenote: =P. i. 228=]
Ne liste ansuere in eny wise,
Bot feigne semblant as the wise
And herkne tales, til I knowe
Mi ladi lovers al arowe.
And whanne I hiere how thei have wroght,
I fare as thogh I herde it noght[707] 2040
And as I no word understode;
Bot that is nothing for here goode:
For lieveth wel, the sothe is this,[708]
That whanne I knowe al how it is,
I wol bot forthren hem a lite,[709]
Bot al the worste I can endite
I telle it to my ladi plat
In forthringe of myn oghne astat,
And hindre hem al that evere I may.
Bot for al that yit dar I say, 2050
I finde unto miself no bote,
Althogh myn herte nedes mote
Thurgh strengthe of love al that I hiere
Discovere unto my ladi diere:
For in good feith I have no miht
To hele fro that swete wiht,
If that it touche hire eny thing.
Bot this wot wel the hevene king,
That sithen ferst this world began,
Unto non other strange man 2060
Ne feigned I semblant ne chiere,
To wite or axe of his matiere,
Thogh that he lovede ten or tuelve,
Whanne it was noght my ladi selve:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 229=]
Bot if he wolde axe eny red
Al onlich of his oghne hed,
How he with other love ferde,
His tales with myn Ere I herde,
Bot to myn herte cam it noght
Ne sank no deppere in my thoght, 2070
Bot hield conseil, as I was bede,
And tolde it nevere in other stede,[710]
Bot let it passen as it com.
Now, fader, say what is thi dom,
And hou thou wolt that I be peined
For such Semblant as I have feigned.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, if reson be wel peised,
Ther mai no vertu ben unpreised
Ne vice non be set in pris.
Forthi, my Sone, if thou be wys, 2080
Do no viser upon thi face,
Which as wol noght thin herte embrace:
For if thou do, withinne a throwe
To othre men it schal be knowe,
So miht thou lihtli falle in blame
And lese a gret part of thi name.
And natheles in this degree
Fulofte time thou myht se
Of suche men that now aday
This vice setten in a say:[711] 2090
I speke it for no mannes blame,
Bot forto warne thee the same.
Mi Sone, as I mai hiere talke
In every place where I walke,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 230=]
I not if it be so or non,
Bot it is manye daies gon
That I ferst herde telle this,
How Falssemblant hath ben and is
Most comunly fro yer to yere
With hem that duelle among ous here, 2100
Of suche as we Lombardes calle.
For thei ben the slyeste of alle,
So as men sein in toune aboute,
To feigne and schewe thing withoute
Which is revers to that withinne:
Wherof that thei fulofte winne,
Whan thei be reson scholden lese;
Thei ben the laste and yit thei chese,
And we the ferste, and yit behinde
We gon, there as we scholden finde 2110
The profit of oure oghne lond:[712]
Thus gon thei fre withoute bond
To don her profit al at large,
And othre men bere al the charge.
Of Lombardz unto this covine,
Whiche alle londes conne engine,
Mai Falssemblant in special
Be likned, for thei overal,
Wher as they thenken forto duelle,
Among hemself; so as thei telle, 2120
Ferst ben enformed forto lere
A craft which cleped is Fa crere:[713]
For if Fa crere come aboute,
Thanne afterward hem stant no doute
[Sidenote: =P. i. 231=]
To voide with a soubtil hond
The beste goodes of the lond
And bringe chaf and take corn.
Where as Fa crere goth toforn,[714]
In all his weie he fynt no lette;
That Dore can non huissher schette 2130
In which him list to take entre:
And thus the conseil most secre
Of every thing Fa crere knoweth,
Which into strange place he bloweth,
Where as he wot it mai most grieve.
And thus Fa crere makth believe,
So that fulofte he hath deceived,
Er that he mai ben aperceived.
Thus is this vice forto drede;[715]
For who these olde bokes rede 2140
Of suche ensamples as were ar,
Him oghte be the more war
Of alle tho that feigne chiere,
Wherof thou schalt a tale hiere.
[Sidenote: [DEIANIRA AND NESSUS.]]
Of Falssemblant which is believed
Ful many a worthi wiht is grieved,
And was long time er we wer bore.
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos,
qui sub dissimilate beneuolencie speculo[716] alios in amore
defraudant. Et narrat qualiter Hercules, cum ipse quoddam
fluuium, cuius vada non nouit, cum Deianira transmeare
proposuit, superueniens Nessus Gigas ob amiciciam Herculis,
vt dixit, Deianiram in vlnas suas suscipiens trans ripam
salvo perduxit. Et statim cum ad litus peruenisset,
quamcito currere potuit, ipsam tanquam propriam in
preiudicium Herculis asportare fugiens conabatur: per quod
non solum ipsi seteciam Herculi mortis euentum fortuna
postmodum causauit.]
To thee, my Sone, I wol therfore
A tale telle of Falssemblant,
Which falseth many a covenant, 2150
And many a fraude of fals conseil
Ther ben hangende upon his Seil:
And that aboghten gulteles
Bothe Deianire and Hercules,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 232=]
The whiche in gret desese felle
Thurgh Falssemblant, as I schal telle.
Whan Hercules withinne a throwe
Al only hath his herte throwe
Upon this faire Deianire,
It fell him on a dai desire, 2160
Upon a Rivere as he stod,
That passe he wolde over the flod
Withoute bot, and with him lede
His love, bot he was in drede
For tendresce of that swete wiht,
For he knew noght the forde ariht.
Ther was a Geant thanne nyh,
Which Nessus hihte, and whanne he sih
This Hercules and Deianyre,
Withinne his herte he gan conspire,[717] 2170
As he which thurgh his tricherie
Hath Hercules in gret envie,
Which he bar in his herte loke,
And thanne he thoghte it schal be wroke.
Bot he ne dorste natheles
Ayein this worthi Hercules
Falle in debat as forto feihte;
Bot feigneth Semblant al be sleihte[718]
Of frendschipe and of alle goode,
And comth where as thei bothe stode, 2180
And makth hem al the chiere he can,
And seith that as here oghne man
He is al redy forto do
What thing he mai; and it fell so
[Sidenote: =P. i. 233=]
That thei upon his Semblant triste,
And axen him if that he wiste
What thing hem were best to done,
So that thei mihten sauf and sone
The water passe, he and sche.
And whan Nessus the privete 2190
Knew of here herte what it mente,[719]
As he that was of double entente,
He made hem riht a glad visage;
And whanne he herde of the passage
Of him and hire, he thoghte guile,
And feigneth Semblant for a while
To don hem plesance and servise,
Bot he thoghte al an other wise.[720]
This Nessus with hise wordes slyhe
Yaf such conseil tofore here yhe 2200
Which semeth outward profitable
And was withinne deceivable.
He bad hem of the Stremes depe
That thei be war and take kepe,
So as thei knowe noght the pas;
Bot forto helpe in such a cas,
He seith himself that for here ese[721]
He wolde, if that it mihte hem plese,
The passage of the water take,
And for this ladi undertake 2210
To bere unto that other stronde
And sauf to sette hire up alonde,
And Hercules may thanne also
The weie knowe how he schal go:[722]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 234=]
And herto thei acorden alle.
Bot what as after schal befalle,
Wel payd was Hercules of this,
And this Geant also glad is,[723]
And tok this ladi up alofte
And set hire on his schuldre softe,[724] 2220
And in the flod began to wade,[725]
As he which no grucchinge made,
And bar hire over sauf and sound.
Bot whanne he stod on dreie ground
And Hercules was fer behinde,
He sette his trowthe al out of mynde,
Who so therof be lief or loth,
With Deianyre and forth he goth,[726]
As he that thoghte to dissevere
The compaignie of hem for evere. 2230
Whan Hercules therof tok hiede,
Als faste as evere he mihte him spiede
He hyeth after in a throwe;
And hapneth that he hadde a bowe,
The which in alle haste he bende,
As he that wolde an Arwe sende,
Which he tofore hadde envenimed.
He hath so wel his schote timed,
That he him thurgh the bodi smette,
And thus the false wiht he lette. 2240
Bot lest now such a felonie:
Whan Nessus wiste he scholde die,
He tok to Deianyre his scherte,
Which with the blod was of his herte
[Sidenote: =P. i. 235=]
Thurghout desteigned overal,
And tolde how sche it kepe schal
Al prively to this entente,[727]
That if hire lord his herte wente[728]
To love in eny other place,
The scherte, he seith, hath such a grace, 2250
That if sche mai so mochel make[729]
That he the scherte upon him take,
He schal alle othre lete in vein
And torne unto hire love ayein.
Who was tho glad bot Deianyre?
Hire thoghte hire herte was afyre
Til it was in hire cofre loke,
So that no word therof was spoke.
The daies gon, the yeres passe,
The hertes waxen lasse and lasse 2260
Of hem that ben to love untrewe:
This Hercules with herte newe
His love hath set on Eolen,
And therof spieken alle men.
This Eolen, this faire maide,
Was, as men thilke time saide,
The kinges dowhter of Eurice;
And sche made Hercules so nyce
Upon hir Love and so assote,
That he him clotheth in hire cote,[730] 2270
And sche in his was clothed ofte;[731]
And thus fieblesce is set alofte,[732]
And strengthe was put under fote,
Ther can noman therof do bote.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 236=]
Whan Deianyre hath herd this speche,
Ther was no sorwe forto seche:
Of other helpe wot sche non,
Bot goth unto hire cofre anon;
With wepende yhe and woful herte
Sche tok out thilke unhappi scherte, 2280
As sche that wende wel to do,
And broghte hire werk aboute so
That Hercules this scherte on dede,
To such entente as she was bede
Of Nessus, so as I seide er.
Bot therof was sche noght the ner,
As no fortune may be weyved;
With Falssemblant sche was deceived,
That whan sche wende best have wonne,
Sche lost al that sche hath begonne. 2290
For thilke scherte unto the bon
His body sette afyre anon,
And cleveth so, it mai noght twinne,
For the venym that was therinne.
And he thanne as a wilde man
Unto the hihe wode he ran,
And as the Clerk Ovide telleth,
The grete tres to grounde he felleth
With strengthe al of his oghne myght,[733]
And made an huge fyr upriht, 2300
And lepte himself therinne at ones
And brende him bothe fleissh and bones.
Which thing cam al thurgh Falssemblant,
That false Nessus the Geant
[Sidenote: =P. i. 237=]
Made unto him and to his wif;
Wherof that he hath lost his lif,
And sche sori for everemo.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my Sone, er thee be wo,
I rede, be wel war therfore;
For whan so gret a man was lore, 2310
It oghte yive a gret conceipte
To warne alle othre of such deceipte.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Grant mercy, fader, I am war
So fer that I nomore dar
Of Falssemblant take aqueintance;
Bot rathere I wol do penance[734]
That I have feigned chiere er this.
Now axeth forth, what so ther is
Of that belongeth to my schrifte.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, yit ther is the fifte 2320
Which is conceived of Envie,
And cleped is Supplantarie,
Thurgh whos compassement and guile
Ful many a man hath lost his while
In love als wel as otherwise,
Hierafter as I schal devise.
[Sidenote: [v. SUPPLANTATION.]]
v. _Inuidus alterius est Supplantator honoris,_[735]
_Et tua quo vertat culmina subtus arat._
_Est opus occultum, quasi que latet anguis in herba,_[736]
_Quod facit, et subita sorte nociuus adest._
_Sic subtilis amans alium supplantat amantem,_
_Et capit occulte, quod nequit ipse palam;_
_Sepeque supplantans in plantam plantat amoris,_
_Quod putat in propriis alter habere bonis._[737]
The vice of Supplantacioun
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor de quinta specie Inuidie,
que Supplantacio dicitur, cuius cultor, priusquam
percipiatur, aliene dignitatis et officii multociens
intrusor existit.]
With many a fals collacioun,[738]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 238=]
Which he conspireth al unknowe,
Full ofte time hath overthrowe 2330
The worschipe of an other man.
So wel no lif awayte can
Ayein his sleyhte forto caste,
That he his pourpos ate laste
Ne hath, er that it be withset.
Bot most of alle his herte is set
In court upon these grete Offices[739]
Of dignitees and benefices:
Thus goth he with his sleyhte aboute
To hindre and schowve an other oute 2340
And stonden with his slyh compas
In stede there an other was;
And so to sette himselven inne,
He reccheth noght, be so he winne,
Of that an other man schal lese,
And thus fulofte chalk for chese
He changeth with ful litel cost,
Wherof an other hath the lost
And he the profit schal receive.
For his fortune is to deceive 2350
And forto change upon the whel
His wo with othre mennes wel:
Of that an other man avaleth,
His oghne astat thus up he haleth,[740]
And takth the bridd to his beyete,
Wher othre men the buisshes bete.
Mi Sone, and in the same wise
Ther ben lovers of such emprise,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 239=]
That schapen hem to be relieved
Where it is wrong to ben achieved: 2360
For it is other mannes riht,
Which he hath taken dai and niht
To kepe for his oghne Stor
Toward himself for everemor,
And is his propre be the lawe,
Which thing that axeth no felawe,
If love holde his covenant.
Bot thei that worchen be supplaunt,
Yit wolden thei a man supplaunte,[741]
And take a part of thilke plaunte 2370
Which he hath for himselve set:
And so fulofte is al unknet,
That som man weneth be riht fast.[742]
For Supplant with his slyhe cast
Fulofte happneth forto mowe
Thing which an other man hath sowe,
And makth comun of proprete
With sleihte and with soubtilite,
As men mai se fro yer to yere.
Thus cleymeth he the bot to stiere, 2380
Of which an other maister is.
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa opponit Confessor Amanti
super eodem.[743]]
Forthi, my Sone, if thou er this
Hast ben of such professioun,
Discovere thi confessioun:
Hast thou supplanted eny man?
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
For oght that I you telle can,
Min holi fader, as of the dede[744]
I am withouten eny drede
[Sidenote: =P. i. 240=]
Al gulteles; bot of my thoght
Mi conscience excuse I noght. 2390
For were it wrong or were it riht,
Me lakketh nothing bote myht,[745]
That I ne wolde longe er this
Of other mannes love ywiss
Be weie of Supplantacioun
Have mad apropriacioun
And holde that I nevere boghte,
Thogh it an other man forthoghte.
And al this speke I bot of on,
For whom I lete alle othre gon; 2400
Bot hire I mai noght overpasse,
That I ne mot alwey compasse,
Me roghte noght be what queintise,
So that I mihte in eny wise
Fro suche that mi ladi serve
Hire herte make forto swerve
Withouten eny part of love.
For be the goddes alle above[746]
I wolde it mihte so befalle,
That I al one scholde hem alle 2410
Supplante, and welde hire at mi wille.
And that thing mai I noght fulfille,
Bot if I scholde strengthe make;
And that I dar noght undertake,[747]
Thogh I were as was Alisaundre,
For therof mihte arise sklaundre;
And certes that schal I do nevere,
For in good feith yit hadde I levere
[Sidenote: =P. i. 241=]
In my simplesce forto die,
Than worche such Supplantarie. 2420
Of otherwise I wol noght seie
That if I founde a seker weie,
I wolde as for conclusioun
Worche after Supplantacioun,
So hihe a love forto winne.[748]
Now, fader, if that this be Sinne,
I am al redy to redresce[749]
The gilt of which I me confesse.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi goode Sone, as of Supplant
Thee thar noght drede tant ne quant, 2430
As for nothing that I have herd,
Bot only that thou hast misferd
Thenkende, and that me liketh noght,
For godd beholt a mannes thoght.[750]
And if thou understode in soth
In loves cause what it doth,
A man to ben a Supplantour,
Thou woldest for thin oghne honour
Be double weie take kepe:
Ferst for thin oghne astat to kepe, 2440
To be thiself so wel bethoght
That thou supplanted were noght,
And ek for worschipe of thi name
Towardes othre do the same,
And soffren every man have his.
Bot natheles it was and is,
That in a wayt at alle assaies[751]
Supplant of love in oure daies
[Sidenote: =P. i. 242=]
The lief fulofte for the levere
Forsakth, and so it hath don evere. 2450
Ensample I finde therupon,
[Sidenote: Qualiter Agamenon de amore Brexeide Achillem, et
Diomedes de amore Criseide Troilum supplantauit.]
At Troie how that Agamenon
Supplantede the worthi knyht
Achilles of that swete wiht,
Which named was Brexeïda;
And also of Criseïda,
Whom Troilus to love ches,
Supplanted hath Diomedes.
[Sidenote: [GETA AND AMPHITRION.]]
Of Geta and Amphitrion,
That whilom weren bothe as on 2460
[Sidenote: Qualiter Amphitrion[752] socium suum Getam, qui
Almeenam peramauit, seipsum loco alterius cautelosa
supplantacione substituit.]
Of frendschipe and of compaignie,
I rede how that Supplantarie
In love, as it betidde tho,
Beguiled hath on of hem tuo.
For this Geta that I of meene,
To whom the lusti faire Almeene
Assured was be weie of love,
Whan he best wende have ben above
And sikerest of that he hadde,
Cupido so the cause ladde, 2470
That whil he was out of the weie,
Amphitrion hire love aweie
Hath take, and in this forme he wroghte.[753]
Be nyhte unto the chambre he soghte,
Wher that sche lay, and with a wyle
He contrefeteth for the whyle
The vois of Gete in such a wise,[754]
That made hire of hire bedd arise,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 243=]
Wenende that it were he,
And let him in, and whan thei be 2480
Togedre abedde in armes faste,
This Geta cam thanne ate laste
Unto the Dore and seide, ‘Undo.’
And sche ansuerde and bad him go,
And seide how that abedde al warm
Hir lief lay naked in hir arm;
Sche wende that it were soth.
Lo, what Supplant of love doth:
This Geta forth bejaped wente,
And yit ne wiste he what it mente; 2490
Amphitrion him hath supplanted
With sleyhte of love and hire enchaunted:
And thus put every man out other,
The Schip of love hath lost his Rother,
So that he can no reson stiere.
And forto speke of this matiere
Touchende love and his Supplant,[755]
A tale which is acordant
Unto thin Ere I thenke enforme.
Now herkne, for this is the forme. 2500
[Sidenote: [TALE OF THE FALSE BACHELOR.]]
Of thilke Cite chief of alle
Which men the noble Rome calle,
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa contra fraudem detraccionis
ponit Confessor exemplum. Et narrat de quodam Romani
Imparatoris filio, qui probitates armorum super omnia
excercere affectans nesciente patre vltra mare in partes
Persie ad deseruiendum Soldano super guerras cum solo
milite tanquam socio suo ignotus se transtulit. Et cum
ipsius milicie fama super alios ibidem celsior accreuisset,
contigit ut in quodam bello contra Caliphum Egipti inito
Soldanusa sagitta mortaliter vulneratus, priusquam
moreretur, quendam anulum filie sue secretissimum isti
nobili Romano tradidit, dicens qualiter filia sua sub
paterne benediccionis vinculo adiurata est, quod quicumque
dictum anulum ei afferret, ipsam in coniugem pre omnibus
susciperet. Defuncto autem Soldano, versus Ciuitatem que
Kaire dicitur itinerantes, iste Romanus commilitoni suo
huius misterii secretum reuelauit; qui noctanter a bursa
domini sui anulum furto surripiens, hec que audiuit usui
proprio falsissima Supplantacione applicauit. Et sic seruus
pro domino desponsata sibi Soldani filia coronatus Persie
regnauit.]
Er it was set to Cristes feith,
Ther was, as the Cronique seith,
An Emperour, the which it ladde
In pes, that he no werres hadde:
Ther was nothing desobeissant
Which was to Rome appourtenant,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 244=]
Bot al was torned into reste.
To some it thoghte for the beste,[756] 2510
To some it thoghte nothing so,
And that was only unto tho
Whos herte stod upon knyhthode:
Bot most of alle of his manhode
The worthi Sone of themperour,
Which wolde ben a werreiour,
As he that was chivalerous
Of worldes fame and desirous,
Began his fadre to beseche[757]
That he the werres mihte seche,[758] 2520
In strange Marches forto ride.
His fader seide he scholde abide,
And wolde granten him no leve:[759]
Bot he, which wolde noght beleve,
A kniht of his to whom he triste,
So that his fader nothing wiste,
He tok and tolde him his corage,
That he pourposeth a viage.
If that fortune with him stonde,
He seide how that he wolde fonde[760] 2530
The grete See to passe unknowe,
And there abyde for a throwe
Upon the werres to travaile.
And to this point withoute faile
This kniht, whan he hath herd his lord,
Is swore, and stant of his acord,
As thei that bothe yonge were;[761]
So that in prive conseil there
[Sidenote: =P. i. 245=]
Thei ben assented forto wende.
And therupon to make an ende, 2540
Tresor ynowh with hem thei token,
And whan the time is best thei loken,
That sodeinliche in a Galeie
Fro Romelond thei wente here weie
And londe upon that other side.
The world fell so that ilke tide,
Which evere hise happes hath diverse,
The grete Soldan thanne of Perse
Ayein the Caliphe of Egipte
A werre, which that him beclipte, 2550
Hath in a Marche costeiant.
And he, which was a poursuiant
Worschipe of armes to atteigne,
This Romein, let anon ordeigne,
That he was redi everydel:
And whan he was arraied wel
Of every thing which him belongeth,
Straght unto Kaire his weie he fongeth,
Wher he the Soldan thanne fond,[762]
And axeth that withinne his lond 2560
He mihte him for the werre serve,
As he which wolde his thonk deserve.[763]
The Soldan was riht glad with al,
And wel the more in special
Whan that he wiste he was Romein;
Bot what was elles in certein,
That mihte he wite be no weie.
And thus the kniht of whom I seie
[Sidenote: =P. i. 246=]
Toward the Soldan is beleft,
And in the Marches now and eft, 2570
Wher that the dedli werres were,
He wroghte such knihthode there,
That every man spak of him good.[764]
And thilke time so it stod,
This mihti Soldan be his wif
A Dowhter hath, that in this lif[765]
Men seiden ther was non so fair.
Sche scholde ben hir fader hair,
And was of yeres ripe ynowh:
Hire beaute many an herte drowh 2580
To bowe unto that ilke lawe[766]
Fro which no lif mai be withdrawe,
And that is love, whos nature
Set lif and deth in aventure
Of hem that knyhthode undertake.
This lusti peine hath overtake[767]
The herte of this Romein so sore,
That to knihthode more and more
Prouesce avanceth his corage.
Lich to the Leoun in his rage, 2590
Fro whom that alle bestes fle,
Such was the knyht in his degre:[768]
Wher he was armed in the feld,
Ther dorste non abide his scheld;
Gret pris upon the werre he hadde.
Bot sche which al the chance ladde,
Fortune, schop the Marches so,
That be thassent of bothe tuo,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 247=]
The Soldan and the Caliphe eke,
Bataille upon a dai thei seke, 2600
Which was in such a wise set
That lengere scholde it noght be let.
Thei made hem stronge on every side,
And whan it drowh toward the tide
That the bataille scholde be,
The Soldan in gret privete
A goldring of his dowhter tok,
And made hire swere upon a bok
And ek upon the goddes alle,
That if fortune so befalle 2610
In the bataille that he deie,
That sche schal thilke man obeie
And take him to hire housebonde,
Which thilke same Ring to honde
Hire scholde bringe after his deth.
This hath sche swore, and forth he geth
With al the pouer of his lond
Unto the Marche, where he fond
His enemy full embatailled.
The Soldan hath the feld assailed: 2620
Thei that ben hardy sone assemblen,
Wherof the dredfull hertes tremblen:
That on sleth, and that other sterveth,
Bot above alle his pris deserveth
This knihtly Romein; where he rod,
His dedly swerd noman abod,
Ayein the which was no defence;
Egipte fledde in his presence,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 248=]
And thei of Perse upon the chace
Poursuien: bot I not what grace 2630
Befell, an Arwe out of a bowe
Al sodeinly that ilke throwe[769]
The Soldan smot, and ther he lay:
The chace is left for thilke day,
And he was bore into a tente.
The Soldan sih how that it wente,
And that he seholde algate die;
And to this knyht of Romanie,
As unto him whom he most triste,
His Dowhter Ring, that non it wiste, 2640
He tok, and tolde him al the cas,
Upon hire oth what tokne it was
Of that sche scholde ben his wif.
Whan this was seid, the hertes lif
Of this Soldan departeth sone;
And therupon, as was to done,
The dede body wel and faire
Thei carie til thei come at Kaire,
Wher he was worthily begrave.[770]
The lordes, whiche as wolden save 2650
The Regne which was desolat,
To bringe it into good astat
A parlement thei sette anon.
Now herkne what fell therupon:[771]
This yonge lord, this worthi kniht
Of Rome, upon the same niht
That thei amorwe trete scholde,
Unto his Bacheler he tolde
[Sidenote: =P. i. 249=]
His conseil, and the Ring with al
He scheweth, thurgh which that he schal, 2660
He seith, the kinges Dowhter wedde,[772]
For so the Ring was leid to wedde,
He tolde, into hir fader hond,
That with what man that sche it fond
She scholde him take to hire lord.
And this, he seith, stant of record,
Bot noman wot who hath this Ring.
This Bacheler upon this thing
His Ere and his entente leide,
And thoghte more thanne he seide, 2670
And feigneth with a fals visage
That he was glad, bot his corage
Was al set in an other wise.
These olde Philosophres wise
Thei writen upon thilke while,
That he mai best a man beguile
In whom the man hath most credence;
And this befell in evidence[773]
Toward this yonge lord of Rome.
His Bacheler, which hadde tome,[774] 2680
Whan that his lord be nihte slepte,
This Ring, the which his maister kepte,
Out of his Pours awey he dede,
And putte an other in the stede.
Amorwe, whan the Court is set,
The yonge ladi was forth fet,
To whom the lordes don homage,
And after that of Mariage
[Sidenote: =P. i. 250=]
Thei trete and axen of hir wille.
Bot sche, which thoghte to fulfille 2690
Hire fader heste in this matiere,
Seide openly, that men mai hiere,
The charge which hire fader bad.
Tho was this Lord of Rome glad
And drowh toward his Pours anon,
Bot al for noght, it was agon:
His Bacheler it hath forthdrawe,
And axeth ther upon the lawe[775]
That sche him holde covenant.
The tokne was so sufficant 2700
That it ne mihte be forsake,
And natheles his lord hath take
Querelle ayein his oghne man;
Bot for nothing that evere he can
He mihte as thanne noght ben herd,
So that his cleym is unansuerd,
And he hath of his pourpos failed.
This Bacheler was tho consailed[776]
And wedded, and of thilke Empire
He was coroned Lord and Sire, 2710
And al the lond him hath received;
Wherof his lord, which was deceived,
A seknesse er the thridde morwe
Conceived hath of dedly sorwe:
And as he lay upon his deth,
Therwhile him lasteth speche and breth,
He sende for the worthieste
Of al the lond and ek the beste,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 251=]
And tolde hem al the sothe tho,
That he was Sone and Heir also 2720
Of themperour of grete Rome,
And how that thei togedre come,
This kniht and he; riht as it was,
He tolde hem al the pleine cas,
And for that he his conseil tolde,
That other hath al that he wolde,
And he hath failed of his mede:
As for the good he takth non hiede,
He seith, bot only of the love,
Of which he wende have ben above. 2730
And therupon be lettre write
He doth his fader forto wite
Of al this matiere as it stod;[777]
And thanne with an hertly mod
Unto the lordes he besoghte
To telle his ladi how he boghte
Hire love, of which an other gladeth;
And with that word his hewe fadeth,
And seide, ‘A dieu, my ladi swete.’
The lif hath lost his kindly hete, 2740
And he lay ded as eny ston;[778]
Wherof was sory manyon,
Bot non of alle so as sche.
This false knyht in his degree
Arested was and put in hold:
For openly whan it was told
Of the tresoun which is befalle,
Thurghout the lond thei seiden alle,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 252=]
If it be soth that men suppose,
His oghne untrowthe him schal depose. 2750
And forto seche an evidence,
With honour and gret reverence,[779]
Wherof they mihten knowe an ende,
To themperour anon thei sende
The lettre which his Sone wrot.
And whan that he the sothe wot,
To telle his sorwe is endeles,
Bot yit in haste natheles
Upon the tale which he herde
His Stieward into Perse ferde 2760
With many a worthi Romein eke,
His liege tretour forto seke;
And whan thei thider come were,
This kniht him hath confessed there
How falsly that he hath him bore,
Wherof his worthi lord was lore.
Tho seiden some he scholde deie,
Bot yit thei founden such a weie
That he schal noght be ded in Perse;
And thus the skiles ben diverse. 2770
Be cause that he was coroned,
And that the lond was abandoned
To him, althogh it were unriht,
Ther is no peine for him diht;
Bot to this point and to this ende[780]
Thei granten wel that he schal wende
With the Romeins to Rome ayein.
And thus acorded ful and plein,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 253=]
The qwike body with the dede
With leve take forth thei lede, 2780
Wher that Supplant hath his juise.
Wherof that thou thee miht avise
Upon this enformacioun
Touchende of Supplantacioun,
That thou, my Sone, do noght so:
And forto take hiede also
What Supplant doth in other halve,
Ther is noman can finde a salve
Pleinly to helen such a Sor;
It hath and schal ben everemor, 2790
Whan Pride is with Envie joint,
He soffreth noman in good point,
Wher that he mai his honour lette.
And therupon if I schal sette
Ensample, in holy cherche I finde
How that Supplant is noght behinde;
God wot if that it now be so:
For in Cronique of time ago
I finde a tale concordable
Of Supplant, which that is no fable, 2800
In the manere as I schal telle,
So as whilom the thinges felle.
[Sidenote: [POPE BONIFACE.]]
At Rome, as it hath ofte falle,
The vicair general of alle
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos in
causa[781] dignitatis adquirende supplantatores. Et narrat
qualiter Papa Bonefacius predecessorem suum Celestinum
a papatu coniectata[782] circumuencione fraudulenter
supplantauit. Set qui potentes a sede deponit, huiusmodi
supplantacionis fraudem non sustinens, ipsum sic in sublime
exaltatum postea in profundi carceris miseriam proici, fame
que[783] siti cruciari, necnon et ab huius vite gaudiis
dolorosa morte explantari finali conclusione permisit.]
Of hem that lieven Cristes feith
His laste day, which non withseith,
Hath schet as to the worldes ÿe,
Whos name if I schal specefie,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 254=]
He hihte Pope Nicolas.
And thus whan that he passed was, 2810
The Cardinals, that wolden save
The forme of lawe, in the conclave
Gon forto chese a newe Pope,
And after that thei cowthe agrope[784]
Hath ech of hem seid his entente:
Til ate laste thei assente
Upon an holy clerk reclus,
Which full was of gostli vertus;
His pacience and his simplesse
Hath set him into hih noblesse. 2820
Thus was he Pope canonized,[785]
With gret honour and intronized,[786]
And upon chance as it is falle,
His name Celestin men calle;
Which notefied was be bulle[787]
To holi cherche and to the fulle
In alle londes magnified.
Bot every worschipe is envied,
And that was thilke time sene:
For whan this Pope of whom I meene 2830
Was chose, and othre set beside,
A Cardinal was thilke tide
Which the papat longe hath desired
And therupon gretli conspired;
Bot whan he sih fortune is failed,
For which long time he hath travailed,
That ilke fyr which Ethna brenneth
Thurghout his wofull herte renneth,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 255=]
Which is resembled to Envie,
Wherof Supplant and tricherie 2840
Engendred is; and natheles
He feigneth love, he feigneth pes,
Outward he doth the reverence,
Bot al withinne his conscience
Thurgh fals ymaginacioun
He thoghte Supplantacioun.
And therupon a wonder wyle
He wroghte: for at thilke whyle
It fell so that of his lignage
He hadde a clergoun of yong age, 2850
Whom he hath in his chambre affaited.
This Cardinal his time hath waited,[788]
And with his wordes slyhe and queinte,
The whiche he cowthe wysly peinte,
He schop this clerk of which I telle
Toward the Pope forto duelle,
So that withinne his chambre anyht
He lai, and was a prive wyht
Toward the Pope on nyhtes tide.
Mai noman fle that schal betide. 2860
This Cardinal, which thoghte guile,
Upon a day whan he hath while
This yonge clerc unto him tok,
And made him swere upon a bok,
And told him what his wille was.[789]
And forth withal a Trompe of bras
He hath him take, and bad him this:
‘Thou schalt,’ he seide, ‘whan time is
[Sidenote: =P. i. 256=]
Awaite, and take riht good kepe,
Whan that the Pope is fast aslepe[790] 2870
And that non other man be nyh;
And thanne that thou be so slyh
Thurghout the Trompe into his Ere,
Fro hevene as thogh a vois it were,
To soune of such prolacioun[791]
That he his meditacioun
Therof mai take and understonde,
As thogh it were of goddes sonde.
And in this wise thou schalt seie,
That he do thilke astat aweie 2880
Of Pope, in which he stant honoured,[792]
So schal his Soule be socoured
Of thilke worschipe ate laste
In hevene which schal evere laste.’
This clerc, whan he hath herd the forme
How he the Pope scholde enforme,
Tok of the Cardinal his leve,
And goth him hom, til it was Eve,
And prively the trompe he hedde,
Til that the Pope was abedde. 2890
And at the Midnyht, whan he knewh
The Pope slepte, thanne he blewh
Withinne his trompe thurgh the wal,[793]
And tolde in what manere he schal
His Papacie leve, and take
His ferste astat: and thus awake[794]
This holi Pope he made thries,
Wherof diverse fantasies
[Sidenote: =P. i. 257=]
Upon his grete holinesse
Withinne his herte he gan impresse. 2900
The Pope ful of innocence
Conceiveth in his conscience
That it is goddes wille he cesse;
Bot in what wise he may relesse
His hihe astat, that wot he noght.
And thus withinne himself bethoght,
He bar it stille in his memoire,
Til he cam to the Consistoire;
And there in presence of hem alle
He axeth, if it so befalle 2910
That eny Pope cesse wolde,
How that the lawe it soffre scholde.
Thei seten alle stille and herde,
Was non which to the point ansuerde,
For to what pourpos that it mente
Ther was noman knew his entente,
Bot only he which schop the guile.
This Cardinal the same while
Al openly with wordes pleine
Seith, if the Pope wolde ordeigne 2920
That ther be such a lawe wroght,
Than mihte he cesse, and elles noght.
And as he seide, don it was;
The Pope anon upon the cas
Of his Papal Autorite
Hath mad and yove the decre:
And whan that lawe was confermed
In due forme and al affermed,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 258=]
This innocent, which was deceived,
His Papacie anon hath weyved, 2930
Renounced and resigned eke.
That other was nothing to seke,
Bot undernethe such a jape
He hath so for himselve schape,
That how as evere it him beseme,
The Mitre with the Diademe
He hath thurgh Supplantacion:
And in his confirmacion
Upon the fortune of his grace
His name is cleped Boneface. 2940
Under the viser of Envie,
Lo, thus was hid the tricherie,
Which hath beguiled manyon.
Bot such conseil ther mai be non,
With treson whan it is conspired,
That it nys lich the Sparke fyred
Up in the Rof, which for a throwe
Lith hidd, til whan the wyndes blowe
It blaseth out on every side.
This Bonefas, which can noght hyde 2950
The tricherie of his Supplant,
Hath openly mad his avant
How he the Papacie hath wonne.
Bot thing which is with wrong begonne
Mai nevere stonde wel at ende;
Wher Pride schal the bowe bende,
He schet fulofte out of the weie:
And thus the Pope of whom I seie,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 259=]
Whan that he stod on hih the whiel,[795]
He can noght soffre himself be wel. 2960
Envie, which is loveles,
And Pride, which is laweles,
With such tempeste made him erre,
That charite goth out of herre:[796]
So that upon misgovernance
Ayein Lowyz the king of France
He tok querelle of his oultrage,
And seide he scholde don hommage
Unto the cherche bodily.
Bot he, that wiste nothing why 2970
He scholde do so gret servise
After the world in such a wise,
Withstod the wrong of that demande;
For noght the Pope mai comande
The king wol noght the Pope obeie.
This Pope tho be alle weie
That he mai worche of violence
Hath sent the bulle of his sentence
With cursinge and with enterdit.
The king upon this wrongful plyt, 2980
To kepe his regne fro servage,
Conseiled was of his Barnage
That miht with miht schal be withstonde.
Thus was the cause take on honde,
And seiden that the Papacie
Thei wolde honoure and magnefie
In al that evere is spirital;
Bot thilke Pride temporal
[Sidenote: =P. i. 260=]
Of Boneface in his persone,
Ayein that ilke wrong al one 2990
Thei wolde stonden in debat:
And thus the man and noght the stat
The Frensche schopen be her miht[797]
To grieve. And fell ther was a kniht,
Sire Guilliam de Langharet,
Which was upon this cause set;
And therupon he tok a route
Of men of Armes and rod oute,
So longe and in a wayt he lay,[798]
That he aspide upon a day 3000
The Pope was at Avinoun,
And scholde ryde out of the toun
Unto Pontsorge, the which is[799]
A Castell in Provence of his.
Upon the weie and as he rod,
This kniht, which hoved and abod
Embuisshed upon horse bak,
Al sodeinliche upon him brak
And hath him be the bridel sesed,
And seide: ‘O thou, which hast desesed 3010
The Court of France be thi wrong,
Now schalt thou singe an other song:[800]
Thin enterdit and thi sentence
Ayein thin oghne conscience
Hierafter thou schalt fiele and grope.
We pleigne noght ayein the Pope,
For thilke name is honourable,
Bot thou, which hast be deceivable
[Sidenote: =P. i. 261=]
And tricherous in al thi werk,
Thou Bonefas, thou proude clerk, 3020
Misledere of the Papacie,[801]
Thi false bodi schal abye
And soffre that it hath deserved.’
Lo, thus the Supplantour was served;
For thei him ladden into France
And setten him to his penance
Withinne a tour in harde bondes,
Wher he for hunger bothe hise hondes
Eet of and deide, god wot how:
Of whom the wrytinge is yit now 3030
Registred, as a man mai hiere,
Which spekth and seith in this manere:
[Sidenote: Cronica Bonefacii. Intrasti ut vulpis, regnasti
ut leo, et mortuus es ut canis.]
Thin entre lich the fox was slyh,
Thi regne also with pride on hih
Was lich the Leon in his rage;
Bot ate laste of thi passage
Thi deth was to the houndes like.
Such is the lettre of his Cronique
Proclamed in the Court of Rome,
Wherof the wise ensample nome. 3040
And yit, als ferforth as I dar,
I rede alle othre men be war,
And that thei loke wel algate
That non his oghne astat translate
Of holi cherche in no degree
Be fraude ne soubtilite:
For thilke honour which Aaron tok
Schal non receive, as seith the bok,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 262=]
Bot he be cleped as he was.
What I schal thenken in this cas 3050
Of that I hiere now aday,
I not: bot he which can and may,
Be reson bothe and be nature
The help of every mannes cure,
He kepe Simon fro the folde.[802]
[Sidenote: Nota de prophecia Ioachim Abbatis.]
For Joachim thilke Abbot tolde
How suche daies scholden falle,
[Sidenote: Quanti Mercenarii erunt in ouile dei, tuas aures
meis narracionibus fedare nolo.[803]]
That comunliche in places alle
The Chapmen of such mercerie
With fraude and with Supplantarie 3060
So manye scholden beie and selle,
That he ne may for schame telle
So foul a Senne in mannes Ere.
Bot god forbiede that it were
In oure daies that he seith:
For if the Clerc beware his feith
In chapmanhod at such a feire,
The remenant mot nede empeire
Of al that to the world belongeth;
For whan that holi cherche wrongeth, 3070
I not what other thing schal rihte.
And natheles at mannes sihte
Envie forto be preferred
Hath conscience so differred,
That noman loketh to the vice
Which is the Moder of malice,
And that is thilke false Envie,
Which causeth many a tricherie;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 263=]
For wher he may an other se
That is mor gracious than he, 3080
It schal noght stonden in his miht
Bot if he hindre such a wiht:
And that is welnyh overal,
This vice is now so general.
[Sidenote: [JOAB. AHITOPHEL.]]
Envie thilke unhapp indrowh,[804]
[Sidenote: Qualiter Ioab princeps milicie Dauid
inuidie causa Abner subdole interfecit. Et qualiter
eciam Achitofell ob hoc quod Cusy in consilio Absolon
preferebatur, accensus inuidia laqueo se suspendit.]
Whan Joab be deceipte slowh
Abner, for drede he scholde be
With king David such as was he.
And thurgh Envie also it fell
Of thilke false Achitofell, 3090
For his conseil was noght achieved,
Bot that he sih Cusy believed
With Absolon and him forsake,
He heng himself upon a stake.
[Sidenote: [NATURE OF ENVY.]]
Senec witnesseth openly
How that Envie proprely
Is of the Court the comun wenche,
And halt taverne forto schenche
That drink which makth the herte brenne,
And doth the wit aboute renne, 3100
Be every weie to compasse
How that he mihte alle othre passe,
As he which thurgh unkindeschipe
Envieth every felaschipe;
So that thou miht wel knowe and se,
Ther is no vice such as he,
Ferst toward godd abhominable,
And to mankinde unprofitable:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 294=]
And that be wordes bot a fewe
I schal be reson prove and schewe. 3110
vi. _Inuidie stimulus sine causa ledit abortus,_
_Nam sine temptante crimine crimen habet._
_Non est huius opus temptare Cupidinis archum,_
_Dumque faces Veneris ethnica flamma vorat._
_Absque rubore gene, pallor quas fuscus obumbrat,_
_Frigida nature cetera membra docent._
Envie if that I schal descrive,
He is noght schaply forto wyve[805]
[Sidenote: Hic describit Confessor naturam Inuidie tam
in amore quam aliter secundum proprietatem vicii sub
compendio.]
In Erthe among the wommen hiere;
For ther is in him no matiere
Wherof he mihte do plesance.
Ferst for his hevy continance
Of that he semeth evere unglad,
He is noght able to ben had;
And ek he brenneth so withinne,[806]
That kinde mai no profit winne, 3120
Wherof he scholde his love plese:
For thilke blod which scholde have ese
To regne among the moiste veines,
Is drye of thilke unkendeli peines
Thurgh whiche Envie is fyred ay.
And thus be reson prove I may
That toward love Envie is noght;
And otherwise if it be soght,
Upon what side as evere it falle,
It is the werste vice of alle, 3130
Which of himself hath most malice.
For understond that every vice
Som cause hath, wherof it groweth,
Bot of Envie noman knoweth
[Sidenote: =P. i. 265=]
Fro whenne he cam bot out of helle.
For thus the wise clerkes telle,
That no spirit bot of malice
Be weie of kinde upon a vice
Is tempted, and be such a weie
Envie hath kinde put aweie 3140
And of malice hath his steringe,
Wherof he makth his bakbitinge.
And is himself therof desesed.
So mai ther be no kinde plesed;
For ay the mor that he envieth,
The more ayein himself he plieth.
Thus stant Envie in good espeir
To ben himself the develes heir,
As he which is his nexte liche
And forthest fro the heveneriche, 3150
For there mai he nevere wone.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my goode diere Sone,
If thou wolt finde a siker weie
To love, put Envie aweie.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Min holy fader, reson wolde
That I this vice eschuie scholde:
Bot yit to strengthe mi corage,
If that ye wolde in avantage
Therof sette a recoverir,
It were tome a gret desir,[807] 3160
That I this vice mihte flee.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Nou understond, my Sone, and se,
Ther is phisique for the seke,
And vertus for the vices eke.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 266=]
Who that the vices wolde eschuie,
He mot be resoun thanne suie
The vertus; for be thilke weie
He mai the vices don aweie,
For thei togedre mai noght duelle:
For as the water of a welle[808] 3170
Of fyr abateth the malice,
Riht so vertu fordoth the vice.
Ayein Envie is Charite,
Which is the Moder of Pite,
That makth a mannes herte tendre,
[Sidenote: [CHARITY AND PITY.]]
That it mai no malice engendre
In him that is enclin therto.[809]
For his corage is tempred so,
That thogh he mihte himself relieve,
Yit wolde he noght an other grieve, 3180
Bot rather forto do plesance
He berth himselven the grevance,
So fain he wolde an other ese.
Wherof, mi Sone, for thin ese
Now herkne a tale which I rede,
And understand it wel, I rede.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF CONSTANTINE AND SILVESTER.]]
Among the bokes of latin
I finde write of Constantin
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum de virtute
caritatis contra Inuidiam. Et narrat de Constantino Helene
filio, qui cum Imperii Romani dignitatem optinuerat, a
morbo lepre infectus, medici pro sanitate recuperanda ipsum
in sanguine puerorum masculorum balneare proposuerunt. Set
cum innumera multitudo matrum cum filiis huiusmodi medicine
causa in circuitu palacii affuisset, Imparatorque eorum
gemitus et clamores percepisset, caritate motus ingemiscens
sic ait: ‘O vere ipse est[810] dominus, qui se facit seruum
pietatis.’ Et hiis dictis statum suum cunctipotentis
medele[811] committens, sui ipsius morbum pocius quam
infancium mortem benignus[812] elegit. Vnde ipse, qui antea
Paganus et leprosus extiterat, ex vnda baptismatis[813]
renatus vtriusque materie, tam corporis quam anime, diuino
miraculo consecutus est salutem.]
The worthi Emperour of Rome,
Suche infortunes to him come, 3190
Whan he was in his lusti age,
The lepre cawhte in his visage
And so forth overal aboute,
That he ne mihte ryden oute:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 267=]
So lefte he bothe Schield and spere,
As he that mihte him noght bestere,
And hield him in his chambre clos.
Thurgh al the world the fame aros,
The grete clerkes ben asent[814]
And come at his comandement 3200
To trete upon this lordes hele.
So longe thei togedre dele,
That thei upon this medicine
Apointen hem, and determine
That in the maner as it stod
Thei wolde him bathe in childes blod
Withinne sevene wynter age:
For, as thei sein, that scholde assuage
The lepre and al the violence,
Which that thei knewe of Accidence 3210
And noght be weie of kinde is falle.
And therto thei acorden alle
As for final conclusioun,
And tolden here opinioun
To themperour: and he anon
His conseil tok, and therupon
With lettres and with seales oute
Thei sende in every lond aboute
The yonge children forto seche,
Whos blod, thei seiden, schal be leche[815] 3220
For themperoures maladie.
Ther was ynowh to wepe and crie
Among the Modres, whan thei herde
Hou wofully this cause ferde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 268=]
Bot natheles thei moten bowe;
And thus wommen ther come ynowhe
With children soukende on the Tete.
Tho was ther manye teres lete,
Bot were hem lieve or were hem lothe,
The wommen and the children bothe 3230
Into the Paleis forth be broght[816]
With many a sory hertes thoght
Of hem whiche of here bodi bore
The children hadde, and so forlore
Withinne a while scholden se.
The Modres wepe in here degre,
And manye of hem aswoune falle,[817]
The yonge babes criden alle:
This noyse aros, the lord it herde,
And loked out, and how it ferde 3240
He sih, and as who seith abreide
Out of his slep, and thus he seide:
‘O thou divine pourveance,
Which every man in the balance
Of kinde hast formed to be liche,
The povere is bore as is the riche
And deieth in the same wise,
Upon the fol, upon the wise
Siknesse and hele entrecomune;
Mai non eschuie that fortune 3250
Which kinde hath in hire lawe set;
Hire strengthe and beaute ben beset
To every man aliche fre,
That sche preferreth no degre
[Sidenote: =P. i. 269=]
As in the disposicioun
Of bodili complexioun:
And ek of Soule resonable
The povere child is bore als able
To vertu as the kinges Sone;
For every man his oghne wone 3260
After the lust of his assay
The vice or vertu chese may.
Thus stonden alle men franchised,
Bot in astat thei ben divised;
[Sidenote: Nota.[818]]
To some worschipe and richesse,
To some poverte and distresse,
On lordeth and an other serveth;
Bot yit as every man deserveth
The world yifth noght his yiftes hiere.
Bot certes he hath gret matiere 3270
To ben of good condicioun,
Which hath in his subjeccioun
The men that ben of his semblance.’
And ek he tok a remembrance
How he that made lawe of kinde
Wolde every man to lawe binde,
And bad a man, such as he wolde
Toward himself, riht such he scholde
Toward an other don also.
And thus this worthi lord as tho 3280
Sette in balance his oghne astat
And with himself stod in debat,
And thoghte hou that it was noght good[819]
To se so mochel mannes blod
[Sidenote: =P. i. 270=]
Be spilt for cause of him alone.[820]
He sih also the grete mone,
Of that the Modres were unglade,
And of the wo the children made,
Wherof that al his herte tendreth,
And such pite withinne engendreth,[821] 3290
That him was levere forto chese
His oghne bodi forto lese,
Than se so gret a moerdre wroght
Upon the blod which gulteth noght.
Thus for the pite which he tok
Alle othre leches he forsok,
And put him out of aventure
Al only into goddes cure;
And seith, ‘Who that woll maister be,
He mot be servant to pite.’ 3300
So ferforth he was overcome
With charite, that he hath nome
His conseil and hise officers,
And bad unto hise tresorers
That thei his tresour al aboute
Departe among that povere route[822]
Of wommen and of children bothe,
Wherof thei mihte hem fede and clothe
And saufli tornen hom ayein
Withoute lost of eny grein. 3310
Thurgh charite thus he despendeth
His good, wherof that he amendeth
The povere poeple, and contrevaileth
The harm, that he hem so travaileth:[823]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 271=]
And thus the woful nyhtes sorwe
To joie is torned on the morwe;
Al was thonkinge, al was blessinge,
Which erst was wepinge and cursinge;
Thes wommen gon hom glade ynowh,
Echon for joie on other lowh, 3320
And preiden for this lordes hele,
Which hath relessed the querele,
And hath his oghne will forsake
In charite for goddes sake.
Bot now hierafter thou schalt hiere
What god hath wroght in this matiere,
As he which doth al equite.
To him that wroghte charite
He was ayeinward charitous,
And to pite he was pitous: 3330
For it was nevere knowe yit
That charite goth unaquit.
The nyht, whan he was leid to slepe,
The hihe god, which wolde him kepe,
Seint Peter and seint Poul him sende,
Be whom he wolde his lepre amende.
Thei tuo to him slepende appiere
Fro god, and seide in this manere:
‘O Constantin, for thou hast served
Pite, thou hast pite deserved: 3340
Forthi thou schalt such pite have
That god thurgh pite woll thee save.
So schalt thou double hele finde,
Ferst for thi bodiliche kinde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 272=]
And for thi wofull Soule also,
Thou schalt ben hol of bothe tuo.
And for thou schalt thee noght despeire,
Thi lepre schal nomore empeire
Til thou wolt sende therupon
Unto the Mont of Celion, 3350
Wher that Silvestre and his clergie
Togedre duelle in compaignie
For drede of thee, which many day
Hast ben a fo to Cristes lay,
And hast destruid to mochel schame
The prechours of his holy name.
Bot now thou hast somdiel appesed
Thi god, and with good dede plesed,
That thou thi pite hast bewared
Upon the blod which thou hast spared. 3360
Forthi to thi salvacion
Thou schalt have enformacioun,
Such as Silvestre schal the teche:
The nedeth of non other leche.’
This Emperour, which al this herde,
‘Grant merci lordes,’ he ansuerde,
‘I wol do so as ye me seie.
Bot of o thing I wolde preie:
What schal I telle unto Silvestre
Or of youre name or of youre estre?’ 3370
And thei him tolden what thei hihte,
And forth withal out of his sihte
Thei passen up into the hevene.
And he awok out of his swevene,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 273=]
And clepeth, and men come anon:
He tolde his drem, and therupon
In such a wise as he hem telleth
The Mont wher that Silvestre duelleth
Thei have in alle haste soght,
And founde he was and with hem broght 3380
To themperour, which to him tolde
His swevene and elles what he wolde.
And whan Silvestre hath herd the king,
He was riht joiful of this thing,
And him began with al his wit
To techen upon holi writ
Ferst how mankinde was forlore,
And how the hihe god therfore
His Sone sende from above,
Which bore was for mannes love, 3390
And after of his oghne chois
He tok his deth upon the crois;
And how in grave he was beloke,
And how that he hath helle broke,
And tok hem out that were him lieve;[824]
And forto make ous full believe
That he was verrai goddes Sone,
Ayein the kinde of mannes wone
Fro dethe he ros the thridde day,
And whanne he wolde, as he wel may, 3400
He styh up to his fader evene
With fleissh and blod into the hevene;[825]
And riht so in the same forme
In fleissh and blod he schal reforme,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 274=]
Whan time comth, the qwike and dede
At thilke woful dai of drede,[826]
Where every man schal take his dom,
Als wel the Maister as the grom.
The mihti kinges retenue
That dai may stonde of no value 3410
With worldes strengthe to defende;
For every man mot thanne entende
To stonde upon his oghne dedes
And leve alle othre mennes nedes.
That dai mai no consail availe,
The pledour and the plee schal faile,
The sentence of that ilke day
Mai non appell sette in delay;
Ther mai no gold the Jugge plie,
That he ne schal the sothe trie 3420
And setten every man upriht,
Als wel the plowman as the kniht:
The lewed man, the grete clerk
Schal stonde upon his oghne werk,
And such as he is founde tho,
Such schal he be for everemo.
Ther mai no peine be relessed,
Ther mai no joie ben encressed,
Bot endeles, as thei have do,
He schal receive on of the tuo.[827] 3430
And thus Silvestre with his sawe[828]
The ground of al the newe lawe
With gret devocion he precheth,
Fro point to point and pleinly techeth
[Sidenote: =P. i. 275=]
Unto this hethen Emperour;
And seith, the hihe creatour
Hath underfonge his charite,
Of that he wroghte such pite,
Whan he the children hadde on honde.
Thus whan this lord hath understonde 3440
Of al this thing how that it ferde,
Unto Silvestre he thanne ansuerde,
With al his hole herte and seith
That he is redi to the feith.
And so the vessel which for blod
Was mad, Silvestre, ther it stod,
With clene water of the welle
In alle haste he let do felle,
And sette Constantin therinne
Al naked up unto the chinne. 3450
And in the while it was begunne,
A liht, as thogh it were a Sunne,
Fro hevene into the place com
Wher that he tok his cristendom;
And evere among the holi tales
Lich as thei weren fisshes skales
Ther fellen from him now and eft,
Til that ther was nothing beleft[829]
Of al his grete maladie.
For he that wolde him purefie, 3460
The hihe god hath mad him clene,
So that ther lefte nothing sene;
He hath him clensed bothe tuo,
The bodi and the Soule also.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 276=]
Tho knew this Emperour in dede
That Cristes feith was forto drede,
And sende anon hise lettres oute
And let do crien al aboute,
Up peine of deth that noman weyve
That he baptesme ne receive:[830] 3470
After his Moder qweene Heleine
He sende, and so betwen hem tweine
Thei treten, that the Cite all
Was cristned, and sche forth withall.
This Emperour, which hele hath founde,
Withinne Rome anon let founde[831]
Tuo cherches, whiche he dede make
For Peter and for Poules sake,
Of whom he hadde avisioun;[832]
And yaf therto possessioun 3480
Of lordschipe and of worldes good.
Bot how so that his will was good
Toward the Pope and his Franchise,
Yit hath it proved other wise,
To se the worchinge of the dede:
For in Cronique this I rede;[833]
Anon as he hath mad the yifte,[834]
A vois was herd on hih the lifte,
Of which al Rome was adrad,
And seith: ‘To day is venym schad 3490
In holi cherche of temporal,
Which medleth with the spirital.’[835]
And hou it stant of that degree
Yit mai a man the sothe se:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 277=]
God mai amende it, whan he wile,
I can ther to non other skile.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Bot forto go ther I began,
How charite mai helpe a man
To bothe worldes, I have seid:
And if thou have an Ere leid, 3500
Mi Sone, thou miht understonde,
If charite be take on honde,
Ther folweth after mochel grace.
Forthi, if that thou wolt pourchace
How that thou miht Envie flee,
Aqueinte thee with charite,
Which is the vertu sovereine.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, I schal do my peine:
For this ensample which ye tolde
With al myn herte I have withholde, 3510
So that I schal for everemore
Eschuie Envie wel the more:
And that I have er this misdo,
Yif me my penance er I go.
And over that to mi matiere
Of schrifte, why we sitten hiere[836]
In privete betwen ous tweie,
Now axeth what ther is, I preie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi goode Sone, and for thi lore
I woll thee telle what is more, 3520
So that thou schalt the vices knowe:
For whan thei be to thee full knowe,
Thou miht hem wel the betre eschuie.
And for this cause I thenke suie
[Sidenote: =P. i. 278=]
The forme bothe and the matiere,
As now suiende thou schalt hiere
Which vice stant next after this:
And whan thou wost how that it is,
As thou schalt hiere me devise,
Thow miht thiself the betre avise. 3530
=Explicit Liber Secundus.=
LINENOTES:
[536] _Latin Verses_ i. 10 aliis H₁ ... B₂, BΛ, W
[537] 31 nowher] now heer (here) MX ... B₂
[538] 59 ate A, S, F at J, B
[539] 60 get J, S, F gete AC, B
[540] 71 oþer (othir) MH₁, AdΔ, H₃ oþre AJEC, SB, F
[541] 78 further] fader KH₃
[542] 92 wolde] þought(e) XEC þough H₁RLB₂
[543] 96 write] I write AM
[544] 116 _margin_ capere H₁ ... B₂, B
[545] 117 Bot] Bo F
[546] 119 _margin_ et _om._ B
[547] 123 that men thanne knewe] þat men þat (_om._ knewe) A
þat men þat knew M that than men knewe Ad of men that knewe H₃
[548] 129 no _om._ AM
[549] 136 tyde B
[550] 149 set J, SB sette A, F
[551] 150 vyre (vire) H₁ ... L, B, W
[552] 160 lich] as B, KH₃
[553] 162 The whom AX, SAd, F Tho whome M To whom JH₁G ...
B₂, Λ In whom K _in ras._ H₃ The which B, W Hom (_om._ The) Δ
areste] haue reste J
[554] 176 þe helle AM (hille)
[555] 181 kept J, SB, F kepte A
[556] 193 Wher SAdBΔ
[557] _Latin Verses_ ii. 1 Orta] Vita H₁ ... B₂, B
[558] 5 sorte] forte H₁XGRCLB₂
[559] 228 He] Him E, KH₃
[560] 298 which _om._ B
[561] 310 mad S, F made AJ, B
[562] 315 _margin_ igitur (g^i) diuicias carpere XER, B sibi
diuicias capere MH₁, W igitur diuicias capere CL
[563] 346 What þat B What Ad
[564] 352 Ennvie F
[565] 354 thus] þis A and thus W
[566] 365-72 _Eight lines om._ SAdBΔΛ
[567] 377 the wise] þis wise B
[568] 378 euermore AJMG ... B₂, Magd forthermore W
[569] _Latin Verses_ iii. 2 infamen F
[570] 401 the _om._ AM
[571] 409 suche F
[572] 467 vnknowen vnkost R vnknowen gest AM
[573] 473 hadde I wist] hadde (had) wist XRC haddy wist(e)
H₁ELB₂ haddiwist M, H₃ haddy I wist Ad
[574] 517 Al] And H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[575] 554 of _om._ J ... B₂, B, W
[576] 571 Bewar F Be war AJ, B
[577] 578 schold BS, F scholde AJ
[578] 606 _margin_ fuit] fiunt XERCL, B fu_er_it B₂
[579] 649 be so AM sone be X
[580] 658 _margin_ in exilium] et in exilium X, B et exilium
H₁ERLB₂
[581] 671 welcominge] comyng(e) H₁ ... B₂, B
[582] 710 hiere F
[583] 716 _margin_ ad partes H₁ ... RLB₂, B
[584] 751 and] and it H₁ ... B₂, B
[585] 751 _margin_ Elda H₁G ... B₂, B
[586] 782 _margin_ ipsa sibi A ... B₂, BΔ
[587] 803 told A, SB, F tolde C
[588] 815 his l. to vnderstonde AJMH₁X GRLB₂, BΔ þis l.
tunderstonde Ad þis l. to vnderstonde C, H₃ his l. vnderstonde
E, W
[589] 833 that other] þe oþer M þat dier(e) H₁ ... B₂, B
[590] 844 caste AC, S cast J, B, F
[591] 860 thanne ... thanne] þanne ... þus LB₂, B, W
[592] 882 hast] has C, Δ haþ RLB₂, AdB, W
[593] 884 told J, SB, F tolde AC
[594] 912 the] þis H₁ ... B₂, B, H₃
[595] 925 He] And H₁YXGECLB₂, B
[596] 938 _margin_ quod] quia H₁ ... B₂, B
[597] 939 _margin_ non _om._ B
[598] 947 _margin_ desolabitur YRCL, B, W
[599] 949 þong F
[600] 951 his] þis AB₂
[601] 957 As] And C, H₃
[602] 961 ne _om._ J ... B₂, B, W
[603] 962 as] þat ERCB₂
[604] 993 him H₁ ... CB₂, B
[605] 1009 ffor wiþ RLB₂
[606] 1020 I, thei sein, delaie] I seie (se) eny delaie H₁ ...
B₂, B thei seine d. (_om._ I) H₃
[607] 1021 put AJ, S, F putte C, B
[608] 1045 that writen is] þe writen is AM þat writen was B₂ B,
W þat wryten (_om._ is) X
[609] 1048 tofore B, W
[610] 1063 Sownend(e) A, B
[611] 1066 yhe A ... B₂, SAdB
[612] 1070 þenkeþ it is gret E, B, H₃
[613] 1071 schalt] most B
[614] 1085 ff. _margin_ Qualiter--liberauit _om._ AM(_p.m._)
[615] 1101 at] as AM
[616] 1103 mo men sih sche] AM (sighe), SAdΔ (saw), F no men
seih (sigh) sche G ... B₂, B, H₃ no man s. she H₁X, W no men
sie hire J noght _om._ W
[617] 1120 preide] preide to L preieþ to C praieth Δ preith H₃
[618] 1123 menable M, Δ, F meuable GRCLB₂, B _doubtful_
AJH₁YXE, SAd, H₃ meveable W
[619] 1129 _margin_ vagans] nauigans B
[620] 1127 ff. _margin_ Qualiter--educauit _om._ AM(_p.m._)
[621] 1132 be falle J, S, F befalle AC, B
[622] 1133 the] þat A ... B₂, SAdBΔ
[623] 1140 to go in] go in AM, Δ to gon L to go doun G gone (to
se) W
[624] 1151 forþ wiþ J, SB forþwiþ A, F
[625] 1158 euermo H₁ ... CB₂, W
[626] 1169 o word H₁ECB₂, B ne] no F
[627] 1178 hire (hir) JMX ... B₂, AdB hys W
[628] 1184 al _om._ H₁Sn, H₃
[629] 1189 becam GEC, AdB, W be cam (bi cam &c.) A ... XRLB₂, F
[630] 1191 forther] for þat H₁ ... B₂, B
[631] 1193 happed H₁ ... RLB₂, B
[632] 1200 This] His H₁ ... B₂, B, W
[633] 1217: felaschip J, S, F felaschipe A
[634] 1226: herkne SAdΔ herkene X, H₃ herken B₂, W
[635] 1237: he _om._ B
[636] 1245 it] him YX ... B₂, B _om._ H₁Sn
[637] 1258 And he which noþing haþ supposed AJM, SAdΔ As he wh.
n. haþ supposed FWKH₃ And he noþing haþ ȝit supposed H₁ ... B₂,
B
[638] 1285 I schal FWKH₃ It schal A ... B₂, SAdBΔ
[639] 1303 so] þo AM wo Ad
[640] 1328 his guide] is guide H₁XGECLB₂, B
[641] 1343 how] how þat AM
[642] 1353 fell] was E, B is G _om._ XRCLB₂ (that she hadde in
here thouht H₁)
[643] 1356 agrope A, SAd, F grope J ... B₂, BΔ, WH₃
[644] 1363 at þe J, S, F atte A, B
[645] 1378 a suite] o suite AM
[646] 1412 nouther] nowher LSn neuer H₃ (now þ_er_ now here X)
[647] 1434 is] was G, B
[648] 1441 armes H₁XRCLB₂, AdΔ, W kiste] keste F
[649] 1445 this] his AM the W
[650] 1447 agret F
[651] 1457 preiþ him AM preith (_om._ him) H₁
[652] 1458 worshipe F
[653] 1461 the] þat B
[654] 1468 eny] euery H₁ ... L, B eu_er_ eny B₂
[655] 1472 he H₁, B
[656] 1479 forþ wiþ AJ, SB forþwiþ F
[657] 1483 fader half J, B, F faderhalf A, S
[658] 1484 Wiþ due reuerence as he oughte H₁ ... B₂
[659] 1495 fforþ wiþ J, SB fforþwiþ A, F
[660] 1539 the _om._ F
[661] 1543 the] þis H₁ ... B₂, B
[662] 1568 Stro̅n̅de F
[663] 1574 he] it B
[664] 1577 Ne] He YX ... B₂, B _om._ H₁
[665] 1582 wher that] where (wher) H₁ ... B₂, BΔ, W
[666] 1599 wel meninge (meuinge) AMRLB₂, SAd, F welle menyng
H₁X whele meneng Δ whel meuynge J whele mevinge W whiel (whele)
moeuyng YGEC, B, H₃
[667] 1618 ȝit is in G. rif H₁XGRCLB₂ ȝit in G. is rif E, B, H₃
[668] 1623 attendant B
[669] 1631 þanne mot(e) AM þan mot W
[670] 1640 hath ynowh] haþ Inowh of LB₂ inow had of Δ knihthode
J knithode (knythode) A, F
[671] 1644 ꝑ chance A, B, F perchaunce J
[672] 1669 Soferforþ F
[673] 1675 Which so haþ YGER, SAdΔΛ Which so as AJMH₁XCB₂, B, F
Whych so has W Which so L Which tho as H₃
[674] 1678 adai F
[675] 1706 it were noght AM
[676] 1707 that] þus H₁ ... L, B þis B₂
[677] 1711 that tho was] which þo was SAdΔ þat was heir H₁YG
... B₂, B which heyr was X
[678] 1728 belles B
[679] 1743 diuision J, F diuisiou_n_ A, B
[680] 1758 as he aros] right as he ros (aros) H₁ ... B₂, B
[681] 1763 wold(e) to Rome faste H₁ ... B₂, B
[682] 1770 after were B was efter H₃ afterward was Δ
[683] 1778 As he FWH₃
[684] 1780 whanne _om._ AM
[685] 1788 is hed F
[686] 1803 fforþ wiþ A, SB fforwiþ F
[687] 1804 goþ B
[688] 1808 sende AJ
[689] 1809 This] The A ... B₂, S ... Δ
[690] 1811 the] þis X ... B₂, B, W
[691] 1829 the] þis H₁, B
[692] 1856 hunger G, SB hungre AJE, F
[693] 1867 þerfor(e) H₁XE ... B₂, B
[694] 1869 of] if (ȝif) X ... B₂ _om._ W
[695] 1895 a couine H₁XRCLB₂
[696] 1896 be told J, B betold A, S, F
[697] 1902 Envie] of Enuie LB₂, H₃
[698] 1907 and] and in AM in H₁
[699] 1916 be for] before RCLB₂, Δ, H₃
[700] 1925 with] by (be) XG, B
[701] 1944 rowneth B rownet L
[702] 1960 in] on B
[703] 1971 to me telle B
[704] 1990 to] of AM
[705] 2003 eny] euery H₁ ... B₂
[706] 2010 wist SB, F wiste AJ
[707] 2040 it _om._ B
[708] 2043 the sothe] and soþ B
[709] 2045 alite A, B, F, &c.
[710] 2072 tolde AJ, S told B, F
[711] 2090 a say M, SAd, FH₃ asay AJ assay(e) H₁ ... B₂, B, W
[712] 2111 The profit] To profit XE ... B₂
[713] 2122 ffa crere AJ, S, F _al._ ffacrere
[714] 2128 biforn (be forn) B₂, B
[715] 2139 þe vice H₁ ... B₂ his v. H₃
[716] 2150 _margin_ speculo _om._ AM (_p.m._)
[717] 2170 conspire] spire XGRCLB₂ to spire (spere) H₁, Ad
[718] 2178 al] as H₁ ... B₂
[719] 2191 hire A
[720] 2198 _line om._ B on oþer JCLB₂, W
[721] 2207 seigh (seih) EC sih(e) LB₂
[722] 2214 Thei F
[723] 2218 glad also H₁ ... B₂
[724] 2220 set A, S, F sette JC, B
[725] 2221 began] he gan GCL
[726] 2228 and] þo H₁XE ... B₂ _om._ YG, H₃
[727] 2247 Al] And H₁, FWH₃
[728] 2248 lord his] lordes H₁ ... B₂, Ad
[729] 2251 mykel (mekyl &c.) H₁G ... B₂, W
[730] 2270 he _om._ B sche H₁
[731] 2271 clad fulofte B
[732] 2272 fieblest MX ... C þe fieblest LB₂ the febleste H₁
feblenes Δ
[733] 2299 of al FH₃ of R, Magd
[734] 2316 wolde X ... B₂
[735] _Latin Verses_ v. 1 Supplantacio AM supplantare H₃
[736] 3 linguis AM ignis H₁
[737] 8 Qua_m_ B
[738] 2328 manye A, S, F
[739] 2337 þis AMG ... L, W the H₁, Δ
[740] 2354 vp he haleþ Δ, FWH₃Magd he vp haleþ (vphaleþ) A ...
B₂, SAdB
[741] 2369 thei] such(e) A ... B₂, SAdBΔ _line om._ WMagd
[742] 2373 men H₁ ... B₂
[743] 2382 _margin_ Hic in amoris ... eodem] Confessor B
[744] 2387 as of dede SAdBΔ
[745] 2392 lakked(e) (lacked) X ... L lakket W bote J, S, F
_the rest_ bot _or_ but
[746] 2408 the] þo B
[747] 2414 I dar A, FWH₃ dar I J ... B₂, SAdBΔ
[748] 2425 hihe AC, S, F hih GE, B
[749] 2427 al _om._ B
[750] 2434 godd _om._ AM
[751] 2447 a wayt (a wait) J, S, F awayt (await) AC, B
[752] 2461 _margin_ socrum H₁ ... B₂
[753] 2473 in this forme he] in thys forme W þis infortune YGEC
in þis fortune H₁XRLB₂
[754] 2477 a wise J, SB awise A, F
[755] 2497 þis AM
[756] 2510 þought hem for B
[757] 2519 for to seche X ... B₂
[758] 2520 þo werres G ... B₂
[759] 2523 hem B
[760] 2530 how that] how H₁ þat B
[761] 2537 As H₁, W And AJMYX ... B₂, SAdBΔΛ, FH₃Magd
[762] 2559 he _om._ AM
[763] 2562 þong F
[764] 2573 That] And B
[765] 2576 this] his AMXR ... B₂, H₃W hir_e_ G here H₁
[766] 2581 that ilke] þilke AM
[767] 2586 Thus AM
[768] 2592 þe H₁ ... B₂, FWH₃ þis AJM, SAdBΔ
[769] 2632 that ilke] wiþinne a B
[770] 2649 Wher] Ther B
[771] 2654 herkneþ XE ... B₂
[772] 2661 kinges] soldans X ... B₂ Souldan H₁
[773] 2678 þus AM
[774] 2680 tome AJYGECB₂, SAdBΔΛ, FWKH₃ thome L come MH₁XR
[775] 2698 þer vpon J, SB þervpon A, F
[776] 2708 þo was H₁ ... B₂ was so H₃ hath so T
[777] 2733 this] þe A ... B₂, SAdBTΔ
[778] 2741 ded] stille B
[779] 2752 and gret] and with gret LB₂, W
[780] 2775 þe point H₁ ... B₂
[781] 2806 _margin_ causa] casu H₁ ... B₂
[782] 2810 _margin_ coniecta A ... B₂, B
[783] 2817 _margin_ fameq_ue_ F
[784] 2814 agrope J, SAdT, FH₃ grope AM ... B₂, BΔ, W
[785] 2821 he] þe ERL, BTΛ
[786] 2822 Wit F
[787] 2825 be] þe X ... B₂
[788] 2852 þis tyme B
[789] 2865 told A, B, F tolde J
[790] 2870 on slepe H₁XGRCL ... B₂, Ad, W
[791] 2875 The sone AM
[792] 2881 of which M, B which E (_p.m._)
[793] 2903 is _om._ F
[794] 2906 bethoght] he þought H₁ ... B₂, B, W
[795] 2959 on þe hih(e) whiel LB₂ opon the whele W
[796] 2964 out of þe herre AM out of herte J
[797] 2993 schapen H₁ ... B₂, BTΛ
[798] 2999 a wayt F a wait J awayt AC, B
[799] 3003 Poursorge H₁ ... B₂, B
[800] 3012 an other] a newe H₁, B
[801] 3021 the] þi H₁ ... B₂, B, Magd
[802] 3055 He kepe] He helpe H₁ ... B₂, B He kepte T To kepe
SAdΔ
[803] 3058 ff _margin_ Quanti ... nolo SΔ, FH₃Magd _om._ A ...
B₂, B (S _has_ qui sic ait Quanti Mercenarii tunc erunt &c.)
[804] 3085 indrowh AJ, F in drowh (in drough) C, SB
[805] 3112 schapli noght AM
[806] 3119 An F
[807] 3160 tome A, F to me JC, SB
[808] 3170 þe welle H₁ ... B₂, B
[809] 3177 enclynd (enclined) H₁ ... B₂, BT, W inclinand Δ
[810] 3204 _margin_ est ipse A ... B₂, SBΔ
[811] 3207 _margin_ medele] indele H₁ ... B₂, B
[812] 3209 _margin_ benignius A, SBΔ
[813] 3214 _margin_ ex vnda baptismatis _om._ H₁ ... B₂, BΔ
[814] 3199 ben] were B
[815] 3220 scholde AM, TΔ, W
[816] 3231 be] he AM
[817] 3237 on swowne H₁ ... B₂, B
[818] 3265 _margin_ Nota AJ, F _om._ C, B
[819] 3283 hou that] how ML, Δ, W
[820] 3285 for] by (be) H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[821] 3290 gendreþ AM, W
[822] 3306 that] þe M ... B₂, SAdBΔ, W
[823] 3314 so _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[824] 3395 were hem B
[825] 3402 into heuene AMR, Δ, W
[826] 3406 On H₁ ... B₂ And H₃ (That ilke W)
[827] 3430 He schal] Thei schul (schal) H₁ ... B₂
[828] 3431 And þis H₁ERC, W And þus þis L
[829] 3458 Til that ... beleft] Til ... him beleft (be lefte
&c.) H₁ ... B₂
[830] 3470 ne _om._ AM
[831] 3476 he let(e) founde AM
[832] 3479 Of hem B
[833] 3486 For] ffro F
[834] 3487 so as AM
[835] 3492 Wich F
[836] 3516 why] whil(e) M ... B₂, W
Incipit Liber Tercius.
[Sidenote: [IRE OR WRATH.]]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 279=]
i. _Ira suis paribus est par furiis Acherontis,_
_Quo furor ad tempus nil pietatis habet._
_Ira malencolicos animos perturbat, vt equo_
_Iure sui pondus nulla statera tenet._
_Omnibus in causis grauat Ira, set inter amantes,_
_Illa magis facili sorte grauamen agit:_
_Est vbi vir discors leuiterque repugnat amori,_
_Sepe loco ludi fletus ad ora venit._
If thou the vices lest to knowe,
Mi Sone, it hath noght ben unknowe,
Fro ferst that men the swerdes grounde,
[Sidenote: Hic in tercio libro tractat super quinque
speciebus Ire, quarum prima Malencolia dicitur, cuius
vicium Confessor primo[837] describens Amanti super eodem
consequenter opponit.]
That ther nis on upon this grounde,
A vice forein fro the lawe,
Wherof that many a good felawe
Hath be distraght be sodein chance;[838]
And yit to kinde no plesance
It doth, bot wher he most achieveth
His pourpos, most to kinde he grieveth, 10
As he which out of conscience
Is enemy to pacience:[839]
And is be name on of the Sevene,
Which ofte hath set this world unevene,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 280=]
And cleped is the cruel Ire,
Whos herte is everemore on fyre
To speke amis and to do bothe,
For his servantz ben evere wrothe.
Mi goode fader, tell me this:
What thing is Ire?
Sone, it is 20
That in oure englissh Wrathe is hote,
Which hath hise wordes ay so hote,
That all a mannes pacience
Is fyred of the violence.
For he with him hath evere fyve
Servantz that helpen him to stryve:
[Sidenote: [i. MELANCHOLY.]]
The ferst of hem Malencolie
Is cleped, which in compaignie
An hundred times in an houre
Wol as an angri beste loure, 30
And noman wot the cause why.
Mi Sone, schrif thee now forthi:
Hast thou be Malencolien?
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Ye, fader, be seint Julien,
Bot I untrewe wordes use,
I mai me noght therof excuse:
And al makth love, wel I wot,
Of which myn herte is evere hot,
So that I brenne as doth a glede
For Wrathe that I mai noght spede. 40
And thus fulofte a day for noght
Save onlich of myn oghne thoght
I am so with miselven wroth,
That how so that the game goth
[Sidenote: =P. i. 281=]
With othre men, I am noght glad;
Bot I am wel the more unglad,
For that is othre mennes game
It torneth me to pure grame.
Thus am I with miself oppressed[840]
Of thoght, the which I have impressed, 50
That al wakende I dreme and meete[841]
That I with hire al one meete
And preie hire of som good ansuere:
Bot for sche wol noght gladly swere,
Sche seith me nay withouten oth;
And thus wexe I withinne wroth,
That outward I am al affraied,
And so distempred and esmaied.
A thousand times on a day
Ther souneth in myn Eres nay, 60
The which sche seide me tofore:
Thus be my wittes as forlore;[842]
And namely whan I beginne
To rekne with miself withinne
How many yeres ben agon,
Siththe I have trewly loved on
And nevere tok of other hede,
And evere aliche fer to spede[843]
I am, the more I with hir dele,
So that myn happ and al myn hele 70
Me thenkth is ay the leng the ferre,
That bringth my gladschip out of herre,
Wherof my wittes ben empeired,
And I, as who seith, al despeired.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 282=]
For finaly, whan that I muse
And thenke how sche me wol refuse,
I am with anger so bestad,
For al this world mihte I be glad:
And for the while that it lasteth
Al up so doun my joie it casteth, 80
And ay the furthere that I be,
Whan I ne may my ladi se,
The more I am redy to wraththe,
That for the touchinge of a laththe
Or for the torninge of a stree
I wode as doth the wylde Se,[844]
And am so malencolious,
That ther nys servant in myn hous
Ne non of tho that ben aboute,
That ech of hem ne stant in doute, 90
And wenen that I scholde rave
For Anger that thei se me have;
And so thei wondre more and lasse,
Til that thei sen it overpasse.
Bot, fader, if it so betide,
That I aproche at eny tide
The place wher my ladi is,
And thanne that hire like ywiss
To speke a goodli word untome,
For al the gold that is in Rome 100
Ne cowthe I after that be wroth,
Bot al myn Anger overgoth;
So glad I am of the presence
Of hire, that I all offence
[Sidenote: =P. i. 283=]
Foryete, as thogh it were noght,
So overgladed is my thoght.
And natheles, the soth to telle,
Ayeinward if it so befelle
That I at thilke time sihe[845]
On me that sche miscaste hire yhe, 110
Or that sche liste noght to loke,
And I therof good hiede toke,
Anon into my ferste astat
I torne, and am with al so mat,
That evere it is aliche wicke.
And thus myn hand ayein the pricke
I hurte and have do many day,
And go so forth as I go may,
Fulofte bitinge on my lippe,
And make unto miself a whippe, 120
With which in many a chele and hete
Mi wofull herte is so tobete,
That all my wittes ben unsofte
And I am wroth, I not how ofte;
And al it is Malencolie,
Which groweth of the fantasie
Of love, that me wol noght loute:
So bere I forth an angri snoute
Ful manye times in a yer.
Bot, fader, now ye sitten hier 130
In loves stede, I yow beseche,
That som ensample ye me teche,
Wherof I mai miself appese.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, for thin hertes ese
[Sidenote: =P. i. 284=]
I schal fulfille thi preiere,
So that thou miht the betre lere
What mischief that this vice stereth,
Which in his Anger noght forbereth,
Wherof that after him forthenketh,
Whan he is sobre and that he thenketh 140
Upon the folie of his dede;
And of this point a tale I rede.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF CANACE AND MACHAIRE.]]
Ther was a king which Eolus
Was hote, and it befell him thus,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos, qui
cum vires amoris non sunt realiter experti, contra alios
amantes malencolica[846] seueritate ad iracundiam vindicte
prouocantur. Et narrat qualiter Rex Eolus filium nomine
Macharium et filiam nomine Canacem habuit, qui cum ab
infancia vsque ad pubertatem inuicem educati fuerant,
Cupido tandem ignito iaculo amborum cordis desideria
amorose penetrauit, ita quod Canacis natura cooperante
a fratre suo inpregnata parturit: super quo pater,
intollerabilem iuuentutis concupiscenciam[847] ignorans
nimiaque furoris malencolia preuentus, dictam filiam cum
partu dolorosissimo casu interfici adiudicauit.]
That he tuo children hadde faire,
The Sone cleped was Machaire,
The dowhter ek Canace hihte.
Be daie bothe and ek be nyhte,
Whil thei be yonge, of comun wone
In chambre thei togedre wone, 150
And as thei scholden pleide hem ofte,
Til thei be growen up alofte
Into the youthe of lusti age,
Whan kinde assaileth the corage
With love and doth him forto bowe,
That he no reson can allowe,
Bot halt the lawes of nature:
For whom that love hath under cure,
As he is blind himself, riht so
He makth his client blind also. 160
In such manere as I you telle
As thei al day togedre duelle,
This brother mihte it noght asterte
That he with al his hole herte
[Sidenote: =P. i. 285=]
His love upon his Soster caste:
And so it fell hem ate laste,
That this Machaire with Canace
Whan thei were in a prive place,[848]
Cupide bad hem ferst to kesse,
And after sche which is Maistresse 170
In kinde and techeth every lif
Withoute lawe positif,
Of which sche takth nomaner charge,
Bot kepth hire lawes al at large,
Nature, tok hem into lore
And tawht hem so, that overmore[849]
Sche hath hem in such wise daunted;
That thei were, as who seith, enchaunted.
And as the blinde an other ledeth
And til thei falle nothing dredeth, 180
Riht so thei hadde non insihte;[850]
Bot as the bridd which wole alihte
And seth the mete and noght the net,
Which in deceipte of him is set,
This yonge folk no peril sihe,
Bot that was likinge in here yhe,[851]
So that thei felle upon the chance
Where witt hath lore his remembrance.
So longe thei togedre assemble,
The wombe aros, and sche gan tremble, 190
And hield hire in hire chambre clos
For drede it scholde be disclos
And come to hire fader Ere:
Wherof the Sone hadde also fere,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 286=]
And feigneth cause forto ryde;
For longe dorste he noght abyde,
In aunter if men wolde sein
That he his Soster hath forlein:
For yit sche hadde it noght beknowe
Whos was the child at thilke throwe.[852] 200
Machaire goth, Canace abit,
The which was noght delivered yit,
Bot riht sone after that sche was.
Now lest and herkne a woful cas.
The sothe, which mai noght ben hid,
Was ate laste knowe and kid
Unto the king, how that it stod.
And whan that he it understod,
Anon into Malencolie,
As thogh it were a frenesie, 210
He fell, as he which nothing cowthe
How maistrefull love is in yowthe:
And for he was to love strange,
He wolde noght his herte change
To be benigne and favorable
To love, bot unmerciable
Betwen the wawe of wod and wroth
Into his dowhtres chambre he goth,
And sih the child was late bore,
Wherof he hath hise othes swore 220
That sche it schal ful sore abye.
And sche began merci to crie,
Upon hire bare knes and preide,
And to hire fader thus sche seide:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 287=]
‘Ha mercy! fader, thenk I am
Thi child, and of thi blod I cam.
That I misdede yowthe it made,
And in the flodes bad me wade,
Wher that I sih no peril tho:
Bot now it is befalle so, 230
Merci, my fader, do no wreche!’
And with that word sche loste speche
And fell doun swounende at his fot,
As sche for sorwe nedes mot.
Bot his horrible crualte
Ther mihte attempre no pite:
Out of hire chambre forth he wente
Al full of wraththe in his entente,
And tok the conseil in his herte
That sche schal noght the deth asterte, 240
As he which Malencolien
Of pacience hath no lien,
Wherof his wraththe he mai restreigne.
And in this wilde wode peine,
Whanne al his resoun was untame,
A kniht he clepeth be his name,
And tok him as be weie of sonde
A naked swerd to bere on honde,
And seide him that he scholde go
And telle unto his dowhter so 250
In the manere as he him bad,
How sche that scharpe swerdes blad
Receive scholde and do withal
So as sche wot wherto it schal.[853]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 288=]
Forth in message goth this kniht
Unto this wofull yonge wiht,
This scharpe swerd to hire he tok:
Wherof that al hire bodi qwok,
For wel sche wiste what it mente,
And that it was to thilke entente 260
That sche hireselven scholde slee.
And to the kniht sche seide: ‘Yee,
Now that I wot my fadres wille,
That I schal in this wise spille,
I wole obeie me therto,
And as he wole it schal be do.
Bot now this thing mai be non other,
I wole a lettre unto mi brother,
So as my fieble hand may wryte,
With al my wofull herte endite.’ 270
Sche tok a Penne on honde tho,
Fro point to point and al the wo,
Als ferforth as hireself it wot,
Unto hire dedly frend sche wrot,
And tolde how that hire fader grace
Sche mihte for nothing pourchace;
And overthat, as thou schalt hiere,
Sche wrot and seide in this manere:
‘O thou my sorwe and my gladnesse,
O thou myn hele and my siknesse, 280
O my wanhope and al my trust,
O my desese and al my lust,
O thou my wele, o thou my wo,
O thou my frend, o thou my fo,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 289=]
O thou my love, o thou myn hate,
For thee mot I be ded algate.[854]
Thilke ende may I noght asterte,
And yit with al myn hole herte,
Whil that me lasteth eny breth,
I wol the love into my deth.[855] 290
Bot of o thing I schal thee preie,
If that my litel Sone deie,
Let him be beried in my grave
Beside me, so schalt thou have
Upon ous bothe remembrance.
For thus it stant of my grevance;
Now at this time, as thou schalt wite,
With teres and with enke write
This lettre I have in cares colde:
In my riht hond my Penne I holde, 300
And in my left the swerd I kepe,
And in my barm ther lith to wepe
Thi child and myn, which sobbeth faste.
Now am I come unto my laste:
Fare wel, for I schal sone deie,
And thenk how I thi love abeie.’
The pomel of the swerd to grounde
Sche sette, and with the point a wounde
Thurghout hire herte anon sche made,
And forth with that al pale and fade 310
Sche fell doun ded fro ther sche stod.
The child lay bathende in hire blod
Out rolled fro the moder barm,[856]
And for the blod was hot and warm,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 290=]
He basketh him aboute thrinne.[857]
Ther was no bote forto winne,
For he, which can no pite knowe,
The king cam in the same throwe,
And sih how that his dowhter dieth
And how this Babe al blody crieth; 320
Bot al that mihte him noght suffise,
That he ne bad to do juise
Upon the child, and bere him oute,
And seche in the Forest aboute
Som wilde place, what it were,
To caste him out of honde there,
So that som beste him mai devoure,
Where as noman him schal socoure.
Al that he bad was don in dede:
Ha, who herde evere singe or rede 330
Of such a thing as that was do?[858]
Bot he which ladde his wraththe so
Hath knowe of love bot a lite;
Bot for al that he was to wyte,
Thurgh his sodein Malencolie
To do so gret a felonie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my Sone, how so it stonde,
Be this cas thou miht understonde
That if thou evere in cause of love
Schalt deme, and thou be so above 340
That thou miht lede it at thi wille,
Let nevere thurgh thi Wraththe spille
Which every kinde scholde save.
For it sit every man to have
[Sidenote: =P. i. 291=]
Reward to love and to his miht,
Ayein whos strengthe mai no wiht:
And siththe an herte is so constreigned,
The reddour oghte be restreigned
To him that mai no bet aweie,
Whan he mot to nature obeie. 350
For it is seid thus overal,
That nedes mot that nede schal
Of that a lif doth after kinde,
Wherof he mai no bote finde.[859]
What nature hath set in hir lawe[860]
Ther mai no mannes miht withdrawe,
And who that worcheth therayein,
Fulofte time it hath be sein,
Ther hath befalle gret vengance,
Wherof I finde a remembrance. 360
[Sidenote: [TIRESIAS AND THE SNAKES.]]
Ovide after the time tho
Tolde an ensample and seide so,
How that whilom Tiresias,
As he walkende goth per cas,
[Sidenote: Hic narrat qualiter Tiresias in quodam monte
duos serpentes inuenit pariter commiscentes, quos cum virga
percussit. Irati dii ob hoc quod naturam impediuit, ipsum
contra naturam a forma virili in muliebrem transmutarunt.]
Upon an hih Montaine he sih
Tuo Serpentz in his weie nyh,
And thei, so as nature hem tawhte,
Assembled were, and he tho cawhte
A yerde which he bar on honde,
And thoghte that he wolde fonde 370
To letten hem, and smot hem bothe:
Wherof the goddes weren wrothe;
And for he hath destourbed kinde
And was so to nature unkinde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 292=]
Unkindeliche he was transformed,
That he which erst a man was formed
Into a womman was forschape.
That was to him an angri jape;
Bot for that he with Angre wroghte,
Hise Angres angreliche he boghte. 380
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo thus, my Sone, Ovide hath write,
Wherof thou miht be reson wite,
More is a man than such a beste:
So mihte it nevere ben honeste
A man to wraththen him to sore
Of that an other doth the lore
Of kinde, in which is no malice,
Bot only that it is a vice:
And thogh a man be resonable,
Yit after kinde he is menable[861] 390
To love, wher he wole or non.
Thenk thou, my Sone, therupon
And do Malencolie aweie;
For love hath evere his lust to pleie,
As he which wolde no lif grieve.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, that I mai wel lieve;
Al that ye tellen it is skile:
Let every man love as he wile,
Be so it be noght my ladi,
For I schal noght be wroth therby. 400
Bot that I wraththe and fare amis,
[Sidenote: [MELANCHOLY.]]
Al one upon miself it is,[862]
That I with bothe love and kinde
Am so bestad, that I can finde
[Sidenote: =P. i. 293=]
No weie how I it mai asterte:
Which stant upon myn oghne herte
And toucheth to non other lif,
Save only to that swete wif[863]
For whom, bot if it be amended,
Mi glade daies ben despended, 410
That I miself schal noght forbere
The Wraththe which that I now bere,
For therof is non other leche.
Now axeth forth, I yow beseche,
Of Wraththe if ther oght elles is,
Wherof to schryve.
Sone, yis.
[Sidenote: [ii. CHESTE.]]
ii. _Ira mouet litem, que lingue frena resoluens_
_Laxa per infames currit vbique vias._
_Rixarum nutrix quos educat ista loquaces,_
_Hos Venus a latere linquit habere vagos._
_Set pacienter agens taciturno qui celet ore,_
_Vincit, et optati carpit amoris iter._[864]
Of Wraththe the secounde is Cheste,
Which hath the wyndes of tempeste
To kepe, and many a sodein blast
He bloweth, wherof ben agast 420
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor super secunda specie Ire,
que Lis dicitur, ex cuius contumeliis innumerosa dolorum
occasio tam in amoris causa quam aliter in quampluribus
sepissime exorta est.]
Thei that desiren pes and reste.
He is that ilke ungoodlieste
Which many a lusti love hath twinned;
For he berth evere his mowth unpinned,
So that his lippes ben unloke
And his corage is al tobroke,
That every thing which he can telle,
It springeth up as doth a welle,
Which mai non of his stremes hyde,
Bot renneth out on every syde. 430
[Sidenote: =P. i. 294=]
So buillen up the foule sawes
That Cheste wot of his felawes:
For as a Sive kepeth Ale,
Riht so can Cheste kepe a tale;
Al that he wot he wol desclose,
And speke er eny man oppose.
As a Cite withoute wal,
Wher men mai gon out overal
Withouten eny resistence,
So with his croked eloquence 440
He spekth al that he wot withinne:
Wherof men lese mor than winne,
For ofte time of his chidinge
He bringth to house such tidinge,
That makth werre ate beddeshed.[865]
He is the levein of the bred,[866]
Which soureth al the past aboute:
Men oghte wel such on to doute,
For evere his bowe is redi bent,
And whom he hit I telle him schent, 450
If he mai perce him with his tunge.
And ek so lowde his belle is runge,
That of the noise and of the soun
Men feeren hem in al the toun
Welmore than thei don of thonder.
For that is cause of more wonder;
For with the wyndes whiche he bloweth
Fulofte sythe he overthroweth
The Cites and the policie,
That I have herd the poeple crie, 460
[Sidenote: =P. i. 295=]
And echon seide in his degre,
‘Ha wicke tunge, wo thee be!’
For men sein that the harde bon,
Althogh himselven have non,
A tunge brekth it al to pieces.
He hath so manye sondri spieces
Of vice, that I mai noght wel
Descrive hem be a thousendel:
Bot whan that he to Cheste falleth,
Ful many a wonder thing befalleth, 470
For he ne can nothing forbere.
[Sidenote: Opponit Confessor.]
Now tell me, Sone, thin ansuere,
If it hath evere so betidd,
That thou at eny time hast chidd
Toward thi love.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Fader, nay;
Such Cheste yit unto this day[867]
Ne made I nevere, god forbede:
For er I sunge such a crede,[868]
I hadde levere to be lewed;
For thanne were I al beschrewed[869] 480
And worthi to be put abak
With al the sorwe upon my bak
That eny man ordeigne cowthe.
Bot I spak nevere yit be mowthe
That unto Cheste mihte touche,
And that I durste riht wel vouche
Upon hirself as for witnesse;
For I wot, of hir gentilesse
That sche me wolde wel excuse,
That I no suche thinges use.[870] 490
[Sidenote: =P. i. 296=]
And if it scholde so betide
That I algates moste chide,
It myhte noght be to my love:
For so yit was I nevere above,
For al this wyde world to winne
That I dorste eny word beginne,
Be which sche mihte have ben amoeved
And I of Cheste also reproeved.
Bot rathere, if it mihte hir like,
The beste wordes wolde I pike 500
Whiche I cowthe in myn herte chese,
And serve hem forth in stede of chese,
For that is helplich to defie;
And so wolde I my wordes plie,[871]
That mihten Wraththe and Cheste avale
With tellinge of my softe tale.
Thus dar I make a foreward,
That nevere unto my ladiward
Yit spak I word in such a wise,
Wherof that Cheste scholde arise. 510
This seie I noght, that I fulofte
Ne have, whanne I spak most softe,
Per cas seid more thanne ynowh;
Bot so wel halt noman the plowh
That he ne balketh otherwhile,
Ne so wel can noman affile
His tunge, that som time in rape
Him mai som liht word overscape,
And yit ne meneth he no Cheste.[872]
Bot that I have ayein hir heste 520
[Sidenote: =P. i. 297=]
Fulofte spoke, I am beknowe;
And how my will is, that ye knowe:
For whan my time comth aboute,
That I dar speke and seie al oute
Mi longe love, of which sche wot
That evere in on aliche hot
Me grieveth, thanne al my desese
I telle, and though it hir desplese,
I speke it forth and noght ne leve:
And thogh it be beside hire leve, 530
I hope and trowe natheles
That I do noght ayein the pes;[873]
For thogh I telle hire al my thoght,
Sche wot wel that I chyde noght.
Men mai the hihe god beseche,[874]
And he wol hiere a mannes speche
And be noght wroth of that he seith;
So yifth it me the more feith
And makth me hardi, soth to seie,
That I dar wel the betre preie 540
Mi ladi, which a womman is.
For thogh I telle hire that or this
Of love, which me grieveth sore,
Hire oghte noght be wroth the more,
For I withoute noise or cri
Mi pleignte make al buxomly
To puten alle wraththe away.
Thus dar I seie unto this day
Of Cheste in ernest or in game
Mi ladi schal me nothing blame. 550
[Sidenote: =P. i. 298=]
Bot ofte time it hath betidd
That with miselven I have chidd,
That noman couthe betre chide:
And that hath ben at every tide,
Whanne I cam to miself al one;
For thanne I made a prive mone,
And every tale by and by,
Which as I spak to my ladi,
I thenke and peise in my balance
And drawe into my remembrance; 560
And thanne, if that I finde a lak
Of eny word that I mispak,
Which was to moche in eny wise,
Anon my wittes I despise
And make a chidinge in myn herte,
That eny word me scholde asterte
Which as I scholde have holden inne.
And so forth after I beginne
And loke if ther was elles oght
To speke, and I ne spak it noght: 570
And thanne, if I mai seche and finde
That eny word be left behinde,
Which as I scholde more have spoke,[875]
I wolde upon miself be wroke,
And chyde with miselven so
That al my wit is overgo.
For noman mai his time lore
Recovere, and thus I am therfore
So overwroth in al my thoght,
That I myself chide al to noght: 580
[Sidenote: =P. i. 299=]
Thus for to moche or for to lite[876]
Fulofte I am miself to wyte.
Bot al that mai me noght availe,
With cheste thogh I me travaile:
Bot Oule on Stock and Stock on Oule;
The more that a man defoule,
Men witen wel which hath the werse;
And so to me nys worth a kerse,
Bot torneth on myn oghne hed,
Thogh I, til that I were ded, 590
Wolde evere chyde in such a wise
Of love as I to you devise.
Bot, fader, now ye have al herd
In this manere how I have ferd
Of Cheste and of dissencioun,
Yif me youre absolucioun.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, if that thou wistest al,
What Cheste doth in special
To love and to his welwillinge,
Thou woldest flen his knowlechinge 600
And lerne to be debonaire.
For who that most can speke faire
Is most acordende unto love:
Fair speche hath ofte brought above
Ful many a man, as it is knowe,
Which elles scholde have be riht lowe
And failed mochel of his wille.
Forthi hold thou thi tunge stille
And let thi witt thi wille areste,
So that thou falle noght in Cheste, 610
[Sidenote: =P. i. 300=]
Which is the source of gret destance:[877]
And tak into thi remembrance[878]
If thou miht gete pacience,
Which is the leche of alle offence,
As tellen ous these olde wise:
[Sidenote: Seneca. Paciencia est vindicta omnium
iniuriarum.]
For whan noght elles mai suffise
Be strengthe ne be mannes wit,
Than pacience it oversit
And overcomth it ate laste;[879]
Bot he mai nevere longe laste, 620
Which wol noght bowe er that he breke.
Tak hiede, Sone, of that I speke.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, of your goodli speche
And of the witt which ye me teche[880]
I thonke you with al myn herte:
For that world schal me nevere asterte,[881]
That I ne schal your wordes holde,
Of Pacience as ye me tolde,
Als ferforth as myn herte thenketh;
And of my wraththe it me forthenketh. 630
Bot, fader, if ye forth withal
Som good ensample in special
Me wolden telle of som Cronique,[882]
It scholde wel myn herte like
Of pacience forto hiere,
So that I mihte in mi matiere
The more unto my love obeie
And puten mi desese aweie.
[Sidenote: [PATIENCE OF SOCRATES.]]
Mi Sone, a man to beie him pes[883]
Behoveth soffre as Socrates 640
[Sidenote: =P. i. 301=]
Ensample lefte, which is write:
And for thou schalt the sothe wite,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum de paciencia
in amore contra lites habenda. Et narrat qualiter vxor
Socratis ipsum quodam die multis sermonibus litigauit; set
cum ipse absque vlla responsione omnia probra pacienter
sustulit, indignata vxor quandam ydriam plenam aque, quam
in manu tenebat, super caput viri sui subito effudit,
dicens, ‘Euigila et loquere’: qui respondens tunc ait, ‘O
vere iam scio et expertus sum quia post ventorum rabiem
sequuntur ymbres’: et isto modo litis contumeliam sua
paciencia deuicit.]
Of this ensample what I mene,
Althogh it be now litel sene
Among the men thilke evidence,
Yit he was upon pacience
So sett, that he himself assaie[884]
In thing which mihte him most mispaie
Desireth, and a wickid wif
He weddeth, which in sorwe and strif 650
Ayein his ese was contraire.
Bot he spak evere softe and faire,
Til it befell, as it is told,
In wynter, whan the dai is cold,
This wif was fro the welle come,
Wher that a pot with water nome
Sche hath, and broghte it into house,
And sih how that hire seli spouse
Was sett and loked on a bok
Nyh to the fyr, as he which tok 660
His ese for a man of age.
And sche began the wode rage,
And axeth him what devel he thoghte,[885]
And bar on hond that him ne roghte
What labour that sche toke on honde,
And seith that such an Housebonde
Was to a wif noght worth a Stre.
He seide nowther nay ne ye,
Bot hield him stille and let hire chyde;
And sche, which mai hirself noght hyde, 670
[Sidenote: =P. i. 302=]
Began withinne forto swelle,
And that sche broghte in fro the welle,
The waterpot sche hente alofte
And bad him speke, and he al softe
Sat stille and noght a word ansuerde;
And sche was wroth that he so ferde,
And axeth him if he be ded;
And al the water on his hed
Sche pourede oute and bad awake.[886]
Bot he, which wolde noght forsake 680
His Pacience, thanne spak,
And seide how that he fond no lak
In nothing which sche hadde do:
For it was wynter time tho,
And wynter, as be weie of kinde
Which stormy is, as men it finde,
Ferst makth the wyndes forto blowe,
And after that withinne a throwe
He reyneth and the watergates
Undoth; ‘and thus my wif algates, 690
Which is with reson wel besein,
Hath mad me bothe wynd and rein
After the Sesoun of the yer.’
And thanne he sette him nerr the fer,
And as he mihte hise clothes dreide,
That he nomore o word ne seide;
Wherof he gat him somdel reste,
For that him thoghte was the beste.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
I not if thilke ensample yit
Acordeth with a mannes wit, 700
[Sidenote: =P. i. 303=]
To soffre as Socrates tho dede:
And if it falle in eny stede
A man to lese so his galle,
Him oghte among the wommen alle[887]
In loves Court be juggement
The name bere of Pacient,
To yive ensample to the goode
Of pacience how that it stode,
That othre men it mihte knowe.
And, Sone, if thou at eny throwe 710
Be tempted ayein Pacience,
Tak hiede upon this evidence;
It schal per cas the lasse grieve.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, so as I believe,
Of that schal be no maner nede,
For I wol take so good hiede,
That er I falle in such assai,
I thenke eschuie it, if I mai.
Bot if ther be oght elles more
Wherof I mihte take lore, 720
I preie you, so as I dar,
Now telleth, that I mai be war,
Som other tale in this matiere.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Sone, it is evere good to lere,
Wherof thou miht thi word restreigne,
Er that thou falle in eny peine.
For who that can no conseil hyde,
He mai noght faile of we beside,
Which schal befalle er he it wite,
As I finde in the bokes write. 730
[Sidenote: =P. i. 304=]
Yit cam ther nevere good of strif,
To seche in all a mannes lif:[888]
[Sidenote: [JUPITER, JUNO AND TIRESIAS.]]
Thogh it beginne on pure game,[889]
Fulofte it torneth into grame
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum, quod de alterius
lite intromittere cauendum est. Et narrat qualiter Iupiter
cum Iunone super quadam questione litigabat, videlicet
vtrum vir an mulier in amoris concupiscencia feruencius
ardebat; super quo Tiresiam eorum iudicem constituebant.[891]
Et quia ille contra Iunonem in dicte litis causa sentenciam
diffiniuit, irata dea ipsum amborum oculorum lumine
claritatis absque remissione priuauit.]
And doth grevance upon som side.
Wherof the grete Clerk Ovide
After the lawe which was tho
Of Jupiter and of Juno
Makth in his bokes mencioun
How thei felle at dissencioun 740
In manere as it were a borde,[890]
As thei begunne forto worde
Among hemself in privete:
And that was upon this degree,
Which of the tuo more amorous is,
Or man or wif. And upon this
Thei mihten noght acorde in on,
And toke a jugge therupon,
Which cleped is Tiresias,
And bede him demen in the cas;[892] 750
And he withoute avisement
Ayein Juno yaf juggement.
This goddesse upon his ansuere
Was wroth and wolde noght forbere,
Bot tok awey for everemo
The liht fro bothe hise yhen tuo.[893]
Whan Jupiter this harm hath sein,
An other bienfait therayein
He yaf, and such a grace him doth,
That for he wiste he seide soth, 760
[Sidenote: =P. i. 305=]
A Sothseiere he was for evere:
Bot yit that other were levere,[894]
Have had the lokinge of his yhe,
Than of his word the prophecie;
Bot how so that the sothe wente,[895]
Strif was the cause of that he hente
So gret a peine bodily.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, be thou war ther by,
[Sidenote: [CHEST.]]
And hold thi tunge stille clos:
For who that hath his word desclos 770
Er that he wite what he mene,
He is fulofte nyh his tene
And lest ful many time grace,[896]
Wher that he wolde his thonk pourchace.
And over this, my Sone diere,
Of othre men, if thou miht hiere
In privete what thei have wroght,
Hold conseil and descoevere it noght,[897]
For Cheste can no conseil hele,
Or be it wo or be it wele: 780
And tak a tale into thi mynde,
The which of olde ensample I finde.
[Sidenote: [PHEBUS AND CORNIDE.]]
Phebus, which makth the daies lihte,
A love he hadde, which tho hihte
[Sidenote: Quia[898] litigantes ora sua cohibere nequiunt,
hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui in amoris
causa alterius consilium reuelare presumunt. Et narrat
qualiter quedam auis tunc albissima nomine coruus consilium
domine sue Cornide Phebo denudauit; vnde contigit non
solum ipsam Cornidem interfici, set et coruum, qui antea
tanquam nix albus fuit,[900] in piceum colorem pro perpetuo
transmutari.]
Cornide, whom aboven alle
He pleseth: bot what schal befalle
Of love ther is noman knoweth,
Bot as fortune hire happes throweth.[899]
So it befell upon a chaunce,
A yong kniht tok hire aqueintance 790
[Sidenote: =P. i. 306=]
And hadde of hire al that he wolde:
Bot a fals bridd, which sche hath holde
And kept in chambre of pure yowthe,
Discoevereth all that evere he cowthe.
This briddes name was as tho
Corvus, the which was thanne also
Welmore whyt than eny Swan,
And he that schrewe al that he can[901]
Of his ladi to Phebus seide;
And he for wraththe his swerd outbreide, 800
With which Cornide anon he slowh.
Bot after him was wo ynowh,
And tok a full gret repentance,
Wherof in tokne and remembrance
Of hem whiche usen wicke speche,
Upon this bridd he tok this wreche,
That ther he was snow whyt tofore,[902]
Evere afterward colblak therfore[903]
He was transformed, as it scheweth,
And many a man yit him beschreweth, 810
And clepen him into this day
A Raven, be whom yit men mai
Take evidence, whan he crieth,
That som mishapp it signefieth.
Be war therfore and sei the beste,
If thou wolt be thiself in reste,
Mi goode Sone, as I the rede.[904]
[Sidenote: [JUPITER AND LAAR.]]
For in an other place I rede[905]
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur super eodem: Et narrat
qualiter Laar Nimpha de eo quod Iupiter Iuturnam
adulterauit, Iunoni Iouis vxori secretum[906m] reuelauit.
Quapropter Iupiter ira commotus lingua Laaris prius abscisa
ipsam postea in profundum Acherontis exulem pro perpetuo
mancipauit.]
Of thilke Nimphe which Laar hihte:
For sche the privete be nyhte, 820
[Sidenote: =P. i. 307=]
How Jupiter lay be Jutorne,
Hath told, god made hire overtorne:[906]
Hire tunge he kutte, and into helle
For evere he sende hir forto duelle,
As sche that was noght worthi hiere
To ben of love a Chamberere,
For sche no conseil cowthe hele.
And suche adaies be now fele
In loves Court, as it is seid,
That lete here tunges gon unteid. 830
Mi Sone, be thou non of tho,[907]
To jangle and telle tales so,
And namely that thou ne chyde,
For Cheste can no conseil hide,
For Wraththe seide nevere wel.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, soth is everydel
That ye me teche, and I wol holde
The reule to which I am holde,
To fle the Cheste, as ye me bidde,
For wel is him that nevere chidde. 840
Now tell me forth if ther be more
As touchende unto Wraththes lore.
[Sidenote: [iii. HATE.]]
iii. _Demonis est odium quasi Scriba, cui dabit Ira_
_Materiam scripti cordis ad antra sui._
_Non laxabit amor odii quem frena restringunt,_
_Nec secreta sui iuris adire sinit._
Of Wraththe yit ther is an other,
Which is to Cheste his oghne brother,
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor de tercia specie Ire, que
Odium dicitur, cuius natura omnes Ire inimicicias ad mentem
reducens, illas vsque ad tempus vindicte velut[908] Scriba
demonis in cordis papiro commemorandas inserit.]
And is be name cleped Hate,
That soffreth noght withinne his gate
[Sidenote: =P. i. 308=]
That ther come owther love or pes,
For he wol make no reles
Of no debat which is befalle.
Now spek, if thou art on of alle, 850
That with this vice hast ben withholde.
As yit for oght that ye me tolde,
Mi fader, I not what it is.
In good feith, Sone, I trowe yis.
Mi fader, nay, bot ye me lere.
Now lest, my Sone, and thou schalt here.
Hate is a wraththe noght schewende,
Bot of long time gaderende,[909]
And duelleth in the herte loken,
Til he se time to be wroken; 860
And thanne he scheweth his tempeste
Mor sodein than the wilde beste,
Which wot nothing what merci is.
Mi Sone, art thou knowende of this?
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
My goode fader, as I wene,
Now wot I somdel what ye mene;
Bot I dar saufly make an oth,
Mi ladi was me nevere loth.[910]
I wol noght swere natheles
That I of hate am gulteles; 870
For whanne I to my ladi plie
Fro dai to dai and merci crie,
And sche no merci on me leith
Bot schorte wordes to me seith,
Thogh I my ladi love algate,
Tho wordes moste I nedes hate;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 309=]
And wolde thei were al despent,
Or so ferr oute of londe went
That I nevere after scholde hem hiere;
And yit love I my ladi diere. 880
Thus is ther Hate, as ye mai se,
Betwen my ladi word and me;
The word I hate and hire I love,
What so me schal betide of love.
Bot forthere mor I wol me schryve,
That I have hated al my lyve
These janglers, whiche of here Envie
Ben evere redi forto lie;
For with here fals compassement
Fuloften thei have mad me schent 890
And hindred me fulofte time,
Whan thei no cause wisten bime,
Bot onliche of here oghne thoght:
And thus fuloften have I boght
The lie, and drank noght of the wyn.
I wolde here happ were such as myn:
For how so that I be now schrive,
To hem ne mai I noght foryive,
Til that I se hem at debat
With love, and thanne myn astat[911] 900
Thei mihten be here oghne deme,[912]
And loke how wel it scholde hem qweme
To hindre a man that loveth sore.
And thus I hate hem everemore,
Til love on hem wol don his wreche:[913]
For that schal I alway beseche
[Sidenote: =P. i. 310=]
Unto the mihti Cupido,
That he so mochel wolde do,
So as he is of love a godd,
To smyte hem with the same rodd 910
With which I am of love smite;
So that thei mihten knowe and wite
How hindringe is a wofull peine
To him that love wolde atteigne.
Thus evere on hem I wayte and hope,
Til I mai sen hem lepe a lope,
And halten on the same Sor
Which I do now: for overmor[914]
I wolde thanne do my myht
So forto stonden in here lyht, 920
That thei ne scholden finde a weie[915]
To that thei wolde, bot aweie
I wolde hem putte out of the stede
Fro love, riht as thei me dede
With that thei speke of me be mowthe.
So wolde I do, if that I cowthe,
Of hem, and this, so god me save,
Is al the hate that I have,
Toward these janglers everydiel;
I wolde alle othre ferde wel. 930
Thus have I, fader, said mi wille;
Say ye now forth, for I am stille.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, of that thou hast me said
I holde me noght fulli paid:
That thou wolt haten eny man,
To that acorden I ne can,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 311=]
Thogh he have hindred thee tofore.
Bot this I telle thee therfore,
Thou miht upon my beneicoun
Wel haten the condicioun 940
Of tho janglers, as thou me toldest,[916]
Bot furthermor, of that thou woldest
Hem hindre in eny other wise,
Such Hate is evere to despise.
Forthi, mi Sone, I wol thee rede,
That thou drawe in be frendlihede
That thou ne miht noght do be hate;
So miht thou gete love algate
And sette thee, my Sone, in reste,
For thou schalt finde it for the beste. 950
And over this, so as I dar,
I rede that thou be riht war
Of othre mennes hate aboute,
Which every wysman scholde doute:
For Hate is evere upon await,
And as the fisshere on his bait
Sleth, whan he seth the fisshes faste,
So, whan he seth time ate laste,
That he mai worche an other wo,
Schal noman tornen him therfro, 960
That Hate nyle his felonie
Fulfille and feigne compaignie
Yit natheles, for fals Semblant
Is toward him of covenant
Withholde, so that under bothe
The prive wraththe can him clothe,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 312=]
That he schal seme of gret believe.
Bot war thee wel that thou ne lieve
Al that thou sest tofore thin yhe,
So as the Gregois whilom syhe:[917] 970
The bok of Troie who so rede,
Ther mai he finde ensample in dede.
[Sidenote: [KING NAMPLUS AND THE GREEKS.]]
Sone after the destruccioun,[918]
Whan Troie was al bete doun
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui,
cum Ire sue odium aperte vindicare non possint, ficta
dissimilacione vindictam subdole assequuntur.[919] Et
narrat quod cum Palamades princeps Grecorum in obsidione
Troie a quibusdam suis emulis proditorie[920] interfectus
fuisset, paterque[921] suus Rex Namplus in patria sua tunc
existens huiusmodi euentus certitudinem sciuisset, Grecos
in sui cordis odium super omnia recollegit. Vnde contigit
quod, cum Greci deuicta Troia per altum mare versus
Greciam nauigio remeantes obscurissimo noctis tempore
nimia ventorum tempestate iactabantur, Rex Namplus in
terra sua contra litus maris, vbi maiora saxorum eminebant
pericula, super cacumina montium grandissimos noctanter
fecit ignes: quos Greci aspicientes saluum portum ibidem
inuenire certissime putabant, et terram approximantes
diruptis nauibus magna pars Grecorum periclitabatur. Et sic,
quod[922] Namplus viribus nequiit, odio latitante[923] per
dissimilacionis fraudem vindicauit.]
And slain was Priamus the king,
The Gregois, whiche of al this thing
Ben cause, tornen hom ayein.
Ther mai noman his happ withsein;
It hath be sen and felt fulofte,
The harde time after the softe: 980
Be See as thei forth homward wente,
A rage of gret tempeste hem hente;
Juno let bende hire parti bowe,
The Sky wax derk, the wynd gan blowe,
The firy welkne gan to thondre,
As thogh the world scholde al to sondre;
Fro hevene out of the watergates
The reyni Storm fell doun algates
And al here takel made unwelde,
That noman mihte himself bewelde. 990
Ther mai men hiere Schipmen crie,
That stode in aunter forto die:
He that behinde sat to stiere
Mai noght the forestempne hiere;
The Schip aros ayein the wawes,
The lodesman hath lost his lawes,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 313=]
The See bet in on every side:
Thei nysten what fortune abide,
Bot sette hem al in goddes wille,
Wher he hem wolde save or spille.[924] 1000
And it fell thilke time thus:
Ther was a king, the which Namplus
Was hote, and he a Sone hadde,
At Troie which the Gregois ladde,
As he that was mad Prince of alle,
Til that fortune let him falle:
His name was Palamades.
Bot thurgh an hate natheles
Of some of hem his deth was cast
And he be tresoun overcast. 1010
His fader, whan he herde it telle,
He swor, if evere his time felle,
He wolde him venge, if that he mihte,
And therto his avou behihte:[925]
And thus this king thurgh prive hate
Abod upon await algate,
For he was noght of such emprise
To vengen him in open wise.
The fame, which goth wyde where,
Makth knowe how that the Gregois were 1020
Homward with al the felaschipe
Fro Troie upon the See be Schipe.
Namplus, whan he this understod,
And knew the tydes of the flod,
And sih the wynd blew to the lond,
A gret deceipte anon he fond
[Sidenote: =P. i. 314=]
Of prive hate, as thou schalt hiere,
Wherof I telle al this matiere.[926]
This king the weder gan beholde,[927]
And wiste wel thei moten holde 1030
Here cours endlong his marche riht,[928]
And made upon the derke nyht
Of grete Schydes and of blockes
Gret fyr ayein the grete rockes,
To schewe upon the helles hihe,
So that the Flete of Grece it sihe.
And so it fell riht as he thoghte:
This Flete, which an havene soghte,
The bryghte fyres sih a ferr,
And thei hem drowen nerr and nerr, 1040
And wende wel and understode
How al that fyr was mad for goode,
To schewe wher men scholde aryve,
And thiderward thei hasten blyve.[929]
In Semblant, as men sein, is guile,
And that was proved thilke while;
The Schip, which wende his helpe acroche,[930]
Drof al to pieces on the roche,
And so ther deden ten or twelve;
Ther mihte noman helpe himselve, 1050
For ther thei wenden deth ascape,
Withouten help here deth was schape.
Thus thei that comen ferst tofore
Upon the Rockes be forlore,
Bot thurgh the noise and thurgh the cri
These othre were al war therby;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 315=]
And whan the dai began to rowe,
Tho mihten thei the sothe knowe,
That wher they wenden frendes finde,
Thei founden frenschipe al behinde.[931] 1060
The lond was thanne sone weyved,
Wher that thei hadden be deceived,
And toke hem to the hihe See;
Therto thei seiden alle yee,
Fro that dai forth and war thei were[932]
Of that thei hadde assaied there.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, hierof thou miht avise
How fraude stant in many wise
Amonges hem that guile thenke;
Ther is no Scrivein with his enke 1070
Which half the fraude wryte can
That stant in such a maner man:
Forthi the wise men ne demen
The thinges after that thei semen,
Bot after that thei knowe and finde.
The Mirour scheweth in his kinde
As he hadde al the world withinne,
And is in soth nothing therinne;
And so farth Hate for a throwe:
Til he a man hath overthrowe, 1080
Schal noman knowe be his chere
Which is avant, ne which arere.
Forthi, mi Sone, thenke on this.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, so I wole ywiss;
And if ther more of Wraththe be,
Now axeth forth per charite,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 316=]
As ye be youre bokes knowe,
And I the sothe schal beknowe.
[Sidenote: [iv. v. CONTEK AND HOMICIDE.]]
iv. _Qui cohibere manum nequit, et sit spiritus eius_[933]
_Naribus, hic populo sepe timendus erit._
_Sepius in luctum Venus et sua gaudia transfert,_
_Cumque suis thalamis talis amicus adest._
_Est amor amplexu non ictibus alliciendus,_
_Frangit amicicias impetuosa manus._
Mi Sone, thou schalt understonde
That yit towardes Wraththe stonde 1090
Of dedly vices othre tuo:
And forto telle here names so,
It is Contek and Homicide,
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor super quarta et quinta
specie Ire, que impetuositas et homicidium dicuntur. Set
primo de impetuositate specialius tractare intendit, cuius
natura spiritum in naribus gestando ad omnes Ire mociones
in vindictam parata pacienciam nullatenus obseruat.]
That ben to drede on every side.[934]
Contek, so as the bokes sein,
Folhast hath to his Chamberlein,
Be whos conseil al unavised
Is Pacience most despised,
Til Homicide with hem meete.
Fro merci thei ben al unmeete, 1100
And thus ben thei the worste of alle
Of hem whiche unto wraththe falle,
In dede bothe and ek in thoght:
For thei acompte here wraththe at noght,
Bot if ther be schedinge of blod;
And thus lich to a beste wod
Thei knowe noght the god of lif.
Be so thei have or swerd or knif[935]
Here dedly wraththe forto wreke,
Of Pite list hem noght to speke; 1110
Non other reson thei ne fonge,
Bot that thei ben of mihtes stronge.[936]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 317=]
Bot war hem wel in other place,[937]
Where every man behoveth grace,
Bot ther I trowe it schal hem faile,
To whom no merci mihte availe,
Bot wroghten upon tiraundie,
That no pite ne mihte hem plie.[938]
[Sidenote: Opponit Confessor.]
Now tell, my Sone.
Fader, what?[939]
If thou hast be coupable of that. 1120
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi fader, nay, Crist me forbiede:
I speke onliche as of the dede,[940]
Of which I nevere was coupable[941]
Withoute cause resonable.
Bot this is noght to mi matiere
Of schrifte, why we sitten hiere;
[Sidenote: [CONTEK WITHIN THE HEART.]]
For we ben sett to schryve of love,
As we begunne ferst above:
And natheles I am beknowe
That as touchende of loves throwe, 1130
Whan I my wittes overwende,
Min hertes contek hath non ende,
Bot evere it stant upon debat
To gret desese of myn astat
As for the time that it lasteth.
For whan mi fortune overcasteth
Hire whiel and is to me so strange,
And that I se sche wol noght change,
Than caste I al the world aboute,
And thenke hou I at home and oute 1140
Have al my time in vein despended,
And se noght how to ben amended,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 318=]
Bot rathere forto be empeired,
As he that is welnyh despeired:
For I ne mai no thonk deserve,[942]
And evere I love and evere I serve,
And evere I am aliche nerr.
Thus, for I stonde in such a wer,
I am, as who seith, out of herre;
And thus upon miself the werre 1150
I bringe, and putte out alle pes,
That I fulofte in such a res
Am wery of myn oghne lif.
So that of Contek and of strif
I am beknowe and have ansuerd,
As ye, my fader, now have herd.
Min herte is wonderly begon
With conseil, wherof witt is on,
Which hath resoun in compaignie;
Ayein the whiche stant partie 1160
Will, which hath hope of his acord,
And thus thei bringen up descord.
Witt and resoun conseilen ofte
That I myn herte scholde softe,[943]
And that I scholde will remue
And put him out of retenue,[944]
Or elles holde him under fote:
For as thei sein, if that he mote
His oghne rewle have upon honde,
Ther schal no witt ben understonde. 1170
Of hope also thei tellen this,[945]
That overal, wher that he is,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 319=]
He set the herte in jeupartie[946]
With wihssinge and with fantasie,[947]
And is noght trewe of that he seith,
So that in him ther is no feith:
Thus with reson and wit avised
Is will and hope aldai despised.
Reson seith that I scholde leve[948]
To love, wher ther is no leve 1180
To spede, and will seith therayein
That such an herte is to vilein,
Which dar noght love, and til he spede,
Let hope serve at such a nede:
He seith ek, where an herte sit
Al hol governed upon wit,
He hath this lyves lust forlore.[949]
And thus myn herte is al totore
Of such a Contek as thei make:
Bot yit I mai noght will forsake,[950] 1190
That he nys Maister of my thoght,
Or that I spede, or spede noght.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Thou dost, my Sone, ayein the riht;
Bot love is of so gret a miht,
His lawe mai noman refuse,
So miht thou thee the betre excuse.
And natheles thou schalt be lerned
That will scholde evere be governed[951]
Of reson more than of kinde,
Wherof a tale write I finde. 1200
A Philosophre of which men tolde
[Sidenote: [TALE OF DIOGENES AND ALEXANDER.]]
Ther was whilom be daies olde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 320=]
And Diogenes thanne he hihte.
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum, quod hominis
impetuosa voluntas sit discrecionis moderamine gubernanda.
Et narrat qualiter Diogenes, qui motus animi sui racioni
subiugarat, Regem Alexandrum super isto facto sibi
opponentem[953] plenius informauit.]
So old he was that he ne mihte
The world travaile, and for the beste
He schop him forto take his reste,
And duelte at hom in such a wise,
That nyh his hous he let devise[952]
Endlong upon an Axeltre
To sette a tonne in such degre, 1210
That he it mihte torne aboute;
Wherof on hed was taken oute,[954]
For he therinne sitte scholde
And torne himself so as he wolde,
To take their and se the hevene
And deme of the planetes sevene,
As he which cowthe mochel what.
And thus fulofte there he sat
To muse in his philosophie
Solein withoute compaignie: 1220
So that upon a morwetyde,
As thing which scholde so betyde,[955]
Whan he was set ther as him liste
To loke upon the Sonne ariste,
Wherof the propretes he sih,
It fell ther cam ridende nyh
King Alisandre with a route;
And as he caste his yhe aboute,
He sih this Tonne, and what it mente
He wolde wite, and thider sente 1230
A knyht, be whom he mihte it knowe,
And he himself that ilke throwe
[Sidenote: =P. i. 321=]
Abod, and hoveth there stille.
This kniht after the kinges wille
With spore made his hors to gon
And to the tonne he cam anon,
Wher that he fond a man of Age,
And he him tolde the message,
Such as the king him hadde bede,
And axeth why in thilke stede 1240
The Tonne stod, and what it was.[956]
And he, which understod the cas,
Sat stille and spak no word ayein.
The kniht bad speke and seith, ‘Vilein,
Thou schalt me telle, er that I go;
It is thi king which axeth so.’
‘Mi king,’ quod he, ‘that were unriht.’
‘What is he thanne?’ seith the kniht,
‘Is he thi man?’ ‘That seie I noght,’
Quod he, ‘bot this I am bethoght, 1250
Mi mannes man hou that he is.’
‘Thou lyest, false cherl, ywiss,’
The kniht him seith, and was riht wroth,[957]
And to the king ayein he goth
And tolde him how this man ansuerde.
The king, whan he this tale herde,
Bad that thei scholden alle abyde,
For he himself wol thider ryde.[958]
And whan he cam tofore the tonne,
He hath his tale thus begonne: 1260
‘Alheil,’ he seith, ‘what man art thou?’
Quod he, ‘Such on as thou sest now.’
[Sidenote: =P. i. 322=]
The king, which hadde wordes wise,
His age wolde noght despise,
Bot seith, ‘Mi fader, I thee preie
That thou me wolt the cause seie,
How that I am thi mannes man.’
‘Sire king,’ quod he, ‘and that I can,
If that thou wolt.’ ‘Yis,’ seith the king.
Quod he, ‘This is the sothe thing: 1270
Sith I ferst resoun understod,
And knew what thing was evel and good,
The will which of my bodi moeveth,
Whos werkes that the god reproeveth,
I have restreigned everemore,
As him which stant under the lore[959]
Of reson, whos soubgit he is,
So that he mai noght don amis:
And thus be weie of covenant
Will is my man and my servant, 1280
And evere hath ben and evere schal.
And thi will is thi principal,
And hath the lordschipe of thi witt,
So that thou cowthest nevere yit
Take o dai reste of thi labour;
Bot forto ben a conquerour
Of worldes good, which mai noght laste,
Thou hiest evere aliche faste,
Wher thou no reson hast to winne:
And thus thi will is cause of Sinne, 1290
And is thi lord, to whom thou servest,
Wherof thou litel thonk deservest.’
[Sidenote: =P. i. 323=]
The king of that he thus answerde
Was nothing wroth, bot whanne he herde
The hihe wisdom which he seide,[960]
With goodly wordes this he preide,[961]
That he him wolde telle his name.
‘I am,’ quod he, ‘that ilke same,
The which men Diogenes calle.’
Tho was the king riht glad withalle, 1300
For he hadde often herd tofore
What man he was, so that therfore
He seide, ‘O wise Diogene,
Now schal thi grete witt be sene;
For thou schalt of my yifte have
What worldes thing that thou wolt crave.’
Quod he, ‘Thanne hove out of mi Sonne,[962]
And let it schyne into mi Tonne;
For thou benymst me thilke yifte,
Which lith noght in thi miht to schifte: 1310
Non other good of thee me nedeth.’
This king, whom every contre dredeth,[963]
Lo, thus he was enformed there:
Wherof, my Sone, thou miht lere
How that thi will schal noght be lieved,
[Sidenote: [CONTEK.]]
Where it is noght of wit relieved.
And thou hast seid thiself er this
How that thi will thi maister is;[964]
Thurgh which thin hertes thoght withinne
Is evere of Contek to beginne, 1320
So that it is gretli to drede
That it non homicide brede.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 324=]
For love is of a wonder kinde,
And hath hise wittes ofte blinde,
That thei fro mannes reson falle;
Bot whan that it is so befalle
That will schal the corage lede,
In loves cause it is to drede:
Wherof I finde ensample write,
Which is behovely forto wite.[965] 1330
[Sidenote: [PYRAMUS AND THISBE.]]
I rede a tale, and telleth this:[966]
The Cite which Semiramis[967]
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa ponit Confessor exemplum
contra illos qui in sua dampna nimis accelerantes ex
impetuositate seipsos multociens offendunt. Et narrat
qualiter Piramus, cum ipse[968] Tisbee amicam suam in loco
inter eosdem deputato tempore aduentus sui promptam non
inuenit, animo impetuoso seipsum pre dolore extracto gladio
mortaliter transfodit: que postea infra breue veniens cum
ipsum sic mortuum inuenisset, eciam et illa in sui ipsius
mortem impetuose festinans eiusdem gladii cuspide sui
cordis intima per medium penetrauit.]
Enclosed hath with wall aboute,
Of worthi folk with many a route
Was enhabited here and there;
Among the whiche tuo ther were
Above alle othre noble and grete,
Dwellende tho withinne a Strete
So nyh togedre, as it was sene,
That ther was nothing hem betwene, 1340
Bot wow to wow and wall to wall.
This o lord hadde in special
A Sone, a lusti Bacheler,
In al the toun was non his pier:
That other hadde a dowhter eke,
In al the lond that forto seke
Men wisten non so faire as sche.
And fell so, as it scholde be,
This faire dowhter nyh this Sone
As thei togedre thanne wone, 1350
Cupide hath so the thinges schape,
That thei ne mihte his hand ascape,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 325=]
That he his fyr on hem ne caste:
Wherof her herte he overcaste
To folwe thilke lore and suie
Which nevere man yit miht eschuie;
And that was love, as it is happed,
Which hath here hertes so betrapped,[969]
That thei be alle weies seche
How that thei mihten winne a speche, 1360
Here wofull peine forto lisse.
Who loveth wel, it mai noght misse,
And namely whan ther be tuo
Of on acord, how so it go,
Bot if that thei som weie finde;
For love is evere of such a kinde
And hath his folk so wel affaited,
That howso that it be awaited,
Ther mai noman the pourpos lette:
And thus betwen hem tuo thei sette 1370
An hole upon a wall to make,
Thurgh which thei have her conseil take
At alle times, whan thei myhte.
This faire Maiden Tisbee hihte,
And he whom that sche loveth hote
Was Piramus be name hote.
So longe here lecoun thei recorden,
Til ate laste thei acorden
Be nihtes time forto wende
Al one out fro the tounes ende, 1380
Wher was a welle under a Tree;
And who cam ferst, or sche or he,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 326=]
He scholde stille there abide.
So it befell the nyhtes tide[970]
This maiden, which desguised was,
Al prively the softe pas
Goth thurgh the large toun unknowe,
Til that sche cam withinne a throwe
Wher that sche liketh forto duelle,
At thilke unhappi freisshe welle, 1390
Which was also the Forest nyh.
Wher sche comende a Leoun syh
Into the feld to take his preie,
In haste and sche tho fledde aweie,[971]
So as fortune scholde falle,
For feere and let hire wympel falle
Nyh to the welle upon therbage.
This Leoun in his wilde rage
A beste, which that he fond oute,
Hath slain, and with his blodi snoute, 1400
Whan he hath eten what he wolde,
To drynke of thilke stremes colde
Cam to the welle, where he fond
The wympel, which out of hire hond
Was falle, and he it hath todrawe,
Bebled aboute and al forgnawe;[972]
And thanne he strawhte him forto drinke
Upon the freisshe welles brinke,
And after that out of the plein
He torneth to the wode ayein. 1410
And Tisbee dorste noght remue,
Bot as a bridd which were in Mue
[Sidenote: =P. i. 327=]
Withinne a buissh sche kepte hire clos
So stille that sche noght aros;
Unto hirself and pleigneth ay.
And fell, whil that sche there lay,
This Piramus cam after sone
Unto the welle, and be the Mone
He fond hire wimpel blodi there.
Cam nevere yit to mannes Ere 1420
Tidinge, ne to mannes sihte
Merveile, which so sore aflihte[973]
A mannes herte, as it tho dede
To him, which in the same stede
With many a wofull compleignynge
Began his handes forto wringe,
As he which demeth sikerly
That sche be ded: and sodeinly
His swerd al nakid out he breide
In his folhaste, and thus he seide:[974] 1430
‘I am cause of this felonie,
So it is resoun that I die,
As sche is ded be cause of me.’[975]
And with that word upon his kne
He fell, and to the goddes alle
Up to the hevene he gan to calle,
And preide, sithen it was so
That he may noght his love as tho
Have in this world, that of her grace
He miht hire have in other place,[976] 1440
For hiere wolde he noght abide,
He seith: bot as it schal betide,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 328=]
The Pomel of his swerd to grounde
He sette, and thurgh his herte a wounde
He made up to the bare hilte:
And in this wise himself he spilte
With his folhaste and deth he nam;
For sche withinne a while cam,[977]
Wher he lai ded upon his knif.
So wofull yit was nevere lif 1450
As Tisbee was, whan sche him sih:
Sche mihte noght o word on hih
Speke oute, for hire herte schette,
That of hir lif no pris sche sette,
Bot ded swounende doun sche fell,
Til after, whanne it so befell
That sche out of hire traunce awok,
With many a wofull pitous lok
Hire yhe alwei among sche caste
Upon hir love, and ate laste 1460
Sche cawhte breth and seide thus:
‘O thou which cleped art Venus,[978]
Goddesse of love, and thou, Cupide,
Which loves cause hast forto guide,
I wot now wel that ye be blinde,
Of thilke unhapp which I now finde
Only betwen my love and me.
This Piramus, which hiere I se
Bledende, what hath he deserved?
For he youre heste hath kept and served, 1470
And was yong and I bothe also:
Helas, why do ye with ous so?
[Sidenote: =P. i. 329=]
Ye sette oure herte bothe afyre,[979]
And maden ous such thing desire
Wherof that we no skile cowthe;
Bot thus oure freisshe lusti yowthe
Withoute joie is al despended,
Which thing mai nevere ben amended:
For as of me this wol I seie,[980]
That me is levere forto deie 1480
Than live after this sorghful day.’
And with this word, where as he lay,
Hire love in armes sche embraseth,
Hire oghne deth and so pourchaseth
That now sche wepte and nou sche kiste,
Til ate laste, er sche it wiste,
So gret a sorwe is to hire falle,[981]
Which overgoth hire wittes alle.
As sche which mihte it noght asterte,[982]
The swerdes point ayein hire herte 1490
Sche sette, and fell doun therupon,
Wherof that sche was ded anon:
And thus bothe on o swerd bledende
Thei weren founde ded liggende.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now thou, mi Sone, hast herd this tale,
Bewar that of thin oghne bale[983]
Thou be noght cause in thi folhaste,
And kep that thou thi witt ne waste
Upon thi thoght in aventure,
Wherof thi lyves forfeture 1500
Mai falle: and if thou have so thoght
Er this, tell on and hyde it noght.
[Sidenote: [THE LOVER’S CONFESSION. DANGER.]]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 330=]
Mi fader, upon loves side[984]
Mi conscience I woll noght hyde,
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
How that for love of pure wo
I have ben ofte moeved so,
That with my wisshes if I myhte,
A thousand times, I yow plyhte,
I hadde storven in a day;
And therof I me schryve may, 1510
Though love fully me ne slowh,
Mi will to deie was ynowh,[985]
So am I of my will coupable:
And yit is sche noght merciable,
Which mai me yive lif and hele.
Bot that hir list noght with me dele,
I wot be whos conseil it is,
And him wolde I long time er this,
And yit I wolde and evere schal,
Slen and destruie in special. 1520
The gold of nyne kinges londes
Ne scholde him save fro myn hondes,
In my pouer if that he were;
Bot yit him stant of me no fere
For noght that evere I can manace.
He is the hindrere of mi grace,
Til he be ded I mai noght spede;
So mot I nedes taken hiede
And schape how that he were aweie,
If I therto mai finde a weie. 1530
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, tell me now forthi,
Which is that mortiel enemy
[Sidenote: =P. i. 331=]
That thou manacest to be ded.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi fader, it is such a qwed,
That wher I come, he is tofore,
And doth so, that mi cause is lore.
What is his name?
It is Daunger,
Which is mi ladi consailer:
For I was nevere yit so slyh,
To come in eny place nyh 1540
[Sidenote: [DANGER.]]
Wher as sche was be nyht or day,
That Danger ne was redy ay,
With whom for speche ne for mede
Yit mihte I nevere of love spede;
For evere this I finde soth,
Al that my ladi seith or doth
To me, Daunger schal make an ende,
And that makth al mi world miswende:
And evere I axe his help, bot he
Mai wel be cleped sanz pite; 1550
For ay the more I to him bowe,
The lasse he wol my tale alowe.
He hath mi ladi so englued,
Sche wol noght that he be remued;
For evere he hangeth on hire Seil,
And is so prive of conseil,
That evere whanne I have oght bede,
I finde Danger in hire stede
And myn ansuere of him I have;
Bot for no merci that I crave, 1560
Of merci nevere a point I hadde.
I finde his ansuere ay so badde,[986]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 332=]
That werse mihte it nevere be:
And thus betwen Danger and me
Is evere werre til he dye.
Bot mihte I ben of such maistrie,
That I Danger hadde overcome,
With that were al my joie come.
Thus wolde I wonde for no Sinne,
Ne yit for al this world to winne; 1570
If that I mihte finde a sleyhte,
To leie al myn astat in weyhte,
I wolde him fro the Court dissevere,
So that he come ayeinward nevere.
Therfore I wisshe and wolde fain
That he were in som wise slain;
For while he stant in thilke place,
Ne gete I noght my ladi grace.
Thus hate I dedly thilke vice,
And wolde he stode in non office 1580
In place wher mi ladi is;
For if he do, I wot wel this,
That owther schal he deie or I
Withinne a while; and noght forthi
On my ladi fulofte I muse,
How that sche mai hirself excuse,
If that I deie in such a plit.
Me thenkth sche mihte noght be qwyt
That sche ne were an homicide:
And if it scholde so betide, 1590
As god forbiede it scholde be,
Be double weie it is pite.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 333=]
For I, which al my will and witt
Have yove and served evere yit,
And thanne I scholde in such a wise
In rewardinge of my servise
Be ded, me thenkth it were a rowthe:[987]
And furthermor, to telle trowthe,
Sche, that hath evere be wel named,
Were worthi thanne to be blamed 1600
And of reson to ben appeled,
Whan with o word sche mihte have heled
A man, and soffreth him so deie.[988]
Ha, who sawh evere such a weie?
Ha, who sawh evere such destresse?[989]
Withoute pite gentilesse,
Withoute mercy wommanhede,
That wol so quyte a man his mede,
Which evere hath be to love trewe.
Mi goode fader, if ye rewe 1610
Upon mi tale, tell me now,[990]
And I wol stinte and herkne yow.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, attempre thi corage
Fro Wraththe, and let thin herte assuage:
For who so wole him underfonge,
[Sidenote: [MORE HASTE WORSE SPEED.]]
He mai his grace abide longe,
Er he of love be received;
And ek also, bot it be weyved,
Ther mihte mochel thing befalle,
That scholde make a man to falle 1620
Fro love, that nevere afterward
Ne durste he loke thiderward.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 334=]
In harde weies men gon softe,
And er thei clymbe avise hem ofte:
Men sen alday that rape reweth;
And who so wicked Ale breweth,
Fulofte he mot the werse drinke:
Betre is to flete than to sincke;
Betre is upon the bridel chiewe
Thanne if he felle and overthrewe, 1630
The hors and stikede in the Myr:
To caste water in the fyr
Betre is than brenne up al the hous:
The man which is malicious
And folhastif, fulofte he falleth,
And selden is whan love him calleth.
Forthi betre is to soffre a throwe
Than be to wilde and overthrowe;
Suffrance hath evere be the beste
To wissen him that secheth reste: 1640
And thus, if thou wolt love and spede,[991]
Mi Sone, soffre, as I the rede.
What mai the Mous ayein the Cat?
And for this cause I axe that,
Who mai to love make a werre,
That he ne hath himself the werre?
Love axeth pes and evere schal,
And who that fihteth most withal
Schal lest conquere of his emprise:[992]
For this thei tellen that ben wise, 1650
Wicke is to stryve and have the werse;
To hasten is noght worth a kerse;
[Sidenote: =P. i. 335=]
Thing that a man mai noght achieve,
That mai noght wel be don at Eve,
It mot abide til the morwe.
Ne haste noght thin oghne sorwe,
Mi Sone, and tak this in thi witt,
He hath noght lost that wel abitt.
Ensample that it falleth thus,
Thou miht wel take of Piramus, 1660
Whan he in haste his swerd outdrowh[993]
And on the point himselve slowh
For love of Tisbee pitously,
For he hire wympel fond blody
And wende a beste hire hadde slain;
Wher as him oghte have be riht fain,
For sche was there al sauf beside:
Bot for he wolde noght abide,
This meschief fell. Forthi be war,
Mi Sone, as I the warne dar, 1670
Do thou nothing in such a res,[994]
For suffrance is the welle of Pes.
Thogh thou to loves Court poursuie,
Yit sit it wel that thou eschuie
That thou the Court noght overhaste,
For so miht thou thi time waste;
Bot if thin happ therto be schape,
It mai noght helpe forto rape.
Therfore attempre thi corage;
Folhaste doth non avantage, 1680
Bot ofte it set a man behinde
In cause of love, and that I finde
[Sidenote: =P. i. 336=]
Be olde ensample, as thou schalt hiere,
Touchende of love in this matiere.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF PHEBUS AND DAPHNE.]]
A Maiden whilom ther was on,
Which Daphne hihte, and such was non[995]
Of beaute thanne, as it was seid.
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos
qui in amoris causa nimia festinacione concupiscentes
tardius expediunt. Et narrat qualiter pro eo quod Phebus
quamdam virginem pulcherimam nomine Daphnem nimia amoris
acceleracione insequebatur, iratus Cupido cor Phebi sagitta
aurea ignita ardencius vulnerauit: et econtra cor Daphne
quadam sagitta plumbea, que frigidissima fuit, sobrius
perforauit. Et sic quanto magis Phebus ardencior in amore
Daphnem prosecutus[996] est, tanto magis ipsa frigidior
Phebi concupiscenciam toto corde fugitiua dedignabatur.]
Phebus his love hath on hire leid,
And therupon to hire he soghte
In his folhaste, and so besoghte, 1690
That sche with him no reste hadde;
For evere upon hire love he gradde,
And sche seide evere unto him nay.
So it befell upon a dai,
Cupide, which hath every chance
Of love under his governance,
Syh Phebus hasten him so sore:
And for he scholde him haste more,
And yit noght speden ate laste,
A dart thurghout his herte he caste, 1700
Which was of gold and al afyre,
That made him manyfold desire
Of love more thanne he dede.
To Daphne ek in the same stede
A dart of Led he caste and smot,
Which was al cold and nothing hot.
And thus Phebus in love brenneth,
And in his haste aboute renneth,
To loke if that he mihte winne;
Bot he was evere to beginne, 1710
For evere awei fro him sche fledde,
So that he nevere his love spedde.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 337=]
And forto make him full believe
That no Folhaste mihte achieve
To gete love in such degree,
This Daphne into a lorer tre
Was torned, which is evere grene,
In tokne, as yit it mai be sene,
That sche schal duelle a maiden stille,
And Phebus failen of his wille. 1720
Be suche ensamples, as thei stonde,
Mi Sone, thou miht understonde,
To hasten love is thing in vein,
Whan that fortune is therayein.
To take where a man hath leve
Good is, and elles he mot leve;
For whan a mannes happes failen,
Ther is non haste mai availen.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, grant merci of this:
[Sidenote: [FOOL-HASTE.]]
Bot while I se mi ladi is 1730
No tre, but halt hire oghne forme,
Ther mai me noman so enforme,[997]
To whether part fortune wende,
That I unto mi lyves ende
Ne wol hire serven everemo.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, sithen it is so,
I seie nomor; bot in this cas
Bewar how it with Phebus was.
Noght only upon loves chance,
Bot upon every governance 1740
Which falleth unto mannes dede,
Folhaste is evere forto drede,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 338=]
And that a man good consail take,
Er he his pourpos undertake,
For consail put Folhaste aweie.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Now goode fader, I you preie,
That forto wisse me the more,
Som good ensample upon this lore
Ye wolden telle of that is write,
That I the betre mihte wite 1750
How I Folhaste scholde eschuie,
And the wisdom of conseil suie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, that thou miht enforme
Thi pacience upon the forme
Of olde essamples, as thei felle,
Now understond what I schal telle.
[Sidenote: [ATHEMAS AND DEMEPHON.]]
Whan noble Troie was belein
And overcome, and hom ayein
The Gregois torned fro the siege,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui
nimio furore accensi vindictam Ire sue vltra quam decet
consequi affectant. Et narrat qualiter Athemas et Demephon
Reges, cum ipsi de bello Troiano ad propria remeassent et
a suis ibidem pacifice recepti non fuissent, congregato
aliunde pugnatorum excercitu, regiones suas non solum
incendio vastare set et omnes in eisdem habitantes a minimo
vsque ad maiorem in perpetuam vindicte memoriam gladio
interficere feruore[998] iracundie proposuerunt. Set Rex
Nestor, qui senex et sapiens fuit, ex paciencia tractatus
inter ipsos Reges et eorum Regna inita pace et concordia
huiusmodi impetuositatem micius[999] pacificauit.]
The kinges founde here oghne liege 1760
In manye places, as men seide,
That hem forsoke and desobeide.
Among the whiche fell this cas[1000]
To Demephon and Athemas,
That weren kinges bothe tuo,
And bothe weren served so:
Here lieges wolde hem noght receive,[1001]
So that thei mote algates weyve
To seche lond in other place,
For there founde thei no grace. 1770
Wherof they token hem to rede,
And soghten frendes ate nede,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 339=]
And ech of hem asseureth other
To helpe as to his oghne brother,
To vengen hem of thilke oultrage
And winne ayein here heritage.
And thus thei ryde aboute faste
To gete hem help, and ate laste
Thei hadden pouer sufficant,
And maden thanne a covenant, 1780
That thei ne scholden no lif save,
Ne prest, ne clerc, ne lord, ne knave,
Ne wif, ne child, of that thei finde,
Which berth visage of mannes kinde,
So that no lif schal be socoured,
Bot with the dedly swerd devoured:
In such Folhaste here ordinance
Thei schapen forto do vengance.
Whan this pourpos was wist and knowe
Among here host, tho was ther blowe 1790
Of wordes many a speche aboute:
Of yonge men the lusti route
Were of this tale glad ynowh,
Ther was no care for the plowh;
As thei that weren Folhastif,
Thei ben acorded to the strif,
And sein it mai noght be to gret
To vengen hem of such forfet:
Thus seith the wilde unwise tonge
Of hem that there weren yonge.[1002] 1800
Bot Nestor, which was old and hor,
The salve sih tofore the sor,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 340=]
As he that was of conseil wys:
So that anon be his avis
Ther was a prive conseil nome.
The lordes ben togedre come;[1003]
This Demephon and Athemas
Here pourpos tolden, as it was;
Thei sieten alle stille and herde,
Was non bot Nestor hem ansuerde. 1810
He bad hem, if thei wolde winne,
They scholden se, er thei beginne,
Here ende, and sette here ferste entente,
That thei hem after ne repente:
And axeth hem this questioun,
To what final conclusioun
Thei wolde regne Kinges there,
If that no poeple in londe were;
And seith, it were a wonder wierde
To sen a king become an hierde, 1820
Wher no lif is bot only beste
Under the liegance of his heste;
For who that is of man no king,
The remenant is as no thing.
He seith ek, if the pourpos holde
To sle the poeple, as thei tuo wolde,
Whan thei it mihte noght restore,
Al Grece it scholde abegge sore,
To se the wilde beste wone
Wher whilom duelte a mannes Sone:[1004] 1830
And for that cause he bad hem trete,
And stinte of the manaces grete.[1005]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 341=]
Betre is to winne be fair speche,
He seith, than such vengance seche;
[Sidenote: Nota.[1006]]
For whanne a man is most above,
Him nedeth most to gete him love.
Whan Nestor hath his tale seid,
Ayein him was no word withseid;
It thoghte hem alle he seide wel:
And thus fortune hire dedly whiel 1840
Fro werre torneth into pes.
Bot forth thei wenten natheles;
And whan the Contres herde sein
How that here kinges be besein
Of such a pouer as thei ladde,
Was non so bold that hem ne dradde,
And forto seche pes and grith
Thei sende and preide anon forthwith,
So that the kinges ben appesed,
And every mannes herte is esed; 1850
Al was foryete and noght recorded.
And thus thei ben togedre acorded;
The kinges were ayein received,
And pes was take and wraththe weived,
And al thurgh conseil which was good
Of him that reson understod.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Be this ensample, Sone, attempre
Thin herte and let no will distempre
[Sidenote: Nota.[1007]]
Thi wit, and do nothing be myht
Which mai be do be love and riht. 1860
Folhaste is cause of mochel wo;
Forthi, mi Sone, do noght so.
[Sidenote: [HOMICIDE.]]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 342=]
And as touchende of Homicide
Which toucheth unto loves side,
Fulofte it falleth unavised
Thurgh will, which is noght wel assised,[1008]
Whan wit and reson ben aweie
And that Folhaste is in the weie,
Wherof hath falle gret vengance.
Forthi tak into remembrance 1870
To love in such a maner wise
That thou deserve no juise:
For wel I wot, thou miht noght lette,
That thou ne schalt thin herte sette
To love, wher thou wolt or non;
Bot if thi wit be overgon,
So that it torne into malice,
Ther wot noman of thilke vice,
What peril that ther mai befalle:
Wherof a tale amonges alle, 1880
Which is gret pite forto hiere,
I thenke forto tellen hiere,
That thou such moerdre miht withstonde,
Whan thou the tale hast understonde.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF ORESTES.]]
Of Troie at thilke noble toun,
Whos fame stant yit of renoun[1009]
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra illos qui
ob sue concupiscencie desiderium homicide efficiuntur.
Et narrat qualiter Climestra vxor Regis Agamenontis, cum
ipse a bello Troiano domi redisset, consilio Egisti, quem
adultera peramauit, sponsum suum in cubili dormientem
sub noctis silencio trucidabat; cuius mortem filius
eius Horestes tunc minoris etatis postea diis admonitus
seueritate crudelissima[1011] vindicauit.]
And evere schal to mannes Ere,
The Siege laste longe there,
Er that the Greks it mihten winne,
Whil Priamus was king therinne; 1890
Bot of the Greks that lyhe aboute
Agamenon ladde al the route.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 343=]
This thing is knowen overal,[1010]
Bot yit I thenke in special
To my matiere therupon
Telle in what wise Agamenon,
Thurgh chance which mai noght be weived,
Of love untrewe was deceived.
An old sawe is, ‘Who that is slyh
In place where he mai be nyh, 1900
He makth the ferre Lieve loth’:
Of love and thus fulofte it goth.
Ther while Agamenon batailleth
To winne Troie, and it assailleth,
Fro home and was long time ferr,
Egistus drowh his qweene nerr,
And with the leiser which he hadde
This ladi at his wille he ladde:[1012]
Climestre was hire rihte name,
Sche was therof gretli to blame, 1910
To love there it mai noght laste.
Bot fell to meschief ate laste;
For whan this noble worthi kniht[1013]
Fro Troie cam, the ferste nyht[1014]
That he at home abedde lay,
Egistus, longe er it was day,
As this Climestre him hadde asent,
And weren bothe of on assent,
Be treson slowh him in his bedd.
Bot moerdre, which mai noght ben hedd, 1920
Sprong out to every mannes Ere,
Wherof the lond was full of fere.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 344=]
Agamenon hath be this qweene
A Sone, and that was after sene;[1015]
Bot yit as thanne he was of yowthe,
A babe, which no reson cowthe,
And as godd wolde, it fell him thus.
A worthi kniht Taltabius
This yonge child hath in kepinge,
And whan he herde of this tidinge,[1016] 1930
Of this treson, of this misdede,
He gan withinne himself to drede,
In aunter if this false Egiste
Upon him come, er he it wiste,
To take and moerdre of his malice[1017]
This child, which he hath to norrice:
And for that cause in alle haste
Out of the lond he gan him haste
And to the king of Crete he strawhte[1018]
And him this yonge lord betawhte, 1940
And preide him for his fader sake
That he this child wolde undertake
And kepe him til he be of Age,
So as he was of his lignage;
And tolde him over al the cas,
How that his fadre moerdred was,
And hou Egistus, as men seide,
Was king, to whom the lond obeide.
And whanne Ydomeneux the king
Hath understondihge of this thing, 1950
Which that this kniht him hadde told,
He made sorwe manyfold,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 345=]
And tok this child into his warde,
And seide he wolde him kepe and warde,
Til that he were of such a myht
To handle a swerd and ben a knyht,
To venge him at his oghne wille.
And thus Horestes duelleth stille,
Such was the childes rihte name,
Which after wroghte mochel schame 1960
In vengance of his fader deth.
The time of yeres overgeth,
That he was man of brede and lengthe,
Of wit, of manhod and of strengthe,
A fair persone amonges alle.
And he began to clepe and calle,
As he which come was to manne,
Unto the King of Crete thanne,[1019]
Preiende that he wolde him make
A kniht and pouer with him take, 1970
For lengere wolde he noght beleve,
He seith, bot preith the king of leve
To gon and cleyme his heritage
And vengen him of thilke oultrage
Which was unto his fader do.
The king assenteth wel therto,
With gret honour and knyht him makth,
And gret pouer to him betakth,
And gan his journe forto caste:[1020]
So that Horestes ate laste 1980
His leve tok and forth he goth.
As he that was in herte wroth,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 346=]
His ferste pleinte to bemene,
Unto the Cite of Athene
He goth him forth and was received,
So there was he noght deceived.
The Duc and tho that weren wise
Thei profren hem to his servise;
And he hem thonketh of here profre[1021]
And seith himself he wol gon offre 1990
Unto the goddes for his sped,
As alle men him yeven red.
So goth he to the temple forth:
Of yiftes that be mochel worth
His sacrifice and his offringe
He made; and after his axinge
He was ansuerd, if that he wolde
His stat recovere, thanne he scholde
Upon his Moder do vengance
So cruel, that the remembrance 2000
Therof mihte everemore abide,
As sche that was an homicide
And of hire oghne lord Moerdrice.[1022]
Horestes, which of thilke office
Was nothing glad, as thanne he preide[1023]
Unto the goddes there and seide
That thei the juggement devise,
How sche schal take the juise.
And therupon he hadde ansuere,
That he hire Pappes scholde of tere 2010
Out of hire brest his oghne hondes,
And for ensample of alle londes
[Sidenote: =P. i. 347=]
With hors sche scholde be todrawe,
Til houndes hadde hire bones gnawe
Withouten eny sepulture:
This was a wofull aventure.
And whan Horestes hath al herd,
How that the goddes have ansuerd,
Forth with the strengthe which he ladde
The Duc and his pouer he hadde, 2020
And to a Cite forth thei gon,
The which was cleped Cropheon,
Where as Phoieus was lord and Sire,[1024]
Which profreth him withouten hyre
His help and al that he mai do,
As he that was riht glad therto,
To grieve his mortiel enemy:
And tolde hem certein cause why,
How that Egiste in Mariage
His dowhter whilom of full Age 2030
Forlai, and afterward forsok,
Whan he Horestes Moder tok.
Men sein, ‘Old Senne newe schame’:
Thus more and more aros the blame
Ayein Egiste on every side.
Horestes with his host to ride
Began, and Phoieus with hem wente;
I trowe Egiste him schal repente.
Thei riden forth unto Micene,
Wher lay Climestre thilke qweene, 2040
The which Horestes moder is:[1025]
And whan sche herde telle of this,[1026]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 348=]
The gates weren faste schet,
And thei were of here entre let.[1027]
Anon this Cite was withoute
Belein and sieged al aboute,[1028]
And evere among thei it assaile,
Fro day to nyht and so travaile,
Til ate laste thei it wonne;
Tho was ther sorwe ynowh begonne. 2050
Horestes dede his moder calle
Anon tofore the lordes alle
And ek tofor the poeple also,
To hire and tolde his tale tho,
And seide, ‘O cruel beste unkinde,
How mihtest thou thin herte finde,[1029]
For eny lust of loves drawhte,
That thou acordest to the slawhte
Of him which was thin oghne lord?
Thi treson stant of such record, 2060
Thou miht thi werkes noght forsake;
So mot I for mi fader sake
Vengance upon thi bodi do,
As I comanded am therto.
Unkindely for thou hast wroght,
Unkindeliche it schal be boght,
The Sone schal the Moder sle,
For that whilom them seidest yee
To that thou scholdest nay have seid.’
And he with that his hond hath leid 2070
Upon his Moder brest anon,
And rente out fro the bare bon
[Sidenote: =P. i. 349=]
Hire Pappes bothe and caste aweie
Amiddes in the carte weie,
And after tok the dede cors
And let it drawe awey with hors
Unto the hound and to the raven;[1030]
Sche was non other wise graven.
Egistus, which was elles where,
Tidinges comen to his Ere 2080
How that Micenes was belein,
Bot what was more herd he noght sein;[1031]
With gret manace and mochel bost
He drowh pouer and made an host
And cam in rescousse of the toun.
Bot al the sleyhte of his tresoun
Horestes wiste it be aspie,
And of his men a gret partie
He made in buisshement abide,
To waite on him in such a tide 2090
That he ne mihte here hond ascape:
And in this wise as he hath schape
The thing befell, so that Egiste
Was take, er he himself it wiste,
And was forth broght hise hondes bounde,
As whan men han a tretour founde.
And tho that weren with him take,
Whiche of tresoun were overtake,
Togedre in o sentence falle;
Bot false Egiste above hem alle[1032] 2100
Was demed to diverse peine,
The worste that men cowthe ordeigne,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 350=]
And so forth after be the lawe
He was unto the gibet drawe,
Where he above alle othre hongeth,
As to a tretour it belongeth.
Tho fame with hire swifte wynges[1033]
Aboute flyh and bar tidinges,
And made it cowth in alle londes
How that Horestes with hise hondes 2110
Climestre his oghne Moder slowh.
Some sein he dede wel ynowh,
And som men sein he dede amis,
Diverse opinion ther is:
That sche is ded thei speken alle,
Bot pleinli hou it is befalle,
The matiere in so litel throwe
In soth ther mihte noman knowe
Bot thei that weren ate dede:
And comunliche in every nede 2120
The worste speche is rathest herd
And lieved, til it be ansuerd.
The kinges and the lordes grete
Begonne Horestes forto threte
To puten him out of his regne:
‘He is noght worthi forto regne,
The child which slowh his moder so,’
Thei saide; and therupon also
The lordes of comun assent
A time sette of parlement, 2130
And to Athenes king and lord
Togedre come of on acord,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 351=]
To knowe hou that the sothe was:
So that Horestes in this cas
Thei senden after, and he com.
King Menelay the wordes nom
And axeth him of this matiere:
And he, that alle it mihten hiere,
Ansuerde and tolde his tale alarge,[1034]
And hou the goddes in his charge 2140
Comanded him in such a wise
His oghne hond to do juise.
And with this tale a Duc aros,
Which was a worthi kniht of los,
His name was Menesteüs,
And seide unto the lordes thus:
‘The wreeche which Horestes dede,
It was thing of the goddes bede,
And nothing of his crualte;
And if ther were of mi degree 2150
In al this place such a kniht
That wolde sein it was no riht,
I wole it with my bodi prove.’
And therupon he caste his glove,
And ek this noble Duc alleide
Ful many an other skile, and seide
Sche hadde wel deserved wreche,
Ferst for the cause of Spousebreche,
And after wroghte in such a wise
That al the world it oghte agrise, 2160
Whan that sche for so foul a vice
Was of hire oghne lord moerdrice.
[Sidenote: =P. i. 352=]
Thei seten alle stille and herde,
Bot therto was noman ansuerde,
It thoghte hem alle he seide skile,
Ther is noman withseie it wile;[1035]
Whan thei upon the reson musen,
Horestes alle thei excusen:[1036]
So that with gret solempnete
He was unto his dignete 2170
Received, and coroned king.
And tho befell a wonder thing:
Egiona, whan sche this wiste,
Which was the dowhter of Egiste
And Soster on the moder side
To this Horeste, at thilke tide,
Whan sche herde how hir brother spedde,[1037]
For pure sorwe, which hire ledde,
That he ne hadde ben exiled,
Sche hath hire oghne lif beguiled 2180
Anon and hyng hireselve tho.
It hath and schal ben everemo,
To moerdre who that wole assente,
He mai noght faille to repente:
This false Egiona was on,
Which forto moerdre Agamenon
Yaf hire acord and hire assent,
So that be goddes juggement,
Thogh that non other man it wolde,
Sche tok hire juise as sche scholde; 2190
And as sche to an other wroghte,
Vengance upon hireself sche soghte,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 353=]
And hath of hire unhappi wit
A moerdre with a moerdre quit.
Such is of moerdre the vengance.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, mi Sone, in remembrance
Of this ensample tak good hiede:
For who that thenkth his love spiede
With moerdre, he schal with worldes schame
Himself and ek his love schame. 2200
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, of this aventure
Which ye have told, I you assure
Min herte is sory forto hiere,
Bot only for I wolde lere
What is to done, and what to leve.
[Sidenote: [1038]Hic queritur quibus de causis licet
hominem[1039] occidere.]
And over this now be your leve,
That ye me wolden telle I preie,
If ther be lieffull eny weie
Withoute Senne a man to sle.[1040]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, in sondri wise ye. 2210
What man that is of traiterie,
Of moerdre or elles robberie
Atteint, the jugge schal noght lette,
Bot he schal slen of pure dette,
And doth gret Senne, if that he wonde.
For who that lawe hath upon honde,
[Sidenote: [LAWFUL HOMICIDE.]]
And spareth forto do justice
For merci, doth noght his office,
That he his mercy so bewareth,
[Sidenote: Seneca.[1041] Iudex qui parcit[1042] vlcisci,
multos improbos facit.]
Whan for o schrewe which he spareth 2220
A thousand goode men he grieveth:
With such merci who that believeth
[Sidenote: =P. i. 354=]
To plese god, he is deceived,
Or elles resoun mot be weyved.
[Sidenote: Apostolus. Non sine causa Iudex gladium
portat.[1043]]
The lawe stod er we were bore,
How that a kinges swerd is bore
In signe that he schal defende
His trewe poeple and make an ende
Of suche as wolden hem devoure.
Lo thus, my Sone, to socoure 2230
The lawe and comun riht to winne,
A man mai sle withoute Sinne,
And do therof a gret almesse,
So forto kepe rihtwisnesse.
[Sidenote: Pugna pro patria.[1044]]
And over this for his contre
In time of werre a man is fre
Himself, his hous and ek his lond
Defende with his oghne hond,
And slen, if that he mai no bet,
After the lawe which is set. 2240
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Now, fader, thanne I you beseche
Of hem that dedly werres seche
In worldes cause and scheden blod,
If such an homicide is good.[1045]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, upon thi question
The trowthe of myn opinion,
Als ferforth as my wit arecheth
And as the pleine lawe techeth,[1046]
I woll thee telle in evidence,
To rewle with thi conscience. 2250
[Sidenote: [EVIL OF WAR.]]
v. _Quod creat ipse deus, necat hoc homicida creatum,_
_Vltor et humano sanguine spargit humum._
[Sidenote: =P. i. 355=]
_Vt pecoris sic est hominis cruor, heu, modo fusus,_
_Victa iacet pietas, et furor vrget opus._
_Angelus ‘In terra pax’ dixit, et vltima Cristi_
_Verba sonant pacem, quam modo guerra fugat._
The hihe god of his justice
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur contra motores guerre, que non
solum homicidii set vniversi mundi desolacionis mater
existit.]
That ilke foule horrible vice
Of homicide he hath forbede,
Be Moïses as it was bede.
Whan goddes Sone also was bore,
He sende hise anglis doun therfore,[1047]
Whom the Schepherdes herden singe,
Pes to the men of welwillinge
In erthe be among ous here.[1048]
So forto speke in this matiere 2260
After the lawe of charite,
Ther schal no dedly werre be:
And ek nature it hath defended
And in hir lawe pes comended,
Which is the chief of mannes welthe,
Of mannes lif, of mannes helthe.
Bot dedly werre hath his covine
Of pestilence and of famine,
Of poverte and of alle wo,
Wherof this world we blamen so, 2270
Which now the werre hath under fote,
Til god himself therof do bote.
For alle thing which god hath wroght
In Erthe, werre it bringth to noght:
The cherche is brent, the priest is slain,
The wif, the maide is ek forlain,
The lawe is lore and god unserved:
I not what mede he hath deserved
[Sidenote: =P. i. 356=]
That suche werres ledeth inne.
If that he do it forto winne, 2280
Ferst to acompte his grete cost
Forth with the folk that he hath lost,
As to the worldes rekeninge
Ther schal he finde no winnynge;
And if he do it to pourchace
The hevene mede, of such a grace
I can noght speke, and natheles[1049]
Crist hath comanded love and pes,
And who that worcheth the revers,
I trowe his mede is ful divers. 2290
And sithen thanne that we finde
That werres in here oghne kinde
Ben toward god of no decerte,[1050]
And ek thei bringen in poverte
Of worldes good, it is merveile
Among the men what it mai eyle,
That thei a pes ne conne sette.
I trowe Senne be the lette,
[Sidenote: Apostolus. Stipendium peccati mors est.[1051]]
And every mede of Senne is deth;
So wot I nevere hou that it geth: 2300
Bot we that ben of o believe
Among ousself, this wolde I lieve,
That betre it were pes to chese,
Than so be double weie lese.
I not if that it now so stonde,
Bot this a man mai understonde,
Who that these olde bokes redeth,
That coveitise is on which ledeth,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 357=]
And broghte ferst the werres inne.
At Grece if that I schal beginne, 2310
Ther was it proved hou it stod:
To Perce, which was ful of good,
Thei maden werre in special,
And so thei deden overal,
Wher gret richesse was in londe,
So that thei leften nothing stonde
Unwerred, bot onliche Archade.
[Sidenote: Nota, quod Greci omnem terram fertilem
debellabant, set tantum Archadiam, pro eo quod pauper et
sterilis fuit, pacifice dimiserunt.]
For there thei no werres made,[1052]
Be cause it was bareigne and povere,
Wherof thei mihten noght recovere; 2320
And thus poverte was forbore,
He that noght hadde noght hath lore.
Bot yit it is a wonder thing,
Whan that a riche worthi king,
Or other lord, what so he be,
Wol axe and cleyme proprete
In thing to which he hath no riht,
Bot onliche of his grete miht:
For this mai every man wel wite,
That bothe kinde and lawe write 2330
Expressly stonden therayein.
Bot he mot nedes somwhat sein,
Althogh ther be no reson inne,
Which secheth cause forto winne:
For wit that is with will oppressed,
Whan coveitise him hath adressed,
And alle resoun put aweie,
He can wel finde such a weie
[Sidenote: =P. i. 358=]
To werre, where as evere him liketh,
Wherof that he the world entriketh, 2340
That many a man of him compleigneth:
Bot yit alwei som cause he feigneth,
And of his wrongful herte he demeth[1053]
That al is wel, what evere him semeth,
Be so that he mai winne ynowh.
For as the trew man to the plowh[1054]
Only to the gaignage entendeth,
Riht so the werreiour despendeth
His time and hath no conscience.
And in this point for evidence 2350
Of hem that suche werres make,
Thou miht a gret ensample take,
How thei her tirannie excusen
Of that thei wrongfull werres usen,
And how thei stonde of on acord,
The Souldeour forth with the lord,
The povere man forth with the riche,
As of corage thei ben liche,
To make werres and to pile
For lucre and for non other skyle: 2360
Wherof a propre tale I rede,
As it whilom befell in dede.
[Sidenote: [ALEXANDER AND THE PIRATE.]]
Of him whom al this Erthe dradde,
Whan he the world so overladde
Thurgh werre, as it fortuned is,
[Sidenote: Hic declarat per exemplum contra istos Principes
seu alios quoscumque illicite guerre motores. Et narrat de
quodam pirata in partibus marinis spoliatore notissimo, qui
cum captus fuisset, et in iudicium coram Rege Alexandro
productus et de latrocinio accusatus, dixit, ‘O Alexander,
vere quia cum paucis sociis spoliorum causa naues tantum
exploro, ego latrunculus vocor; tu autem, quia cum[1055]
infinita bellatorum multitudine vniuersam terram subiugando
spoliasti, Imperator diceris. Ita quod status tuus a statu
meo differt, set eodem animo condicionem parilem habemus.’
Alexander vero eius audaciam in responsione comprobans,
ipsum penes se familiarem retinuit; et sic bellicosus
bellatori complacuit.]
King Alisandre, I rede this;
How in a Marche, where he lay,
It fell per chance upon a day
[Sidenote: =P. i. 359=]
A Rovere of the See was nome,
Which many a man hadde overcome 2370
And slain and take here good aweie:
This Pilour, as the bokes seie,
A famous man in sondri stede
Was of the werkes whiche he dede.
This Prisoner tofor the king
Was broght, and there upon this thing
In audience he was accused:
And he his dede hath noght excused,
Bot preith the king to don him riht,
And seith, ‘Sire, if I were of miht, 2380
I have an herte lich to thin;
For if the pouer were myn,[1056]
Mi will is most in special
To rifle and geten overal
The large worldes good aboute.
Bot for I lede a povere route
And am, as who seith, at meschief,
The name of Pilour and of thief
I bere; and thou, which routes grete
Miht lede and take thi beyete, 2390
And dost riht as I wolde do,
Thi name is nothing cleped so,
Bot thou art named Emperour.
Oure dedes ben of o colour
And in effect of o decerte,
Bot thi richesse and my poverte
Tho ben noght taken evene liche.
And natheles he that is riche
[Sidenote: =P. i. 360=]
This dai, tomorwe he mai be povere;
And in contraire also recovere 2400
A povere man to gret richesse
Men sen: forthi let rihtwisnesse[1057]
Be peised evene in the balance.
The king his hardi contienance
Behield, and herde hise wordes wise,
And seide unto him in this wise:[1058]
‘Thin ansuere I have understonde,
Wherof my will is, that thou stonde
In mi service and stille abide.’
And forth withal the same tide 2410
He hath him terme of lif withholde,
The mor and for he schal ben holde,[1059]
He made him kniht and yaf him lond,
Which afterward was of his hond
An orped kniht in many a stede,
And gret prouesce of armes dede,
As the Croniqes it recorden.
And in this wise thei acorden,
The whiche of o condicioun
Be set upon destruccioun: 2420
Such Capitein such retenue.
Bot forto se to what issue
The thing befalleth ate laste,
It is gret wonder that men caste
Here herte upon such wrong to winne,
Wher no beyete mai ben inne,
And doth desese on every side:
Bot whan reson is put aside
[Sidenote: =P. i. 361=]
And will governeth the corage,
The faucon which that fleth ramage 2430
And soeffreth nothing in the weie,
Wherof that he mai take his preie,
Is noght mor set upon ravine,
Than thilke man which his covine[1060]
Hath set in such a maner wise:
For al the world ne mai suffise[1061]
To will which is noght resonable.[1062]
[Sidenote: [WARS AND DEATH OF ALEXANDER.]]
Wherof ensample concordable
Lich to this point of which I meene,
Was upon Alisandre sene, 2440
[Sidenote: Hic secundum gesta Regis Alexandri de
guerris illicitis ponit Confessor exemplum, dicens quod
quamuis Alexander sua potencia tocius mundi victor sibi
subiugarat[1063] imperium, ipse tandem mortis victoria
subiugatus cunctipotentis sentenciam euadere non potuit.]
Which hadde set al his entente,
So as fortune with him wente,
That reson mihte him non governe,[1064]
Bot of his will he was so sterne,
That al the world he overran
And what him list he tok and wan.
In Ynde the superiour
Whan that he was ful conquerour,
And hadde his wilful pourpos wonne[1065]
Of al this Erthe under the Sonne, 2450
This king homward to Macedoine,
Whan that he cam to Babiloine,
And wende most in his Empire,
As he which was hol lord and Sire,
In honour forto be received,
Most sodeinliche he was deceived,
And with strong puison envenimed.
And as he hath the world mistimed
[Sidenote: =P. i. 362=]
Noght as he scholde with his wit,
Noght as he wolde it was aquit.[1066] 2460
Thus was he slain that whilom slowh,
And he which riche was ynowh
This dai, tomorwe he hadde noght:
And in such wise as he hath wroght
In destorbance of worldes pes,
His werre he fond thanne endeles,
In which for evere desconfit
He was. Lo now, for what profit
Of werre it helpeth forto ryde,
For coveitise and worldes pride 2470
To sle the worldes men aboute,
As bestes whiche gon theroute.
For every lif which reson can
Oghth wel to knowe that a man[1067]
Ne scholde thurgh no tirannie
Lich to these othre bestes die,[1068]
Til kinde wolde for him sende.
I not hou he it mihte amende,[1069]
Which takth awei for everemore
The lif that he mai noght restore. 2480
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, mi Sone, in alle weie
Be wel avised, I thee preie,
Of slawhte er that thou be coupable
Withoute cause resonable.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, understonde it is,
That ye have seid; bot over this
[Sidenote: [ARE CRUSADES LAWFUL?]]
I prei you tell me nay or yee,
To passe over the grete See
[Sidenote: =P. i. 363=]
To werre and sle the Sarazin,
Is that the lawe?
Sone myn, 2490
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
To preche and soffre for the feith,[1070]
That have I herd the gospell seith;[1071]
Bot forto slee, that hiere I noght.
Crist with his oghne deth hath boght
Alle othre men, and made hem fre,
In tokne of parfit charite;
And after that he tawhte himselve,
Whan he was ded, these othre tuelve
Of hise Apostles wente aboute
The holi feith to prechen oute, 2500
Wherof the deth in sondri place
Thei soffre, and so god of his grace
The feith of Crist hath mad aryse:
Bot if thei wolde in other wise
[Sidenote: Nota.[1072]]
Be werre have broght in the creance,
It hadde yit stonde in balance.
And that mai proven in the dede;
For what man the Croniqes rede,
Fro ferst that holi cherche hath weyved
To preche, and hath the swerd received, 2510
Wherof the werres ben begonne,
A gret partie of that was wonne
To Cristes feith stant now miswent:
Godd do therof amendement,
So as he wot what is the beste.
[Sidenote: [GUILT OF HOMICIDE.]]
Bot, Sone, if thou wolt live in reste
Of conscience wel assised,
Er that thou sle, be wel avised:
[Sidenote: =P. i. 364=]
For man, as tellen ous the clerkes,
Hath god above alle ertheli werkes 2520
Ordeined to be principal,
And ek of Soule in special
He is mad lich to the godhiede.
So sit it wel to taken hiede
And forto loke on every side,
Er that thou falle in homicide,
Which Senne is now so general,
That it welnyh stant overal,
In holi cherche and elles where.[1073]
Bot al the while it stant so there, 2530
The world mot nede fare amis:
For whan the welle of pite is
Thurgh coveitise of worldes good
Defouled with schedinge of blod,
The remenant of folk aboute
Unethe stonden eny doute
To werre ech other and to slee.
So is it all noght worth a Stree,
The charite wherof we prechen,
For we do nothing as we techen: 2540
And thus the blinde conscience
Of pes hath lost thilke evidence
Which Crist upon this Erthe tawhte.
Now mai men se moerdre and manslawhte[1074]
Lich as it was be daies olde,
Whan men the Sennes boghte and solde.
[Sidenote: Facilitas venie occasionem prebet delinquendi.]
In Grece afore Cristes feith,
I rede, as the Cronique seith,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 365=]
Touchende of this matiere thus,
In thilke time hou Peleüs 2550
His oghne brother Phocus slowh;
Bot for he hadde gold ynowh
To yive, his Senne was despensed
With gold, wherof it was compensed:
Achastus, which with Venus was
Hire Priest, assoilede in that cas,[1075]
Al were ther no repentance.
And as the bok makth remembrance,
It telleth of Medee also;
Of that sche slowh her Sones tuo, 2560
Egeüs in the same plit
Hath mad hire of hire Senne quit.
The Sone ek of Amphioras,
Whos rihte name Almeüs was,
His Moder slowh, Eriphile;
Bot Achilo the Priest and he,
So as the bokes it recorden,
For certein Somme of gold acorden[1076]
That thilke horrible sinfull dede
Assoiled was. And thus for mede 2570
Of worldes good it falleth ofte
That homicide is set alofte
Hiere in this lif; bot after this[1077]
Ther schal be knowe how that it is
Of hem that suche thinges werche,
And hou also that holi cherche
Let suche Sennes passe quyte,
And how thei wole hemself aquite[1078]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 366=]
Of dedly werres that thei make.
For who that wolde ensample take, 2580
The lawe which is naturel
Be weie of kinde scheweth wel
That homicide in no degree,
Which werreth ayein charite,
Among the men ne scholde duelle.
For after that the bokes telle,
To seche in al this worldesriche,[1079]
Men schal noght finde upon his liche
A beste forto take his preie:
And sithen kinde hath such a weie, 2590
Thanne is it wonder of a man,[1080]
Which kynde hath and resoun can,
That he wol owther more or lasse
His kinde and resoun overpasse,
And sle that is to him semblable.
So is the man noght resonable
Ne kinde, and that is noght honeste,
Whan he is worse than a beste.
[Sidenote: [A STRANGE BIRD.]]
[Sidenote: Nota secundum Solinum contra homicidas de natura
cuiusdam Auis faciem ad similitudinem humanam habentis, que
cum de preda sua hominem juxta fluuium occiderit videritque
in aqua similem sibi occisum, statim pre dolore moritur.]
Among the bokes whiche I finde
Solyns spekth of a wonder kinde, 2600
And seith of fowhles ther is on,
Which hath a face of blod and bon
Lich to a man in resemblance.
And if it falle him so per chance,
As he which is a fowhl of preie,
That he a man finde in his weie,
He wol him slen, if that he mai:
Bot afterward the same dai,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 367=]
Whan he hath eten al his felle,
And that schal be beside a welle, 2610
In which whan he wol drinke take,
Of his visage and seth the make
That he hath slain, anon he thenketh
Of his misdede, and it forthenketh
So gretly, that for pure sorwe
He liveth noght til on the morwe.
Be this ensample it mai well suie
That man schal homicide eschuie,
For evere is merci good to take,
Bot if the lawe it hath forsake 2620
And that justice is therayein.
For ofte time I have herd sein
Amonges hem that werres hadden,
That thei som while here cause ladden[1081]
Be merci, whan thei mihte have slain,
Wherof that thei were after fain:
[Sidenote: [MERCY.]]
And, Sone, if that thou wolt recorde
The vertu of Misericorde,
Thou sihe nevere thilke place,
Where it was used, lacke grace. 2630
For every lawe and every kinde
The mannes wit to merci binde;
And namely the worthi knihtes,
Whan that thei stonden most uprihtes
And ben most mihti forto grieve,
Thei scholden thanne most relieve
Him whom thei mihten overthrowe,
As be ensample a man mai knowe.[1082]
[Sidenote: [TALE OF TELAPHUS AND TEUCER.]]
[Sidenote: =P. i. 368=]
He mai noght failen of his mede
That hath merci: for this I rede, 2640
In a Cronique and finde thus.
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum de pietate contra
homicidium in guerris habenda. Et narrat qualiter Achilles
vna cum Thelapho filio suo contra Regem Mesee, qui tunc
Theucer vocabatur, bellum inierunt; et cum Achilles dictum
Regem in bello prostratum occidere voluisset, Thelaphus
pietate motus ipsum clipeo suo cooperiens veniam pro Rege
a patre postulauit: pro quo facto ipse Rex adhuc viuens
Thephalum Regni sui heredem libera voluntate constituit.]
Whan Achilles with Telaphus[1083]
His Sone toward Troie were,
It fell hem, er thei comen there,
Ayein Theucer the king of Mese
To make werre and forto sese
His lond, as thei that wolden regne
And Theucer pute out of his regne.
And thus the Marches thei assaile,
Bot Theucer yaf to hem bataille;[1084] 2650
Thei foghte on bothe sides faste,
Bot so it hapneth ate laste,
This worthi Grek, this Achilles,
The king among alle othre ches:
As he that was cruel and fell,
With swerd in honde on him he fell,
And smot him with a dethes wounde,
That he unhorsed fell to grounde.
Achilles upon him alyhte,
And wolde anon, as he wel mihte, 2660
Have slain him fullich in the place;
Bot Thelaphus his fader grace
For him besoghte, and for pite
Preith that he wolde lete him be,
And caste his Schield betwen hem tuo.
Achilles axeth him why so,
And Thelaphus his cause tolde,
And seith that he is mochel holde,
[Sidenote: =P. i. 369=]
For whilom Theucer in a stede
Gret grace and socour to him dede, 2670
And seith that he him wolde aquite,[1085]
And preith his fader to respite.
Achilles tho withdrowh his hond;
Bot al the pouer of the lond,
Whan that thei sihe here king thus take,
Thei fledde and han the feld forsake:
The Grecs unto the chace falle,
And for the moste part of alle
Of that contre the lordes grete
Thei toke, and wonne a gret beyete. 2680
And anon after this victoire
The king, which hadde good memoire,
Upon the grete merci thoghte,
Which Telaphus toward him wroghte,[1086]
And in presence of al the lond
He tok him faire be the hond,
And in this wise he gan to seie:
‘Mi Sone, I mot be double weie
Love and desire thin encress;
Ferst for thi fader Achilles 2690
Whilom ful many dai er this,
Whan that I scholde have fare amis,
Rescousse dede in mi querele
And kepte al myn astat in hele:
How so ther falle now distance
Amonges ous, yit remembrance[1087]
I have of merci which he dede
As thanne: and thou now in this stede
[Sidenote: =P. i. 370=]
Of gentilesce and of franchise
Hast do mercy the same wise. 2700
So wol I noght that eny time
Be lost of that thou hast do byme;
For hou so this fortune falle,
Yit stant mi trust aboven alle,
For the mercy which I now finde,
That thou wolt after this be kinde:
And for that such is myn espeir,
As for my Sone and for myn Eir
I thee receive, and al my lond
I yive and sese into thin hond.’ 2710
And in this wise thei acorde,
The cause was Misericorde:
The lordes dede here obeissance
To Thelaphus, and pourveance
Was mad so that he was coroned:
And thus was merci reguerdoned,
Which he to Theucer dede afore.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo, this ensample is mad therfore,
That thou miht take remembrance,
Mi Sone; and whan thou sest a chaunce, 2720
Of other mennes passioun
Tak pite and compassioun,
And let nothing to thee be lief,[1088]
Which to an other man is grief.
And after this if thou desire
To stonde ayein the vice of Ire,
Consaile thee with Pacience,
And tak into thi conscience
[Sidenote: =P. i. 371=]
Merci to be thi governour.
So schalt thou fiele no rancour, 2730
Wherof thin herte schal debate
With homicide ne with hate
For Cheste or for Malencolie:
Thou schalt be soft in compaignie
Withoute Contek or Folhaste:
For elles miht thou longe waste
Thi time, er that thou have thi wille
Of love; for the weder stille
Men preise, and blame the tempestes.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, I wol do youre hestes, 2740
And of this point ye have me tawht,
Toward miself the betre sawht
I thenke be, whil that I live.
Bot for als moche as I am schrive
Of Wraththe and al his circumstance,
Yif what you list to my penance,
And asketh forthere of my lif,
If otherwise I be gultif
Of eny thing that toucheth Sinne.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, er we departe atwinne, 2750
I schal behinde nothing leve.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi goode fader, be your leve
Thanne axeth forth what so you list,
For I have in you such a trist,
As ye that be my Soule hele,
That ye fro me wol nothing hele,
For I schal telle you the trowthe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, art thou coupable of Slowthe
[Sidenote: =P. i. 372=]
In eny point which to him longeth?
[Sidenote: Amans.]
My fader, of tho pointz me longeth 2760
To wite pleinly what thei meene,
So that I mai me schrive cleene.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now herkne, I schal the pointz devise;[1089]
And understond wel myn aprise:[1090]
For schrifte stant of no value
To him that wol him noght vertue
To leve of vice the folie:
For word is wynd, bot the maistrie
Is that a man himself defende
Of thing which is noght to comende, 2770
Wherof ben fewe now aday.
And natheles, so as I may
Make unto thi memoire knowe,
The pointz of Slowthe thou schalt knowe.
=Explicit Liber Tercius.=
LINENOTES:
[837] 7 _margin_ primo] prima H₁XERCL primum B₂ _om._ G
[838] 9 f. he ... he] it ... it XRC. W it ... he H₁GELB₂
[839] 12 enemy] euermore (euer more) H₁ ... B₂
[840] 49 mi seluen A
[841] 51 walkend(e) H₁ ... CB₂, B wawende L
[842] 62 al forlore (alle for lore) H₁, B, H₃
[843] 68 fer AJ, STΔΛ, FH₃ for M ... B₂, AdB, W
[844] 86 wolde AM
[845] 109 þat þilke AM
[846] 148 _margin_ malencolia H₁ ... B₂
[847] 162 _margin_ concupiscencia H₁XR ... B₂
[848] 168 Whan ... in a] Whan þat ... in SAdBTΔ Whenne ... in W
[849] 176 tawht (taught) AJ, B, F tawhte S overmore] euermore
AMH₁XGRCLB₂, TΔ, W
[850] 181 in sihte (in siht) AJM
[851] 186 that] al B
[852] 200 drowe AM
[853] 254 it schal] sche schal H₁ ... B₂, Ad
[854] 286 For thee] ffor þi B
[855] 290 vnto H₁ ... B₂
[856] 313 modres (moderis, moders) H₁ ... B₂, Δ
[857] 315 baskleþ AMH₁Sn, SΔΛ basked C
[858] 331 that] þo AM, Ad, Magd hyt W
[859] 354 I may H₁ ... B₂
[860] 355 What þing nature haþ set in lawe A ... B₂, S ... Δ
[861] 390 menable H₁XG, AdΔ, F menabe J meuable (?) AMB₂, ST,
H₃ mevable R moeuable EC, B mouable (movable) L, W
[862] 402 Al one] Along(e) H₁G ... B₂ All longe X
[863] 408 Save] Saufly B
[864] _Latin Verses_ ii. 6 Vincit] Viuat H₁ ... CB₂ Viuit L
[865] 445 makeþ ... at H₁ ... B₂, BΔ
[866] 446 He] His FWKH₃ It Magd
[867] 476 yit _om._ AM
[868] 478 synge (sing) H₁XECB₂, AdBΛ, H₃
[869] 480 be schrewed FK
[870] 490 no þinges suche H₁XGRCB₂ no thynge suche W
[871] 504 wolde I] wolde (_om._ I) FKH₃ wolle I W
[872] 519 meueþ(?) JMXELB₂, W moeueþ GC
[873] 532 the] hir (hire) H₁ ... B₂
[874] 536 hire B
[875] 573 S _has lost three leaves_ (ll. 573-1112)
[876] 581 Thus] That B
[877] 611 destrance AM
[878] 612 vnto H₁ ... B₂
[879] 619 overcomth t] ouercomeþ C
[880] 624 wich F
[881] 626 world (worlde) AM, AdTΔ, FH₃ word JH₁ ... B₂, BΛ, W
[882] 633 teche YEC, B of] in AM, H₃
[883] 639 a man to] for to B
[884] 647 assaie _om._ A (_p.m._) to assaie M, H₃ assayed X did
assai Δ
[885] 663 axex F
[886] 679 bad] bad him AM, H₃
[887] 704 Him] He H₁ ... B₂
[888] 732 teche XERCB₂
[889] 733 on] in H₁XE ... B₂, AdΔ, W of G, B
[890] 741 aborde A, FK
[891] 743 _margin_ constituebat H₁ ... B₂
[892] 750 the cas] þis cas BΛ, W
[893] 756 hise] her B
[894] 762 were him leuere H₁ ... B₂ hadde leu_er_ W
[895] 765 Bot] Lo H₁ ... B₂
[896] 773 many a time CL, B, W
[897] 778 it _om._ AJM, KH₃ hem Δ
[898] 784 _margin_ Quia] Qualiter H₁ ... B₂
[899] 788 happe (hap) H₁ ... CB₂, W happeþ L
[900] 795 _margin_ fuerit H₁XRCLB₂ fuerat GE
[901] 798 that] þe H₁ ... B₂, B
[902] 807 snow whyt J, B, F snowwhyt A
[903] 808 colblak A, F col blak J, B
[904] 817 the _om._ B
[905] 818 For] Lo H₁ ... B₂, B More W
[906] 822 god] and B
[906m] 822 _margin_ secretam AMH₁XRCLB₂, H₃
[907] 831 _margin_ Amans A
[908] 848 _margin_ velud B, F
[909] 858 gadarende F
[910] 868 me] mo AM
[911] 900 thanne] þan wiþ H₁XGECLB₂, B þan in R
[912] 901 hire F
[913] 906 I schal AM, KH₃Magd
[914] 918 ouermor F eueremore (euer mor etc.) A ... B₂, AdBTΔ,
WKH₃
[915] 921 finde] haue AM, KH₃Magd be put L
[916] 941 tho] þe H₁ ... B₂, AdB, W
[917] 970 þe whilom H₁XGCL
[918] 973 destrucciou_n_ AJ, B destruction F
[919] 979 _margin_ assequentur A
[920] 982 _margin_ proditorum H₁XRCLB₂
[921] 983 _margin_ patroque X ... B₂ pater Δ
[922] 1005 _margin_ Et sic quoq_ue_ H₁ ... B₂
[923] 1007 _margin_ latitantem B
[924] 1000 wolde hem AM, Δ, WH₃
[925] 1014 behihte] he hight(e) GCL, W
[926] 1028 this] my B
[927] 1029 The king B
[928] 1031 Here] His AM, H₃ Hir(e) J, T
[929] 1044 afterward B
[930] 1047 This schip H₁ ... B₂, B
[931] 1060 frenschipe A, F frenschip J frendschip B
[932] 1065 dai] tyme H₁ ... B₂, B war] what X ... B₂, B what
that H₁
[933] _Latin Verses_ iv. 1 sit] sic H₁ ... B₂, B, WH₃
[934] 1094 to drede] togidre B to geder H₁
[935] 1108 thei] þe F
[936] 1112 Bot that] But (Bot) at H₁XCLB₂
[937] 1113 S _resumes_
[938] 1118 ne _om._ MH₁L, Δ, WH₃
[939] 1119 my] me EL, W me my H₁
[940] 1122 as of] as for M, Ad of L
[941] 1123 was neuer(e) H₁, Ad, WH₃
[942] 1145 þong J, F þing BΛ, W
[943] 1164 I _om._ H₁XRCLB₂, H₃
[944] 1166 put AJ, F putte C, B
[945] 1171 thei tellen] to telle B
[946] 1173 jeupartie] champartie H₁ ... B₂
[947] 1174 wihssinge AJ, F wissching (wisshing) C, B
[948] 1179 I] it AM
[949] 1187 this] his H₁ ... B₂, WH₃
[950] 1190 will] wel H₁ ... B₂, WH₃
[951] 1198 evere _om._ H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[952] 1208 That] But B
[953] 1211 _margin_ opponente H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[954] 1212 Wherof] Wher(e) H₁XRCB₂, H₃
[955] 1222 so] þo L, B
[956] 1241 he was SAdBTΔ
[957] 1253 king B
[958] 1258 wold(e) M ... CB₂, AdTΔ, WH₃
[959] 1276 As] Of B And W
[960] 1295 wisdom] wordes H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[961] 1296 gostly B
[962] 1307 mi] þe A
[963] 1312 This] The B
[964] 1318 How þer(e) H₁G ... B₂, H₃
[965] 1330 forto] þat þou SAdBTΔ
[966] 1331 this] þus H₁E ... B₂, H₃
[967] 1332 Semiranus E ... B₂, H₃
[968] 1336 _margin_ ipsos H₁ ... B₂, H₃ _om._ Δ
[969] 1358 so _om._ AM
[970] 1384 the] by (be) H₁ ... B₂, H₃ a W
[971] 1394 fleigh (fleih &c.) H₁G ... B₂, H₃ flew X
[972] 1406 al fordrawe (al for drawe) H₁XRCB₂, H₃ alto gnawe L
[973] 1422 afrighte (afriht &c.) H₁G ... B₂, H₃
[974] 1430 fulhast (fulle haste &c.) AMH₁XCLB₂, Ad, W foule
haste Δ
[975] 1433 As] And H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[976] 1440 miht (might) J, B, F mihte A
[977] 1448 fforþ sche X ... B₂, Δ, WH₃ And sche T
[978] 1462 art cleped L, AdBTΔ
[979] 1473 hertes H₁ ... B₂, SAdBTΔ, WH₃
[980] 1479 as for me H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[981] 1487 gret EC, SB grete AJ, F
[982] 1489 And sche H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[983] 1496 that of] of þat H₁XE ... B₂
[984] 1503 loue F
[985] 1512 was] is BT
[986] 1562 And þus daunger my fortune ladde H₁ ... B₂, H₃
(chaunce _for_ fortune E)
[987] 1597 a _om._ H₁ ... B₂, BΔ, H₃
[988] 1603 so deie] to deie JH₁GE, BT, WH₃ forto deie L
[989] 1605 such (suche) YXGECLB₂, BΛ, W in such AJM, SAdTΔ, F
such a H₁R, H₃Magd
[990] 1611 tell me] telle ȝe AM
[991] 1641 and _om._ H₁, B
[992] 1649 Schal best B Lest schal H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[993] 1661 outdrowh F out drowh (drough) AJ, B
[994] 1671 a res GEC, B ares AJ, S, F
[995] 1686 such was] þer was H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[996] 1704 _margin_ p_ro_secutus T, F p_er_secutus AC, B, W
[997] 1732 me _om._ AML, KH₃Magd (no man so me W)
[998] 1777 _margin_ feroure_m_ AM
[999] 1783 _margin_ micius] inicius H₁GECL
[1000] 1763 þe cas H₁ ... B₂
[1001] 1767 liege B
[1002] 1800 weren þer(e) H₁XE ... B₂ weren þanne G
[1003] 1806 come] nome XCLB₂
[1004] 1830 a _om._ H₁GECL, B
[1005] 1832 the] þo AJM, SBTΔ, K _om._ R
[1006] 1835 _margin_ No_ta_ F _om._ A, B
[1007] 1859 _margin_ Not_a_ F _om._ A, B
[1008] 1866 Thourgh F
[1009] 1885 at thilke] þilke B, H₃ þat ilke W of þilke L
[1010] 1893 thing] king ERL, BT
[1011] 1899 _margin_ crudelissima seueritate A ... B₂, BT &c.
[1012] 1908 hadde B
[1013] 1913 worþi noble AM
[1014] 1914 ferste (firste) AJ, B ferst F
[1015] 1924 and _om._ BT
[1016] 1930 herde AJ, B herd F
[1017] 1935 and] a AM _om._ WMagd
[1018] 1939 Grece MH₁XGRCLB₂ Crece E
[1019] 1968 Unto] Vnto to F Grece M ... B₂ (_except_ EC)
[1020] 1979 gan his journe] gan his money XGE gaue his money
H₁RCLB₂
[1021] 1989 he _om._ B
[1022] 2003 of] þus B
[1023] 2005 and þan (þanne) GL, BT
[1024] 2023 Phogeus H₁ ... B₂ Phoreus TΔ Plorence W
[1025] 2041 is] was H₁ ... B₂
[1026] 2042 herd telle of þis cas H₁ ... B₂
[1027] 2044 entre] purpos H₁ ... B₂
[1028] 2046 lieged AM
[1029] 2056 þou þin (þi) AJM, SAdΛ, F þou in þin (þi) H₁ ...
B₂, BΔ, W in thyn T
[1030] 2077 and to] vnto BΔΛ
[1031] 2082 herd J, SB, F herde A
[1032] 2100 false AJ, S, F fals C, B
[1033] 2107 Tho AJM, ST, F The H₁ ... B₂, AdBΔΛ, WH₃ hire] his
C the H₁ _om._ AM
[1034] 2139 at large H₁XGECL, B, W
[1035] 2166 wiþsatt his wille X ... B₂ withsit hit wille H₁
with seith hys wille Δ, W
[1036] 2168 þei alle X ... B₂
[1037] 2177 herde AJ, B herd F
[1038] 2206f. _margin_ Hic queritur--occidere _om._ B
[1039] 2207 _margin_ hominem FWH₃ homini hominem A ... B₂, STΔΛ
[1040] 2209 to] may B _om._ AM
[1041] 2220 _margin_ Seneca _om._ B
[1042] 2221 _margin_ parcit] parat H₁G ... B₂
[1043] 2225 _margin_ Apostolus--portat _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[1044] 2235 _margin_ Pugna pro patria] Pugna pro patria ·
licitum est vim vi repellere SBT Pro patria pugna &c. Λ _om._ H₁
[1045] 2244 Is such an homicide good H₁ ... B₂ (In _for_ Is R)
[1046] 2248 techeþ FWH₃Magd it techeþ A ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ
[1047] 2256 anglis C, F angelis AJ aungels B
[1048] 2259 be _om._ AM
[1049] 2287 and _om._ B
[1050] 2293 of] in AM
[1051] 2299 _margin_ Apostolus--mors est _om._ B
[1052] 2318 werre H₁ ... B₂, T
[1053] 2343 herte] cause H₁ ... B₂ (_line om._ X)
[1054] 2346 trew S, F trewe AJ, B
[1055] 2379 _margin_ cum _om._ H₁ ... B₂, B
[1056] 2382 the] þy (thi) XL
[1057] 2402 rihtwisne F
[1058] 2406 to him JH₁ ... B₂
[1059] 2412 schulde (sholde) BT
[1060] 2434 is couine JMCLB₂, Ad
[1061] 2436 ne mai] may nought (not &c.) A ... B₂, S ... Δ
[1062] 2437 To will] To him H₁ ... B₂
[1063] 2444 _margin_ subiugauerat H₁ ... B₂, SΔ
[1064] 2443 non] nought (not) JMCB₂, B, W
[1065] 2449 wilsful F
[1066] 2460 it was quit (quite &c.) H₁ ... B₂, TΔ was hyt quyt W
he was aquit M
[1067] 2474 Oghþ SAdT, F Oght (Ought &c.) AMGC, Δ, W Oweþ
JH₁XERLB₂, B, H₃
[1068] 2476 othre] olde B
[1069] 2478 mihte (myght) FWH₃ mai (may) A ... B₂, S ... Δ
[1070] 2491 fei SΔ feie Ad
[1071] 2492 sei SΔ seie Ad
[1072] 2505 _margin_ No_ta_ AJ, F _om._ B
[1073] 2529 and] as AJX ... B₂, BT
[1074] 2544 manslawte F
[1075] 2556 assoiled him H₁XE ... B₂ assoileþ him G
[1076] 2568 For] Of A ... B₂
[1077] 2573 lif] world B
[1078] 2578 wold M, B
[1079] 2587 _Paragraph here_ AJ, F
[1080] 2591 it is G ... B₂, Δ
[1081] 2624 That] But BT
[1082] 2638 And BT
[1083] 2642 Telaphus J, F Thelaphus A, SB
[1084] 2650 Bot] That H₁ ... B₂
[1085] 2671 wol B
[1086] 2684 Telaphus F Thelaphus AJ, SB
[1087] 2696 remembrance] in remembrance AM
[1088] 2723 belief FK
[1089] 2763 the] þo AJG ... B₂, SBTΔ
[1090] 2764 myn] þis B
Incipit Liber Quartus.
[Sidenote: [SLOTH.]]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 1=]
i. _Dicunt accidiam fore nutricem viciorum,_
_Torpet et in cunctis tarda que lenta bonis:_
_Que fieri possent hodie transfert piger in cras,_
_Furatoque prius ostia claudit equo._
_Poscenti tardo negat emolumenta Cupido,_
_Set Venus in celeri ludit amore viri._[1091]
[Sidenote: [i. LACHESSE.]]
Upon the vices to procede
After the cause of mannes dede,
The ferste point of Slowthe I calle
[Sidenote: Hic in quarto libro loquitur Confessor de
speciebus Accidie, quarum primam Tardacionem vocat, cuius
condicionem pertractans Amanti super hoc consequenter
opponit.]
Lachesce, and is the chief of alle,
And hath this propreliche of kinde,
To leven alle thing behinde.
Of that he mihte do now hier
He tarieth al the longe yer,
And everemore he seith, ‘Tomorwe’;
And so he wol his time borwe, 10
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 2=]
And wissheth after ‘God me sende,’
That whan he weneth have an ende,[1092]
Thanne is he ferthest to beginne.
Thus bringth he many a meschief inne
Unwar, til that he be meschieved,
And may noght thanne be relieved.
And riht so nowther mor ne lesse
It stant of love and of lachesce:
Som time he slowtheth in a day
That he nevere after gete mai. 20
Now, Sone, as of this ilke thing,
If thou have eny knowleching,
That thou to love hast don er this,
Tell on.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi goode fader, yis.
As of lachesce I am beknowe
That I mai stonde upon his rowe,
As I that am clad of his suite:
For whanne I thoghte mi poursuite
To make, and therto sette a day
To speke unto the swete May,[1093] 30
Lachesce bad abide yit,
And bar on hond it was no wit
Ne time forto speke as tho.
Thus with his tales to and fro
Mi time in tariinge he drowh:
Whan ther was time good ynowh,
He seide, ‘An other time is bettre;
Thou schalt mowe senden hire a lettre,
And per cas wryte more plein
Than thou be Mowthe durstest sein.’ 40
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 3=]
Thus have I lete time slyde
For Slowthe, and kepte noght my tide,
So that lachesce with his vice
Fulofte hath mad my wit so nyce,
That what I thoghte speke or do[1094]
With tariinge he hield me so,[1095]
Til whanne I wolde and mihte noght.
I not what thing was in my thoght,
Or it was drede, or it was schame;
Bot evere in ernest and in game 50
I wot ther is long time passed.
Bot yit is noght the love lassed,
Which I unto mi ladi have;
For thogh my tunge is slowh to crave
At alle time, as I have bede,
Min herte stant evere in o stede
And axeth besiliche grace,
The which I mai noght yit embrace.
And god wot that is malgre myn;[1096]
For this I wot riht wel a fin, 60
Mi grace comth so selde aboute,
That is the Slowthe of which I doute
Mor than of al the remenant
Which is to love appourtenant.
And thus as touchende of lachesce,
As I have told, I me confesse
To you, mi fader, and beseche
That furthermor ye wol me teche;
And if ther be to this matiere[1097]
Som goodly tale forto liere[1098] 70
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 4=]
How I mai do lachesce aweie,
That ye it wolden telle I preie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
To wisse thee, my Sone, and rede,
Among the tales whiche I rede,
An old ensample therupon
Now herkne, and I wol tellen on.
[Sidenote: [ENEAS AND DIDO.]]
Ayein Lachesce in loves cas
I finde how whilom Eneas,
Whom Anchises to Sone hadde,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos qui
in amoris causa tardantes delinquunt. Et narrat qualiter
Dido Regina Cartaginis Eneam ab incendiis Troie fugitiuum
in amorem suum gauisa suscepit: qui cum postea in partes
Ytalie a Cartagine bellaturum se transtulit, nimiamque
ibidem moram faciens tempus reditus sui ad Didonem vltra
modum tardauit, ipsa intollerabili dolore concussa sui
cordis intima mortali gladio transfodit.]
With gret navie, which he ladde 80
Fro Troie, aryveth at Cartage,
Wher for a while his herbergage
He tok: and it betidde so,
With hire which was qweene tho[1099]
Of the Cite his aqueintance
He wan, whos name in remembrance
Is yit, and Dido sche was hote;
Which loveth Eneas so hote
Upon the wordes whiche he seide,
That al hire herte on him sche leide 90
And dede al holi what he wolde.
Bot after that, as it be scholde,
Fro thenne he goth toward Ytaile
Be Schipe, and there his arivaile
Hath take, and schop him forto ryde.
Bot sche, which mai noght longe abide
The hote peine of loves throwe,
Anon withinne a litel throwe
A lettre unto hir kniht hath write,
And dede him pleinly forto wite, 100
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 5=]
If he made eny tariinge,
To drecche of his ayeincomynge,
That sche ne mihte him fiele and se,
Sche scholde stonde in such degre
As whilom stod a Swan tofore,
Of that sche hadde hire make lore;
For sorwe a fethere into hire brain
She schof and hath hireselve slain;
As king Menander in a lay[1100]
The sothe hath founde, wher sche lay 110
Sprantlende with hire wynges tweie,[1101]
As sche which scholde thanne deie
For love of him which was hire make.
‘And so schal I do for thi sake,’
This qweene seide, ‘wel I wot.’
Lo, to Enee thus sche wrot
With many an other word of pleinte:
Bot he, which hadde hise thoghtes feinte
Towardes love and full of Slowthe,
His time lette, and that was rowthe: 120
For sche, which loveth him tofore,
Desireth evere more and more,
And whan sche sih him tarie so,
Hire herte was so full of wo,
That compleignende manyfold
Sche hath hire oghne tale told,
Unto hirself and thus sche spak:
‘Ha, who fond evere such a lak
Of Slowthe in eny worthi kniht?
Now wot I wel my deth is diht 130
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 6=]
Thurgh him which scholde have be mi lif.’
Bot forto stinten al this strif,
Thus whan sche sih non other bote,
Riht evene unto hire herte rote
A naked swerd anon sche threste,
And thus sche gat hireselve reste
In remembrance of alle slowe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Wherof, my Sone, thou miht knowe[1102]
How tariinge upon the nede
In loves cause is forto drede; 140
And that hath Dido sore aboght,
Whos deth schal evere be bethoght.
And overmore if I schal seche[1103]
In this matiere an other spieche,
In a Cronique I finde write
A tale which is good to wite.
[Sidenote: [ULYSSES AND PENELOPE.]]
At Troie whan king Ulixes
Upon the Siege among the pres
Of hem that worthi knihtes were
Abod long time stille there, 150
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur super eodem qualiter Penolope
Vlixem maritum suum, in obsidione Troie diucius morantem,
ob ipsius ibidem tardacionem Epistola sua redarguit.]
In thilke time a man mai se
How goodli that Penolope,
Which was to him his trewe wif,
Of his lachesce was pleintif;
Wherof to Troie sche him sende
Hire will be lettre, thus spekende:
‘Mi worthi love and lord also,
It is and hath ben evere so,
That wher a womman is al one,
It makth a man in his persone 160
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 7=]
The more hardi forto wowe,
In hope that sche wolde bowe
To such thing as his wille were,
Whil that hire lord were elleswhere.
And of miself I telle this;
For it so longe passed is,
Sithe ferst than ye fro home wente,
That welnyh every man his wente[1104]
To there I am, whil ye ben oute,
Hath mad, and ech of hem aboute,[1105] 170
Which love can, my love secheth,
With gret preiere and me besecheth:
And some maken gret manace,
That if thei mihten come in place,
Wher that thei mihte here wille have,
Ther is nothing me scholde save,
That thei ne wolde werche thinges;
And some tellen me tidynges
That ye ben ded, and some sein
That certeinly ye ben besein 180
To love a newe and leve me.
Bot hou as evere that it be,
I thonke unto the goddes alle,
As yit for oght that is befalle[1106]
Mai noman do my chekes rede:
Bot natheles it is to drede,
That Lachesse in continuance
Fortune mihte such a chance,
Which noman after scholde amende.’[1107]
Lo, thus this ladi compleignende 190
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 8=]
A lettre unto hire lord hath write,
And preyde him that he wolde wite
And thenke hou that sche was al his,
And that he tarie noght in this,
Bot that he wolde his love aquite,
To hire ayeinward and noght wryte,
Bot come himself in alle haste,
That he non other paper waste;
So that he kepe and holde his trowthe
Withoute lette of eny Slowthe. 200
Unto hire lord and love liege
To Troie, wher the grete Siege
Was leid, this lettre was conveied.
And he, which wisdom hath pourveied
Of al that to reson belongeth,[1108]
With gentil herte it underfongeth:
And whan he hath it overrad,
In part he was riht inly glad,[1109]
And ek in part he was desesed:
Bot love his herte hath so thorghsesed 210
With pure ymaginacioun,
That for non occupacioun
Which he can take on other side,
He mai noght flitt his herte aside[1110]
Fro that his wif him hadde enformed;[1111]
Wherof he hath himself conformed
With al the wille of his corage
To schape and take the viage
Homward, what time that he mai:
So that him thenketh of a day 220
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 9=]
A thousand yer, til he mai se
The visage of Penolope,
Which he desireth most of alle.
And whan the time is so befalle
That Troie was destruid and brent,
He made non delaiement,[1112]
Bot goth him home in alle hihe,
Wher that he fond tofore his yhe
His worthi wif in good astat:
And thus was cessed the debat 230
Of love, and Slowthe was excused,
Which doth gret harm, where it is used,
And hindreth many a cause honeste.
[Sidenote: [GROSTESTE.]]
For of the grete Clerc Grossteste[1113]
[Sidenote: Nota adhuc super eodem de quodam Astrologo, qui
quoddam opus ingeniosum quasi ad complementum septennio
perducens, vnius momenti tardacione omnem sui operis
diligenciam penitus frustrauit.]
I rede how besy that he was
Upon clergie an Hed of bras
To forge, and make it forto telle
Of suche thinges as befelle.
And sevene yeres besinesse
He leyde, bot for the lachesse 240
Of half a Minut of an houre,
Fro ferst that he began laboure[1114]
He loste all that he hadde do.
And otherwhile it fareth so,
In loves cause who is slow,
That he withoute under the wow
Be nyhte stant fulofte acold,
Which mihte, if that he hadde wold
His time kept, have be withinne.
[Sidenote: [THE FOOLISH VIRGINS.]]
Bot Slowthe mai no profit winne, 250
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 10=]
Bot he mai singe in his karole
[Sidenote: Nota adhuc contra tardacionem de v. virginibus
fatuis, que nimiam moram facientes intrante sponso ad
nupcias cum ipso non introierunt.]
How Latewar cam to the Dole,
Wher he no good receive mihte.
And that was proved wel be nyhte[1115]
Whilom of the Maidenes fyve,[1116]
Whan thilke lord cam forto wyve:
For that here oyle was aweie
To lihte here lampes in his weie,
Here Slowthe broghte it so aboute,
Fro him that thei ben schet withoute. 260
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Wherof, my Sone, be thou war,[1117]
Als ferforth as I telle dar.
For love moste ben awaited:[1118]
And if thou be noght wel affaited
In love to eschuie Slowthe,
Mi Sone, forto telle trowthe,
Thou miht noght of thiself ben able
To winne love or make it stable,
All thogh thou mihtest love achieve.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis]
Mi fader, that I mai wel lieve. 270
Bot me was nevere assigned place,
Wher yit to geten eny grace,
Ne me was non such time apointed;
For thanne I wolde I were unjoynted
Of every lime that I have,
If I ne scholde kepe and save[1119]
Min houre bothe and ek my stede,[1120]
If my ladi it hadde bede.
Bot sche is otherwise avised
Than grante such a time assised; 280
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 11=]
And natheles of mi lachesse
Ther hath be no defalte I gesse
Of time lost, if that I mihte:[1121]
Bot yit hire liketh noght alyhte
[Sidenote: [LACHESSE.]]
Upon no lure which I caste;
For ay the more I crie faste,
The lasse hire liketh forto hiere.
So forto speke of this matiere,
I seche that I mai noght finde,
I haste and evere I am behinde, 290
And wot noght what it mai amounte.
Bot, fader, upon myn acompte,
Which ye be sett to examine
Of Schrifte after the discipline,
Sey what your beste conseil is.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, my conseil is this:[1122]
Hou so it stonde of time go,[1123]
Do forth thi besinesse so,
That no Lachesce in the be founde:
For Slowthe is mihti to confounde 300
The spied of every mannes werk.
For many a vice, as seith the clerk,
Ther hongen upon Slowthes lappe
Of suche as make a man mishappe,
To pleigne and telle of hadde I wist.
And therupon if that thee list
To knowe of Slowthes cause more,
In special yit overmore
Ther is a vice full grevable
To him which is therof coupable,[1124] 310
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 12=]
And stant of alle vertu bare,
Hierafter as I schal declare.
[Sidenote: [ii. PUSILLANIMITY.]]
ii. _Qui nichil attemptat, nichil expedit, oreque muto_
_Munus Amicicie vir sibi raro capit._
_Est modus in verbis, set ei qui parcit amori_[1125]
_Verba referre sua, non fauet vllus amor._[1126]
Touchende of Slowthe in his degre,
Ther is yit Pusillamite,
Which is to seie in this langage,
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur Confessor de quadam specie Accidie,
que pusillanimitas dicta est, cuius ymaginatiua formido
neque virtutes aggredi neque vicia fugere audet; sicque
vtriusque vite, tam actiue quam contemplatiue, premium non
attingit.]
He that hath litel of corage
And dar no mannes werk beginne:
So mai he noght be resoun winne;
For who that noght dar undertake,
Be riht he schal no profit take. 320
Bot of this vice the nature
Dar nothing sette in aventure,
Him lacketh bothe word and dede,
Wherof he scholde his cause spede:
He woll no manhed understonde,
For evere he hath drede upon honde:
Al is peril that he schal seie,
Him thenkth the wolf is in the weie,[1127]
And of ymaginacioun
He makth his excusacioun 330
And feigneth cause of pure drede,
And evere he faileth ate nede,
Til al be spilt that he with deleth.
He hath the sor which noman heleth,
The which is cleped lack of herte;
Thogh every grace aboute him sterte,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 13=]
He wol noght ones stere his fot;
So that be resoun lese he mot,
That wol noght auntre forto winne.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
And so forth, Sone, if we beginne 340
To speke of love and his servise,
Ther ben truantz in such a wise,[1128]
That lacken herte, whan best were
To speke of love, and riht for fere
Thei wexen doumb and dar noght telle,
Withoute soun as doth the belle,
Which hath no claper forto chyme;
And riht so thei as for the tyme
Ben herteles withoute speche
Of love, and dar nothing beseche; 350
And thus thei lese and winne noght.
Forthi, my Sone, if thou art oght
Coupable as touchende of this Slowthe,
Schrif thee therof and tell me trowthe.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, I am al beknowe
That I have ben on of tho slowe,[1129]
As forto telle in loves cas.
Min herte is yit and evere was,
As thogh the world scholde al tobreke,[1130]
So ferful, that I dar noght speke 360
Of what pourpos that I have nome,
Whan I toward mi ladi come,
Bot let it passe and overgo.[1131]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, do nomore so:
For after that a man poursuieth
To love, so fortune suieth,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 14=]
Fulofte and yifth hire happi chance
To him which makth continuance
To preie love and to beseche;
As be ensample I schal thee teche. 370
[Sidenote: [PYGMALEON AND THE STATUE.]]
I finde hou whilom ther was on,
Whos name was Pymaleon,[1132]
Which was a lusti man of yowthe:
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa loquitur contra
pusillanimes, et dicit quod Amans pre timore verbis
obmutescere non debet, set continuando preces sui amoris
expedicionem tucius prosequatur. Et ponit Confessor
exemplum, qualiter Pigmaleon, pro eo quod preces
continuauit, quandam ymaginem eburneam, cuius pulcritudinis
concupiscencia illaqueatus extitit, in carnem et sanguinem
ad latus suum transformatam senciit.]
The werkes of entaile he cowthe
Above alle othre men as tho;
And thurgh fortune it fell him so,
As he whom love schal travaile,
He made an ymage of entaile
Lich to a womman in semblance
Of feture and of contienance, 380
So fair yit nevere was figure.
Riht as a lyves creature
Sche semeth, for of yvor whyt
He hath hire wroght of such delit,[1133]
That sche was rody on the cheke
And red on bothe hire lippes eke;
Wherof that he himself beguileth.
For with a goodly lok sche smyleth,
So that thurgh pure impression
Of his ymaginacion 390
With al the herte of his corage
His love upon this faire ymage
He sette, and hire of love preide;
Bot sche no word ayeinward seide.
The longe day, what thing he dede,
This ymage in the same stede
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 15=]
Was evere bi, that ate mete
He wolde hire serve and preide hire ete,
And putte unto hire mowth the cuppe;
And whan the bord was taken uppe, 400
He hath hire into chambre nome,[1134]
And after, whan the nyht was come,
He leide hire in his bed al nakid.[1135]
He was forwept, he was forwakid,
He keste hire colde lippes ofte,
And wissheth that thei weren softe,
And ofte he rouneth in hire Ere,
And ofte his arm now hier now there
He leide, as he hir wolde embrace,
And evere among he axeth grace, 410
As thogh sche wiste what he mente:[1136]
And thus himself he gan tormente
With such desese of loves peine,
That noman mihte him more peine.
Bot how it were, of his penance
He made such continuance
Fro dai to nyht, and preith so longe,
That his preiere is underfonge,
Which Venus of hire grace herde;
Be nyhte and whan that he worst ferde, 420
And it lay in his nakede arm,
The colde ymage he fieleth warm
Of fleissh and bon and full of lif.
Lo, thus he wan a lusti wif,
Which obeissant was at his wille;
And if he wolde have holde him stille
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 16=]
And nothing spoke, he scholde have failed:
Bot for he hath his word travailed
And dorste speke, his love he spedde,
And hadde al that he wolde abedde. 430
For er thei wente thanne atwo,
A knave child betwen hem two
Thei gete, which was after hote
Paphus, of whom yit hath the note
A certein yle, which Paphos
Men clepe, and of his name it ros.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Be this ensample thou miht finde
That word mai worche above kinde.
Forthi, my Sone, if that thou spare
To speke, lost is al thi fare, 440
For Slowthe bringth in alle wo.
And over this to loke also,
The god of love is favorable
To hem that ben of love stable,
And many a wonder hath befalle:
Wherof to speke amonges alle,
If that thee list to taken hede,
Therof a solein tale I rede,
Which I schal telle in remembraunce
Upon the sort of loves chaunce. 450
[Sidenote: [TALE OF IPHIS.]]
The king Ligdus upon a strif
Spak unto Thelacuse his wif,
Which thanne was with childe grete;[1137]
He swor it scholde noght be lete,
[Sidenote: Hic ponit exemplum super eodem, qualiter Rex
Ligdus vxori sue Thelacuse pregnanti minabatur, quod si
filiam pareret, infans occideretur: que tamen postea cum
filiam ediderat, Isis[1138] dea partus tunc presens filiam
nomine filii Yphim appellari ipsamque more masculi educari
admonuit: quam pater filium credens, ipsam in maritagium
filie cuiusdam principis etate solita copulauit. Set cum
Yphis debitum sue coniugi vnde soluere non habuit, deos
in sui adiutorium interpellabat; qui super hoc miserti
femininum genus in masculinum ob affectum nature in Yphe
per omnia transmutarunt.]
That if sche have a dowhter bore,
That it ne scholde be forlore
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 17=]
And slain, wherof sche sory was.
So it befell upon this cas,
Whan sche delivered scholde be,
Isis be nyhte in privete, 460
Which of childinge is the goddesse,
Cam forto helpe in that destresse,
Til that this lady was al smal,
And hadde a dowhter forth withal;
Which the goddesse in alle weie
Bad kepe, and that thei scholden seie
It were a Sone: and thus Iphis
Thei namede him, and upon this
The fader was mad so to wene.
And thus in chambre with the qweene[1139] 470
This Iphis was forthdrawe tho,
And clothed and arraied so
Riht as a kinges Sone scholde.
Til after, as fortune it wolde,
Whan it was of a ten yer age,
Him was betake in mariage
A Duckes dowhter forto wedde,
Which Iante hihte, and ofte abedde
These children leien, sche and sche,[1140]
Whiche of on age bothe be. 480
So that withinne time of yeeres,[1141]
Togedre as thei ben pleiefieres,
Liggende abedde upon a nyht,
Nature, which doth every wiht
Upon hire lawe forto muse,
Constreigneth hem, so that thei use
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 18=]
Thing which to hem was al unknowe;
Wherof Cupide thilke throwe
Tok pite for the grete love,
And let do sette kinde above, 490
So that hir lawe mai ben used,
And thei upon here lust excused.
For love hateth nothing more
Than thing which stant ayein the lore
Of that nature in kinde hath sett:
Forthi Cupide hath so besett
His grace upon this aventure,[1142]
That he acordant to nature,[1143]
Whan that he syh the time best,[1144]
That ech of hem hath other kest, 500
Transformeth Iphe into a man,
Wherof the kinde love he wan
Of lusti yonge Iante his wif;
And tho thei ladde a merie lif,
Which was to kinde non offence.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
And thus to take an evidence,
It semeth love is welwillende
To hem that ben continuende
With besy herte to poursuie
Thing which that is to love due. 510
Wherof, my Sone, in this matiere
Thou miht ensample taken hiere,
That with thi grete besinesse
Thou miht atteigne the richesse[1145]
Of love, if that ther be no Slowthe.[1146]
[Sidenote: Amans.]
I dar wel seie be mi trowthe,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 19=]
Als fer as I my witt can seche,[1147]
Mi fader, as for lacke of speche,
Bot so as I me schrof tofore,
Ther is non other time lore, 520
Wherof ther mihte ben obstacle[1148]
To lette love of his miracle,
Which I beseche day and nyht.
Bot, fader, so as it is riht
In forme of schrifte to beknowe
What thing belongeth to the slowe,
Your faderhode I wolde preie,
If ther be forthere eny weie
Touchende unto this ilke vice.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, ye, of this office 530
Ther serveth on in special,
Which lost hath his memorial,
So that he can no wit withholde
In thing which he to kepe is holde,
Wherof fulofte himself he grieveth:[1149]
And who that most upon him lieveth,
Whan that hise wittes ben so weyved,
He mai full lihtly be deceived.
[Sidenote: [iii. FORGETFULNESS.]]
iii. _Mentibus oblitus alienis labitur ille,_
_Quem probat accidia non meminisse sui._
_Sic amor incautus, qui non memoratur ad horas,_[1150]
_Perdit et offendit, quod cuperare nequit._
To serve Accidie in his office,
Ther is of Slowthe an other vice, 540
Which cleped is Foryetelnesse;
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor de vicio Obliuionis, quam
mater eius Accidia ad omnes virtutum memorias necnon et in
amoris causa immemorem constituit.[1151]]
That noght mai in his herte impresse
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 20=]
Of vertu which reson hath sett,
So clene his wittes he foryet.
For in the tellinge of his tale
Nomore his herte thanne his male
Hath remembrance of thilke forme,
Wherof he scholde his wit enforme[1152]
As thanne, and yit ne wot he why.
Thus is his pourpos noght forthi 550
Forlore of that he wolde bidde,
And skarsly if he seith the thridde
To love of that he hadde ment:
Thus many a lovere hath be schent.
Tell on therfore, hast thou be oon[1153]
Of hem that Slowthe hath so begon?
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Ye, fader, ofte it hath be so,
That whanne I am mi ladi fro
And thenke untoward hire drawe,
Than cast I many a newe lawe[1154] 560
And al the world torne up so doun,
And so recorde I mi lecoun
And wryte in my memorial
What I to hire telle schal,
Riht al the matiere of mi tale:
Bot al nys worth a note schale;
For whanne I come ther sche is,
I have it al foryete ywiss;
Of that I thoghte forto telle
I can noght thanne unethes spelle 570
That I wende altherbest have rad,
So sore I am of hire adrad.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 21=]
For as a man that sodeinli
A gost behelde, so fare I;[1155]
So that for feere I can noght gete
Mi witt, bot I miself foryete,
That I wot nevere what I am,
Ne whider I schal, ne whenne I cam,
Bot muse as he that were amased.
Lich to the bok in which is rased 580
The lettre, and mai nothing be rad,
So ben my wittes overlad,
That what as evere I thoghte have spoken,
It is out fro myn herte stoken,[1156]
And stonde, as who seith, doumb and def,
That all nys worth an yvy lef,
Of that I wende wel have seid.
And ate laste I make abreid,[1157]
Caste up myn hed and loke aboute,
Riht as a man that were in doute 590
And wot noght wher he schal become.
Thus am I ofte al overcome,
Ther as I wende best to stonde:
Bot after, whanne I understonde,
And am in other place al one,
I make many a wofull mone
Unto miself, and speke so:
‘Ha fol, wher was thin herte tho,
Whan thou thi worthi ladi syhe?
Were thou afered of hire yhe? 600
For of hire hand ther is no drede:
So wel I knowe hir wommanhede,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 22=]
That in hire is nomore oultrage
Than in a child of thre yeer age.
Whi hast thou drede of so good on,
Whom alle vertu hath begon,
That in hire is no violence
Bot goodlihiede and innocence
Withouten spot of eny blame?
Ha, nyce herte, fy for schame! 610
Ha, couard herte of love unlered,
Wherof art thou so sore afered,
That thou thi tunge soffrest frese,
And wolt thi goode wordes lese,
Whan thou hast founde time and space?
How scholdest thou deserve grace,
Whan thou thiself darst axe non,
Bot al thou hast foryete anon?’[1158]
And thus despute I loves lore,
Bot help ne finde I noght the more, 620
Bot stomble upon myn oghne treine
And make an ekinge of my peine.
For evere whan I thenke among
How al is on miself along,[1159]
I seie, ‘O fol of alle foles,
Thou farst as he betwen tuo stoles
That wolde sitte and goth to grounde.[1160]
It was ne nevere schal be founde,[1161]
Betwen foryetelnesse and drede
That man scholde any cause spede.’ 630
And thus, myn holi fader diere,
Toward miself, as ye mai hiere,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 23=]
I pleigne of my foryetelnesse;
Bot elles al the besinesse,
That mai be take of mannes thoght,
Min herte takth, and is thorghsoght
To thenken evere upon that swete
Withoute Slowthe, I you behete.
For what so falle, or wel or wo,
That thoght foryete I neveremo, 640
Wher so I lawhe or so I loure:[1162]
Noght half the Minut of an houre[1163]
Ne mihte I lete out of my mende,
Bot if I thoghte upon that hende.
Therof me schal no Slowthe lette,
Til deth out of this world me fette,
Althogh I hadde on such a Ring,
As Moises thurgh his enchanting
Som time in Ethiope made,
Whan that he Tharbis weddid hade. 650
Which Ring bar of Oblivion
The name, and that was be resoun
That where it on a finger sat,
Anon his love he so foryat,
As thogh he hadde it nevere knowe:
And so it fell that ilke throwe,
Whan Tharbis hadde it on hire hond,
No knowlechinge of him sche fond,
Bot al was clene out of memoire,
As men mai rede in his histoire; 660
And thus he wente quit away,
That nevere after that ilke day
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 24=]
Sche thoghte that ther was such on;
Al was foryete and overgon.
Bot in good feith so mai noght I:
For sche is evere faste by,
So nyh that sche myn herte toucheth,
That for nothing that Slowthe voucheth
I mai foryete hire, lief ne loth;
For overal, where as sche goth, 670
Min herte folwith hire aboute.
Thus mai I seie withoute doute,[1164]
For bet, for wers, for oght, for noght,
Sche passeth nevere fro my thoght;
Bot whanne I am ther as sche is,
Min herte, as I you saide er this,[1165]
Som time of hire is sore adrad,
And som time it is overglad,
Al out of reule and out of space.
For whan I se hir goodli face 680
And thenke upon hire hihe pris,
As thogh I were in Paradis,
I am so ravisht of the syhte,
That speke unto hire I ne myhte[1166]
As for the time, thogh I wolde:
For I ne mai my wit unfolde
To finde o word of that I mene,
Bot al it is foryete clene;
And thogh I stonde there a myle,
Al is foryete for the while, 690
A tunge I have and wordes none.
And thus I stonde and thenke al one
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 25=]
Of thing that helpeth ofte noght;
Bot what I hadde afore thoght
To speke, whanne I come there,
It is foryete, as noght ne were,
And stonde amased and assoted,
That of nothing which I have noted[1167]
I can noght thanne a note singe,
Bot al is out of knowlechinge: 700
Thus, what for joie and what for drede,
Al is foryeten ate nede.
So that, mi fader, of this Slowthe
I have you said the pleine trowthe;
Ye mai it as you list redresce:
For thus stant my foryetelnesse
And ek my pusillamite.
Sey now forth what you list to me,[1168]
For I wol only do be you.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, I have wel herd how thou 710
Hast seid, and that thou most amende:
For love his grace wol noght sende
To that man which dar axe non.[1169]
For this we knowen everichon,
A mannes thoght withoute speche
God wot, and yit that men beseche
His will is; for withoute bedes
He doth his grace in fewe stedes:
And what man that foryet himselve,
Among a thousand be noght tuelve, 720
That wol him take in remembraunce,
Bot lete him falle and take his chaunce.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 26=]
Forthi pull up a besi herte,
Mi Sone, and let nothing asterte
Of love fro thi besinesse:
For touchinge of foryetelnesse,
Which many a love hath set behinde,
A tale of gret ensample I finde,
Wherof it is pite to wite
In the manere as it is write. 730
[Sidenote: [DEMEPHON AND PHILLIS.]]
King Demephon, whan he be Schipe
To Troieward with felaschipe
[Sidenote: Hic in amoris causa contra obliuiosos ponit
Confessor exemplum, qualiter Demephon versus bellum
Troianum itinerando a Phillide Rodopeie Regina non tantum
in hospicium, set eciam in amorem, gaudio magno susceptus
est: qui postea ab ipsa[1170] Troie discedens rediturum
infra certum tempus fidelissime se compromisit. Set quia
huiusmodi promissionis diem statutum postmodum oblitus est,
Phillis obliuionem Demephontis lacrimis primo deplangens,
tandem cordula collo suo circumligata in quadam corulo pre
dolore se mortuam suspendit.]
Sailende goth, upon his weie
It hapneth him at Rodopeie,
As Eolus him hadde blowe,
To londe, and rested for a throwe.
And fell that ilke time thus,
The dowhter of Ligurgius,
Which qweene was of the contre,
Was sojournende in that Cite 740
Withinne a Castell nyh the stronde,
Wher Demephon cam up to londe.
Phillis sche hihte, and of yong age
And of stature and of visage
Sche hadde al that hire best besemeth.
Of Demephon riht wel hire qwemeth,
Whan he was come, and made him chiere;
And he, that was of his manere
A lusti knyht, ne myhte asterte
That he ne sette on hire his herte; 750
So that withinne a day or tuo
He thoghte, how evere that it go,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 27=]
He wolde assaie the fortune,
And gan his herte to commune
With goodly wordes in hire Ere;
And forto put hire out of fere,
He swor and hath his trowthe pliht
To be for evere hire oghne knyht.
And thus with hire he stille abod,
Ther while his Schip on Anker rod,[1171] 760
And hadde ynowh of time and space
To speke of love and seche grace.
This ladi herde al that he seide,
And hou he swor and hou he preide,
Which was as an enchantement
To hire, that was innocent:[1172]
As thogh it were trowthe and feith,
Sche lieveth al that evere he seith,
And as hire infortune scholde,
Sche granteth him al that he wolde. 770
Thus was he for the time in joie,
Til that he scholde go to Troie;
Bot tho sche made mochel sorwe,
And he his trowthe leith to borwe
To come, if that he live may,
Ayein withinne a Monthe day,
And therupon thei kisten bothe:
Bot were hem lieve or were hem lothe,
To Schipe he goth and forth he wente
To Troie, as was his ferste entente. 780
The daies gon, the Monthe passeth,
Hire love encresceth and his lasseth,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 28=]
For him sche lefte slep and mete,
And he his time hath al foryete;
So that this wofull yonge qweene,
Which wot noght what it mihte meene,
A lettre sende and preide him come,
And seith how sche is overcome
With strengthe of love in such a wise,
That sche noght longe mai suffise[1173] 790
To liven out of his presence;
And putte upon his conscience
The trowthe which he hath behote,
Wherof sche loveth him so hote,
Sche seith, that if he lengere lette
Of such a day as sche him sette,
Sche scholde sterven in his Slowthe,[1174]
Which were a schame unto his trowthe.
This lettre is forth upon hire sonde,
Wherof somdiel confort on honde 800
Sche tok, as sche that wolde abide
And waite upon that ilke tyde
Which sche hath in hire lettre write.
Bot now is pite forto wite,
As he dede erst, so he foryat
His time eftsone and oversat.
Bot sche, which mihte noght do so,
The tyde awayteth everemo,
And caste hire yhe upon the See:
Somtime nay, somtime yee, 810
Somtime he cam, somtime noght,
Thus sche desputeth in hire thoght
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 29=]
And wot noght what sche thenke mai;
Bot fastende al the longe day
Sche was into the derke nyht,
And tho sche hath do set up lyht
In a lanterne on hih alofte
Upon a Tour, wher sche goth ofte,
In hope that in his cominge
He scholde se the liht brenninge, 820
Wherof he mihte his weies rihte
To come wher sche was be nyhte.
Bot al for noght, sche was deceived,
For Venus hath hire hope weyved,
And schewede hire upon the Sky
How that the day was faste by,
So that withinne a litel throwe
The daies lyht sche mihte knowe.
Tho sche behield the See at large;
And whan sche sih ther was no barge 830
Ne Schip, als ferr as sche may kenne,
Doun fro the Tour sche gan to renne
Into an Herber all hire one,
Wher many a wonder woful mone
Sche made, that no lif it wiste,
As sche which all hire joie miste,
That now sche swouneth, now sche pleigneth,
And al hire face sche desteigneth
With teres, whiche, as of a welle
The stremes, from hire yhen felle; 840
So as sche mihte and evere in on
Sche clepede upon Demephon,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 30=]
And seide, ‘Helas, thou slowe wiht,
Wher was ther evere such a knyht,
That so thurgh his ungentilesce
Of Slowthe and of foryetelnesse
Ayein his trowthe brak his stevene?’
And tho hire yhe up to the hevene
Sche caste, and seide, ‘O thou unkinde,
Hier schalt thou thurgh thi Slowthe finde, 850
If that thee list to come and se,
A ladi ded for love of thee,
So as I schal myselve spille;
Whom, if it hadde be thi wille,
Thou mihtest save wel ynowh.’
With that upon a grene bowh
A Ceinte of Selk, which sche ther hadde,
Sche knette, and so hireself sche ladde,
That sche aboute hire whyte swere
It dede, and hyng hirselven there. 860
Wherof the goddes were amoeved,
And Demephon was so reproeved,
That of the goddes providence
Was schape such an evidence
Evere afterward ayein the slowe,
That Phillis in the same throwe
Was schape into a Notetre,
That alle men it mihte se,
And after Phillis Philliberd
This tre was cleped in the yerd, 870
And yit for Demephon to schame
Into this dai it berth the name.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 31=]
This wofull chance how that it ferde
Anon as Demephon it herde,
And every man it hadde in speche,
His sorwe was noght tho to seche;
He gan his Slowthe forto banne,
Bot it was al to late thanne.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo thus, my Sone, miht thou wite
Ayein this vice how it is write; 880
For noman mai the harmes gesse,
That fallen thurgh foryetelnesse,
Wherof that I thi schrifte have herd.
Bot yit of Slowthe hou it hath ferd
In other wise I thenke oppose,
If thou have gult, as I suppose.
[Sidenote: [iv. NEGLIGENCE.]]
iv. _Dum plantare licet, cultor qui necgligit ortum,_
_Si desint fructus, imputet ipse sibi._
_Preterit ista dies bona, nec valet illa secunda,_
_Hoc caret exemplo lentus amore suo._[1175]
Fulfild of Slowthes essamplaire
Ther is yit on, his Secretaire,
And he is cleped Negligence:
[Sidenote: Hic tractat Confessor de vicio Necgligencie,
cuius condicio Accidiam amplectens omnes artes sciencie,
tam in amoris causa quam aliter, ignominiosa pretermittens,
cum nullum poterit eminere remedium, sui ministerii
diligenciam expostfacto in vacuum attemptare presumit.]
Which wol noght loke his evidence, 890
Wherof he mai be war tofore;
Bot whanne he hath his cause lore,
Thanne is he wys after the hond:
Whanne helpe may no maner bond,
Thanne ate ferste wolde he binde:
Thus everemore he stant behinde.
Whanne he the thing mai noght amende,
Thanne is he war, and seith at ende,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 32=]
‘Ha, wolde god I hadde knowe!’
Wherof bejaped with a mowe 900
He goth, for whan the grete Stiede
Is stole, thanne he taketh hiede,
And makth the stable dore fast:
Thus evere he pleith an aftercast
Of al that he schal seie or do.
He hath a manere eke also,
Him list noght lerne to be wys,
For he set of no vertu pris
Bot as him liketh for the while;
So fieleth he fulofte guile, 910
Whan that he weneth siker stonde.
And thus thou miht wel understonde,
Mi Sone, if thou art such in love,
Thou miht noght come at thin above
Of that thou woldest wel achieve.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi holi fader, as I lieve,
I mai wel with sauf conscience
Excuse me of necgligence
Towardes love in alle wise:
For thogh I be non of the wise, 920
I am so trewly amerous,
That I am evere curious
Of hem that conne best enforme
To knowe and witen al the forme,
What falleth unto loves craft.
Bot yit ne fond I noght the haft,
Which mihte unto that bladd acorde;[1176]
For nevere herde I man recorde
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 33=]
What thing it is that myhte availe
To winne love withoute faile. 930
Yit so fer cowthe I nevere finde
Man that be resoun ne be kinde
Me cowthe teche such an art,
That he ne failede of a part;
And as toward myn oghne wit,
Controeve cowthe I nevere yit
To finden eny sikernesse,
That me myhte outher more or lesse
Of love make forto spede:
For lieveth wel withoute drede, 940
If that ther were such a weie,
As certeinliche as I schal deie
I hadde it lerned longe ago.
Bot I wot wel ther is non so:
And natheles it may wel be,
I am so rude in my degree
And ek mi wittes ben so dulle,
That I ne mai noght to the fulle
Atteigne to so hih a lore.
Bot this I dar seie overmore, 950
Althogh mi wit ne be noght strong,
It is noght on mi will along,
For that is besi nyht and day
To lerne al that he lerne may,
How that I mihte love winne:[1177]
Bot yit I am as to beginne
Of that I wolde make an ende,
And for I not how it schal wende,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 34=]
That is to me mi moste sorwe.
Bot I dar take god to borwe, 960
As after min entendement,
Non other wise necgligent
Thanne I yow seie have I noght be:
Forthi per seinte charite
Tell me, mi fader, what you semeth.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
In good feith, Sone, wel me qwemeth,
That thou thiself hast thus aquit
Toward this vice, in which no wit[1178]
Abide mai, for in an houre
He lest al that he mai laboure 970
The longe yer, so that men sein,
What evere he doth it is in vein.
For thurgh the Slowthe of Negligence
Ther was yit nevere such science[1179]
Ne vertu, which was bodely,
That nys destruid and lost therby.
Ensample that it hath be so
In boke I finde write also.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF PHAETON.]]
Phebus, which is the Sonne hote,
That schyneth upon Erthe hote 980
And causeth every lyves helthe,
[Sidenote: Hic contra vicium necgligencie ponit Confessor
exemplum; et narrat quod cum[1180] Pheton filius Solis
currum patris sui per aera regere debuerat, admonitus
a patre vt equos ne deuiarent equa manu diligencius
refrenaret, ipse consilium patris sua negligencia
preteriens, equos cum curru nimis basse errare permisit;
vnde non solum incendio orbem inflammauit, set et seipsum
de curru cadentem in quoddam fluuium demergi ad interitum
causauit.]
He hadde a Sone in al his welthe,
Which Pheton hihte, and he desireth
And with his Moder he conspireth,
The which was cleped Clemenee,[1181]
For help and conseil, so that he[1182]
His fader carte lede myhte
Upon the faire daies brihte.[1183]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 35=]
And for this thing thei bothe preide
Unto the fader, and he seide 990
He wolde wel, bot forth withal
Thre pointz he bad in special
Unto his Sone in alle wise,
That he him scholde wel avise
And take it as be weie of lore.
Ferst was, that he his hors to sore
Ne prike, and over that he tolde
That he the renes faste holde;
And also that he be riht war
In what manere he lede his charr, 1000
That he mistake noght his gate,
Bot up avisement algate[1184]
He scholde here a siker yhe,
That he to lowe ne to hyhe
His carte dryve at eny throwe,
Wherof that he mihte overthrowe.
And thus be Phebus ordinance
Tok Pheton into governance
The Sonnes carte, which he ladde:
Bot he such veine gloire hadde 1010
Of that he was set upon hyh,
That he his oghne astat ne syh
Thurgh negligence and tok non hiede;
So mihte he wel noght longe spede.[1185]
For he the hors withoute lawe
The carte let aboute drawe
Wher as hem liketh wantounly,
That ate laste sodeinly,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 36=]
For he no reson wolde knowe,
This fyri carte he drof to lowe, 1020
And fyreth al the world aboute;
Wherof thei weren alle in doubte,
And to the god for helpe criden
Of suche unhappes as betyden.
Phebus, which syh the necgligence,
How Pheton ayein his defence
His charr hath drive out of the weie,
Ordeigneth that he fell aweie
Out of the carte into a flod[1186]
And dreynte. Lo now, hou it stod 1030
With him that was so necgligent,
That fro the hyhe firmament,
For that he wolde go to lowe,
He was anon doun overthrowe.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF ICARUS.]]
In hih astat it is a vice[1187]
To go to lowe, and in service
[Sidenote: Exemplum super eodem de Icharo Dedali filio in
carcere Minotauri existente, cui Dedalus, vt inde euolaret,
alas componens, firmiter iniunxit ne nimis alte propter
Solis ardorem ascenderet: quod Icharus sua negligencia
postponens, cum alcius sublimatus fuisset, subito ad terram
corruens expirauit.]
It grieveth forto go to hye,
Wherof a tale in poesie
I finde, how whilom Dedalus,
Which hadde a Sone, and Icharus 1040
He hihte, and thogh hem thoghte lothe,
In such prison thei weren bothe
With Minotaurus, that aboute
Thei mihten nawher wenden oute;
So thei begonne forto schape
How thei the prison mihte ascape.
This Dedalus, which fro his yowthe
Was tawht and manye craftes cowthe,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 37=]
Of fetheres and of othre thinges
Hath mad to fle diverse wynges 1050
For him and for his Sone also;
To whom he yaf in charge tho
And bad him thenke therupon,
How that his wynges ben set on
With wex, and if he toke his flyhte
To hyhe, al sodeinliche he mihte
Make it to melte with the Sonne.
And thus thei have her flyht begonne
Out of the prison faire and softe;
And whan thei weren bothe alofte, 1060
This Icharus began to monte,
And of the conseil non accompte
He sette, which his fader tawhte,
Til that the Sonne his wynges cawhte,
Wherof it malt, and fro the heihte
Withouten help of eny sleihte
He fell to his destruccion.
And lich to that condicion
Ther fallen ofte times fele
For lacke of governance in wele, 1070
Als wel in love as other weie.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Now goode fader, I you preie,
If ther be more in the matiere[1188]
Of Slowthe, that I mihte it hiere.[1189]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, and for thi diligence,[1190]
Which every mannes conscience
Be resoun scholde reule and kepe,
If that thee list to taken kepe,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 38=]
I wol thee telle, aboven alle
In whom no vertu mai befalle, 1080
Which yifth unto the vices reste
And is of slowe the sloweste.[1191]
[Sidenote: [v. IDLENESS.]]
v. _Absque labore vagus vir inutilis ocia plectens,_
_Nescio quid presens vita valebit ei._
_Non amor in tali misero viget, immo valoris_
_Qui faciunt opera clamat habere suos._
Among these othre of Slowthes kinde,
Which alle labour set behinde,
And hateth alle besinesse,
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur Confessor super illa specie
Accidie, que Ocium dicitur, cuius condicio in virtutum
cultura nullius occupacionis diligenciam admittens,
cuiuscumque expedicionem cause non attingit.]
Ther is yit on, which Ydelnesse[1192]
Is cleped, and is the Norrice
In mannes kinde of every vice,
Which secheth eases manyfold.
In Wynter doth he noght for cold, 1090
In Somer mai he noght for hete;
So whether that he frese or swete,
Or he be inne, or he be oute,[1193]
He wol ben ydel al aboute,
Bot if he pleie oght ate Dees.[1194]
For who as evere take fees
And thenkth worschipe to deserve,
Ther is no lord whom he wol serve,
As forto duelle in his servise,
Bot if it were in such a wise, 1100
Of that he seth per aventure
That be lordschipe and coverture
He mai the more stonde stille,
And use his ydelnesse at wille.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 39=]
For he ne wol no travail take
To ryde for his ladi sake,
Bot liveth al upon his wisshes;
And as a cat wolde ete fisshes
Withoute wetinge of his cles,
So wolde he do, bot natheles 1110
He faileth ofte of that he wolde.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, if thou of such a molde
Art mad, now tell me plein thi schrifte.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Nay, fader, god I yive a yifte,
That toward love, as be mi wit,
Al ydel was I nevere yit,
Ne nevere schal, whil I mai go.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now, Sone, tell me thanne so,
What hast thou don of besischipe
To love and to the ladischipe 1120
Of hire which thi ladi is?
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi fader, evere yit er this
In every place, in every stede,
What so mi lady hath me bede,
With al myn herte obedient
I have therto be diligent.
And if so is sche bidde noght,
What thing that thanne into my thoght
Comth ferst of that I mai suffise,
I bowe and profre my servise, 1130
Somtime in chambre, somtime in halle,
Riht as I se the times falle.
And whan sche goth to hiere masse,[1195]
That time schal noght overpasse,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 40=]
That I naproche hir ladihede,
In aunter if I mai hire lede
Unto the chapelle and ayein.
Thanne is noght al mi weie in vein,
Somdiel I mai the betre fare,
Whan I, that mai noght fiele hir bare, 1140
Mai lede hire clothed in myn arm:
Bot afterward it doth me harm
Of pure ymaginacioun;
For thanne this collacioun
I make unto miselven ofte,
And seie, ‘Ha lord, hou sche is softe,
How sche is round, hou sche is smal!
Now wolde god I hadde hire al
Withoute danger at mi wille!’
And thanne I sike and sitte stille, 1150
Of that I se mi besi thoght
Is torned ydel into noght.
Bot for al that lete I ne mai,
Whanne I se time an other dai,
That I ne do my besinesse
Unto mi ladi worthinesse.
For I therto mi wit afaite
To se the times and awaite
What is to done and what to leve:
And so, whan time is, be hir leve, 1160
What thing sche bit me don, I do,
And wher sche bidt me gon, I go,[1196]
And whanne hir list to clepe, I come.
Thus hath sche fulliche overcome
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 41=]
Min ydelnesse til I sterve,
So that I mot hire nedes serve,
For as men sein, nede hath no lawe.
Thus mot I nedly to hire drawe,
I serve, I bowe, I loke, I loute,
Min yhe folweth hire aboute, 1170
What so sche wole so wol I,
Whan sche wol sitte, I knele by,
And whan sche stant, than wol I stonde:
Bot whan sche takth hir werk on honde[1197]
Of wevinge or enbrouderie,
Than can I noght bot muse and prie
Upon hir fingres longe and smale,
And now I thenke, and now I tale,
And now I singe, and now I sike,
And thus mi contienance I pike. 1180
And if it falle, as for a time
Hir liketh noght abide bime,
Bot besien hire on other thinges,[1198]
Than make I othre tariinges
To dreche forth the longe dai,
For me is loth departe away.
And thanne I am so simple of port,
That forto feigne som desport
I pleie with hire litel hound
Now on the bedd, now on the ground, 1190
Now with hir briddes in the cage;
For ther is non so litel page,
Ne yit so simple a chamberere,
That I ne make hem alle chere,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 42=]
Al for thei scholde speke wel:
Thus mow ye sen mi besi whiel,
That goth noght ydeliche aboute.
And if hir list to riden oute
On pelrinage or other stede,
I come, thogh I be noght bede, 1200
And take hire in min arm alofte
And sette hire in hire sadel softe,
And so forth lede hire be the bridel,
For that I wolde noght ben ydel.
And if hire list to ride in Char,
And thanne I mai therof be war,
Anon I schape me to ryde[1199]
Riht evene be the Chares side;
And as I mai, I speke among,
And otherwhile I singe a song, 1210
Which Ovide in his bokes made,
And seide, ‘O whiche sorwes glade,[1200]
O which wofull prosperite
Belongeth to the proprete
Of love, who so wole him serve!
And yit therfro mai noman swerve,
That he ne mot his lawe obeie.’
And thus I ryde forth mi weie,
And am riht besi overal
With herte and with mi body al, 1220
As I have said you hier tofore.
My goode fader, tell therfore,
Of Ydelnesse if I have gilt.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, bot thou telle wilt[1201]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 43=]
Oght elles than I mai now hiere,
Thou schalt have no penance hiere.
And natheles a man mai se,
How now adayes that ther be
Ful manye of suche hertes slowe,
That wol noght besien hem to knowe 1230
What thing love is, til ate laste,
That he with strengthe hem overcaste,
That malgre hem thei mote obeie
And don al ydelschipe aweie,
To serve wel and besiliche.
Bot, Sone, thou art non of swiche,
For love schal the wel excuse:
Bot otherwise, if thou refuse
To love, thou miht so per cas
Ben ydel, as somtime was 1240
A kinges dowhter unavised,
Til that Cupide hire hath chastised:
Wherof thou schalt a tale hiere
Acordant unto this matiere.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF ROSIPHELEE.]]
Of Armenye, I rede thus,
Ther was a king, which Herupus
Was hote, and he a lusti Maide
[Sidenote: Hic ponit Confessor exemplum contra istos qui
amoris[1202] occupacionem omittentes, grauioris infortunii
casus expectant.[1203] Et narrat de quadam Armenie Regis
filia, que huiusmodi condicionis in principio iuuentutis
ociosa persistens, mirabili postea visione castigata in
amoris obsequium pre ceteris diligencior[1204] efficitur.]
To dowhter hadde, and as men saide
Hire name was Rosiphelee;
Which tho was of gret renomee, 1250
For sche was bothe wys and fair
And scholde ben hire fader hair.
Bot sche hadde o defalte of Slowthe
Towardes love, and that was rowthe;
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 44=]
For so wel cowde noman seie,
Which mihte sette hire in the weie
Of loves occupacion
Thurgh non ymaginacion;
That scole wolde sche noght knowe.
And thus sche was on of the slowe 1260
As of such hertes besinesse,
Til whanne Venus the goddesse,
Which loves court hath forto reule,
Hath broght hire into betre reule,
Forth with Cupide and with his miht:
For thei merveille how such a wiht,[1205]
Which tho was in hir lusti age,
Desireth nother Mariage
Ne yit the love of paramours,
Which evere hath be the comun cours 1270
Amonges hem that lusti were.
So was it schewed after there:[1206]
For he that hihe hertes loweth
With fyri Dartes whiche he throweth,
Cupide, which of love is godd,[1207]
In chastisinge hath mad a rodd
To dryve awei hir wantounesse;
So that withinne a while, I gesse,
Sche hadde on such a chance sporned,
That al hire mod was overtorned, 1280
Which ferst sche hadde of slow manere:
For thus it fell, as thou schalt hiere.
Whan come was the Monthe of Maii,
Sche wolde walke upon a dai,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 45=]
And that was er the Sonne Ariste;
Of wommen bot a fewe it wiste,
And forth sche wente prively
Unto the Park was faste by,
Al softe walkende on the gras,
Til sche cam ther the Launde was, 1290
Thurgh which ther ran a gret rivere.
It thoghte hir fair, and seide, ‘Here
I wole abide under the schawe’:
And bad hire wommen to withdrawe,
And ther sche stod al one stille,
To thenke what was in hir wille.
Sche sih the swote floures springe,
Sche herde glade foules singe,
Sche sih the bestes in her kinde,
The buck, the do, the hert, the hinde, 1300
The madle go with the femele;
And so began ther a querele
Betwen love and hir oghne herte,
Fro which sche couthe noght asterte.
And as sche caste hire yhe aboute,
Sche syh clad in o suite a route
Of ladis, wher thei comen ryde
Along under the wodes syde:
On faire amblende hors thei sete,
That were al whyte, fatte and grete,[1208] 1310
And everichon thei ride on side.
The Sadles were of such a Pride,
With Perle and gold so wel begon,
So riche syh sche nevere non;
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 46=]
In kertles and in Copes riche
Thei weren clothed, alle liche,
Departed evene of whyt and blew;
With alle lustes that sche knew
Thei were enbrouded overal.
Here bodies weren long and smal, 1320
The beaute faye upon her face[1209]
Non erthly thing it may desface;
Corones on here hed thei beere,
As ech of hem a qweene weere,
That al the gold of Cresus halle
The leste coronal of alle
Ne mihte have boght after the worth:
Thus come thei ridende forth.
The kinges dowhter, which this syh,
For pure abaissht drowh hire adryh 1330
And hield hire clos under the bowh,
And let hem passen stille ynowh;
For as hire thoghte in hire avis,
To hem that were of such a pris
Sche was noght worthi axen there,
Fro when they come or what thei were:
Bot levere than this worldes good
Sche wolde have wist hou that it stod,
And putte hire hed alitel oute;
And as sche lokede hire aboute, 1340
Sche syh comende under the linde[1210]
A womman up an hors behinde.[1211]
The hors on which sche rod was blak,
Al lene and galled on the back,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 47=]
And haltede, as he were encluyed,
Wherof the womman was annuied;
Thus was the hors in sori plit,
Bot for al that a sterre whit[1212]
Amiddes in the front he hadde.
Hir Sadel ek was wonder badde, 1350
In which the wofull womman sat,
And natheles ther was with that
A riche bridel for the nones
Of gold and preciouse Stones.
Hire cote was somdiel totore;
Aboute hir middel twenty score
Of horse haltres and wel mo
Ther hyngen ate time tho.
Thus whan sche cam the ladi nyh,
Than tok sche betre hiede and syh 1360
This womman fair was of visage,[1213]
Freyssh, lusti, yong and of tendre age;
And so this ladi, ther sche stod,
Bethoghte hire wel and understod
That this, which com ridende tho,
Tidinges couthe telle of tho,
Which as sche sih tofore ryde,[1214]
And putte hir forth and preide abide,
And seide, ‘Ha, Suster, let me hiere,
What ben thei, that now riden hiere, 1370
And ben so richeliche arraied?’
This womman, which com so esmaied,
Ansuerde with ful softe speche,
And seith, ‘Ma Dame, I schal you teche.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 48=]
These ar of tho that whilom were
Servantz to love, and trowthe beere,
Ther as thei hadde here herte set.
Fare wel, for I mai noght be let:
Ma Dame, I go to mi servise,
So moste I haste in alle wise; 1380
Forthi, ma Dame, yif me leve,
I mai noght longe with you leve.’
‘Ha, goode Soster, yit I preie,
Tell me whi ye ben so beseie
And with these haltres thus begon.’
‘Ma Dame, whilom I was on
That to mi fader hadde a king;
Bot I was slow, and for no thing
Me liste noght to love obeie,
And that I now ful sore abeie. 1390
For I whilom no love hadde,
Min hors is now so fieble and badde,
And al totore is myn arai,[1215]
And every yeer this freisshe Maii
These lusti ladis ryde aboute,
And I mot nedes suie here route
In this manere as ye now se,[1216]
And trusse here haltres forth with me,
And am bot as here horse knave.
Non other office I ne have, 1400
Hem thenkth I am worthi nomore,
For I was slow in loves lore,
Whan I was able forto lere,
And wolde noght the tales hiere
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 49=]
Of hem that couthen love teche.’
‘Now tell me thanne, I you beseche,
Wherof that riche bridel serveth.’
With that hire chere awei sche swerveth,
And gan to wepe, and thus sche tolde:
‘This bridel, which ye nou beholde 1410
So riche upon myn horse hed,--
Ma Dame, afore, er I was ded,
Whan I was in mi lusti lif,
Ther fel into myn herte a strif
Of love, which me overcom,
So that therafter hiede I nom
And thoghte I wolde love a kniht:
That laste wel a fourtenyht,
For it no lengere mihte laste,[1217]
So nyh my lif was ate laste. 1420
Bot now, allas, to late war
That I ne hadde him loved ar:
For deth cam so in haste bime,
Er I therto hadde eny time,
That it ne mihte ben achieved.
Bot for al that I am relieved,
Of that mi will was good therto,
That love soffreth it be so
That I schal swiche a bridel were.
Now have ye herd al myn ansuere: 1430
To godd, ma Dame, I you betake,
And warneth alle for mi sake,
Of love that thei ben noght ydel,
And bidd hem thenke upon mi brydel.’
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 50=]
And with that word al sodeinly
Sche passeth, as it were a Sky,
Al clene out of this ladi sihte:
And tho for fere hire herte afflihte,
And seide to hirself, ‘Helas!
I am riht in the same cas. 1440
Bot if I live after this day,
I schal amende it, if I may.’
And thus homward this lady wente,
And changede al hire ferste entente,
Withinne hire herte and gan to swere
That sche none haltres wolde bere.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo, Sone, hier miht thou taken hiede,
How ydelnesse is forto drede,
Namliche of love, as I have write.
For thou miht understonde and wite, 1450
Among the gentil nacion
Love is an occupacion,
Which forto kepe hise lustes save
[Sidenote: Non quia sic se habet veritas, set opinio
Amantum.[1218]]
Scholde every gentil herte have:
For as the ladi was chastised,
Riht so the knyht mai ben avised,
Which ydel is and wol noght serve
To love, he mai per cas deserve
A grettere peine than sche hadde,
Whan sche aboute with hire ladde 1460
The horse haltres; and forthi
Good is to be wel war therbi.
Bot forto loke aboven alle,
[Sidenote: [IDLENESS IN LOVE.]]
These Maidens, hou so that it falle,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 51=]
Thei scholden take ensample of this
Which I have told, for soth it is.
Mi ladi Venus, whom I serve,
What womman wole hire thonk deserve,
Sche mai noght thilke love eschuie
Of paramours, bot sche mot suie 1470
Cupides lawe; and natheles
Men sen such love sielde in pes,
That it nys evere upon aspie
Of janglinge and of fals Envie,
Fulofte medlid with disese:
Bot thilke love is wel at ese,
Which set is upon mariage;
For that dar schewen the visage
In alle places openly.
A gret mervaile it is forthi, 1480
How that a Maiden wolde lette,
That sche hir time ne besette
To haste unto that ilke feste,
Wherof the love is al honeste.
Men mai recovere lost of good,
Bot so wys man yit nevere stod,
Which mai recovere time lore:
So mai a Maiden wel therfore
Ensample take, of that sche strangeth
Hir love, and longe er that sche changeth 1490
Hir herte upon hir lustes greene
To mariage, as it is seene.
For thus a yer or tuo or thre
Sche lest, er that sche wedded be,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 52=]
Whyl sche the charge myhte bere
Of children, whiche the world forbere
Ne mai, bot if it scholde faile.
Bot what Maiden hire esposaile
Wol tarie, whan sche take mai,
Sche schal per chance an other dai 1500
Be let, whan that hire lievest were.[1219]
Wherof a tale unto hire Ere,
Which is coupable upon this dede,
I thenke telle of that I rede.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF JEPHTHAH’S DAUGHTER.]]
Among the Jewes, as men tolde,
Ther was whilom be daies olde
A noble Duck, which Jepte hihte.[1220]
[Sidenote: Hic ponit exemplum super eodem: Et narrat de
filia Iepte, que cum ex sui patris voto in holocaustum deo
occidi et offerri deberet, ipsa pro eo quod virgo fuit
et prolem ad augmentacionem populi dei nondum genuisset,
xl. dierum spacium vt cum suis sodalibus virginibus suam
defleret virginitatem, priusquam moreretur, in exemplum
aliarum[1221] a patre postulauit.]
And fell, he scholde go to fyhte
Ayein Amon the cruel king:
And forto speke upon this thing, 1510
Withinne his herte he made avou[1222]
To god and seide, ‘Ha lord, if thou
Wolt grante unto thi man victoire,
I schal in tokne of thi memoire
The ferste lif that I mai se,
Of man or womman wher it be,
Anon as I come hom ayein,
To thee, which art god sovereign,
Slen in thi name and sacrifie.’
And thus with his chivalerie 1520
He goth him forth, wher that he scholde,[1223]
And wan al that he winne wolde
And overcam his fomen alle.
Mai noman lette that schal falle.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 53=]
This Duc a lusti dowhter hadde,[1224]
And fame, which the wordes spradde,
Hath broght unto this ladi Ere
How that hire fader hath do there.
Sche waiteth upon his cominge
With dansinge and with carolinge, 1530
As sche that wolde be tofore
Al othre, and so sche was therfore[1225]
In Masphat at hir fader gate
The ferste; and whan he com therate,
And sih his douhter, he tobreide
Hise clothes and wepende he seide:
‘O mihti god among ous hiere,
Nou wot I that in no manere
This worldes joie mai be plein.
I hadde al that I coude sein 1540
Ayein mi fomen be thi grace,[1226]
So whan I cam toward this place
Ther was non gladdere man than I:[1227]
But now, mi lord, al sodeinli
Mi joie is torned into sorwe,
For I mi dowhter schal tomorwe
Tohewe and brenne in thi servise
To loenge of thi sacrifise
Thurgh min avou, so as it is.’
The Maiden, whan sche wiste of this, 1550
And sih the sorwe hir fader made,
So as sche mai with wordes glade
Conforteth him, and bad him holde
The covenant which he is holde
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 54=]
Towardes god, as he behihte.[1228]
Bot natheles hire herte aflihte
Of that sche sih hire deth comende;
And thanne unto the ground knelende[1229]
Tofore hir fader sche is falle,
And seith, so as it is befalle 1560
Upon this point that sche schal deie,
Of o thing ferst sche wolde him preie,
That fourty daies of respit
He wolde hir grante upon this plit,
That sche the whyle mai bewepe
Hir maidenhod, which sche to kepe
So longe hath had and noght beset;[1230]
Wherof her lusti youthe is let,
That sche no children hath forthdrawe
In Mariage after the lawe, 1570
So that the poeple is noght encressed.
Bot that it mihte be relessed,
That sche hir time hath lore so,
Sche wolde be his leve go
With othre Maidens to compleigne,
And afterward unto the peine
Of deth sche wolde come ayein.
The fader herde his douhter sein,
And therupon of on assent
The Maidens were anon asent, 1580
That scholden with this Maiden wende.
So forto speke unto this ende,
Thei gon the dounes and the dales
With wepinge and with wofull tales,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 55=]
And every wyht hire maidenhiede
Compleigneth upon thilke nede,
That sche no children hadde bore,
Wherof sche hath hir youthe lore,
Which nevere sche recovere mai:
For so fell that hir laste dai 1590
Was come, in which sche scholde take
Hir deth, which sche may noght forsake.
Lo, thus sche deiede a wofull Maide
For thilke cause which I saide,
As thou hast understonde above.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, as toward the Love
Of Maidens forto telle trowthe,
Ye have thilke vice of Slowthe,
Me thenkth, riht wonder wel declared,
That ye the wommen have noght spared 1600
Of hem that tarien so behinde.
Bot yit it falleth in my minde,
Toward the men hou that ye spieke
Of hem that wole no travail sieke
In cause of love upon decerte:
To speke in wordes so coverte,
I not what travaill that ye mente.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, and after min entente
I woll thee telle what I thoghte,
Hou whilom men here loves boghte 1610
Thurgh gret travaill in strange londes,
Wher that thei wroghten with here hondes
Of armes many a worthi dede,
In sondri place as men mai rede.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 56=]
vi. _Quem probat armorum probitas Venus approbat, et quem_
[Sidenote: [LOVERS MUST APPROVE THEMSELVES IN ARMS.]]
_Torpor habet reprobum reprobat illa virum._
_Vecors segnicies insignia nescit amoris,_
_Nam piger ad brauium tardius ipse venit._
That every love of pure kinde
Is ferst forthdrawe, wel I finde:
Bot natheles yit overthis
Decerte doth so that it is
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur quod in amoris causa milicie probitas
ad armorum laboris excercicium nullatenus[1231] torpescat.]
The rather had in mani place.
Forthi who secheth loves grace, 1620
Wher that these worthi wommen are,
He mai noght thanne himselve spare
Upon his travail forto serve,
Wherof that he mai thonk deserve,
There as these men of Armes be,[1232]
Somtime over the grete Se:
So that be londe and ek be Schipe
He mot travaile for worschipe
And make manye hastyf rodes,
Somtime in Prus, somtime in Rodes, 1630
And somtime into Tartarie;
So that these heraldz on him crie,
‘Vailant, vailant, lo, wher he goth!’
And thanne he yifth hem gold and cloth,
So that his fame mihte springe,
And to his ladi Ere bringe
Som tidinge of his worthinesse;[1233]
So that sche mihte of his prouesce
Of that sche herde men recorde,
The betre unto his love acorde[1234] 1640
And danger pute out of hire mod,
Whanne alle men recorden good,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 57=]
And that sche wot wel, for hir sake
That he no travail wol forsake.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, of this travail I meene:
Nou schrif thee, for it schal be sene
If thou art ydel in this cas.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
My fader ye, and evere was:
[Sidenote: [ARGUMENTS TO THE CONTRARY.]]
For as me thenketh trewely
That every man doth mor than I 1650
As of this point, and if so is
That I have oght so don er this,
It is so litel of acompte,
As who seith, it mai noght amonte
To winne of love his lusti yifte.
For this I telle you in schrifte,
That me were levere hir love winne
Than Kaire and al that is ther inne:
And forto slen the hethen alle,
I not what good ther mihte falle, 1660
So mochel blod thogh ther be schad.
This finde I writen, hou Crist bad
That noman other scholde sle.
What scholde I winne over the Se,
If I mi ladi loste at hom?
Bot passe thei the salte fom,
To whom Crist bad thei scholden preche
To al the world and his feith teche:
Bot now thei rucken in here nest
And resten as hem liketh best[1235] 1670
In all the swetnesse of delices.
Thus thei defenden ous the vices,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 58=]
And sitte hemselven al amidde;
To slen and feihten thei ous bidde
Hem whom thei scholde, as the bok seith,
Converten unto Cristes feith.
Bot hierof have I gret mervaile,
Hou thei wol bidde me travaile:
A Sarazin if I sle schal,
I sle the Soule forth withal, 1680
And that was nevere Cristes lore.
Bot nou ho ther, I seie nomore.
Bot I wol speke upon mi schrifte;
And to Cupide I make a yifte,
That who as evere pris deserve
Of armes, I wol love serve;
And thogh I scholde hem bothe kepe,
Als wel yit wolde I take kepe
Whan it were time to abide,
As forto travaile and to ryde:[1236] 1690
For how as evere a man laboure,
Cupide appointed hath his houre.
[Sidenote: Hic allegat Amans in sui excusacionem, qualiter
Achilles apud Troiam propter amorem Polixenen arma sua per
aliquod tempus dimisit.]
For I have herd it telle also,[1237]
Achilles lefte hise armes so
Bothe of himself and of his men
At Troie for Polixenen,
Upon hire love whanne he fell,
That for no chance that befell
Among the Grecs or up or doun,
He wolde noght ayein the toun 1700
Ben armed, for the love of hire.[1238]
And so me thenketh, lieve Sire,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 59=]
A man of armes mai him reste
Somtime in hope for the beste,
If he mai finde a weie nerr.[1239]
What scholde I thanne go so ferr[1240]
In strange londes many a mile
To ryde, and lese at hom therwhile[1241]
Mi love? It were a schort beyete
To winne chaf and lese whete. 1710
Bot if mi ladi bidde wolde,
That I for hire love scholde
Travaile, me thenkth trewely
I mihte fle thurghout the Sky,
And go thurghout the depe Se,
For al ne sette I at a stre
What thonk that I mihte elles gete.
What helpeth it a man have mete,
Wher drinke lacketh on the bord?
What helpeth eny mannes word 1720
To seie hou I travaile faste,
Wher as me faileth ate laste
That thing which I travaile fore?
O in good time were he bore,
That mihte atteigne such a mede.
Bot certes if I mihte spede
With eny maner besinesse
Of worldes travail, thanne I gesse,
Ther scholde me non ydelschipe
Departen fro hir ladischipe. 1730
Bot this I se, on daies nou
The blinde god, I wot noght hou,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 60=]
Cupido, which of love is lord,
He set the thinges in discord,
That thei that lest to love entende
Fulofte he wole hem yive and sende
Most of his grace; and thus I finde
That he that scholde go behinde,[1242]
Goth many a time ferr tofore:
So wot I noght riht wel therfore,[1243] 1740
On whether bord that I schal seile.
Thus can I noght miself conseile,
Bot al I sette on aventure,
And am, as who seith, out of cure
For ought that I can seie or do:
For everemore I finde it so,
The more besinesse I leie,
The more that I knele and preie
With goode wordes and with softe,
The more I am refused ofte, 1750
With besinesse and mai noght winne.
And in good feith that is gret Sinne;[1244]
For I mai seie, of dede and thoght
That ydel man have I be noght;
For hou as evere I be deslaied,
Yit evermore I have assaied.
Bot thogh my besinesse laste,
Al is bot ydel ate laste,
For whan theffect is ydelnesse,
I not what thing is besinesse. 1760
Sei, what availeth al the dede,
Which nothing helpeth ate nede?
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 61=]
For the fortune of every fame
Schal of his ende bere a name.
And thus for oght is yit befalle,
An ydel man I wol me calle
As after myn entendement:
Bot upon youre amendement,
[Sidenote: [THE CONFESSOR REPLIES.]]
Min holi fader, as you semeth,[1245]
Mi reson and my cause demeth. 1770
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, I have herd thi matiere,
Of that thou hast thee schriven hiere:
And forto speke of ydel fare,
Me semeth that thou tharst noght care,
Bot only that thou miht noght spede.
And therof, Sone, I wol thee rede,
Abyd, and haste noght to faste;
Thi dees ben every dai to caste,
Thou nost what chance schal betyde.
Betre is to wayte upon the tyde[1246] 1780
Than rowe ayein the stremes stronge:
For thogh so be thee thenketh longe,
Per cas the revolucion
Of hevene and thi condicion
Ne be noght yit of on acord.
Bot I dar make this record
To Venus, whos Prest that I am,
That sithen that I hidir cam
To hiere, as sche me bad, thi lif,
Wherof thou elles be gultif, 1790
Thou miht hierof thi conscience
Excuse, and of gret diligence,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 62=]
Which thou to love hast so despended,
Thou oghtest wel to be comended.
Bot if so be that ther oght faile,
Of that thou slowthest to travaile
In armes forto ben absent,
And for thou makst an argument
Of that thou seidest hiere above,
Hou Achilles thurgh strengthe of love 1800
Hise armes lefte for a throwe,
Thou schalt an other tale knowe,
Which is contraire, as thou schalt wite.
For this a man mai finde write,
Whan that knyhthode schal be werred,[1247]
Lust mai noght thanne be preferred;
The bedd mot thanne be forsake
And Schield and spere on honde take,
Which thing schal make hem after glade,
Whan thei ben worthi knihtes made. 1810
Wherof, so as it comth to honde,
A tale thou schalt understonde,
Hou that a kniht schal armes suie,
And for the while his ese eschuie.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF NAUPLUS AND ULYSSES.]]
Upon knyhthode I rede thus,
How whilom whan the king Nauplus,[1248]
[Sidenote: Hic dicit quod amoris delectamento postposito
miles arma sua preferre debet: Et ponit exemplum de
Vlixe, cum ipse a bello Troiano propter amorem Penolope
remanere domi voluisset, Nauplus pater Palamades eum tantis
sermonibus allocutus est, quod Vlixes thoro sue coniugis
relicto labores armorum vna cum aliis Troie magnanimus
subibat.]
The fader of Palamades,
Cam forto preien Ulixes
With othre Gregois ek also,
That he with hem to Troie go, 1820
Wher that the Siege scholde be,
Anon upon Penolope
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 63=]
His wif, whom that he loveth hote,
Thenkende, wolde hem noght behote.
Bot he schop thanne a wonder wyle,
How that he scholde hem best beguile,
So that he mihte duelle stille
At home and welde his love at wille:
Wherof erli the morwe day
Out of his bedd, wher that he lay, 1830
Whan he was uppe, he gan to fare
Into the field and loke and stare,
As he which feigneth to be wod:[1249]
He tok a plowh, wher that it stod,
Wherinne anon in stede of Oxes
He let do yoken grete foxes,
And with gret salt the lond he siew.
But Nauplus, which the cause kniew,[1250]
Ayein the sleihte which he feigneth
An other sleihte anon ordeigneth. 1840
And fell that time Ulixes hadde
A chyld to Sone, and Nauplus radde
How men that Sone taken scholde,
And setten him upon the Molde,
Wher that his fader hield the plowh,
In thilke furgh which he tho drowh.
For in such wise he thoghte assaie,
Hou it Ulixes scholde paie,
If that he were wod or non.
The knihtes for this child forthgon;[1251] 1850
Thelamacus anon was fett,
Tofore the plowh and evene sett,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 64=]
Wher that his fader scholde dryve.
Bot whan he sih his child, als blyve
He drof the plowh out of the weie,
And Nauplus tho began to seie,
And hath half in a jape cryd:
‘O Ulixes, thou art aspyd:
What is al this thou woldest meene?
For openliche it is now seene 1860
That thou hast feigned al this thing,
Which is gret schame to a king,
Whan that for lust of eny slowthe
Thou wolt in a querele of trowthe
Of armes thilke honour forsake,
And duelle at hom for loves sake:
For betre it were honour to winne
Than love, which likinge is inne.
Forthi tak worschipe upon honde,
And elles thou schalt understonde 1870
These othre worthi kinges alle
Of Grece, which unto thee calle,[1252]
Towardes thee wol be riht wrothe,
And grieve thee per chance bothe:
Which schal be tothe double schame[1253]
Most for the hindrynge of thi name,
That thou for Slouthe of eny love
Schalt so thi lustes sette above
And leve of armes the knyhthode,
Which is the pris of thi manhode 1880
And oghte ferst to be desired.’
Bot he, which hadde his herte fyred
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 65=]
Upon his wif, whan he this herde,
Noght o word therayein ansuerde,
Bot torneth hom halvinge aschamed,
And hath withinne himself so tamed
His herte, that al the sotie
Of love for chivalerie
He lefte, and be him lief or loth,
To Troie forth with hem he goth, 1890
That he him mihte noght excuse.
Thus stant it, if a knyht refuse[1254]
The lust of armes to travaile,[1255]
Ther mai no worldes ese availe,
Bot if worschipe be with al.
And that hath schewed overal;
For it sit wel in alle wise
A kniht to ben of hih emprise
And puten alle drede aweie;
For in this wise, I have herd seie, 1900
[Sidenote: [EXAMPLES OF PROWESS. PROTESILAUS.]]
The worthi king Protheselai[1256]
On his passage wher he lai
[Sidenote: Hic narrat super eodem qualiter Laodomia Regis
Protheselai vxor, volens ipsum a bello Troiano secum
retinere, fatatam sibi mortem in portu Troie prenunciauit:
set ipse miliciam pocius quam ocia affectans, Troiam adiit,
vbi sue mortis precio perpetue laudis Cronicam ademit.]
Towardes Troie thilke Siege,
Sche which was al his oghne liege,
Laodomie his lusti wif,
Which for his love was pensif,
As he which al hire herte hadde,
Upon a thing wherof sche dradde
A lettre, forto make him duelle
Fro Troie, sende him, thus to telle, 1910
Hou sche hath axed of the wyse
Touchende of him in such a wise,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 66=]
That thei have don hire understonde,
Towardes othre hou so it stonde,
The destine it hath so schape
That he schal noght the deth ascape[1257]
In cas that he arryve at Troie.
Forthi as to hir worldes joie
With al hire herte sche him preide,
And many an other cause alleide, 1920
That he with hire at home abide.
Bot he hath cast hir lettre aside,[1258]
As he which tho no maner hiede
Tok of hire wommannysshe drede;
And forth he goth, as noght ne were,
To Troie, and was the ferste there
Which londeth, and tok arryvaile:
For him was levere in the bataille,[1259]
He seith, to deien as a knyht,
Than forto lyve in al his myht 1930
And be reproeved of his name.
Lo, thus upon the worldes fame
Knyhthode hath evere yit be set,
Which with no couardie is let.
[Sidenote: [SAUL.]]
Of king Saül also I finde,
[Sidenote: Adhuc super eodem, qualiter Rex Saul, non
obstante quod per Samuelem a Phitonissa suscitatum et
coniuratum responsum, quod ipse in bello moreretur,
accepisset, hostes tamen suos aggrediens milicie famam
cunctis huius vite blandimentis preposuit.]
Whan Samuel out of his kinde,
Thurgh that the Phitonesse hath lered,
In Samarie was arered
Long time after that he was ded,
The king Saül him axeth red,[1260] 1940
If that he schal go fyhte or non.
And Samuel him seide anon,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 67=]
‘The ferste day of the bataille
Thou schalt be slain withoute faile[1261]
And Jonathas thi Sone also.’
Bot hou as evere it felle so,
This worthi kniht of his corage
Hath undertake the viage,
And wol noght his knyhthode lette
For no peril he couthe sette; 1950
Wherof that bothe his Sone and he
Upon the Montz of Gelboë
Assemblen with here enemys:
For thei knyhthode of such a pris
Be olde daies thanne hielden,
That thei non other thing behielden.
And thus the fader for worschipe
Forth with his Sone of felaschipe
Thurgh lust of armes weren dede,
As men mai in the bible rede; 1960
The whos knyhthode is yit in mende,
And schal be to the worldes ende.
[Sidenote: [EDUCATION OF ACHILLES.]]
And forto loken overmore,
It hath and schal ben evermore
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur quod miles in suis primordiis
ad audaciam prouocari debet. Et narrat qualiter Chiro
Centaurus Achillem, quem secum ab infancia in monte
Pileon educauit, vt audax efficeretur, primitus edocuit,
quod cum ipse venacionibus ibidem insisteret, leones
et tigrides huiusmodique animalia sibi resistencia et
nulla alia fugitiua agitaret.[1262] Et sic Achilles in
iuuentute animatus famosissime milicie probitatem postmodum
adoptauit.[1263]]
That of knihthode the prouesse
Is grounded upon hardinesse[1264]
Of him that dar wel undertake.
And who that wolde ensample take
Upon the forme of knyhtes lawe,
How that Achilles was forthdrawe 1970
With Chiro, which Centaurus hihte,
Of many a wondre hiere he mihte.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 68=]
For it stod thilke time thus,
That this Chiro, this Centaurus,
Withinne a large wildernesse,
Wher was Leon and Leonesse,
The Lepard and the Tigre also,
With Hert and Hynde, and buck and doo,[1265]
Hadde his duellinge, as tho befell,
Of Pileon upon the hel, 1980
Wherof was thanne mochel speche.
Ther hath Chiro this Chyld to teche,
What time he was of tuelve yer age;
Wher forto maken his corage
The more hardi be other weie,
In the forest to hunte and pleie
Whan that Achilles walke wolde,
Centaurus bad that he ne scholde
After no beste make his chace,
Which wolde flen out of his place, 1990
As buck and doo and hert and hynde,
With whiche he mai no werre finde;
Bot tho that wolden him withstonde,
Ther scholde he with his Dart on honde
Upon the Tigre and the Leon
Pourchace and take his veneison,[1266]
As to a kniht is acordant.
And therupon a covenant
This Chiro with Achilles sette,
That every day withoute lette 2000
He scholde such a cruel beste
Or slen or wounden ate leste,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 69=]
So that he mihte a tokne bringe
Of blod upon his hom cominge.
And thus of that Chiro him tawhte
Achilles such an herte cawhte,
That he nomore a Leon dradde,
Whan he his Dart on honde hadde,[1267]
Thanne if a Leon were an asse:
And that hath mad him forto passe[1268] 2010
Alle othre knihtes of his dede,
Whan it cam to the grete nede,[1269]
[Sidenote: [PROWESS.]]
As it was afterward wel knowe.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo, thus, my Sone, thou miht knowe
That the corage of hardiesce[1270]
Is of knyhthode the prouesce,
Which is to love sufficant
Aboven al the remenant
That unto loves court poursuie.
Bot who that wol no Slowthe eschuie,[1271] 2020
Upon knihthode and noght travaile,
I not what love him scholde availe;
Bot every labour axeth why
Of som reward, wherof that I
Ensamples couthe telle ynowe
Of hem that toward love drowe
Be olde daies, as thei scholde.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, therof hiere I wolde.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, it is wel resonable,
In place which is honorable 2030
If that a man his herte sette,
That thanne he for no Slowthe lette
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 70=]
To do what longeth to manhede.
For if thou wolt the bokes rede[1272]
Of Lancelot and othre mo,
Ther miht thou sen hou it was tho
Of armes, for thei wolde atteigne
To love, which withoute peine
Mai noght be gete of ydelnesse.[1273]
And that I take to witnesse 2040
An old Cronique in special,
The which into memorial
Is write, for his loves sake
Hou that a kniht schal undertake.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF HERCULES AND ACHELONS.]]
Ther was a king, which Oënes[1274]
Was hote, and he under his pes
[Sidenote: Hic dicit, quod Miles priusquam amoris
amplexu dignus efficiatur, euentus bellicos victoriosus
amplectere debet. Et narrat qualiter Hercules et Achelons
propter[1275] Deianiram Calidonie Regis filiam singulare
duellum adinuicem inierunt, cuius victor Hercules existens
armorum[1276] meritis amorem virginis laudabiliter
conquestauit.]
Hield Calidoyne in his Empire,
And hadde a dowhter Deianire.
Men wiste in thilke time non
So fair a wiht as sche was on; 2050
And as sche was a lusti wiht,
Riht so was thanne a noble kniht,
To whom Mercurie fader was.
This kniht the tuo pilers of bras,
The whiche yit a man mai finde,
Sette up in the desert of Ynde;
That was the worthi Hercules,
Whos name schal ben endeles
For the merveilles whiche he wroghte.
This Hercules the love soghte 2060
Of Deianire, and of this thing
Unto hir fader, which was king,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 71=]
He spak touchende of Mariage.
The king knowende his hih lignage,
And dradde also hise mihtes sterne,
To him ne dorste his dowhter werne;
And natheles this he him seide,
How Achelons er he ferst preide
To wedden hire, and in accord
Thei stode, as it was of record: 2070
Bot for al that this he him granteth,
That which of hem that other daunteth[1277]
In armes, him sche scholde take,
And that the king hath undertake.
This Achelons was a Geant,
A soubtil man, a deceivant,
Which thurgh magique and sorcerie
Couthe al the world of tricherie:
And whan that he this tale herde,
Hou upon that the king ansuerde 2080
With Hercules he moste feighte,
He tristeth noght upon his sleighte
Al only, whan it comth to nede,
Bot that which voydeth alle drede
And every noble herte stereth,
The love, that no lif forbereth,
For his ladi, whom he desireth,
With hardiesse his herte fyreth,[1278]
And sende him word withoute faile
That he wol take the bataille. 2090
Thei setten day, thei chosen field,
The knihtes coevered under Schield
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 72=]
Togedre come at time set,
And echon is with other met.
It fell thei foghten bothe afote,
Ther was no ston, ther was no rote,
Which mihte letten hem the weie,
But al was voide and take aweie.
Thei smyten strokes bot a fewe,
For Hercules, which wolde schewe 2100
His grete strengthe as for the nones,
He sterte upon him al at ones
And cawhte him in hise armes stronge.
This Geant wot he mai noght longe
Endure under so harde bondes,
And thoghte he wolde out of hise hondes
Be sleyhte in som manere ascape.
And as he couthe himself forschape,
In liknesse of an Eddre he slipte
Out of his hond, and forth he skipte; 2110
And efte, as he that feighte wole,
He torneth him into a Bole,
And gan to belwe of such a soun,
As thogh the world scholde al go doun:
The ground he sporneth and he tranceth,
Hise large hornes he avanceth
And caste hem here and there aboute.
Bot he, which stant of him no doute,[1279]
Awaiteth wel whan that he cam,
And him be bothe hornes nam 2120
And al at ones he him caste
Unto the ground, and hield him faste,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 73=]
That he ne mihte with no sleighte
Out of his hond gete upon heighte,
Til he was overcome and yolde,
And Hercules hath what he wolde.
The king him granteth to fulfille
His axinge at his oghne wille,
And sche for whom he hadde served,
Hire thoghte he hath hire wel deserved. 2130
And thus with gret decerte of Armes
He wan him forto ligge in armes,
As he which hath it dere aboght,
For otherwise scholde he noght.
[Sidenote: [PENTHESILEA.]]
And overthis if thou wolt hiere[1280]
[Sidenote: Nota de Pantasilea Amazonie Regina, que Hectoris
amore colligata contra Pirrum Achillis filium apud Troiam
arma ferre eciam personaliter non recusauit.]
Upon knihthode of this matiere,[1281]
Hou love and armes ben aqueinted,
A man mai se bothe write and peinted
So ferforth that Pantasilee,
Which was the queene of Feminee, 2140
The love of Hector forto sieke
And for thonour of armes eke,
To Troie cam with Spere and Schield,
And rod hirself into the field
With Maidens armed al a route
In rescouss of the toun aboute,
Which with the Gregois was belein.
[Sidenote: [PHILEMENIS.]]
Fro Pafagoine and as men sein,
[Sidenote: Nota qualiter Philemenis propter milicie famam a
finibus terre in defensionem Troie veniens tres puellas a
Regno Amazonie[1282] quolibet anno percipiendas sibi et heredibus
suis impertuum ea de causa habere promeruit.]
Which stant upon the worldes ende,
That time it likede ek to wende 2150
To Philemenis, which was king,
To Troie, and come upon this thing
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 74=]
In helpe of thilke noble toun;
And al was that for the renoun
Of worschipe and of worldes fame,
Of which he wolde bere a name:
And so he dede, and forth withal
He wan of love in special
A fair tribut for everemo.
For it fell thilke time so; 2160
Pirrus the Sone of Achilles
This worthi queene among the press
With dedli swerd soghte out and fond,
And slowh hire with his oghne hond;
Wherof this king of Pafagoine[1283]
Pantasilee of Amazoine,[1284]
Wher sche was queene, with him ladde,
With suche Maidens as sche hadde
Of hem that were left alyve,
Forth in his Schip, til thei aryve; 2170
Wher that the body was begrave
With worschipe, and the wommen save.
And for the goodschipe of this dede
Thei granten him a lusti mede,
That every yeer as for truage[1285]
To him and to his heritage
Of Maidens faire he schal have thre.
And in this wise spedde he,
Which the fortune of armes soghte,
With his travail his ese he boghte; 2180
For otherwise he scholde have failed,
If that he hadde noght travailed.
[Sidenote: [ENEAS.]]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 75=]
Eneas ek withinne Ytaile,
[Sidenote: Nota pro eo quod Eneas Regem Turnum in bello
deuicit, non solum amorem Lavine,[1286] set et regnum
Ytalie sibi subiugatum obtinuit.]
Ne hadde he wonne the bataille
And don his miht so besily
Ayein king Turne his enemy,
He hadde noght Lavine wonne;
Bot for he hath him overronne
And gete his pris, he gat hire love.[1287]
Be these ensamples here above, 2190
Lo, now, mi Sone, as I have told,
Thou miht wel se, who that is bold
And dar travaile and undertake
The cause of love, he schal be take
The rathere unto loves grace;
For comunliche in worthi place
The wommen loven worthinesse
[Sidenote: [GENTILESSE.]]
Of manhode and of gentilesse,
[Sidenote: Hic dicit,[1288] quod generosi in amoris causa
sepius preferuntur. Super quo querit Amans, Quid sit
generositas: cuius veritatem questionis Confessor per
singula dissoluit.]
For the gentils ben most desired.
Mi fader, bot I were enspired 2200
Thurgh lore of you, I wot no weie
What gentilesce is forto seie,
Wherof to telle I you beseche.
The ground, Mi Sone, forto seche
Upon this diffinicion,
The worldes constitucion
Hath set the name of gentilesse
Upon the fortune of richesse
Which of long time is falle in age.
Thanne is a man of hih lignage 2210
After the forme, as thou miht hiere,
Bot nothing after the matiere.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 76=]
For who that resoun understonde,
Upon richesse it mai noght stonde,
For that is thing which faileth ofte:
For he that stant to day alofte
And al the world hath in hise wones,
Tomorwe he falleth al at ones[1289]
Out of richesse into poverte,
So that therof is no decerte, 2220
Which gentilesce makth abide.
And forto loke on other side
Hou that a gentil man is bore,
Adam, which alle was tofore[1290]
With Eve his wif, as of hem tuo,
Al was aliche gentil tho;
So that of generacion[1291]
To make declaracion,
Ther mai no gentilesce be.
For to the reson if we se, 2230
Of mannes berthe the mesure,
It is so comun to nature,
That it yifth every man aliche,
Als wel to povere as to the riche;[1292]
For naked thei ben bore bothe,
The lord nomore hath forto clothe
As of himself that ilke throwe,
Than hath the povereste of the rowe.
And whan thei schulle bothe passe,
I not of hem which hath the lasse 2240
Of worldes good, bot as of charge[1293]
The lord is more forto charge,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 77=]
Whan god schal his accompte hiere,
For he hath had hise lustes hiere.
[Sidenote: Omnes quidem ad vnum finem tendimus, set diuerso
tramite.]
Bot of the bodi, which schal deie,
Althogh ther be diverse weie
To deth, yit is ther bot on ende,
To which that every man schal wende,
Als wel the beggere as the lord,
Of o nature, of on acord: 2250
Sche which oure Eldemoder is,[1294]
The Erthe, bothe that and this
Receiveth and alich devoureth,
That sche to nouther part favoureth.[1295]
So wot I nothing after kinde
Where I mai gentilesse finde.
For lacke of vertu lacketh grace,
Wherof richesse in many place,
Whan men best wene forto stonde,[1296]
Al sodeinly goth out of honde: 2260
Bot vertu set in the corage,
Ther mai no world be so salvage,
Which mihte it take and don aweie,
Til whanne that the bodi deie;
And thanne he schal be riched so,
That it mai faile neveremo;
So mai that wel be gentilesse,
Which yifth so gret a sikernesse.
For after the condicion
Of resonable entencion, 2270
The which out of the Soule groweth
And the vertu fro vice knoweth,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 78=]
Wherof a man the vice eschuieth,
Withoute Slowthe and vertu suieth,
That is a verrai gentil man,
And nothing elles which he can,
Ne which he hath, ne which he mai.
Bot for al that yit nou aday,[1297]
In loves court to taken hiede,
The povere vertu schal noght spiede, 2280
Wher that the riche vice woweth;
For sielde it is that love alloweth
The gentil man withoute good,
Thogh his condicion be good.
Bot if a man of bothe tuo
Be riche and vertuous also,
Thanne is he wel the more worth
Bot yit to putte himselve forth
He moste don his besinesse,
For nowther good ne gentilesse 2290
Mai helpen hem whiche ydel be.
[Sidenote: [EFFECTS OF LOVE.]]
Bot who that wole in his degre
Travaile so as it belongeth,
It happeth ofte that he fongeth
Worschipe and ese bothe tuo.[1298]
For evere yit it hath be so,
That love honeste in sondri weie
Profiteth, for it doth aweie
The vice, and as the bokes sein,
It makth curteis of the vilein,[1299] 2300
And to the couard hardiesce
It yifth, so that verrai prouesse
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 79=]
Is caused upon loves reule
To him that can manhode reule;
And ek toward the wommanhiede,
Who that therof wol taken hiede,
For thei the betre affaited be[1300]
In every thing, as men may se.
For love hath evere hise lustes grene
In gentil folk, as it is sene, 2310
Which thing ther mai no kinde areste:[1301]
I trowe that ther is no beste,
If he with love scholde aqueinte,
That he ne wolde make it queinte
As for the while that it laste.
And thus I conclude ate laste,
That thei ben ydel, as me semeth,
Whiche unto thing that love demeth
Forslowthen that thei scholden do.
And overthis, mi Sone, also 2320
[Sidenote: Nota de amore caritatis, vbi dicit, Qui non
diligit, manet in morte.]
After the vertu moral eke
To speke of love if I schal seke,
Among the holi bokes wise
I finde write in such a wise,[1302]
‘Who loveth noght is hier as ded’;[1303]
For love above alle othre is hed,
Which hath the vertus forto lede,
Of al that unto mannes dede
[Sidenote: [LOVE CONTRARY TO SLOTH.]]
Belongeth: for of ydelschipe
He hateth all the felaschipe.[1304] 2330
For Slowthe is evere to despise,
Which in desdeign hath al apprise,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 80=]
And that acordeth noght to man:
For he that wit and reson kan,
It sit him wel that he travaile
Upon som thing which mihte availe,
For ydelschipe is noght comended,
Bot every lawe it hath defended.
And in ensample therupon
The noble wise Salomon, 2340
Which hadde of every thing insihte,
Seith, ‘As the briddes to the flihte
Ben made, so the man is bore
To labour,’ which is noght forbore
To hem that thenken forto thryve.
For we, whiche are now alyve,
Of hem that besi whylom were,
[Sidenote: Apostolus. Quecumque scripta sunt, ad nostrum
doctrinam scripta sunt.[1305]]
Als wel in Scole as elleswhere,
Mowe every day ensample take,
That if it were now to make 2350
Thing which that thei ferst founden oute,[1306]
It scholde noght be broght aboute.
Here lyves thanne were longe,
Here wittes grete, here mihtes stronge,
Here hertes ful of besinesse,
Wherof the worldes redinesse
In bodi bothe and in corage
Stant evere upon his avantage.
And forto drawe into memoire
Here names bothe and here histoire, 2360
Upon the vertu of her dede
In sondri bokes thou miht rede.
[Sidenote: [USES OF LABOUR.]]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 81=]
vii. _Expedit in manibus labor, vt de cotidianis_[1307]
_Actibus ac vita viuere possit homo._
_Set qui doctrine causa fert mente labores,_
_Preualet et merita perpetuata parat._
Of every wisdom the parfit
The hyhe god of his spirit
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur contra ociosos quoscumque, et
maxime contra istos, qui excellentis prudencie ingenium
habentes absque fructu operum torpescunt. Et ponit exemplum
de diligencia predecessorum, qui ad tocius humani generis
doctrinam et auxilium suis continuis laboribus[1308]
et studiis, gracia mediante diuina, artes et sciencias
primitus inuenerunt.]
Yaf to the men in Erthe hiere
Upon the forme and the matiere
Of that he wolde make hem wise:
And thus cam in the ferste apprise
Of bokes and of alle goode
Thurgh hem that whilom understode 2370
The lore which to hem was yive,
Wherof these othre, that now live,
Ben every day to lerne newe.
Bot er the time that men siewe,
And that the labour forth it broghte,
Ther was no corn, thogh men it soghte,
In non of al the fieldes oute;[1309]
And er the wisdom cam aboute
Of hem that ferst the bokes write,
This mai wel every wys man wite, 2380
Ther was gret labour ek also.
Thus was non ydel of the tuo,
That on the plogh hath undertake
With labour which the hond hath take,
That other tok to studie and muse,
As he which wolde noght refuse
The labour of hise wittes alle.
And in this wise it is befalle,
Of labour which that thei begunne
We be now tawht of that we kunne: 2390
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 82=]
Here besinesse is yit so seene,[1310]
That it stant evere alyche greene;
Al be it so the bodi deie,
The name of hem schal nevere aweie.
[Sidenote: [DISCOVERERS AND INVENTORS.]]
In the Croniqes as I finde,
Cham, whos labour is yit in minde,
Was he which ferst the lettres fond[1311]
And wrot in Hebreu with his hond:
Of naturel Philosophie
He fond ferst also the clergie. 2400
Cadmus the lettres of Gregois
Ferst made upon his oghne chois.
Theges of thing which schal befalle,
He was the ferste Augurre of alle:
And Philemon be the visage
Fond to descrive the corage.
Cladyns, Esdras and Sulpices,[1312]
Termegis, Pandulf, Frigidilles,
Menander, Ephiloquorus,
Solins, Pandas and Josephus 2410
The ferste were of Enditours,
Of old Cronique and ek auctours:
And Heredot in his science
Of metre, of rime and of cadence[1313]
The ferste was of which men note.
And of Musique also the note
In mannes vois or softe or scharpe,
That fond Jubal; and of the harpe
The merie soun, which is to like,
That fond Poulins forth with phisique. 2420
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 83=]
Zenzis fond ferst the pourtreture,
And Promotheüs the Sculpture;
After what forme that hem thoghte,
The resemblance anon thei wroghte.
Tubal in Iren and in Stel
Fond ferst the forge and wroghte it wel:
And Jadahel, as seith the bok,
Ferst made Net and fisshes tok:
Of huntynge ek he fond the chace,
Which now is knowe in many place: 2430
A tente of cloth with corde and stake
He sette up ferst and dede it make.
Verconius of cokerie[1314]
Ferst made the delicacie.
The craft Minerve of wolle fond
And made cloth hire oghne hond;
And Delbora made it of lyn:
Tho wommen were of great engyn.
Bot thing which yifth ous mete and drinke
And doth the labourer to swinke 2440
To tile lond and sette vines,
Wherof the cornes and the wynes
Ben sustenance to mankinde,
In olde bokes as I finde,
Saturnus of his oghne wit
Hath founde ferst, and more yit
Of Chapmanhode he fond the weie,
And ek to coigne the moneie
Of sondri metall, as it is,
He was the ferste man of this. 2450
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 84=]
Bot hou that metall cam a place
Thurgh mannes wit and goddes grace
The route of Philosophres wise
Controeveden be sondri wise,
Ferst forto gete it out of Myne,
And after forto trie and fyne.
[Sidenote: [ALCHEMY.]]
And also with gret diligence
[Sidenote: Nota de Alconomia.]
Thei founden thilke experience,
Which cleped is Alconomie,
Wherof the Selver multeplie 2460
Thei made and ek the gold also.
And forto telle hou it is so,
Of bodies sevene in special
With foure spiritz joynt withal
Stant the substance of this matiere.
The bodies whiche I speke of hiere
Of the Planetes ben begonne:
The gold is titled to the Sonne,
The mone of Selver hath his part,
And Iren that stant upon Mart, 2470
The Led after Satorne groweth,
And Jupiter the Bras bestoweth,
The Coper set is to Venus,
And to his part Mercurius
Hath the quikselver, as it falleth,
The which, after the bok it calleth,
Is ferst of thilke fowre named[1315]
Of Spiritz, whiche ben proclamed;
And the spirit which is secounde
In Sal Armoniak is founde: 2480
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 85=]
The thridde spirit Sulphur is;
The ferthe suiende after this
Arcennicum be name is hote.
With blowinge and with fyres hote
In these thinges, whiche I seie,
Thei worchen be diverse weie.
For as the philosophre tolde
Of gold and selver, thei ben holde
Tuo principal extremites,
To whiche alle othre be degres 2490
Of the metalls ben acordant,
And so thurgh kinde resemblant,
That what man couthe aweie take
The rust, of which thei waxen blake,
And the savour and the hardnesse,
Thei scholden take the liknesse
Of gold or Selver parfitly.
Bot forto worche it sikirly,
Betwen the corps and the spirit,
Er that the metall be parfit, 2500
In sevene formes it is set;[1316]
Of alle and if that on be let,
The remenant mai noght availe,
Bot otherwise it mai noght faile.
For thei be whom this art was founde
To every point a certain bounde
Ordeignen, that a man mai finde
This craft is wroght be weie of kinde,
So that ther is no fallas inne.
Bot what man that this werk beginne, 2510
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 86=]
He mot awaite at every tyde,
So that nothing be left aside,[1317]
Ferst of the distillacion,
Forth with the congelacion,
Solucion, descencion,
And kepe in his entencion
The point of sublimacion,
And forth with calcinacion
Of veray approbacion
Do that ther be fixacion 2520
With tempred hetes of the fyr,
Til he the parfit Elixir
Of thilke philosophres Ston
Mai gete, of which that many on[1318]
Of Philosophres whilom write.
And if thou wolt the names wite
Of thilke Ston with othre tuo,
Whiche as the clerkes maden tho,
So as the bokes it recorden,
The kinde of hem I schal recorden. 2530
[Sidenote: [THE THREE STONES OF THE PHILOSOPHERS.]]
These olde Philosophres wyse[1319]
Be weie of kinde in sondri wise
Thre Stones maden thurgh clergie.
[Sidenote: Nota de tribus lapidibus, quos philosophi
composuerunt, quorum primus dicitur lapis vegetabilis, qui
sanitatem conseruat, secundus dicitur lapis animalis, qui
membra[1320] et virtutes sencibiles fortificat, tercius
dicitur lapis mineralis, qui omnia metalla purificat et in
suum perfectum naturali potencia deducit.]
The ferste, if I schal specefie,[1321]
Was _lapis vegetabilis_,[1322]
Of which the propre vertu is
To mannes hele forto serve,
As forto kepe and to preserve[1323]
The bodi fro siknesses alle,
Til deth of kinde upon him falle. 2540
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 87=]
The Ston seconde I thee behote
Is _lapis animalis_ hote,
The whos vertu is propre and cowth
For Ere and yhe and nase and mouth,
Wherof a man mai hiere and se
And smelle and taste in his degre,
And forto fiele and forto go
It helpeth man of bothe tuo:
The wittes fyve he underfongeth
To kepe, as it to him belongeth. 2550
The thridde Ston in special
Be name is cleped Minerall,
Which the metalls of every Mine
Attempreth, til that thei ben fyne,
And pureth hem be such a weie,[1324]
That al the vice goth aweie[1325]
Of rust, of stink and of hardnesse:
And whan thei ben of such clennesse,
This Mineral, so as I finde,
Transformeth al the ferste kynde 2560
And makth hem able to conceive
Thurgh his vertu, and to receive[1326]
Bothe in substance and in figure
Of gold and selver the nature.
For thei tuo ben thextremetes,[1327]
To whiche after the propretes
Hath every metal his desir,
With help and confort of the fyr
Forth with this Ston, as it is seid,[1328]
Which to the Sonne and Mone is leid; 2570
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 88=]
For to the rede and to the whyte
This Ston hath pouer to profite.
It makth multiplicacioun
Of gold, and the fixacioun
It causeth, and of his habit
He doth the werk to be parfit[1329]
Of thilke Elixer which men calle
Alconomie, as is befalle[1330]
To hem that whilom weren wise.
Bot now it stant al otherwise; 2580
Thei speken faste of thilke Ston,
Bot hou to make it, nou wot non
After the sothe experience.
And natheles gret diligence
Thei setten upon thilke dede,
And spille more than thei spede;
For allewey thei finde a lette,[1331]
Which bringeth in poverte and dette
To hem that riche were afore:
The lost is had, the lucre is lore, 2590
To gete a pound thei spenden fyve;
I not hou such a craft schal thryve
In the manere as it is used:
It were betre be refused
Than forto worchen upon weene
In thing which stant noght as thei weene.
Bot noght forthi, who that it knewe,
The science of himself is trewe
Upon the forme as it was founded,
Wherof the names yit ben grounded 2600
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 89=]
Of hem that ferste it founden oute;
And thus the fame goth aboute
To suche as soghten besinesse
Of vertu and of worthinesse.
Of whom if I the names calle,
[Sidenote: [THE FIRST ALCHEMISTS.]]
Hermes was on the ferste of alle,
To whom this art is most applied;
Geber therof was magnefied,
And Ortolan and Morien,[1332]
Among the whiche is Avicen, 2610
Which fond and wrot a gret partie
The practique of Alconomie;
Whos bokes, pleinli as thei stonde
Upon this craft, fewe understonde;
Bot yit to put hem in assai[1333]
Ther ben full manye now aday,
That knowen litel what thei meene.
It is noght on to wite and weene;
In forme of wordes thei it trete,
Bot yit they failen of beyete,[1334] 2620
For of tomoche or of tolyte
Ther is algate founde a wyte,
So that thei folwe noght the lyne
Of the parfite medicine,
Which grounded is upon nature.
Bot thei that writen the scripture
Of Grek, Arabe and of Caldee,[1335]
Thei were of such Auctorite
That thei ferst founden out the weie[1336]
Of al that thou hast herd me seie; 2630
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 90=]
Wherof the Cronique of her lore
Schal stonde in pris for everemore.
[Sidenote: [LETTERS AND LANGUAGE.]]
Bot toward oure Marches hiere,
Of the Latins if thou wolt hiere,
Of hem that whilom vertuous
Were and therto laborious,
Carmente made of hire engin
The ferste lettres of Latin,
Of which the tunge Romein cam,
Wherof that Aristarchus nam 2640
Forth with Donat and Dindimus[1337]
The ferste reule of Scole, as thus,[1338]
How that Latin schal be componed
And in what wise it schal be soned,
That every word in his degre
Schal stonde upon congruite.
And thilke time at Rome also
Was Tullius with Cithero,
That writen upon Rethorike,
Hou that men schal the wordes pike[1339] 2650
After the forme of eloquence,
Which is, men sein, a gret prudence:
And after that out of Hebreu
Jerom, which the langage kneu,
The Bible, in which the lawe is closed,
Into Latin he hath transposed;
And many an other writere ek
Out of Caldee, Arabe and Grek
With gret labour the bokes wise
Translateden. And otherwise 2660
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 91=]
The Latins of hemself also
Here studie at thilke time so[1340]
With gret travaile of Scole toke
In sondri forme forto boke,
That we mai take here evidences
Upon the lore of the Sciences,
Of craftes bothe and of clergie;
Among the whiche in Poesie
To the lovers Ovide wrot
And tawhte, if love be to hot, 2670
In what manere it scholde akiele.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, mi Sone, if that thou fiele
That love wringe thee to sore,
Behold Ovide and take his lore.[1341]
[Sidenote: Amans.]
My fader, if thei mihte spede
Mi love, I wolde his bokes rede;[1342]
And if thei techen to restreigne
Mi love, it were an ydel peine
To lerne a thing which mai noght be.
For lich unto the greene tree, 2680
If that men toke his rote aweie,[1343]
Riht so myn herte scholde deie,
If that mi love be withdrawe.
Wherof touchende unto this sawe
There is bot only to poursuie
Mi love, and ydelschipe eschuie.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi goode Sone, soth to seie,
If ther be siker eny weie
To love, thou hast seid the beste:
For who that wolde have al his reste 2690
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 92=]
And do no travail at the nede,
It is no resoun that he spede
In loves cause forto winne;
For he which dar nothing beginne,
I not what thing he scholde achieve.
Bot overthis thou schalt believe,
So as it sit thee wel to knowe,
That ther ben othre vices slowe,
Whiche unto love don gret lette,
If thou thin herte upon hem sette. 2700
[Sidenote: [vi. SOMNOLENCE.]]
viii. _Perdit homo causam linquens sua iura sopori,_
_Et quasi dimidium pars sua mortis habet._
_Est in amore vigil Venus, et quod habet vigilanti_
_Obsequium thalamis fert vigilata suis._
Toward the Slowe progenie
Ther is yit on of compaignie,
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur de Sompnolencia, que Accidie[1344]
Cameraria dicta est, cuius natura semimortua alicuius
negocii vigilias obseruare soporifero[1345] torpore
recusat: vnde quatenus amorem concernit Confessor Amanti
diligencius opponit.]
And he is cleped Sompnolence,
Which doth to Slouthe his reverence,
As he which is his Chamberlein,
That many an hundrid time hath lein
To slepe, whan he scholde wake.
He hath with love trewes take,
That wake who so wake wile,
If he mai couche a doun his bile,[1346] 2710
He hath al wowed what him list;[1347]
That ofte he goth to bedde unkist,
And seith that for no Druerie
He wol noght leve his sluggardie.
For thogh noman it wole allowe,
To slepe levere than to wowe
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 93=]
Is his manere, and thus on nyhtes,
Whan that he seth the lusti knyhtes
Revelen, wher these wommen are,
Awey he skulketh as an hare, 2720
And goth to bedde and leith him softe,
And of his Slouthe he dremeth ofte
Hou that he stiketh in the Myr,
And hou he sitteth be the fyr
And claweth on his bare schanckes,
And hou he clymbeth up the banckes
And falleth into Slades depe.
Bot thanne who so toke kepe,
Whanne he is falle in such a drem,
Riht as a Schip ayein the Strem, 2730
He routeth with a slepi noise,
And brustleth as a monkes froise,
Whanne it is throwe into the Panne.
And otherwhile sielde whanne
That he mai dreme a lusti swevene,
Him thenkth as thogh he were in hevene
And as the world were holi his:
And thanne he spekth of that and this,
And makth his exposicion
After the disposicion 2740
Of that he wolde, and in such wise
He doth to love all his service;
I not what thonk he schal deserve.[1348]
Bot, Sone, if thou wolt love serve,[1349]
I rede that thou do noght so.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Ha, goode fader, certes no.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 94=]
I hadde levere be mi trowthe,
Er I were set an such a slouthe
And beere such a slepi snoute,
Bothe yhen of myn hed were oute. 2750
For me were betre fulli die,
Thanne I of such a slugardie
Hadde eny name, god me schilde;
For whan mi moder was with childe,
And I lay in hire wombe clos,
I wolde rathere Atropos,
Which is goddesse of alle deth,
Anon as I hadde eny breth,
Me hadde fro mi Moder cast.
Bot now I am nothing agast,[1350] 2760
[Sidenote: [THE LOVER’S WAKEFULNESS.]]
I thonke godd; for Lachesis,
Ne Cloto, which hire felawe is,
Me schopen no such destine,
Whan thei at mi nativite
My weerdes setten as thei wolde;
Bot thei me schopen that I scholde
Eschuie of slep the truandise,
So that I hope in such a wise
To love forto ben excused,
That I no Sompnolence have used. 2770
For certes, fader Genius,
Yit into nou it hath be thus,
At alle time if it befelle[1351]
So that I mihte come and duelle
In place ther my ladi were,
I was noght slow ne slepi there:
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 95=]
For thanne I dar wel undertake,
That whanne hir list on nyhtes wake
In chambre as to carole and daunce,
Me thenkth I mai me more avaunce, 2780
If I mai gon upon hir hond,
Thanne if I wonne a kinges lond.
For whanne I mai hire hand beclippe,
With such gladnesse I daunce and skippe,
Me thenkth I touche noght the flor;
The Ro, which renneth on the Mor,
Is thanne noght so lyht as I:
So mow ye witen wel forthi,[1352]
That for the time slep I hate.
And whanne it falleth othergate, 2790
So that hire like noght to daunce,
Bot on the Dees to caste chaunce[1353]
Or axe of love som demande,
Or elles that hir list comaunde
To rede and here of Troilus,
Riht as sche wole or so or thus,[1354]
I am al redi to consente.
And if so is that I mai hente
Somtime among a good leisir,
So as I dar of mi desir 2800
I telle a part; bot whanne I preie,
Anon sche bidt me go mi weie[1355]
And seith it is ferr in the nyht;
And I swere it is even liht.
Bot as it falleth ate laste,
Ther mai no worldes joie laste,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 96=]
So mot I nedes fro hire wende
And of my wachche make an ende:
And if sche thanne hiede toke,
Hou pitousliche on hire I loke, 2810
Whan that I schal my leve take,
Hire oghte of mercy forto slake
Hire daunger, which seith evere nay.
Bot he seith often, ‘Have good day,’
That loth is forto take his leve:
Therfore, while I mai beleve,
I tarie forth the nyht along,
For it is noght on me along
To slep that I so sone go,
Til that I mot algate so; 2820
And thanne I bidde godd hire se,
And so doun knelende on mi kne[1356]
I take leve, and if I schal,
I kisse hire, and go forth withal.
And otherwhile, if that I dore,
Er I come fulli to the Dore,[1357]
I torne ayein and feigne a thing,
As thogh I hadde lost a Ring
Or somwhat elles, for I wolde
Kisse hire eftsones, if I scholde, 2830
Bot selden is that I so spede.
And whanne I se that I mot nede
Departen, I departe, and thanne[1358]
With al myn herte I curse and banne
That evere slep was mad for yhe;
For, as me thenkth, I mihte dryhe
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 97=]
Withoute slep to waken evere,
So that I scholde noght dissevere
Fro hire, in whom is al my liht:
And thanne I curse also the nyht 2840
With al the will of mi corage,
And seie, ‘Awey, thou blake ymage,
Which of thi derke cloudy face
Makst al the worldes lyht deface,
And causest unto slep a weie,
Be which I mot nou gon aweie[1359]
Out of mi ladi compaignie.
O slepi nyht, I thee defie,
And wolde that thou leye in presse
With Proserpine the goddesse 2850
And with Pluto the helle king:
For til I se the daies spring,
I sette slep noght at a risshe.’
And with that word I sike and wisshe,
And seie, ‘Ha, whi ne were it day?
For yit mi ladi thanne I may
Beholde, thogh I do nomore.’
And efte I thenke forthermore,
To som man hou the niht doth ese,
Whan he hath thing that mai him plese[1360] 2860
The longe nyhtes be his side,
Where as I faile and go beside.
Bot slep, I not wherof it serveth,
Of which noman his thonk deserveth
To gete him love in eny place,
Bot is an hindrere of his grace
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 98=]
And makth him ded as for a throwe,[1361]
Riht as a Stok were overthrowe.
And so, mi fader, in this wise
The slepi nyhtes I despise, 2870
And evere amiddes of mi tale
I thenke upon the nyhtingale,
Which slepeth noght be weie of kinde
For love, in bokes as I finde.
Thus ate laste I go to bedde,
And yit min herte lith to wedde
With hire, wher as I cam fro;
Thogh I departe, he wol noght so,
Ther is no lock mai schette him oute,
Him nedeth noght to gon aboute, 2880
That perce mai the harde wall;
Thus is he with hire overall,
That be hire lief, or be hire loth,
Into hire bedd myn herte goth,
And softly takth hire in his arm
And fieleth hou that sche is warm,
And wissheth that his body were
To fiele that he fieleth there.
And thus miselven I tormente,
Til that the dede slep me hente: 2890
[Sidenote: [DREAMS.]]
Bot thanne be a thousand score
Welmore than I was tofore
I am tormented in mi slep,
Bot that I dreme is noght of schep;
For I ne thenke noght on wulle,
Bot I am drecched to the fulle
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 99=]
Of love, that I have to kepe,
That nou I lawhe and nou I wepe,
And nou I lese and nou I winne,
And nou I ende and nou beginne. 2900
And otherwhile I dreme and mete
That I al one with hire mete
And that Danger is left behinde;
And thanne in slep such joie I finde,
That I ne bede nevere awake.
Bot after, whanne I hiede take,
And schal arise upon the morwe,
Thanne is al torned into sorwe,
Noght for the cause I schal arise,
Bot for I mette in such a wise, 2910
And ate laste I am bethoght
That al is vein and helpeth noght:
Bot yit me thenketh be my wille
I wolde have leie and slepe stille,
To meten evere of such a swevene,
For thanne I hadde a slepi hevene.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, and for thou tellest so;
A man mai finde of time ago
That many a swevene hath be certein,
Al be it so, that som men sein 2920
That swevenes ben of no credence.
Bot forto schewe in evidence
That thei fulofte sothe thinges
Betokne, I thenke in my wrytinges
To telle a tale therupon,
Which fell be olde daies gon.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF CEIX AND ALCEONE.]]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 100=]
This finde I write in Poesie:
Ceïx the king of Trocinie
[Sidenote: Hic ponit exemplum, qualiter Sompnia prenostice
veritatis quandoque certitudinem figurant. Et narrat
quod, cum Ceix Rex Trocinie pro reformacione fratris sui
Dedalionis in Ancipitrem transmutati peregre proficiscens
in mari longius a patria dimersus[1362] fuerat, Iuno
mittens Yridem nunciam suam in partes Chymerie ad domum
Sompni, iussit quod ipse Alceone dicti Regis uxori huius
rei euentum per Sompnia certificaret. Quo facto[1363]
Alceona rem perscrutans corpus mariti sui, vbi super
fluctus mortuus[1364] iactabatur, inuenit; que pre dolore
angustiata cupiens corpus amplectere, in altum mare super
ipsum prosiliit. Vnde dii miserti amborum corpora in aues,
que adhuc Alceones dicte sunt, subito conuerterunt.]
Hadde Alceone to his wif,
Which as hire oghne hertes lif 2930
Him loveth; and he hadde also
A brother, which was cleped tho
Dedalion, and he per cas
Fro kinde of man forschape was
Into a Goshauk of liknesse;
Wherof the king gret hevynesse
Hath take, and thoghte in his corage
To gon upon a pelrinage
Into a strange regioun,
Wher he hath his devocioun 2940
To don his sacrifice and preie,
If that he mihte in eny weie
Toward the goddes finde grace
His brother hele to pourchace,
So that he mihte be reformed
Of that he hadde be transformed.
To this pourpos and to this ende
This king is redy forto wende,
As he which wolde go be Schipe;
And forto don him felaschipe 2950
His wif unto the See him broghte,
With al hire herte and him besoghte,
That he the time hire wolde sein,
Whan that he thoghte come ayein:[1365]
‘Withinne,’ he seith, ‘tuo Monthe day.’[1366]
And thus in al the haste he may
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 101=]
He tok his leve, and forth he seileth
Wepende, and sche hirself beweileth,
And torneth hom, ther sche cam fro.
Bot whan the Monthes were ago, 2960
The whiche he sette of his comynge,
And that sche herde no tydinge,
Ther was no care forto seche:
Wherof the goddes to beseche
Tho sche began in many wise,
And to Juno hire sacrifise
Above alle othre most sche dede,
And for hir lord sche hath so bede
To wite and knowe hou that he ferde,
That Juno the goddesse hire herde, 2970
Anon and upon this matiere
Sche bad Yris hir Messagere
To Slepes hous that sche schal wende,[1367]
And bidde him that he make an ende
Be swevene and schewen al the cas
Unto this ladi, hou it was.
This Yris, fro the hihe stage
Which undertake hath the Message,
Hire reyny Cope dede upon,
The which was wonderli begon 2980
With colours of diverse hewe,
An hundred mo than men it knewe;
The hevene lich unto a bowe
Sche bende, and so she cam doun lowe,[1368]
The god of Slep wher that sche fond.
And that was in a strange lond,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 102=]
Which marcheth upon Chymerie:
For ther, as seith the Poesie,
The god of Slep hath mad his hous,
Which of entaille is merveilous. 2990
Under an hell ther is a Cave,
Which of the Sonne mai noght have,[1369]
So that noman mai knowe ariht
The point betwen the dai and nyht:[1370]
Ther is no fyr, ther is no sparke,
Ther is no dore, which mai charke,
Wherof an yhe scholde unschette,[1371]
So that inward ther is no lette.
And forto speke of that withoute,
Ther stant no gret Tree nyh aboute 3000
Wher on ther myhte crowe or pie
Alihte, forto clepe or crie:
Ther is no cok to crowe day,
Ne beste non which noise may
The hell, bot al aboute round
Ther is growende upon the ground
Popi, which berth the sed of slep,
With othre herbes suche an hep.
A stille water for the nones
Rennende upon the smale stones, 3010
Which hihte of Lethes the rivere,
Under that hell in such manere
Ther is, which yifth gret appetit
To slepe. And thus full of delit
Slep hath his hous; and of his couche
Withinne his chambre if I schal touche,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 103=]
Of hebenus that slepi Tree
The bordes al aboute be,
And for he scholde slepe softe,
Upon a fethrebed alofte 3020
He lith with many a pilwe of doun:
The chambre is strowed up and doun
With swevenes many thousendfold.[1372]
Thus cam Yris into this hold,
And to the bedd, which is al blak,
Sche goth, and ther with Slep sche spak,
And in the wise as sche was bede[1373]
The Message of Juno sche dede.
Fulofte hir wordes sche reherceth,
Er sche his slepi Eres perceth; 3030
With mochel wo bot ate laste
His slombrende yhen he upcaste
And seide hir that it schal be do.[1374]
Wherof among a thousend tho,
Withinne his hous that slepi were,
In special he ches out there
Thre, whiche scholden do this dede:
The ferste of hem, so as I rede,
Was Morpheüs, the whos nature
Is forto take the figure 3040
Of what persone that him liketh,
Wherof that he fulofte entriketh
The lif which slepe schal be nyhte;
And Ithecus that other hihte,
Which hath the vois of every soun,
The chiere and the condicioun
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 104=]
Of every lif, what so it is:
The thridde suiende after this
Is Panthasas, which may transforme
Of every thing the rihte forme, 3050
And change it in an other kinde.
Upon hem thre, so as I finde,
Of swevenes stant al thapparence,
Which otherwhile is evidence
And otherwhile bot a jape.
Bot natheles it is so schape,[1375]
That Morpheüs be nyht al one
Appiereth until Alceone[1376]
In liknesse of hir housebonde
Al naked ded upon the stronde, 3060
And hou he dreynte in special
These othre tuo it schewen al.
The tempeste of the blake cloude,
The wode See, the wyndes loude,
Al this sche mette, and sih him dyen;
Wherof that sche began to crien,
Slepende abedde ther sche lay,
And with that noise of hire affray
Hir wommen sterten up aboute,
Whiche of here ladi were in doute, 3070
And axen hire hou that sche ferde;
And sche, riht as sche syh and herde,
Hir swevene hath told hem everydel.
And thei it halsen alle wel[1377]
And sein it is a tokne of goode;
Bot til sche wiste hou that it stode,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 105=]
Sche hath no confort in hire herte,
Upon the morwe and up sche sterte,
And to the See, wher that sche mette[1378]
The bodi lay, withoute lette 3080
Sche drowh, and whan that sche cam nyh,
Stark ded, hise armes sprad, sche syh[1379]
Hire lord flietende upon the wawe.
Wherof hire wittes ben withdrawe,
And sche, which tok of deth no kepe,
Anon forth lepte into the depe[1380]
And wolde have cawht him in hire arm.
This infortune of double harm
The goddes fro the hevene above
Behielde, and for the trowthe of love, 3090
Which in this worthi ladi stod,
Thei have upon the salte flod
Hire dreinte lord and hire also
Fro deth to lyve torned so,
That thei ben schapen into briddes
Swimmende upon the wawe amiddes.
And whan sche sih hire lord livende
In liknesse of a bridd swimmende,
And sche was of the same sort,
So as sche mihte do desport, 3100
Upon the joie which sche hadde
Hire wynges bothe abrod sche spradde,
And him, so as sche mai suffise,
Beclipte and keste in such a wise,
As sche was whilom wont to do:
Hire wynges for hire armes tuo
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 106=]
Sche tok, and for hire lippes softe
Hire harde bile, and so fulofte
Sche fondeth in hire briddes forme,
If that sche mihte hirself conforme 3110
To do the plesance of a wif,
As sche dede in that other lif:
For thogh sche hadde hir pouer lore,
Hir will stod as it was tofore,
And serveth him so as sche mai.
Wherof into this ilke day
Togedre upon the See thei wone,
Wher many a dowhter and a Sone
Thei bringen forth of briddes kinde;
And for men scholden take in mynde 3120
This Alceoun the trewe queene,
Hire briddes yit, as it is seene,
Of Alceoun the name bere.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo thus, mi Sone, it mai thee stere
Of swevenes forto take kepe,
For ofte time a man aslepe
Mai se what after schal betide.
Forthi it helpeth at som tyde
A man to slepe, as it belongeth,[1381]
Bot slowthe no lif underfongeth 3130
Which is to love appourtenant.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi fader, upon covenant[1382]
I dar wel make this avou,
Of all mi lif that into nou,
Als fer as I can understonde,
Yit tok I nevere Slep on honde,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 107=]
Whan it was time forto wake;
For thogh myn yhe it wolde take,[1383]
Min herte is evere therayein.
[Sidenote: [SLEEPING AND WAKING.]]
Bot natheles to speke it plein,[1384] 3140
Al this that I have seid you hiere[1385]
Of my wakinge, as ye mai hiere,[1386]
It toucheth to mi lady swete;
For otherwise, I you behiete,
In strange place whanne I go,
Me list nothing to wake so.
For whan the wommen listen pleie,
And I hir se noght in the weie,
Of whom I scholde merthe take,
Me list noght longe forto wake, 3150
Bot if it be for pure schame,
Of that I wolde eschuie a name,
That thei ne scholde have cause non[1387]
To seie, ‘Ha, lo, wher goth such on,[1388]
That hath forlore his contenaunce!’
And thus among I singe and daunce,
And feigne lust ther as non is.
For ofte sithe I fiele this;
Of thoght, which in mi herte falleth[1389]
Whanne it is nyht, myn hed appalleth, 3160
And that is for I se hire noght,
Which is the wakere of mi thoght:
And thus as tymliche as I may,
Fulofte whanne it is brod day,
I take of all these othre leve[1390]
And go my weie, and thei beleve,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 108=]
That sen per cas here loves there;
And I go forth as noght ne were
Unto mi bedd, so that al one
I mai ther ligge and sighe and grone 3170
And wisshen al the longe nyht,
Til that I se the daies lyht.
I not if that be Sompnolence,
Bot upon youre conscience,
Min holi fader, demeth ye.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
My Sone, I am wel paid with thee,
Of Slep that thou the Sluggardie
Be nyhte in loves compaignie
Eschuied hast, and do thi peine
So that thi love thar noght pleine: 3180
For love upon his lust wakende
Is evere, and wolde that non ende
Were of the longe nyhtes set.
Wherof that thou be war the bet,
To telle a tale I am bethoght,
Hou love and Slep acorden noght.
[Sidenote: [THE PRAYER OF CEPHALUS.]]
For love who that list to wake
Be nyhte, he mai ensample take
Of Cephalus, whan that he lay
[Sidenote: Hic dicit quod vigilia in Amantibus et non
Sompnolencia laudanda est. Et ponit exemplum de Cephalo
filio Phebi, qui nocturno cilencio Auroram amicam suam
diligencius amplectens, Solem et lunam interpellabat,
videlicet quod Sol in circulo ab oriente distanciori currum
cum luce sua[1391] retardaret, et quod luna spera sua
longissima orbem circuiens noctem continuaret; ita vt[1392]
ipsum Cephalum amplexibus Aurore volutum, priusquam dies
illa[1393] illucesceret, suis deliciis adquiescere diucius
permittere dignarentur.[1394]]
With Aurora that swete may[1395] 3190
In armes all the longe nyht.
Bot whanne it drogh toward the liht,
That he withinne his herte sih
The dai which was amorwe nyh,
Anon unto the Sonne he preide
For lust of love, and thus he seide:
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 109=]
‘O Phebus, which the daies liht
Governest, til that it be nyht,
And gladest every creature
After the lawe of thi nature,-- 3200
Bot natheles ther is a thing,
Which onli to the knouleching
Belongeth as in privete
To love and to his duete,
Which asketh noght to ben apert,
Bot in cilence and in covert[1396]
Desireth forto be beschaded:
And thus whan that thi liht is faded
And Vesper scheweth him alofte,
And that the nyht is long and softe, 3210
Under the cloudes derke and stille
Thanne hath this thing most of his wille.
Forthi unto thi myhtes hyhe,
As thou which art the daies yhe,
Of love and myht no conseil hyde,
Upon this derke nyhtes tyde
With al myn herte I thee beseche
That I plesance myhte seche
With hire which lith in min armes.
Withdrawgh the Banere of thin Armes, 3220
And let thi lyhtes ben unborn,[1397]
And in the Signe of Capricorn,
The hous appropred to Satorne,
I preie that thou wolt sojorne,
Wher ben the nihtes derke and longe:
For I mi love have underfonge,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 110=]
Which lith hier be mi syde naked,
As sche which wolde ben awaked,
And me lest nothing forto slepe.
So were it good to take kepe 3230
Nou at this nede of mi preiere,
And that the like forto stiere
Thi fyri Carte, and so ordeigne,[1398]
That thou thi swifte hors restreigne
Lowe under Erthe in Occident,
That thei towardes Orient
Be Cercle go the longe weie.
And ek to thee, Diane, I preie,
Which cleped art of thi noblesse
The nyhtes Mone and the goddesse, 3240
That thou to me be gracious:
And in Cancro thin oghne hous
Ayein Phebus in opposit
Stond al this time, and of delit[1399]
Behold Venus with a glad yhe.
For thanne upon Astronomie
Of due constellacion
Thou makst prolificacion,
And dost that children ben begete:
Which grace if that I mihte gete,[1400] 3250
With al myn herte I wolde serve
Be nyhte, and thi vigile observe.’[1401]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo, thus this lusti Cephalus
Preide unto Phebe and to Phebus
The nyht in lengthe forto drawe,[1402]
So that he mihte do the lawe
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 111=]
In thilke point of loves heste,
Which cleped is the nyhtes feste,
Withoute Slep of sluggardie;[1403]
Which Venus out of compaignie 3260
Hath put awey, as thilke same,
Which lustles ferr from alle game
In chambre doth fulofte wo[1404]
Abedde, whanne it falleth so
That love scholde ben awaited.
But Slowthe, which is evele affaited,
With Slep hath mad his retenue,
That what thing is to love due,
Of all his dette he paieth non:
He wot noght how the nyht is gon 3270
Ne hou the day is come aboute,
Bot onli forto slepe and route
Til hyh midday, that he arise.
Bot Cephalus dede otherwise,
As thou, my Sone, hast herd above.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, who that hath his love
Abedde naked be his syde,
And wolde thanne hise yhen hyde
With Slep, I not what man is he:
Bot certes as touchende of me, 3280
That fell me nevere yit er this.
Bot otherwhile, whan so is
That I mai cacche Slep on honde
Liggende al one, thanne I fonde
To dreme a merie swevene er day;
And if so falle that I may
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 112=]
Mi thought with such a swevene plese,
Me thenkth I am somdiel in ese,[1405]
For I non other confort have.
So nedeth noght that I schal crave 3290
The Sonnes Carte forto tarie,
Ne yit the Mone, that sche carie
Hire cours along upon the hevene,
For I am noght the more in evene
Towardes love in no degree:
Bot in mi slep yit thanne I se
Somwhat in swevene of that me liketh,
Which afterward min herte entriketh,
Whan that I finde it otherwise.
So wot I noght of what servise 3300
That Slep to mannes ese doth.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, certes thou seist soth,
Bot only that it helpeth kinde
Somtyme, in Phisique as I finde,
Whan it is take be mesure:
Bot he which can no Slep mesure
Upon the reule as it belongeth,
Fulofte of sodein chance he fongeth[1406]
Such infortune that him grieveth.
Bot who these olde bokes lieveth, 3310
Of Sompnolence hou it is write,
Ther may a man the sothe wite,
If that he wolde ensample take,
That otherwhile is good to wake:
Wherof a tale in Poesie
I thenke forto specefie.
[Sidenote: [ARGUS AND MERCURY.]]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 113=]
Ovide telleth in his sawes,
How Jupiter be olde dawes
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur in amoris causa contra istos qui
Sompnolencie dediti ea que seruare tenentur amittunt. Et
narrat quod, cum Yo puella pulcherima a Iunone in vaccam
transformata et in Argi custodiam sic deposita fuisset,
superueniens Mercurius Argum dormientem occidit, et ipsam
vaccam a pastura rapiens, quo voluit secum perduxit.]
Lay be a Mayde, which Yo
Was cleped, wherof that Juno 3320
His wif was wroth, and the goddesse
Of Yo torneth the liknesse[1407]
Into a cow, to gon theroute
The large fieldes al aboute
And gete hire mete upon the griene.
And therupon this hyhe queene
Betok hire Argus forto kepe,
For he was selden wont to slepe,
And yit he hadde an hundred yhen,
And alle alyche wel thei syhen. 3330
Now herkne hou that he was beguiled.
Mercurie, which was al affiled
This Cow to stele, he cam desguised,
And hadde a Pipe wel devised
Upon the notes of Musiqe,
Wherof he mihte hise Eres like.
And over that he hadde affaited[1408]
Hise lusti tales, and awaited
His time; and thus into the field
He cam, where Argus he behield 3340
With Yo, which beside him wente.[1409]
With that his Pype on honde he hente,
And gan to pipe in his manere
Thing which was slepi forto hiere;
And in his pipinge evere among
He tolde him such a lusti song,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 114=]
That he the fol hath broght aslepe.
Ther was non yhe mihte kepe
His hed, the which Mercurie of smot,[1410]
And forth withal anon fot hot 3350
He stal the Cow which Argus kepte,
And al this fell for that he slepte.
Ensample it was to manye mo,
That mochel Slep doth ofte wo,
Whan it is time forto wake:[1411]
For if a man this vice take,
In Sompnolence and him delite,
Men scholde upon his Dore wryte
His epitaphe, as on his grave;
For he to spille and noght to save 3360
Is schape, as thogh he were ded.[1412]
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, mi Sone, hold up thin hed,
And let no Slep thin yhe englue,
Bot whanne it is to resoun due.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, as touchende of this,
Riht so as I you tolde it is,[1413]
That ofte abedde, whanne I scholde,
I mai noght slepe, thogh I wolde;
For love is evere faste byme,
Which takth no hiede of due time.[1414] 3370
For whanne I schal myn yhen close,
Anon min herte he wole oppose
And holde his Scole in such a wise,
Til it be day that I arise,
That selde it is whan that I slepe.
And thus fro Sompnolence I kepe
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 115=]
Min yhe: and forthi if ther be
Oght elles more in this degre,
Now axeth forth.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, yis:
For Slowthe, which as Moder is 3380
The forthdrawere and the Norrice
To man of many a dredful vice,
Hath yit an other laste of alle,
Which many a man hath mad to falle,
Wher that he mihte nevere arise;
Wherof for thou thee schalt avise,
Er thou so with thiself misfare,
What vice it is I wol declare.
[Sidenote: [vii. TRISTESSE OR DESPONDENCY.]]
ix. _Nil fortuna iuuat, vbi desperacio ledit;_[1415]
_Quo desiccat humor, non viridescit humus._
_Magnanimus set amor spem ponit et inde salutem_
_Consequitur, quod ei prospera fata fauent._
Whan Slowthe hath don al that he may
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur super vltima specie Accidie, que
Tristicia siue Desperacio dicitur, cuius obstinata condicio
tocius consolacionis spem deponens, alicuius remedii, quo
liberari poterit,[1416] fortunam sibi euenire impossibile
credit.]
To dryve forth the longe day, 3390
Til it be come to the nede,
Thanne ate laste upon the dede
He loketh hou his time is lore,
And is so wo begon therfore,
That he withinne his thoght conceiveth
Tristesce, and so himself deceiveth,
That he wanhope bringeth inne,
Wher is no confort to beginne,
Bot every joie him is deslaied:
So that withinne his herte affraied 3400
A thousend time with o breth[1417]
Wepende he wissheth after deth,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 116=]
Whan he fortune fint adverse.
For thanne he wole his hap reherce,
As thogh his world were al forlore,
And seith, ‘Helas, that I was bore!
Hou schal I live? hou schal I do?
For nou fortune is thus mi fo,
I wot wel god me wol noght helpe.
What scholde I thanne of joies yelpe, 3410
Whan ther no bote is of mi care?
So overcast is my welfare,
That I am schapen al to strif.
Helas, that I nere of this lif,
Er I be fulliche overtake!’
And thus he wol his sorwe make,
As god him mihte noght availe:
Bot yit ne wol he noght travaile
To helpe himself at such a nede,
Bot slowtheth under such a drede, 3420
Which is affermed in his herte,
Riht as he mihte noght asterte
The worldes wo which he is inne.
Also whan he is falle in Sinne,
Him thenkth he is so ferr coupable,
That god wol noght be merciable
So gret a Sinne to foryive;[1418]
And thus he leeveth to be schrive.
And if a man in thilke throwe
Wolde him consaile, he wol noght knowe 3430
The sothe, thogh a man it finde:
For Tristesce is of such a kinde,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 117=]
That forto meintiene his folie,
[Sidenote: Obstinacio est contradiccio veritatis agnite.]
He hath with him Obstinacie,
Which is withinne of such a Slouthe,
That he forsaketh alle trouthe,
And wole unto no reson bowe;[1419]
And yit ne can he noght avowe
His oghne skile bot of hed:
Thus dwyneth he, til he be ded, 3440
In hindringe of his oghne astat.
For where a man is obstinat,
Wanhope folweth ate laste,[1420]
Which mai noght after longe laste,
Till Slouthe make of him an ende.
Bot god wot whider he schal wende.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, and riht in such manere
Ther be lovers of hevy chiere,
That sorwen mor than it is ned,[1421]
Whan thei be taried of here sped 3450
And conne noght hemselven rede,
Bot lesen hope forto spede
And stinten love to poursewe;
And thus thei faden hyde and hewe,
And lustles in here hertes waxe.
Hierof it is that I wolde axe,
If thou, mi Sone, art on of tho.
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Ha, goode fader, it is so,
Outake a point, I am beknowe;[1422]
For elles I am overthrowe 3460
In al that evere ye have seid.
Mi sorwe is everemore unteid,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 118=]
And secheth overal my veines;
Bot forto conseile of mi peines,
I can no bote do therto;
And thus withouten hope I go,
So that mi wittes ben empeired,
And I, as who seith, am despeired
To winne love of thilke swete,
Withoute whom, I you behiete, 3470
Min herte, that is so bestad,
Riht inly nevere mai be glad.
For be my trouthe I schal noght lie,
Of pure sorwe, which I drye
For that sche seith sche wol me noght,
With drecchinge of myn oghne thoght
In such a wanhope I am falle,
That I ne can unethes calle,
As forto speke of eny grace,[1423]
Mi ladi merci to pourchace. 3480
Bot yit I seie noght for this
That al in mi defalte it is;
For I cam nevere yit in stede,
Whan time was, that I my bede[1424]
Ne seide, and as I dorste tolde:
Bot nevere fond I that sche wolde,
For oght sche knew of min entente,
To speke a goodly word assente.
And natheles this dar I seie,[1425]
That if a sinful wolde preie 3490
To god of his foryivenesse
With half so gret a besinesse
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 119=]
As I have do to my ladi,
In lacke of askinge of merci
He scholde nevere come in Helle.
And thus I mai you sothli telle,
Save only that I crie and bidde,
I am in Tristesce al amidde
And fulfild of Desesperance:
And therof yif me mi penance, 3500
Min holi fader, as you liketh.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, of that thin herte siketh[1426]
With sorwe, miht thou noght amende,
Til love his grace wol thee sende,
For thou thin oghne cause empeirest
What time as thou thiself despeirest.
I not what other thing availeth,
Of hope whan the herte faileth,
For such a Sor is incurable,
And ek the goddes ben vengable: 3510
And that a man mai riht wel frede,
These olde bokes who so rede,
Of thing which hath befalle er this:
Now hier of what ensample it is.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF IPHIS AND ARAXARATHEN.]]
Whilom be olde daies fer
Of Mese was the king Theucer,
Which hadde a kniht to Sone, Iphis:
[Sidenote: Hic narrat qualiter Iphis, Regis Theucri filius,
ob amorem cuiusdam puelle nomine Araxarathen, quam neque
donis aut precibus vincere potuit, desperans ante patris
ipsius puelle ianuas noctanter se suspendit. Vnde dii
commoti dictam puellam in lapidem durissimum transmutarunt,
quam Rex Theucer vna cum filio suo apud Ciuitatem[1427]
Salamynam in templo Veneris pro perpetua memoria sepeliri
et locari fecit.]
Of love and he so maistred is,
That he hath set al his corage,
As to reguard of his lignage, 3520
Upon a Maide of lou astat.
Bot thogh he were a potestat
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 120=]
Of worldes good, he was soubgit
To love, and put in such a plit,
That he excedeth the mesure
Of reson, that himself assure
He can noght; for the more he preide,
The lasse love on him sche leide.
He was with love unwys constreigned,
And sche with resoun was restreigned: 3530
The lustes of his herte he suieth,[1428]
And sche for drede schame eschuieth,
And as sche scholde, tok good hiede
To save and kepe hir wommanhiede.
And thus the thing stod in debat[1429]
Betwen his lust and hire astat:
He yaf, he sende, he spak be mouthe,
Bot yit for oght that evere he couthe
Unto his sped he fond no weie,
So that he caste his hope aweie, 3540
Withinne his herte and gan despeire
Fro dai to dai, and so empeire,
That he hath lost al his delit
Of lust, of Slep, of Appetit,
That he thurgh strengthe of love lasseth
His wit, and resoun overpasseth.
As he which of his lif ne rowhte,
His deth upon himself he sowhte,
So that be nyhte his weie he nam,
Ther wiste non wher he becam; 3550
The nyht was derk, ther schon no Mone,
Tofore the gates he cam sone,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 121=]
Wher that this yonge Maiden was,
And with this wofull word, ‘Helas!’
Hise dedli pleintes he began
So stille that ther was noman
It herde, and thanne he seide thus:
‘O thou Cupide, o thou Venus,
Fortuned be whos ordinaunce
Of love is every mannes chaunce,[1430] 3560
Ye knowen al min hole herte,
That I ne mai your hond asterte;
On you is evere that I crie,
And yit you deigneth noght to plie,
Ne toward me youre Ere encline.
Thus for I se no medicine
To make an ende of mi querele,
My deth schal be in stede of hele.
Ha, thou mi wofull ladi diere,
Which duellest with thi fader hiere 3570
And slepest in thi bedd at ese,
Thou wost nothing of my desese,
Hou thou and I be now unmete.
Ha lord, what swevene schalt thou mete,
What dremes hast thou nou on honde?
Thou slepest there, and I hier stonde.[1431]
Thogh I no deth to the deserve,
Hier schal I for thi love sterve,
Hier schal a kinges Sone dye
For love and for no felonie; 3580
Wher thou therof have joie or sorwe,
Hier schalt thou se me ded tomorwe.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 122=]
O herte hard aboven alle,
This deth, which schal to me befalle
For that thou wolt noght do me grace,
Yit schal be told in many a place,[1432]
Hou I am ded for love and trouthe[1433]
In thi defalte and in thi slouthe:
Thi Daunger schal to manye mo
Ensample be for everemo, 3590
Whan thei my wofull deth recorde.’
And with that word he tok a Corde,
With which upon the gate tre
He hyng himself, that was pite.
The morwe cam, the nyht is gon,
Men comen out and syhe anon[1434]
Wher that this yonge lord was ded:
Ther was an hous withoute red,
For noman knew the cause why;
Ther was wepinge and ther was cry. 3600
This Maiden, whan that sche it herde,
And sih this thing hou it misferde,
Anon sche wiste what it mente,
And al the cause hou it wente
To al the world sche tolde it oute,
And preith to hem that were aboute
To take of hire the vengance,
For sche was cause of thilke chaunce,
Why that this kinges Sone is spilt.
Sche takth upon hirself the gilt, 3610
And is al redi to the peine
Which eny man hir wole ordeigne:[1435]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 123=]
And bot if eny other wolde,
Sche seith that sche hirselve scholde
Do wreche with hire oghne hond,
Thurghout the world in every lond
That every lif therof schal speke,
Hou sche hirself it scholde wreke.
Sche wepth, sche crith, sche swouneth ofte,
Sche caste hire yhen up alofte 3620
And seide among ful pitously:
‘A godd, thou wost wel it am I,[1436]
For whom Iphis is thus besein:
Ordeine so, that men mai sein
A thousend wynter after this,
Hou such a Maiden dede amis,
And as I dede, do to me:[1437]
For I ne dede no pite
To him, which for mi love is lore,
Do no pite to me therfore.’ 3630
And with this word sche fell to grounde
Aswoune, and ther sche lay a stounde.[1438]
The goddes, whiche hir pleigntes herde
And syhe hou wofully sche ferde,
Hire lif thei toke awey anon,
And schopen hire into a Ston
After the forme of hire ymage
Of bodi bothe and of visage.[1439]
And for the merveile of this thing
Unto the place cam the king 3640
And ek the queene and manye mo;
And whan thei wisten it was so,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 124=]
As I have told it hier above,
Hou that Iphis was ded for love,
Of that he hadde be refused,
Thei hielden alle men excused
And wondren upon the vengance.
And forto kepe in remembrance,
This faire ymage mayden liche
With compaignie noble and riche 3650
With torche and gret sollempnite
To Salamyne the Cite
Thei lede, and carie forth withal
The dede corps, and sein it schal
Beside thilke ymage have
His sepulture and be begrave:[1440]
This corps and this ymage thus
Into the Cite to Venus,
Wher that goddesse hire temple hadde,
Togedre bothe tuo thei ladde. 3660
This ilke ymage as for miracle
Was set upon an hyh pinacle,
That alle men it mihte knowe,
And under that thei maden lowe
A tumbe riche for the nones
Of marbre and ek of jaspre stones,[1441]
Wherin this Iphis was beloken,[1442]
That evermor it schal be spoken.
And for men schal the sothe wite,
Thei have here epitaphe write, 3670
As thing which scholde abide stable:
The lettres graven in a table
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 125=]
Of marbre were and seiden this:
‘Hier lith, which slowh himself, Iphis,
For love of Araxarathen:
And in ensample of tho wommen,[1443]
That soffren men to deie so,
Hire forme a man mai sen also,[1444]
Hou it is torned fleissh and bon
Into the figure of a Ston: 3680
He was to neysshe and sche to hard.
Be war forthi hierafterward;
Ye men and wommen bothe tuo,
Ensampleth you of that was tho.’
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo thus, mi Sone, as I thee seie,
It grieveth be diverse weie
In desespeir a man to falle,[1445]
Which is the laste branche of alle
Of Slouthe, as thou hast herd devise.
Wherof that thou thiself avise 3690
Good is, er that thou be deceived,
Wher that the grace of hope is weyved.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, hou so that it stonde,
Now have I pleinly understonde
Of Slouthes court the proprete,
Wherof touchende in my degre
For evere I thenke to be war.
Bot overthis, so as I dar,
With al min herte I you beseche,
That ye me wolde enforme and teche 3700
What ther is more of youre aprise
In love als wel as otherwise,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 126=]
So that I mai me clene schryve.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, whyl thou art alyve
And hast also thi fulle mynde,
Among the vices whiche I finde
Ther is yit on such of the sevene,
Which al this world hath set unevene
And causeth manye thinges wronge,
Where he the cause hath underfonge: 3710
Wherof hierafter thou schalt hiere
The forme bothe and the matiere.
=Explicit Liber Quartus.=
LINENOTES:
[1091] _Latin Verses_ i. 6 ludet H₁ ... B₂
[1092] 12 to haue H₁XGRCLB₂
[1093] 30 the] þat A ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ
[1094] 45 þought to speke BΛ, W
[1095] 46 hield me] hielde (held) AM
[1096] 59 As AM
[1097] 69 to this] to my B of this H₃
[1098] 70 liere] hiere (here &c.) H₁ ... B₂, BTΛ
[1099] 84 qweene] a queene BTΛ
[1100] 109 day H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[1101] 111 Spraulende (Sprawland) M, WKH₃
[1102] 138 miht (myht) J, S mihte A, F
[1103] 143 euermore AM, Δ, WH₃
[1104] 168 is went(e) ML, ΔΛ, WH₃
[1105] 170 Had AMJXGERLB₂, BΛ, FH₃
[1106] 184 foroght A, F
[1107] 189 after noman AM
[1108] 205 resoun to H₁ ... B₂
[1109] 208 In part he was inly glad AM In partie (party) he was
inly glad H₁ ... B₂ In parti he was riht inly glad J In parti
was inli riht glad Δ
[1110] 214 flitt AJ, S, F flitte B
[1111] 215 Fro] ffor L, BΛ, WH₃ hadde him H₁ ... B₂
[1112] 226 no H₁ ... CB₂, BTΔ, W
[1113] 234 Lo of H₁ ... B₂ (of _om._ R)
[1114] 242 ffor ferst B
[1115] 254 that] it H₁ ... B₂
[1116] 255 the] þo H₁ ... L, SBTΔ no AM
[1117] 261 Ther of B, WH₃
[1118] 263 love] slouþe B
[1119] 276 If] And B
[1120] 277 houre] honour MH₁GEC, W
[1121] 283 if] in SAdBTΔ
[1122] 296 this _om._ AM
[1123] 297 go AJ, S, F ago B
[1124] 310 To] Of B
[1125] _Latin Verses_ ii. 3 parcat H₁ ... B₂ parat H₃
[1126] 4 refert H₁ ... B₂
[1127] 328 the] his H₁ ... B₂, Ad
[1128] 342 tyrauntz (tirauntis &c.) YCB₂, B
[1129] 356 þo J, T, F þe AM ... B₂, SAdBΔ, WH₃
[1130] 359 Al þough C, B
[1131] 363 let AJ, S, F lete (lette) C, B
[1132] 372 Pymaleon AJ, S, F Pigmaleon EC, B, H₃
[1133] 384 hire] it B
[1134] 401 into his chambre H₁ ... B₂ (_except_ E)
[1135] 403 He] And AM
[1136] 411 he] it H₁, B
[1137] 453 f. grete: lete AJ, S, F gret: let B
[1138] 458 _margin_ Isus H₁GRCLB₂, T
[1139] 470 _line om._ B
[1140] 479 he and sche H₁ ... B₂ sche and he B
[1141] 481 a tyme B
[1142] 497 Hir B
[1143] 498 he] be BT
[1144] 499 the] his AdB _om._ L
[1145] 514 myht (might) J, B mihte A, S, F the] þi H₁ ... B₂ to
T
[1146] 515 that _om._ B
[1147] 517 Also fer as my E ... B₂ As (Als) fer as my H₁XG
[1148] 521 mihte ben] might(e) be non H₁ ... B₂
[1149] 535 himself fulofte A ... B₂ (fulle of M), W
[1150] _Latin Verses_ iii. 3 morabatur AM
[1151] 546 _margin_ se constituit B
[1152] 548 wit] herte A ... B₂
[1153] 555 therfore] forþer(e) BT
[1154] 560 cast J, SB, F caste A
[1155] 574 be holde R beholdeþ BT, W
[1156] 584 ouht fro F out of H₁ ... B₂, B
[1157] 588 abreid (abreide) A, F a breid JEC, B
[1158] 618 And B
[1159] 624 is] þis XCL
[1160] 627 Thow (þou) AM
[1161] 628 schal] it schal AJH₁ ... CB₂
[1162] 641 or wher (wheþer) I H₁G ... B₂ or where so I X or
elles T or Δ
[1163] 642 a mynut (minute) X, BΔ, W
[1164] 672 seie A, S, F sey (say) J, B
[1165] 676 erþis F
[1166] 684 That] To FWKH₃
[1167] 698-700 _om._ B
[1168] 708 whatt F
[1169] 713 which] þat M, B, W _om._ T
[1170] 740 _margin_ ob ipsa H₁XE ... B₂
[1171] 760 Ther while] The while BT, W þ_at_ while M Theke
while J
[1172] 766 al Innocent H₁ ... B₂ an Innocent M
[1173] 790 longe may not (nought) X ... B₂ longe nouht may H₁
[1174] 797 wold(e) AM wolde hym W
[1175] _Latin verses_ iv. 2 ipse] esse AM, W
[1176] 927 þe blad (blade) M, BTΔ, WH₃
[1177] 955 mihte] may hir B may T
[1178] 968 vice _om._ BT
[1179] 974 neuere ȝit AM
[1180] 984 _margin_ cum _om._ BT
[1181] 985 Clemenee] Element ERC Olement H₁XG Clement LB₂
Clemencee T Clemente M
[1182] 986 so that he] þat he sent H₁ ... B₂
[1183] 988 brihte] nyhte (niȝt) AM
[1184] 1002 up] vpon BT vp an Ad _om._ M
[1185] 1014 wel noght longe] nought longe wel C not longe W
[1186] 1029 þe flod (flood) E, B
[1187] 1035 _Paragr. in_ MSS. _begins at_ l. 1039
[1188] 1073 þis matiere B₂, BΛ
[1189] 1074 it _om._ H₁, B
[1190] 1075 and] as BT
[1191] 1082 slowe AJM, F slouþe H₁ ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ, WH₃
[1192] 1086 yit on, which] on ȝit which A, W on ȝit þ_at_ M on
which þat H₁ ... B₂
[1193] 1093 be he ... be he C, BΔ, H₃ be ... be he H₁
[1194] 1095 oght _om._ B
[1195] 1133 to hire (hir) masse AMH₁, Ad to huyre masse B
toward hir masse X ... B₂
[1196] 1162 bidt F (_cp._ l. 2802) bit J, SB biddeþ A
[1197] 1174 And B
[1198] 1183 oþer JGC, S, F oþre AE, AdB, H₃ othere T
[1199] 1207 for to ride H₁ ... B₂
[1200] 1212 seide] say B
[1201] 1224 bot] but if H₁ ... B₂, Ad, W
[1202] 1249 _margin_ amoris] in amoris AC, H₃ in Amoris c_aus_a
W
[1203] 1251 _margin_ expectaret H₁ ... B₂
[1204] 1257 _margin_ diligencior _om._ B
[1205] 1266 how] of B
[1206] 1272 schrewed A
[1207] 1275 Cupide AJ, F Cupido SBT
[1208] 1310 faire GEC, BΛ, H₃
[1209] 1321 f. _Text thus in third recension_ (_but_ faire
WKH₃Magd _for_ faye F _and_ hir H₃ the W _for_ her):
faye--desface _in ras._ F
A _has_
The beaute of hire face schon
Wel bryht_er_e þan þe Cristall ston
_so the others of first recension, but most have_ here (her)
_for_ hire _and many_ (_as_ H₁GRCLB₂) _read_ faces
S _has_
The beaute of here faye face
Ther mai non erþly þing deface
_so_ AdBTΔΛ _with_ faire (fair) _for_ faye _and some_ (AdT) hir
_for_ here
[1210] 1341 a lynde L, BΛ
[1211] 1342 vpon hors XC, BΛ vpon an (a) hors H₁GLB₂, AdTΔ, W,
H₃ on an h. M
[1212] 1348 And B
[1213] 1361 f. _Thus in third recension_ (and _om._ W) F _has
the lines written over erasure, except_ womman
A _has_
The womman was riht fair of face
Al þogh hire lackede oþer grace
_so_ S _and the other copies of first and second recensions_
[1214] 1367 Which J, S, F Whiche A, B
[1215] 1393 And _om._ AM
[1216] 1397 now] mow (mowe) J, AdB, W
[1217] 1419 non AJ
[1218] 1454 f. _margin_ Non quia--Amantum _om._ G, BΔ
[1219] 1501 that hire] þat sche H₁ ... B₂ hir ΔΛ it M
[1220] 1507 duck A, F duk J, SB
[1221] 1519 _margin_ aliorum A ... B₂, S ... ΔΛ, H₃
[1222] 1511 auou (auov, avow) AJC, B, F a vou (a vowe) MH₁, S
[1223] 1521 wher that] so as B
[1224] 1525 Duc F duck A duk J, SB
[1225] 1532 Al AJ, S, F Alle C, BT
[1226] 1541 þi ... my B
[1227] 1543 non AJC, F no SB
[1228] 1555 as] and B
[1229] 1558 ground] world BΛ
[1230] 1567 had] kept BTΛ _om._ Δ
[1231] 1622 _margin_ nultenus F
[1232] 1625 Wher B
[1233] 1637 Som tidinge] Somtime (Som tyme) H₁XE ... B₂ Some
tydinges Λ
[1234] 1640 bet B
[1235] 1670 hem liken H₁XRCLB₂, W hym likeþ M
[1236] 1690 As] And B for to (forto) ride H₁ ... B₂
[1237] 1693 herd it] it herd A, Δ herd M
[1238] 1701 the _om._ AM
[1239] 1705 weie] werre B
[1240] 1706 go þan (þen) AM go þanne W
[1241] 1708 þe while H₁XE ... B₂, W my while G þat while M, Δ
[1242] 1738 that] which AJH₁ ... B₂
[1243] 1740 So þat I not H₁ ... B₂
[1244] 1752 that] it B
[1245] 1769 you] ȝe A ... B₂ (_except_ G)
[1246] 1780 Bet B
[1247] 1805 knythode F
[1248] 1816 Namplus T (_and so afterwards_)
[1249] 1833 which] þat M ... B₂ feigned B₂, B
[1250] 1838 Namplus J, BT
[1251] 1850 The] This AJH₁ ... B₂ These M forþgon A, F forþ gon
JC, SB
[1252] 1872 which J, B, F whiche AC, S
[1253] 1875 toþe A, F to þe JC, B &c.
[1254] 1892 king C, B
[1255] 1893 lust AJ, SB luste F
[1256] 1901 Prothefelay H₁G ... B₂, B
[1257] 1916 the deth] þe day X ... B₂
[1258] 1922 hir] his H₁ CB₂ this L
[1259] 1928 the _om._ H₁XGE, B
[1260] 1940 axeþ him H₁ ... B₂, W
[1261] 1944 beslain F
[1262] 1975 _margin_ exagitaret SBΔΛ (_Latin om._ AdT)
[1263] _margin_ optauit A
[1264] 1966 hardiesse AH₁XGECB₂ hardiest L
[1265] 1978 and _om._ MXGL, B, W
[1266] 1996 make BTΛ
[1267] 2008 in honde MX ... B₂, W
[1268] 2010 mad (maad) AJC, T made B, F
[1269] 2012 to _om._ B
[1270] 2015 hardiesce AC, F hardinesse J, SB
[1271] 2020 Bot] That H₁ ... B₂
[1272] 2034 the] þy (thi) H₁, BTΛ _om._ Ad
[1273] 2039 begete FH₃
[1274] 2045 Cenes L, BΛ seues M
[1275] 2052 _margin_ propter _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[1276] 2055 _margin_ armorum] amorum RCLB₂
[1277] 2073 da̅n̅teþ F daunteþ C, B danteþ AJ, S
[1278] 2088 hardiesse A, F hardinesse J, SB
[1279] 2118 hem SBT
[1280] 2135 ouerþis A, F ouer þis J, SB
[1281] 2136 of] in A ... B₂
[1282] 2153 _margin_ Amozonie H₁ ... B₂ (_except_ G), B
[1283] 2165 þe king H₁ ... B₂
[1284] 2166 of Amozoine H₁ ... RLB₂ and Amozoine C
[1285] 2175 as for] for his BT
[1286] 2186 _margin_ Lavine] set vinc A se uine M
[1287] 2189 And gete] He gette (gete, get) X ... B₂ He gate H₁
And gat M, W
[1288] 2199 ff. _margin_ Hic dicit--dissoluit _om._ B
[1289] 2218 faileþ H₁GRCLB₂, Δ
[1290] 2224 þe which al was X ... B₂ the wiche was alle H₁
[1291] 2227 gouernacioun AM
[1292] 2234 the _om._ H₁XECLB₂, Ad, WH₃ (to _om._ R)
[1293] 2241 as of] ȝit of H₁ ... B₂ of W
[1294] 2251 Eldemoder (elde moder) AJH₁ &c., SAd, FH₃
eldirmodir (eldermoder) L, Δ oldmoder M olde moder BT alder
moder W
[1295] 2254 he B
[1296] 2259 wene best to H₁ ... B₂, W wene best for to M
[1297] 2278 aday J, F a day (a dai) AC, SB
[1298] 2295 ese] eek (ek) XG, BTΛ
[1299] 2300 the _om._ H₁E, BTΛ
[1300] 2307 thei] þough BT
[1301] 2311 areste] haue reste AM
[1302] 2324 awise F
[1303] 2325 as hier is ded BT
[1304] 2330 all the] alle (al) A ... CB₂
[1305] 2348 ff. _margin_ Apostolus--scripta sunt _om._ S ... Δ
[1306] 2351 S _has lost a leaf_ (ll. 2351-2530)
[1307] _Latin Verses_ vii. 1 in] de B
[1308] 2373 _margin_ et laboribus AM
[1309] 2377 al F aƚƚ J alle A, B
[1310] 2391 so] to BTΔ
[1311] 2397 lettre BT
[1312] 2407 Eldras H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[1313] 2414 and rime AJMX ... B₂
[1314] 2433 Herconius H₁XGECLB₂, BΛ Hercenius R Berconius T, H₃
[1315] 2477 Is] The B
[1316] 2501 as it is set H₁ ... B₂
[1317] 2512 lefte F
[1318] 2524 many on F
[1319] 2531 S _resumes_ The BT
[1320] 2539 _margin_ qui membra] que membra F sencibiles]
sanabiles H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[1321] 2534 ferste S ferst AJ, F
[1322] 2535 _lapis_] cleped BT
[1323] 2538 As] And H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[1324] 2555 aweie F
[1325] 2556 vice goth] filþe be H₁ ... B₂, Λ (_line om._ W)
[1326] 2562 to _om._ BT
[1327] 2565 thextremetes] extremites X ... B₂, B
[1328] 2569 ffor AM þe ston H₁ ... B₂
[1329] 2576 He] It S ... Δ
[1330] 2578 as] which A ... B₂
[1331] 2587 all weies (alweies) XGRCLB₂
[1332] 2609 Orcalan H₁ ... B₂
[1333] 2615 put AJ, S, F putte C, B
[1334] 2620 faile of þe beȝete H₁ ... B₂ fallen of b, T but þei
faile ȝit of b. Δ
[1335] 2627 of _om._ M, BT, H₃
[1336] 2629 out] out of AMH₁
[1337] 2641 ffor B
[1338] 2642 as SBTΔ is Ad and A ... B₂, Λ, FWH₃
[1339] 2650 schal the wordes] schal þe worde S shal wordes W
scholde þe wordes Ad scholde her wordes B
[1340] 2662 and þilke time so H₁ ... RLB₂ and þilke time also C
at thilke t. also W at þilke tyme þo M
[1341] 2674 take AJ, S, F tak C, BT
[1342] 2676 hise A
[1343] 2681 take B
[1344] 2704 _margin_ Accidia H₁E ... B₂, W
[1345] 2707 _margin_ sopori fero MH₁ERL, Λ, WH₃ sopori sero
XGCB₂, B
[1346] 2710 a doun C, B, F adoun AJ, S
[1347] 2711 S _has lost two leaves_ (ll. 2711-3078)
[1348] 2743 shal F
[1349] 2744 wolde A
[1350] 2760 I am now H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[1351] 2773 times BT
[1352] 2788 mow F mowe AJ, B
[1353] 2792 a chaunce H₁ ... RLB₂, BT his chaunce C
[1354] 2796 wole or so] wolde so BT
[1355] 2802 bidt A, F bit J bid C, B
[1356] 2822 doun _om._ AM
[1357] 2826 to the] atte M, B
[1358] 2833 Departen] Depart(e) and H₁ ... B₂, BΛ
[1359] 2846 go now (gon now) M ... B₂
[1360] 2860 mai] might (miȝte) H₁ ... B₂ doth W
[1361] 2867 him A ... B₂ hem AdBTΔ, FWH₃
[1362] 2937 _margin_ demersus AM
[1363] 2942 _margin_ Quo facto _om._ A ... B₂
[1364] 2945 _margin_ mortuus _om._ A ... B₂
[1365] 2954 thoghte] wolde H₁ ... B₂ wol L thought to W
[1366] 2955 monþes H₁ ... B₂, H₃
[1367] 2973 she Λ, Magd he A ... B₂, AdBTΔ, FWKH₃
[1368] 2984 so _om._ AM
[1369] 2992 the _om._ AM
[1370] 2994 betwen the] betwene A ... B₂, T (bitwen) betwen
bothe H₃
[1371] 2997 Wherfor(e) AJMG ... B₂
[1372] 3023 many a XGL, AdBTΔ, WH₃
[1373] 3027 þe wise þat M ... CB₂ þis wise as BT, H₃
[1374] 3033 schulde BT, W
[1375] 3056 was AdBTΔ
[1376] 3058 vnto JH₁ ... B₂, Δ, WH₃
[1377] 3074 falsen AM
[1378] 3079 S _resumes_
[1379] 3082 hir BT
[1380] 3086 forth lepte] lepte forþ AM lepte L
[1381] 3129 Aman F
[1382] 3132 þe couenant BTΛ
[1383] 3138 For] And BTΛ
[1384] 3140 it] in H₁ ... B₂
[1385] 3141 that _om._ AM
[1386] 3142 walkyng H₁RCB₂ _line om._ T
[1387] 3153 ne _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[1388] 3154 Ha _om._ A ... B₂
[1389] 3159 mi F myn AJ, B
[1390] 3165 all S, F alle AJ, B
[1391] 3199 _margin_ sua _om._ BT
[1392] 3202 _margin_ ita quod AM
[1393] 3204 _margin_ illa _om._ SBTΔ (_Latin om._ Ad)
[1394] 3206 _margin_ dignaretur A ... B₂, Λ
[1395] 3190 þe AM
[1396] 3206 cilence S, F silence AJ, B
[1397] 3221 ben unborn] be vp (vppe) AM
[1398] 3233 Thi (Thy) A ... B₂, S ... Δ This FWKH₃
[1399] 3244 all] at S ... Δ
[1400] 3250 if that I] if I H₁ ... B₂
[1401] 3252 vigilie B
[1402] 3255 nyht (night) AC, B nyhte (nihte) J, S, F
[1403] 3259 of] or X ... B₂, W
[1404] 3263 S _has lost a leaf_ (ll. 3263-3442)
[1405] 3288 in] at XGEC, BT
[1406] 3308 he] it H₁ ... B₂
[1407] 3322 Of þo turneþ (torneþ) M, Ad Of hem þat turneþ X Of
hem þat turnen H₁G ... B₂
[1408] 3337 haþ AdBTΔ
[1409] 3341 Wiþ þo which(e) E ... B₂, AdT Wiþ þo þe whiche B
[1410] 3349 the _om._ H₁ ... B₂, AdTΔ, WH₃
[1411] 3355 Whan] ffor whan H₁E ... B₂
[1412] 3361 as] and BT he] it AM
[1413] 3366 telle H₁ ... B₂, W
[1414] 3370 no M, F _the rest_ non (none)
[1415] _Latin Verses_ ix. 1 Nil fortuna valet (_rest of line
blank_) AM
[1416] 3397 _margin_ poterit _om._ BT
[1417] 3401 tymes E, BT
[1418] 3427 gret JC, B grete A, F
[1419] 3437 no _om._ AM
[1420] 3443 S _resumes_ folweth] falleþ SAdBΔ faileth TΛ
[1421] 3449 more þan is B, H₃ more þan hit L
[1422] 3459 o point BT, W
[1423] 3479 eny] my AM
[1424] 3484 my] me H₁RCLB₂, W (me bidde)
[1425] 3489 I dar AM
[1426] 3502 if þat H₁ ... B₂, W
[1427] 3529 _margin_ Ciuitatem _om._ BT
[1428] 3531 hert sche BΛ sche (_om._ herte) T
[1429] 3535 king (kyng) JL, BT
[1430] 3560 manes F
[1431] 3576 sleplest F
[1432] 3586 Ȝit schal ... many a place J, S, FH₃ Ȝit schalt ...
many a place AM Ȝit schal ... many place Ad, W Ȝit schal it
... mani place TΔ It (Hit) schal ... many a place H₁XGRCLB₂ It
schal ... many place E, B
[1433] 3587 and] of H₁ ... B₂, B
[1434] 3596 syhe (sihe) AJ, SB syh F
[1435] 3612 wold(e) BT, W
[1436] 3622 O god þou wost þat it B O god þou wost it TΛ
(wotest)
[1437] 3627 S _has lost two leaves_ (ll. 3627--v. 274)
[1438] 3632 astounde AMR, T, W
[1439] 3638 and of] and eke of AM
[1440] 3656 Hir B be begrave] begraue A, Δ be graue MH₁ERLB₂, W
[1441] 3666 ek _om._ C, BTΛ
[1442] 3667 this] þat AdBTΛ
[1443] 3676 tho] þe JH₁ ... B₂, BΛ, W
[1444] 3678 aman F
[1445] 3687 despeir JMH₁XRLB₂, AdBTΔ, W vespeir H₃
Incipit Liber Quintus.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 127=]
[Sidenote: [AVARICE.]]
i. _Obstat auaricia nature legibus, et que_
_Largus amor poscit, striccius illa vetat._
_Omne quod est nimium viciosum dicitur aurum,_
_Vellera sicut oues, seruat auarus opes._
_Non decet vt soli seruabitur es, set amori_[1446]
_Debet homo solam solus habere suam._
Ferst whan the hyhe god began
This world, and that the kinde of man
Was falle into no gret encress,
For worldes good tho was no press,[1447]
Bot al was set to the comune.
Thei spieken thanne of no fortune
Or forto lese or forto winne,
[Sidenote: Hic in quinto libro intendit Confessor tractare
de Auaricia, que omnium malorum radix dicitur, necnon et de
eiusdem vicii speciebus: set primo ipsius Auaricie naturam
describens Amanti quatenus amorem concernit super hoc
specialius opponit.]
Til Avarice broghte it inne;
And that was whan the world was woxe
Of man, of hors, of Schep, of Oxe, 10
And that men knewen the moneie.
Tho wente pes out of the weie
And werre cam on every side,
Which alle love leide aside
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 128=]
And of comun his propre made,
So that in stede of schovele and spade
The scharpe swerd was take on honde;
And in this wise it cam to londe,
Wherof men maden dyches depe
And hyhe walles forto kepe 20
The gold which Avarice encloseth.
Bot al to lytel him supposeth,
Thogh he mihte al the world pourchace;
For what thing that he may embrace
Of gold, of catel or of lond,
He let it nevere out of his hond,
Bot get him more and halt it faste,
As thogh the world scholde evere laste.
So is he lych unto the helle;
For as these olde bokes telle,[1448] 30
What comth therinne, lasse or more,
It schal departe neveremore:
Thus whanne he hath his cofre loken,
It schal noght after ben unstoken,
Bot whanne him list to have a syhte[1449]
Of gold, hou that it schyneth brihte,
That he ther on mai loke and muse;
For otherwise he dar noght use
To take his part, or lasse or more.
So is he povere, and everemore[1450] 40
Him lacketh that he hath ynowh:
An Oxe draweth in the plowh,
Of that himself hath no profit;
A Schep riht in the same plit
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 129=]
His wolle berth, bot on a day
An other takth the flees away:
Thus hath he, that he noght ne hath,[1451]
For he therof his part ne tath.
To seie hou such a man hath good,
Who so that reson understod, 50
It is impropreliche seid,
For good hath him and halt him teid,
That he ne gladeth noght withal,
Bot is unto his good a thral,
And as soubgit thus serveth he,
Wher that he scholde maister be:
Such is the kinde of thaverous.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, as thou art amerous,
Tell if thou farst of love so.[1452]
[Sidenote: Confessio Amantis.]
Mi fader, as it semeth, no; 60
That averous yit nevere I was,
So as ye setten me the cas:
For as ye tolden here above,
In full possession of love
Yit was I nevere hier tofore,
So that me thenketh wel therfore,
I mai excuse wel my dede.
Bot of mi will withoute drede,
If I that tresor mihte gete,
It scholde nevere be foryete, 70
That I ne wolde it faste holde,
Til god of love himselve wolde
That deth ous scholde parte atuo.[1453]
For lieveth wel, I love hire so,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 130=]
That evene with min oghne lif,
If I that swete lusti wif
Mihte ones welden at my wille,
For evere I wolde hire holde stille:
And in this wise, taketh kepe,
If I hire hadde, I wolde hire kepe, 80
And yit no friday wolde I faste,
Thogh I hire kepte and hielde faste.[1454]
Fy on the bagges in the kiste!
I hadde ynogh, if I hire kiste.
For certes, if sche were myn,
I hadde hir levere than a Myn
Of Gold; for al this worldesriche
Ne mihte make me so riche
As sche, that is so inly good.
I sette noght of other good; 90
For mihte I gete such a thing,
I hadde a tresor for a king;
And thogh I wolde it faste holde,
I were thanne wel beholde.
Bot I mot pipe nou with lasse,
And suffre that it overpasse,
Noght with mi will, for thus I wolde
Ben averous, if that I scholde.
Bot, fader, I you herde seie
Hou thaverous hath yit som weie, 100
Wherof he mai be glad; for he
Mai whanne him list his tresor se,[1455]
And grope and fiele it al aboute,[1456]
Bot I fulofte am schet theroute,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 131=]
Ther as my worthi tresor is.
So is mi lif lich unto this,
That ye me tolden hier tofore,
Hou that an Oxe his yock hath bore
For thing that scholde him noght availe:
And in this wise I me travaile;[1457] 110
For who that evere hath the welfare,
I wot wel that I have the care,
For I am hadd and noght ne have,
And am, as who seith, loves knave.
Nou demeth in youre oghne thoght,
If this be Avarice or noght.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, I have of thee no wonder,
Thogh thou to serve be put under
With love, which to kinde acordeth:
Bot, so as every bok recordeth,[1458] 120
It is to kinde no plesance
That man above his sustienance
Unto the gold schal serve and bowe,
For that mai no reson avowe.
Bot Avarice natheles,
If he mai geten his encress
Of gold, that wole he serve and kepe,
For he takth of noght elles kepe,
Bot forto fille hise bagges large;[1459]
And al is to him bot a charge, 130
For he ne parteth noght withal,
Bot kepth it, as a servant schal:
And thus, thogh that he multeplie[1460]
His gold, withoute tresorie
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 132=]
He is, for man is noght amended[1461]
With gold, bot if it be despended
To mannes us; wherof I rede
A tale, and tak therof good hiede,
Of that befell be olde tyde,
As telleth ous the clerk Ovide. 140
[Sidenote: [TALE OF MIDAS.]]
Bachus, which is the god of wyn,[1462]
Acordant unto his divin[1463]
[Sidenote: Hic loquitur contra istos Auaros. Et narrat
qualiter Mida Rex Frigie Cillenum Bachi sacerdotem, quem
rustici vinculis ferreis alligarunt, dissoluit, et in
hospicium suum benignissime recollegit; pro quo Bachus
quodcunque munus Rex exigere vellet donari concessit.
Vnde Rex Auaricia ductus, ut quicquid tangeret in aurum
conuerteretur, indiscrete peciit. Quo facto postea contigit
quod cibos cum ipse sumere vellet, in aurum conuersos
manducare non potuit. Et sic percipiens aurum pro tunc
non posse sibi valere, illud auferri, et tunc[1464] ea
que victui sufficerent necessaria iteratis precibus a deo
mitissime postulauit.]
A Prest, the which Cillenus hihte,[1465]
He hadde, and fell so that be nyhte
This Prest was drunke and goth astraied,
Wherof the men were evele apaied[1466]
In Frigelond, where as he wente.
Bot ate laste a cherl him hente
With strengthe of other felaschipe,
So that upon his drunkeschipe 150
Thei bounden him with chenes faste,
And forth thei ladde him als so faste
Unto the king, which hihte Myde.
Bot he, that wolde his vice hyde,
This courteis king, tok of him hiede,
And bad that men him scholde lede
Into a chambre forto kepe,
Til he of leisir hadde slepe.
And tho this Prest was sone unbounde,[1467]
And up a couche fro the grounde 160
To slepe he was leid softe ynowh;
And whanne he wok, the king him drowh
To his presence and dede him chiere,
So that this Prest in such manere,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 133=]
Whil that him liketh, there he duelleth:
And al this he to Bachus telleth,
Whan that he cam to him ayein.
And whan that Bachus herde sein[1468]
How Mide hath don his courtesie,
Him thenkth it were a vilenie, 170
Bot he rewarde him for his dede,
So as he mihte of his godhiede.
Unto this king this god appiereth[1469]
And clepeth, and that other hiereth:
This god to Mide thonketh faire
Of that he was so debonaire
Toward his Prest, and bad him seie:
What thing it were he wolde preie,
He scholde it have, of worldes good.
This king was glad, and stille stod, 180
And was of his axinge in doute,
And al the world he caste aboute,
What thing was best for his astat,
And with himself stod in debat
Upon thre pointz, the whiche I finde[1470]
Ben lievest unto mannes kinde.
The ferste of hem it is delit,
The tuo ben worschipe and profit.[1471]
And thanne he thoghte, ‘If that I crave
Delit, thogh I delit mai have, 190
Delit schal passen in myn age:
That is no siker avantage.
For every joie bodily
Schal ende in wo: delit forthi
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 134=]
Wol I noght chese. And if worschipe
I axe and of the world lordschipe,[1472]
That is an occupacion
Of proud ymaginacion,
Which makth an herte vein withinne;
Ther is no certein forto winne, 200
For lord and knave al is o weie,[1473]
Whan thei be bore and whan thei deie.
And if I profit axe wolde,
I not in what manere I scholde
Of worldes good have sikernesse;
For every thief upon richesse
Awaiteth forto robbe and stele:
Such good is cause of harmes fele.
And also, thogh a man at ones
Of al the world withinne his wones[1474] 210
The tresor myhte have everydel,[1475]
Yit hadde he bot o mannes del[1476]
Toward himself, so as I thinke,
Of clothinge and of mete and drinke,
For more, outake vanite,
Ther hath no lord in his degre.’
And thus upon the pointz diverse[1477]
Diverseliche he gan reherce
What point him thoghte for the beste;
Bot pleinly forto gete him reste 220
He can no siker weie caste.
And natheles yit ate laste
He fell upon the coveitise
Of gold; and thanne in sondri wise
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 135=]
He thoghte, as I have seid tofore,
Hou tresor mai be sone lore,
And hadde an inly gret desir
Touchende of such recoverir,
Hou that he mihte his cause availe
To gete him gold withoute faile. 230
Withinne his herte and thus he preiseth
The gold, and seith hou that it peiseth
Above al other metall most:
‘The gold,’ he seith, ‘may lede an host
To make werre ayein a King;[1478]
[Sidenote: Salomon. Pecunie obediunt omnia.]
The gold put under alle thing,
And set it whan him list above;
The gold can make of hate love
And werre of pes and ryht of wrong,
And long to schort and schort to long; 240
Withoute gold mai be no feste,
Gold is the lord of man and beste,[1479]
And mai hem bothe beie and selle;
So that a man mai sothly telle
That al the world to gold obeieth.’
Forthi this king to Bachus preieth
To grante him gold, bot he excedeth
Mesure more than him nedeth.
Men tellen that the maladie[1480]
Which cleped is ydropesie 250
Resembled is unto this vice
Be weie of kinde of Avarice:
The more ydropesie drinketh,[1481]
The more him thursteth, for him thinketh
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 136=]
That he mai nevere drinke his fille;
So that ther mai nothing fulfille
The lustes of his appetit:
And riht in such a maner plit
Stant Avarice and evere stod;
The more he hath of worldes good, 260
The more he wolde it kepe streyte,
And evere mor and mor coveite.
And riht in such condicioun
Withoute good discrecioun
This king with avarice is smite,
That al the world it myhte wite:
For he to Bachus thanne preide,
That wherupon his hond he leide,[1482]
It scholde thurgh his touche anon
Become gold, and therupon 270
This god him granteth as he bad.
Tho was this king of Frige glad,
And forto put it in assai[1483]
With al the haste that he mai,[1484]
He toucheth that, he toucheth this,
And in his hond al gold it is,
The Ston, the Tree, the Lef, the gras,
The flour, the fruit, al gold it was.[1485]
Thus toucheth he, whil he mai laste
To go, bot hunger ate laste 280
Him tok, so that he moste nede[1486]
Be weie of kinde his hunger fede.
The cloth was leid, the bord was set,
And al was forth tofore him fet,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 137=]
His disch, his coppe, his drinke, his mete;
Bot whanne he wolde or drinke or ete,
Anon as it his mouth cam nyh,
It was al gold, and thanne he syh[1487]
Of Avarice the folie.
And he with that began to crie, 290
And preide Bachus to foryive
His gilt, and soffre him forto live
And be such as he was tofore,
So that he were noght forlore.
This god, which herde of his grevance,[1488]
Tok rowthe upon his repentance,
And bad him go forth redily
Unto a flod was faste by,
Which Paceole thanne hyhte,
In which as clene as evere he myhte 300
He scholde him waisshen overal,[1489]
And seide him thanne that he schal
Recovere his ferste astat ayein.
This king, riht as he herde sein,
Into the flod goth fro the lond,
And wissh him bothe fot and hond,[1490]
And so forth al the remenant,
As him was set in covenant:
And thanne he syh merveilles strange,
The flod his colour gan to change, 310
The gravel with the smale Stones
To gold thei torne bothe at ones,
And he was quit of that he hadde,
And thus fortune his chance ladde.[1491]
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 138=]
And whan he sih his touche aweie,
He goth him hom the rihte weie[1492]
And liveth forth as he dede er,
And putte al Avarice afer,
And the richesse of gold despiseth,
And seith that mete and cloth sufficeth. 320
Thus hath this king experience
Hou foles don the reverence
To gold, which of his oghne kinde
Is lasse worth than is the rinde
To sustienance of mannes fode;
And thanne he made lawes goode
And al his thing sette upon skile:
He bad his poeple forto tile
Here lond, and live under the lawe,
And that thei scholde also forthdrawe 330
Bestaile, and seche non encress
Of gold, which is the breche of pes.[1493]
For this a man mai finde write,
Tofor the time, er gold was smite
In Coign, that men the florin knewe,
Ther was welnyh noman untrewe;
Tho was ther nouther schield ne spere
Ne dedly wepne forto bere;
Tho was the toun withoute wal,
Which nou is closed overal; 340
Tho was ther no brocage in londe,
Which nou takth every cause on honde:
So mai men knowe, hou the florin
Was moder ferst of malengin
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 139=]
And bringere inne of alle werre,
Wherof this world stant out of herre
Thurgh the conseil of Avarice,
Which of his oghne propre vice
Is as the helle wonderfull;
For it mai neveremor be full,[1494] 350
That what as evere comth therinne,
Awey ne may it nevere winne.
Bot Sone myn, do thou noght so,
Let al such Avarice go,
And tak thi part of that thou hast:
I bidde noght that thou do wast,
Bot hold largesce in his mesure;
And if thou se a creature,
Which thurgh poverte is falle in nede,
Yif him som good, for this I rede 360
To him that wol noght yiven here,
What peine he schal have elleswhere.
[Sidenote: [THE PUNISHMENT OF TANTALUS.]]
Ther is a peine amonges alle
Benethe in helle, which men calle[1495]
[Sidenote: Nota de pena Tantali, cuius amara sitis
dampnatos torquet auaros.]
The wofull peine of Tantaly,
Of which I schal thee redely
Devise hou men therinne stonde.
In helle, thou schalt understonde,[1496]
Ther is a flod of thilke office,
Which serveth al for Avarice: 370
What man that stonde schal therinne,[1497]
He stant up evene unto the chinne;[1498]
Above his hed also ther hongeth
A fruyt, which to that peine longeth,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 140=]
And that fruit toucheth evere in on
His overlippe: and therupon
Swich thurst and hunger him assaileth,
That nevere his appetit ne faileth.
Bot whanne he wolde his hunger fede,
The fruit withdrawth him ate nede, 380
And thogh he heve his bed on hyh,
The fruit is evere aliche nyh,
So is the hunger wel the more:
And also, thogh him thurste sore
And to the water bowe a doun,[1499]
The flod in such condicioun
Avaleth, that his drinke areche
He mai noght. Lo nou, which a wreche,
That mete and drinke is him so couth,
And yit ther comth non in his mouth! 390
Lich to the peines of this flod
Stant Avarice in worldes good:
He hath ynowh and yit him nedeth,
For his skarsnesse it him forbiedeth,[1500]
And evere his hunger after more
Travaileth him aliche sore,
So is he peined overal.
Forthi thi goodes forth withal,
[Sidenote: [AVARICE.]]
Mi Sone, loke thou despende,
Wherof thou myht thiself amende 400
Bothe hier and ek in other place.
And also if thou wolt pourchace[1501]
To be beloved, thou most use
Largesce, for if thou refuse
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 141=]
To yive for thi loves sake,
It is no reson that thou take
Of love that thou woldest crave.
Forthi, if thou wolt grace have,
Be gracious and do largesse,
Of Avarice and the seknesse 410
Eschuie above alle other thing,
And tak ensample of Mide king
And of the flod of helle also,
Where is ynowh of alle wo.
And thogh ther were no matiere
Bot only that we finden hiere,
Men oghten Avarice eschuie;
For what man thilke vice suie,
He get himself bot litel reste.
For hou so that the body reste, 420
The herte upon the gold travaileth,
Whom many a nyhtes drede assaileth;
For thogh he ligge abedde naked,
His herte is everemore awaked,[1502]
And dremeth, as he lith to slepe,
How besi that he is to kepe
His tresor, that no thief it stele.
Thus hath he bot a woful wele.
[Sidenote: [JEALOUSY OF LOVERS.]]
And riht so in the same wise,
If thou thiself wolt wel avise, 430
Ther be lovers of suche ynowe,
That wole unto no reson bowe.
If so be that thei come above,
Whan thei ben maistres of here love,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 142=]
And that thei scholden be most glad,
With love thei ben most bestad,
So fain thei wolde it holden al.
Here herte, here yhe is overal,
And wenen every man be thief,
To stele awey that hem is lief; 440
Thus thurgh here oghne fantasie
Thei fallen into Jelousie.
Thanne hath the Schip tobroke his cable,
With every wynd and is muable.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, for that ye nou telle,
I have herd ofte time telle
Of Jelousie, bot what it is
Yit understod I nevere er this:[1503]
Wherfore I wolde you beseche,
That ye me wolde enforme and teche 450
What maner thing it mihte be.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, that is hard to me:
Bot natheles, as I have herd,
Now herkne and thou schalt ben ansuerd.[1504]
Among the men lacke of manhode
In Mariage upon wifhode
Makth that a man himself deceiveth,
[Sidenote: Nota de[1505] Ialousia, cuius fantastica
suspicio amorem quamuis fidelissimum multociens sine causa
corruptum ymaginatur.]
Wherof it is that he conceiveth
That ilke unsely maladie,[1506]
The which is cleped Jelousie: 460
Of which if I the proprete
Schal telle after the nycete,
So as it worcheth on a man,[1507]
A Fievere it is cotidian,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 143=]
Which every day wol come aboute,
Wher so a man be inne or oute.
At hom if that a man wol wone,
This Fievere is thanne of comun wone
Most grevous in a mannes yhe:
For thanne he makth him tote and pryhe, 470
Wher so as evere his love go;[1508]
Sche schal noght with hir litel too
Misteppe, bot he se it al.
His yhe is walkende overal;
Wher that sche singe or that sche dance,
He seth the leste contienance,
If sche loke on a man aside
Or with him roune at eny tyde,
Or that sche lawghe, or that sche loure,
His yhe is ther at every houre. 480
And whanne it draweth to the nyht,
If sche thanne is withoute lyht,
Anon is al the game schent;
For thanne he set his parlement
To speke it whan he comth to bedde,
And seith, ‘If I were now to wedde,[1509]
I wolde neveremore have wif.’[1510]
And so he torneth into strif
The lust of loves duete,
And al upon diversete. 490
If sche be freissh and wel araied,
He seith hir baner is displaied
To clepe in gestes fro the weie:[1511]
And if sche be noght wel beseie,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 144=]
And that hir list noght to be gladd,
He berth an hond that sche is madd
And loveth noght hire housebonde;
He seith he mai wel understonde,
That if sche wolde his compaignie,
Sche scholde thanne afore his ÿe 500
Schewe al the plesir that sche mihte.
So that be daie ne be nyhte
Sche not what thing is for the beste,
Bot liveth out of alle reste;
For what as evere him liste sein,[1512]
Sche dar noght speke a word ayein,
Bot wepth and holt hire lippes clos.
Sche mai wel wryte, ‘Sanz repos,’
The wif which is to such on maried.
Of alle wommen be he waried, 510
For with this Fievere of Jalousie[1513]
His echedaies fantasie
Of sorghe is evere aliche grene,
So that ther is no love sene,
Whil that him list at hom abyde.
And whan so is he wol out ryde,
Thanne hath he redi his aspie
Abidinge in hir compaignie,
A janglere, an evel mouthed oon,
That sche ne mai nowhider gon, 520
Ne speke a word, ne ones loke,
That he ne wol it wende and croke
And torne after his oghne entente,
Thogh sche nothing bot honour mente.
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 145=]
Whan that the lord comth hom ayein,
The janglere moste somwhat sein;
So what withoute and what withinne,
This Fievere is evere to beginne,
For where he comth he can noght ende,
Til deth of him have mad an ende. 530
For thogh so be that he ne hiere
Ne se ne wite in no manere
Bot al honour and wommanhiede,
Therof the Jelous takth non hiede,[1514]
Bot as a man to love unkinde,
He cast his staf, as doth the blinde,[1515]
And fint defaulte where is non;
As who so dremeth on a Ston
Hou he is leid, and groneth ofte,
Whan he lith on his pilwes softe. 540
So is ther noght bot strif and cheste;
Whan love scholde make his feste,
It is gret thing if he hir kisse:
Thus hath sche lost the nyhtes blisse,
For at such time he gruccheth evere[1516]
And berth on hond ther is a levere,
And that sche wolde an other were
In stede of him abedde there;
And with tho wordes and with mo
Of Jelousie, he torneth fro 550
And lith upon his other side,[1517]
And sche with that drawth hire aside,
And ther sche wepeth al the nyht.
Ha, to what peine sche is dyht,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 146=]
That in hire youthe hath so beset
The bond which mai noght ben unknet!
I wot the time is ofte cursed,
That evere was the gold unpursed,
The which was leid upon the bok,
Whan that alle othre sche forsok 560
For love of him; bot al to late
Sche pleigneth, for as thanne algate
Sche mot forbere and to him bowe,
Thogh he ne wole it noght allowe.
For man is lord of thilke feire,
So mai the womman bot empeire,
If sche speke oght ayein his wille;
And thus sche berth hir peine stille.
Bot if this Fievere a womman take,
Sche schal be wel mor harde schake; 570
For thogh sche bothe se and hiere,
And finde that ther is matiere,
Sche dar bot to hirselve pleine,
And thus sche suffreth double peine,
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo thus, mi Sone, as I have write,
Thou miht of Jelousie wite
His fievere and his condicion,
Which is full of suspecion.
Bot wherof that this fievere groweth,
Who so these olde bokes troweth, 580
Ther mai he finden hou it is:
For thei ous teche and telle this,
Hou that this fievere of Jelousie
Somdel it groweth of sotie
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 147=]
Of love, and somdiel of untrust.
For as a sek man lest his lust,
And whan he may no savour gete,
He hateth thanne his oughne mete,
Riht so this fieverous maladie,
Which caused is of fantasie, 590
Makth the Jelous in fieble plit
To lese of love his appetit
Thurgh feigned enformacion
Of his ymaginacion.
Bot finali to taken hiede,
Men mai wel make a liklihiede
Betwen him which is averous
Of gold and him that is jelous
Of love, for in on degre
Thei stonde bothe, as semeth me. 600
That oon wolde have his bagges stille,[1518]
And noght departen with his wille,
And dar noght for the thieves slepe,
So fain he wolde his tresor kepe;
That other mai noght wel be glad,
For he is evere more adrad[1519]
Of these lovers that gon aboute,
In aunter if thei putte him oute.
So have thei bothe litel joye
As wel of love as of monoie. 610
Now hast thou, Sone, at my techinge[1520]
Of Jelousie a knowlechinge,
That thou myht understonde this,
Fro whenne he comth and what he is,
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 148=]
And ek to whom that he is lik.
Be war forthi thou be noght sik
Of thilke fievere as I have spoke,
For it wol in himself be wroke.
For love hateth nothing more,
As men mai finde be the lore 620
Of hem that whilom were wise,
Hou that thei spieke in many wise.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, soth is that ye sein.
Bot forto loke therayein,
Befor this time hou it is falle,
Wherof ther mihte ensample falle
To suche men as be jelous
In what manere it is grevous,
Riht fain I wolde ensample hiere.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
My goode Sone, at thi preiere 630
Of suche ensamples as I finde,
So as thei comen nou to mynde
Upon this point, of time gon
I thenke forto tellen on.
[Sidenote: [TALE OF VULCAN AND VENUS.]]
Ovide wrot of manye thinges,
Among the whiche in his wrytinges
He tolde a tale in Poesie,
Which toucheth unto Jelousie,
Upon a certein cas of love.
[Sidenote: Hic ponit exemplum contra istos maritos quos
Ialousia maculauit. Et narrat qualiter Vulcanus, cuius
vxor Venus extitit, suspicionem inter ipsam et Martem
concipiens, eorum gestus diligencius explorabat: vnde
contigit quod ipse quadam vice ambos inter se pariter
amplexantes in lecto nudos inuenit, et exclamans omnem
cetum deorum et dearum ad tantum spectaculum conuocauit:
super quo tamen derisum pocius quam remedium a tota cohorte
consecutus est.]
Among the goddes alle above 640
It fell at thilke time thus:
The god of fyr, which Vulcanus
Is hote, and hath a craft forthwith
Assigned, forto be the Smith
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 149=]
Of Jupiter, and his figure
Bothe of visage and of stature
Is lothly and malgracious,
Bot yit he hath withinne his hous
As for the likynge of his lif[1521]
The faire Venus to his wif. 650
Bot Mars, which of batailles is
The god, an yhe hadde unto this:
As he which was chivalerous,
It fell him to ben amerous,[1522]
And thoghte it was a gret pite
To se so lusti on as sche
Be coupled with so lourde a wiht:
So that his peine day and nyht
He dede, if he hire winne myhte;[1523]
And sche, which hadde a good insihte[1524] 660
Toward so noble a knyhtli lord,
In love fell of his acord.
Ther lacketh noght bot time and place,
That he nys siker of hire grace:
Bot whan tuo hertes falle in on,
So wys await was nevere non,
That at som time thei ne mete;
And thus this faire lusti swete
With Mars hath ofte compaignie.
Bot thilke unkynde Jelousie, 670
Which everemor the herte opposeth,[1525]
Makth Vulcanus that he supposeth
That it is noght wel overal,
And to himself he seide, he schal
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 150=]
Aspie betre, if that he may;
And so it fell upon a day,
That he this thing so slyhli ledde,
He fond hem bothe tuo abedde
Al warm, echon with other naked.
And he with craft al redy maked 680
Of stronge chenes hath hem bounde,[1526]
As he togedre hem hadde founde,
And lefte hem bothe ligge so,
And gan to clepe and crie tho
Unto the goddes al aboute;
And thei assembled in a route
Come alle at ones forto se.
Bot none amendes hadde he,
Bot was rebuked hiere and there
Of hem that loves frendes were; 690
And seiden that he was to blame,[1527]
For if ther fell him eny schame,
It was thurgh his misgovernance:
And thus he loste contienance,
This god, and let his cause falle;
And thei to skorne him lowhen alle,
And losen Mars out of hise bondes.
Wherof these erthli housebondes[1528]
For evere myhte ensample take,
If such a chaunce hem overtake: 700
For Vulcanus his wif bewreide,
The blame upon himself he leide,[1529]
Wherof his schame was the more;
Which oghte forto ben a lore
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 151=]
For every man that liveth hiere,
To reulen him in this matiere.
Thogh such an happ of love asterte,
Yit scholde he noght apointe his herte
With Jelousie of that is wroght,
Bot feigne, as thogh he wiste it noght: 710
For if he lete it overpasse,
The sclaundre schal be wel the lasse,
And he the more in ese stonde.
For this thou myht wel understonde,
That where a man schal nedes lese,
The leste harm is forto chese.
Bot Jelousie of his untrist
Makth that full many an harm arist,
Which elles scholde noght arise;
And if a man him wolde avise 720
Of that befell to Vulcanus,
Him oghte of reson thenke thus,
That sithe a god therof was schamed,
Wel scholde an erthli man be blamed
To take upon him such a vice.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Forthi, my Sone, in thin office
Be war that thou be noght jelous,
Which ofte time hath schent the hous.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, this ensample is hard,
Hou such thing to the heveneward 730
Among the goddes myhte falle:
For ther is bot o god of alle,
Which is the lord of hevene and helle.
Bot if it like you to telle
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 152=]
Hou suche goddes come aplace,
Ye mihten mochel thonk pourchace,
For I schal be wel tawht withal.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, it is thus overal
With hem that stonden misbelieved,
That suche goddes ben believed: 740
In sondri place sondri wise
Amonges hem whiche are unwise
Ther is betaken of credence;
Wherof that I the difference
In the manere as it is write
Schal do the pleinly forto wite.
[Sidenote: [THE GODS OF THE NATIONS.]]
ii. _Gentibus illusis signantur templa deorum,_[1530]
_Vnde deos cecos nacio ceca colit._
_Nulla creatori racio facit esse creatum_
_Equiperans, quod adhuc iura pagana fouent._[1531]
[Sidenote: [i. BELIEF OF THE CHALDEANS.]]
Er Crist was bore among ous hiere,
Of the believes that tho were
[Sidenote: Quia secundum Poetarum fabulas in huius libelli
locis quam pluribus nomina et gestus deorum falsorum
intitulantur, quorum infidelitas vt Cristianis clarius
innotescat, intendit de ipsorum origine secundum varias
Paganorum Sectas scribere consequenter. Et primo de Secta
Chaldeorum tractare proponit.]
In foure formes thus it was.
Thei of Caldee as in this cas 750
Hadde a believe be hemselve,
Which stod upon the signes tuelve,
Forth ek with the Planetes sevene,
Whiche as thei sihe upon the hevene.
Of sondri constellacion
In here ymaginacion
With sondri kerf and pourtreture
Thei made of goddes the figure.
In thelementz and ek also
Thei hadden a believe tho; 760
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 153=]
And al was that unresonable:
For thelementz ben servicable
To man, and ofte of Accidence,
As men mai se thexperience,[1532]
Thei ben corrupt be sondri weie;
So mai no mannes reson seie
That thei ben god in eny wise.
And ek, if men hem wel avise,
The Sonne and Mone eclipse bothe,
That be hem lieve or be hem lothe, 770
Thei soffre; and what thing is passible
To ben a god is impossible.
[Sidenote: Et nota[1533] quod Nembroth quartus a Noe ignem
tanquam deum in Chaldea primus adorari decreuit.]
These elementz ben creatures,
So ben these hevenly figures,
Wherof mai wel be justefied
That thei mai noght be deified:
And who that takth awey thonour
Which due is to the creatour,
And yifth it to the creature,
He doth to gret a forsfaiture. 780
Bot of Caldee natheles[1534]
Upon this feith, thogh it be les,
Thei holde affermed the creance;
So that of helle the penance,
[Sidenote: [ii. BELIEF OF THE EGYPTIANS.]]
As folk which stant out of believe,
They schull receive, as we believe.[1535]
[Sidenote: De Secta Egipciorum.[1536]]
Of the Caldeus lo in this wise[1537]
Stant the believe out of assisse:
Bot in Egipte worst of alle
The feith is fals, hou so it falle; 790
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 154=]
For thei diverse bestes there
Honoure, as thogh thei goddes were:[1538]
And natheles yit forth withal
Thre goddes most in special
Thei have, forth with a goddesse,[1539]
In whom is al here sikernesse.
Tho goddes be yit cleped thus,
Orus, Typhon and Isirus:
Thei were brethren alle thre,
And the goddesse in hir degre 800
Here Soster was and Ysis hyhte,
Whom Isirus forlai be nyhte
And hield hire after as his wif.
So it befell that upon strif
Typhon hath Isre his brother slain,
Which hadde a child to Sone Orayn,
And he his fader deth to herte
So tok, that it mai noght asterte
That he Typhon after ne slowh,
Whan he was ripe of age ynowh. 810
Bot yit thegipcienes trowe[1540]
For al this errour, which thei knowe,
That these brethren ben of myht
To sette and kepe Egipte upriht,
And overthrowe, if that hem like.
Bot Ysis, as seith the Cronique,
Fro Grece into Egipte cam,
And sche thanne upon honde nam
To teche hem forto sowe and eere,
Which noman knew tofore there. 820
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 155=]
And whan thegipcienes syhe[1541]
The fieldes fulle afore here yhe,
And that the loud began to greine,
Which whilom hadde be bareigne,--
For therthe bar after the kinde
His due charge,--this I finde,
That sche of berthe the goddesse
Is cleped, so that in destresse
The wommen there upon childinge
To hire clepe, and here offringe 830
Thei beren, whan that thei ben lyhte.
Lo, hou Egipte al out of syhte
[Sidenote: [iii. BELIEF OF THE GREEKS.]]
Fro resoun stant in misbelieve[1542]
For lacke of lore, as I believe.
[Sidenote: De Secta Grecorum.[1543]]
Among the Greks, out of the weie
As thei that reson putte aweie,[1544]
Ther was, as the Cronique seith,
Of misbelieve an other feith,
That thei here goddes and goddesses,
As who seith, token al to gesses 840
Of suche as weren full of vice,
To whom thei made here sacrifice.
The hihe god, so as thei seide,
To whom thei most worschipe leide,
[Sidenote: Nota qualiter Saturnus deorum summus appellatur.]
Saturnus hihte, and king of Crete
He hadde be; bot of his sete
He was put doun, as he which stod
In frenesie, and was so wod,
That fro his wif, which Rea hihte,
Hise oghne children he to plihte,[1545] 850
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 156=]
And eet hem of his comun wone.
Bot Jupiter, which was his Sone
And of full age, his fader bond
And kutte of with his oghne hond
Hise genitals, whiche als so faste
Into the depe See he caste;
Wherof the Greks afferme and seie,
Thus whan thei were caste aweie,
Cam Venus forth be weie of kinde.
And of Saturne also I finde 860
How afterward into an yle
This Jupiter him dede exile,[1546]
Wher that he stod in gret meschief.
Lo, which a god thei maden chief!
And sithen that such on was he,
Which stod most hihe in his degre[1547]
Among the goddes, thou miht knowe,
These othre, that ben more lowe,
Ben litel worth, as it is founde.
[Sidenote: Iupiter deus deliciarum.]
For Jupiter was the secounde, 870
Which Juno hadde unto his wif;
And yit a lechour al his lif
He was, and in avouterie
He wroghte many a tricherie;
And for he was so full of vices,
Thei cleped him god of delices:
Of whom, if thou wolt more wite,
Ovide the Poete hath write.
Bot yit here Sterres bothe tuo,
Saturne and Jupiter also, 880
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 157=]
Thei have, althogh thei be to blame,
Attitled to here oghne name.
[Sidenote: Mars deus belli.]
Mars was an other in that lawe,
The which in Dace was forthdrawe,
Of whom the clerk Vegecius
Wrot in his bok, and tolde thus,
Hou he into Ytaile cam,
And such fortune ther he nam,
That he a Maiden hath oppressed,
Which in hire ordre was professed, 890
As sche which was the Prioresse
In Vestes temple the goddesse,
So was sche wel the mor to blame.[1548]
Dame Ylia this ladi name
Men clepe, and ek sche was also
The kinges dowhter that was tho,
Which Mynitor be name hihte.
So that ayein the lawes ryhte
Mars thilke time upon hire that
Remus and Romulus begat, 900
Whiche after, whan thei come in Age,[1549]
Of knihthode and of vassellage
Ytaile al hol thei overcome
And foundeden the grete Rome;
In Armes and of such emprise
Thei weren, that in thilke wise
Here fader Mars for the mervaile
The god was cleped of bataille.
Thei were his children bothe tuo,
Thurgh hem he tok his name so, 910
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 158=]
Ther was non other cause why:
And yit a Sterre upon the Sky
He hath unto his name applied,
In which that he is signified.
[Sidenote: Appollo deus Sapiencie.[1550]]
An other god thei hadden eke,
To whom for conseil thei beseke,
The which was brother to Venus,
Appollo men him clepe thus.
He was an Hunte upon the helles,
Ther was with him no vertu elles, 920
Wherof that enye bokes karpe,
Bot only that he couthe harpe;
Which whanne he walked over londe,[1551]
Fulofte time he tok on honde,
To gete him with his sustienance,
For lacke of other pourveance.
And otherwhile of his falshede
He feignede him to conne arede[1552]
Of thing which after scholde falle;
Wherof among hise sleyhtes alle 930
He hath the lewed folk deceived,
So that the betre he was received.
Lo now, thurgh what creacion
He hath deificacion,
And cleped is the god of wit
To suche as be the foles yit.[1553]
[Sidenote: Mercurius deus Mercatorum et furtorum.[1554]]
An other god, to whom thei soghte,
Mercurie hihte, and him ne roghte
What thing he stal, ne whom he slowh.[1555]
Of Sorcerie he couthe ynowh, 940
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 159=]
That whanne he wolde himself transforme,
Fulofte time he tok the forme
Of womman and his oghne lefte;
So dede he wel the more thefte.
A gret spekere in alle thinges
He was also, and of lesinges
An Auctour, that men wiste non
An other such as he was on.[1556]
And yit thei maden of this thief
A god, which was unto hem lief, 950
And clepede him in tho believes[1557]
The god of Marchantz and of thieves.
Bot yit a sterre upon the hevene
He hath of the planetes sevene.
[Sidenote: Vulcanus deus Ignis.]
But Vulcanus, of whom I spak,
He hadde a courbe upon the bak,
And therto he was hepehalt:
Of whom thou understonde schalt,
He was a schrewe in al his youthe,
And he non other vertu couthe 960
Of craft to helpe himselve with,
Bot only that he was a Smith
With Jupiter, which in his forge
Diverse thinges made him forge;
So wot I noght for what desir
Thei clepen him the god of fyr.
[Sidenote: Eolus deus ventorum.[1558]]
King of Cizile Ypolitus
A Sone hadde, and Eolus
He hihte, and of his fader grant
He hield be weie of covenant 970
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 160=]
The governance of every yle
Which was longende unto Cizile,
Of hem that fro the lond forein
Leie open to the wynd al plein.
And fro thilke iles to the londe
Fulofte cam the wynd to honde:
After the name of him forthi
The wyndes cleped Eoli
Tho were, and he the god of wynd.[1559]
Lo nou, hou this believe is blynd! 980
The king of Crete Jupiter,
[Sidenote: Neptunus deus maris.[1560]]
The same which I spak of er,
Unto his brother, which Neptune
Was hote, it list him to comune
Part of his good, so that be Schipe
He mad him strong of the lordschipe[1561]
Of al the See in tho parties;[1562]
Wher that he wroghte his tyrannyes,
And the strange yles al aboute[1563]
He wan, that every man hath doute 990
Upon his marche forto saile;
For he anon hem wolde assaile[1564]
And robbe what thing that thei ladden,
His sauf conduit bot if thei hadden.
Wherof the comun vois aros
In every lond, that such a los
He cawhte, al nere it worth a stre,
That he was cleped of the See
The god be name, and yit he is
With hem that so believe amis. 1000
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 161=]
This Neptune ek was thilke also,
Which was the ferste foundour tho
Of noble Troie, and he forthi
Was wel the more lete by.
[Sidenote: Pan deus nature.]
The loresman of the Schepherdes,
And ek of hem that ben netherdes,[1565]
Was of Archade and hihte Pan:
Of whom hath spoke many a man;
For in the wode of Nonarcigne,[1566]
Enclosed with the tres of Pigne, 1010
And on the Mont of Parasie
He hadde of bestes the baillie,
And ek benethe in the valleie,[1567]
Wher thilke rivere, as men seie,
Which Ladon hihte, made his cours,
He was the chief of governours
Of hem that kepten tame bestes,
Wherof thei maken yit the festes
In the Cite Stinfalides.
And forth withal yit natheles 1020
He tawhte men the forthdrawinge
Of bestaile, and ek the makinge
Of Oxen, and of hors the same,
Hou men hem scholde ryde and tame:
Of foules ek, so as we finde,
Ful many a soubtiel craft of kinde
He fond, which noman knew tofore.
Men dede him worschipe ek therfore,
That he the ferste in thilke lond
Was which the melodie fond 1030
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 162=]
Of Riedes, whan thei weren ripe,
With double pipes forto pipe;
Therof he yaf the ferste lore,
Til afterward men couthe more.
To every craft for mannes helpe
He hadde a redi wit to helpe
Thurgh naturel experience:
And thus the nyce reverence
Of foles, whan that he was ded,
The fot hath torned to the hed, 1040
And clepen him god of nature,
For so thei maden his figure.
[Sidenote: Bachus deus vini.]
An other god, so as thei fiele,
Which Jupiter upon Samele
Begat in his avouterie,
Whom, forto hide his lecherie,
That non therof schal take kepe,
In a Montaigne forto kepe,
Which Dyon hihte and was in Ynde,
He sende, in bokes as I finde:[1568] 1050
And he be name Bachus hihte,
Which afterward, whan that he mihte,
A wastour was, and al his rente
In wyn and bordel he despente.
Bot yit, al were he wonder badde,
Among the Greks a name he hadde;
Thei cleped him the god of wyn,
And thus a glotoun was dyvyn.[1569]
[Sidenote: Esculapius deus medicine.[1570]]
Ther was yit Esculapius
A godd in thilke time as thus. 1060
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 163=]
His craft stod upon Surgerie,
Bot for the lust of lecherie,
That he to Daires dowhter drowh,
It fell that Jupiter him slowh:
And yit thei made him noght forthi[1571]
A god, and was no cause why.
In Rome he was long time also
A god among the Romeins tho;
For, as he seide, of his presence
Ther was destruid a pestilence, 1070
Whan thei to thyle of Delphos wente,
And that Appollo with hem sente[1572]
This Esculapius his Sone,
Among the Romeins forto wone.
And there he duelte for a while,
Til afterward into that yle,
Fro whenne he cam, ayein he torneth,
Where al his lyf that he sojorneth
Among the Greks, til that he deide.
And thei upon him thanne leide 1080
His name, and god of medicine
He hatte after that ilke line.
[Sidenote: Hercules deus fortitudinis.[1573]]
An other god of Hercules
Thei made, which was natheles
A man, bot that he was so strong,
In al this world that brod and long
So myhti was noman as he.
Merveiles tuelve in his degre,
As it was couth in sondri londes,
He dede with hise oghne hondes 1090
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 164=]
Ayein geantz and Monstres bothe,
The whiche horrible were and lothe,
Bot he with strengthe hem overcam:
Wherof so gret a pris he nam,
That thei him clepe amonges alle
The god of strengthe, and to him calle.
And yit ther is no reson inne,
For he a man was full of sinne,
Which proved was upon his ende,
For in a rage himself he brende; 1100
And such a cruel mannes dede
Acordeth nothing with godhede.
[Sidenote: Pluto deus Inferni.[1574]]
Thei hadde of goddes yit an other,
Which Pluto hihte, and was the brother
Of Jupiter, and he fro youthe[1575]
With every word which cam to mouthe,
Of eny thing whan he was wroth,[1576]
He wolde swere his commun oth,
Be Lethen and be Flegeton,[1577]
Be Cochitum and Acheron, 1110
The whiche, after the bokes telle,
Ben the chief flodes of the helle:[1578]
Be Segne and Stige he swor also,
That ben the depe Pettes tuo
Of helle the most principal.
Pluto these othes overal
Swor of his commun custummance,
Til it befell upon a chance,
That he for Jupiteres sake[1579]
Unto the goddes let do make 1120
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 165=]
A sacrifice, and for that dede
On of the pettes for his mede
In helle, of which I spak of er,
Was granted him; and thus he ther
Upon the fortune of this thing
The name tok of helle king.
Lo, these goddes and wel mo
Among the Greks thei hadden tho,
And of goddesses manyon,
Whos names thou schalt hiere anon, 1130
And in what wise thei deceiven
The foles whiche here feith receiven.
[Sidenote: Nota, qualiter Sibeles Dearum[1580] Mater et
origo nuncupatur.]
So as Saturne is soverein
Of false goddes, as thei sein,
So is Sibeles of goddesses
The Moder, whom withoute gesses
The folk Payene honoure and serve,
As thei the whiche hire lawe observe.[1581]
Bot forto knowen upon this
Fro when sche cam and what sche is, 1140
Bethincia the contre hihte,
Wher sche cam ferst to mannes sihte;
And after was Saturnes wif,
Be whom thre children in hire lif
Sche bar, and thei were cleped tho
Juno, Neptunus and Pluto,
The whiche of nyce fantasie
The poeple wolde deifie.
And for hire children were so,[1582]
Sibeles thanne was also 1150
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 166=]
Mad a goddesse, and thei hire calle
The moder of the goddes alle.
So was that name bore forth,
And yit the cause is litel worth.
[Sidenote: Iuno Dea Regnorum et diuiciarum.[1583]]
A vois unto Saturne tolde
Hou that his oghne Sone him scholde[1584]
Out of his regne putte aweie;
And he be cause of thilke weie,
That him was schape such a fate,
Sibele his wif began to hate 1160
And ek hire progenie bothe.
And thus, whil that thei were wrothe,
Be Philerem upon a dai
In his avouterie he lai,
On whom he Jupiter begat;[1585]
And thilke child was after that
Which wroghte al that was prophecied,
As it tofore is specefied:
So that whan Jupiter of Crete
Was king, a wif unto him mete 1170
The Dowhter of Sibele he tok,
And that was Juno, seith the bok.[1586]
Of his deificacion
After the false oppinion,
That have I told, so as thei meene;
And for this Juno was the queene[1587]
Of Jupiter and Soster eke,
The foles unto hire sieke,
And sein that sche is the goddesse
Of Regnes bothe and of richesse: 1180
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 167=]
And ek sche, as thei understonde,
The water Nimphes hath in honde
To leden at hire oghne heste;
And whan hir list the Sky tempeste,
The reinbowe is hir Messager.
Lo, which a misbelieve is hier!
That sche goddesse is of the Sky
I wot non other cause why.
[Sidenote: Minerua Dea sapienciarum.]
An other goddesse is Minerve,
To whom the Greks obeie and serve: 1190
And sche was nyh the grete lay
Of Triton founde, wher sche lay
A child forcast, bot what sche was
Ther knew noman the sothe cas.
Bot in Aufrique sche was leid
In the manere as I have seid,
And caried fro that ilke place
Into an Yle fer in Trace,
The which Palene thanne hihte,[1588]
Wher a Norrice hir kepte and dihte. 1200
And after, for sche was so wys[1589]
That sche fond ferst in hire avis
The cloth makinge of wolle and lyn,[1590]
Men seiden that sche was divin,
And the goddesse of Sapience
Thei clepen hire in that credence.
[Sidenote: Pallas Dea bellorum.[1591]]
Of the goddesse which Pallas
Is cleped sondri speche was.
On seith hire fader was Pallant,
Which in his time was geant, 1210
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 168=]
A cruel man, a bataillous:
An other seith hou in his hous
Sche was the cause why he deide.
And of this Pallas some ek seide
That sche was Martes wif; and so
Among the men that weren tho
Of misbelieve in the riote
The goddesse of batailles hote
She was, and yit sche berth the name.
Now loke, hou they be forto blame. 1220
[Sidenote: Ceres dea frugum.[1592]]
Saturnus after his exil
Fro Crete cam in gret peril
Into the londes of Ytaile,
And ther he dede gret mervaile,
Wherof his name duelleth yit.
For he fond of his oghne wit
The ferste craft of plowh tilinge,
Of Eringe and of corn sowinge,
And how men scholden sette vines
And of the grapes make wynes;[1593] 1230
Al this he tawhte, and it fell so,
His wif, the which cam with him tho,[1594]
Was cleped Cereres be name,
And for sche tawhte also the same,
And was his wif that ilke throwe,
As it was to the poeple knowe,
Thei made of Ceres a goddesse,
In whom here tilthe yit thei blesse,[1595]
And sein that Tricolonius
Hire Sone goth amonges ous 1240
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 169=]
And makth the corn good chep or dere,
Riht as hire list fro yer to yeere;
So that this wif be cause of this
Goddesse of Cornes cleped is.
[Sidenote: Diana Dea Moncium et Siluarum.[1596]]
King Jupiter, which his likinge
Whilom fulfelde in alle thinge,
So priveliche aboute he ladde
His lust, that he his wille hadde
Of Latona, and on hire that
Diane his dowhter he begat 1250
Unknowen of his wif Juno.
And afterward sche knew it so,[1597]
That Latona for drede fledde[1598]
Into an Ile, wher sche hedde
Hire wombe, which of childe aros.
Thilke yle cleped was Delos;[1599]
In which Diana was forthbroght,
And kept so that hire lacketh noght.
And after, whan sche was of Age,
Sche tok non hiede of mariage, 1260
Bot out of mannes compaignie
Sche tok hire al to venerie[1600]
In forest and in wildernesse;
For ther was al hire besinesse
Be daie and ek be nyhtes tyde
With arwes brode under the side
And bowe in honde, of which sche slowh
And tok al that hir liste ynowh
Of bestes whiche ben chacable:
Wherof the Cronique of this fable 1270
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 170=]
Seith that the gentils most of alle
Worschipen hire and to hire calle,
And the goddesse of hihe helles,
Of grene trees, of freisshe welles,
They clepen hire in that believe,
Which that no reson mai achieve.
[Sidenote: Proserpina Dea Infernorum.]
Proserpina, which dowhter was
Of Cereres, befell this cas:
Whil sche was duellinge in Cizile,[1601]
Hire moder in that ilke while 1280
Upon hire blessinge and hire heste
Bad that sche scholde ben honeste,
And lerne forto weve and spinne,
And duelle at hom and kepe hire inne.
Bot sche caste al that lore aweie,
And as sche wente hir out to pleie,[1602]
To gadre floures in a pleine,[1603]
And that was under the monteine
Of Ethna, fell the same tyde
That Pluto cam that weie ryde,[1604] 1290
And sodeinly, er sche was war,
He tok hire up into his char.
And as thei riden in the field,
Hire grete beaute he behield,
Which was so plesant in his ÿe,
That forto holde in compainie
He weddeth hire and hield hire so[1605]
To ben his wif for everemo.
And as thou hast tofore herd telle
Hou he was cleped god of helle, 1300
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 171=]
So is sche cleped the goddesse
Be cause of him, ne mor ne lesse.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Lo, thus, mi Sone, as I thee tolde,
The Greks whilom be daies olde
Here goddes hadde in sondri wise,
And thurgh the lore of here aprise
The Romeins hielden ek the same.
And in the worschipe of here name[1606]
To every godd in special
Thei made a temple forth withal, 1310
And ech of hem his yeeres dai
Attitled hadde; and of arai
The temples weren thanne ordeigned,
And ek the poeple was constreigned
To come and don here sacrifice;
The Prestes ek in here office
Solempne maden thilke festes.
And thus the Greks lich to the bestes[1607]
The men in stede of god honoure,
Whiche mihten noght hemself socoure, 1320
Whil that thei were alyve hiere.
And over this, as thou schalt hiere,
[Sidenote: Nota, quod dii Montium Satiri vocantur.]
The Greks fulfild of fantasie
Sein ek that of the helles hihe
The goddes ben in special,
Bot of here name in general
Thei hoten alle Satiri.
[Sidenote: Oreades Nimphe Montium.]
Ther ben of Nimphes proprely
In the believe of hem also:
Oreades thei seiden tho 1330
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 172=]
Attitled ben to the monteines;[1608]
[Sidenote: Driades Siluarum.]
And for the wodes in demeynes
To kepe, tho ben Driades;[1609]
[Sidenote: Naiades fontium.]
Of freisshe welles Naiades;
And of the Nimphes of the See
[Sidenote: Nereides Marium.[1610]]
I finde a tale in proprete,
Hou Dorus whilom king of Grece,
Which hadde of infortune a piece,--
His wif forth with hire dowhtres alle,[1611]
So as the happes scholden falle, 1340
With many a gentil womman there
Dreint in the salte See thei were:
Wherof the Greks that time seiden,
And such a name upon hem leiden,
Nereïdes that thei ben hote,
The Nimphes whiche that thei note
To regne upon the stremes salte.
Lo now, if this believe halte!
Bot of the Nimphes as thei telle,[1612]
In every place wher thei duelle 1350
Thei ben al redi obeissant
As damoiselles entendant
To the goddesses, whos servise[1613]
Thei mote obeie in alle wise;
Wherof the Greks to hem beseke
With tho that ben goddesses eke,
And have in hem a gret credence.
[Sidenote: Manes dii mortuorum.[1614]]
And yit withoute experience
Salve only of illusion,
Which was to hem dampnacion, 1360
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 173=]
For men also that were dede
Thei hadden goddes, as I rede,
And tho be name Manes hihten,
To whom ful gret honour thei dihten,
So as the Grekes lawe seith,
Which was ayein the rihte feith.
Thus have I told a gret partie;
Bot al the hole progenie
Of goddes in that ilke time
To long it were forto rime. 1370
Bot yit of that which thou hast herd,
Of misbelieve hou it hath ferd,
Ther is a gret diversite.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, riht so thenketh me.
Bot yit o thing I you beseche,
Which stant in alle mennes speche,
The godd and the goddesse of love,
Of whom ye nothing hier above
Have told, ne spoken of her fare,
That ye me wolden now declare 1380
Hou thei ferst comen to that name.[1615]
Mi Sone, I have it left for schame,
Be cause I am here oghne Prest;[1616]
[Sidenote: Qualiter Cupido et Venus deus et dea amoris
nuncupantur.[1617]]
Bot for thei stonden nyh thi brest[1618]
Upon the schrifte of thi matiere,
Thou schalt of hem the sothe hiere:
And understand nou wel the cas.
Venus Saturnes dowhter was,
Which alle danger putte aweie
Of love, and fond to lust a weie; 1390
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 174=]
So that of hire in sondri place
Diverse men felle into grace,
And such a lusti lif sche ladde,
That sche diverse children hadde,
Nou on be this, nou on be that.
Of hire it was that Mars beyat
A child, which cleped was Armene;
Of hire also cam Andragene,
To whom Mercurie fader was:
Anchises begat Eneas 1400
Of hire also, and Ericon
Biten begat, and therupon,
Whan that sche sih ther was non other,
Be Jupiter hire oghne brother
Sche lay, and he begat Cupide.[1619]
And thilke Sone upon a tyde,
Whan he was come unto his Age,
He hadde a wonder fair visage,
And fond his Moder amourous,
And he was also lecherous: 1410
So whan thei weren bothe al one,
As he which yhen hadde none
To se reson, his Moder kiste;
And sche also, that nothing wiste
Bot that which unto lust belongeth,
To ben hire love him underfongeth.
Thus was he blind, and sche unwys:
Bot natheles this cause it is,
Why Cupide is the god of love,
For he his moder dorste love. 1420
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 175=]
And sche, which thoghte hire lustes fonde,
Diverse loves tok in honde,
Wel mo thanne I the tolde hiere:[1620]
And for sche wolde hirselve skiere,
Sche made comun that desport,
And sette a lawe of such a port,
That every womman mihte take
What man hire liste, and noght forsake
To ben als comun as sche wolde.[1621]
Sche was the ferste also which tolde 1430
That wommen scholde here bodi selle;
Semiramis, so as men telle,
Of Venus kepte thilke aprise,
And so dede in the same wise
Of Rome faire Neabole,
Which liste hire bodi to rigole;
Sche was to every man felawe,
And hild the lust of thilke lawe,[1622]
Which Venus of hirself began;
Wherof that sche the name wan, 1440
Why men hire clepen the goddesse
Of love and ek of gentilesse,
Of worldes lust and of plesance.
Se nou the foule mescreance
Of Greks in thilke time tho,
Whan Venus tok hire name so.
Ther was no cause under the Mone[1623]
Of which thei hadden tho to done,
Of wel or wo wher so it was,
That thei ne token in that cas 1450
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 176=]
A god to helpe or a goddesse.
Wherof, to take mi witnesse,
[Sidenote: Nota de Epistola Dindimi Regis Bragmannorum
Alexandro magno directa, vbi dicit quod Greci tunc ad
corporis conseruacionem pro singulis membris singulos deos
specialiter appropriari credunt.]
The king of Bragmans Dindimus[1624]
Wrot unto Alisandre thus:
In blaminge of the Grekes feith
And of the misbelieve, he seith
How thei for every membre hadden
A sondri god, to whom thei spradden
Here armes, and of help besoghten.
Minerve for the hed thei soghten, 1460
For sche was wys, and of a man
The wit and reson which he can
Is in the celles of the brayn,
Wherof thei made hire soverain.
Mercurie, which was in his dawes
A gret spekere of false lawes,
On him the kepinge of the tunge
Thei leide, whan thei spieke or sunge.
For Bachus was a glotoun eke,
Him for the throte thei beseke, 1470
That he it wolde waisshen ofte
With swote drinkes and with softe.
The god of schuldres and of armes
Was Hercules; for he in armes
The myhtieste was to fihte,
To him tho Limes they behihte.[1625]
The god whom that thei clepen Mart[1626]
The brest to kepe hath for his part,
Forth with the herte, in his ymage
That he adresce the corage. 1480
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 177=]
And of the galle the goddesse,
For sche was full of hastifesse[1627]
Of wraththe and liht to grieve also,
Thei made and seide it was Juno.
Cupide, which the brond afyre[1628]
Bar in his hond, he was the Sire[1629]
Of the Stomak, which builleth evere,
Wherof the lustes ben the levere.
To the goddesse Cereres,[1630]
Which of the corn yaf hire encress 1490
Upon the feith that tho was take,
The wombes cure was betake;
And Venus thurgh the Lecherie,
For which that thei hire deifie,
Sche kept al doun the remenant[1631]
To thilke office appourtenant.
[Sidenote: [ORIGIN OF IDOL-WORSHIP.]]
Thus was dispers in sondri wise
The misbelieve, as I devise,
[Sidenote: Nota de prima ydolorum cultura, que ex tribus
precipue Statuis exorta est; quarum prima fuit illa, quam
in filii sui memoriam quidam princeps nomine Cirophanes a
sculptore Promotheo fabricari constituit.]
With many an ymage of entaile,
Of suche as myhte hem noght availe; 1500
For thei withoute lyves chiere
Unmyhti ben to se or hiere
Or speke or do or elles fiele;
And yit the foles to hem knele,
Which is here oghne handes werk.
Ha lord, hou this believe is derk,
And fer fro resonable wit!
And natheles thei don it yit:
That was to day a ragged tre,
To morwe upon his majeste 1510
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 178=]
Stant in the temple wel besein.
How myhte a mannes resoun sein
That such a Stock mai helpe or grieve?
Bot thei that ben of such believe
And unto suche goddes calle,
It schal to hem riht so befalle,
And failen ate moste nede.[1632]
Bot if thee list to taken hiede
And of the ferste ymage wite,
Petornius therof hath write[1633] 1520
And ek Nigargorus also;
And thei afferme and write so,
That Promotheüs was tofore
And fond the ferste craft therfore,
And Cirophanes, as thei telle,
Thurgh conseil which was take in helle,[1634]
In remembrance of his lignage[1635]
Let setten up the ferste ymage.
Of Cirophanes seith the bok,
That he for sorwe, which he tok 1530
Of that he sih his Sone ded,
Of confort knew non other red,
Bot let do make in remembrance
A faire ymage of his semblance
And sette it in the market place,[1636]
Which openly tofore his face
Stod every dai to don him ese.
And thei that thanne wolden plese
The fader, scholden it obeie,
Whan that they comen thilke weie. 1540
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 179=]
[Sidenote: Secunda Statua fuit illa, quam ad sui patris
Beli culturam Rex Ninus fieri et adorari decreuit. Et sic
de nomine Beli postea Bel et Belzebub ydolum accreuit.]
And of Ninus king of Assire
I rede hou that in his empire
He was next after the secounde
Of hem that ferst ymages founde.
For he riht in semblable cas
Of Belus, which his fader was
Fro Nembroth in the rihte line,
Let make of gold and Stones fine
A precious ymage riche
After his fader evene liche; 1550
And therupon a lawe he sette,
That every man of pure dette
With sacrifice and with truage
Honoure scholde thilke ymage:
So that withinne time it fell,
Of Belus cam the name of Bel,
Of Bel cam Belzebub, and so
The misbelieve wente tho.
[Sidenote: Tercia Statua fuit illa, que ad honorem Apis
Regis Grecorum sculpta fuit, cui postea nomen Serapis
imponentes, ipsum quasi deum Pagani coluerunt.]
The thridde ymage next to this
Was, whan the king of Grece Apis 1560
Was ded, thei maden a figure
In resemblance of his stature.
Of this king Apis seith the bok
That Serapis his name tok,
In whom thurgh long continuance
Of misbelieve a gret creance
Thei hadden, and the reverence
Of Sacrifice and of encence
To him thei made: and as thei telle,
Among the wondres that befelle, 1570
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 180=]
Whan Alisandre fro Candace
Cam ridende, in a wilde place
Undur an hull a Cave he fond;[1637]
And Candalus, which in that lond
Was bore, and was Candaces Sone,
Him tolde hou that of commun wone
The goddes were in thilke cave.
And he, that wolde assaie and have[1638]
A knowlechinge if it be soth,
Liht of his hors and in he goth, 1580
And fond therinne that he soghte:
For thurgh the fendes sleihte him thoghte,
Amonges othre goddes mo
That Serapis spak to him tho,
Whom he sih there in gret arrai.
And thus the fend fro dai to dai
The worschipe of ydolatrie
Drowh forth upon the fantasie
Of hem that weren thanne blinde
And couthen noght the trouthe finde. 1590
Thus hast thou herd in what degre
Of Grece, Egipte and of Caldee
The misbelieves whilom stode;[1639]
And hou so that thei be noght goode
Ne trewe, yit thei sprungen oute,
Wherof the wyde world aboute
His part of misbelieve tok.
Til so befell, as seith the bok,
That god a poeple for himselve
Hath chose of the lignages tuelve, 1600
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 181=]
Wherof the sothe redely,
As it is write in Genesi,
I thenke telle in such a wise
That it schal be to thin apprise.
[Sidenote: [iv. BELIEF OF THE JEWS.]]
[Sidenote: De Hebreorum seu Iudeorum Secta, quorum
Sinagoga, ecclesia Cristi superueniente, defecit.]
After the flod, fro which Noë
Was sauf, the world in his degre
Was mad, as who seith, newe ayein,
Of flour, of fruit, of gras, of grein,
Of beste, of bridd and of mankinde,
Which evere hath be to god unkinde: 1610
For noght withstondende al the fare,
Of that this world was mad so bare
And afterward it was restored,
Among the men was nothing mored
Towardes god of good lyvynge,
Bot al was torned to likinge
After the fleissh, so that foryete
Was he which yaf hem lif and mete,
Of hevene and Erthe creatour.
And thus cam forth the grete errour, 1620
That thei the hihe god ne knewe,
Bot maden othre goddes newe,
As thou hast herd me seid tofore:
Ther was noman that time bore,[1640]
That he ne hadde after his chois
A god, to whom he yaf his vois.
Wherof the misbelieve cam
Into the time of Habraham:[1641]
Bot he fond out the rihte weie,
Hou only that men scholde obeie 1630
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 182=]
The hihe god, which weldeth al,
And evere hath don and evere schal,
In hevene, in Erthe and ek in helle;[1642]
Ther is no tunge his miht mai telle.
This Patriarch to his lignage
Forbad, that thei to non ymage
Encline scholde in none wise,
Bot here offrende and sacrifise
With al the hole hertes love
Unto the mihti god above 1640
Thei scholden yive and to no mo:
And thus in thilke time tho
Began the Secte upon this Erthe,[1643]
Which of believes was the ferthe.
Of rihtwisnesse it was conceived,
So moste it nedes be received[1644]
Of him that alle riht is inne,[1645]
The hihe god, which wolde winne
A poeple unto his oghne feith.
On Habraham the ground he leith, 1650
And made him forto multeplie
Into so gret a progenie,
That thei Egipte al overspradde.[1646]
Bot Pharao with wrong hem ladde
In servitute ayein the pes,
Til god let sende Moïses
To make the deliverance;
And for his poeple gret vengance
He tok, which is to hiere a wonder.
The king was slain, the lond put under, 1660
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 183=]
God bad the rede See divide,
Which stod upriht on either side[1647]
And yaf unto his poeple a weie,
That thei on fote it passe dreie[1648]
And gon so forth into desert:
Wher forto kepe hem in covert,
The daies, whan the Sonne brente,[1649]
A large cloude hem overwente,
And forto wissen hem be nyhte,
A firy Piler hem alyhte. 1670
And whan that thei for hunger pleigne,
The myhti god began to reyne
Manna fro hevene doun to grounde,
Wherof that ech of hem hath founde
His fode, such riht as him liste;
And for thei scholde upon him triste,
Riht as who sette a tonne abroche,
He percede the harde roche,[1650]
And sprong out water al at wille,
That man and beste hath drunke his fille: 1680
And afterward he yaf the lawe
To Moïses, that hem withdrawe
Thei scholden noght fro that he bad.
And in this wise thei be lad,
Til thei toke in possession[1651]
The londes of promission,
Wher that Caleph and Josuë
The Marches upon such degre
Departen, after the lignage
That ech of hem as Heritage 1690
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 184=]
His porpartie hath underfonge.
And thus stod this believe longe,
Which of prophetes was governed;
And thei hadde ek the poeple lerned
Of gret honour that scholde hem falle;
Bot ate moste nede of alle
Thei faileden, whan Crist was bore.
Bot hou that thei here feith have bore,[1652]
It nedeth noght to tellen al,
The matiere is so general: 1700
Whan Lucifer was best in hevene
And oghte moste have stonde in evene,
Towardes god he tok debat;
And for that he was obstinat,
And wolde noght to trouthe encline,
He fell for evere into ruine:
And Adam ek in Paradis,
Whan he stod most in al his pris
After thastat of Innocence,
Ayein the god brak his defence 1710
And fell out of his place aweie:
And riht be such a maner weie
The Jwes in here beste plit,[1653]
Whan that thei scholden most parfit
Have stonde upon the prophecie,[1654]
Tho fellen thei to most folie,
And him which was fro hevene come,
And of a Maide his fleissh hath nome,
And was among hem bore and fedd,
As men that wolden noght be spedd 1720
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 185=]
Of goddes Sone, with o vois
Thei hinge and slowhe upon the crois.
Wherof the parfit of here lawe
Fro thanne forth hem was withdrawe,
So that thei stonde of no merit,
Bot in truage as folk soubgit
Withoute proprete of place
Thei liven out of goddes grace,
Dispers in alle londes oute.
And thus the feith is come aboute, 1730
That whilom in the Jewes stod,
Which is noght parfihtliche good.
To speke as it is nou befalle,
Ther is a feith aboven alle,
In which the trouthe is comprehended,
Wherof that we ben alle amended.
[Sidenote: [THE CHRISTIAN FAITH.]]
[Sidenote: De fide Cristiana, in qua perfecte legis
complementum, summi misterii sacramentum, nostreque
saluacionis fundamentum infallibiliter[1655] consistere
credimus.]
The hihe almyhti majeste,
Of rihtwisnesse and of pite,
The Sinne which that Adam wroghte,
Whan he sih time, ayein he boghte, 1740
And sende his Sone fro the hevene
To sette mannes Soule in evene,[1656]
Which thanne was so sore falle[1657]
Upon the point which was befalle,
That he ne mihte himself arise.[1658]
Gregoire seith in his aprise,[1659]
It helpeth noght a man be bore,
If goddes Sone were unbore;
For thanne thurgh the ferste Sinne,
Which Adam whilom broghte ous inne, 1750
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 186=]
Ther scholden alle men be lost;
Bot Crist restoreth thilke lost,
And boghte it with his fleissh and blod.
And if we thenken hou it stod
Of thilke rancoun which he payde,
[Sidenote: Gregorius. O necessarium Ade peccatum![1660] O
felix culpa, que talem ac tantum meruit habere redemptorem!]
As seint Gregoire it wrot and sayde,
Al was behovely to the man:
For that wherof his wo began
Was after cause of al his welthe,
Whan he which is the welle of helthe, 1760
The hihe creatour of lif,
Upon the nede of such a strif
So wolde for his creature[1661]
Take on himself the forsfaiture
And soffre for the mannes sake.
Thus mai no reson wel forsake
That thilke Senne original
Ne was the cause in special
Of mannes worschipe ate laste,
Which schal withouten ende laste. 1770
For be that cause the godhede
Assembled was to the manhede[1662]
In the virgine, where he nom
Oure fleissh and verai man becom
Of bodely fraternite;
Wherof the man in his degre
Stant more worth, as I have told,
Than he stod erst be manyfold,
Thurgh baptesme of the newe lawe,
Of which Crist lord is and felawe. 1780
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 187=]
And thus the hihe goddes myht,[1663]
Which was in the virgine alyht,
The mannes Soule hath reconsiled,
Which hadde longe ben exiled.
So stant the feith upon believe,
Withoute which mai non achieve
To gete him Paradis ayein:
Bot this believe is so certein,
So full of grace and of vertu,
That what man clepeth to Jhesu 1790
In clene lif forthwith good dede,[1664]
He mai noght faile of hevene mede,
Which taken hath the rihte feith;
For elles, as the gospel seith,
Salvacion ther mai be non.
And forto preche therupon
Crist bad to hise Apostles alle,
The whos pouer as nou is falle
On ous that ben of holi cherche,
[Sidenote: Iacobus. Fides sine operibus mortua est.[1665]]
If we the goode dedes werche;[1666] 1800
For feith only sufficeth noght,[1667]
Bot if good dede also be wroght.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Now were it good that thou forthi,
Which thurgh baptesme proprely
Art unto Cristes feith professed,
Be war that thou be noght oppressed
[Sidenote: Nota hic contra istos qui iam lollardi
dicuntur.[1668]]
With Anticristes lollardie.
For as the Jwes prophecie[1669]
Was set of god for avantage,
Riht so this newe tapinage 1810
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 188=]
Of lollardie goth aboute
To sette Cristes feith in doute.
The seintz that weren ous tofore,
Be whom the feith was ferst upbore,
That holi cherche stod relieved,
Thei oghten betre be believed
Than these, whiche that men knowe
Noght holy, thogh thei feigne and blowe
Here lollardie in mennes Ere.
Bot if thou wolt live out of fere, 1820
Such newe lore, I rede, eschuie,
And hold forth riht the weie and suie,
As thine Ancestres dede er this:
So schalt thou noght believe amis.
[Sidenote: Incepit Jhesus facere et docere.]
Crist wroghte ferst and after tawhte,
So that the dede his word arawhte;[1670]
He yaf ensample in his persone,
And we the wordes have al one,
Lich to the Tree with leves grene,
Upon the which no fruit is sene. 1830
[Sidenote: Nota quod, cum Anthenor Palladium Troie a
templo Minerue abstulit, Thoas ibidem summus sacerdos auro
corruptus oculos auertit, et sic malum quasi non videns
scienter fieri permisit.]
The Priest Thoas, which of Minerve
The temple hadde forto serve,
And the Palladion of Troie
Kepte under keie, for monoie,
Of Anthenor which he hath nome,[1671]
Hath soffred Anthenor to come
And the Palladion to stele,
Wherof the worschipe and the wele
Of the Troiens was overthrowe.
Bot Thoas at the same throwe, 1840
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 189=]
Whan Anthenor this Juel tok,
Wynkende caste awei his lok
For a deceipte and for a wyle:
As he that scholde himself beguile,
He hidde his yhen fro the sihte,
And wende wel that he so mihte
Excuse his false conscience.
I wot noght if thilke evidence
Nou at this time in here estatz[1672]
Excuse mihte the Prelatz, 1850
Knowende hou that the feith discresceth
And alle moral vertu cesseth,
Wherof that thei the keies bere,
Bot yit hem liketh noght to stere
Here gostliche yhe forto se[1673]
The world in his adversite;
Thei wol no labour undertake
To kepe that hem is betake.
Crist deide himselve for the feith,
Bot nou our feerfull prelat seith, 1860
‘The lif is suete,’ and that he kepeth,
So that the feith unholpe slepeth,
And thei unto here ese entenden
And in here lust her lif despenden,
And every man do what him list.
Thus stant this world fulfild of Mist,
That noman seth the rihte weie:
The wardes of the cherche keie
Thurgh mishandlinge ben myswreynt,
The worldes wawe hath welnyh dreynt 1870
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 190=]
The Schip which Peter hath to stiere,
The forme is kept, bot the matiere
Transformed is in other wise.
Bot if thei weren gostli wise,
And that the Prelatz weren goode,
As thei be olde daies stode,
It were thanne litel nede
Among the men to taken hiede
Of that thei hieren Pseudo telle,[1674]
Which nou is come forto duelle, 1880
To sowe cokkel with the corn,
So that the tilthe is nyh forlorn,
Which Crist sew ferst his oghne hond.[1675]
Nou stant the cockel in the lond,
Wher stod whilom the goode grein,
For the Prelatz nou, as men sein,
Forslowthen that thei scholden tile.
And that I trowe be the skile,
Whan ther is lacke in hem above,
The poeple is stranged to the love 1890
Of trouthe, in cause of ignorance;
For wher ther is no pourveance
Of liht, men erren in the derke.[1676]
Bot if the Prelatz wolden werke
Upon the feith which thei ous teche,
Men scholden noght here weie seche
Withoute liht, as now is used:
Men se the charge aldai refused,
Which holi cherche hath undertake.
[Sidenote: Gregorius. Quando Petrus cum Judea, Andreas cum
Achaia, Thomas cum Yndea, et Paulus cum gente venient, quid
dicemus nos moderni, quorum fossum talentum pro nichilo
computabitur?]
Bot who that wolde ensample take, 1900
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 191=]
Gregoire upon his Omelie
Ayein the Slouthe of Prelacie
Compleigneth him, and thus he seith:
‘Whan Peter, fader of the feith,
At domesdai schal with him bringe
Judeam, which thurgh his prechinge[1677]
He wan, and Andrew with Achaie
Schal come his dette forto paie,
And Thomas ek with his beyete
Of Ynde, and Poul the routes grete 1910
Of sondri londes schal presente,[1678]
And we fulfild of lond and rente,
Which of this world we holden hiere,
With voide handes schul appiere,
Touchende oure cure spirital,
Which is our charge in special,
I not what thing it mai amonte
Upon thilke ende of oure accompte,
Wher Crist himself is Auditour,
Which takth non hiede of vein honour.’ 1920
Thoffice of the Chancellerie
Or of the kinges Tresorie
Ne for the writ ne for the taille[1679]
To warant mai noght thanne availe;
The world, which nou so wel we trowe,[1680]
Schal make ous thanne bot a mowe:
So passe we withoute mede,
That we non otherwise spede,
Bot as we rede that he spedde,
The which his lordes besant hedde 1930
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 192=]
And therupon gat non encress.
Bot at this time natheles,
What other man his thonk deserve,
The world so lusti is to serve,
That we with him ben all acorded,
And that is wist and wel recorded
Thurghout this Erthe in alle londes
Let knyhtes winne with here hondes,
For oure tunge schal be stille
And stonde upon the fleisshes wille. 1940
It were a travail forto preche
The feith of Crist, as forto teche
The folk Paiene, it wol noght be;
Bot every Prelat holde his See
With al such ese as he mai gete
Of lusti drinke and lusti mete,[1681]
Wherof the bodi fat and full
Is unto gostli labour dull
And slowh to handle thilke plowh.
Bot elles we ben swifte ynowh 1950
Toward the worldes Avarice;
And that is as a sacrifice,[1682]
Which, after that thapostel seith,[1683]
Is openly ayein the feith
Unto thidoles yove and granted:
Bot natheles it is nou haunted,
And vertu changed into vice,
So that largesce is Avarice,
In whos chapitre now we trete.
[Sidenote: Amans.]
Mi fader, this matiere is bete 1960
[Sidenote: =P. ii. 193=]
So fer, that evere whil I live
I schal the betre hede yive
Unto miself be many weie:
Bot over this nou wolde I preie
To wite what the branches are[1684]
Of Avarice, and hou thei fare
Als wel in love as otherwise.
[Sidenote: Confessor.]
Mi Sone, and I thee schal devise
In such a manere as thei stonde,[1685]
So that thou schalt hem understonde.[1686] 1970
(LIBRI QUINTI §§ iii--xiii _in sequenti volumine continentur_)
LINENOTES:
[1446] _Latin Verses_ i. 5 dicet AM ... B₂
[1447] 4 þer was G, AdB
[1448] 30 Wher in it moste nedes dwelle H₁ ... B₂
[1449] 35 asyhte F
[1450] 40 ouermore, B
[1451] 47 that he] þat þat A
47 f. ffor he þer of his part ne taþ
Bot kepeþ to anoþer þat he haþ
So H₁ ... B₂ _with some variations_ (þat _for_ Bot C it hath
_for_ he haþ H₁)
[1452] 59 farst F fare A ... B₂, Ad ... Δ
[1453] 73 departe AMH₁ _om._ Ad
[1454] 82 To holde hir whil my lif may laste H₁ ... B₂ _line
om._ T
[1455] 103 fiele] seche A ... B₂
[1456] 104 fulofte I A ... B₂ ofte I H₁
[1457] 110 wise] þing A ... B₂
[1458] 120 acordeþ XE ... B₂
[1459] 129 fulle AM
[1460] 133 that he] he to H₁ ... B₂
[1461] 135 He is] He as H₁ ... B₂
[1462] 141 the _om._ AMB₂, T
[1463] 142 his] þis A ... B₂
[1464] 160 _margin_ tunc] tantum BT _om._ G, Δ
[1465] 143 the] is AM
[1466] 146 payed CB₂, AdB
[1467] 159 tho] þus BT
[1468] 168 that _om._ B
[1469] 173 þe king A ... B₂
[1470] 185 þe poyntes whiche H₁, BT, W
[1471] 188 Tho XGERCB₂, B They H₁
[1472] 196 the world] worldes A ... B₂, Λ
[1473] 201 is al AM
[1474] 210 þis world H₁ ... B₂
[1475] 211 myhte _om._ H₁ ... B₂ (hadde _for_ have H₁)
[1476] 212 a mannes H₁ ... B₂, Ad, W
[1477] 217 the] þo GEC þese (þeis) AdBTΔ
[1478] 235 þe king BT
[1479] 242 the _om._ AMH₁XRLB₂
[1480] 249 telleþ AM
[1481] 253 dropesie (dropseie) AM
[1482] 268 þer vpon B
[1483] 273 put AJ, F putte C, BT
[1484] 274 He touched (toucheþ) al þat by him lay H₁ ... B₂, Λ
(toucheþ H₁GC touchit B₂ touche X)
[1485] 278 al] as AM
[1486] 281 him most(e) AJMG ... B₂
[1487] 288 al] as AMXERLB₂
[1488] 295 þis SBT
[1489] 301 waisshen F waisschen B wasshen (waschen) AJ, S
[1490] 306 wyssh (wissh) SB wisshe AJ, F
[1491] 314 change AM
[1492] 316 hom] þanne (þan) H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[1493] 332 bruche AM
[1494] 350 befull F
[1495] 364 Benethe] Grieueþ C &c.
[1496] 368 And for no drede now wol I wonde H₁ ... B₂, Λ
[1497] 371 ffor what man stonde B ffor what man þat stonde T
[1498] 372 unto] to H₁ ... B₂, BTΔ, W vp to Λ
[1499] 385 a doun J, F adoun A, B
[1500] 394 forbiedeþ J, S, F forbedeþ A, B The more he haþ þe
more he greedeþ H₁ ... B₂, Λ (dredeþ _for_ greedeþ R)
[1501] 412 tak SB take AJ, F
[1502] 424 everemore] ouercome AM ... B₂, Λ
[1503] 448 vnderstod (vnderstood) AJ, B vnderstode S, F er
this] þis AM ... L I wis B₂
[1504] 454 Now _om._ A ... B₂
[1505] 458 _margin_ de _om._ AMXRCLB₂, Δ
[1506] 459 ilke] þilke AM
[1507] 463 on] in H₁ ... B₂
[1508] 471 as _om._ H₁ ... B₂, Δ
[1509] 486 I] it AM
[1510] 487 neveremore] neuer B neu_er_more more T
[1511] 493 fro] by (be) H₁ ... B₂, B
[1512] 505 liste] lust to B
[1513] 511 his H₁ ... B₂, W
[1514] 534 Wher of H₁G ... B₂ Wher_e_ þ_at_ X
[1515] 536 as doth] and as G, B
[1516] 545 at _om._ AM
[1517] 551 his] þat B
[1518] 601 bagge BT
[1519] 606 euere more AJ, F eueremore SB
[1520] 611 at] of B
[1521] 649 Al AM ... B₂
[1522] 654 auerous BTΛ
[1523] 659 And sche þan þoughte how sche mighte B Grete it was
_and_ sore he sight Λ _line om._ T
[1524] 660 As sche BTΛ
[1525] 671 apposeþ AM, W
[1526] 681 him AMECLB₂
[1527] 691 that] how þat H₁XRCLB₂ how GE
[1528] 698 þe BT
[1529] 702 he leide] is leid(e) H₁ ... B₂ was leyed W
[1530] _Latin Verses_ ii. 1 Mentibus H₁ ... B₂, BTΛ, W
[1531] 4 Equiperans A Equipans J, B, F
[1532] 764 experience H₁ ... B₂, Δ
[1533] 773 ff. _margin_ Et nota--decreuit _om._ BT
[1534] 781 of] as E ... B₂ os X
[1535] 786 And wol (woln) non oþer maner leue H₁ ... B₂ (whi
_for_ wol R)
[1536] 787 _margin_ De Secta Egipciorum _om._ B
[1537] 787 lo] so B _om._ ME
[1538] 792 thogh _om._ AMH₁B₂, Δ
[1539] 795 forth] feiþ L seþ C seintis B₂
[1540] 811 þegipcienes (þe Egipcienes) YGEC, BΔ þe Egipcianis X
thegipciens (þe Egipciens) AJMH₁RB₂, SAdT, FWH₃ egipcens L
[1541] 821 _as in_ 811 _but_ Egipcienes Y þegipciens L
[1542] 833 Fro] Of A ... B₂
[1543] 835 _margin_ De Secta Grecorum] De secta egipciorum B
_om._ E
[1544] 836 that _om._ XRCLB₂
[1545] 850 he to plihte (toplighte &c.) J, SAdBTΔ, FWH₃ al to
plyhte (alto plight &c.) AM ... B₂
[1546] 862 dede him H₁ ... B₂, Δ, W
[1547] 866 hihe A, S, F hih BT
[1548] 893 he BT
[1549] 901 Whiche A, S Which J, B, F
[1550] 915 _margin_ Sciencie A
[1551] 923 whane F
[1552] 928 feigneþ B
[1553] 936 be the] beþ þe AMXE ... B₂ ther beth H₁ ben (_om._
the) J, Δ, W
[1554] 937 f. _margin_ Mercurius--furtorum _om._ X ... CB₂, H₃
Mercurius deus lat_ro_nu_m_ L Mercurie deus H₁
[1555] 939 stal] dide (dede) H₁ ... B₂
[1556] 948 ōn F
[1557] 951 tho] þe X ... B₂, Ad
[1558] 967 _margin_ Eolus deus ventorum _om._ B
[1559] 979 Tho] They (þai &c.) H₁ ... B₂, B
[1560] 981 _margin_ Neptunus deus maris _om._ X ... B₂ Iubiter
deus deliciarum H₁
[1561] 986 mad J, S, F made AC, B
[1562] 987 tho] þe H₁ ... B₂
[1563] 989 al _om._ BT
[1564] 992 wold(e) hem H₁ ... B₂, Δ he wolde hem M
[1565] 1006 ben _om._ AM
[1566] 1009 Nonarigne (Nouarigne, Nonareigne &c.) H₁ ... B₂, B
Nonartigne (Nonartyne) M, WH₃
[1567] 1013 benethe in] beneþe (by neþe, benethen &c.) H₁ ...
B₂, BT beneþin A
[1568] 1050 sende] sayde B _line om._ T
[1569] 1058 a glotoun] þe glotoun B
[1570] 1059 _margin_ Esculapius deus medicine _om._ B
[1571] 1065 thei _om._ AMXRCLB₂
[1572] 1072 him AM ... CB₂, BT, WH₃
[1573] 1083 _margin_ Hercules &c. _om._ B.
[1574] 1103 _margin_ Pluto &c. _om._ AH₁XE ... B₂ (_ins. later_
M), B
[1575] 1105 fro] for H₁, BT of W
[1576] 1107 euery H₁ ... B₂
[1577] 1109 fflagetoun AMH₁, W fflogetoun GECLB₂, B
[1578] 1112 of the helle] of helle AM ... B₂, AdBΔΛ, W
[1579] 1119 Iupiteres (Iubiteres &c.) MYXGERC, SB Iupiters
(Iubiters) AJLB₂, FH₃ Iupiter (Iubiter) H₁, AdTΔ, W
[1580] 1134 _margin_ dearum JY, S ... Δ, FH₃ deorum AM ... B₂, W
[1581] 1138 the _om._ H₁ ... B₂, Δ, W lawes H₁ ... B₂
[1582] 1149 here (her) B, W his C
[1583] 1155 f. _margin_ Iuno &c. _om._ AM ... B₂ et diuiciarum
_om._ BT
[1584] 1156 him _om._ B
[1585] 1165 Iupiter he SAdΔ
[1586] 1172 was _om._ H₁ ... B₂ as seiþ H₁ ... B₂
[1587] 1176 And _om._ BT
[1588] 1199 Palon(e) H₁ ... B₂
[1589] 1201 after þat for sche was w. AM ... B₂
[1590] 1203 The] To H₁E ... B₂
[1591] 1207 _margin_ Pallas &c. _om._ C, BT
[1592] 1221 _margin_ Ceres dea frugum _om._ JH₁ ... B₂ Saturnus
dea frugum B
[1593] 1230 grape AM ... B₂, Δ
[1594] 1232 the _om._ AM, W
[1595] 1238 her tilþes B
[1596] 1245 _margin_ et Siluarum _om._ AM
[1597] 1252 And] Bot (But) SAdBTΔΛ
[1598] 1253 ledde BT
[1599] 1256 was cleped BTΛ
[1600] 1262 al to] vnto B
[1601] 1279 Whil sche was] Which was H₁ ... B₂
[1602] 1286 hir _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[1603] 1287 To gedre ARCLB₂ To gedres M
[1604] 1290 Than BTΛ þe weie H₁E ... B₂
[1605] 1297 hield] tok(e) H₁ ... B₂
[1606] 1308 in _om._ AM for H₁ ... B₂
[1607] 1318 to bestes ER, BTΔ, W
[1608] 1331 Attitred AMXRB₂
[1609] 1333 tho] þer H₁ ... B₂
[1610] 1336 _margin_ Nereides Marium _om._ B
[1611] 1339 forth _om._ AM ... B₂
[1612] 1349 the _om._ AM ... B₂
[1613] 1353 goddes BΛ, W goddesse AM ... B₂
[1614] 1358 _margin_ Manes &c. _om._ B
[1615] 1381 comen ferst AM came first W
[1616] 1383 here] hire (hir) JL, Ad, W ȝour(e) X ... CB₂
[1617] 1383 ff. _margin_ Qualiter &c. _om._ H₁ ... B₂
[1618] 1384 þe brest A ... B₂, Ad, H₃
[1619] 1405 lay] haþ AM
[1620] 1423 telle X, B, W
[1621] 1429 a comun AM all comyn X
[1622] 1438 hild J, F hield SB huld A
[1623] 1447 no] þe AM ... B₂
[1624] 1453 Bragmas AM ... B₂, H₃
[1625] 1476 tho] þe H₁XGCLB₂, AdB, W
[1626] 1477 whom that] þe whom B whom H₁B₂, TΔ, W
[1627] 1482 hastifesse J, S, F hastifnesse A hastiuesse B
[1628] 1485 of fire H₁E ... B₂, Δ, WH₃
[1629] 1486 Bar] Bereþ (Berþ) XG But AME ... B₂
[1630] 1489 To] Lo AMH₁XG
[1631] 1495 kept J, B, F kepte A
[1632] 1517 ate] at here (atte her) AM ... B₂ at hor W
[1633] 1520 Petornius A, S, F Petronius J, B
[1634] 1526 which _om._ E ... B₂ þ_at_ W to helle E ... B₂
[1635] 1527 hir(e) E ... B₂ (her R)
[1636] 1535 sette SB set AJ, F
[1637] 1573 Vndur A, F Vnder J, S, B
[1638] 1578 And he] He AM ... B₂
[1639] 1593 mysbelieue H₁E ... B₂
[1640] 1624 bore] bifore BT
[1641] 1628 habraham F _rest_ Abraham (J _defective here_) _so
also l._ 1650
[1642] 1633 and erþe E ... B₂, Ad
[1643] 1643 the Secte] þat secte S ... Δ this secte W to sette
AMH₁X this] þe AM ... B₂
[1644] 1646 And alle mysbelieue weyued E ... B₂, Λ (misbelieues
RLB₂)
[1645] 1647 is] was E ... B₂
[1646] 1653 al _om._ XE ... B₂
[1647] 1662 on] in BT
[1648] 1664 on fote (foote) passen ECLB₂, B on fete p. R on
fote myght p. W in fote it p. X
[1649] 1667 The daies] Be (By) daies S ... Δ A dayes W
[1650] 1678 perced(e) þo þe RCLB₂, Λ, W
[1651] 1685 toke (tooke) C, SB tok (took) A, F
[1652] 1698 lore MH₁XGLB₂, AdBT, W (hath lore H₁L, W)
[1653] 1713 Iwes F Iewes A, SB
[1654] 1715 stonde AC, B stond F
[1655] 1743 _margin_ ineffabiliter ... creditur B
[1656] 1742 Which mannes soule haþ set in euene S ... Δ
[1657] 1743
And haþ his grace reconciled
ffro which þe man was ferst exiled
And in himself so sore falle
_So_ S ... Δ (_inserting a couplet between 1742 and 1743_)
[1658] 1745 auise E ... B₂
[1659] 1746 _margin_ Gregorius. Nichil nobis nasci profuit,
nisi redimi profuisset SBΔ (proficit _for_ profuit B)
[1660] 1756 ff. _margin_ O certe necessarium Ade peccatum
etc_etera_ B O felix--redemptorem _om._ SBΔ(AdT) _The note
stands at l. 1746 in_ H₃
[1661] 1763 wolde he AdB
[1662] 1772 to] wiþ BT
[1663] 1781-1793
Thurgh vertu of his hihe myht
Which in Marie was alyht
To begge mannes soule aȝein
And þis belieue is so certein
So full of grace and of vertu
That what man clepeþ to Jhesu
In clene lif forþwiþ good dede
He mai noght faile of heuene mede 1790*
So þat it stant vpon belieue
That euery man mai wel achieue
Which taken haþ &c. SAdBTΔ
[1664] 1791 forþwiþ F forþ wiþ AJ, B
[1665] 1800 f. _margin_ Iacobus &c. _om._ S ... Δ
[1666] 1800 þe goode dede JE ... B₂ (þo C) the goodenesse (þe
goodnesse) H₁X goode dedes G
[1667] 1801 f.
ffor feiþ . bot if þer be good dede
Thapostel seiþ is worþ no mede SAdBTΔ
[1668] 1807 f. _margin_ Nota hic--dicuntur _om._ BΔ(AdT), W
Nota contra istos qui lollardi dicuntur S Nota contra lollardos
C
[1669] 1808 Iwes F Iewes AJ, SB
[1670] 1826 his dede þe BT his dede his Λ, W
[1671] 1835 Anthenor AJ, SB Antenor F
[1672] 1849 estatz F estates J astatz (astates) A, SB
[1673] 1855 goodly (goodlich) BT
[1674] 1879 Pseudo telle] Pheudo telle E Pfeudo t. C hem telle
Λ _om._ T
[1675] 1883 sew A, S, F siew B
[1676] 1893 erren] crepen E ... B₂, Λ
[1677] 1906 f.
Which haþ conuert wiþ his prechinge
And whan þat Andrew E ... B₂, Λ
(conuerted ... teching L conuer E)
[1678] 1911 schal] to B
[1679] 1923 no writ ... þe taile A no writ ... no t. YE ... B₂
to write ... to taile B
[1680] 1925 which now we see and trowe E ... B₂, Λ
[1681] 1946 and] of YEC, BT
[1682] 1952 as a sacrifice] a good s. E ... B₂
[1683] 1953 þat after E ... B₃
[1684] 1965 the] þo E ... L
[1685] 1969 a _om._ BT, W
[1686] 1970 hem _om._ BT wel Ad
NOTES
PROLOGUS
_Latin Verses._ i. 1 f. The author acknowledges his incapacity for
higher themes, as at the beginning of the first book. The subject
of the present work is a less exalted one than that of those which
preceded it.
3 f. _Qua tamen_ &c. The couplet may be translated, ‘Yet in that tongue
of Hengist in which the island of Brut sings, I will utter English
measures by the aid of Carmentis.’
5 f. _Ossibus ergo carens_ &c. That is, ‘Let the evil tongue be far
away.’ The reference is to Prov. xxv. 15, ‘A soft tongue breaketh the
bone,’ taken here in a bad sense: cp. iii. 463 ff.
7. ‘Moved by the example of these wise men of old.’ For this use of
‘ensampled’ cp. _Traitié_, xv. l. 4,
‘Pour essampler les autres du present.’
13. _Who that al_ &c. ‘If one writes of wisdom only’: a common form of
expression in Gower’s French and English both; see note on _Mirour_,
1244. In English we have ‘who that,’ ‘who so (that)’ or ‘what man
(that),’ sometimes with indic. and sometimes with subjunctive: cp.
Prol. 460, 550, i. 383, 481, ii. 88, iii. 971, 2508, &c. See also note
on l. 460.
_writ_, present tense, syncopated form.
16. _if that ye rede_, ‘if ye so counsel me,’ i.e. if you approve,
equivalent to the ‘si bon vous sembleroit’ of the _Mirour_, l. 33.
24. The marginal note is wanting in F and S, and may perhaps have
been added after the year 1397, when Henry became Duke of Hereford,
cp. ‘tunc Derbie comiti,’ or even later, for in the _Cron. Tripertita_
Gower calls him Earl of Derby at the time of his exile, using the
same expression as here, ‘tunc Derbie comiti.’ Caxton, followed by
Berthelet, gives the following: ‘Hic in primis declarat Ioannes Gower
quam ob causam presentem libellum composuit et finaliter compleuit, An.
regni regis Ric. secundi 16.’
31. That is, compared with what it was in former time: cp. l. 133.
41. _write ... stode_: subjunctive. For the subjunctive in indirect
question cp. ii. 1243, 1943, iii. 708, 771, &c.
43. _as who seith_, i.e. ‘as one may say,’ a qualification of what
follows, ‘a gret partie’: the phrase is a common one, e.g. i. 1381, ‘as
who seith, everemo,’ 2794, ii. 696, ‘as who seith, ded for feere,’ &c.
46. _schewen_, used absolutely, ‘set forth their histories.’
52. _a burel clerk_, ‘a man of simple learning,’ esp. ‘a layman’; cp.
Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, B 3145, D 1872: ‘burel’ was a coarse cloth.
54. _tok_, ‘took place,’ ‘existed’: cp. Chaucer, _Troilus_, iv. 1562,
‘And if so be that pees herafter take.’
So ‘prendre’ in French, e.g. _Mir._ 831,
‘Le mariage devoit prendre.’
72. _the god_, so 198, ii. 594; cp. ‘the vertu,’ 116, ‘the manhode,’
260, ‘the man,’ 546, 582, ‘The charite,’ 319, &c.
74. _ended_, ‘continued to the end.’
77 ff. Apparently a reference to the treatise on the duties of a ruler
contained in the seventh book: ‘I shall make a discourse also with
regard to those who are in power, marking the distinction between the
virtues and the vices which belong to their office.’
81 ff. ‘But as my wit is too small to correct the faults of every
one, I send this book unto my own lord Henry of Lancaster ... to be
amended at his command.’ For ‘upon amendement to stonde’ cp. ii. 583.
The suggestion of amendment at the hands of the author’s patron is
of course a mere compliment, like that paid by Chaucer to Gower at
the conclusion of _Troilus_, but it gives a modest appearance to the
general censure.
It is not likely that the expression ‘upon amendement’ refers to the
change made in this part of the text, to which the author would hardly
have called attention thus. Also, unless we explain as above, the
meaning would seem to be ‘as my wit is too small to admonish every one,
I send my work as now revised to my own lord Henry of Lancaster,’ a
much too pointed application of the coming admonitions.
It is hardly needful to add that ‘to tellen every man his tale’ is not
a reference to the _Canterbury Tales_, as some have supposed.
* * * * *
24*-92*. For this variation see the Introduction. The text of B, which
is here followed, is as good as any other, but none of the copies which
give the passage are thoroughly good in spelling, and the text has in
this respect been slightly normalized. A and E are here defective, and
J, which is the best available MS., has eccentricities of spelling
(‘Richardus,’ ‘wyche,’ ‘hyt,’ ‘hys,’ ‘aftur,’ ‘resonabul,’ ‘ȝef,’ ‘be
heste,’ ‘be ginne,’ &c.), which make it rather unsuitable as a basis
for the text. It will be found however that J and B mutually correct
each other to a great extent, and we have also MGRCL as additional
witnesses of a respectable character. Thus in regard to some of the
variations in spelling from B we have as follows:--
24* bok J
25 belongeþ MC
27* euere JML
31* Preiende G Preiend MCL
36* betyde (betide) GCL
40* be JML
43* f. nyh: syh (sih) JL
47* f. seid: leyd J
49* besinesse J
51* boke JM
52* myhte loke J
53* f. wrytinge: comandinge J
55* herte JMGCL
59* wiþoute GC
62* non JGC
65* handleþ JMGL
66* preye (preie) JMGCL heuene JMG
69* befalle J
75* bit JMCL
80 longe JML
82* bok J
87* begynneþ (beginneþ) ML
89* f. bok: tok J
92* begynne MCL.
34* ff. A very loosely constructed sentence. It means apparently, ‘I
consider how it befell, as a thing destined then to come to pass,
namely that as on Thames I came rowing by boat &c., I chanced to meet
my liege lord.’ The disorder in which the clauses are thrown together
is a feature which we shall notice elsewhere in our author’s style.
‘The toun of newe Troye’ is of course London, supposed to have been
founded by Brut of Troy, whence was derived ‘Britain,’ the ‘insula
Bruti’ of the opening lines.
52*. _loke_, ‘examine’: cp. ii. 733, vi. 1959.
65*. There is here a corruption which affects all the existing copies.
The various readings are given in the critical notes, and evidently
‘outkrong’ is that which has most support. I conjecture that the
author wrote ‘onwrong,’ i.e. ‘awrong,’ which being an unusual word
suffered corruption at the hand of the first transcriber, the ‘w’ being
mistaken, as it easily might be, for ‘tk’: cp. Chaucer, _H. of Fame_,
ii. 403, where ‘tokne’ is apparently a corruption of ‘towne.’
66*. _the hevene king_, ‘the king of hevene.’ Gower regularly writes
the final ‘e’ in ‘hevene,’ ‘evene,’ ‘evere,’ ‘nevere,’ &c. The
preceding syllable is of course syncopated in pronunciation.
69*. _what befalle_, ‘whatsoever may befall’: cp. iii. 325, ‘what it
were.’
75*. _bit_, i.e. ‘biddeth.’
85*. The true reading is probably ‘listen pleie,’ which is preferable
both as regards form and construction: cp. iv. 3147, ‘whan the wommen
listen pleie.’ The readings are as follows: ‘listen pleye’ J, ‘lusten
pleie’ M, ‘luste pley’ B₂; the rest mostly ‘lust to pleye.’ The verb
seems usually to be followed by a preposition when used impersonally,
as i. 147, 1403, and otherwise more generally not, as i. 2741, iv.
3147, but there are exceptions both ways, e.g. iv. 907 and iii. 111,
iv. 3187.
90*. Cp. 54 ff.
92*. _for to newe._ This is the reading of the better MSS., and
‘schewe’ is probably the correction of a copyist who did not understand
it. The word ‘newe’ means here ‘produce,’ but in l. 59 ‘neweth’ is
intransitive and means ‘comes into being.’
* * * * *
_Latin Verses_, ii. 2. _vertit in orbe_, ‘turns round,’ as upon her
wheel.
4. Cp. 111 f.
11. ‘And thus those regions which were once the strongest fall into
decay throughout the world, and have no centre of rest there.’ (The
first ‘que’ is the relative, for ‘quae.’) It is possible however that
‘per orbem’ may refer again to Fortune’s wheel, cp. 138 ff., where
the sense of this couplet seems to be expressed, and in that case the
meaning is, ‘fall into decay as they turn upon the wheel.’
116. _the vertu_: for this French use of the article, which is often
found in Gower, see note on l. 72.
122 ff. ‘And in witness of that I take the common voice of every land,
which may not lie.’ This appeal to the common voice, the ‘commune
dictum,’ is characteristic of our author, who repeats the proverb ‘Vox
populi vox dei’ several times in various forms, e.g. _Mirour_, 12725.
For the use of ‘that’ in such expressions cp. l. 907, and iv. 2040.
133. _to loke_ &c., ‘when we look on all sides’: cp. 31, i. 1060, 2278,
&c.
139. _blinde fortune._ ‘Fortune’ must here be taken as a proper
name, and hence the definite form of adjective: cp. i. 3396, ‘wyse
Peronelle,’ ii. 588, 2721, ‘of grete Rome,’ ii. 2304, ‘false Nessus,’
iii. 2100, ‘false Egiste,’ &c.
143. _upon a weer_, i.e. in doubt or distress: cp. iii. 1148, and
Chaucer, _House of Fame_, 979,
‘Tho gan I wexen in a wer.’
144 ff. ‘And especially if the power of the rulers of the world be not
kept upright by good counsel in such wise that’ &c.
152. _heved_, always a monosyllable in the metre: the word also appears
as ‘hefd’ i. 199, and frequently as ‘hed.’
154. _her trowthe allowe_, ‘approve of their loyalty,’ i.e. accept it.
155. ‘And welcome them with all his heart.’ For the position of the
conjunction cp. 521, 756, 759, 1014, i. 854, 863, &c., and note on
_Mirour_, 415. Mr. Liddell points out to me that the same usage occurs
frequently in the ME. Palladius.
156 (margin). The quotation is from Ecclus. xxxii. 24, ‘Fili, sine
consilio nihil facias.’ This book is often cited as Solomon in the
_Mirour_.
162. A truce with both France and Scotland was made for three years in
1389, but peace was not finally concluded till 1396.
166 f. Cp. _Praise of Peace_, 190.
172. _at alle assaies_, ‘in every way’: cp. ii. 2447.
_Latin Verses._ iii. 1. _Iohannes_: St. John the Evangelist, who is
mentioned either as the teacher of brotherly love or because his Gospel
contains the exhortations to St. Peter, ‘Feed my sheep,’ ‘Feed my
lambs.’
2. _ista_, ‘this.’
3. _bina virtute_, perhaps charity and chastity, cp. 464 ff.
4. _inculta_, nominative in spite of metre, so _auaricia_ in l. 8.
8. _tepente_, ‘being lukewarm,’ that is, held in a lukewarm manner.
196 (margin). _Roberti Gibbonensis_, Robert of Geneva, elected pope in
opposition to Urban VI, under the title of Clement VII.
198. _the god_, see note on l. 72.
204. _Simon_, i.e. Simon Magus, whence simony has its name: cp. 442
ff., _Mirour_, 18451 ff., and _Vox Clamantis_, iii. 249, 1217, &c.
207 ff. The reference is to Lombard bankers employed as intermediaries
in obtaining Church preferment. The ‘letter’ referred to is the papal
provision, or perhaps the letter of request addressed to the pope in
favour of a particular person: cp. _Vox Clam._ iii. 1375 f.,
‘Littera dum Regis papales supplicat aures,
Simon et est medius, vngat vt ipse manus.’
210. _provende_, equivalent to prebend, and in fact ‘prebende’ is a
var. reading here. Littré quotes from Wace,
‘Cil me dona et Diez li rende
À Baiex une provende,’
and from Rutebeuf,
‘Qui argent porte a Rome, assés tot provende a.’
212. ‘The authority of the Church’ (symbolized by the key) ‘did not
then lie at the mercy of armed bands or depend upon the issue of
battle.’ For ‘brigantaille,’ meaning bands of irregular troops, cp.
_Mir._ 18675.
218. _defence_, ‘prohibition’: cp. iv. 1026, v. 1710, and Chaucer,
_Troil._ iii. 138, ‘if that I breke your defence.’
220. ‘was then no charge of theirs,’ i.e. did not come under their
authority: ‘baillie’ means the charge or government of a thing, as
_Trait._ xi. 19, ‘Le duc q’ot lors Ravenne en sa baillie,’ hence a
thing placed in a person’s charge.
221. _The vein honour_: the definite form is rather less regularly used
by Gower in adjectives taken from French than in others, e.g. iii. 889,
‘For with here fals compassement’; but on the other hand, i. 864, ‘the
pleine cas,’ ii. 412, ‘And thurgh his false tunge endited,’ and 824,
‘This false knyht upon delay.’
246. _is went_: cp. iii. 878 and Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, E 1013, F 567.
247. _here lawe positif_: the ‘lex positiva’ is that which is
not morally binding in itself, but only so because imposed by
(ecclesiastical) authority: cp. _Vox Clam._ iii. 227 ff. This is
naturally the sphere within which Church dispensations of all kinds
take effect.
248. _Hath set._ Apparently ‘set’ is intransitive, ‘Since their
positive law hath set itself to make,’ &c. There is no good authority
for reading ‘hire.’.
252. There is hardly another instance of ‘but’ for ‘bot’ in F, and the
form ‘right’ for ‘riht’ in the preceding line is very unusual.
260. _the manhode_, i.e. human nature: see note on l. 72. For ‘thenkth’
see note on 461.
263. _withholde_, ‘retained as her servant.’
268. _in the point_ &c., i.e. so soon as it is collected. The allusion
is to the circumstances of the campaign of the Bishop of Norwich
in 1385; cp. _Vox Clam._ iii. 373 (margin), and see Froissart (ed.
Lettenhove), vol. x. p. 207.
278. _That scholde be_ &c., i.e. the papacy, which by reason of the
schism has become a cause of war and strife.
289. _Gregoire._ The reference is to such passages as _Regula
Pastoralis_, i. cap. 8, 9. The quotation in the margin at l. 298 is
loosely taken from the Homilies on the Gospel (Migne, _Patrol._ vol.
76. p. 1128), ‘Mercenarius quippe est qui locum quidem pastoris tenet,
sed lucra animarum non quaerit: terrenis commodis inhiat, honore
praelationis gaudet, temporalibus lucris pascitur, impensa sibi ab
hominibus reverentia laetatur.’ The idea expressed by ‘non vt prosint
sed vt presint’ often occurs in Gregory’s writings, e.g. _Reg. Past._
ii. cap. 6, ‘nec praeesse se hominibus gaudent sed prodesse.’
299. _manie_: the final ‘e’ counts as a syllable and the preceding
vowel is absorbed; see note on 323: but ‘many’ is also used as the
plural.
305. Cp. _Vox Clam._ iii. 1271, ‘In cathedram Moysi nunc ascendunt
Pharisei,’ and see _Rom. de la Rose_, 11809 ff. (ed. Méon), English
version, 6889 ff.
311. _is noght foryete_, an impersonal use, ‘there is no forgetting’:
cp. 338.
323. Here ‘studie’ is reduced by elision to the value of a
monosyllable: see note on _Mirour_, 296. The rule applies to
substantives like ‘accidie,’ ‘Mercurie,’ ‘chirie,’ adjectives like
‘manie’ (l. 299), and verbs like ‘studie,’ ‘carie,’ ‘tarie.’
329. _If Ethna brenne_ &c. What is meant is the fire of Envy, which is
often compared to that of Etna, ii. 20, 2337, &c.
338 f. The verb is used impersonally, ‘there is cause for us all to be
sorry.’
348. ‘it causeth this new sect to be brought in.’ The subject must be
supplied from the previous clause.
366 f. That is, the various claimants to the papacy are supported in
various lands by national partiality or interest.
380 f. ‘They use no other reasoning than this as to the peril of
religion.’
383. _his world_, i.e. his fortune, cp. 1081, i. 178, &c.
388 f. That is, the right cause has no defence but in the rule of
personal inclination and interest, the principle expressed by ‘Where I
love, there I hold.’
407 ff. This is a charge against those who hold office in the Church
of deliberately throwing temptation in the way of their people, in
order to profit by the fines which may be imposed for breaches of
morality and discipline. The meaning is fully illustrated by parallel
passages in the _Mirour de l’omme_, 20161 ff., and the _Vox Clamantis_,
iii. 195; cp. Chaucer, _Pers. Tale_, 721. The sentence here is a little
disorderly and therefore obscure: ‘Men say that they drive forth their
flock from the smooth meadow into the briars, because they wish to
seize and by such ill-treatment take away the wool which shall remain
upon the thorns, torn out by the briars,’ &c. The archdeacon’s court is
chiefly referred to.
416. _chalk for chese_, cp. ii. 2346: it is a proverbial expression
still current.
430. ‘We see the lot drawn amiss’: for ‘merel’ cp. _Mir._ 23496.
434. Hebr. v. 4.
452. _in audience_, ‘in public assembly’: cp. ii. 2556.
454. _a chirie feire_, taken as an emblem of delights which are
transitory: cp. vi. 890 f.,
‘And that endureth bot a throwe,
Riht as it were a cherie feste.’
460. _understode_, past subj. with indefinite sense: cp. i. 383, ii.
88, iii. 971, iv. 2597, 2728, vi. 1474. ‘Whoso understood their words,
to him it seems likely,’ &c., instead of ‘to him it would seem likely’;
cp. l. 520.
461. The distinction between ‘thinke’ and ‘thenke’ is completely lost
in Gower’s usage: ‘thenke’ is the regular form for both, but ‘thinke’
is admitted equally for both in rhyme, as v. 213, 254.
480. ‘For fear that (On the chance that) I may say wrong.’ The subject
is a delicate one and the author shows similar caution when dealing
with it in the _Mirour_.
492. _as of_, ‘as regards’: cp. i. 557, iii. 1479, &c.
* * * * *
_Latin Verses_. iv. 4. _velle_, used as a noun, ‘will’: so ‘de puro
velle’ in the lines at the beginning of the second book.
* * * * *
509 f. ‘Which with great difficulty man shall restrain, if he shall
restrain it ever.’
521. For the position of ‘and’ see note on 155.
525. _stonde upon_: cp. 214.
529. _som men_: ‘som’ is uninflected in this expression: on the other
hand we have ‘somme clerkes,’ l. 355.
546. _the man_, so 582: see note on 72.
550 f. ‘If any one thinks otherwise, look at the people of Israel’:
‘Behold’ is 2nd sing. imperative. The unusual form ‘Irael’ is given by
the best MSS. here and elsewhere, and we must suppose that it proceeds
from the author.
558. _stonde full_: perhaps a reference to 503 ff., or a metaphor from
the tides.
567 (margin). The quotation is from _Cons. Phil._ ii. Pr. 4: ‘Quam
multis amaritudinibus humanae felicitatis dulcedo respersa est.’ The
constant references to Fortune and her wheel may probably be suggested
by Boethius, e.g. ii. Pr. 1.
578. i.e. till the end of all things.
585 ff. This vision of Nebuchadnezzar, which our author takes as
his guide to universal history, is made the subject of illustration
in those MSS. which have miniatures at or near the beginning of the
_Confessio Amantis_.
618. _Fel doun_: cp. iii. 2492, ‘That have I herd the gospell seith.’
668. _hol_: see note on 683.
676. ‘And he kept himself in this condition undisturbed,’ the subject
being supplied from l. 671, ‘Was in that kinges time tho.’ For omission
of pronoun cp. Prol. 348, i. 1895, 2083, 2462, &c. However, the fall
of the Empire took place not in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar but of
Belshazzar (see l. 685).
683. Here and in 693 the best MSS. have ‘put’ for ‘putte,’ and this
entire suppression of the inflexional syllable in cases where it is
lost to the metre by elision is sufficiently well-attested to justify
us in accepting it as an occasional practice of the author, both in the
case of verbs and adjectives; cp. 668, 739, &c. It is especially common
with this particular verb, e.g. i. 1578, 1807, 3213, ii. 93, 1021, &c.,
where ‘put’ is used for infinitive as well as for the preterite. Much
more rarely in cases where there is no elision, as i. 732. On the other
hand, we have ‘putte’ pret. before an elision, l. 1069, i. 2797, ‘pute’
inf. i. 462, iv. 1641.
702. In the marginal summary here F gives ‘Imparatoris,’ and sometimes
in other places where the word is fully written, as i. 1417, ii. 593,
2506, 3201. However, ‘Imperator’ is also found in various places of the
same MS., as vii. 2416, and the contracted form ‘Imꝑator’ has in this
edition been written out so.
725. _Of that honour which tok_, i.e. ‘of such honour that he took.’
738. _so vileins_: a clear case of French plural of the adjective, used
here for the sake of the rhyme.
739. _fals_: see notes on 221, 683.
745 ff. It is hardly necessary to point out that our author’s history
is here incorrect. Charlemagne was not called in against the Emperor
Leo, who died in the year before he was born, but against the Lombards
by Adrian I, and then against the rebellious citizens of Rome by Leo
III, on which latter occasion he received the imperial crown. The
authority here followed is the Trésor of Brunetto Latini, pp. 84-88
(ed. 1863).
756. _Of Rome and_: cp. ll. 759, 766, and note on 155.
761. _doth restore_, i.e. ‘causeth to be restored.’
772 ff. Here again the story is historically inaccurate, but it is not
worth while to set it straight.
786 ff. The meaning seems to be, ‘But this after all is what we might
expect, for prosperity (they say) seldom endures.’
795. _hath no felawe_ ‘hath no supporter or champion’: cp. _Praise of
Peace_, 266, ‘And in this wise hath charite no brother.’
809. The punctuation follows F.
823. _expondeth._ This form occurs also in ll. 663, 873, as a reading
of F. The French terminations ‘-on,’ ‘-oun,’ had the same sound and
rhymed together, and the same is true of ‘-ance,’ ‘-aunce.’ Probably on
the same principle therefore ‘expondeth’ may stand for ‘expoundeth,’
and rhyme with ‘foundeth’: cp. viii. 235 f. On the other hand, in i.
2867 we have expo_u_nde, founde. It maybe noted that ‘exponde’ is the
form used in the French works, e.g. _Mir._ 22192, _Trait._ xi. 20,
where it rhymes with _Rosemonde_, _responde_, _immonde_. As a rule
in the _Mirour_ this class of words is given without ‘u,’ but in one
stanza we have ‘responde,’ ‘monde,’ ‘blo_u_nde’ in rhyme together, 8681
ff.
836. _Cit_: this is the true reading; the word occurs also _Mir._ 7197.
843. _now with that beforn_, ‘the present with the past,’ ‘now’ being
used as a substantive.
850. _the sothe seie_: this is the reading of the third recension;
the others have ‘the soth schal seie.’ Either text is admissible, for
‘soth’ is used as a substantive, but ‘the sothe’ is usually preferred,
as in l. 834, and i. 981, iii. 765.
858. Cp. ii. 3490.
881. _writ_: syncopated present, ‘writeth.’ The reference is to 1 Cor.
x. 11.
891. _Statue_: a dissyllable in Gower and Chaucer (equivalent to
‘statwe’), and here reduced to one syllable by elision: cp. _Cant.
Tales_, A. 975. The longer form ‘stature’ occurs vi. 1524.
900. _these clerkes_: demonstrative for definite article, as in French;
cp. i. 608, and see note on _Mir._ 301.
905. See l. 965. Perhaps here ‘cause of’ means ‘because of,’ as ‘whos
cause’ for ‘because of which’ 1040; but I suspect rather an inversion
of order, for ‘Man is cause of al this wo.’
907. _that in tokne_, cp. 122.
910 ff. This matter of the corruption of all creation through man’s
fall is discussed at length both in the _Mirour_, 26605 ff., and in the
_Vox Clamantis_, vii. 509 ff.
945 ff. This is one of Gower’s favourite citations: it occurs
also _Mir._ 26869, _Vox Clam._ vii. 639. It is quoted here from
_Moralia_, vi. 16 (Migne, _Patr._ vol. 75, p. 740): ‘Homo itaque,
quia habet commune esse cum lapidibus, vivere cum arboribus, sentire
cum animalibus, discernere cum angelis, recte nomine universitatis
exprimitur.’ In the _Mirour_ it is given as from the Homilies; see
_Hom. in Ev._ xxix. 2. The passage is also quoted in the _Roman de la
Rose_, 19246 ff. (ed. Méon),
‘Il a son estre avec les pierres,
Et vit avec les herbes drues,
Et sent avec les bestes mues,’ &c.
947. _the lasse world_, i.e. a microcosm: cp. _Vox Clam._ vii. 645,
‘Sic minor est mundus homo, qui fert singula solus.’
The saying is attributed to Aristotle in _Mirour_, 26929.
953. That is, the stones have existence and so hath he, this being the
only point in common.
955. _as telleth the clergie_, ‘as learning informs us.’
975. _The which_, resumed by ‘He’ in 978: _for_, i.e. ‘since.’
979. That is, the opposite elements in his constitution (‘complexioun’)
are so much at variance with one another.
985. ‘Without separation of parts.’
995. _also_, a repetition of ‘yit over this,’ 991.
1013. _sende_, pret., cp. i. 851, 992, 1452, &c. (but ‘sente’ in rhyme
i. 3095, ii. 613, v. 1072), so ‘bende’ ii. 2235.
1047. That is, there can be no conciliation of the discord.
1055 ff. Cp. Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 83 ff.
1066. _commun_: this form, as well as ‘commune,’ occurs in the _Mirour_.
1085. _The horse side_: cp. i. 1536, 2301, &c.
_After_ 1088 the Sidney Coll. MS. (Δ) has the following lines,
‘So were it gode at þis tide
þat eueri man vpon his side
besowt and preied for þe pes
wiche is þe cause of al encres
of worschep and of werldis welþe
of hertis rest of soule helþe
withouten pes stant no þing gode
forthi to crist wiche sched his blode
for pes beseketh alle men
Amen amen amen amen.’
These were printed by Caxton, and after him by Berthelet, with some
slight variations of spelling, and the reading ‘and soules helthe’ for
‘of soule helþe.’ No other MS. contains them, so far as I know, except
Hatton 51, which is copied from Caxton’s edition. If we read ‘So were
it good as at þis tide,’ and correct the spelling throughout, the lines
will be such as Gower might have written, and I rather suspect that
they may have been contained in the Stafford MS. (S), to which Δ is
nearly allied. S has lost a leaf here, on which ample room for them
could have been found, the number of lines missing being only 156,
while the number for a full leaf is 184. The authority of S would be
conclusive in their favour.
LIB. I.
After setting forth in the Prologue the evils of the existing state of
society and tracing them for the most part to lack of love and concord
between man and man, the author now deliberately renounces the task
of setting right the balance of the world, an undertaking which he
has not shrunk from in former years, but recognizes now as too great
for his strength. He proposes to change the style of his writings and
to deal with something which all may understand, with that emotion of
love which Nature has implanted both in man and beast, which no one is
able to keep within rule or measure, and which seems to be under the
dominion of blind chance, like the gifts of fortune.
_Latin Verses._ i. 7 f. Cp. the lines ‘Est amor in glosa pax bellica,
lis pietosa,’ &c., which follow the _Traitié_.
10. _of thing_ is, i.e. ‘of thing which is’: cp. ii. 1393, ‘Withinne a
Schip was stiereles,’ so iii. 219, v. 298 &c., and _Mirour_, 16956.
21. _natheles_: as in Prol. 36, this seems to mean here ‘moreover,’ or
perhaps ‘in truth,’ rather than ‘nevertheless.’
37. That is, ‘Wheresoever it pleases him to set himself,’ ‘him’ serving
a double function.
50. _went_: present tense, ‘goes.’
62. _I am miselven_ &c. Note, however, that the author guards himself
in the margin with ‘quasi in persona aliorum, quos amor alligat,
fingens se auctor esse Amantem.’
88. _jolif wo_, cp. ‘le jolif mal sanz cure,’ _Bal._ xiii. 24.
98 ff. The construction is broken off, and then resumed in a new form:
cp. i. 2948, iii. 1595, 2610, iv. 3201, v. 1043, 1339, &c.
116. _other_: this must be regarded as a legitimate plural form beside
‘othre’: cp. iv. 1183, and see Morsbach, _Schriftsprache_, p. 23. On
the other hand, ‘othre’ is sometimes used as singular, e.g. l. 481, ii.
283.
178. _Mi world_, i.e. ‘my fortune’: cp. Prol. 383.
196. The idea of ‘Genius’ is taken from the _Roman de la Rose_, where
Genius is the priest of Nature, ‘Qui célébroit en sa chapelle,’ and she
confesses to him, 16487 ff. (ed. Méon).
205. _Benedicite_: the regular beginning of a confessor’s address to
his penitent.
213. Cp. _Rom. de la Rose_, 16927 f. (of Nature confessing to Genius),
‘Qui dit par grant dévocion
En plorant sa confession.’
225. _my schrifte oppose_, ‘question me as to my confession,’ cp. the
use of ‘opponere’ in the margin here and 299, 708, &c.
232. _tome._ This is Gower’s usual form of combination where the accent
is to be thrown on the preposition. We have also ‘byme,’ ii. 2016, &c.,
tome, l. 294, ii. 3160, &c., ‘untome,’ iii. 99, ‘tothe,’ iv. 1875. In
such cases, as is seen below, l. 294, the final syllable becomes weak
and subject to elision.
279. _remene_, ‘bring back,’ from Fr. ‘remener’: cp. ‘demenen.’
299 ff. See note on _Mir._ 16597.
320. The punctuation is here determined by that of F, which has a stop
after ‘love.’ Otherwise the meaning might be, ‘And doth great mischief
to love,’ the conjunction being transposed, as often.
333 ff. The story is from Ovid, _Metam._ iii. 138 ff.
350. _cam ride._ For this use of the infin. see _New Engl. Dict._,
‘come,’ B. i. 3. f.: so ‘thei comen ryde,’ iv. 1307.
367. For the use of ‘hire’ as a dissyllable in the verse, cp. 872,
1667: on the other hand, 884, 887, 939, 1673, &c.
383. That is, if a man gave heed to the matter, he would see that it
was, &c.: cp. Prol. 460.
389. Ovid, _Metam._ iv. 772 ff. This, however, is not Gower’s only
authority, for he mentions details, as for example the names of
Medusa’s sisters, which are not given by Ovid. The confusion which we
find here between the Graeae and the Gorgons appears in Boccaccio, _De
Gen. Deorum_, x. 10, which possibly our author may have seen; but I
suspect he had some other authority. The names which Gower gives as
Stellibon and Suriale are properly Stheno (Stennio in Boccaccio) and
Euryale.
422. _Mercurie_: see note on Prol. 323. Mercury’s sword is not
mentioned either by Ovid or Boccaccio.
431. _gan enbrace_, ‘placed on his arm’; see the quotations in _New
Engl. Dict._ under ‘embrace _v._ 1,’ e.g. _K. Alis._ 6651, ‘His scheld
enbraceth Antiocus.’
452. _To tarie with_, ‘with which to vex’: cp. i. 2172, ii. 283, 1081,
v. 925, &c., and _Cant. Tales_, F 471, ‘To hele with youre hurtes
hastily.’
463 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 15253. The legend is founded upon Psalm lviii. 4
f. (_Vulg._ lvii. 5 f.), ‘Furor illis secundum similitudinem serpentis;
sicut aspidis surdae et obturantis aures suas, quae non exaudiet vocem
incantantium,’ &c. (Hence the genitive form ‘Aspidis’ in our author.)
The moral application is connected with the Gospel precept, ‘Be ye wise
as serpents,’ to which reference is made in the _Mirour_. The serpent’s
method of stopping his ears was perhaps first suggested by Augustine,
_In Ps._ lvii, who is followed by Isid. _Etym._ xii. 4, but there is
nothing in these authorities about the carbuncle. The authority for
this is perhaps the Trésor, p. 191.
481. _an othre thing_: for ‘othre’ cp. i. 1496, ii. 511.
_who that recordeth_, ‘if a man calls it to mind’: see note on Prol. 13.
483. _tale of Troie_, i.e. Guido di Colonna, _Hist. Troiana_, lib. 32
(o2, ed. Argent. 1494), which is here followed. Benoît mentions the
Sirens, but does not describe their form nor state that Ulysses stopped
his men’s ears.
492 ff. This manner of piling up consecutive clauses is observable in
the author’s French style, and the use of relatives like ‘wherof,’
‘which’ (l. 771) to introduce them is parallel to that of ‘Dont,’ ‘Par
quoy,’ &c. in the French: e.g. _Mir._ 219 ff.,
‘Et tant luy fist plesant desport,
Dont il fuist tant enamouré,
Que sur sa fille,’ &c.
Cp. _Mir._ 681.
527. ‘plus quam mille ex eis interfecimus,’ Guido, _Hist. Troi._, lib.
32.
532. _hiere_, subjunctive: cp. ii. 252, iii. 665, &c.
574. _othre thing_: plural no doubt, but we have also ‘othre (other)
thinges,’ i. 2464, iv. 1183.
_Latin Verses._ v. i. _que Leone._ This position of ‘que’ is quite
common in our author’s Latin writings: see the lines after the _Praise
of Peace_, ll. 10, 49, 50, &c.
8. _sub latitante_, ‘lurking underneath,’ ‘sub’ being an adverb. The
best copies have the words separate.
577. _applied_, ‘assigned’; cp. iv. 2607, v. 913, vii. 1100.
585. _seid_, ‘named.’
595. _feigneth conscience_, that is, makes pretence as to his feeling,
or state of mind, (‘As thogh it were al innocence’): cp. iii. 1504,
‘Mi conscience I woll noght hyde.’ The explanation suggested in the
_New Engl. Dict._ that ‘conscience’ stands for ‘conscientiousness’ or
‘rightful dealing,’ will hardly do, and the word does not seem to be
used early in this sense.
599. _the vein astat_: see note on Prol. 221.
608. _these ordres_, i.e. ‘the orders’ (of religion): so ‘these
clerkes,’ Prol. 900.
_where he duelleth_, that is, the hypocrite, standing for Hypocrisy in
general.
623. _religioun_, the members of the religious orders, as distinguished
from the rest of the clergy.
626. _It scheweth_, ‘it appears’: cp. Prol. 834.
636. _devolte apparantie_: the words are pure French, and the French
feminine form is as naturally used for the adjective, as in the ‘seinte
apparantie’ of _Mir._ 1124. We cannot apply the English rule of the
definite adjective to such combinations as this: cp. note on Prol. 221.
However, ‘devoute’ in l. 669 seems to be the plural form.
637. _set_, present tense: so ll. 650, 707, &c.
648. _these othre seculers_, ‘the men of the world also.’
650. ‘He makes no reckoning in his account.’
695. _As he which_ &c.; that is simply, ‘feigning to be sick,’ so iv.
1833, ‘As he who feigneth to be wod’; cp. vii. 3955. The expression
‘as he which,’ ‘as sche which,’ is very commonly used by Gower in this
sense; cp. i. 925, 1640, &c., and _Mir._ 27942, ‘Comme cil q’est tout
puissant,’ ‘being all-powerful.’
698. Cp. iv. 1180, ‘And thus mi contienance I pike.’ It means ‘he makes
many a pretence.’
709. _Entamed_, ‘wounded’: used in a similar moral sense in _Mir._
25161, ‘Car Covoitise les entame.’
713. _As forto feigne_, i.e. ‘as regards feigning’: so l. 723, ‘as to
my ladi diere.’
718 ff. For the form of sentence, which is a favourite one with our
author in all his three languages, but especially perhaps in Latin, cp.
_Mirour_, 18589 ff.,
‘Unques le corps du sainte Heleine
Serchant la croix tant ne se peine,
Qe nous ovesque nostre Court,
Assetz n’y mettons plus du peine,’ &c.
_Vox Clam._ i. 263 ff.,
‘In Colchos tauri, quos vicit dextra Iasonis,
Non ita sulphureis ignibus ora fremunt,
Quin magis igne boues isti,’ &c.
So also _Bal._ vii. 23, xviii. 8, xxx. 10; _Vox Clam._ i. 355, 449,
499, &c.; _Conf. Am._ i. 1259, 1319, &c.
733. ‘For I shall not declare this in my defence, that’ &c.; a somewhat
different use of the word from that which we find in the quotations
given by the _New Engl. Dict._, ‘Excuse _v._’ i. 1. d.
761 ff. The story of Mundus and Paulina is historical, related by
Josephus, _Ant._ xviii. 66 ff., and after him by Hegesippus, ii. 4,
from whom it was taken by Vincent of Beauvais, _Spec. Hist._ vii. 4,
and also doubtless, directly or indirectly, by Gower. It is told in
verse by Godfrey of Viterbo, _Pantheon_, xv, but it is certain that
this was not Gower’s source.
771. _Which_: for this use of the relative in a consecutive clause,
which is very common in our author’s style, see note on 492, and cp.
801.
773. _thilke bore frele kinde._ Human nature is described as frail from
birth, and by its weakness causing blindness of the heart.
776 f. ‘And such were the fortunes of this tale of which I would
speak,’ i.e. this was the passion which determined its course.
816. _his thonk pourchace_, ‘win their gratitude towards himself.’
833. ‘In which a false heart was concealed,’ an instance of inverted
order, for which cp. ii. 565,
‘Whiche as he wot is puyson inne.’
872. _hire_, cp. 367.
894. _which stod thanne upon believe_, ‘which then was thought to be
possible.’
938. _homward_, i.e. ‘goes towards home’; cp. iii. 1021, 2451.
940 ff. In Hegesippus the address is as follows: ‘Beata Paulina
concubitu dei. Magnus deus Anubis cuius tu accepisti mysteria. Sed
disce te sicut diis ita et hominibus non negare, quibus dii tribuant
quod tu negaveras: quia nec formas suas dare nobis nec nomina
dedignantur. Ecce ad sacra sua deus Anubis vocavit et Mundum, ut tibi
iungeret. Quid tibi profuit duritia tua, nisi ut te xx milium quae
obtuleram defraudaret compendio? Imitare deos indulgentiores, qui
nobis sine pretio tribuunt quod abs te magno pretio impetrari nequitum
est. Quod si te humana offendunt vocabula, Anubem me vocari placuit,
et nominis huius gratia effectum iuvit.’ It must be allowed that our
author has improved upon this offensive prolixity.
987. _sche may ther noght_, ‘she hath no power in the matter’: cp. 725,
‘there I lye noght.’
1006. _Citezeine._ Gower uses several of these feminine forms of
substantives. Besides ‘citezeine’ we have cousine, ii. 1201, capiteine,
v. 1972, enemie, v. 6753, anemie, viii. 1355 (all of which also occur
in the _Mirour_), and occasionally adjectives, as ‘veine’ (gloire), i.
2677 ff., (vertu) ‘sovereine,’ ii. 3507, ‘seinte’ (charite), iv. 964,
‘soleine,’ v. 1971, and probably ‘divine,’ ii. 3243, ‘gentile,’ viii.
2294.
1013 ff. ‘questioni subicit, confessos necat.’ Our author here expands
his original.
1040. _Whos cause_, ‘for the sake of which.’
1051. _put_, pres. tense, ‘putteth.’
1067. _menable_, ‘fit to guide,’ the ship; cp. ii. 1123, ‘A wynd
menable fro the londe.’ The word occurs several times in our author’s
French, as _Mirour_, 3676, 11882, 17392. The meaning in English is not
always the same, the word being, like others of this form, sometimes
active and sometimes passive: cp. ‘deceivable’ (ii. 1698, 2202). Here
and in the passage quoted the meaning is ‘leading,’ ‘fit to guide’:
elsewhere it stands for ‘easily led,’ ‘apt to be guided,’ as in iii.
390 and the French examples.
1068. ‘tobreken’ is the reading of JH₁XGL, SBΔ, W, and is evidently
required by the sense.
1077 ff. Here Gower mainly follows Benoît de Sainte-More (_Roman de
Troie_, 25620 ff.), but he was of course acquainted also with Guido
(_Historia Troiana_, lib. 27: m 5, ed. Argent. 1494). The name Epius
is from Benoît, for Guido has ‘Apius’: on the other hand, Guido and
not Benoît describes the horse as made of brass. In speaking of the
discussion about pulling down a portion of the walls, and of the walls
themselves as built by Neptune, 1146, 1152 ff., our author is certainly
drawing from Benoît. Some points of the story and many details are
original.
_Of hem that_ &c., ‘As regards those who have such deceit in
their hearts,’ i.e. hypocrites: cp. 956, ‘O derke ypocrisie.’
1102. The MS. can hardly be right in punctuating after ‘Togedre.’
1129 f. So Lydgate, perhaps with this passage in his mind,
‘Makynge a colour of devocion
Through holynesse under ypocrisie.’
_Tale of Troye_, bk. iv.
1133. _trapped._ ‘In quo construentur quedam clausure sic artificiose
composite, quod’ &c. _Hist. Troiana_, m 4 v^o. Gower does not say that
men were contained within, though this is stated by his authorities, of
whom Benoît places Sinon inside the horse, while Guido finds room there
for a thousand armed men. The ‘twelve’ wheels seem to be due to Gower,
as also the picturesque touch, ‘And goth glistrende ayein the Sunne.’
1146 ff. Cp. _Roman de Troie_, 25814 ff. (ed. Joly),
‘Et quant ço virent Troien,
Conseil pristrent que des terralz
Abatroient les granz muralz,
Les biax, les granz, que Neptunus
Ot fet, M. anz aveit et plus,
Et qu’ Apollo ot dedié.’
1165. _crossen seil_, ‘set their sails across (the mast).’
1172. _Synon._ The reading of F may be right, for ‘Simon’ is the form
of the name given in many copies of Guido. Here however the whole of
the second recension and the better copies of the first give ‘Synon,’
and a copyist’s alteration would be towards the more familiar name.
1225. _lok._ In l. 1703 we have ‘loke’ for the imperative, which must
be regarded as more strictly correct.
_Latin Verses._ vi. 1 f. _olle Fictilis ad cacabum_, a proverb derived
from Ecclus. xiii. 3, ‘Quid communicabit cacabus ad ollam? quando enim
se colliserint confringetur.’
6. The elephant was supposed to have no joints.
1262 f. _That I ... ne bowe more._ For the form of expression see note
on 718. Pauli makes the text here quite unintelligible by reproducing
an error of Berthelet’s edition and adding to it another of his own.
1293. A proverbial expression like that in vi. 447, ‘For selden get a
domb man lond.’
1328. _retenue_, ‘engagement of service’: cp. _Bal._ viii. 17,
‘Q’a vous servir j’ai fait ma retenue.’
1354. _the decerte Of buxomnesse_, i.e. ‘the service of obedience.’ For
both the spelling and meaning of ‘decerte’ cp. _Mir._ 10194,
‘Qe ja ne quiert ou gaign ou perte
Du siecle avoir pour sa decerte.’
1407 ff. The ‘Tale of Florent’ is essentially the same as Chaucer’s
‘Wife of Bath’s Tale,’ but the details are in many ways different.
According to Chaucer the hero of the adventure is a knight of Arthur’s
court and the occasion of his trouble a much less creditable one than
in the case of Florent. In Chaucer’s tale the knight sees a fairy
dance of ladies in the forest before he meets his repulsive deliverer,
and she gets from him a promise that he will grant her next request
if it lies in his power, the demand of marriage being put off until
after the question has been successfully solved by her assistance. The
rather unseasonable lectures on gentilesse, poverty, and old age are
not introduced by Gower. On the other hand, Chaucer’s alternative,
‘Will you have me old and ugly but a faithful wife, or young and fair
with the attendant risks?’ is more pointed and satisfactory than the
corresponding feature in Gower’s tale. Finally, Chaucer has nothing
about the enchantment by which the lady had been transformed.
It is tolerably certain that neither borrowed the story from the other,
though there are a few touches of minute resemblance which may suggest
that one was acquainted with the other’s rendering of it: see ll. 1587,
1727.
We cannot point to the precise original of either; but a very similar
story is found in _The Weddynge of Sir Gawene and Dame Ragnell_,
published in the collection of poems relating to Gawain edited by Sir
F. Madden (Bannatyne Club, 1839) and contained in MS. Rawlinson C. 86.
In this ballad Arthur’s life is spared by a strange knight who meets
him unarmed in the forest, on condition of answering his question,
‘What do women love best,’ at the end of twelve months. He is assisted
by Dame Ragnell, who demands in return to be married to Sir Gawain. Sir
Gawain accepts the proposal from loyalty to his lord, and the rest is
much as in Gower’s version. It should be noted that the alternative of
day or night appears in the ballad and was a feature of the original
story, which Chaucer altered.
The Percy fragment of _The Marriage of Sir Gawain_, also printed in Sir
F. Madden’s volume, is the same story as we have in the other ballad.
The name Florent and that of the Emperor Claudius are probably due to
Gower, who is apt to attach to his stories names of his own choosing:
cp. Lucius and Dionys (_Conf. Am._ v. 7124*, _Mir._ 7101).
Shakespeare refers to Gower’s story in the line,
‘Be she as foul as was Florentius’ love.’
_Tam. of the Shr._ i. 2. 69.
1427. _his oghne hondes_: cp. iii. 2011, 2142; v. 1884, 5455 (‘seide
his oghne mouth’).
1509. _schape unto the lere_, ‘prepared for the loss’ (O. E. lyre).
1521. _par aventure_, or ‘per aventure’ as given by J. The former of
the two words is as usual contracted in F.
1536. _his horse heved_, ‘his horse’s head’: cp. Prol. 1085, iv. 1357,
&c. The word ‘heved,’ also written ‘hefd,’ ‘hed,’ is a monosyllable as
regards the metre.
1541. _Florent be thi name_: cp. Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, B 3982, ‘dan
Piers be youre name.’
1556. ‘I ask for nothing better (to be imposed) as a task.’
1587. _Have hier myn hond_: so in Chaucer, ‘Have heer my trouthe,’ D
1013.
1662. This is one of the closest parallels with the ballad,
‘And she that told the nowe, sir Arthoure,
I pray to god I maye se her bren on a fyre.’
_Weddynge of Syr Gawene_, 475.
1676. _what_: cp. the use of ‘quoy’ in French, e.g. _Mir._ 1781.
1677. _caste on his yhe_, ‘cast his eye upon.’
1714. ‘He must, whom fate compels.’ The words ‘schal,’ ‘scholde’ are
regularly used by Gower to express the idea of destiny, e.g. iii. 1348,
iv. 92, 377.
1722. ‘Placing her as he best could.’
1727. _Bot as an oule_ &c. So in Chaucer,
‘And al day after hidde him as an owle,
So wo was hym, his wyf looked so foule.’
D 1081 f.
1767. _tok thanne chiere on honde_, ‘began to be merry.’
1771. _And profreth him ... to kisse_, i.e. offers to kiss him: cp. v.
6923, ‘Anon he profreth him to love.’
1886. _til it overthrowe_, i.e. till it fall into calamity,
‘overthrowe’ being intransitive, as 1962.
1888. _Hadde I wist_: cp. ii. 473, iv. 305.
1895. _And is_, i.e. ‘And he is,’ the pronoun being frequently omitted:
cp. Prol. 348, 676, i. 2083, 2462, ii. 258, 624, 2071, 2985, iii. 1063,
&c.
1917 f. A proverbial expression: cp. Lydgate, _Secrees of the
Philosophres_, 459, ‘Yit wer me loth ovir myn hed to hewe.’
1934. _ne schal me noght asterte_, ‘shall not escape me,’ in the sense
of letting a fault be committed by negligence in repressing it: cp. i.
722.
1967. _unbende_, 1st sing. pret., ‘I unbent (my bow).’ For the form cp.
‘sende,’ Prol. 1013.
1980 ff. The example of Capaneus is probably from Statius. The medieval
romances (e.g. the French _Roman de Thèbes_) do not represent Capaneus
as slain by a lightning stroke. The impious speech alluded to here,
‘Primus in orbe deos fecit timor!’ is Statius, _Theb._ iii. 661, and
the death of Capaneus, _Theb._ x. 827 ff.
2007. _it proeveth_, i.e. ‘it appears’: cp. Prol. 926.
2021 ff. This story was probably taken by Gower from the _Vita Barlaam
et Josaphat_, cap. vi (Migne, _Patrol._ vol. 74. p. 462 f.). The
incidents are the same, but amplified with details by Gower, who has
also invented the title of the king. In the original he is only ‘magnus
quidam et illustris rex.’ The story is found in several collections,
as _Gesta Romanorum_, 143, Holkot, 70, see _Gesta Romanorum_, ed.
Oesterley.
2030. _ride amaied_: cp. Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, C 406, and Skeat’s
note.
2049. _par charite._ Rather perhaps ‘per charite,’ following J. F and A
both have the contracted form. So also ‘per chance,’ ‘per chaunce,’ in
ll. 2225, 2290, 3203, and ‘per aventure,’ l. 2350.
2073. _was the same ... which_, cp. viii. 3062*.
2078. This line, which would more naturally follow the next, seems to
be thrown in parenthetically here.
2106. So also ii. 895, 2670.
2172. _to tendre with_, ‘whereby to soften’: cp. i. 452, ‘To tarie with
a mannes thoght,’ and ii. 283.
2176. _sihe_: the mixture of past with present tenses is common in
Gower.
2214 ff. ‘O stulte ac demens, si fratris tui, cum quo idem tibi genus
et par honos est, in quem nullius omnino sceleris tibi conscius es,
praeconem ita extimuisti, quonam modo mihi reprehensionis notam idcirco
inussisti, quod Dei mei praecones, qui mortem, ac Domini, in quem me
multa et gravia scelera perpetrasse scio, pertimescendum adventum
mihi quavis tuba vocalius altiusque denuntiant, humiliter ac demisse
salutarim?’ _Barl. et Jos._ cap. vi.
2225. See note on 2049.
2236. _obeie_, ‘do obeisance to’: cp. v. 1539.
2275 ff. The tale of Narcissus is no doubt from Ovid, _Met._ iii. 402
ff., but the account of his death is different from that which we find
there. Ovid relates that he pined away gradually, and that his body was
not found, but in place of it a flower.
2290. _par chance_: see note on 2049.
2316 f. Cp. Bocc. _Gen. Deorum_, vii. 59, ‘existimans fontis Nympham.’
By the margin we find that the nymph here meant is Echo, who is
represented by Ovid as having wasted away for love of Narcissus and as
giving an answer now to his cries.
2317. _as tho was faie_, ‘as then was endued with (magic) power,’
‘faie’ being an adjective, as in ii. 1019, v. 3769.
2320. _of his sotie_, to be taken with what follows.
2340 ff. I know of no authority for this manner of his death.
2343-2358. This pretty passage is a late addition, appearing only
in the third recension MSS. and one other copy, so far as I know.
According to Ovid, the nymphs of the fountains and of the woods mourned
for Narcissus,
‘Planxere sorores
Naides, et sectos fratri posuere capillos;
Planxerunt Dryades, plangentibus assonat Echo,’
but when they desired to celebrate his obsequies, they found nothing
there but a flower.
2350. _par aventure_: see note on 2049.
2355 ff. This application of the story, founded on the fact that the
narcissus blooms in early spring, seems to be due to our author: cp.
ii. 196, iii. 1717.
2377. _a place_, equivalent to ‘aplace,’ which we find in l. 1888, i.e.
‘on place,’ ‘into place.’ We might read ‘aplace’ here also, for though
the words were at first written separately in F, there seems to have
been an intention of joining them afterwards. However, such separations
are often found elsewhere, as ‘a doun,’ iv. 2710, v. 385; ‘a ferr’; i.
2335; ‘a game,’ viii. 2319; and most MSS. have ‘a place’ here.
2398. The reading of F, ‘Which elles scholde haue his wille,’ is a
possible one, but the preservation of final ‘e’ before ‘have’ used
unemphatically, as here, would be rather unusual. Instances such as
l. 2465, ‘a werre hadde,’ are not to the point, and in l. 2542, where
there is a better example, ‘Of such werk as it scholde have,’ the word
‘have’ is made more emphatic by standing in rhyme.
_Latin Verses._ ix. 2. _cilens._ Such forms of spelling are not
uncommon in Gower’s Latin: cp. ‘cenatore,’ v. 4944 (margin).
2410. _wynd._ The curious corruption ‘hunt,’ which appears in one form
or another in all the copies of the unrevised first recension, must
have been one of the mistakes of the original copyist. The critical
note here should be, ‘hunt(e) H₁YX ... C hante L haunt B₂,’ and the
actual reading in L is, ‘Haþ þilke errour hante in his office,’ which
seems due to a marginal note having been incorporated in the text.
2411. _Which_, for ‘that’ in consecutive sense, answering to ‘thilke,’
see note on l. 492. In this case it does not even stand as the subject
of the verb, for we have ‘he overthroweth.’
2421. _tok._ This is second person singular, and we might rather expect
‘toke,’ which in fact is the reading of some good copies: cp. ii. 234,
iii. 2629, viii. 2076.
2443. _daunger._ See note on _Balades_, xii. 8. The name represents the
influences which are unfavourable to the lover’s suit, and chiefly the
feelings in the lady’s own mind which tend towards prudence or prompt
her to disdain. The personification in the _Roman de la Rose_ is well
known. There Danger is the chief guardian of the rose-bush, and has for
his helpers Malebouche, who spreads unfavourable reports of the lover,
with Honte and Paour, who represent the feelings in the lady’s mind
which lead her to resist his advances: see _Roman de la Rose_, 2837
ff., Chaucer, _Leg. of G. Women_, B 160, _Troilus_, ii. 1376. Danger,
however, also stands without personification for scornfulness or
reluctance in love, and so the adjective ‘dangereus’ _Rom. de la Rose_,
479 (Eng. ‘dangerous,’ _Cant. Tales_, D 1090, ‘Is every knight of his
so dangerous?’).
In the _Confessio Amantis_ the principal passages relating to Danger
as a person are iii. 1537 ff. and v. 6613 ff. Such expressions also
frequently occur as ‘hire daunger,’ iv. 2813; ‘thi Daunger,’ iv. 3589;
‘make daunger,’ ii. 1110; ‘withoute danger,’ iv. 1149: cp. Chaucer,
_Troilus_, ii. 384.
For the references to Danger in Lydgate see Dr. Schick’s note on
_Temple of Glas_, 156 (E. E. T. S.).
2459 ff. The story of Alboin and Rosemund is related by Paulus
Diaconus, _Gest. Langob._ ii. 28, and after him by many others. This
historian declares that he has himself seen the cup made of a skull
from which the queen was invited to drink. According to him, Helmichis,
the king’s foster-brother and shield-bearer, plotted with Rosemunda
against the king and induced her to gain the support of one Peredeus
by the device of substituting herself for her waiting-maid. In some
versions of the story this Peredeus was omitted. For example, in the
_Pantheon_ of Godfrey of Viterbo (xvii), where the story is related
first in prose and then in verse, he is only slightly mentioned in the
prose account and not at all in the verse, Helmegis being substituted
for him in both as the object of the queen’s artifice. It seems
probable that Gower followed this author, with whose book we know he
was acquainted (viii. 271). The name of the waiting-maid, Glodeside,
seems to have been supplied by our author, who took it no doubt from
‘Glodosinda,’ the name of Alboin’s former wife. Helmege the king’s
‘boteler’ is the ‘Helmegis pincerna regis’ of the _Pantheon_, and some
expressions correspond closely, as 2474 (margin), ‘ciphum ex ea gemmis
et auro circumligatum ... fabricari constituit,’ with the line ‘Arte
scyphum fieri statuens auroque ligari.’
The tale is well told by Gower, but he alters the final catastrophe,
so as not to lengthen the story unnecessarily and divert attention
from his principal object, which has to do with Alboin’s punishment
for boasting and not with the fate of the adulterous pair. He is
responsible for most of the details: in the _Pantheon_ the story
occupies only sixty lines of Latin verse and is rather meagre in style.
Compare, for example, the following with the account given by Gower of
the holding of the banquet, the cruel boast of Alboin, and the feelings
of the queen (2495-2569),
‘Ipse caput soceri, quem fecerat ense necari,
Arte scyphum fieri statuens auroque ligari,
Vina suae sponsae praecipit inde dari.
Femina nescisset quod testa paterna fuisset,
Vina nec hausisset, nisi diceret impius ipse,
“Testa tui patris est, cum patre, nata, bibe.”
Dum bibit immunda data vina gemens Rosimunda,
Pectora pessumdat, lacrymae vehementer inundant,
Occisique patris res fit amara satis.’
2485 (margin). _Bibe cum patre tuo_: these are the exact words of the
prose account in the _Pantheon_.
2504. There is a stop after ‘ordeine’ in F, therefore ‘sende’ should be
taken as a past tense rather than as infinitive dependent on ‘let.’
2533. ‘And took a pride within his heart.’
2548. The punctuation is that of the MSS.
2569. _had mad._ The use of ‘had’ for ‘hadde’ in a position like this,
where it is followed by a consonant (or of ‘hadde’ with the value of
a monosyllable in such a position), is most unusual in Gower’s verse.
If there were a little more authority for it, we might read ‘hath,’
as given by J: cp. iv. 170, where many of the best copies read ‘Had
mad’ for ‘Hath mad.’ It is possible that the author meant here ‘hath
had mad’ (‘had’ being past participle), but I cannot quote any clear
example of this form of speech at so early a date.
2642 ff. Here Gower departs from the authorities and winds up the story
abruptly. According to the original story, Longinus the prefect of
Ravenna conspired with Rosemunda to poison Helmichis; and he, having
received drink from her hand and feeling himself poisoned, compelled
her to drink also of the same cup.
2677. _veine gloire._ The adjective here adopts the French feminine
form, as we have it in this very combination in the _Mirour_, e.g. l.
1219. On the other hand, where the words are separated, as l. 2720, the
uninflected form is used. See note on l. 1006.
_Latin Verses._ x. 5. _strigilare fauellum_, ‘to curry favel.’
2684. ‘Heaven seems no gain to him.’ The forms ‘þinken’ and ‘þenken’
are identified by Gower under ‘þenken’; but ‘þinke’ is sometimes used
in rhyme, and indifferently for either, e.g. v. 213, 254.
2701. _unavised_, adv., ‘in a foolish fashion.’
2703 ff. Cp. _Mir._ 27337 ff., where the author pleads guilty to these
crimes, as the lover also does below.
2705 (margin). Ecclus. xix. 27, ‘Amictus corporis et risus dentium et
ingressus hominis enunciant de illo.’
2706 f. _the newe guise of lusti folk_, i.e. the latest fashion for men
of pleasure.
2713 f. This is one of the cases in which the third recension reading
has been introduced over erasure into the text of F: cp. Prol. 336, iv.
1321, 1361, vii. _Lat. Verses_ after ll. 1640 and 1984.
The original lines are given in the foot-note in accordance with S.
They were altered perhaps to avoid repetition of 2681 f.
2745. _songe_, so here in F and A, elsewhere ‘song.’
2746. _Wherof_: cp. l. 498.
2764. _hire good astat._ For the loss of inflexion cp. ii. 2341, ‘his
slyh compas.’
2769. _whiche_: often treated as a monosyllable in the verse, as ii.
604, iv. 1498, &c., but cp. l. 2825.
2787. Prol. 585 ff.
2795. _bere_: pret., as shown both by sense and rhyme.
2801. _good._ The original reading was ‘godd,’ which perhaps may be
thought better, but the alteration may have been made by the author to
avoid a repetition of the same word that he had used in l. 2796. The
meaning is, ‘he did not remember that there was anything else of worth
except himself.’
2830. _And fedden hem_, i.e. ‘And that they fed themselves,’ &c.; cp.
2833, ‘and seide.’
2883. _sein_: so ii. 170, iii. 757, in rhyme always.
2890. Written in F ‘vnder the þe kinges,’ as if to make a distinction,
but ‘þee’ in the next line.
2939. The punctuation after ‘godd’ is on the authority of F: otherwise
it would be better to take ‘with godd and stonde in good acord’
together.
2951. _He let it passe_ &c. The preceding sentence is broken off, and a
new one begins which takes no account of the negative: see note on i.
98. This seems better than to make ‘it’ refer to his pride, for ‘mynde’
can hardly mean anything here but memory.
3032. ‘He found the same gentleness in his God.’
3050. _can no love assise_, ‘can adapt no love to his liking.’
3067 ff. The tale of the Three Questions is one of which I cannot
trace the origin, notwithstanding the details of name and place
which are given at the end, viz. that the king was of Spain and was
called Alphonso, that the knight’s name was Pedro and his daughter’s
Petronilla. A reference to the second and third questions occurs in the
_Mirour de l’omme_, 12601 ff.
3153. _herd you seid_: so v. 1623, 7609, ‘herd me told.’ This form
of expression, for ‘herd you seie,’ ‘herd me telle,’ may have sprung
from such a use of the participle as we have in v. 3376, ‘Sche hadde
herd spoke of his name’: cp. the use of participle for infinitive with
‘do’ in ii. 1799 and Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, A 1913, ‘Hath Theseüs doon
wroght,’ E 1098, ‘Hath doon yow kept.’
3203. _par chaunce_: see note on 2049.
3246. _ansuerde._ This seems to be a plural form of the participle,
used here for the rhyme: so iv. 1810, v. 6789.
3296. _leste_: elsewhere ‘lest’; cp. 3106, 3313. Here we have ‘leste’
A, F, ‘lest’ JC, B. The form ‘moste’ is undoubtedly used for ‘most’
(adv.) i. 307.
3308. _reprise_, ‘trouble,’ as we have ‘paine et reprise’ in _Mirour_,
3968.
3365 f. _lete That I ne scholde be_: cp. iv. 454. In both cases ‘lete’
is the past participle of ‘leten’ (lǣtan), and not from ‘letten,’
meaning ‘hinder.’ In these expressions ‘lete’ means ‘left’ in the
sense of ‘omitted’ (like ‘lete Of wrong to don,’ vii. 2726), and in
this usage is naturally followed by a negative: cp. v. 4465, ‘I wol
noght lete, What so befalle of mi beyete, That I ne schal hire yive and
lene.’ The same phrase occurs with the past participle ‘let’ (meaning
‘hindered’) in ii. 128, and the sense is nearly the same.
3369 ff. Several corrections have been made by the author in this
passage, either to make the verse run more smoothly, as 3369 ‘it mot
ben holde’ for ‘mot nede be holde,’ 3374 ‘mad a Pier’ for ‘an Erl
hier,’ 3412 ‘vice be received’ for ‘vice schal be received,’ or to
improve the sense and expression, as 3381 ‘maide’ for ‘place,’ 3396
‘wyse Peronelle’ for ‘name Peronelle,’ 3414 ‘worth, and no reprise’
for ‘worthy, and no prise,’ 3416 ‘If eny thing stond in contraire’ for
‘And it is alway debonaire,’ an awkward parenthesis. It should be noted
that Λ (the Wollaton copy of the second recension) here goes with the
unrevised first recension, whereas B agrees with the revised form,
except in ll. 3369, 3381.
3381. _the maide asterte_, ‘escape the influence of the maiden.’
3442 f. The hellish nature of Envy consists in the fact that it wrongs
both itself and others without cause, that is without having any
further object to gain. It rejoices in evil for the sake of the evil
itself and not for any advantage to be won from it. Cp. ii. 3132 ff.
LIB. II.
11. _if it be so_, equivalent to ‘is it so,’ from the form ‘I ask if it
be so.’
20. _Ethna_: cp. _Mirour_, 3805 ff.,
‘Ly mons Ethna, quele art toutdiz,
Nulle autre chose du paiis
Forsque soy mesmes poet ardoir;
Ensi q’ Envie tient ou pis
En sentira deinz soy le pis.’
The idea is that Envy, like Mount Etna, burns within itself
continually, but is never consumed: cp. Ovid, _Met._ xiii. 867 (in the
tale which follows below of Acis and Galatea),
‘Uror enim, laesusque exaestuat acrius ignis,
Cumque suis videor translatam viribus Aetnam
Pectore ferre meo.’
83. _Write in Civile._ ‘Civile’ is certainly the Civil Law, for so we
find it in _Mirour_, 15217, 16092, &c., and also personified in _Piers
Plowman_. The reference here has puzzled me rather, but the following,
I believe, is the explanation of it, strange as it may seem at first
sight.
In the Institutions of Justinian, i. 7, ‘De lege Furia Caninia
sublata,’ we read that this law, which restricted the power of owners
of slaves to manumit them by will, was repealed ‘quasi libertatibus
impedientem et quodammodo invidam.’ It seems that medieval commentators
upon this, reading ‘canina’ for Caninia in the title of the law,
explained the supposed epithet by reference to the adjective ‘invidam’
used in the description of it, and conceived the law to have been
called ‘canina’ because it compelled men to imitate the dog in the
manger by withholding liberty from those for whom they no longer had
any use as slaves. In Bromyard’s _Summa Predicantium_ we find the
following under the head of ‘Invidia’: ‘Omnes isti sunt de professione
legis Fusie canine. Ille enim Fusius inventor fuit legis cuius exemplum
seu casus est iste. Quidam habet fontem quo non potest proprium ortum
irrigare ... posset tamen alteri valere sine illius nocumento; ipse
tamen impedit ne alteri prosit quod sibi prodesse non potest, ad modum
canis, sicut predictum est: a cuius condicione lex canina vocata est
inter leges duodecim tabularum, que quia iniqua fuit, in aliis legibus
correcta est, sicut patet Institut. lib. i. de lege Fusia canina
tollenda.’
It seems likely then that Gower took the fable from some comment on
this passage of the Institutions.
88. _who that understode_, ‘if a man understood,’ subjunctive: see notes
on Prol. 13, 460.
104 ff. From Ovid, _Met._ xiii. 750 ff., where it is told at greater
length. The circumstance, however, of Polyphemus running round Etna
and roaring with rage and jealousy before he killed Acis, is added by
Gower, possibly from a misunderstanding of l. 872. It is certainly an
improvement.
128. _it myhte noght be let_ &c. See note on i. 3365.
196. _as he whilom_ &c. This suggestion is due to our author: cp. i.
2355 ff.
252. _who overthrowe, Ne who that stonde._ The verbs are probably
singular and subjunctive: cp. iii. 665.
258. _And am_: cp. note on i. 1895.
261. Cp. Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, G 746 ff., where the Ellesmere MS. has
in the margin ‘Solacium miseriorum’ &c. The quotation does not seem to
be really from Boethius.
265 f. ‘When I see another man labour where I cannot achieve success.’
For this use of ‘to’ cp. Prol. 133, &c.
283. _to hindre with_, ‘whereby to hinder’: cp. i. 452, 2172.
291 ff. This story, as Prof. Morley points out, is to be found among
the fables of Avian, which were widely known. Gower has amplified it
considerably. The fable is as follows:
xxii. ‘Iuppiter, ambiguas hominum praediscere mentes,
Ad terram Phoebum misit ab arce poli.
Tunc duo diversis poscebant numina votis,
Namque alter cupidus, invidus alter erat;
His sese medium Titan scrutatus utrumque
Obtulit et, “Precibus Iuppiter aecus,” ait,
“Praestandi facilis; nam quae speraverit unus,
Protinus haec alter congeminata feret.”
Sed cui longa iecur nequiit satiare cupido,
Distulit admotas in sua dona preces, 10
Spem sibi confidens alieno crescere voto,
Seque ratus solum munera ferre duo.
Ille ubi captantem socium sua praemia vidit,
Supplicium proprii corporis optat ovans;
Nam petit extincto iam lumine degat ut uno,
Alter ut hoc duplicans vivat utroque carens.
Tum sortem sapiens humanam risit Apollo,
Invidiaeque malum rettulit ipse Iovi,
Quae dum proventis aliorum gaudet iniquis,
Laetior infelix et sua damna cupit.’ 20
l. 6. Iuppiter aecus _Lachmann_ vt peteretur _codd._
309. _Now lowde wordes_ &c., i.e. Now with loud words, &c.; cp. vii. 170.
317. _That on_, ‘The one.’
323 (margin). _maculauit._ Du Cange has, ‘_Maculare_, Vulnerare, vel
vulnerando deformare.’
389. _Malebouche_, cp. _Roman de la Rose_, 2847 ff., _Mirour de l’omme_,
2677 ff.
390. _pyl ne crouche_, ‘pile nor cross,’ cross and pile being the two
sides of a coin, head and tail.
399 f. The meaning of ‘heraldie’ is rather uncertain here. Probably
it stands for ‘office of herald,’ and the passage means, ‘Holding the
place of herald in the court of liars’; but the _New Engl. Dict._
apparently takes it in the sense of ‘livery,’ comparing the French
‘heraudie,’ a cassock, and an eighteenth-century example in English. In
this case we must understand the lines to mean ‘wearing the livery of
those who lie,’ that is, being in their service.
401 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 3721 ff.
404. _fals_, see note on Prol. 221. Just below (l. 412) we have ‘his
false tunge.’
413 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 2893 ff.,
‘La hupe toutdis fait son ny,
Et l’escarbud converse auci,
Entour l’ordure et la merdaille;
Mais de ces champs qui sont flori
N’ont garde: et par semblance ensi
Malvoise langue d’enviaille,’ &c.
447. ‘That many envious tale is stered,’ ‘many’ being a monosyllable
for the metre before the vowel, as frequently in the expression ‘many
a,’ and ‘envious’ accented on the penultimate syllable. For the use of
‘many’ by itself in the singular cp. ii. 89, iv. 1619, &c.
473. That is, she is on her guard against doing that of which she might
afterwards repent. For ‘hadde I wist’ cp. i. 1888.
510 f. _I myhte noght To soffre_ &c. A very unusual construction.
547 ff. ‘I cannot find that I have spoken anything amiss by reason of
envy,’ &c.
565. ‘In which he knows that there is poison’: for the arrangement of
words cp. i. 833.
583. ‘To be amended’: cp. Prol. 83.
587 ff. The tale of Constance is Chaucer’s _Man of Law’s Tale_, and the
story was derived by the two authors from the same source, Nicholas
Trivet’s Anglo-Norman chronicle. The story as told by him has been
printed for the Chaucer Society from MS. Arundel 56, with collation of
a Stockholm copy (_Originals and Analogues_, 1872). The quotations in
these Notes, however, are from the Bodleian MS., Rawlinson B. 178.
Gower has followed the original more closely than Chaucer, but he
diverges from it in a good many points, as will be seen from the
following enumeration:
(1) Gower says nothing of the proficiency of Constance in sciences
and languages, on which Trivet lays much stress. (2) He abridges the
negotiations for marriage with the Souldan (620 ff.). (3) He does not
mention the seven hundred Saracens with whom the Souldan’s mother
conspired. (4) He brings Constance to land in Northumberland in the
summer instead of on Christmas day (732). (5) He omits the talk between
Constance and Hermyngeld which leads to the conversion of the latter
(cp. 752 ff.). (6) According to Trivet the blind man who received
his sight was one of the British Christians who had remained after
the Saxon conquest, and he went to Wales to bring the bishop Lucius.
(7) The knight who solicited Constance had been left, according to
Trivet, in charge during Elda’s absence, and planned his accusation
against her for fear she should report his behaviour to Elda on his
return (cp. 792 ff.). (8) The words spoken when the felon knight was
smitten are not the same. Gower moreover makes him confess his crime
and then die, whereas in the French book he is put to death by the
king (cp. 879 ff.). (9) The reasons for Domilde’s hatred of Constance
are omitted by Gower. (10) Trivet says that Domilde gave the messenger
a drugged potion on each occasion (cp. 952 ff., 1008 ff.). (11) The
communication to Constance of the supposed letter from the king, and
her acceptance of her fate, are omitted by Gower. (12) The prayers
of Constance for herself and her child upon the sea and her nursing
of the child are additions made by Gower (1055-1083). (13) According
to Trivet, Constance landed at the heathen admiral’s castle and was
entertained there, going back to her ship for the night. Then in the
night Thelous came to her, and professing to repent of having denied
his faith, prayed that he might go with her and return to a Christian
country. So they put out at sea, and he, moved by the devil, tempted
her to sin. She persuaded him to look out for land, with a promise of
yielding to his desires on reaching the shore, and while he is intent
on this occupation, she pushes him overboard (cp. 1084-1125). (14) The
vengeance of king Alle on his mother is related by Trivet immediately
after this, by Gower later. According to Trivet he hewed her to pieces
(cp. 1226-1301). In the ballad of _Emaré_ the mother is condemned
to be burnt, but her sentence is changed to exile. (15) Gower omits
the entry of king Alle into Rome and the incident of his being seen
by Constance as he passed through the streets. (16) Trivet says that
when Morice took the message to the Emperor, the latter was struck by
his resemblance to his lost daughter. (17) Gower adds the incident of
Constance riding forward to meet her father (1500 ff.). (18) According
to Trivet, Constance returned to Rome because of the illness of her
father (cp. 1580 ff.).
These differences, besides others of detail, show that Gower treated
the story with some degree of freedom.
Before Trivet was known as the common source for Chaucer and Gower,
Tyrrwhitt suggested that Chaucer’s tale was taken from Gower. Chaucer
in fact criticizes and rejects one feature of the tale which occurs in
Gower’s version of it, namely the sending of ‘the child Maurice’ to
invite the Emperor. This incident however comes from Trivet, and it is
probably to him that Chaucer refers.
It has been argued however in recent times from certain minute
resemblances in detail and forms of expression between Chaucer’s tale
and Gower’s, that Chaucer was acquainted with Gower’s rendering of
the story as well as with Trivet’s (E. Lücke in _Anglia_, vol. xiv);
and the same line of reasoning has been employed by others, e.g. Dr.
Skeat in his edition of Chaucer, to prove that Gower borrowed to
some extent from Chaucer. It seems probable that Chaucer’s tale of
Constance was written earlier than Gower’s, and it is likely enough
that Gower was acquainted with his friend’s work and may have conveyed
some expressions from it into his own. Lücke adduces twenty-seven
instances, more than half of them trivial or unconvincing, but
amounting on the whole to a tolerably strong proof that one of the two
poets was acquainted with the other’s story. The most convincing of the
parallels are the following: Gower, ‘Let take anon this Constantine’
706, Chaucer, ‘And Custance have they take anon’ _Cant. Tales_, B 438;
Gower, ‘lich hir oghne lif Constance loveth’ 750, Chaucer, ‘loved hire
right as hir lif’ B 535; Gower, ‘yif me my sihte’ 765, Chaucer, ‘yif me
my sighte again’ B 560, Trivet, ‘qe tu me facetz le signe de la croiz
sur mes eux enveugles’ f. 34; Gower, ‘The king with many another mo
Hath christned’ 907, Chaucer, ‘The kyng and many another in that place
converted was’ B 685; Gower, ‘to kepe his wif’ 925, Chaucer, ‘his wyf
to kepe’ B 717; Gower, ‘goth to seke Ayein the Scottes for to fonde The
werre’ 928 ff.; Chaucer, ‘whan he is gon To Scotlondward, his fomen for
to seke’ B 717 f.; Gower, ‘The time set of kinde is come, This lady
hath hir chambre nome’ 931 f. Chaucer, ‘She halt hire chambre abiding
Cristes wille. The tyme is come’ B 721 f. These resemblances of phrase
are such as we might expect to find if Gower had read Chaucer’s story
before writing his own. In all essentials he is independent, and it
is surely not necessary to suppose, as Dr. Skeat does, that a quarrel
between them was caused by such a matter as this.
590. Tiberius Constantinus was Emperor (at Constantinople) for four
years only, 578-582; his wife’s name was Anastasia. He selected Maurice
of Cappadocia to succeed him, and gave him his daughter in marriage.
The romance related by Trivet seems to have no historical foundation,
but it was during the reign of Maurice that the mission went from Rome
for the conversion of the English, and this may have had something to
do with the story that Maurice himself was partly of English origin.
Trivet himself mentions the historical form of the story, but pretends
that he finds a different account in the old Saxon chronicles, ‘les
aunciens croniques des Sessouns,’ or ‘l’estoire de Sessons.’
594. _the god_: cp. Prol. 72. We find both ‘god’ and ‘godd’ as forms of
spelling, so ‘rod’ and ‘rodd,’ ‘bed’ and ‘bedd.’ Here ‘godd’ has been
altered in F by erasure.
613. Both Chaucer and Gower make the Souldan send for the merchants,
whereas in Trivet they are brought before him on accusation: but in
fact here Gower agrees in essentials with Trivet, while Chaucer invents
a quite different occasion for the interview.
653. _Betwen hem two_, ‘by themselves together’: cp. 752, 3517, iii.
1466.
684. _Hire clos Envie_: see note on Prol. 221. The metaphor here may
be from spreading a net, or perhaps it means simply she displayed her
secret envy.
693 f. Compare Chaucer’s development of the idea with examples, _Cant.
Tales_, B 470 ff.
709. _withoute stiere_: Chaucer says ‘a ship al steereles’ where Trivet
has ‘sanz sigle et sanz naviroun,’ or ‘sanz viron’ (MS. Rawl.): but
either ‘viron’ or ‘naviron’ might stand for the oar with which the ship
was steered.
709 ff. Note the free transposition of clauses for the sake of the
rhymes. The logical order would be 709, 711, 710, 713, 712.
711. _for yeres fyve._ Trivet says ‘pur treis aunz,’ but he keeps her at
sea nevertheless for nearly five.
736. _gon_, plural, ‘he and his wife go’: cp. 1152.
749 ff. In the MSS. the paragraph begins at ‘Constance loveth,’ l. 751.
752. ‘They speaking every day together alone,’ an absolute use: cp.
1723. For ‘betwen hem two’ cp. 653.
762. Punctuated after ‘hire’ in F.
771. _Thou bysne man._ The word ‘bysne’ is taken from the original
story. Trivet says she spoke in the Saxon language and said, ‘Bisne
man, en Ihesu name in rode yslawe haue þi siht’ (MS. Rawl. f. 34).
785. _As he that._ The reference is to the king, so that we should
rather expect ‘As him that,’ but the phrase is a stereotyped one and
does not always vary in accordance with grammatical construction: cp.
1623. We find however also ‘As him which,’ iii. 1276.
791. ‘The time being appointed moreover’: an absolute use of the
participle.
831. ‘trencha la gowle Hermigild’: therefore the fact that Gower
and Chaucer agree in saying that he cut her throat has no special
significance.
833. The reading ‘that dier,’ or ‘that diere,’ was apparently a mistake
of the original copyist. It appears in all the unrevised copies of the
first recension and also in B. Λ however has the corrected reading.
857. _After_, ‘In accordance with.’
880 ff. Here Chaucer follows the original more closely than Gower, as
also just above, ‘him smoot upon the nekke boon.’ The words of the
miraculous voice are given in Latin by Trivet, ‘Aduersus filiam matris
ecclesie ponebas scandalum: hoc fecisti et tacui’ (‘et non tacui’ Rawl.
Stockh.). Chaucer has (B 674 ff.),
‘And seyde, “Thou hast desclaundred gilteles
The doughter of holy chirche in heigh presence:
Thus hastou doon and yet holde I my pees.”’
895. This line occurs several times, e.g. i. 2106, ii. 2670.
905. _Lucie_, apparently to be pronounced ‘Lucíe.’ Such names usually
appear either in the Latin forms ‘Lucius,’ ‘Tiberius,’ ‘Claudius,’
‘Virginius,’ or with accent on the antepenultimate syllable ‘Tibérie,’
‘Mercúrie,’ the ‘i’ not being counted as a syllable.
947. What the right name really is we can hardly say for certain. The
printed text of the French gives ‘Domulde’ or ‘Domilde,’ the Rawlinson
MS. has ‘Downilde,’ and Chaucer makes it ‘Donegild.’
964. _which is of faierie._ In the French book the letter states that
the queen has been transformed since the king’s departure into the
likeness of another creature and is an evil spirit in woman’s form.
994 f. ‘comaunda qe sanz nul countredit feissent sa femme sauvement
garder’ f. 34 v^o.
1001. I punctuate after ‘Knaresburgh’ on the authority of F.
1010. The manuscript has a stop after ‘drunke’ and this seems best.
1020. Here we have apparently one of the original corruptions of the
author’s text.
1046 ff. The original has only ‘grant duel et grant dolour demeneient.’
1081. _To rocke with_: cp. i. 452.
1110. _if sche him daunger make_, ‘if she resist his desire’: see note
on i. 2443.
1123. _menable_: see note on i. 1067.
1132. _er it be falle And hath_ &c.; that is, ‘until it be so come that
it hath,’ &c.
1152. _scholden_: note the plural verb after ‘I forth with my litel
Sone’: cp. 736.
1163. Trivet adds ‘qar issit l’apelerent les Sessoneis’ f. 35 v^o.
1164. _for noght he preide_ &c., ‘for none of his prayers to be told,’
&c.
1173. The stop after ‘Romeward’ is on the authority of F, with which A
agrees. We can say either, ‘He was coming from Barbarie towards Rome,
and was going home,’ or ‘He was coming from Barbarie, and was going
home towards Rome’; but the latter perhaps is the more natural.
1191. _made sche no chiere._ This must mean here, ‘she gave no outward
sign of her thought.’ Usually ‘to make cheer’ means to be cheerful.
1243. _what child that were_, subjunctive in indirect question: cp.
1943, iii. 708, 771, &c. See note on Prol. 41.
1259. _alle well_: ‘wel’ seems to be a substantive.
1275. _as seith the bok._ The ‘book’ only says ‘ia tut enflammé de ire.’
1285. _I schal be venged_: cp. v. 6766. The first and second recensions
have ‘It schal.’
1300. _was after sunge._ The French book does not say this. It seems
probable that Gower was acquainted with ballads on the subject, such as
that of _Emaré_, printed in Ritson’s _Metrical Romances_, ii. 204 ff.
It is to be noted that _Emaré_ is taken from a Breton lay:
‘Thys ys of Brytayne layes,
That was used by olde dayes
Men callys playn the garye.’
1317. According to Trivet he came especially to get absolution for
having killed his mother, and Chaucer follows him here.
1329. _In help to ben his herbergour._ This seems to mean that the
question was asked with a view to helping to provide a lodging for the
king. The expression is rather obscure however.
1351. _seknesse of the See._ This is absurd here, but not so in the
original story. Constance attributes her weakness to the effects
produced by her long wanderings at sea, ‘se acundut par feblesce de sa
cervele que lui avint en la mere’ f. 36.
1369. _sihe_, subjunctive, ‘so that the king might see him.’
1381 f. Cp. viii. 1702 ff.
1393. ‘a ship which was,’ cp. i. 10.
1405 f. See note on 1163. Trivet speaks here only of the name of Moris.
1423 f. Gower’s more usual form would be, ‘Desireth not the heaven so
much, that he ne longeth more,’ as i. 718, &c.
1464 ff. The connexion of this remark is clearer in the original story,
which says that Constance told her husband, if the Emperor should
refuse his prayer, to ask ‘pur l’amur q’il avoit al alme sa fille
Constaunce’; because she knew that he denied no one who prayed in this
form.
1586 ff. _after that_, ‘according as’: cp. Prol. 544, iii. 1074. The
book says in fact with much apparent accuracy that Alla died nine
months after his return, that Constance returned to Rome half a year
after, ‘pur la novele qe ele oit de la maladie son pere,’ that on
the thirteenth day after her arrival the Emperor died in the arms
of his daughter, and she followed him in a year, the date being St.
Clement’s day of the year 585. It is further stated that Elda, who had
accompanied Constance to Rome, died at Tours on his way back to England.
1599. _the wel meninge of love._ In spite of the variations there can
hardly be a doubt about the true reading here. The word is clearly
‘meninge’ both in F and S, and the change to ‘whel’ was suggested no
doubt by the misreading ‘meuinge.’ For the expression cp. iii. 599, ‘To
love and to his welwillinge.’
1613 ff. Gower apparently pieced together this story of Demetrius and
Perseus from several sources, for it does not seem to occur in any
single authority precisely as he gives it. The first part, which has
to do with the false accusation brought against Demetrius and its
consequences, agrees with the account given in Justin, _Epitome_, lib.
xxxii. The story of the daughter of Paulus Emilius and her little dog
is told by Valerius Maximus, _Mem._ i. 5. 3. Finally, the details
of the defeat of Perseus seem to be taken from the account of a
catastrophe which about the same time befell the Basternae, a Thracian
tribe allied with Perseus, who according to Orosius (iv. 20), when
crossing the Danube in winter with large numbers of men and horses,
were almost annihilated by the breaking of the ice. The same author
mentions that after the defeat and capture of Perseus his son exercised
the craft of a brass-worker at Rome.
It is possible of course that Gower had before him some single account
in which these elements were already combined. In Vincent of Beauvais,
_Speculum Hist._ v. 65 f., we find first the catastrophe of the
Basternae, taken from Orosius, then the Macedonian war from Justin and
Orosius, with the incident of the dog inserted from Valerius.
1631 (margin). _testibus que iudicibus_, ‘witnesses and judges,’ a
common use of the conjunction in Gower’s Latin: cp. ‘Celsior est Aquila
que Leone ferocior,’ _Latin Verses after_ i. 574.
1633. _dorst_, so here in the best MSS. for ‘dorste.’
1711. _apparant_, for ‘heir apparant,’ which was the original reading of
the first recension: cp. _Mirour_, 5580,
‘Car d’autre bien n’est apparant.’
1723. _livende his father_: for this absolute use cp. 752.
1757. _upon depos_, that is, having his power given to him as a
temporary charge. See the examples in the _New Engl. Dict._
1778. _And he._ ‘As he’ is an error which crept into the third
recension. The interchange of ‘As’ with ‘And’ in Gower MSS. is very
common.
1793 f. ‘For such an omen of an hound was most like to him,’ the words
being transposed for the sake of the metre.
1799. _do slain._ This is apparently past participle by attraction for
infinitive: cp. i. 3153, iv. 249, 816.
1817 ff. This incident is not related of the army of Perseus in any
history, so far as I know: see note on 1613.
_Latin Verses._ iv. 7 f. As punctuated in F the couplet runs,
‘Quod patet esse fides in eo, fraus est que politi
Principium pacti, finis habere negat.’
This does not seem to give any sense. The text may be translated thus:
‘What appears to be faith in him is in fact fraud, and the end of the
smooth covenant disowns the beginning’ (_lit._ ‘denies that it has the
beginning’).
1921. _it scheweth_, ‘there appeareth’: cp. iii. 809.
1943. _how it were_: subjunctive of indirect question; cp. 1243.
1950. _of love, and._ The punctuation is that of F.
2016. _byme_: see note on i. 232.
2018. _For this I weene_, ‘the other cause is because I ween,’ &c.
2025. _Forwhy and_, ‘provided that’: the same line occurs again in
v. 2563. Compare the use of ‘for why that’ in _Le Morte Arth._ 389
(Roxb.), ‘Thou shalt haue yiftis good, For why þat thou wilte dwelle
wyth me,’ quoted in the _New Engl. Dict._
2066. _of his oghne hed._ It may be questioned whether ‘hed’ is not here
from an O. E. ‘*hǣd,’ a collateral form of ‘hád,’ like the termination
‘-hed’ for ‘-hod.’ See _New Engl. Dict._, ‘hede.’ In that case, ‘of his
oghne hed’ would mean ‘about his own condition.’ The rhyme with ‘red’
is no guide to us.
2071. _Bot hield_, i.e. ‘But I held’; see note on i. 1895.
2098 ff. With this attack on the Lombards compare _Mirour de l’omme_,
25429 ff. It is the usual popular jealousy of foreign rivals in trade.
2122. _Fa crere_, ‘make-believe,’ the art by which they acquired
credit in business. The form ‘crere’ is used in Gower’s French, e. g.
_Mirour_, 4474.
2124. _hem stant no doute_, ‘they have no fear,’ ‘they are sure’: cp.
iii. 1524, v. 7244. In v. 2118, ‘which stant of him no doute,’ we have
a somewhat different form of the expression: cp. iii. 2536.
2157 ff. The story is mainly taken from Ovid, _Metam._ ix. 101 ff.,
but probably Gower was acquainted also with the epistle, _Deianira
Herculi_, and he has (naturally enough) supposed that what is there
said of Hercules and Omphale, the exchange of clothes &c., referred to
the relations of Hercules and Iole: see 2268 ff. ‘The kinges dowhter of
Eurice’ is no doubt derived from the expression ‘Eurytidosque Ioles’:
cp. _Traitié_, vii. 2. Ovid’s account of the death of Hercules is very
much shortened by our author, and not without good reason.
2160. That is, ‘it befell him to desire,’ &c.
2297. Ovid, _Met._ ix. 229 ff.
2299. _al of_: so the first and second recension copies generally, and
also W. The sense seems to require it, rather than ‘of al,’ given by
FH₃.
2341. _his slyh compas_: a clear case of the loss of inflexion in the
adjective, notwithstanding that it is a native English stem. The same
word occurs in the definite form in l. 2374 ‘with his slyhe cast.’
2346. _chalk for chese_: cp. Prol. 416.
2366. _axeth no felawe_, ‘requires none to share it.’
2392. The metre requires the form ‘bote,’ which is etymologically
correct, and is given in the best MSS.
2403. _Me roghte noght_: pret. subjunctive, ‘I should not care.’
2423. _I wolde_: cp. iii. 78. We should expect the negative ‘I nolde,’
as in i. 2750 f.,
‘I wol noght say
That I nam glad on other side.’
The conditional clause thrown in has broken the thread of the sentence.
2430. _tant ne quant_: so _Mirour de l’omme_, 3654, 23358.
2437. _A man to ben_, cp. vi. 57.
2447. _in a wayt_: so given by the best copies, cp. 2999, but ‘upon
await’ iii. 955, 1016.
2451 ff. In the MSS. the paragraph is marked as beginning with the next
line, ‘At Troie how that,’ the line before being insignificant. As to
the first story referred to in the text, Gower may have known it from
Hyginus (_Fab._ cvi), or from Ovid, _Her. Ep._ iii. The example of
Diomede and Troilus had been popularized by Chaucer, who had the name
‘Criseide’ from Boccaccio’s ‘Griseida.’ In Benoît and Guido the name is
‘Briseida,’ but Boccaccio was aware that Briseis was a different person
(_Gen. Deorum_, xii. 52).
2459 ff. The name Geta was taken by Gower from the Geta of Vitalis
Blesensis, a dramatic piece in Latin elegiacs founded on Plautus, in
which Geta takes the place of Sosia: see Wright’s Early Mysteries,
&c., pp. 79-90. It may be suspected that our author himself
modified the story in order to make it more suitable for his purpose by
substituting a mortal friend for Jupiter. We may note that he has also
reversed the part played by Amphitryon.
2501 ff. I cannot indicate the source of this tale.
2537. _As thei._ The sense seems to require this reading, which is found
however in only two MSS., so far as I know, and those not the best. It
appears as a correction in Berthelet’s second edition.
2550. _which that him beclipte._ Either this means ‘who was encompassing
him,’ that is pressing upon his borders, referring to the Caliph of
Egypt, or ‘which encircled his territory,’ referring to what follows,
‘in a Marche costeiant.’ In the latter case we should have a very bold
inversion of clauses for the sake of rhyme, but hardly more so than in
709 ff.
2558. _unto Kaire._ It is evident that the author conceives this as the
capital not of Egypt but of Persia: cp. 2648.
2578. _hair._ The form of the word is accommodated to the rhyme: so iv.
1252.
2642. _Upon hire oth_ &c., inverted order, ‘how it was a token that she
should be his wife upon her oath,’ i.e. in accordance with her oath.
2670. The same line occurs also i. 2106, ii. 895.
2680. _tome_, i.e. ‘leisure,’ ‘opportunity,’ from the adjective ‘tom,’
empty. The reading ‘come’ is due probably to the misunderstanding of a
rather unusual word, but the rhyme ‘Rome: come’ (past partic.) is not
an admissible one (cp. K. Fahrenburg in _Archiv für neuere Sprachen_,
vol. 89, p. 406, who of course is not aware of the corruption).
2803. The account of Boniface VIII which was most current in England
is that which we find given in Rishanger’s Chronicle and repeated by
Higden and Walsingham. It is as follows, under the year 1294:--
_Papa cedit._
‘Coelestinus Papa se minus sufficientem ad regendam Ecclesiam
sentiens, de consilio Benedicti Gaietani cessit Papatui, edita prius
constitutione super cessione Pontificum Romanorum.
_Supplantatio Papae._
‘In vigilia Natalis Domini apud Neapolim in Papam eligitur Benedictus
Gaietanus.... De quo praedecessor eius Coelestinus, vir vitae
anachoriticae, eo quod eum ad cedendum Papatui subdole induxisset,
prophetavit in hunc modum, prout fertur: “Ascendisti ut vulpes,
regnabis ut leo, morieris ut canis.” Et ita sane contigit; nam
ipsum Papam ut Papatui cederet et ut Papa quilibet cedere posset,
constitutionem edere fecit; quam quidem postmodum ipsemet Papa
effectus revocavit. Deinde rigide regens generosos quosdam de Columpna
Cardinales deposuit; Regi Francorum in multis non solum obstitit, sed
eum totis viribus deponere insudavit. Igitur Senescallus Franciae,
Willelmus de Longareto, vir quidem in agibilibus admodum circumspectus,
et fratres de Columpna praedicti, foederatis viribus Bonifacium Papam
comprehenderunt et in equum effrenem, versa facie ad caudam, sine freno
posuerunt; quem sic discurrere ad novissimum halitum coegerunt, ac
tandem fame necaverunt.’
It remains to be asked where Gower found the story of the
speaking-trumpet by means of which Celestin was moved to his
abdication, why he supposed that the capture of Boniface took place
near Avignon, and whence came such additional details as we have in l.
3028.
As to the first, it was certainly a current story, because we find it
repeated by later writers, as Paulus Langius, _Chron. Citiz._, ann.
1294, ‘Per fistulam etiam frequentius noctu in cubili per parietem
missam, velut coelica vox esset, loquebatur ei: “Celestine, Celestine,
renuncia papatui, quia aliter saluari non poteris, nam vires tuas
excedit.”’
As to the death of Boniface, it was commonly reported that he had
been starved in prison, the fact being that after the episode of his
captivity he refused to take food, and the biting of his hands was
observed as a symptom of extreme vexation, ‘saepe caput muro concussit
et digitos momordit,’ ‘per plures dies ira feruidus manus sibi arrodere
videbatur,’ &c. Ciacon. _Vita Pont._ p. 655.
2837 f. cp. Prol. 329.
2875. _of such prolacioun_,’with so prolonged a note.’
2889. _hedde_: cp. v. 1254.
2966. _Lowyz._ This of course is a mistake historically.
2985. _And seiden._ For omission of pronoun cp. i. 1895.
2995. _de Langharet._ We find this form of the name, or something
equivalent, in the English Chronicles quoted, and also in Villani. The
true name was apparently ‘de Nogaret.’
3001. _at Avinoun._ This is quite unhistorical, and the precise mention
of ‘Pontsorge’ (or as our author first wrote it, ‘Poursorge’) seems to
point to the use of some particular form of the story, which cannot at
present be indicated.
3033 ff. This saying is sometimes given in the form of a prophecy, and
attributed to the predecessor of Boniface, whose resignation he was
said to have procured: see the passage quoted on l. 2803.
3037. _to the houndes like_, ‘after the likeness of the hound’: cp. i.
2791, ‘to his liche.’ The form ‘like’ would hardly be admissible here
as an adjective for ‘lik.’
3056. This prophecy no doubt was current among the many attributed to
the Abbot Joachim, but I do not find it exactly in the form here given.
The quotation of it in the margin of F is in a different hand from that
of the text and of the heading ‘Nota de prophecia’ &c. The omission of
the Latin altogether in some manuscripts, as AdT, W, has no special
significance for this passage.
3081 f. ‘He shall not be able to abstain from hindering him.’
3095. This saying, which is here attributed to Seneca, and which
appears also in the _Mirour de l’omme_ in a slightly different form,
3831 ff., may be based really upon the well-known passage of Dante,
_Inf._ xiii. 64.
_Latin Verses._ vi. 4. _Dumque_, for ‘Dum,’ as sometimes in the _Vox
Clamantis_.
_ethnica flamma_: see note on l. 20.
3122 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 3819 ff.
3160. See note on i. 232.
3187. The Latin books referred to are the current lives of Saint
Silvester, the substance of which is reproduced in the _Legenda Aurea_.
Gower tells the story in considerably better style than we have it
there, with amplifications of his own, especially as regards the
reflections of Constantine, 3243 ff., and the preaching of Silvester
to the Emperor, 3383 ff. There are some variations in detail from the
current account which may or may not point to a special source. For
example, in the Life of Silvester we are told that the Emperor met the
lamenting mothers as he was riding up to the Capitol to take his bath
of blood, and in all forms of the legend that I have seen the mountain
where Silvester lay in hiding was Soracte (or Saraptis) and not Celion.
The name may however have been altered by Gower for metrical reasons,
as was sometimes his habit; see note on i. 1407 (end).
3210. _of Accidence._ ‘Accidentia’ in its medical sense is explained as
‘affectus praeter naturam’: cp. v. 763.
3243 ff. These reflections, continued to l. 3300, are an expanded
and improved form of the rather tasteless string of maxims given
in the legend, the most pointed of which is that with which our
author concludes, ‘Omnium se esse dominum comprobat, qui servum se
monstraverit pietatis.’
3260. _his oghne wone._ This appears to mean ‘according to his own
habits,’ like ‘his oghne hondes’ (i. 1427), ‘his oghne mouth’ (v.
5455), for ‘with his own hands,’ &c.
3507. _vertu sovereine_: a clear case of the French feminine inflexion,
which must have been a very natural variation in such expressions as
this; cp. i. 2677. In French as in English our author would feel at
liberty to adapt the form to the rhyme or metre: so we have ‘sa joye
soverein’ _Mir._ 4810, but ‘ma sovereine joie’ _Bal._ ix. 7.
3517. _betwen ous tweie_, i.e. ‘together’; cp. l. 653.
LIB. III.
4. _ther nis on._ Note the repetition of the negative from the clause
above.
71. _the leng the ferre_, i.e. ‘the lengere the ferre.’
78. _mihte I_, for ‘ne mihte I’: cp. ii. 2423.
83. _redy to wraththe_: cp. ii. 3444, ‘redi to the feith.’
143 ff. The story is from Ovid, _Her. Ep._ xi. It is that which is
referred to by Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, B 77,
‘But certeinly no word ne writeth he
Of thilke wikke ensample of Canacee,
That loved hir owene brother synfully.’
(Note that the name ‘Canace’ is used by Gower so as to rhyme with
‘place.’)
In spite of the character of the subject, it must be allowed that Gower
tells the story in a very touching manner, and he shows good taste in
omitting some of Ovid’s details, as for example those in _Ep._ 39-44.
The appeal of Canace to her father as given by Gower is original, and
so for the most part is the letter to her brother and the picturesque
and pathetic scene of her death. On the whole this must be regarded as
a case in which our author has greatly improved upon his authority.
Lydgate obviously has Gower’s story before him when he introduces
the tale (quite needlessly) into his _Fall of Princes_. It may be
noted that in Ovid also the catastrophe is given as a consequence of
ungoverned anger:
‘Imperat, heu! ventis, tumidae non imperat irae.’
172. _lawe positif_: see note on Prol. 247. Gower’s view is that there
is nothing naturally immoral about an incestuous marriage, but that it
is made wrong by the ‘lex positiva’ of the Church. This position he
makes clear at the beginning of the eighth book, by showing that in
the first ages of the world such marriages must have been sanctioned
by divine authority, and that the idea of kinship as a bar to marriage
had grown up gradually, cousins being allowed to marry among the Jews,
though brother and sister might not, and that finally the Church had
ordered,
‘That non schal wedden of his ken
Ne the seconde ne the thridde.’ viii. 147 f.
If attacked by Chaucer with regard to the subject of this story, he
would no doubt defend himself by arguing that the vice with which it
dealt was not against nature, and that the erring brother and sister
were in truth far more deserving of sympathy than the father who
took such cruel vengeance. Notwithstanding his general strictness
in matters of morality, Gower was something of a fatalist, cp. the
recurring phrases of 1222, 1348, 1677, iv. 1524, &c., and he repeatedly
emphasizes the irresistible character of the impulses of nature in
love; cp. i. 17 ff., 1051 ff., 2621, vi. 1261 ff., and here l. 161
(margin), ‘intollerabilem iuuentutis concupiscenciam.’
219. ‘the child which was,’ cp. i. 10.
253 f. Ovid, _Her. Ep._ xi. 96,
‘Et iubet ex merito scire quid iste velit.’
279 ff. This letter is for the most part original. That which we have
in Ovid is mainly narrative.
292. _If that_ &c. The point of this as it occurs in Ovid depends upon
the fact that her child has already been exposed and, as she conceives,
torn by wild beasts, and she entreats her brother if possible to
collect his remains and lay them by her,--a very natural and pathetic
request. Gower has chosen for the sake of picturesque effect in this
scene to make the exposure of the child come after the death of the
mother, and he should therefore perhaps have omitted the reference to
the child’s burial.
300 f. Ovid, _Her. Ep._ xi. 3, 4,
‘Dextra tenet calamum, strictum tenet altera ferrum,
Et iacet in gremio charta soluta meo.’
315. The word ‘baskleth’ is perhaps a genuine alternative reading.
331. ‘Of such a thing done as that was.’ We must not be tempted by the
correction ‘tho’ for ‘that.’
352. A fatalistic maxim which is often repeated, e.g. i. 1714, ‘nede he
mot that nede schal.’
355. The revision of this line for the third recension may indicate
a preference for throwing back the accent of ‘nature’ in the English
fashion: so ii. 1376, but ‘natúre’ ll. 175, 350.
361 ff. This is from Ovid, _Met._ iii. 324 ff. Gower has chosen to omit
the sequel of the story, which was that after seven years Tiresias saw
the same snakes again, and by striking them a second time recovered his
former sex. This being so, he is obliged to make a separate story (736
ff.) of the dispute between Jupiter and Juno, which gave Ovid occasion
for mentioning the incident of the snakes.
382. _Wherof_,’ In regard to which.’
390. _menable_, ‘apt to be led’; see note on i. 1067. For the
variations of reading cp. ii. 1599, and below, 519.
417. ‘Cheste’ is that form of contention which expresses itself in
angry words. Gower seems to have taken it to be connected with the verb
‘chide,’ see 443, 492, 534, 552 ff.
431. Cp. _Mirour_, 4146 ff.,
‘ly sage auci
Ce dist, que deinz le cuer de luy
Folie buylle tresparmy,
Comme du fontaine la liquour.’
The reference is to Proverbs xv. 2, ‘os fatuorum ebullit stultitiam.’
436. _oppose_, ‘inquire.’
463 ff. See note on the Latin verses at the beginning of the Prologue,
5 f.
479. That is, rather than sing such a creed, I would choose to be
unlearned and know no creed at all.
487. _Upon hirself_, i.e. upon her authority.
515. _balketh._ A ‘balk’ is a ridge left unploughed, and ‘to balk’
in ploughing is to leave a ridge either between two furrows or in
the furrow itself, the plough being permitted to pass over a piece
of ground without breaking it. Here it is referred to as an accident
arising either from not ploughing straight or not keeping the
ploughshare regularly at the proper depth. From this idea of leaving
out something come most of the other meanings of the verb: see _New
Engl. Dict._
544. _Hire oghte noght be._ For this impersonal use with the simple
infinitive cp. 704.
545. _For I_, i.e. ‘For that I’: cp. 820, &c.
585. This expression, which Pauli for some reason calls an ‘obscene
proverb,’ seems to be nearly equivalent to the saying about the bird
that fouls his own nest (cp. _Mirour_, 23413), and refers apparently to
recriminations between the owl and the stock upon which he sits, on the
matter of cleanliness. The application is to the case of the man who
quarrels with his own performances, and naturally has the worst of it
himself.
626. ‘World’ seems to be the true reading here, though ‘word’ stood in
the earlier form of text. The meaning is ‘that state of things shall
never be permitted by me.’ The use of ‘world’ is like that which we
have in i. 178, where ‘mi world’ means ‘my condition’: cp. Prol. 383,
1081. The verb ‘asterte’ is used in the sense of escaping notice and so
being allowed to pass or to happen: cp. i. 1934,
‘Bot that ne schal me noght asterte,
To wene forto be worthi,’ &c.
Cp. i. 722.
The expression ‘that word schal me nevere asterte’ is a more ordinary
one (and therefore more likely to have been introduced by a copyist),
but it gives no satisfactory sense here.
641 ff. The story was a hackneyed one, and occurs in many places. It is
shortly told by Jerome, _Adv. Jovin._ i. 48.
665. _what labour that sche toke._ The verb is subjunctive, either
because the form of speech is indirect, cp. 708, or because the
expression is indefinite.
699. Cp. _Mirour_, 4185 ff., where after telling the same story the
author roundly declares that he shall not follow the example.
704. _Him oghte ... bere_: cp. 544, 1666.
708. _how that it stode_: subjunctive of indirect speech, under rhyme
influence: cp. ii. 1243 and l. 771 below, and see note on Prol. 41.
736. _Met._ iii. 316 ff. We have here the rest of the story which was
referred to above, 361 ff. The point of the incident as told by Ovid is
(perhaps purposely) missed by Gower, who does not mention the reason
why Tiresias was selected as judge.
737. That is, according to the religious belief which then prevailed.
762. ‘And yet the other state would have pleased him better, to have
had’ &c.
771. _what he mene_: for the subjunctive cp. 708.
782. _of olde ensample_: for ‘olde’ in this expression cp. 1683; but
‘of old time,’ i. 1072, ‘an old ensample,’ iv. 75.
783. This is from Ovid, _Met._ ii. 542 ff. The Cornide of Gower’s story
is Coronis. The story is told at greater length by Chaucer as the
_Manciple’s Tale_.
818 ff. From Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 585 ff.
889. _fals_: see note on Prol. 221.
918. F alone gives ‘overmor,’ but it is probably what the author
intended, though his first editions had the common variation ‘evermor.’
S is here defective.
957. _sleth_, ‘strikes.’
971. _who so rede_: subjunctive because indefinite; cp. 2508 and note
on Prol. 460.
973 ff. This story may be found in Benoît’s _Roman de Troie_, 27551
ff. and in Guido, lib. 32 (n 3 v^o, ed. Argent.). We must note however
that for the classical Nauplius we find in Gower ‘Namplus,’ whereas in
Benoît and Guido both it is ‘Naulus’: therefore it would seem that our
author had before him also some other form of the story, where he found
the name ‘Nauplius’ or ‘Nauplus,’ which he read ‘Nanplus’ or ‘Namplus.’
Perhaps this may have been Hyginus, _Fab._ cxvi. Elsewhere Gower
usually follows Benoît rather than Guido, but here several expressions
occur which seem to be suggested by Guido’s form of the story: see
notes on 1030 and 1063. Also Gower says nothing of the incident of
rocks being hurled down on the Greeks (_Rom. de Troie_, 27795 ff.),
which is also omitted by Guido.
1002. The name which appears here and in the Latin margin as ‘Namplus,’
with no important variation of reading, is quite clearly ‘Nauplus’ in
iv. 1816 ff.
1021. _Homward_, i.e. going towards home: cp. 2451.
1030 f. _Hist. Troiana_, n 4, ‘qui necesse habebant per confinia regni
sui transire.’
1036. _it sihe_, ‘might see it.’
1049. _ten or twelve._ Guido says two hundred. Benoît does not specify
the number of ships, but says that ten thousand men were lost. Gower
has judiciously reduced the number.
1063. Cp. _Hist. Troiana_, n 4 v^o, ‘fugiunt et se immittunt in pelagus
spaciosum.’
1065. ‘what’ for ‘war,’ which appears in the unrevised form of the
first recension, must be an error of the original scribe: on the other
hand, ‘tyme’ for ‘dai’ proceeded no doubt originally from the author
and was altered in order to make the verse run more smoothly.
_Latin Verses._ iv. 1. _et sit spiritus eius Naribus_: a reference to
Isaiah ii. 22, ‘Quiescite ergo ab homine, cuius spiritus in naribus
eius est.’ The same passage is quoted in _Mirour_, 4754, and it is
evident there that the ‘breath in the nostrils’ was understood by our
author to stand for fury of anger.
1113. _war hem wel_, ‘let them beware.’
1158. The contest in the heart between Wit and Reason on the one hand
and Will and Hope on the other is quite in the style of the _Roman de
la Rose_, where Reason and the Lover have an endless controversy (2983
ff.). Though the agencies are clearly personified here, the author has
not assigned capital letters to their names.
1166. _out of retenue_, ‘out of my service.’
1173. _jeupartie_, ‘discord,’ one side being matched against the other.
The first reading was ‘champartie,’ which may have proceeded from the
author. It is clear that this word was used by Lydgate in the sense
of ‘rivalry’ or ‘contest’ in the phrase ‘holde champartie,’ and this
may either have come from the idea of partnership, implying division
of power and so rivalry, as in Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, A 1949, or
from the legal sense, with which Gower and Lydgate would doubtless be
acquainted, meaning partnership for a contentious purpose. There seems
no sufficient reason for supposing (with the _New Engl. Dict._) that
Lydgate’s use was founded on a misunderstanding of Chaucer.
1183. _and til._ Caxton and Berthelet both have ‘tyl that’ for ‘and
til,’ and one is tempted to suggest that ‘and til’ was meant to stand
for ‘until.’
1201 ff. The story of the visit of Alexander to Diogenes was a common
one enough, and it is hardly worth while to investigate its source for
Gower. He probably here combined various materials into one narrative,
for the usual form of the story as given by Vincent of Beauvais, _Spec.
Hist._ iii. 68 f., and in the _Gesta Romanorum_, does not include the
conversation about the Reason and the Will. This may have been derived
from Walter Burley, _De Vita Philosophorum_, cap. l., ‘Dum Alexander
rex coram Diogene transiret, Diogenes tanquam illum spernens non
respexit; cui dixit Alexander, “Quid est Diogenes quod me non respicis,
quasi mei non indigeas?” Cui ille, “Ad quid necesse habeo servi
servorum meorum?” Et Alexander, “Numquid servorum tuorum servus sum?”
Ait, “Ego prevaleo cupiditatibus meis refrenans illas et subiciens
mihi illas ut serviant: tibi autem cupiditates prevalent, et servus
earum efficeris, earum obtemperans iussioni: servus igitur es servorum
meorum.”’ Burley gives the other part of the conversation separately.
The incident of the messenger sent to inquire and of the answer which
he brought back is no doubt due to Gower, as also the idea of the ‘tun’
being set on an axle and adapted for astronomical observations.
1212. The ‘dolium’ was of course popularly regarded as a wooden cask.
1222. ‘As fate would have it’: see note on 172 (end), and cp. 1442.
1224. _the Sonne ariste_, i.e. the rising of the sun: so iv. 1285, ‘and
that was er the Sonne Ariste.’
1310. _to schifte_, ‘to dispose of.’ In Burley, ‘rogo ne auferas quod
dare non potes.’
1331 ff. The tale of Pyramus and Thisbe is from Ovid, _Met._ iv.
55-166. Chaucer has taken it from the same source in the _Legend of
Good Women_. When we compare the results, we find that in this instance
it is Chaucer who has followed his authority closely, while Gower gives
a paraphrase in his own language and with several variations of detail.
He says, for example, that the lovers themselves made the hole in the
wall through which they conversed; he omits Ninus’ tomb; he speaks
of a lion, not a lioness; he says that Thisbe hid herself in a bush
(not a cave), and that then the lion slew and devoured a beast before
drinking at the spring; he cuts short the speech of Pyramus before
killing himself; he represents that Pyramus was slain at once instead
of living until Thisbe came; he invents an entirely new speech for
Thisbe; and he judiciously omits, as Chaucer does also, the mention of
the mulberry-tree and its transformation.
In short, Gower writes apparently from a general recollection of the
story, while Chaucer evidently has his Ovid before him and endeavours
to translate almost every phrase, showing thereby his good taste, for
Ovid tells the story well.
The following points in Ovid (among others) are reproduced by Chaucer
and not by Gower: l. 56, ‘quas Oriens habuit’; 58, ‘Coctilibus
muris’; 59, ‘Notitiam primosque gradus vicinia fecit’ (which Chaucer
misunderstands, however); 62, ‘Ex aequo captis ’ &c.; 64, ‘Quoque
magis tegitur, tectus magis aestuat ignis’; 65, ‘Fissus erat tenui
rima,’ &c.; 68, ‘Quid non sentit amor?’; 73-77, the speeches of the
lovers to the wall; 81 f., ‘Postera nocturnos aurora’ &c.; 85, ‘Fallere
custodes’; 87, ‘Neve sit errandum’ &c.; 94, ‘adopertaque vultum’; 97,
‘leaena’; 99, ‘ad lunae radios’; 100, ‘in antrum’; 105, ‘vestigia vidit
in alto Pulvere’ &c.; 108, ‘Una duos nox, inquit, perdet amantes,’
and the rest of this speech; 117 f., ‘Utque dedit notae lacrimas,’
&c.; 122, ‘Non aliter quam cum vitiato fistula plumbo Scinditur’;
130, ‘Quantaque vitarit narrare pericula gestit’; 133, ‘tremebunda
videt pulsare cruentum Membra solum’; 134 f., ‘oraque buxo’ &c.; 140,
‘Vulnera supplevit’ &c.; 145, ‘oculos iam morte gravatos’; 148 ff., the
speech of Thisbe, except the reference to the mulberry-tree.
Gower’s rendering of the story is inferior to that of Chaucer, as might
be expected, but nevertheless it is simple and pathetic. It has even
some points of superiority, as 1386 f., the passage of Thisbe through
the town at night; 1400, ‘with his blodi snoute’; 1411, the terror
of Thisbe when concealed in the bush; and finally 1486 ff., where
instead of deliberately resolving on death and inflicting it with calm
resolution, she is more naturally represented as overcome by a sudden
impulse in the midst of her mourning and killing herself almost without
consciousness of what she did.
1348. _as it scholde be_: cp. 1222, ‘As thing which scholde so betyde.’
1356. All the best copies have ‘miht’ or ‘might’ here: cp. 1440. The
distinction, however, between ‘miht’ (= mayest) and ‘mihte’ is usually
well preserved by our author.
1394. _In haste and_: so ll. 1396, 1415. On the other hand, in 1430 we
have a stop after ‘folhaste’ (in F), while 1447 remains doubtful.
1442. _as it schal betide_, cp. 1222.
1448. _For sche_, a reference to the ‘folhaste’ of the previous line.
It was his haste that destroyed him, for if he had waited but a little
he would have seen her come.
1466 f. ‘If it be only by this mishap which has befallen my love and
me together.’ For the use of ‘betwen’ see note on ii. 653. The position
of ‘Only’ is affected by metrical requirements: see note on ii. 709.
1473. _oure herte bothe_, ‘the hearts of us both.’ The singular ‘herte’
is given by the best copies of each recension.
1496. _Bewar_: thus written several times in F, e.g. 1738. Here A also
has ‘Bewar.’
1524. _him stant of me no fere_: cp. ii. 2124.
1537. _Daunger_: see note on i. 2443.
1593 ff. The construction of the sentence is interrupted, but the sense
is clear: ‘For if I, who have given all my will and wit to her service,
should in reward thereof be suffered to die, it would be pity.’ For
this kind of irregularity cp. i. 98, 2948, &c.
1605. The reading ‘in such,’ though given by both S and F, must be
wrong.
1630. _overthrewe._ The verb no doubt is intransitive, as often, e.g.
i. 1886, 1962, and below, l. 1638.
1666. _him oghte have be_: cp. 704.
1685 ff. Ovid, _Met._ i. 453-567. Gower cuts the story short.
1701. Ovid, _Met._ i. 470,
‘Quod facit auratum est et cuspide fulget acuta.’
(Merkel alters ‘auratum’ to ‘hamatum,’ but this is certainly wrong.)
1704. Note that the final syllable of ‘Daphne’ is subject to elision
here and in 1716: so ‘Progne’ v. 5574, &c.
1718 ff. The suggestion is Gower’s own, as in other similar cases, e.g.
i. 2355.
1743. ‘And it is to be desired that a man,’ &c.
1757 ff. This story is chiefly from Benoît, _Roman de Troie_, 28025
ff. Guido omits many details which are given by Gower. Note that in
l. 28025, where Joly’s edition has ‘Samas,’ Guido and Gower both have
‘Athemas.’ Our author has treated his materials freely and tells the
story at greater length. The speech which he assigns to Nestor is for
the most part original.
1885 ff. The tale of Orestes is from Benoît de Sainte-More, _Rom. de
Troie_, 27925-27990, 28155-28283, and 28339-28402. Guido omits the
visit of Orestes to Athens to obtain help for his expedition, the
portion of the oracle which bad him tear away his mother’s breasts,
and the name of Menetius (or Menesteus), who defended Orestes, and
Gower’s details are in general more in accordance with those of Benoît.
A few exceptions may be found, however. For example, Gower says that
Agamemnon was murdered as he lay in bed (1915), Guido, ‘dum suo
soporatus dormiret in lecto,’ but Benoît only, ‘L’ont la premiere nuit
ocis.’ Again, Guido calls Idomeneus ‘consanguineum eius,’ and Gower
says, ‘So as he was of his lignage,’ of which Benoît says nothing. No
doubt Gower was acquainted with both, and preferred the French because
he perceived it to be better.
1911. ‘To set her love in place where it cannot be secure.’
2022 f. _Cropheon ... Phoieus._ The names are given as ‘Trofion’
and ‘Florentes’ by Benoît (Joly’s text), ‘Troiesem’ (‘Croeze’
MS.) and ‘Forensis’ by Guido. They are originally derived from a
misunderstanding of a passage in Dictys, _Bell. Troi._ vi. 3, ‘armatus
cum praedicta manu ad Strophium venit: is namque Phocensis, cuius
filia,’ &c.
2055 ff. This speech is introduced by Gower.
2112 f.
‘Li un dient qu’il a fet dreit,
Et li autre que non aveit.’
_Rom. de Troie_, 28275.
2145. _Menesteüs._ This is a more correct form of the name than the
‘Menetius,’ which we have in Joly’s text of Benoît.
2148. _of the goddes bede._ Here we perhaps have Guido rather than
Benoît.
2173. _Egiona._ The name is properly Erigona, and so it is given by
Benoît. The moralization on her fate, 2183 ff., is due to our author,
and it is rather out of place, considering the circumstances of the
story.
2346. _the trew man._ In F we have ‘trew,’ altered apparently from
‘trewe,’ which is the usual and the more correct form: ‘the trew man to
the plowh’ means the labourer who truly serves the plough.
2358. This is simply a repetition of 2355, ‘thei stonde of on acord.’
‘As of corage’ means as regards their feeling or inclination: for this
use of ‘as’ cp. Prol. 492, i. 557, &c.
2363 ff. A very common story, found shortly in Augustine, _Civ. Dei_,
iv. 4, and repeated in the _Gesta Romanorum_ and many other books.
Gower has expanded it after his own fashion.
2424 f. ‘that men set their hearts to make gain by such wrong doing.’
2451. _homward_, i.e. ‘going homeward.’ The word included something of
a verbal sense, as we see in i. 938, iii. 1021: so also ‘toward’ in l.
2643.
2458. _the world mistimed._ The verb ‘mistime’ means properly ‘to
happen amiss,’ with the suggestion that it is by the fault of the
person concerned. Gower uses it here transitively for ‘to manage
amiss,’ while in vi. 4 ‘was mystymed’ means ‘came unhappily about.’
2508. _what man ... rede_: for the subjunctive see note on Prol. 460.
2536. ‘Hardly have any fear’: see note on ii. 2124.
2555. Acastus was king of Iolcos. He purified Peleus, as some say of
the murder of Eurytion, but according to others of that of Phocus:
cp. Bocc. _Gen. Deorum_, xii. 50, ‘ad Magnetas abiit, ubi ab Achasto
fraterna caede purgatus est.’
2563 f. Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, was purified by Achelous, whom our
author here takes for a priest.
2599 ff. This anecdote is told also in the _Mirour_, 5029-5040, and
there also it is ascribed to Solinus. I do not find it, however, in his
book.
2608 ff. For the irregularity of this sentence cp. 1593 ff.
2639 ff. The story is taken from Benoît _(Rom. de Troie_, 6497-6590),
as we may see at once from the name ‘Theucer,’ which Guido gives
rather more correctly as ‘Theutran.’ Also ll. 2674-2680, _Roman de
Troie_, 6545-6553, have nothing corresponding to them in Guido. Guido
here certainly referred to a copy of the so-called Dares, where the
name occurs in its classical form ‘Teuthras.’ He is particularly
interested in the story on local grounds, being concerned to show
that the ‘Messe’ which he found in Benoît might be connected with the
name of his place of residence, Messina, and that the events related
occurred actually in Sicily. Accordingly he speaks of certain columns
popularly called ‘columns of Hercules,’ which existed in his own time
in Sicily, ‘ex parte Barbarorum,’ i.e. on the south coast, and takes
them as evidence of the connexion of Hercules with the island, and
hence of the probability that this story (which in the original has to
do with Hercules, though Gower has excluded him from it) had its scene
in Sicily. Dares, he admits, says nothing of this, and his reference
to Dares is here in more precise form than usual, ‘in suo codice’
according to the Bodleian MS., though the printed editions give ‘in suo
opere’ (MS. Add. A. 365, f. 50 v^o).
He says of the place where these columns are, ‘qui locus dicitur adhuc
columpnarum,’ and adds that the emperor Frederic II has established
a town there, and that the place is now called ‘terra nova.’ This is
obviously identical with the modern Terranova, founded by Frederic
II near the site of the ancient Gela. It seems probable that Guido
may have been himself a native of this place or of its immediate
neighbourhood, and that he chose to call himself after its former
designation, ‘Columpna’ or ‘Columpnae,’ instead of by the new name
which had come into use during his own lifetime[AN].
2643. _His Sone._ This is a mistake on the part of Gower. Both Benoît
and Guido state quite clearly that Telephus was the son of Hercules,
and that it was to Hercules that the obligation was due which is
referred to in 2690 ff. Perhaps the copy of the _Roman de Troie_ which
Gower used had ‘Thelefus fu filz Achilles’ for ‘Thelefus fu filz
Hercules,’ in l. 6506.
2756. We should rather have expected ‘That I fro you wol nothing hele.’
LIB. IV.
9. Cp. _Mirour_, 5606,
‘Lachesce dist, Demein, Demein.’
38. _Thou schalt mowe_: cp. ii. 1670, where we have ‘mow’ for ‘mowe.’
60. _a fin._ This is a French expression, which appears repeatedly in
the _Mirour_ as ‘au fin.’
77 ff. The only definite indication of sources here is the reference
(such as it is) to Ovid, _Her. Ep._ vii., contained in ll. 104-115.
92. _as it be scholde_, cp. iii. 1348.
104 ff. This picture seems to be constructed partly from a misreading
or misunderstanding of Ovid, _Her. Ep._ vii. 1 f.,
‘Sic ubi fata vocant, udis abiectus in herbis
Ad vada Maeandri concinit albus olor.’
It is difficult to see how our author translated these lines, but the
result, which must have been chiefly due to his imagination, is rather
creditable to him. Chaucer gives the true sense in the _Legend of Good
Women_, 1355 ff.,
‘Ryght so,’ quod she, ‘as that the white swan
Ayenst his deth begynneth for to synge.
Ryght so to yow I make my compleynynge.’
128. _such a lak of Slowthe_, ‘such a fault of Sloth.’
137. That is, to put all the slothful in mind (of their duty).
147 ff. The general idea of this is taken from the letter of Penelope
to Ulysses, Ovid, _Her. Ep._ i, but this is not closely followed in
details, and it will be noticed that Gower represents the letter as
sent while the siege of Troy still continued, and apparently he knows
nothing of the great length of the wandering afterwards: cp. 226 ff.
170. The reading ‘Had’ for ‘Hath’ is given by many MSS., including F.
We find ‘Hath’ in the following, H₁C, SAdTΔ, W, and it must certainly
be the true reading.
196 ff. Ovid, _Her. Ep._ i. 2, ‘Nil mihi rescribas, attamen ipse veni.’
234. Robert Grosteste’s reputation for learning in the sciences
earned for him, as for his contemporary Roger Bacon, the character of
a student of magic. In the metrical life of Grosteste by Robert of
Bardney (Wharton, _Anglia Sacra_, i. 333) one chapter is ‘De aeneo
capite quod Oxoniae fecit Grosthede ad dubia quaeque determinanda.’
This author says only that by some accident the head fell and was
broken, and that its inventor thereupon abandoned the study of
forbidden sciences.
Naudé in his _Apologie pour les grands hommes soupçonnez de Magie_
classes ‘Robert de Lincolne’ and Albertus Magnus together as supposed
makers of speaking images, but the former only on the authority of
Gower, with whom he had been made acquainted by Selden.
242 f. That is, he lost all that he had done from the time when he
first began to work; an inversion of clauses for the sake of the rhyme:
cp. ii. 709 ff.
249. _kept_: more properly ‘kepe,’ but the infinitive is attracted into
the form of the participle ‘wold,’ much as the participle of the mood
auxiliary in modern German takes the form of the infinitive: see note
on ii. 1799.
305. _hadde I wist_, cp. i. 1888, ii. 473. It is the exclamation of
those who fall into evil by neglect of proper precaution. The same
sentiment is expressed more fully in l. 899,
‘Ha, wolde god I hadde knowe!’
345. _dar._ This form stands as plural here and l. 350.
371 ff. The story of Pygmalion is from Ovid, _Metam._ x. 243-297.
377. ‘Being destined to the labours of love’; cp. note on iii. 143
(end).
415. _how it were_, i.e. ‘how so ever it were’: cp. l. 1848.
448. _a solein tale_, ‘a strange tale.’ This word ‘solein’ (or
‘soulein’), which English etymologists in search for the origin of
‘sullen’ report as hardly to be found in French, occurs repeatedly
in the _Mirour de l’omme_ in the sense of ‘alone,’ ‘lonely.’ For the
meaning here assigned to it we may compare the modern use of the
word ‘singular,’ which in Gower’s French meant ‘lonely.’ There is no
authority for Pauli’s reading ‘solempne,’ and it gives neither sense
nor metre.
451 ff. The tale of Iphis is from Ovid, _Metam._ ix. 666-797,
abbreviated and altered with advantage.
453 ff. The authority of the MSS. is strongly in favour of ‘grete:
lete’ in these lines, and this reading is certainly right. We must
take ‘lete’ as the past participle of the strong verb ‘leten’ (from
‘lǣtan’), meaning ‘leave,’ ‘omit,’ and ‘grete’ as accommodated to the
rhyme. The negative construction following rather suggests ‘let,’
meaning ‘hindered’ as ii. 128 ff., but the rhyme ‘let: gret’ would be
an impossible one. See note on i. 3365 and cp. l. 1153.
585. _And stonde_, i.e. ‘And I stonde’: cp. i. 1895, &c., and below, l.
697.
624. _on miself along_, so below l. 952, ‘It is noght on mi will
along,’ and Chaucer, _Troilus_, ii. 1001,
‘On me is nought along thyn yvel fare.’
The use of ‘on’ for ‘of’ in this phrase is still known in some dialects.
647 ff. For the Ring of Forgetfulness here spoken of see Petrus
Comestor, _Exodus_ vi., where it is related that Moses in command of
the Egyptians captured the chief city of the Ethiopians by the help of
Tarbis, daughter of their king, and married her in recompense of her
services. Then, wishing to return to Egypt and being detained by his
wife, ‘tanquam vir peritus astrorum duas imagines sculpsit in gemmis
huius efficaciae, ut altera memoriam, altera oblivionem conferret.
Cumque paribus anulis eas inseruisset, alterum, scilicet oblivionis
anulum, uxori praebuit, alterum ipse tulit; ut sic pari amore sic
paribus anulis insignirentur. Coepit ergo mulier amoris viri oblivisci,
et tandem libere in Aegyptum regressus est’ (Migne, _Patrol._ vol. 198,
p. 1144). Cp. Godfr. Viterb., _Pantheon_, v. (p. 115).
731 ff. Partly from Ovid, _Her. Ep._ ii. and _Rem. Am._ 591-604; but
there was probably some other source, for our author would not find
anything in Ovid about the transformation into a tree. Many of the
details seem to be of his own invention, and he is probably responsible
for the variation which makes the visit of Demophon to Thrace take
place on the way to Troy instead of on the return. Chaucer’s form of
the story in the _Legend of Good Women_ is quite different.
733. F is here followed in punctuation.
776. _a Monthe day_: Ovid, _Her. Ep._ ii. 3 f.,
‘Cornua cum lunae pleno semel orbe coissent,
Litoribus nostris ancora pacta tua est.’
782. Cp. Ovid, _Ars Am._ ii. 354,
‘Exarsit velis acrius illa datis.’
787 ff. Except the idea of a letter being sent, Gower takes little here
from Ovid.
816 ff. This passage seems mostly of Gower’s invention, partly perhaps
on the suggestion of the story of Hero and Leander in Ovid, _Her. Ep._
xix. 33 ff. See Bech in _Anglia_, v. 347.
_do set up._ Apparently ‘set’ is the participle, cp. ii. 1799.
833. _al hire one._ This idea is emphasized by Ovid, _Rem. Am._ 591 f.
869. This piece of etymology is perhaps due to our author, who usually
adds something of his own to the stories of transformation which he
relates; see note on i. 2355. Lydgate says that Phyllis hanged herself
upon a filbert-tree, but he perhaps took the notion from Gower:
‘Upon the walles depeint men myght se
Hou she was honged upon a filbert tre.’
_Temple of Glas_, 88.
See the note in Dr. Schick’s edition, E.E.T.S. 1891.
893. Cp. _Mirour_, 5436,
‘Lors est il sage apres la mein,’
of which this line is an exact reproduction.
904. _pleith an aftercast._ This looks like a metaphor from casting
dice, but it is difficult to see the exact application. It means of
course here that he is always too late in what he says and does.
914. _come at thin above_, i.e. attain to success: cp. _Mirour_, 25350,
‘Car lors est Triche a son dessus.’
964. See note on i. 2677.
979 ff. The story may probably enough be taken from Ovid, _Metam._ ii.
1-324, but if so it is much abbreviated.
_which is the Sonne hote_, ‘which is called the Sun’; cp. ii. 131
f. Possibly, however, ‘hote’ may be the adjective, with definite
termination for the sake of the rhyme. There would be no objection to
rhyming with it the adverb of the same form.
1030 ff. The moral drawn by Gower from the story of Phaeton is against
going too low, that is abandoning the higher concerns of love owing
to slothful negligence. The next story is against aiming too high and
neglecting the due claims of service.
1035 ff. Ovid, _Metam._ viii. 183-235.
1090 f. Cp. _Mirour_, 5389 ff.
1096. _who as evere take_: so ‘what man’ is very commonly used with
subjunctive, iii. 2508 &c., but the uncertainty of the construction is
shown by ‘And thinkth’ in the next line. See notes on Prol. 13, 460.
1108 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 5395 ff.
1131. A superfluous syllable, such as we have at the pause in this
line, is very unusual in Gower’s verse; but cp. v. 447.
1153. _lete I ne mai_, ‘I may not neglect’: see note on i. 3365.
1180. Cp. i. 698, ‘And many a contenance he piketh.’ It means here
perhaps ‘thus I keep up a pretence (for staying).’
1245 ff. A somewhat similar story to this is to be found in Andreas
Capellanus, _De Amore_, to which my attention was first called by Mr.
Archer. This book (written about 1220) gives imaginary colloquies
between different kinds of persons, to illustrate the ways of
courtship, ‘Plebeius loquitur plebeiae,’ ‘Plebeius nobili,’ ‘Nobilis
plebeiae,’ ‘Nobilis nobili.’ In this last occurs the story of a
squire who saw the god of love leading a great company of ladies in
three bands, the first well mounted and well attended, the second
well mounted but attended by so many that it was a hindrance rather
than a help, and the third in wretched array with lame horses and no
attendance. The meaning of the sight is explained to the squire by
one of these last, and he is taken to see the appropriate rewards and
punishments of each band. He relates what he has seen to his mistress
in order to make her more ready to accept his suit (pp. 91-108, ed.
Trojel, 1892).
There are some expressions which resemble those which Gower uses, as
‘quarum quaelibet in equo _pinguissimo_ et formoso et _suavissime
ambulante_ sedebat’ (p. 92), cp. 1309 f.,
‘On faire amblende hors thei sete
That were al whyte, fatte and grete.’
And again, ‘domina quaedam ... habens equum macerrimum et turpem et
tribus pedibus claudicantem,’ cp. 1343 ff. The story, however, is
different in many ways from that of Gower. For other similar stories
see the article in _Romania_ for January 1900 on the ‘Purgatory of
Cruel Beauties’ by W. A. Neilson.
The tale of Rosiphelee is well told by Gower, and in more than one
passage it bears marks of having been carefully revised by the author.
The alteration of 1321 f. is peculiarly happy, and gives us one of the
best couplets in the _Confessio Amantis_.
1285. _the Sonne Ariste_: cp. iii. 1224. The capital letter was perhaps
intended to mark ‘Ariste’ as a substantive.
1307. _comen ryde_: cp. i. 350.
1309. ‘hors’ is evidently plural here: so i. 2036 and often.
1320. _long and smal_, i.e. tall and slender. Adjectives used
predicatively with a plural subject take the plural inflection or not
according to convenience. Thus in Prol. 81 we have ‘Bot for my wittes
ben to smale’ in rhyme with ‘tale.’
1323. _beere._ This is pret. plur., as 1376: the same form for pret.
subj. 2749.
1330. _For pure abaissht_: cp. Chaucer, _Troilus_, ii. 656, ‘And
with that thought for pure ashamed she Gan in hir hed to pulle.’ The
parallel, to which my attention was called by Prof. M^cCormick,
suggests the idea that ‘abaissht’ is a participle rather than a noun,
and the use of the past participle with ‘for’ in this manner occurs
several times in Lydgate, e.g. ‘for unknowe,’ ‘meaning from ignorance,’
_Temple of Glas_, 632, ‘for astonied,’ 934, 1366, and so with an
adjective, ‘for pure wood’ in the English _Rom. of the Rose_, 276. See
Dr. Schick’s note on Lydgate, _Temple of Glas_, 632.
1422. _That I ne hadde_, ‘I would that I had’: cp. v. 3747,
‘Ha lord, that he ne were alonde!’
‘to late war’ is in a kind of loose apposition to the subject.
1429. _swiche._ Rather perhaps ‘swich,’ as ii. 566 f., v. 377. Most
MSS. have ‘such.’
1432 ff. _warneth ... bidd._ The singular of the imperative seems to be
freely interchanged with the plural in this form of address.
1454 (margin). The author dissociates himself personally from the
extreme doctrines enunciated in the text, as at first he took care to
remind his readers that the character of a lover was for him only an
assumed one (i. 63 ff. margin).
1490. _and longe er that sche changeth_ &c. This is a puzzling
sentence, and we are not helped by the punctuation of the MSS., which
for the most part have a stop after ‘herte.’ I can only suppose that
it means ‘and is long before she changes her heart in her youth to
marriage.’ We can hardly make ‘longe’ a verb, ‘and may be eager until
she changes,’ because of the lines which follow.
1505 ff. Judges xi. Our author has expanded the story so far as regards
the mourning for the virginity of Jephthah’s daughter, that being the
point with which he was particularly concerned here.
1516. ‘Whether it be of man or woman.’
1537 ff. In the original this is different, ‘Heu me, filia mea,
decepisti me et ipsa decepta es: aperui enim os meum ad Dominum, et
aliud facere non potero.’ Gower deals freely here as elsewhere with the
narrative, especially in the matter of speeches.
1563. _fourty daies_: in the original ‘duobus mensibus.’
1632 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 11694.
1649. _as me thenketh ... That_, equivalent to ‘me thinketh ... That,’
either ‘as’ or ‘That’ being redundant.
1659. The best MSS. give ‘heþen’ here, not ‘heþene.’
1693 ff. _Roman de Troie_, 18385 ff. In the medieval Tale of Troy it
is the love of Polyxena which serves as motive for the withdrawal of
Achilles from the war.
1723. _which I travaile fore._ We have here rather a remarkable
instance of emphasis thrown on the preposition, with a modification of
form for the sake of the rhyme: cp. ii. 565.
1741. _On whether bord_, i.e. on which tack: technical terms of the sea
occur several times in the _Confessio Amantis_, e.g. v. 3119, 7048,
viii. 1983.
1810. _made_: cp. Prol. 300.
1815 ff. Gower seems to have dealt rather freely with this story. The
usual form of it gives Palamedes, not Nauplius, as the person who came
to fetch Ulysses, and makes Ulysses yoke a horse and an ox together in
a plough as a sign of madness: see Hyginus, _Fab._ xcv. As to the name
of Nauplus, see notes on iii. 973, 1002.
1833. That is, ‘feigning to be mad,’ not ‘like one who feigns to be
mad’: see note on i. 695.
1847 ff. ‘He thought to try if he were mad or no, however it might
please Ulysses,’ that is, whether it pleased him or not. ‘Hou’ seems to
be for ‘How so evere’: cp. l. 415.
1875. _tothe_, written so when the emphasis falls on the preposition,
see note on i. 232.
1901 ff. Ovid, _Her. Ep._ xiii.
1927. F has a stop after ‘londeth,’ thus throwing the clause, ‘and was
the ferste there Which londeth,’ into a parenthesis.
1935 ff. 1 Sam. xxviii., where the witch is called ‘mulier pythonem
habens.’
1968 ff. The story of the education of Achilles by Chiron, as we have
it here, is apparently taken, directly or indirectly, from Statius,
_Achill._ ii. 121 (407) ff.,
‘Nunquam ille imbelles Ossaea per avia damas
Sectari, aut timidas passus me cuspide lyncas
Sternere, sed tristes turbare cubilibus ursos
Fulmineosque sues, et sicubi maxima tigris
Aut seducta iugis fetae spelunca leaenae.
Ipse sedens vasto facta exspectabat in antro,
Si sparsus magno remearem sanguine; nec me
Ante nisi inspectis admisit ad oscula telis.’
2014 ff. The argument is to the effect that Prowess, which is
acknowledged to be the virtue opposed to Sloth, see _Mirour_, 10136
&c., must show itself partly in the spirit of warlike boldness, ‘the
corage of hardiesce,’ leading to such undertakings as those of which
the Lover had disputed the necessity.
2040. _And that_, i.e. ‘And as to that’: cp. Prol. 122.
2045 ff. The fight between Hercules and Achelous is related in detail
by Ovid, _Metam._ ix. 31-88. Some parts of this seem to be reproduced
by Gower, but the details are not very exactly copied. For the story
generally he had some other authority, whence he got for example the
names ‘Oënes’ and ‘Calidoyne.’
It is to be noted that Gower gives ‘Achelons’ instead of Achelous, as
he does also in the _Traitié_, vii. 5, where the story is shortly told
in the same way as here, and there we find ‘Achelontis’ in the margin
as the genitive case. He ought to have been preserved from the mistake
by the occurrence of the name in Ovid’s verse.
2054. For these two pillars cp. Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, B 3307 f., but
Gower supposes them to have been both set up in the ‘desert of India,’
‘El grant desert d’Ynde superiour’ as he has it in _Traitié_, vii. 1,
whereas according to Chaucer one was set up in the East and the other
in the West, to mark the extreme bounds of the world.
2123 f. Such forms of spelling as ‘sleighte,’ ‘heighte’ are unusual
with our author, but cp. vii. 1121, 1227 f.
2135. For the stories of ‘Pantasilee’ and Philemenis we may refer to
the _Roman de Troie_, 23283 ff. and 25663-25704.
2200 ff. From this question arises the inevitable discussion of the
nature of ‘gentilesse’ and how far it depends upon birth, riches or
personal merit. Gower accepts only the last qualification, and argues
for it after the fashion of John Ball, though he was neither a Lollard
nor a social revolutionist: cp. _Mirour_, 23389 ff. For the general
subject cp. Dante, _Convito_, iv. 10, _Roman de la Rose_, 18807 ff.
(ed. Méon), Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, D 1109, ff.
To Gower we must grant the merit of clearness and conciseness in
handling the well-worn theme.
2208 f. Cp. Dante, _Convito_, iv. 3.
2305 ff. ‘And love is of profit also as regards women, so that they may
be the better “affaited.”’
2314. _make it queinte_, ‘behave gently’: cp. ‘make it tough,’ Chaucer,
_Troilus_, v. 101. For the meaning of ‘queinte’ see the quotations in
Godefroy’s Dictionary under ‘cointe.’
2325. 1 John iii. 14.
2342. This is from Job v. 7.
2396 ff. Many of these names are unknown to me, and Warton’s
conjectures on the subject are very wild, but some points may be
illustrated from Godfrey of Viterbo. For example, as regards the first
we find,
‘Septem quas legimus Cham primus scripserat artes.’
_Pantheon_, iii. (p. 88).
2401. Godf. Vit., _Pantheon_, vi. (p. 133), ‘Tunc Cadmus Graecas
literas sedecim fecit.’
2410. _Termegis._ The word is a dissyllable for the metre. Probably
this name stands for Termegistus (i.e. Trismegistus), and in that case
we must throw the accent upon the final syllable and pass lightly over
the preceding one.
2418 ff. I suspect that ‘Poulins’ means Apollo or Apollinis: cp.
_Pantheon_, vi. (p. 133), ‘Apollo etiam citharam condidit et artem
medicinalem invenit.’
2421. _Zenzis_, i.e. Zeuxis, who is referred to in the _Rom. de la
Rose_ (for example) as the chief of painters, 16387 ff. (ed. Méon).
2422. Cp. Godf. Vit, _Panth._ v. (p. 121),
‘Tunc et Prometheus, qui filius est Atlantis
Dat statuas hominis humano more meantes.’
2427. ‘Jadahel’ is the Jabal (or Jebal) of the Bible (Gen. iv. 20).
Godfrey of Viterbo calls him by the same name and makes the same
statement about his hunting and fishing:
‘In mundo Iadahel posuit tentoria primus,
Venator prior ipse fuit feritate ferinus,
Primus et invalidis retia mersit aquis.’
_Panth._ ii. (p. 77).
2439 ff. Godf. Vit., _Panth._ iv. (p. 98),
‘Saturnus statuit super aequora vela moueri,
Denarios posuit commercia rite mereri.
. . . . . . . . . . .
Aedificans Sutrium dum vivit ibi dominatur,
Triticeum semen primus in urbe serens.’
2462 ff. For the seven bodies and four spirits of Alchemy cp. Chaucer,
_Cant. Tales_, G 818 ff. Mercury, it will be noticed, is reckoned both
as a body and as a spirit, but some authorities called this a spirit
only and reckoned six metallic bodies.
2476. _after the bok it calleth_, ‘according as the book calls it.’
2488 ff. Cp. 2565 ff.
2501. The seven forms are those enumerated in 2513 ff., viz.
distillation, congelation, solution, descension, sublimation,
calcination, fixation.
2522. Cp. Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, G 862 f.
2533. _Thre Stones._ According to some authors, as Hortulanus (MS.
Ashmole 1478, iv.), there was but one stone, the Elixir, which had
vegetable, animal and mineral qualities or functions; but in Lydgate,
_Secrees of the Philosophres_, l. 530 (E.E.T.S.), we have,
‘And of stones, specially of three,
Oon mineral, another vegetatyff,’ &c.;
and the editor quotes from _Rosarium Philosophorum_, ‘Tres sunt lapides
et tres sales sunt, ex quibus totum magisterium consistit, scilicet
mineralis, plantalis et animalis.’ In the _Secreta Secretorum_,
however, the stone seems to be one only, see the chapter ‘De lapide
animali vegetabili.’
2597. _who that it knewe_: cp. ii. 88, and see note on Prol. 460.
2606. _Hermes_, i.e. Hermes Trismegistus, to whom the invention of the
science was attributed.
_on the ferste_, ‘the very first,’ cp. vi. 1481. It may be questioned,
however, whether the theory put forward by C. Stoffel in _Englische
Studien_, xxvii. 253 ff., is the correct explanation of this
expression, which survived to Elizabethan times (Shaksp., _Cymb._ i. 6.
165, ‘he is one the truest mannered’). He takes ‘on’ in the sense of
the Latin ‘unus’ in ‘iustissimus unus,’ to mean ‘alone,’ ‘above all.’
It is perhaps more likely that the usual explanation, which regards it
as an elliptical expression for ‘one who was the first,’ is correct,
especially in view of such expressions as ‘two the first,’ ‘three the
noblest,’ &c., which also occur in the fourteenth century. The use of
‘on’ (‘oon’) for ‘a person’ is common enough, as in the expressions ‘so
good on,’ ‘so worthi on,’ ii. 1217, 1240, and ‘Oon Theloüs,’ ii. 1092.
We find a similar expression in Gower’s French, e.g. _Mirour_, 2462.
2608. A work by Geber, ‘Super Artem Alkemie,’ in six books, translated
from Arabic into Latin, may be found in MS. Ashmole 1384. It seems
to treat in a practical and systematic manner of the method of
transmutation of metals into gold.
2609. ‘Ortolan’ is the Englishman John Garland, called Hortulanus, for
which name see the note in MS. Ashmole 1471 iv. prefixed to an English
translation of his ‘Commentary on the Smaragdine Table of Hermes.’
Morien is said to have been a hermit in the mountains near Jerusalem.
The two ‘books of Morien’ in the form of dialogues between him and
Kalid the son of Gesid may be read in Latin (translated from Arabic) in
MS. Digby 162.
2610. A short treatise of Avicen on Alchemy may be found in MS. Ashm.
1420.
2624. _the parfite medicine._ The inflexion is perhaps in imitation
of the definite form of the English adjective, as in vii. 2168, 4994,
while in l. 2522, where the accent is thrown back, we have ‘the parfit
Elixir.’ It is possible, however, that this is a case of the French
feminine form such as we have in i. 2677, ii. 3507, iv. 964, cp. i.
636. So perhaps ii. 3243, ‘O thou divine pourveance,’ and viii. 23, ‘O
thou gentile Venus.’
2637. _Carmente_: cp. Godf. Vit., _Panth._ vi. (p. 135).
2641. Dindymus here means the grammarian Didymus, a follower of the
school of Aristarchus and a very voluminous writer on Greek language
and literature. Our author here classes Aristarchus and Didymus with
Donatus, and supposes them all to be concerned with the Latin tongue.
2648. _Tullius with Cithero._ It is apparent from this passage, which
has been differently given without any authority in the printed
editions, that Gower supposed Tullius and Cicero to be two different
persons. There would have been reason to suspect this from the passage
in the seventh book where he refers to the debate on the death sentence
of the Catiline conspirators, speaking of Tullius as his authority for
the rules of rhetoric there illustrated, and ‘Cithero’ as the consul,
without any hint that they are the same person (vii. 1588 ff.). In
Gower’s French works Tullius (Tulles) is the only name used. The form
Cithero (or Scithero) is used also by Chaucer, _Cant. Tales_, F 722.
2738 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 5185 ff.
2749. _beere_, past tense subjunctive, cp. 1323.
2756 ff. Gower seems to be exceptionally well informed on the subject
of the Fates and their separate functions.
2792. This casting with the dice would not be for ordinary gambling,
but for divining characters and telling fortunes in matters of love.
Each combination produced by the three dice thrown would have a certain
meaning determined beforehand, as we see by the piece called _The
Chaunces of the Dyse_ in the Bodleian MSS. Fairfax 16 and Bodl. 638.
For example, the throw of six, four and ace is there explained by the
following stanza:
‘O mekenesse of vertu principal,
That may be founde in eny creature!
In this persone of kunnynge ordinal
Is ful assembled, I yow dar assure,
The lorde of vertu and al vices cure,
Perfit beaute grounded without envye,
Assured trust withoute gelousye.’
And similarly there is a stanza, complimentary or otherwise, for each
possible throw.
2813. _Hire daunger_: see note on i. 2443.
2855. _whi ne were it_, ‘would it were’: cp. the expression ‘that he ne
were,’ vii. 3747, &c.
2895 f. Apparently he means that his dreams were of no such harmless
things as sheep and their wool, or perhaps not of business matters,
alluding to wool as the staple of English commerce.
2901 ff. Cp. _Roman de la Rose_, 2449-2479.
2905. _I ne bede nevere awake_: cp. _Romaunt of the Rose_, 791, ‘Ne
bode I never thennes go.’ It means apparently ‘I should desire never to
awake’ (‘I should not pray ever to awake’).
2924. _in my wrytinges._ The author forgets here that he is speaking in
the person of the Confessor.
2927 ff. This is from Ovid, _Metam._ xi. 266-748, where the story
is told at great length. Gower follows some parts of it, as the
description of the House of Sleep and its surroundings, very closely.
Chaucer tells the story in the _Book of the Duchess_, but he has not
been so successful in reproducing it as Gower. It is here introduced
only as an illustration of the truth of dreams, but with its
description of the House of Sleep it is very appropriate also in other
respects to the subject of Somnolence, which is under discussion.
2928. _Trocinie_, from the adjective ‘Trachinia,’ in such expressions
as ‘Trachinia tellus,’ _Metam._ xi. 269.
2973. The reading of all the best MSS. in this line is ‘he’: (S however
is defective). We cannot doubt that the author meant to write ‘sche,’
for in what follows he regularly refers to Iris as female; but the
mistake apparently escaped his notice, and we must regard the reading
‘she’ in the two copies in which I have found it as an unauthorized
correction. Chaucer makes the messenger male, but does not name him.
2977-3055. This passage very happily follows Ovid, _Met._ xi. 589-645.
Our author gives all the essential features, but rearranges them freely
and adds details of his own.
2996. _Metam._ xi. 608,
‘Ianua, ne verso stridores cardine reddat,
Nulla domo tota.’
3009 ff. _Metam._ xi. 602 ff.,
‘saxo tamen exit ab imo
Rivus aquae Lethes, per quem cum murmure labens
Invitat somnos crepitantibus unda lapillis.’
3015 ff. _Metam._ xi. 610 ff.,
‘At medio torus est ebeno sublimis in antro,
Plumeus, unicolor, pullo velamine tectus,
Quo cubat ipse deus membris languore solutis.
Hunc circa passim varias imitantia formas
Somnia vana iacent,’ &c.
3044. ‘Ithecus’ is a misreading of ‘Icelos,’ as ‘Panthasas’ in l. 3049
of ‘Phantasos.’
3061 ff. Here Gower has made a real improvement in the story by
employing the two other ministers of Sleep, whose functions have been
described, to represent the scene of the tempest and the wreck, while
Morpheus plays the part of Ceyx in the same scene. Ovid introduces the
characters of Icelos and Phantasos, but makes no use of them, sending
Morpheus alone to relate what has taken place, instead of representing
it in action, as it would more naturally appear in a dream.
3159. _mi herte_: more usually ‘min herte’ as 3139, and so generally
before ‘h,’ whether aspirated or not, e.g. 3561; but ‘for mi
housebondes were,’ vii. 4813, (with ‘myn housebonde’ below, 4829).
3187 ff. This seems to be for the most part original. A hint may have
been given by the lines of Ovid in which it is suggested that Aurora
might have used a somewhat similar prayer:
‘At si quem manibus Cephalum complexa teneres,
Clamares, Lente currite, noctis equi.’
_Amor._ i. 13, 39.
3222. The sun enters Capricorn on Dec. 21.
3273. _that he arise_: so 3374, ‘Til it be dai that I arise,’ and v.
3422, ‘Til dai cam that sche moste arise.’
The verb seems here to be attracted into the subjunctive by the
indefinite meaning of ‘Til.’ In the other passages the mood is
uncertain.
3317 ff. Ovid, _Metam._ i. 588-723, much abbreviated. It was, however,
Jupiter who turned Io into a cow.
3386. _for thou thee schalt avise_, ‘in order that thou mayest
consider.’
3414. _that I nere of this lif_, ‘would that I were out of this life.’
For ‘that I nere’ cp. note on 1422. For ‘of this lif’ cp. vii. 2883,
‘whan he were of dawe.’
3438 f. ‘And yet he (Obstinacy) cannot support his own cause by any
argument but by headstrong wilfulness.’
For the expression ‘of hed’ we may compare the Latin expression quoted
by Du Cange ‘de testa esse,’ explained ‘esse obstinatum’ (Ital. ‘essere
di testa’), and the French adjective ‘testu,’
‘Car fol estoient et testu,’ &c.
Froissart says of Pope Urban VI that after his election ‘il s’en
outrecuida et enorguilli, et volt user de poissance et de teste,’
which is translated by Berners, ‘he waxed proude and worked all on
heed.’ We find also the Latin adjective ‘capitosus’ used by Gower
in the margin at the beginning of the _Cronica Tripertita_, and the
adverb ‘capitose,’ meaning ‘in a headstrong manner,’ in Walsingham,
_Hist. Anglica_, e.g. ‘Regem contra regni consuetudinem Cancellarium
deposuisse capitose,’ vol. ii. p. 70 (Rolls Series).
The usual way of reading the sentence has been to punctuate after
‘skile’ and to take ‘bot of hed’ with the next line, ‘but he wastes
away in his condition’ (‘hed’ from a supposed ‘hǣd’ akin to the suffix
‘-hed’ or ‘-hede’). This word perhaps occurs _Conf. Am._ ii. 2066, but
it would give no very good sense here, and it is doubtful whether it
would be rhymed with ‘ded.’ The suffix ‘-hed’ ‘-hede’ apparently has
‘ẹ’ in Gower’s rhymes. Again, if so marked a break in the middle of the
line were intended, the Fairfax MS. would almost certainly have had a
stop to indicate it, as in 3423, 3431, 3458, 3459, 3484, 3485, to quote
instances only from the same page of the MS.
For the use of ‘avowe’ in this sense, cp. v. 124.
3515 ff. The story is based upon Ovid, _Metam._ xiv. 698-761. Our
author, however, has reversed the position of the lover and his
mistress. In Ovid Anaxarete is a high-born maid of the race of Teucer,
while Iphis is ‘humili de stirpe creatus.’ Moreover, the story is
considerably developed by Gower, to whom belong the speech of Iphis,
the whole account of the grief and self-condemnation of Araxarathen,
the details of the funeral and the tomb, and finally the very
successful epitaph. Ovid says that she saw from a window the body of
Iphis being carried by for burial, and was forthwith turned into stone,
and that as witness of the truth of his tale a statue may still be seen
at Salamis. There is nothing said about remorse on her part, rather the
opposite is implied.
3516. Our author supposes this to be the same as the person mentioned
in iii. 2645 ff. (who is really Teuthras king of Mysia). This is Teucer
son of Telamon, founder of Salamis in Cyprus.
3520 f. These lines are transposed for the sake of the rhyme. It means
‘on a maid of low estate compared with his’: cp. ii. 709, and below, l.
3616.
3542. Punctuated in accordance with F.
3589. _Thi Daunger_, ‘thy unwillingness to love’: see note on i. 2443.
3658 f. Naturally the expression of Ovid,
‘Veneris quoque nomine templum
Prospicientis habet,’
was not understood.
LIB. V.
18. _it cam to londe, wherof_, ‘the occasion arose, whence,’ &c.
22. _him supposeth_: the verb is used impersonally, like ‘him
thenketh.’ Probably the confusion between ‘thinke’ and ‘thenke’ gave
rise to this expression.
29 ff. So below, 348 ff.: cp. _Mirour_, 7585 ff.
47 f. This seems, as it stands at present, to be an application of the
instances to the case of the avaricious man, ‘Thus he so possesses his
wealth that he in truth possesses nothing,’ (‘that’ for ‘so that’).
The original couplet however, as read by all the unrevised class of
manuscripts, applies to the case of the sheep, and we may take it so
also in its revised form (‘Thus’ being answered by ‘that’).
49 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 7645 ff.,
‘L’en dist, mais c’est inproprement,
Qe l’averous ad grant argent;
Mais voir est que l’argent luy a:
En servitude ensi le prent,’ &c.
65. _nevere hier._ Note that there is no elision before ‘hier.’
81 f. ‘And yet, though I held her fast (as a miser his hoard), my
life would be a perpetual feast, even on Fridays.’ If he possessed
the treasure, his avarice would not allow him to let it go, and yet
he would not keep it unused, as a miser does his gold. So later, 93,
‘Though I should hold it fast, I should so be doing that which I were
bound to do.’
95. _pipe_, ‘be content’: perhaps from the idea of a bird-catcher
piping or whistling for birds, but failing to snare them.
127-136. Note the repetition of the word ‘gold’ in an emphatic position.
141 ff. Ovid, _Metam._ xi. 85-147, freely treated as usual. The debate
of Midas as to which of three things he should prefer (ll. 180-245) is
all due to our author. In Ovid he chooses without hesitation.
143. _Cillenus_, i.e. Silenus.
154 f. Gower attributes the action of the king to pure courtesy, Ovid
to the fact that Midas recognized in Silenus a fellow-mystic.
249 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 7603 ff.
272 ff. Ovid, _Metam._ xi. 106,
‘Laetus abit gaudetque malo Berecyntius heros:
Pollicitique fidem tangendo singula temptat.
Ilice detraxit virgam, virga aurea facta est:
Tollit humo saxum, saxum quoque palluit auro’: &c.
298. See note on i. 10.
315-332. This is an expansion of _Metam._ xi. 146 f.,
‘Ille perosus opes silvas et rura colebat,
Panaque montanis habitantem semper in antris.’
363 ff. The punishment referred to is certainly more appropriate for
avarice than for the offence committed by Tantalus: cp. Hor. _Sat._ i.
1. 68. The story of Tantalus is alluded to several times in Ovid, as
_Metam._ iv. 458, and told by Hyginus, Fab. lxxxii. Perhaps our author
rather followed Fulgentius, _Mythol._ ii. 18, who quotes from Petronius,
‘Divitis haec magni facies erit, omnia late
Qui tenet, et sicco concoquit ore famem.’
Cp. _Mirour_, 7621 ff.,
‘Dame Avarice est dite auci
Semblable au paine Tantali,’ &c.
370. This seems to mean that it serves for the punishment of the
avaricious; but from what follows in 391 ff. we gather that the pains
of avarice in this life also are to be compared with this particular
pain of hell, and so the application is made in the _Mirour_, 7621-7632.
388. _which a wreche_, ‘what a punishment.’
418. _suie_: cp. Prol. 460.
447. For the superfluous syllable at the pause in the middle of this
line cp. iv. 1131.
496. _berth an hond_: equivalent to ‘berth on hond,’ l. 546.
519. Count ‘evel’ as a monosyllable for the verse; so regularly, e. g.
iii. 1272, vii. 2773.
526. _janglere._ The final ‘-e’ is not pronounced here.
558 f. _the gold ... The which was leid upon the bok._ The gold in
question is that which is laid upon the service-book in payment of the
marriage fees: ‘and the Man shall give unto the Woman a Ring, laying
the same upon the book with the accustomed duty to the Priest and
Clerk.’ _Marriage Service._
564. ‘though he will not praise it,’ i.e. he gives her no credit for
it: cp. Prol. 154.
635 ff. Ovid, _Ars Am._ ii. 561-592, but the original is not very
closely followed.
665. Cp. iii. 1362 ff.
729 ff. From this arises the very ill-advised digression of ll.
747-1970 about the various forms of Religion. There is no more reason
why this should come in here than anywhere else, indeed if the question
of false gods was to be raised at all, it ought to have come in as an
explanation of the appearance of Venus and Cupid in the first book.
Many stories have been told, for example those of Acteon, of the
Gorgons, of Tiresias, of Phoebus and Daphne, of Phaeton, of Ceix, of
Argus, and of Midas, which required the explanation quite as much as
this one, and the awkwardness of putting it all info the mouth of the
priest of Venus is inexcusable.
The main authority followed in this account of the religions of
Chaldea, Egypt, and Greece is the _Vita Barlaam et Josaphat_, cap.
xxvii. (Migne, _Patrol._ vol. 73, p. 548 ff.), but Gower adds much to
it, especially as regards the gods and goddesses of Greece.
763. _of Accidence_: cp. ii. 3210.
774. _hevenly_: so Prol. 918, but ‘hevenely’ i. 834, 3136, the second
syllable in that case being syncopated, as regularly in ‘hevene.’ So
also in the case of ‘evermore’ and ‘everemore’ as compared with ‘evere.’
782. _les_, that is, ‘falsehood.’
798. _Isirus_, i.e. Osiris.
811. _thegipcienes._ This must be the true reading for the sake of
the metre, both here and in l. 821, though the best copies fail to
give it. A similar case occurs in l. 1119, but there the authority for
‘Jupiteres’ is made much stronger by the accession of S.
897. _Mynitor_, i.e. Numitor.
899 f. _that Remus and Romulus._ For the position of ‘that’ cp. 1166,
1249.
925. _To gete him with_: cp. i. 452.
1004. _wel the more lete by_, ‘much the more esteemed’: cp. _Piers
Plowman_, A vi. 105, ‘to lete wel by thyselve,’ and xi. 29: also with
‘of,’ v. 5840; cp. _Piers Plowm._ iv. 160, ‘Love let of hire lighte and
lewte yit lasse,’ _Orm._ 7523, ‘uss birrth ... lætenn wel off othre
menn.’
1009. _Nonarcigne._ The name is taken no doubt from the adjective
‘Nonacrinus’ (from Nonacris), used as in Ovid, _Met._ i. 690, where it
occurs in the story of Pan and Syrinx, told by Mercury to lull Argus to
sleep: cp. _Conf. Am._ iv. 3345 ff.
1040. Cp. Prol. 118.
1043 ff. The sentence is interrupted and then begun again at l. 1051:
see note on i. 98.
1063. _That he_, i.e. ‘In that he.’ Gower has here mistaken his
authority, which says ‘post autem eum propter Tyndarei Lacedaemonii
filium a Jove fulmine percussum interiisse narrant.’ _Vita Barl. et
Jos._ xxvii.
1071. Delphi and Delos are very naturally confused in the medieval Tale
of Troy and elsewhere; but Delos is mentioned correctly enough below,
1256.
1097. _no reason inne_: cp. i. 3209.
1163. _Philerem_, presumably Philyra, but there is no authority for
making her the mother of Jupiter.
1249. _that_: cp. 899. Apparently it means, ‘that Diane of whom I am
to speak.’ The necessities of rhyme are responsible for these forms of
speech.
1276. ‘Which may not attain to reason.’
1323. The paragraph is made to begin here in the MSS. with what is,
strictly speaking, its second line, because it is marked by a proper
name which indicates its subject, the first line being a mere formal
introduction. So also below, 1453: cp. ii. 2451.
1337. The name ‘Dorus’ seems to have been suggested by that of Doris,
mother of the Nereids.
1389. _alle danger_, that is, all reluctance or coyness.
1397. _Armene_, i.e. Harmonia.
1398. _Andragene_ Androgynus or Hermaphroditus.
1428. _noght forsake To ben_, i.e. ‘not refuse to be.’
1449. ‘whether it was of weal or wo’; ‘wher’ for ‘whether.’
1453. See note on 1323.
As for the letters said to have been exchanged between Alexander and
the king of the Bragmans (or Brahmins), we find them at length in the
_Historia Alexandri Magni de Preliis_, which was the source of most
of the current stories about Alexander. The passage referred to is as
follows: ‘Tot deos colis quot in tuo corpore membra portas. Nam hominem
dicis paruum mundum, et sicut corpus hominis habet multa membra, ita et
in celo dicis multos deos existere. Iunonem credis esse deum cordis, eo
quod iracundia nimia mouebatur. Martem vero deum pectoris esse dicis,
eo quod princeps extitit preliorum. Mercurium deum lingue vocas, ex
eo quod plurimum loquebatur. Herculem deum credis brachiorum, eo quod
duodecim virtutes exercuit preliando. Bachum deum gutturis esse putas,
eo quod ebrietatem primus inuenit. Cupidinem esse deam dicis, eo quod
fornicatrix extitit; tenere dicis facem ardentem, cum qua libidinem
excitat et accendit, et ipsam deam iecoris etiam existimas. Cererem
deam ventris esse dicis, et Venerem, eo quod fuit mater luxurie, deam
genitalium membrorum esse profers’ (e 2, ed. Argent. 1489).
Cp. the English alliterative _Wars of Alexander_, E.E.T.S., 1886, ll.
4494 ff. There is no mention of Minerva in either of these.
1520 ff. The usual account is to the effect that Ninus set up the
first idol: see below, 1541. What we have here seems to be taken
from Fulgentius, _Mythol._ ii. 9, where the authorities here cited,
Nicagoras and Petronius, are quoted. The passage is apparently corrupt,
and our author obviously did not quite understand it: ‘Et quamvis
Nicagoras in Disthemithea libro quem scripsit, primum illum formasse
idolum referat, et quod vulturi iecur praebeat livoris quasi pingat
imaginem: unde et Petronius Arbiter ait,
“Qui vultur iecor intimum pererrat”’ &c.
From the same author, _Mythol._ i. 1, he got the story about
Syrophanes, who set up an image of his dead son, to which offerings
were made by those who wished to gain his favour.
1541. Cp. Godfr. Vit., _Panth._ iv. (p. 102), whose account agrees very
nearly with what we have here, though he represents this image as the
first example of an idol, under the heading, ‘Quare primum idolum in
mundo et quo tempore fuit.’ Cp. Guido, _Hist. Troiana_, lib. x (e 5,
ed. Argent. 1494).
1559. Godf. Vit, _Panth._ iv. (p. 112): ‘His temporibus apud Egyptios
constructum est idolum magnum in honorem Apis, Regis Argivorum; quidam
tamen dicunt in honorem Ioseph, qui liberavit eos a fame; quod idolum
Serapis vocabatur, quasi idolum Apis.’
1571 ff. _Hist. Alexandri_, f 1 v^o, ed. Argent. 1489: ‘Exiens inde
Alexander cum Candeolo profecti sunt iter diei vnius, et venerunt ad
quandam speluncam magnam et hospitati sunt ibi. Dixitque Candeolus,
“Omnes dii concilium in ista spelunca concelebrant.” Cum hoc audisset
Alexander, statim fecit victimas diis suis, et ingressus in speluncam
solus vidit ibi caligines maximasque nubes stellasque lucentes, et
inter ipsas stellas quendam deum maximum,’ &c.
Cp. the English alliterative _Wars of Alexander_, ll. 5387 ff.
1624. _herd me seid_: see note on i. 3153.
1636. There is a stop after ‘Forbad’ in F. The meaning is that he gave
a prohibition commanding them not to bow to an image.
1677. _Riht as who sette_: the verb apparently is subjunctive.
1746 ff. What purports to be the original passage is quoted in the
margin of the second recension.
1747. For the form of expression cp. vi. 56 f.,
‘O which a sorwe
It is a man be drinkeles!’
1756 ff. The substance of this is to be found in Gregory, _In_ i.
_Reg._ viii. 7f. (Migne, _Patrol._ vol. 79. p. 222): ‘Et quidem,
nisi Adam peccaret, Redemptorem nostrum carnem suscipere nostram non
oporteret.... Si ergo pro peccatoribus venit, si peccata deessent, eum
venire non oporteret.... Magna quippe sunt mala quae per primae culpae
meritum patimur, sed quis electus nollet peiora perpeti, quam tantum
Redemptorem non habere?’
1781 ff. Note that here twelve lines are replaced in the second
recension by ten, one of the couplets (or the substance of it) having
been inserted earlier, after l. 1742.
1826. ‘So that his word explained his deed’: ‘arawhte’ from ‘arechen’
(āreccan).
1831 ff. _Roman de Troie_, 25504-25559.
1848-1959. With this compare Prol. 193-498.
1865. ‘And they do every man what he pleases,’ the verb being plural.
1879. _Pseudo_: cp. _Mirour_, 21625 ff.,
‘Il estoit dit grant temps y a
Q’un fals prophete a nous vendra,
Q’ad noun Pseudo le decevant;
Sicomme aignel se vestira,
Et cuer du loup il portera.
O comme les freres maintenant
A Pseudo sont bien resemblant!’
So also _Vox Clam._ iv. 787 f.,
‘Nomine sunt plures, pauci tamen ordine fratres;
Vt dicunt aliqui, Pseudo prophetat ibi.’
It seems that the word ‘pseudopropheta,’ used Rev. xix. 20 and
elsewhere, was read ‘Pseudo propheta,’ and ‘Pseudo’ was taken as a
proper name. This was combined with the idea of the wolf in sheep’s
clothing suggested by Matt. vii. 15, ‘Attendite a falsis prophetis,’
&c., and the application was made especially to the friars.
1888. ‘And this I am brought to believe by the argument that where
those above neglect their duty, the people are ignorant of the truth,
(as they now are).’
1900 ff. Cp. _Mirour_, 20065 ff., and _Vox Clamantis_, iii. 903. The
reference is to Gregory, _Hom. in Evang._ xvii. (Migne, _Patrol._ vol.
76, p. 1148): ‘Ibi Petrus cum Iudaea conversa, quam post se traxit,
apparebit: ibi Paulus conversum, ut ita dixerim, mundum ducens.
Ibi Andreas post se Achaiam, ibi Iohannes Asiam, Thomas Indiam in
conspectum sui regis conversam ducet.... Cum igitur tot pastores cum
gregibus suis ante aeterni pastoris oculos venerint, nos miseri quid
dicturi sumus, qui ad Dominum nostrum post negotium vacui redimus?’
1919. Cp. _Mirour_, 16662, ‘U q’il ert mesmes auditour.’ The metaphor
from rendering accounts in the Exchequer is especially appropriate here
for the prelates.
1930. _his lordes besant hedde_: Matt. xxv. 18.
1944. _every Prelat holde_, ‘let every Prelate hold.’
1952 ff. Coloss. iii. 5, ‘avaritiam, quae est simulacrorum servitus.’
END OF VOL. II
OXFORD
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
FOOTNOTES:
[A] In some unpublished papers kindly communicated to me by
Miss Bateson.
[B] Froissart, _Chron._, ed. K. de Lettenhove, vol. xv. p. 167.
[C] B. ten Brink, _Geschichte der Engl. Litt._ ii. 141.
[D] This date has hitherto been omitted from the text of the
printed editions.
[E] The last two lines, which contain the mention of the earl
of Derby, are omitted in some MSS. of the first recension,
and this may be an indication that the author circulated some
copies without them. A full account of the various recensions
of the poem is given later, under the head of ‘Text.’
[F] The term ‘epilogue’ is used for convenience to designate
the conclusion of the poem after viii. 2940, but no such
designation is used by the author: similarly ‘preface’ means
here the opening passage of the Prologue (ll. 1-92).
[G] ‘Minoris etatis causa inde excusabilem pronuncians.’
[H] Dr. Karl Meyer, in his dissertation _John Gower’s
Beziehungen zu Chaucer und König Richard II_ (1889), takes
account of these various notes of time, having made himself to
some extent acquainted with the MSS., but his conclusions are
in my opinion untenable.
[I] This has been equally the procedure of Prof. Hales on
the one hand, who endeavours to throw back the composition
of the first recension to an extravagantly early period, and
of Dr. Karl Meyer on the other, who wishes to bring down the
final form of the book to a time later than the deposition of
Richard II. The theory of the latter, that the sixteenth year
of King Richard is given as the date of the original completion
of the poem, and not of the revised preface, is sufficiently
refuted by the date ‘fourteenth year’ attached to the rewritten
epilogue.
[J] For the connexion between this and the _Confessio Amantis_
see L. Bech in _Anglia_, v. 313 ff.
[K] Lydgate apparently did not take Chaucer’s censure very
seriously, for he quite needlessly introduced the tale of
Canace into his _Falls of Princes_, following Gower’s rendering
of it.
[L] See for example the picture of Nebuchadnezzar transformed
into an ox, ‘Tho thoghte him colde grases goode,’ &c. (i. 2976
ff.), the account of the jealous husband, who after charging
his wife quite unreasonably with wishing she had another there
in his stead, turns away from her in bed and leaves her to
weep all the night, while he sleeps (v. 545 ff.), and the
description of the man who entertains his wife so cheerfully
on his return home with tales of the good sport that he has
had, but carefully avoids all reference to the occurrence which
would have interested her most (v. 6119 ff.).
[M] The reading in the Latin note at the beginning of ‘quarto
’ for ‘sexto decimo’ is probably due to a mistake, for
we find ‘sextenthe’ in the text of l. 25. It may be noted that
the MS. mentioned by Pauli as containing the rewritten preface
and also the Chaucer verses (New Coll. 326) is a hybrid, copied
from two different manuscripts.
[N] for King Richard’s sake, to whom my allegiance belongs
and for whom I pray. It chanced that as I rowed in a boat on
the flowing Thames under the town of New Troy, I met my liege
lord, and he bad me come from my boat into his barge, and
there he laid upon me a charge to write some new thing which
he himself might read. Thus I am the more glad to write, and
I have the less fear of envious blame. A gentle heart praises
without malice, but the world is full of evil tongues and my
king’s command shall nevertheless be fulfilled. Though I have
long been sick, yet I will endeavour to write a book which may
be wisdom to the wise and play to those who desire to play.
But the proverb says that a good beginning makes a good end:
therefore I will here begin the prologue of my book, speaking
partly of the former state of the world and partly of the
present.
[O] Adieu, for I must go from thee. And greet Chaucer well, as
my disciple and my poet, who has filled the land with the songs
which he made for my sake. And bid him in his later age make
his testament of love, as thou hast made thy shrift.’
And so enveloped in a starry cloud, Venus was taken to her
place above, and I turned homeward with my beads in hand.
(2940*-2970*.)
To God, the Creator of all things, I pray for my worthy king
Richard the Second, in whom has always been found Justice
mingled with Pity. In his person it may be shown what a king
should be, especially in that he sought no vengeance through
cruelty. Though evil came upon the land, yet his estate was
kept safe by the high God, as the sun is ever bright in
himself, though the air be troubled. He sought love and peace
and accord, not only here at home, but abroad also, following
Christ’s way, and therefore are we bound to serve him, and his
name shall be ever remembered. (2971*-3035*.)
I, his subject, helpless with old age and sickness, desire to
do him some pleasure, and therefore I present to him this poor
book, made both for profit and for sport, and I ask that I may
be excused for lack of curious skill. I have written, as I best
might, in rude plain words.
And now that I am feeble and old, my Muse bids me rest and
write no more of love. He who has achieved what he desired may
fitly do his service to love in songs and sayings; but if a man
fail, it is otherwise: therefore I take now my final leave of
love. But that love which stands confirmed by charity, which
brings no repentance and charges not the conscience, this
may God send us, that in heaven our joy may be without end.
(3036*-3114*.)
[P] The difference in the MS. usually consists only in the line
drawn over the final _on_. So also often in the case of the
words discussed below, _chaunce_, _daunce_, _enchaunte_, &c.
[Q] Very seldom _sh_ in F, as Prol. 938, i. 2171, i. 1458.
[R] M. Konrath in _Archiv für die neueren Sprachen_, 89, p. 153
ff.
[S] In other cases, as with the group _broke_, _loke_, _spoke_,
_wroke_ (past participles), and _ȝoke_ (subst.), there are no
rhyme-words with _ǭ_ from _ā_ by which a distinction can be
established.
[T] _Archiv für n. Sprachen_, 89, p. 392. As I sometimes
have occasion to criticize statements in this paper, I take
the opportunity here of acknowledging its merit, as the only
careful study lately attempted of Gower’s language.
[U] According to ten Brink, _nede_ ought to be regarded as an
uncertain rhyme because of the O. E. _nēades_ beside _nīedes_,
but Gower never rhymes it with open _ē_.
[V] This latter rule explains Chaucer’s use of the inflected
forms _faire_, _fresshe_, &c., in ‘fresshe Beaute,’ ‘gode,
faire White,’ ‘fresshe May,’ &c.
[W] This is a regular use in Chaucer also, e.g. _Cant. Tales_,
E 1749:
‘Fulfild of alle beautee and plesaunce,’
but it has not always been clearly recognized.
[X] In the _Praise of Peace_ however the MS. has _here_ for
_hire_, ll. 108, 329, cp. 254. F has _hire_ for _here_ once
accidentally, iii. 901.
[Y] In a few cases, as Prol. 543, i. 183, 1280, v. 3393, vi.
2062, the grammatically correct form has been printed in the
text from less good MSS. and against the combined authority of
F and S. On a review of the whole subject this does not now
seem to me satisfactory.
[Z] Prof. Lounsbury’s criticism on the rhyme of vii. 5103 f.,
as given in Pauli’s edition, is quite sound, and Prof. Skeat’s
defence of it will not do. Gower never rhymes a past participle
in _-ed_ with a weak preterite, though he sometimes drops the
_-e_ of the preterite before a vowel. The rhyme was good enough
for Chaucer, however, as Prof. Lounsbury’s examples abundantly
prove.
[AA] Except in the case of these imperative forms the 2nd pers.
plur. is quite consistently used by the Lover in his shrift,
and the 2nd pers. sing. by the Confessor in reply.
[AB] The copies which have this conclusion have also the
preface in which Richard is mentioned as the occasion of
the author’s undertaking, but this preface is found also in
combination with the other conclusion.
[AC] Berthelette used a manuscript (not now existing) which in
this respect, as in many others, resembled B.
[AD] It may be noted that the four second recension MSS.
which contain the author’s Latin note about his books (‘Quia
vnusquisque,’ &c.), viz. BTΛP₂, agree in a form of it which
is different both from that which is given by first recension
copies and that which we find in F, and is clearly intermediate
between the other two, the first form fully excusing Richard II
for the troubles of his reign and the third entirely condemning
him, while this makes no mention of his merits or demerits, but
simply prays for the state of the kingdom. It is noticeable
that the second recension form definitely substitutes Henry
for Richard as the patron of the _Confessio Amantis_, though
in one at least of the copies to which it is attached this
substitution has not been made in the text of the poem.
[AE] e.g. ii. 193, 365 ff., iii. 168, 1241, iv. 283, 1321, v.
1252, &c.
[AF] For the explanation of the use of letters to designate
MSS. the reader is referred to the list of MSS. given later.
It should be noted that AJM and FWH₃ represent in each case a
group of about seven MSS., and H₁ ... B₂ one of nearly twenty.
We observe in the examples given that B and A are sometimes
found either separately or together on the side of the H₁ ...
B₂ group, and that the same is true occasionally of W, while
on the other hand some MSS. of the H₁ ... B₂ group are apt to
pass over to the other side in a certain part of the text and
support what we call the revised reading.
[AG] S is defective in one of these places and Ad in another,
but a reckoning of the lines contained in the missing leaves
proves that the facts were as stated.
[AH] They do not, however, contain the additions above
mentioned, at Prol. 495, 579, i. 1403, 2267, &c.
[AI] It is doubtful, however, whether the special connexion
between B and T extended over the whole book. It seems rather
to begin about iii. 1500. The question about the relative
position of these two MSS. would be easier of solution if it
were not that T is defective up to ii. 2687, that is as regards
the part where the connexion of B with the first recension is
most apparent. The fact is that until about the middle of the
third book B is found usually in accord with the ERCLB₂ group,
and though it sometimes in these first books presents the
characteristic second recension reading, as ii. 193, 365 ff.,
iii. 168, at other times it departs from it, as i. 1881, 2017.
[AJ] K belongs to the beginning and H₃ to the middle of the
fifteenth century.
[AK] In the case of most of these passages the text proves
them to be taken from Caxton’s edition. Thus in Prol. 497 both
editions omit ‘to,’ Prol. 583 both omit ‘propre,’ i. 2248 both
have ‘Vnder graue’ for ‘Vnder the grene,’ in 2354 ‘other’ for
‘thilke,’ and in 2372 ‘in me’ for ‘I me.’
[AL] These lines have never been printed in any edition before
the present, though published separately by K. Meyer in his
_John Gower’s Beziehungen_, &c., 1889, and by Prof. Easton of
the University of Pennsylvania in his _Readings in Gower_,
1895. There are a large number of sound emendations from the
Brit. Museum MSS. suggested in this latter book, but the author
had no clear idea of the principles on which the text should be
constructed.
[AM] The following will serve as examples of those omitted:
iii. 367 tawh B
422 vngood lieste A
618 is (_for_ it) A
652 softe softe B
658 sely sely B
739 _marg._ litigabant B
864 artow B
923 he (_for_ hem) B
iv. 635 f. betake ... þurghsott A
650 wedde A
1105 no wol no B
1229 herte B
1239 þo (_for_ þou) A, &c.
[AN] On inquiry in the locality I find that Terranova, which
has always had a column for its emblem, claims Guido as a
native: see _Memorie Gelesi_ by Sign. S. D. Navarra, Terranova
1896, pp. 72 f.
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